Gerhart Ladner and The Idea of Reform: A Modern Historian's Quest for Ancient and Medieval Truth 2015938028, 9781495503283, 1495503283

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GERHART LADNER AND THE IDB"'A OF REFORJW

A Modern Historian's Quest for Ancient and Medieval Ttuth

GERHART LADNER AND THE iDEA REFORM

A Modem Historian's Quest for Ancient and Medieval Truth

With a Foreword by

Jeremy du Quesnay Adams

The Edwin Mellen Press Lewiston • Lampeter

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Library of Congress Control Number: 2015938028 Field, Lester L., Jr. Gerhart Ladner and The Idea of Reform : a modem historian's quest for ancient and Medieval truth I Lester L. Field, Jr. ; with a foreword by Jeremy du Quesnay Adams. 1. History--historiography. 2. History--Medieval. 3. History--Ew·ope-general. 4. Religion--Christian church--history. p. em. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-1-4955-0328-3 (hardcover) ISBN-I 0: 1-4955-0328-3 (hardcover) I. Title. hors serie. A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. Copyright

©

2015

Lester L. Field, Jr.

All rights reserved. For infom1ation contact The Edwin Mellen Press Box 450 Lewiston, New York USA 14092-0450

The Edwin Mellen Press, Ltd Lampeter, Ceredigion, Wales UNITED KINGDOM SA48 8L T

Printed in the United States of America

Familiae diiectissimae patientissimaeque, Catherinae, Sarae, et Michael

TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword, by Jeremy du Quesnay Adams i Author's Preface vi Abbreviations x PART I: Ladner's Life and Initial Engagement with the History of Refonn Introduction 1 Historiographical Need, Modern Discovery, and Methodological Boundaries 5 A Life Learning History and Ideas as Art 9 The Emeritus' Assistant: Insights in Hindsight 31 The Idea of Reform as History and as Ladner's Lifework 34 I Initial Problems and Receptions 41 Ladner's Letter to Erik Peterson 42 Historiographical Consensus and Critical Differences 51 Reform: Idea, Word, or Topic? 66 Reformatio as Topos? 81

Philological History, Phenomenology, and Positivism 98 II "Objectivity" and Historical Knowledge 107 Reform and Other Ideas as "Objective" and Historical 108 "Empirical History" as Psychologism: "Empirical Reality" as Oxymoron 118 "Universal" Past and Historical "Progress?" The Medieval Invention of "World History" and "Modernity" 13 9 PART II: Historical Reality and

History of Ideas as

Linguistic Phenomena Histories as Mythic Tru.tbs or Narrative "Ideology" and Philology 1

1

Historicism and Positivism as Reductionism 168 Reform and Other Ideas as Linguistically Extant Past 171

IV The Reality of History and the History of Reality 183 Contextualizing Renewal and Refonn as Historically Real: Theology, Anthropology, or Politics? 186 "Historical Reality" 189 The History of Reality 197

V Past Presence: Reform and Other Historical Ideas on the Phenomenological or Philological "Middle Ground" 211 The Philological or Phenomenological "Middle Ground" 214 Memory, Reform, and the "Memory Boom" 217 "Accuracy" 227 Moderate Realism 248 History of Reform: Between Verba and Res 254 Past Language as Symbol and Reality 257 Context264

Geistesgeschichte and the "History of Ideas" 268 PART III: The History of Reform and Other Events

VI The Historicity of Reform and the Origins of Late Antiquity 285 The Historicity of Reform 287 Late Antiquity and Postmodemity 292

VII "Personal" "Reform" 305

Reform,

Rej'ormatio,

and

Greek

"Personal" Reform and "Church" Reform 307 Ladner's Notion of the "Personal" and Medieval Reform 324 Augustinian Reform and Greek Concepts 333

Latin Refonn and Greek "Reform" 336 "Reform" After Ladner's Idea of Reform 353 Premodern "Revolution" and Other Anachronisms 361 Reform, Reformatio, and "Refom1s" 369

Conclusion 387 Bibliography 417 Index 728

FOREWORD Jeremy du Quesnay Adams

It is a great honor to

been asked to vvTite the

foreword to this excellent book, excellent both in conception and in the fruitful impact it should have on

republic of

letters. I am grateful to Professor Field, Ladner's last graduate student, for the invitation to express my abiding respect for the work of that great man, whom I knew only slightly in person, though he shaped my professional

as

have few others. I suspect that in that position I speak for many more. Although I could not know how true the report was, I have heard

years from usually reliable sources that The

Age of Reform: Its Impact on Christian Thought and Action in the Age of the Fathers, published by the Harvard University Press in 1959, was intended to be the first of a trilogy. Close as he was to his colleagues at every university whose faculty he graced, Ladner did not have in Los Angeles the benefit of a professional equipe of the sort which enabled Femand Braude! to complete

comparably ambitious

project of his three-volume Capitalism and Civilization (the first volume ofwhich saw the light in 1979, two full decades after The Idea of Reform) at

Maison des Sciences de

l 'Homme in Paris. So many of Ladner's ideas either flowered or induced the pollination of so many valuable scholarly and general works since 1959--I think for just one instance of the vast context

Brovvn has given us in The

Body and Society within which to set the theoretical topic of virginity which Ladner presented so differently but also so

invitingly in chapter I. 2 of part III of The Idea of Reform. Since we cannot benefit from Ladner's synthesized research in what would have been subsequent volumes on reform, Lester Field has achieved the great service of presenting us with what is available of Ladner's thought as it worked its way toward such volumes. Articles, reviews, and (exceptionally interesting) letters from his wide correspondence covering over fifty years of his reflective life have been brought together in a skillful articulation, to show us what the sequels would at least have partly been. This will be a multigeneric Consolatio disciplinae welcome to very many, for a long time. Very welcome to my own work was Ladner's remarkable II, iv, "The Idea of Reform in Latin Patristic Thought before St. Augustine," a feat of synthetic clarity given both the character of the tangled thought dealt with and Ladner's lofty view of the need for precision of statement whenever dealing seriously with an Idea. What such a definition had to be, he had already shown in I, ii, "Definition ofthe Idea of Reform." Part Two, iv prepares the reader perfectly for the core of his book: what Augustine did. The coruscating Excursus I, "The Definition of an Idea," culminates this line of thought, and should have been required foundational reading for any serious course in intellectual history thereafter (until, of course, "superseded," but when should anyone expect that to happen?). Most ii

importantly, that Excursus would serve almost equally well English-reading student

most historical periods, at

least in the Western traditions. What is so exciting about this book of Field's is that it helps explore the evolution of Ladner's idea of an idea, and to range widely as we do so. Even better, it starts laying out the routes that idea would have followed in penetrating later periods, in reducing them to rational order. Ladner's mind, despite the precision on which it insisted, was no single-track column of Teutonic insistence.

was a

quintessential Austrian, no Prussian (if one may play such dangerous stereotypes). He understood the realityboundaries of Kafka as well as Kant. One may, I think, see the scholarly enterprise that Ladner designed as at core the forward thrust of classicallysprung Ideengeschichte, but also, distinctively, reaching out in two daring directions: to the expanding study of the image, the Kunstgeschichte, which had been newly invented in Ladner's homeland, and to the realms of committed theological exploration, to which he was personally sympathetic though always rigorous

giving it voice. So precise,

semantically grounded analysis of definitional thought was in his mind and his plan assisted and checked by the visual and the mystical. (I genuinely regret that the model clumsily sketched out in this imprecise language should so insist on resembling an airplane; but that was another multidisciplinary product of Ladner's era. For me at least his work has regularly induced some sort of levitation.) iii

And his abiding fascination with mathematics and the sciences, social and natural! Stubbornly _concerned to find more rewarding dialogue with the likes of Godel, he seems not to have dropped plans for another bridge, a third wing, if your patience will permit me. The chance to wander into his lifelong correspondence with his former colleagues at the Institute for Advanced Study, where he did so much of the research for The Idea of Reform: Oppenheimer et al., .. but · not Einstein . . ? But mathematica have always eluded me; never for minds like mine admission to Plato's Academy. Thank Goodness (and the True, and the Beautiful) that I found Ladner's when I did. To regain the specific and the serious, I have found his chapter I of Part One, "Distinction of the Idea of Reform from other Ideas of Renewal," a dizzying marshaling of erudition, insightfully ordered into a mere 35 pages, indispensable at many turns in the winding road of my pilgrimage, which is that of a generalist teacher. At the opposite end of Ladner's hermeneutic spindle is his magisterial44-page subchapter (II, v, 7) on Civitas Dei. That has proven to be a truly Protean term, both elusive and fascination-retaining, through several Renaissances and into the ironic goals of modem Brazilian city-planning; Ladner's net seems somehow to have caught and displayed it. Bruce Brasington, whom I proudly claim as one of my own students and sent off to the groves of that Los Angeles academy, describes lovingly Ladner's house there, where he found it several kinds of joy to work as one of iv

Ladner's graduate assistants. It seemed to him composed in a sense of five stories of books. In the basement, aptly fundamental, were arranged a solemn array of learned journals in so many languages, as well as a basic library keyed to the Bildung of Ladner's highly cultivated Viennese family circa 1900 and before; in the main hall above, where Ladner and his graciously treated assistants mostly came together for their quotidian labors, the long shelves glittered with the sort of treasures Lester Field's welcome book will allow us to envision. On other stories, other delights. I hope this book will evoke that house, both for those lucky enough to have seen it, and those less fortunate. I look forward most earnestly, I think, to those five decades of letters, to and from such a diversity of personalities. Starting to pin down that range--or those ranges, going off in several directions--would be frustrating though hardly tedious, so I shall not begin the listing. That frustration will predictably be one of the delights of this construction. How often does one get to visit such a place? Southern Methodist University 14 December 2014

v

Author's Preface This book emerged from a project on the history of "political theology." The original project traces the evolution of the concept from Carl Schmitt. He coined politische Theologie in 1922. That coinage cast modern politics as a secularization of premodern theology. Given Erik Peterson's criticism of the term, Ernst H. Kantorowicz' use of it culminates in present historiography, where "political theology" has become commonplace. Yet the deeper I got into my research, the more aware I became of Ladner's involvement with the idea. It did not just pertain to his collaborative friendship with Kantorowicz. Ladner's association of "political theology" predated Kantorowicz'. With "reform," it complicated an already complicated history. Finally, then, I decided to separate the Ladnerian material from the rest. The division makes two books--one still m mat1uscript. Yet the division does not make tvvo mutually exclusive topics. "Political theology," Peterson, and Kantorowicz still play roles in the present book. Conversely, Ladner and "the idea of reform" still play roles in the now defeued book on "political theology." The cuuent division nonetheless allows focus on each of the two overlapping topics. One clearly pertains to the history of reform, Ladner's discoveries, and their enduring impact. The other clearly

vi

pertains to the history of political theology as a historiographical phenomenon. I was fortunate to have been Ladner's research assistant, student, and friend. I am doubly fortunate to have received readings of this manuscript from students who, unlike me, completed their coursework under his direction. I must therefore express my heartfelt thanks to John Howe and Phillip Stump. Each contributed insights and suggestions incalculable value. Events conspired to deprive me of readings by two other students John Van Engen--despite

Ladner--Louis Pascoe and desire. Their enduring help

and support, which dates from my first book, nonetheless demand grateful acknowledgment. Finally, but by no means least, I must express my profmmd gratitude to Jeremy Adams, whose help and thoughtful readings of my work likewise extend from my first book. I am truly honored that he could vvrite the foreword to

one.

I must thank The Institute for Advanced Study for granting access to Ladner's unpublished papers. I likewise examined the manuscripts of others with whom Ladner associated at IAS. These included his dear friend

fellow

exile, Ernst H. Kantorowicz. I especially thank Erica Mosner and Marcia Tucker for their help. To me, they opened the Shelby White and Leon Levy Archives Center and Kantorowicz Library. I would also like to thank Giles Constable. He let me read his own file of Ladner's earliest of which date from

vii

1960s.

Since Ladner often corresponded with Kantorowicz, I must thank the Leo Baeck Institute. It granted me access to his unpublished papers. I extend special thanks to Joem Esch, Michael Simonson, David Rosenberg, and Timothy Ryan Mendenhall. LBI has placed much of its archive online. Still some documents (Archives Tag, Call# 7216 and 23 Q) do not appear there. And Boxes 1 and 2 duplicate digitized page numbers assigned other boxes. Hence I have also cited documents by their box and folder numbers. Due to

Kantorowicz'

last

will

and

testament,

drafts

of

unpublished essays require special citation. LBI describes it as "impersonal." This citation asserts not what "Kantorowicz believed" or "says." Rather it suggests how the work might be "useful." I therefore thank LBI for allowing me to cite these documents, even page numbers, after "See also." I cite Ladner's letter to Erik Peterson. Hence I must thank Turin's Biblioteca interdipartmentale di Scienze religiose "Erik Peterson." It granted me access to Peterson's unpublished papers, which also contained a letter that I cite from Stephan Kuttner. I would especially like to thank the Biblioteca's Director, Tamara Badini and Vincenza Zangara of the Universita degli Studi di Torino. I must also thank the helpful librarians, who never failed to find the time to respond to my requests. I would also like to thank a fellow visitor to the library, Giancarlo Caronello. His unfailing good humor, helpful erudition, and practical knowledge of the archive helped immeasurably. He has since facilitated logistical suppmi for much of my recent research. viii

Regarding recent research, I must thank

Stephan

Kuttner Institute of Medieval Canon Law for letting me examine Kuttner's unpublished papers. Its Archiv Stephan Kuttner contains an extensive correspondence between Ladner and Kuttner. Extant letters date from 1941 to 1993. For the hospitality and constant help respectively extended by Peter Landau and Jorg Muller, I am extraordinarily gratefuL I should also thank Anders Winroth. He initially helped me navigate the Institute (now at Yale) and Institute's Archiv (still in Munich). I must also thank Amo Mentzel-Reuters.

helped

me consult Ladner's unpublished papers archived at Monumenta Germaniae Historica (Munich). For Peterson's postcard to Carl Schmitt, I thank the Landesarchiv Nordrhein-Westfalen, Hauptstaatsarchiv Dusseldorf. I thank Jiirgen Becker for granting me access to unpublished correspondence between Peterson and Schmitt. I especially thank Ralf Brachtendorf. Together with the staff at the Hauptstaatsarchiv, his help was much appreciated. I likewise thankfully acknowledge summer research grants and sabbaticals. These I respectively received from the Graduate School and the Department of History at the University of Mississippi. I can hardly imagine completing this project without them. L.L.F.

4 August 2014 Oxford, Mississippi

ix

Abbreviations

ASK Archiv Stephan Kuttner (Munich) CC Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina. CIC Corpus iuris civilis, ed. Theodor Mommsen et al. (3 vols. Berlin 1954). CSEL Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum. Dig. Digesta (CIC 1.29-926). GCS Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderte. lAS Institute for Advanced Studies (Princeton) JE Philipp Jaffe, Regesta pontificum Romanorum ab JK condita ecclesia ad annum post Christum MCXCVIII, JL ed. F. Kaltenbrunner (to 590), P. Ewald (to 882), and S. Loewenfeld (to 1098) (2 vols. Berlin, 1885-882). LBI Leo Baeck Institute (New York) MCG Monumenta conciliorum generalium seculi decimi quinti: Concilium Basileense. Scriptores. MGH Monumenta Germaniae historica. PG Patrologia Graeca, ed. Migne. PL Patrologia Latina, ed. Migne. PIMS Pontifical Institute for Mediaeval Studies SC Sources chretiennes. SP Studia patristica. TU Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur. ZRG Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte Kan. Abt. Kanonistische Abteilung Rom. Abt. Romanistische Abteilung X

ABSTRACT This book examines the lifework of Gerhart Burian Ladner (1905-1993). Winner of the American Historical Association's lifetime Award for Scholarlv•' Distinction in 1991, he received the Homer Haskins Medal seminal work on The Idea of Reform:

1961 for

Impact on Christian

Thought and Action in the Age o.fthe Fathers.

Published in 1959 by Harvard University Press, his book's magisterial and expansive claims had immediate, direct, and enduring

It extends to historiography

on periods extending from Late Antiquity through the Middle Ages to the Renaissance. Historiographically, Ladner's topic transcends or assimilates all these periods. His work generally influences histories of reform or reformation as well as the history of ideas. This historical reception

and

historiographical

significance

remam

meaningless without one another. In this respect, they likewise emerged in dialogue with subsequent studies by Ladner himself. Given his role

defining "reform" as a historical

phenomenon, examining his work and its reception remains historiographically central to the status quaestionis of reform itself. Perhaps more importantly, few modem histories have so long remained so influential. Lester Field therefore historicizes The Idea of Reform as historiography. He examines the sites

the book's logistic power from its

composition to its present reception.

PART I LADNER'S l.JFE AND INITIAL ENGAGEMENT WITH THE HISTORY OF REFORM

INTRODUCTION Neither objects without subject nor data without interpretation, historical facts never exist by themselves. As extant ideas or linguistic constructs, facts bear the trace of those who forged them. The same is true of those who rediscovered or reconstructed them. In this respect, even the most ancient facts derive significance from present understandings. No past understands itself. Conversely, no present judgment completes or ends history. With methodological awareness and humility all too often absent nowadays, Gerhart Burian Ladner acknowledged this paradox in his ovvn work. There "reform," ostensibly a patristic idea, became ostensible as such. Notwithstanding what it had received from Antiquity and the Middle Ages, it received definition from a modem historian. Ladner's life spanned the twentieth century. To medievalists, his scholarly legacy needs little introduction. One of their pre-eminent journals, Viator, derives its name from one of his articles. 1 Corresponding Member of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica since 1950 and the

1

Ladner, "Homo viator"; Van Engen, "Images and Ideas." Ladner also

received the Osterreichisches Ehrenzeichen fUr Wissenschaft und Kunst as well as honorary doctorates from Loyola (Los Angeles, 13 June 1970), UCLA, and the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies (Toronto). See Loyola News Release (ASK 12818); Wolfram (1993) 456-57; Grafinger, "Ladner" 2443.

Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften smce 1967,2 he served as president of the Medieval Academy of America from 1977 to 1978. In 1964, he served as president of the American Catholic Historical Association. 3 Witmer of the American Historical Association's lifetime Award for Scholarly Distinction in 1991, Ladner in 1961 received the Homer Haskins Medal for his seminal work on The Idea of Reform. 4 Published m 1959, its magisterial claims on the historicity of "refonn" had immediate influence. 5 It endures. Chronologically, it ranges widely over historiography on Late Antiquity or patristics 6 and the Middle Ages. 7 2

Ladner, Erinnerungen 77-78. I could not examine correspondence

which Ladner renewed with MGH after 1945 and which MGH-Archiv has not yet catalogued. Law may still bar public access. 3

Benson, "Gerhart Burian Ladner"; Grafinger, "Ladner."

Unless otherwise noted all citations derive from the first edition ( 1959). The second edition (1967) contains addenda. 4

5

Reviews (in Bibliography) by Herbert Musurillo, Robert M. Grant,

Klaus Thraede, Henry G.J. Beck, Peter Levi, Heinrich Fichtenau, HenriIrenee Marrou, Christine Mohrmann, Friedrich Kempf, Godfrey L. Diekmann, Walter Ullmann, and Francesco Pericoli Ridolfini. 6

Kantorowicz, "Puer Excoriens" n. 14; Lamirande, L 'eglise celeste 30,

45, 91, 93, 121, 188; Pelikan, Christian Tradition 1.359; Adams, Populus 250, 261; Bori, 11, 85, 111-12, 143, 176-78, 187, 190-94; Louth, Origins 136-38; Markus, Saeculum 116 n. 4; idem, "Church Reform" 3; Field, Liberty; idem, "Christendom"; idem, "Erik"; idem, "Acclamation"; Rapp, Holy 329; Williams, Authorised Lives 174-74 nn. 107, 114,250. See also

Kantorowicz, "Synthronos" (LBI 883, 886) 27* n. 99, 30* n. 115. 7

Lowe, "Kaisertum" 256 n.

J.

52; Schramm, "Karl der Grosse 341 n. 2;

Russell, Dissent vii, 294; Miccoli, Chiesa gregoriana 228-31 nn. 2-3, 12,

2

Topically, the influence extends to work on renaissances or Renaissance 8 and reform or reformation. 9 More generally, 293 n. 175, 301; Oberman, Forerunners 9, 44 n. 12; Olsen, "Idea" nn. I, 4-5 7-8, 20, 59; Phelps, Study; Pascoe, "Jean Gerson" esp. nn. 1-2; Howe, Greek Influence; Laudage, Priesterbild 119 n. 157; Helmrath, "Reform"; idem, Das Basler Konzi/321; Staab, "Reform" esp. nn. 4-5, 7, 10-12, 14, 28-29, 31; Classen, "Die lilteste" 172 n. 10; Tellenbach, Church in Western 160, 367; idem, "II monachesimo" 123, 143-44; idem, "Gregorianische Reform" esp. 99-100, 106; Fornasari, Medioevo riformato 82; Blumenthal, Investiture 99; Fasolt, Council 1 n. 2, 349; Geary, Phantoms 17-18, 232; idem, "Mittelalterforschung" 93 n. 15; Bailey, Battling 177 n. 7, 194; Stump, "Influence"; idem, "Continuing"; Claussen, Reform 1 n. 2, 140 n. 84, 315; Cohen, "Art" 993 n. 6; Moos, Geschichte 74 n. 179, 103-104 esp. n. 254, 318 n. 622,44 n. 883; Bruce, Silence 143 n. 1, 198; Struve, "Gregorianische" 1688; Mitalaite, Philosophie 17, 140 n. 89, 513; Staab, "Hildegard" 176-77 n. 109; Winston-Allen, Convent 318; Barrow, "Ideas" esp. 346; Miethke, "Einleitung" 1 n. 3; idem, "Kirchenreform" 14 n. 3; Ballweg, Konzilare 53 n. 109, 359; Vones, Urban V. 34 n. 105, 625; Robinson, "Reform" n. 24; Field "My Debt"; Frank, "Splitmittelalterliche" 3; Grant, "He" 66. 8 Trinkaus, In Our Image 1.179-99, 394 n. 9, 2.903, 936; Nelson, "On the Limits" esp. 51-53; Buck, "Zu Begriff' 2 n. 6; Wilks, "Alan" esp. n. 6; O'Malley, "Postscript"; Constable, "Renewal"; Adams, "Political Grammar" (1997) 4, 17; Walsh, "Papsttum" 412 n. 3; eadem, "Plipstliche Kurie" esp. 134 n. 18; Nagel, Michelangelo 16, 221 n. 48; idem, Anachronic 393 n. 26. 9 Brundin, Vittoria Colonna 135 n. 6, 206; Miethke, "Reform" esp. 550; Fasolt, "Hegel's Ghost" 349 n. 11; idem, "Europliische Geschichte" n. 2; Alberigo, "Corruptio" 586, 589-90; idem, "L'amore" 176-77; idem, "Reforme" esp. 80; Bellitto, Renewing esp. xii-20; idem, ''Reform Context" 306, 308-11, 326 n. 55; idem, "Introduction"; O'Malley, "Hermeneutic" 519, 521; idem, Trent esp. 175, 177; idem, "Reform, Historical" esp. 573 n. 2, 582 n. 81; idem, Giles esp. l n. 1, 51-52, 100-

3

The Idea of Reform informs the history of ideas. 10 This extensive historical reception and historiographical influence

remain meaningless without one another. They likewise

107, 126-28, 142-43, 161, 174, 201; idem, "Was" esp. 182 n. 13, 185 n. 18; idem, "Developments" esp. 381 n. 16; Constable, Reformation 3-4, 359; Congar, "Renouvellement" 198-99; Callahan, "Ecclesia" 378-79, 387 n. 13; Reuter, "Kirchenreform" esp. n. 30; Stump, Reforms ix, 4, 19, 142, 206-207, 214, 218-25, 234; Frech, Reform 91-108, 115, 422; Walt, "Idea" 26; Stauffenegger, "Geneva" 410 n. 1; Christianson "Annates" 206;..207; idem, "Church"; Oberman, Reformation: Roots 36 n. 5; idem, Reformation: Von Wittenberg 173 n. 55; San Carlo Borromeo esp. Headley, "Introduction" 15-18, 24, 30 n. 3; Cereti, Riforma 190-272; Repgen, "Reform" 5-30; Griboment, "Riforme"; Brandmllller, "Causa" 62 n. 51; Lytle, "Introduction" x-xi esp. n. 1; Ozment, Age 85 n. 37; Melloni, "Christianisme" 40 n. 6; Pascoe, "Gerhart"; Vargas, "Administrative"; idem, Taming 17, 336; Anderson, "Six"; Albertson, "In Search"; Hyland, "Premonstratensian"; Astell, "Memoriam"; Bocken, "Visions"; Martin, "Carthusians" 235; Morrisey, Review 322; Frank, "Einleitung" 9-11, 16; Hudon "Black." 10 Niemeyer, "What"; Adams, Populus 250, 261; idem, "Political Grammar'' (1997) 4, 17; Sullivan, Image esp. xiii, 28-30 (nn. 31, 42), 3435 (nn. 73, 76, 81, 84, 100), 40, 70 (nn. 2, 6), 82 n. 108, 326, 329; Kieckhefer, "Reform"; Morrison, Mimetic esp. 100 n. 177,419-421, 424; Monahan, From Personal 5, 366; Strauss, "Ideas"; Russell, History of Heaven 202; Wolgast, "Reform"; MUller, Gloria 43 n. 26, 96 n. 40;

Walsh, "Pitpstliche Kurie" esp. 134 n. 18; Van Engen, "Images"; Olsen, Beginning 70-71; Nagel, Anachronic 393 n. 26; Field, Liberty;. idem, "Christendom"; idem, My Response; idem, "My Debt"; idem, "Erik"; idem, "Acclamation"; Green, "Augustinianism" 19, 111; Howe, "Preface."

4

emerged

dialogue with Ladner's later studies.u Given the

importance of his book, a conference recently celebrated its fiftieth anniversary. Current arguments, conceptualizations, and agendas nevertheless suggest the need, addressed here, to historicize Ladner's work as historiography. From composition to present reception, The

of Reform has a

history that illumines the recesses of its logistic power. 12 Historiographical Need, Modern Discovery, and Methodological Boundaries On the one hand, Patrick Geary notes, Ladner "represented a tradition ... poorly understood in North

ll

Ladner, "Vegetation" esp. 728="Pfianzensymbolik" esp. 337-38; idem,

"Reformatio";

idem,

Ad imaginem

Dei;

idem,

"Eikon";

idem,

"Erneuerung"; idem, "Religious Renewal"; idem, "Gregory the Great; idem, "Reform: Innovation" esp. 553; idem, "Reflections" 362 n. 41; idem, "Life and Mind"; idem, "Justinian's Theory"; idem, "Tenns"; idem, "La concezione" esp. 347; idem, "Varia" esp. 455 n. 1, 458 n. 11,464 n. 11, 467 n. 4, 471 n. 5; idem, Review of Rough, Reformist. Ladner began "Varia," "Eikon," and "Emeuerung" before the publication of his book. See Ladner, Letters to Kuttner, 8 January 1955?, 24 March 1955, 5 November 1960 (ASK 12795 [1-2], 12798 12

12803 [1-3 at 1, 3]).

"Reassessing Refonn: Medieval Models of Change. Celebrating

Gerhart Ladner's Idea of Reform after Fifty Years," The Eleventh Biennial Conference of the International Seminar on Pre-Reformation Theology and the American Cusanus Society (Gettysburg Lutheran Seminary 2008). See also Reassessing Reform; Certeau, Heterologies 215-16; "Church Reform and the Cults of the Saints," 51h Hagiotheca Conference (Zadar 2014); "Reform and Renewal," Medieval Conference (Leeds 20 15).

5

lntemational

America." 13 On the other hand, historians need not guess "the seed-ground of his ten-year's undertaking." Ladner himself noted the decade since he "first outlined" the "subject of his book." 14 In 1949, he proposed it to The Institute for Advanced Study. By his reckoning, he "started working on the project in 1941." He "was then interrupted by serving in the Canadian Army, and returned to it in 1946." He had already published seven prolegomena or "preliminary studies" and had written three more. 15 The Geary quoted by Booker, "Interview" 3. Given remarks on Ladner's and Robert L. Benson's friendship, however, I must note its symmetry and the deep respect that Ladner had for Benson's publications. See also Hetze~ecker, Stephan Kuttner 374-80; Bernhardt, "I Study"; Robinson "Reform" nn. 101, 105, 107, 122, ; Althoff, "Introduction," Medieval Concepts 3-4; Geary, "Mittelalterforschung" 92-95; Ladner, Erinnerungen 34, 70; idem, Letter to Kuttner, 17 January 1977 (ASK 12832): "Robert Benson's Vortrag war sehr gut." Kuttner recommended Benson to Spyros Vryonis (2 October 1973), to Division of Research Grants (12 February 1974 for a project with Ladner), to Guggenheim Foundation (8 December 1976), and to Medieval Academy of America for Fellowship (undated) ASK 774, 751, 758, 763. Interviewing Benson in German, Ladner played an important role in securing him as successor at UCLA. 14 Ladner, Idea dedication and viii. Cf. Levi, Review 171. 13

Ladner, "Plans" 10. The published prolegomena are Theologie und Politik (1936), Die Papstbildnisse 1 (1941), "Aspects of Medieval Thought" ( 1947), "Origin and Significance of the Byzantine Iconoclastic Controversy" (1940), "Der Bilderstreit" (1931 ), "The 'Portraits' of Emperors" (1942), "I Mosaici" (1935), "Die Statue Bonifaz' VIII." (1934). See "List of Publications of Gerhart B. Ladner'' (lAS) 1949. The unpublished studies are '"Reform and Renaissance' in the Middle Ages," "The Christian Ideal of Education in the Age of St. Augustine and St. 15

6

earliest tentative title of his projected book dates to 1942. Then he called it The Continuity of the Concept of Reform in the Earlier Part of the Middle Ages. 16 To the end of his life, his research infmmed others' on reform. His lifework blueprints a now vast and expanding historiographical edifice. 17 Its Ladnerian foundations special notice. Traditionally, such focus entails research into the researcher (die Erforschung des Forschers).

it

neither narrows to an argumentum ad especially against his work, nor expands to an intellectual biography for its ow11 sake. 18 With important consequences, Ladner's selfawareness and self-criticism pertained to his intellectual acculturation. His discovery of an ancient idea avoided the supercilious violence of other modem discoveries. Even before Columbus', such discoveries had entailed intrusions-interpretive, if not physical. Since they displaced past selfunderstandings, Ladner's methodological integrity entailed Benedict," and "The Holy Roman Empire." Unpublished but completed 27 April 1949, "Historical Enquiry" remains extant. 16

Ladner, Curriculum Vitae, 1942 (lAS). See also Ladner, Letter to

Frank Aydelotte, 27 February 1942 (lAS). Oppenheimer's predecessor, Aydelotte was Director of IAS (1939-47). See also Ladner, Letter to Kuttner 20 Novermber 1945 (ASK 12773) 1-5 at 4-5: "I am working at a subject which has interested me for some time, and I find it more interesting as 1 work on it: Renewal Ideas in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. I think it shall first be an essay, as soon as I can possibly write it." 17 18

Chapter VII.

Cf. Richards, Modernism l, 6; Curti us, "Gustav Grober"

Schuchardt, "Individualismus" 42 i.

7

acknowledging the "Intrusion of the Observer." Though hardly foolproof, it remained the prerequisite for understanding something other than self. 19 This methodological awareness derived from disciplinary conviction. Present historians had to examine the past. Yet their examinations did not constitute it. Historians could rightly reduce neither its views to theirs nor their views to one view. Historians as such could never rightly confuse their interpretations with the data that preceded them. 20 Acknowledging the modem dimensions of his discovery, Ladner largely protected its past. On the one hand, philology helped. Attestable in such usages as reformatio, "reform" had a history that stretched from Late Antiquity through Early ModemityY On the other hand, Ladner wrote this history. By his twentieth-century training, it took special note of such usages. Many of the historiographical traditions that influenced him dated to the nineteenth century. 22 Yet his ovvn experience adapted them. 19

Chapter V. Cf. Bevir, Logic 80-89. See also Ladner, Letter to Kuttner,

22 July 1947 (ASK 12780) 1-2 at 2: "lch habe mit Interesse und, ich muss sagen, mit Bewunderung McGuire's Rezenzion in der Cath. Hist. Review von Father Garaghan's Buch 'A Guide to Historical Method' gelesen. Sie zeigt grosse Gelehrsamkeit und wissenschaftliche Integritat."

°Chapters H-V.

2

21

Chapters VI-VII.

22

Ladner, Erinnerungen 23-32, 73; idem, "Holy Roman Empire" 458.

With respect to his mentor Hans Hirsch (1878-1940), Ladner notes the influence of Leopold von Ranke (1795-1886) and Friedrich Wilhelm Giesebrecht (1814-89). Himself a product of the Universitat Wien and having studied art history as well as diplomatic history there, Hirsch held

8

A Life Learning History and Ideas as Art

Born 3 December 1905 in Vienna to a secular-Jewish family, Ladner visited Florence in 1924. It bedazzled him. 23 Entering the University of Vienna the same year, he received his doctorate in 1930?4 In Italy, he researched art history under Julius von Schlosser. Another mentor, Hans Hirsch, guided work on medieval diplomatic history. In large part, Hirsch's careful "philological text-critical method" Ladner

prestigious positions in Germany and Italy as well as Austria. His invaluable contacts with the MGH since 1904, the Institut fUr Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung, and the Osterreichisches Historische Institut in Rome especially influenced Ladner's scholarly development. See Fichtenau, "Hans Hirsch"; Stengel, "Hans Hirsch"; Zatschek, "Hirsch"; idem, "Hans." In correspondence with me, Ladner's student, John Howe, noted the enduring importance that Ladner attributed to Hirsch's work. Ladner's other mentor Julius von Schlosser (1866-1938) belonged to the "Vienna School" of art history. Ladner also studied under Alfons Dopsch (1868-1953) and apprenticed under Paul Fridolin Kehr (1860-1944). See also Hirsch, Urkundenfiilschungen 3. 23 Ladner, Erinnerungen 13-22. See also Wolfram (1995). 24 Ladner, , Curriculum Vitae, 1945 (ASK 12771) idem, Curriculum Vitae, 1949 (lAS); idem, Registration Form (lAS) 6 September 1946. His dissertation of 1930 "Die italienische Malerei" was published in 1931. See Ladner, Letter to Frank Aydelotte, 27 February 1942 (lAS) 1-2 at 1. Ladner had received a Diploma from the Osterreichisches Institut ft1r Geschichtsforschung. His /nstitutsarbeit (1929) was "Die Bildnisse der Kaiser und l>sterreichischen Herzl>ge aus dem Geschlechte Habsburg von Rudolf!. bis Friedrich III." See Ladner, Curriculum Vitae, 1942 (lAS); Wolfram (1993) 451. The lAS Registration Form of 1949 lists the fellowships from the "Austrian Institute of Historical Research, Vienna 1927-29" and the "Austrian Historical Institute, Rome 1933-38." ~

made his ov.n.Z 5 Schlosser's iconography had likewise relied heavily on textual evidence and cast Savonarola as Reformator? 6 With Schlosser, then, Ladner contemplated the historicity of "reform" in artistic style. 27 With Hirsch's help, the historicity of "reform" itself captured Ladner's attention. By subtitle, Kirchenreform defined his Habilitationsschr~fi. 28 Ladner had also noticed Lateran frescoes wherein Calixtus II "reforms the peace. " 29 ------------Ladner, Erinnerungen 23-24, 28, 73. On "die philologischetextkritische Methode," see Hirsch, Urkundenfalschungen I. 26 Schlosser, "Giusto's Fresken" 13. 27 Ladner, "Die italienische Malerei" (1931) esp. 33 (n. * than)dng Schlosser), 159. See also Robinson, "Refonn" 286-88; Roma e Ia Riforma esp. essays citing Ladner by Pace (51), Piazza (384), and 25

Kottmann (412-13). 28 Ladner, Theologie und Politik (1936) 10, 35, 38, 40,42-59, 68. In 1937, Hirsch himself cited Ladner's "Formularbehelfe" of 1933. See Hirsch, Urkundenfalschungen 31 n. 2. See also Grafinger, "Ladner" 2441-42. After Austria's ban on the Nazi party, the failed Putsch of 1934, and the arrest of some of his students, Hirsch secured positions for them in Gennany. Although one of his favorite students, Walter Wache, had illegally joined the Nazis and the SS, Hirsch himself--though harboring anti-Semitic sentiments--nonetheless not only supported Ladner but did so publicly in the face of colleagues' resistance. Against Alfons Dopsch, Hirsch enabled Ladner's Habilitation in 1938. It met immigration quotas to Canada and US and so ultimately saved the lives of Ladner and his family. After the Anschluss, Hirsch succumbed to applying for party membership but died before receiving it. See Zajic, "Hans Hirsch" esp. 245, Wolfram (1993) 452-55. Cf. Zatschek, "Hans" esp. 203. 29 Ladner, "I mosaici" esp. 353-54 and Fig. 10. This examination had to rely on a sixteenth-century manuscript, which provided copies of the mined frescoes. The full caption read "Ecce Calixtus honor patriae decus

10

1931, an article on Iconoclasm decisively demonstrated an historical confluence. H belied what modernity conceptualized separately as politics, religion, and art. 30 In ways that would become more apparent, each pertained to Geistesgeschichte, the "history of ideas."31 "motif," the "relation between art history and

a

'history of

ideas"' recurred "in most of' Ladner's "books and articles."32 Linguistically or iconographically, ideas themselves had emerged as artifacts. Thus Kunstgeschichte and Geistesgeschichte seemed intrinsically related. Neither

"political" nor just "religious," premodern-Christian ideas survived as art or language, 33 "Bild und Wort." 34 imperiale/ Nequam Burdinum damnat pacemque reformat." By 1932, Ladner had encountered the similar rubric, "Fredericus eidem, ut reformetur pax inter maiores et minores." See ms. Epistolae Petri de

Vinea V/12 (ed. Ladner) MGH-Archiv A 193/II.87 (He 1) 192r. See also Rando, "Essere." 30

Ladner, "Der Bilderstreit." See also idem, Theologie und Politik esp.

l0-13; idem, "Historical inquiry" 4; idem, "Attilas Schwert." 31

Chapter V.

32

Ladner, Copy of letter to Martin R.P. McGuire, 10 June 1945 (ASK

12770) 1-3 at 2. See also Kuttner, Cc. recommendation of Ladner "TO: Guggenheim Foundation," 4 December 1948 (ASK 12782) l-2 at 1: "demonstrating the unity of a given civilization in its various forms of expression. This conception of art history as an integral part of. .. historic a! research is likewise an important contribution of Dr. Ladner." 33

See, for example, Ladner, "Eikon"; idem, "Eastern and Westem

Christendom"; idem, "Varia"; idem, "New Book" 400-402; idem, Review of

Steinen,

Homo

Caelestis.

Schlosser

himself

had

noted

'"geistesgeschichtlichen' Parallel en" to Kunstgeschichte. See Schlosser, "Portraiture" 889. See also Steinen, Notker 1.467 n. l citing Ladner, "Die

11

Such insights shaped The Idea of Reform. "While apostolic-intellectual monasticism of the Augustinian type was one of the main practical effects of the Augustinian idea of the 'Reform of man to the image and likeness of God', the other was the impact of that idea upon the concept of the image in art and indirectly nn art itself." Making this observation in 1949, Ladner extrapolated, "If man was to be assimilated to the image of God, man's image, and, secondarily, the artistic representation of the entire cosmos, could become subject to principles of assimilation and reform, theological and mathematical in nature." Though "only in a general way," the book had to deal with "[t)his relationship between the Augustinian reform idea... and early Christian art." At stake seemed nothing less than "a new type of 'imagery' in ... Middle Ages and in ... Renaissance."35

italienische Malerei" 61-69. The Geistesgeschichte of the "Vienna School" and the Warburg Institute was hardly exclusive. Fritz Sax! and Ladner, for example, belonged to both, and Panofsky could cite Schlosser more than Warburg. In 1931, an American art hist(•rian and admirer of Geistesgechichte, Richard Offner, likewise invited Panofsky to teach at New York University. See Ladner, Letter to Carl Erdmann, 18 September 1938, from the "Warburg Institute London" (MGH-Archiv B 854); Eisler, "Kunstgeschichte" 558, 563, 571, 608; Panofsky, Meaning 360-61. 34

Ladner's friend, Ernst H. Kantorowicz, ms. Themen (LBI 218). For a

proposed lecture on "'Imago' or 'Verbum'. The hierarchy of senses in mediaeval though[t]," see Kantorowicz, Letter to Professor Kofka, 31 August 1938 (LBI 217). 35

Ladner, "Brief Statement" 2.

12

Augustine differed "from Plato in that

conceives

of a kind of art that does not imitate, but rediscovers in matter the eternal numbers, rules, and ideas. " 36 Ladner now titled his project, RefiJrmatio: The Influence of an

Idea on 1~ediaeval and Renaissance Civilization. 37 In 1951, still planned but "not yet written" a "Part IV on art." Conceding

it "may go in the second volume,"38

he never completed it. Yet he did publish some of its material separately in essays. For two volumes and 1119 36 37

"Plans" 8-9. See Albertson, "Jn Search." Ladner, Letter of Application to IAS, 6 January 1949; idem, "Plans"

title page and outline); idem, Registration Form (lAS), 6 September 1949. By 1952, he had replaced Reformatio with Reform. See Ladner, "Mirtelalterliche Reform-Idee" n. l; Institute for Advanced Study 107. 38

Ladner, Letter to Oppenheimer, 27 December 1951 (lAS) 1-2 at 2.

Here Ladner's work had the tripartite anangement of the book published in 1959. In 1949, his "tentative table of contents" outlined a different

kind of work. Underneath the older title (above), he listed proposed contents of "Vol. I: From Augustine to Joachim of Flora" as follows: "Ch. 1: Reform and the Image of God: Central Concepts of Augustinian Historical and Metahistorical Thought/ Ch. II: The Monastic Way of Life and the Christian Refonn of Civilization! Ch. III: The Renovations ofthe Empire in the West and Eariy Mediaeval 'Renaissance'/ Ch. IV: Church Reform in the Age of Gregory VHI Ch. V: Eleventh Century Reform and Twelfth Century 'Renaissance'/ Ch. VI Otto of Freising, Bernard of Clairvaux, Joachim of Flora: The First Transformation of Augustinian Historical and Metahistorical Thought." He explained, "Vol. H: From St. Francis of Assisi to Savonarola, will deal with the later Middle ages and the Early Renaissance. I do not include a table of contents for this volume, for it would be premature." See Ladner, "Plans for Vlork" esp. table of contents, 2.

13

pages of such essays selected for republication, Ladner chose the title Images and Ideas. Another work complements, and competes with, The Idea of Reform as his magnum opus. Die Papstbildnisse spanned Ladner's adulthood. The first volume

he regarded as a prolegomenon to The Idea ofReform. 39 Institutionally and socially, much had sensitized Ladner to the historical complementarity of ideas and images. From 1929 to 1931, he had an assistantship at the Monumenta Germaniae Historica under Paul Fridolin Kehr. 40

39

Ladner, "Plans" 10. Cf. Wolfram (1993) 452; Grafinger, "Ladner"

2440-42. With respect to his Papstbildnisse, "its first volume was almost printed when the war broke out." See Ladner, "So-Called Square" 115 n.

1. Published in 1941, Papstbildnisse did not come into Ladner's hands

tmtil 1945, when he received two copies--one German, the other Italian. They generally pleased him, save "regrettable misprints in the last pages of both editions, which are due to the fact that I could not read the proofs after the entry of Italy into the war." He sent the German to Kuttner, who was to send it for review to Speculum or Art Bulletin. See Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 25 March 1945 (ASK 12766). See also Ladner, Letter to Kuttner (no date but answered by Kuttner, by his own notation on 5 and 12 May 1945) ASK 12767; Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 15 May 1945 (ASK 12768) chooses Art Bulletin. Already begun in the 1930s, the "2. Band der Papstikonographie noch viel mehr zu tun ist, als ich gedacht hatte." See Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 1 December 1963 (ASK 12807) 1-4 at 3. 40

Ladner, Erinnerungen 27-33. Ladner had met Kehr in the Preussisches

Historische lnstitut (Berlin). TI1ere Kehr invited him to Rome to help edit the diplomas of Henry IV --work Ladner had to end due to illness. From 193 i to 1933, Ladner also served as SekreHir der bsterreichischen Kommission ftir historische Ikonographie des Comite International des

14

There Ladner also met Ernst H.

Kantorm~licz--"Eka"

to

Ladner and other friends. Writing Kantorowicz in 1953, Ladner marveled, "It is curious how very much our themes and problems touch one another." 41 The deep friendship and

collaborative scholarship, beginning with reign of Frederick

42

lasted

Kantorowicz'

into m

Science Historiques. See Wolfram (1993) 452; Hetzenecker, Stephan

Kuttner 155 n. 482. 41

Ladner, Letter to Kantorowicz, 20 January i 953 (LBI 2.4/5) i -3 at 1:

"Es its merkwilrdig, wie sehr sich unsere Themen und Probleme in vielem berlihren." See also Kantorowicz, "Roman Coins" (LBI 1112) 23. At lAS, numerous offprints, most inscribed, which Ladner gave to Kantorowicz, date from 1931 ("Attila's Schwert") to 1961 ("Gestures," with an inserted notecard thanking Kantorowicz for a reference). Before his flight to the U.S. in 1938, Kantorowicz possessed Ladner's "Statue Bonifaz," "I mosaici" as well as work by Ladner's teacher, von Schlosser. See LBI 138-39. Regarding reform, Kantorowicz marked extensively the offprint of "Mitteialterliche Reform-Idee," which Ladner gave him in 1952. Several of Ladner's inscriptions to Kantorowicz allude to shared interests and experiences. "The Concept of the Image," for

example, bears the playful inscription, "To Eka fi·om Gert! Divo per naturam deicola per gratiam." On the offprint of "Two Gregorian," Ladner wrote "EKA/ OPUSCULUM OPERA EIUS/ IN MELIUS REFORMATUM/ GRATO ANIMO/ D.D.D/ G." 42

Ladner, "Formularbehelfe" (1932); ms. Epistolae Petri de Vinea (ed.

Ladner, 1931 /2); Kantorowicz, Friedrich der Zweite Erganzungsband (1931 ). Kantorowicz' inscribed offprint of "Formularbehelfe" remains at

lAS. See also Ladner, "Eine unbekannte Handschrift" (1933) 228. Citing Ladner, Kantorowicz, "Norman Finale" (1941) 129 n. L Including special thanks to Ladner, Kantomwicz, "Petrus de Vinea" (1937) 219 n. 31, 223 n. 41, 233 n. 105, 235 n. 108, 239 n. 125, 244 n. !55; idem, "Plato" (1942) 192 n. 7; idem, "King's Advent" (1944) 75 n. 145; idem,

15

1963.43 In 1930, at Ladner's request, K~:mtorowicz likewise introduced him to the poet Stefan George. So Ladner followed Kantorowicz into the poet's circle. 44 Now often Laudes Regiae (1946) 8 n. 26, 53 n. 139, lOOn. 122, 102 n. 126, 113 n. 5, 139-40 n. 92, 152 n. 23, 157 n. 3, 182 n. 13, 231-32 nn. 1, 3; idem,

"Pro patria" (1951) 318 n. 43; idem, "Deus" {1952) 129 n. 38; idem, "Mysteries" (1955) 384 n. 16; idem, "Sovereignty" (1961) 360 n. 39. The first footnote of the German draft of Laudes Regiae, the earliest portions of which date to J934, cites Ladner (LBI 1.3/25) 64; see also (LBI 1.3/26) 20* n. 125: "Eine Photocopie danke ich der freudlichen Hilfe von Dr. G. Ladner in Rom." Conversely, Ladner believed, Kantorowicz' '"King's Advent' ... perhaps the best thing that he is [sic] written since 'Friedrich H."' See Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 25 March 1945 (ASK 12766). 43

Ladner, Idea ix, xi; idem, Erinnerungen esp. 11, 29, 32-41, 69-70;

idem, "History of Ideas" 455, 467-70, 491-92, 500; idem, "Additional Note" 170; idem, "Holy Roman" 466; idem, "Heilige Reich" 472-73; "Greatness" 892; Grunewald, "Aber wer" 364. Much of the mutual correspondence of Ladner and Kantorowicz responds to scholarly enquiries from the other, comes with thanks for an offprint or a book as gift, or notes that such offprints or books come with the letter. See Ladner's letters to Kantorowicz, esp. 29 October 1947 (LBI 23 Q l.AR 7216) 1-2; 20 January 1953 (LBI 2.4/5) 1-3; 27 October 1953 (lAS); 26 May 1955 (LBI 3.7/3 Kantorowicz [Salz]) 1-2; 12 April 1956 (LBI 3.7/3 Kantorowicz [Salz)) 1-2; 8 June 1957 (LBI 3.7/3 Kantorowicz (Salz]) l. Kantorowicz Library and collection of offprints at lAS contain Ladner's works, most inscribed, from the 1930s to the 1960s. Responding to Oppenheimer, Ladner listed friends whom the Institute should notifY as Kantorowicz's death seemed near. Ladner likewise listed their fields of interest. His appears as "Mediaeval 'Renovatio. '" See Ladner, Letter to Oppenheimer, 17 November 1962 (IAS). 44

Ladner, Erinnerungen 14, 29, 32-46, 73-75. Cf. Giesey, "Ernst" 2-6. In

the early 1920s Kantorowicz himself followed both his mentor, Eberhard

16

misunderstood, 45 the circle

itself influenced Ladner's

thinking on history as "art" and "science." Such thought elaborated or renewed the ars historica.

Gotlwin, and his aunt, Gertrud Kantorowicz (pen name, Gert Pauly) , into George's circle--both members since 1899. See Malkiel (1964) 5 n. 5. 45

Raulff, Kreis; Fuhrmann, Oberal/252-55. Cf. Malkiel (1964) esp. 2-4.

Common descriptions of George's circle as "conservative" have severe historical limitations, especially if, by another stretch, such description implies anything fascist. George died in 1933. In Europe, Ladner saw himself as a socialist and, in the U.S., a liberal. Conversely, touting himself as "genuinely conservative," Kantorowicz boycotted loyalty oaths in the Third Reich as well as in Califomia, where he invariably voted Democratic. Except Bertram, Uxkull-Gyllenbrand, Hiidebrandt, Elze, Becker, and young sympathizers, George's circle and George himself--Kantorowicz and Ladner believed--opposed Nazism. Even after their emigration, Ladner remained a poet, and Kantorowicz, who kept a portrait of George on his desk, frequented poets' circles in the Bay Area. Ladner could not bring his English translation and commentary of George's work to publication. See Ladner, Erinnerungen 22, 25 ..26, 3637; Grunewald, "Aber wer" 350-51, 355-56, 361-68; Kantorowicz, Fundamental Issue esp. 1. Kuttner also wrote poetry, which, at least in the last year of Ladner's life, he exchanged with Ladner. See Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 20 June 1993 (ASK 12842); Kuttner, Letter to Ladner, 20 July 1990 (ASK 12843). With a letter, 23 February 1962 (!AS), Claude David sent Kantorowicz the offPrint, David, "Deux livres sur Stefan George," Euphorion 55 (1961) 98-I 12. See also Leonardo Olschki, Letter to Kantorwicz, 18 January 1959 (lAS) 1-2 at l; IAS Oral History Project: "interview with Ralph Giesey" 40; Picht, "Historische Erfahrung"; Gumbrecht, "Zeitlosigkeit" 229-35, 238; Richards, "E.R. Curti us" esp. 249-52. Cf Agamben, Homo l 02-106, 205-206; Schmidt, "Die Ruckkehr" 6 l 6-17.

17

To another Georgean, "It teaches us to think about the difference between the research of history (Geschichtsforschung) and the writing of history (Geschichtsschreibung), between knowledge and art."46 Perhaps more than any

other, Kantorowicz sensitized Ladner to what he later described as "pseudo-problems of objectivity versus myth in the interpretation and writing of history, and of reality or truth versus myth in history itself."47 In 1930, Kantorowicz himself defended scientific history as art. He thus refuted the polemic of the positivist Albert Brackmann. The debate nonetheless belonged to a wider crisis in the discipline of history. Germany had professionalized it as science (Wissenschaft) and so divided history against itself. Scientific "history" as "historicism" (Historie, Historismus,

or Historik) grappled with "history" as "historiography." As narrative past, Geschichte or Geschichtsschreibung remained art (Kunst). 48 Initially, historicism resisted but, in the twentieth century, increasingly succumbed to "positivism." Coined by Auguste Comte, this originally nineteenth-century-French scientism had, like historicism, rejected metaphysics. 46

Gundolf, Anfange 99. See also Raulff, "Bildungshistoriker" esp. 145-

47; Redel, "Reformbestrebungen" esp. 109. See also Uglow, Historian's esp. 1-10. 47

Ladner, Review of Steinen, Homo

402-403, 408 n. 6. See also

Chapters ll-Hl; Steinen, Kitsch; Moos, Geschichte 516-17 n. 997; Ladner, Letter to Kantorowicz, 29 October 1947 (LBI 23 Q l.AR 7216) l-2; 48

Raulft~

Kreis 100-107.

Chapters li-V.

18

Postulating an "empirical" truth modeled after that of the natural sciences, he recast them as the "positive" sciences. Thus they became the vehicles of human "progress." Subjecting them only to the metascience, "sociology," Comte coined it too. 49 As a label increasingly used as much in accusation as

self-designation, "positivism" outgrew

Comte. It likewise outgrew Spencer and others who avowed it. Yet it continued to indicate applications of natural-

scientific paradigms. Physical causality "determined" the "real" meaning of texts or the "facts" somehow underlying them. 50 "Until 1850," a positivistic manual proclaimed, "history remained a literary genre." Only last fifty years" produced and established "the scientific forms of historical exposition. " 51 Philologically oriented intellectual history (Geistesgeschichte) resisted the new positivistic historicism. 52 So did

Neo-Kantian history of ideas (ldeengeschichte). This term 49

See, for example, Pickering, Auguste Comte esp. 1.3-6, 12-13, 22, 33,

65-66, 104-!09, 171, 244, 336-37, 402, 423-24, 535-38, 561-710. By contrast, two versions of Kantorowicz' "Publications" to 1943 list "in preparation" a book entitled "Pem1anence, Perfection, and Progress: A

Study in the History of Thought of the 13th century" (LBI 206, 209). For two drafts (22pp. and 35 pp.), see LBI 1.2.11. 50

WeHek, "Revolt"; Bond, "Ferdinand Tonnies"; Vossler, Positivismus

esp. 2-3, 7-11, 44-46. See also Gregory, "Other" 138-49; idem,

Unintended 64, 68-73, 353, 358. 51

Langlois, Introduction 262-63. Much published, translated, and cited in

the twentieth century, this earlier manual remained influentiaL Cf. Uglow, Historian's 3-5, 24 n. 4. 52

Chapters HI, V.

19

some practitioners of Geistesgeschichte also used. Unlike Neo-Kantians, however, they rejected a priori ideas as ahistorical. 53 Even if ideas pre-existed their specific expression, nothing attested to them before it. Conversely, reducing already explicit formulations to present categories destroyed history as art and as past. Ladner thus explained the Georgeans' esthetic and scientific focus, especially on the Middle Ages. Such non-observant Jews as Kantorowicz and Wolfram von den Steinen made it their own. Not religion, but poetic inspiration and methodological rigor defined their project. 54 To Ladner, von den Steinen seemed neither "a mystic" nor "even a 'confessional' Christian." His lifework,

"especially

his

Kosmos

des

1vfittelalters,"

demonstrated a "cosmic myth." Yet it seemed "so real and so comprehensive that" it encompassed "absolute truth." It defined "early and mediaeval Christians." As "living truth," it belied fossilized Christendom. This "conception of myth and history" received "lasting inspiration" from George. For his "poem Origins in the

Seventh Ring" clearly expressed a "view of history." Including "Christian mediaeval history," it "stood behind the 53

Kantorowicz,

"Grenzen"

111,

121;

idem,

"Mythenschau";

Eppelsheimer, "Das Renaissance-Problem" esp. 490-91; Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 17 January 1977 (ASK 12832): "herzlichen Dank fUr Gratian

und Plato. Das ist wieder ein fascinierendes Stuck ldeengeschichte mit weiten Perspektiven." Ladner, Erinnerungen 26-27, 29, 45-46. An article of 193 I already cited Steinen. See Ladner, "Bilderstreit" 24-25 n. 41. See also idem, 54

"Mittelalterliche Reform-Idee" 54 n. 109.

20

historical vvritings of his disciples." It inspired such "works of. .. such high standards and ... different character as ... Kantorowicz' ... and ... Steinen's." Eternal

existed mythi-

cally. If it existed otherwise, then it did so outside history. For time, place, language, and art bound

truth.

Thus Georgeans distinguished "the forms of art .. .in the critique o.f truth" and "the spiritual content of work'i .. .in the intuited truth. " 55 These perspectives ranged "from the

objective to the subjective, from the domain of the eye to inner man." Hardly conjuring the past's "inner that of truth," 56 present truth often obscured

57

ancient Christians, "myths of sacrifice and rebirth" intimated "Christ's death and Resurrection." As for

55

Ladner, Review of Steinen, Homo Caelestis, 408. Similarly, for

ReichYidee and Reichskritik, see idem, "Varia" 431-32 (470 citing Steinen) and on George's Der siebtente Ring, Curtius, European

Literature 10-ll. See also Ladner, "Historical Inquiry" 2; Steinen, Notker !.467 n. 1 citing Ladner, "Die italienische Malerei" 61-69; Moos, Geschichte 516-17 n. 997; Kopperschmidt, "Topik." Cf. Gregory, Unintended

Reformation

esp.

18-19.

Steinen

likewise

thanked

Kantorowicz for The King's Two Bodies and notified him of the imminent publication of Kosmos des Mittelalters. See Steinen, Letter to Kantorowicz 23 November 1959 (LBI 7/9 [Kantorowicz [Salz]). 56

Kantorowicz, Laudes 19,180, also 60 n. 157; Steinen, "Heilige." See

also Schramm, Kaiser, Konige 4.1.201-203; Raulff, Kreis 115-·19, 196, 295-30 l. 57

George, "Urspmenge": "Spater gedenkte es euch kaum:/ Nie lag die

welt so bezwungen,/ Eines geistes durchdrungen/ Wie im jungendtraum." See also Ritter-Santini, "Im Raum" esp. 169-70; Gumbrecht, "Zeitlosigkeit" esp. 228-31.

21

''the consequent redemption of the universe," George saw history redeeming deaths from oblivion, "Since the human being cannot be preserved/ But where dark sacrifice repeats itself."58 Though George had left the Catholic Church in his eighteenth year (1885-86), ambivalence remained. In 1919, he criticized "all this Catholicizing today." Yet he commended "genuine Catholicism" as "something venerable, pure, and right. " 59 After all, the medieval Church had transmitted ancient truths. As von den Steinen stressed, it also transformed them. 60 As extant artifacts, they required interpretations, no less artful and significant. Conversely, equating past and present truths flouted philological difference. It belied historical change. 61 Ladner recited George: "Body, soul are only words, change reality." 62 George grudgingly acknowledged some unchanging "Ultimate" and its consequences. "As for me, I would rather obey a power that ordered me to go to mass every day than

Ladner, Idea 1, 26 (citing George, Der Stern des Bundes); also 10-31. George quoted by Curtius, "Stefan George" 126-28. Though Protestant, Curtius had himself stood accused of "aufgewartnten catolicism." See George, Letter to Gundolf, 26 October 1916 (Boehringer 287). On Rekatholisierung among early-twentieth-century Protestants, see Nottmeier, "Evangelische Kirche." 60 George, "Urspruenge"; Ladner, Erinnerungen 46-47; Moos, "Wolfram." See also Kantorowicz, "Roma" (LBI 934-36) 2-4; idem, "Roman Coins." 61 Ladner, Review of Steinen, Homo Caelestis, 408. See also Steinen, 58

59

Kitsch und Wahrheit. 62

Ladner, Erinnerungen 35.

22

one that ordered me to pick up a rifle." 63 To Ladner and Georgeans, modernity had lost such "super-individual and supra-political community." Morally or intellectually, professional, phenomenological, or esthetic considerations paralleled confessional, theological, or (anti)political ones. 1933, Ladner "became a Catholic. But," he recollected, "extemal circumstances also contributed" to his conversion. "After Hitler had seized power Germany and parliamentary democracy had been destroyed in Austria, I country." could already foresee loss of strongly felt the desire for another kind of community, not political, but religious." 64 Rome from 1933 to 1938, Ladner held appointments with Osterreichisches Historische Institut and the Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana. 65 In Rome he joined fellow convert-exiles, Erik Peterson and Stephan Kutther. Peterson's work profoundly influenced The Idea of Reform. 66 Kuttner's enduring friends:h.ip and 63

Curtius, "Stefan George" 127-28. For Curtius' peculiar relationship to

George's circle, see Richards, Modernism 2-3, 18, 23, 31, 38-39, 106, 126, 150, 154, 176, 183, 187; Wel!ek, "Literary Criticism" 26-29. 64

Ladner, Erinnerungen ] 1, 46-50 esp. 47. See also Steinen, Kosmos.

103-13. 65

Ladner, Erinnerungen 50-62. See also idem, Letter to Frank Aydelotte,

(Director IAS) 27 February 1942. 66

Chapter L See also Kuttner, Cc. recommendation

of Ladner "TO:

Guggenheim Foundation," 4 December 1948 (ASK 12782)

1-2 at l:

"We first met in 1933 in Rome .... During the years 1933-38 I saw him frequently and enjoyed the oppportunity of continually discussing with

him problems of mutual interest in the medieval field,

23

""~-'''"'"'""

those

collaboration extended well beyond Ladner's book. 67 In 1938, immediately after the Anschluss, Ladner fled Rome. 68 connected with the history of ideas. The book on which he was working at the time, Theologie und Politik vor dem Jnvestiturstreit, was the subject of many of our conversations. " 67 Correspondence, 1941-93 (ASK 12760-12844); Hetzenecker, Stephan Kuttner esp. 146 n. 431, 151 n. 460, 155-56, 205 n. 657,216,294, 302, 312, 316-17, 375, 394 n. 1464, 435. Kuttner was godfather to Ladner's son, Stephen. Son John also addessed Kuttner as "Uncle Stephan." See Gerhart Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 14 July 1946 (ASK 12776); John Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, undated evidently after father's death (ASK 12836). Stephan and Eva Kuttner stood as witnesses for the Ladners' citizenship. See Ladner, Letters to Kuttner, 1 September 1954, 25 September 1954 (ASK 12791-92). In 1956, Ladner and Kantorowicz recommended Kuttner for a Guggenheim. Self-deprecating humor bears mention. Opening with a German paragraph, Ladner no sooner concluded an English one than he wrote, "Wie Du siehst werde ich auch bald eine Art von Pennsylvania Dutch sprechen tmd schreiben." See Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 5 November 1956 (ASK 12799) 1-2 at 2. See also Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 1 December 1963 (ASK 12807) 1-4 at 4: "Mein Vortrag ftir Philadelphia ist ilbrigens noch keineswegs fertig und ich hoffe mir, dass ich das Thema 'Greatness in Medieval History', das vieHeicht 'zu gross' ist einigermassen wUrdig behandeln werde." Inviting Kuttner to lecture at UCLA, Ladner lured him from Yale to California and so to Berkeley. In 1970, then, Ladner affirmed nominations to Advisory Board of the Institute for Medieval Canon Law at Berkeley and planned visits to and from the Kuttners. See Ladner, Letters to Kuttner, 29 March 1966, 9 July 1968, 10 September 1968, 12 December 1968, 23 July 1970 (bis), 28 July 1970 (ASK 12810, 1281315, 12819-21); Kuttner, (Cc.) Letter to Ladner, 20 April 1966 (ASK 12811 ). On Ladner's file, Kuttner later wrote: "G.B. Ladner/ i'2l.ix. 93/ Where is all the corresp. between 1983 and 1988?" The last item, Kuttner (Draft of) Letter to John Ladner, 2 October 1993 (ASK 12844):

24

Exile took him to London and the Warburg Institute69 and then to Toronto. There he joined Etienne Gilson's and Jacques Maritain's fledgling Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies. Now publishing and teaching in English, Ladner married a Canadian, Jocelyn nee Plummer. He also served in Canada's Intelligence Service70 and Army. 71 After "You know how much I loved your father ever since we first met fifty [sic] years ago in 1933." Ladner, Erinnerungen 62. In 1938, the Nazis also deprived him of his position of Lecturer (Privatdozent) at the University of Vienna. See 68

Ladner, Curriculum Vitae, 1949 (lAS). Ladner, Letter to Carl Erdmann, 18 September 1938 (MGH-Archiv B

69

854). Despite his current address and after his signature, Ladner noted, "(ob Oktober hoffentlich: Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Toronto)." Ladner, Erinnerungen 62-66. Maritain was godfather of Ladner's son, John. See Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 14 July 1946 (ASK 12776). PIMS president Gerald B. Phelan also invited Kantorowicz to join Ladner at Toronto, to work on Laudes regiae. See Phalen, Letter to Kantorowicz, 70

31 May 1939 (LBI 4/23). For difficulties with Toronto's American consulate, regarding documentation that Kantorowicz needed for his first visit, see two letters that Ladner wrote him on 15 June 1939 (LBI 2 Kantorowicz [Salz]) 1-4, I -2. As the stationery of the second letter attests, the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies had originally called itself"The Institute of Mediaeval Studies." As evinced by Ladner, Letter to Frank Aydelotte, 27 February 1942 (lAS), PIMS had then claimed its current name. This letter also notes, "I had the prospect of receiving a fellowship at Balliol College, Oxford, which .. .! did not pursue because of my previous engagement at Toronto .... for reasons of loyalty," despite three American offers, "which would have been advantageous from a material point of view." Even in 1941, however, Ladner wondered if a position at Catholic University were "still possible." See Ladner, Letter Kuttner, 3 December 1941 (ASK 12760) 1.

25

the war, he refused an offer to teach at Munster. 72 With "growing family and ... old father," however, he soon found himself in dire straits. 73 So he accepted an assistant professorship at Notre Dame (1946-49). In 1949, he applied for and received his first Membership in The Institute for Advanced Study. 74 Reading 71

Ladner, Registration Form (IAS), 6 September 1949: "1943-45 on leave, Captain." 72 Benson, "Gerhart Burian Ladner" 803. Similarly for Kuttner and Munich, see Kalde, "Wissenschafiliche." 73 As in I 941, he again turned to Kantorowicz for help. See Ladner, Letter to Kantorowicz, 10 March 1946 (LBI3.7/2 Kantorowicz [Salz]) 14 esp. 1-3. Ladner contemplated "having to give up scholarship ... one of the things that makes life worth while to me." Catholic University had planned "to create a Department of Art History" with Ladner "in charge." Yet the position, for financial reasons, had disappeared. For CU and Ladner's failure to secure positions at Yale, Princeton, Columbia, Harvard, and Dumbarton Oaks, see also Ladner, Letters to Kuttner, 3 December 1941, 17 December 1941 (ASK 12760-61); Ladner, Letter to Monsignore Lardone, 17 December 1941 (ASK 12763); Ladner, Letters to Kuttner, 28 January 1942, 27 March 1942, 15 May 1945, 16 May 1945 (ASK 12764-65, 12768-69); Ladner, Copy of letter to Martin R.P. McGuire, Dean, Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, CU, lO June 1945 (ASK 12770); Ladner, Curriculum Vitae 1945 (ASK 12771); Ladner, Letters to Kuttner, ll June 1945,20 November 1945 (ASK . 12772-73); Memo from McGuire to Kuttner, 20 February 1946 (ASK 12774); Agnes Collins, Draft on behalf of Ladner, 7 April 1946 (ASK 12775); Hetzenecker Stephan Kuttner 155 n. 482. 74 Ladner, Letter to IAS (Dear Sirs) 6 January 1949; Oppenheimer, Letter to Ladner, 25 February 1949 (lAS). In 1942, Ladner had applied for "a fellowship at the Institute for Advanced Study" but withdrew from consideration when he learned "about the shortness of the fellowships,"

26

Ladner's application, one reviewer commented, "Ladner's project is entirely outside my field of competence." Yet "Felix Gilbert and Mr. Panofsky" vouched for as "really a first rate rnediaevalist." 75 More dangerously, another reviewer thought that he had understood Ladner's work. This economist correctly described it as a "history of despite lAS praise of his scholarship. See Ladner, Letter to Frank Aydelotte (Director IAS) 30 March 1942. See also Aydelotte, Letter to Ladner, 12 March 1942; Aydelotte, "Memorandum for Professor Panofsky," 2 March 1942 (IAS). Panofsky replied, "Although Dr. Ladner works in a field not properly my own, I had occasion to consult some of his published writings and had an extremely good impression of them." Much as he "personally should like to see Dr. Ladner as a member of the Institute," Panofsky agreed that Ladner should know that membership expired after a year. See Panofsky, Letter to Aydolette, 5 March 1942 (IAS). For Ladner's original application, see Ladner, Letter to Aydelotte,

27 February 1942 (lAS) 1-2. In application to Catholic University, Ladner later listed Panofsky as well as Kuttner, Gilson, and Maritain as references. See Ladner, Curriculum Vitae, 1945 (ASK 12771). 75

"Memorandum to: Dr. Oppenheimer, From: E.M. Earle," 21 February

1949 (IAS). Earle also worlied that funds for the competing applications of Ladner and Norman Cohn for School of Humanistic Studies would come from funds allotted to Earle's School of Economics and Politics. A former colleague of Ladner's at Toronto, Homer A. Thompson noted "that it may be easier to find financial support if the merger of the two schools is effected." At Thompson's suggestion, Panofsky scribbled his own note to R.B. Warren at the bottom of Thompson's letter: "Dear Mr. Warren,/ Concurring with Mr. Thompson in every respect, I take the liberty of sending this application to you. I too have a high opinion of Dr. Ladner but his project is historical rather than art-historical, and I like Thompson, should be grateful for your reaction." See Thompson to Panofsky, Panofsky to Wan·en, 17 January 1949 (IAS) l-2.

27

ideas." Yet he expressed sophomoric surprise at several supposed "omissions." These quite clearly demonstrate two still common and ahistorical preconceptions of "reform." The first makes it a transcultural reification, rather than a linguistically transmitted idea. The second makes it a generically heterodox phenomenon. Shaped by a myopically Anglophone present, 76 such interpretations belied Ladner's explicit understanding. He wanted to "study ... the reform idea and ... reform movements as actual historical events." 77 As he noted in 1949, "emphasis will lie on the concept of reform (reformatio, etc.)." Yet "related ideas, especially that of rebirth (from regeneratio to

rinascita), will necessarily also have to be considered." 78 Not just competent philologically, but brilliant, Erwin Panofsky decisively favored Ladner's candidacy. As an art historian, Panofsky stressed that he and Ladner shared some interests. 76

Memo to Oppenheimer from Robert B. Warren, 19 January 1949 (lAS)

1-2 at 1: "I am surprised at several omissions--the absence of reference to the Bogomile Heresy with its curious relation to the Cathari and to the Troubadors; to 'chivalry' and especially to the chivalric romanticizing of woman. One could expand at length on the relation of the Bogomile Heresy to Hollywood. Second, there is no reference to the Arabic-Jewish influence .... This makes me think that Dr. Ladner's orthodoxy limits his interests, which are perhaps wide enough as it is .... There is no mention of...the abortive 'romance' of the Empress Irene and Charlemagne, or the later ... abortive maneuver of Manuel Comnenus, although they are important evidence of the renovated idea." Warren even writes of the transformation "of Second Coming into the 'City of God"'! 77

Ladner, "Plans" (a gloss on his title page).

78

Ladner, "Plans" 1.

28

Ladner's project nonetheless seemed at "a more advanced stage" competing projects. 79 Given teaching duties before 1949, "the Princeton-Institute was my deliverance as a scholar." It enabled The Idea of Reform. 80 fact," he then wrote, have made greater progress during the last months than m

three preceding years." Thus he requested and received

another year. With he thought, could complete "the 81 volume of the book." "As to the Institute," Ladner

79

Panofsky, Letter to Oppenheimer, 25 January 1949 (lAS) 1-2.

Compared to Norman Cohn's and Erich Kahler's, "Ladner's project seems more tangible to me." Panofsky also noted that Ladner had a job to which to return at "Notre Dame, so that no problems of permanent support could arise after the expiration of his appointment to the Institute." Ironically, Cohn's Pursuit of the Millenium (1957) appeared before Ladner's Idea (1959) but too late for Ladner to cite it--on Joachim of Flora, for example--also absent in 1967. Given Robert B. Warren's ignorance of Ladner's topic, the economist's judgment of it as "advanced" echoes Panofsky. Memo to Oppenheimer from WmTen, 19 January 1949 {IAS). 80

Ladner, Erinnerungen 66-72 (quotation 67), 77. His membership at the

Institute coincided with a Guggenheim Fellowship (1950-51). See Ladner, Letter to the Director and Faculty of lAS, 29 December 1949; Ladner, Idea viii. On progress, see Ladner, Letter to Oppenheimer, 27 December 1951 (lAS) 1-2. Written on Howard stationery, the letter responded to Oppenheimer's "interest in the chapters ... not yet seen" and accompanied "the entire manuscript as it now stands." 81

Ladner, Letter to the Director and Faculty of IAS, 29 December 1949.

As indicated on another stationery sheet, the Director, Oppenheimer had passed Ladner's letter and his "Brief Statement" on to Professors

29

later wrote its Director, Robert Oppenheimer, "I need hardly tell you that my heart and mind are still at least as much there as here." At Howard (1951-52) and afterward elsewhere, Ladner continued to work on his book. 82 Fortunately in 1957, he could inform Oppenheimer that Harvard had accepted it for publication. In 1959, Ladner accepted another Membership at the Institute (1960-61). These years overlapped his Bollingen Fellowship (196162).83 He otherwise taught at Fordham (1952-62). 84

Thompson, Chemiss, Meritt, Panofsky, Stewart, who checked their names to indicate that they had read it. Ladner, Letter to Oppenheimer, 27 December 1951 (lAS) 1-2 at 1. Ladner, Letter (from Scarsdale, N.Y.) to Kuttner, 18 February 1954 (ASK 12787) 1-4 at 1: "Mein Buch habe ich a1lerdings seit vorigen Sommer kaum anruhen kOnnen .... Ich hoffe, dass ich das Buch diesen 82

Sommer fertig bringen kann (ie vol. 1)." Ladner, Letter (from Scarsdale) to Kuttner, 2 June 1954 (ASK 12790) 1-2 at 1: "am 9.IX. fahre (fliege) ich nach Europa his zum 25.IX. Zwischendurch versuche ich mein Buch fertig zu schreiben!" Ladner, Letter (from Scarsdale) to Kuttner, 24 March 1955 (ASK 12798): "Ich kampfte jetzt mit den Quellennachweisen etc. meiner 2 Artikel ('Eikon' und 'Emeuerung') ftlr das Real/ex. for Antike u. Christentum. Und dann hoffentlich zurt\ck zu meinem Reformbuch, das ich diesen Sommer endlich fertig machen mochte." See also Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 12 September 1958 (ASK 12801): "Unsere Symbiose diesen Sommer war sehr erfreulich fi1r mich und fi1r uns alle." 83 Ladner, Postcard (Millstatt, Austria) to Oppenheimer, 16 August 1957 (lAS), also mentioning that he had just "read with great profit and pleasure your Reith lectures in German translation"; Ladner, Letter to Oppenheimer, 26 February 1959 (lAS), accepting his offer and thanking

30

The Emeritus' Apprentice: Insights In 1963, Ladner began teaching at UCLA. Emeritus

m 1974, he again became a Member of The Institute for Advanced Study. He also taught as Distinguished Visiting Professor of Medieval Studies at Berkeley and Visiting Professor at Dumbarton Oaks. There had already labored, lectured, and published. 85 He remained active at UCLA. I him for "remembering the fruitful and pleasant time which l spent at the Institute ten years ago." See also Woolf, Community 225. 84

There thanking Kantorowicz "for the delicious dinner" --something

expected of him, given his culinary skills--and for an "evening which I enjoyed so much," Ladner mused, "That I am now relatively close to you and that there is a chance of seeing you from time to time, to talk to you and ask questions, even foolish ones, is a very pleasant thought." See Ladner, Letter to Kantorowicz, 27 October 1953 (IAS). Ladner's note (LBI 3.7/4) inviting Kantorowicz for wine before Christmas seems to belong to the same period. From 1953 Ladner also taught at Columbia. See Hetzenecker Stephan Kuttner 155 n. 482. Kantorowicz died 9 September 1963. Returning from Vienna, Ladner found Kuttner's letter of 28 November waiting for him at UCLA. Responding by personalizing "die Tragodie" of Kennedy's assasination, which had overtaken Ladner in Vienna, he continued: "Was ftir ein Schock Ekas Tod ftir mich war, brauche ich Dir nicht zu sagen, obwohl er ja keinesweg unerwartet kam und genau so, wie er es sich gewllnscht hatte--p!Otzlich und nach einem letzen angeregten Abend bei den Panofskys." See Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 1 December 1963 (ASK 12807) 1-4 at 1. 85

Ladner, Erinnerungen 70-71, 78; Wolfram (1993) 455-56. He held this

Membership at lAS in the fall semester. See Woolf, Community 225. See also Memo (cc.) plans for Appendix to Papstbildnisse, 27 July 1974. For Berkeley, see Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 25 January 1973 with Xerox of letter to Gerard E. Caspary from whom Ladner accepted his appointment (spring quarter, 1973-74). He lectured on "Political and Ecclesiastical

31

met him in 1977, my first year as a graduate student. Within a year, I was his research assistant. I remained so until my doctorate in 1985. I thus helped him gather material for his uncompleted volume on reform. In 1980, I likewise took his last class on "The Medieval Idea of Reform." 86 His successor, a student of Kantorowicz, Robert L. Benson, chaired my doctoral committee. Yet Ladner himself provided an invaluable reading of my dissertation. In revised form, it became my first book. 87 As friends, we enjoyed one another's company after 1985. We corresponded after my departure to Yale in 1987. I last saw Ladner in 1990 in Los

Symbolism" and held a seminar on "Renewal Ideas and Movements from the Age of the Barbarian Invasion to the Carolingian Age." Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 24 June 1974 (ASK 12825) 1-2: "Vielleicht werde ich auch spater einmal der Anregung von Robert Brentano m1d anderen folgend ein Buch aus dem Symbolismus-Kurs machen--zur Erholung von Reform II!" See also John T. Noonan, (Copy) Letter to Ladner, 1974 (ASK 12824); Announcement of NEH Grant, l9 July 1974 (ASK 12826); Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 22 July 1974 (ASK 12827). Ladner also sat on the Institute of Medieval Canon Law's Board of Directors and as Chair in 1990 resigned after Kuttner and Stickler had. See Ladner, Letters to Kuttner, 21 October 1975,26 December 1990 (ASK 12830 [13], 12841 ); Kuttner, Letter to Ladner, 19 December 1990 (ASK 12840). 86

The course fell under the official rubric, "Topics in History." The

"medieval" description is mine. The title as it appears in my notes is "[dea of Reform--The Continuation." The course traced reform to the twelfth century. I cite these notes of 1980 only when they add something significant to the published record. 87

Field, Liberty esp. xiii-xviii. See also idern, My Response; idem, On the

Communion esp. 93 n. 155.

32

Angeles at a conference honoring tlenscm Ladner died 21 September 1993. One last autobiographical episode mention. Before I left UCLA, a conversation that I had with Benson turned to discussing Ladner's projects. Benson fretted about Ladner's work on symbolism. It seemed a distraction from the work on refonn. I responded to this observation by conceding its validity. I nonetheless confessed my countervailing fear. It was Ladner would take to the grave what he had about symbols. 88 With respect to Ladner and refonn, I continued, "He had already foundations massive and firm enough for someone else to build on." I even suggested that we could so, if we wanted. Benson smiled. My architectural premise seemed sound enough. I had nevertheless assumed too much concerning the ability of other builders. Some have laid a few bricks on Ladner's foundations, now daunting as well as solid. Still no one has tried to build extensively on them. Conversely, those who have built without his blueprint have built small structures that have collapsed. Lacking methodological and philological support, some fell of their ovm weight. Others toppled after· 89 Put differently, even in the scholarship leaned on breach, examination the significance of Ladner's work on refonn defines the historiographical status quaestionis. 88

Ladner, Handbuch (1992) trans. God, Cosmos (1995). Other

volumes never appeared. See also Grafinger, "Ladner" 2440, 2443. 89

Chapter VII.

33

The Idea of Reform as History and as Ladner's Lifework

The Idea of Reform elaborated Ladner's earlier work. 90 Although his death prevented subsequent volumes, studies published after 1959 nonetheless mark his project's progress. Some Ladner himself regarded as new prolegomena.91 Often this continued engagement defmed the very possibilities and limitations of historical "knowledge."92 In some respects, the book itself had stemmed from such a quest. Since "historical consciousness" had only occurred in history, neither stood apart from the other. 93 Without such transcendence, Ladner asserted neither ''the logic of the history of ideas" nor a universally "appropriate" or "ideal type" of logic. By philological orientation, he separated hermeneutics from neither their semantic conditioning nor

90

See, for example, Ladner, Review of Cairns, Image ofGod, 446: "That

man was made in the image of God, that this image-likeness is impaired but not lost and must be re-formed in him are among the deepest foundations of Christian theological anthropology." 91

Ladner, "On Roman Attitudes" esp. 768 n. 1; idem, "Religious

Renewal." ~2 Chapters 1, II, and IV. 93 Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 16 May 1945 (ASK 16769): "1 have so many plans for writing, both historical and art-historical, shall I ever carry them out? My 'pet plan' at present: 'Historical consciousness and ethical conscience in Christian civilization (I: 300-1600)."' Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 20 November 1945 (ASK 12773) 1-5 at 5: "Renewal Ideas in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance .... should also be a contribution to a study of 'ethical conscience and historical consciousness', of which I have written you some time ago."

34

their linguistic conventions. Historically they remained in flux. 94 The great philologist and insistent critic of Ladner's project, Ernst Robert Curtius, had forced him to confront a question. Even in its specificity, it proved fundamental. Did "reform" exist independent of topoi?95 If ideas were topoi, then language had constructed their reality in each and every usage. Conversely, if ideas were more meaningful or ultimately meaningful, then their meaning no longer derived from their historical usage. Given these alternatives--one nominalist, the other idealist--Ladner looked for "middle ground." His "moderate realism" neither confused nor separated reality and language. 96 Language referred to what, it alone could purport, lay outside itself. It rendered as history what was otherwise ineffable. 97 "Being, which can be understood," one of Heidegger's students stressed, "is language."98 In mapping this "middle ground," the existential Thornism of Ladner's friends, Maritain and

94

Cf. Bevir, The Logic of the History of Ideas esp. 8-10, 16-17, 21, 26-

77, 176, 188, citing remarkably few historians of ideas, all Anglophone. In the end (318), "the logic" appears as "my logic." Cf. also Skinner, "Meaning" esp. 49. Neither cited Ladner. 95

Chapter I. .

96

Chapter V. See also Ladner, Theologie 16-17.

97

Chapter III.

98

Gadamer, Hermeneutik I 478. On Gadamer, see Ladner, "Medieval and

Modem" 251. Gadamer himself cited Curtius. See Gadamer, "Symbol" 23.

35

Gilson, proved invaluable. So did German phenomenology, especially Edmund Husserl's and Martin Heidegger's. 99 Physics likewise balanced a mathematically defined reality against empirically discrete phenomena. Thus Ladner recognized its "moderate realism" as well. Albert Einstein, Niels Bohr, Robert Oppenheimer, and Kurt Godel defined or defended the same ground. At The Institute for Advanced Study, Ladner personally consulted them all, save Einstein. Ladner confessed, "I did not dare bother him with my problems." Yet Ladner did consult Kantorowicz. In lively, ambient, tangential exchange, Kantorowicz himself engaged Einstein. 100 So did Einstein's closest friend, Godel. 101 Fusing "Pythagorean and Platonic" concepts to "biblical ones," reform seemed "theological and mathematical in nature." But how could any nature--ipso facto present--have a true past? For historian and physicist alike, "time" remained a problem.

99

Chapter V.

100

Ladner, Erinnerungen 35, 68-69. Oppenheimer read Ladner's first

two excursus and GOdel the fourth. See Ladner, Idea ix. Teaching at Princeton and Member of IAS in 1949, a Georgean and friend of both Kantorowicz and Einstein, Erich von Kahler, continued work on his philosophy of history. See Raulff, Kreis 295-313, 345, idem, "Die amerikanische." Ladner never cited Kahler's Man the Measure (1943). 101

Feferman, "Godel's life" 11-14, 24-25; Wang, Reflections esp. 30-40;

Dawson, Logical Dilemmas 176-214. See also GOdel, "An example;" idem, "A remark"; idem, "Some observations" (* 1946/9-82 and *1946/9B2); idem, "Rotating universes."

36

In 1949, Ladner wrestled with a "fundamental difference" between Greek and Latin notions. "In the case of the Greeks, reform means essentially a 'cleansing' of the mind, leading to ecstasy and deification (Ssro Race"; idem, "Additional Note"; idem, "Geistesgeschichte vs. History of Ideas"; idem, "History of Ideas"; idem, "Classical" esp. 409-

!0; idem, "Name"; idem, "Des guillemets"; idem, "Note"; idem, Essays in Historical Semantics; Lovejoy, "Reply to Professor Spitzer"; idem, "Reflections";

idem,

"'Nature'

as

Norm";

idem, "Communism";

Morrison, Mimetic 403-14. See also Breslin, "Philosophy" esp. 3 70-81; Trommler, "Germanistik" 322-27; Richards, Modernism 9, 37 n. 68.

275

truth." 172 Unlike Dilthey, then, Ladner distinguished past

ideas, linguistically extant, from present aesthesis. Unlike Lovejoy, Ladner hardly deduced ideas in themselves. Inductively, he demonstrated them in their contemporary expression. 173 "(W]hat is now called the history of ideas ... could perhaps be better defined as the reflection of theology and philosophy in political and cultural history." 174 To Kuttner, then, Ladner's "history of ideas ... proved fruitful.. .convincing" and "very original." It combined "analysis of medieval theological thought with political and institutional history." Since "generalizing comparisons" came "by strictly scientific demonstration ... first-hand research, criticism and interpretation of texts," Ladner's project on reform promised "coherent meaning to ... observations hitherto treated as isolated phenomena." It combined "institutional and ideological research" and applied "them to ecclesiastical as well as secular history." 175

172

Ladner, Review of Steinen, Homo, 402. Iconographically, then,

"motifs" as Leitideen corresponded to Ide en as linguistic artifacts ( 406). See also Schlosser, "Portraiture" 889; Kopperschmidt, "Topik." 173

Kuttner, Cc. recommendation ofLadner "TO: Guggenheim Founda-

tion," 4 December 1948 {ASK 12782) 1-2 at l. On Lovejoy, see Spitzer, "History ofldeas" esp. 608 n. 9. 174

Ladner, Copy ofletter to Mmtin R.P. McGuire, 10 June 1945 (ASK

12770) l-3 at 2. 175

Kuttner, Cc. recommendation of Ladner "TO: Guggenheim Founda-

tion," 4 December 1948 (ASK 12782) 1-2 at l.

276

Such research avoided previous epistemological pitfalls. Lovejoy had reified. Dilthey had exposed but, in some respects, also grounded Positivismus and Historismus as psychologisms. 176 Hence Ladner looked to Husser! and Wind. Dividing itself from entities known by it, consciousness produced self-awareness of things other than self. Working from existence to thought, Maritain drew similar conclusions. "[A]n intelligence determined never to disown itself' confronted "the act of existing." Even cognitive "unity could not precede severance in the mind." By apprehension, the mind "dissolves the unity" of subjects and objects. By judgment, however, the mind re-establishes it and so actively affirms existence in both. "Thus existence is made object" and "the subject grasps itself as existent." 177 As art historian as well as historian of ideas, Ladner remained receptive to psychology. Hence he had little problem extending the conscious realm. Yet this extension 176

Oexle, "Historismus" esp. 125-29.

Ladner, Idea 423-31 esp. n.14, 433-42 esp. n. 2; Wind, "Some Points" 255-58, 263; Husser!, Die Krisis 225-27, 248-60, 344-47; idem, Ideen 732, 44-45, 108-10; idem, Logische Untersuchungen 2.2.139-203; Maritain, Existence 2, 17-18,23,27-28 n. 13; Smith, "Critique"; Lohmar, 177

"Kategoriale Anschauung"; Breslin, "Philosophy" esp. 370-71, 375-76, 380-81; Oexle, "Memoria als Kultur" 61-63; Summers, "Meaning 15. Stein noted striking parallels between Aquinas' and Husserl's "abstraction." Husserl's later work, evinced in his Paris lectures of 1929, took a more pronounced idealistic tum. See Stein, "Husserls Phiinomenologie" 331-38; Husser!, Cartesian Meditations; Heidegger, Introduction 203-13; Caputo, Heidegger esp 20-23, 34-36, 75-81;

Ricoeur, From Text esp. 25-52. Cf. Musurillo, Review 473.

277

had limitations. For "[t]he conscious mind ... rashly" identifies "itself with the content of the unconscious or its 'projections."' The past could not rightly emerge as a "projection" of the present "self." Thus had it wrongly emerged in Faust, Nietzsche, and too many nationalists. 178 The history of ideas had to remain open to the history of persons. This included "the potentialities that a new type of psychological history might have." After all, "in every creative work of historical writing the seminal idea...comes from ...personal experiences." 179 Yet one's own mind hardly reduced the historical "life of the mind." No past seemed reducible to a psychological typology. 180 Cassirer, Panofsky, and Jaeger anticipated Ladner's "middle ground." There, despite Neo-Kantian or Platonic inspiration, Jaeger and Panofsky established their ldeengeschichte or Begriffsgeschichte. They placed it philologically between Dilthey's "empathetic" psychologism and Lovejoy's "critical" reification. As "phenomenology of

Ladner, Review of Jung 318-19. See also Ladner, "Future" 19; idem, "Religious Renewal" 356; Kantorowicz, "Grenzen" 111; Zerner, "Alois 178

Riegl" 181-83; Panofsky, "Begriff'; Lovejoy, "Reflections" 16-23; Wehrli, "Was" 32-35; Seeba, "Zum Geist-" 245-51. Cf. Oexle, Geschichtswissenschaft esp. 73-83, 111-29, 143-44, 224-29. In Hapsburg

Vienna, Freuds and Ladners were friends. Ladner's friend Ernst Kris was art historian and psychoanalyst. See Ladner, Erinnerungen 16-17, 24. 179

Ladner, "Middle Ages" 979-80, 999.

180

Respectively, Ladner, "Life" 903; idem, "First European" 118.

278

linguistic form," 181 Cassirer's "reform of concept" likewise preceded Ladner's "concept of reform." 182 Yet a supposedly transcendent logic related Cassirer's phenomenon to linguistic form. Hence his ldeengeschichte exceeded Ladner's "middle ground." Idealism conflated past and present. A student of one of Dilthey's students, Kantorowicz, insisted on distinction. Specific views had imagined history, religiously, artistically, and politically. 183 Kantorowicz stressed a past "idea" as a "fiction" in "its transformations, implications, and radiations." Like Ladner, he implicitly placed himself between Dilthey and Cassirer, especially as Panofsky understood him. Functionally, however, Kantorowicz remained closer to Dilthey. Ladner, Idea esp. ix, 47 n. 61,313 n. 38,319 n. 1, 433-42,483 (1967) 491; idem, Erinnerungen 37-39,68-69, 71; idem, "Emeuerung" 242-47, 251; idem, "Eikon" 785; idem, "History ofldeas" esp. 439, 455, 473-77, 481; idem, "Philosophical" 838; idem, "New Book" 396; idem, Review of Jung 317; Cassirer, "Eidos"; idem, "Deutschland"; idem, Philosophie der symbolischen 1.55-123 ("Zur Philnomenologie der sprachlichen Form"); Panofsky, Idea: Ein Beitrag; idem, "Begriff"; Jaeger, Paideia; idem, Early Christianity. See also Eppelsheimer, "Das RenaissanceProblem" esp. 490; Hardtwig, "Kunst" 189-90; Barner, "Zwischen Gravitation"; Hiinel, "Begriff''; Oexle, "Krise" 72-73, 81-82, 85-87, 96, 109-10; Wehrli, "Was" esp. 25; Kohnke, Rise 23-24; Dor, "Modem"; Zemer, "Aiois Riegl" 177, 180; Raphael, Geschichtswissenschaft 156-72. 182 Hiinel, "Begriff' 305-309; Heymans, "Cassirerschen Reform." See also Cassirer, "Zur Theorie des Begriffs"; Ryckamn, Conditio"; P!Umacher, "Im Streit." 183 Ladner, "Medieval and Modem" 251. On Kantorowicz' debt to Gothein in this respect, see Malkiel (1970) 159-62; Grebner, "Italisches" 181

118, 126-29.

279

Thus Kantorowicz hoped to avoid "dangers customary with ... some history of ideas." As "all-toosweeping and ambitious studies," they lost "control over topics, material, and facts." Citing Cassirer, Kantorowicz noted "vagueness ... unsubstantiated generalizations; and ... tedious repetitions." 184 To Ladner, Kantorowicz, "pagan and thoroughly unmoralistic ... had very clear standards and bmmdaries of lifestyle." He "most often expressed" them "only in a 'That's not so' or also simply in a 'That I don't know."' This rigor and tolerance benefited his students. Esthetic sovereignty and moral vision came as a unity. It paradoxically eternalized a moment without fixed future. 185

184

Kantorowicz, King's viii-ix. See also idem, "Grenzen" 111, J21; idem,

"Mythenschau" 457;

idem, "Sovereignty"; Baethgen,

Review of

Kantorowicz 76; Mali, "Mythenschau" esp. 42-44; Rader, "Bernstein" 68-70; GrUnewald, Ernst 49-53, 90-101; idem, "Sanctus" 99-1 00; idem,

"Aber

wer"

351;

Trommler,

"Germanistik"

318-22;

Summers,

"Meaning"; Geary, "Oblivion" esp. 119, 122. For parallels in Dilthey, see Seeba, "Zum Geist-" esp. 249-51; Sauerland, "Paradigmawechsel" esp. 256-63. Cf. Kriegel, "Kantorowicz" esp. J24-127; Krois, "Begriff." 185

Ladner,

Erinnerungen

34-35;

Field,

"Acclamation"

n.

232;

GrUnewald, Ernst 88-89; idem, "Aber wer"; Post, "Ernst"; Malkiel (1964) 10-ll. Responding to Kuttner's "Idee eines literarischen Monument fllr ihn," Ladner noted that Kantorowicz' friends at lAS and his Californian students had, before his illness, discussed "die Moglichkeit einer Festschrift zu seinem 70. Geburtstag." Esp. in the face of Kantorowicz' objection "gegen Festschriften der gewohnlichen Art," this project became his Selected Studies. See Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 1 December 1963 (ASK 12807) 1-4 at 2.

280

"[T]he horrifying experience" of his own time neither determined nor deterred the course of his research. Neither present fears nor present enticements guided the past. Its uses of its ideas best, but never completely, explained their historical meaning. They demanded present care, limited by, because accounting for, their conceptual alterity. Given the enduring foreignness of past truths and the evanescent nativism of present relevance, the historical "fiction" of the king's two bodies evinced in topoi and other art re-emerged as the "tenet" or "unifYing principle" that facilitated the "selection of facts as well as their synthesis." 186 Commonly recognized, the magisterial character

The King's Two

Bodies needed no confirmation from Ladner. As he saw portions defined the apex of twentieth-century historical science and historiographical esthetics. Ladner nonetheless confessed that, shortly before Kantorowicz died, he had asked Ladner about the book. "Today," Ladner wrote shortly before his own death, "I am sorry that my reaction ... was not positive." Likening Kantorowicz' inferences to Goethe's in Faust II, Ladner 186

Kantorowicz, King's viii-ix. Cf. Schmidt, "Die Ruck.kehr" 616-17. 01~

the "bitter experience" of the recent past, see Ladner, "First European" 117. See also Ladner, Erinnerungen 36; Field, "Christendom" 158-60; Mali, Mythistory 222-25. A review could therefore observe Kantorowicz' artistry, integrity, and erudition in "demonstrating this assimilation and transformation of ideas" without trying "to 'prove .. .influence' or "claiming more than resemblance." See Dunham, Review esp. 551. See also Rader, "Gemina"; Migliorino, ll corpo 42 esp. n. 44; Baethgen, "Ernst" esp. 10-12.Cf. Menke, "Zonen" esp. 131-32.

281

continued, "In that respect, he was not very well pleased, and my answer indeed also indicated no great understanding." Ladner had "since worked through the book often and with great profit." Yet he remained conflicted. "Perhaps it is so, because the object--the dialectic between the lord as person and the lordship as institution--could not make an entirely convincing unity out things as different as ... Shakespeare's llichard II, the Wunderkind Otto HI on the imperial throne, medieval liturgy, medieval law, the death-images of kings, and Dante's double crowning through Vergil." Kantorowicz had exposed a fiction that had pervasively informed law, liturgy, and lordship. Nor had such constitutional theory seemed limited to genres or elites. Drama and poetry testified to its popular diffusion as truth. To Ladner, then, Kantorowicz' boundary between fiction and truth remained unclear. 187 Kantorowicz refused to draw it. Especially given the disparate nature of the genres, his methodology resembled a sociology of literature, "so far as there is a societal reality." 188 Ladner assumed that there was. Like Kantorowicz, however, Ladner hardly recycled methodological assumptions as historical proofs. 189 With respect to Geistesgeschichte, then, his moderate realism overlapped Kantorowicz' moderate nominalism. Neither

187 188

Ladner, Erinnerungen 39. See also Kempf, "Untersuchungen." Vosskamp, "Literatursoziologie" esp. 295 for quotation and

connection to Foucault. See also Kantorowicz, "Epiphany" (LBI 105860) 36-38. Cf. Liebeschtitz, "Ernst" 346. 189

Field, "Christendom" esp. 169-70.

282

parroting nor obviating premodern language, meaning emerged in analogy between and present concepUa11Z8Lnons. To Kantorowicz, both entailed fictive claims on truth

so phenomenologically precluded fully realistic

assessments. Ladner, both linguistically claimed truths that required realistic and philological adequation. 190 As a review of Ladner observed, "Linguistic equivalence is not always conceptual identity." 191

190 191

See Chapters VI-VII. Cf. Uglow, Historian's esp. 162-65. Thraede, Review;

"Christendom"; Gen§by, "Carl"; Oakley,

Omnipotence 33-34. For juridical transmission and transformations of fidelitas, for example, see Ryan, "Oath." Cf. Park, "Understanding" 287.

283

PART HI THE HISTORY OF REFORM AND OTHER EVENTS

284

VI THE HISTORICITY OF REFORM AND ORIGINS OF LATE ANTIQUITY

With an eye on Aquinas and Husser!, 1 Ladner pondered the anomaly of "reform" functioning as a verbal sign separate from what it signified and, at the same time, indicating something true. Since error, even in post-Christian traditions, remained a function of intellectual and volitional freedom, what made any truth true and to what effect?2 In 1

Husserl, Logische Untersuchungen esp. 2.1.23-37, 462-85. See also

Sokolowski, "Husser!"; Simons, "Spezies" esp. 83-86; Aquinas below. 2

Augustine, Confessiones 13.25.38 (Skutella 359-60); Thomas Aquinas,

Summa Theologiae I qu. 16 (Busa 211-13); Ladner, Ad imaginem 12-13,

79; Repgen, "Reform" esp. 5; Javelet, "La nHntroduction"; Lubac, "Esprit et liberte"; Garth, La conception de liberte; Frank, "Role" 70-75; Oakley, "Medieval" esp. 81-83; Schmidt-Biggemann, Theodizee 16-31, 45-50; Beduelle, Le temps 338-42. Never just a "personal and political freedom," Christian tA.euOEpia or libertas, whatever else it became, remained eschatological and volitional. See Joannis de Segovia, Historia gestorum 10.22 (Birk 915); Concilium Basiliense Handakten 9.50, 63-65,

99, 10.48, 104, 15.l-18.fol. llOa (Dannenbauer 99, 101-102, 109, 119, 128, 147-65); Statuta capitulorum 1494.38 (Canivez 89); Ladner, Idea 3; "Reform: Innovation" 546-49; idem, "Gregory the Great" 644-50, 65556; idem, "Impact" 818-21; idem, "Philosophical Anthropology" 833; idem, "Greatness" 890-91; idem, "Future" 25; idem, "History of Ideas"

460; idem, "Religious Renewal" 341-53; Field, My Response esp. 21-26; idem, Liberty; Lohmer, "Pseudoepigraphica" 122; Robinson, "Reform"

291-334; Burghardt, Image 40-64; Vecoli, 1/ sole 43-44, 74-75; Marrou, Time 174-78; Classen, "Die iilteste" 189-90; Pascoe, "Religious Orders";

Bullough, Carolingian Renewa/284-85; Monahan, From Persona/6, 14, 263-65; Mertens, Reformkonzilien esp. 456-57; Walsh, "Papsttum" 411-

285

the famous debate between Heidegger and Cassirer, existential

freedom

and

transcendent

truth

remained

dysfunctional. Conversely, existential truth never transcended cognition. 3 Rejecting these modem antinomies, Ladner adapted an older view. In physics, Bohr had reformulated

it.

He

thus

suggested

the

recently

teleological

complementarity of freedom and truth. 4 13, 417; Angelov, Imperial Ideology; Die abendlandische Freiheit esp. F1ied, "Einleitung," Flasch, "Freiheit"; Boucheron, "Palimpsestes"; Chastang, "Passe" 195, 199; Struve, "Reform" 104-107; Schreiner, "Legitimation" 81-83; Boshof, "Kloster" 212-22; Bolling, "Die zwei Korper" 174; Hillgarth, "Eschatological and Political Concepts"; Landau, Officium. Positivistic reduction of "freedom" to "everyday life" made it nothing more than "freedom from external coercion" or "freedom from intoxication." See Ladner, Idea 439-41. Cf. Frank, Modern Science 167. As Ladner noted, Christian libertas, which precluded any cosmological detenninism and entailed obedience, had political consequences. Against "the Ostrogothic version of the Byzantine Basileia" or "royal 'political' God-likeness," for example, Boethius invoked the eschatological civitas and its iustitiae libertas. See Boethius, De consolatione philosophiae 1.5.4-5

(Moreschini

21);

Ladner,

Idea

15-16,

420-21;

Field,

"Christendom" esp. 150, 155-57, 166; Moorhead, "Libertas"; Lowe, "Von Theodorich" 34-35, 42-43. See also Bernhardt, "Henry II" 58-63; Gregory, Inintended 180-234; Schneidmilller, "Constructing" 181-88; Seibert, "Libertas"; Fried, "Uber den Universalismus." Heidegger, "Davoser Disputation"; Rudolph, "Humanismus"; Rod, "Transzendentalphilosophie"; Rudolph, "Freiheit"; Kaegi, "Davos"; 3

Frede, "Einheit"; Gerhardt, "Der Rest." See also Heidegger, Introduction esp. 60-61, 72, 86-91, 94-126, 176, 235-36; Caputo, Heidegger 37-40; Blumenberg, Legitimaq esp. 27-35; Watanabe, Concord 43-51, 58. 4 Ladner, Erinnerungen 68; idem, Idea 437-42, 454-59, citing Oppenheimer, Science 76-82; Bohr, "On the Notions" 318; Einstein,

286

Reform This teleology raised other questions. Did "reform" have a logical or formal identity comparable to "real so, how could "historical reason" recognize or

numbers?"

this identity, otherwise in language? 5

"

all

nonmathematical definitions ... every definition of historical facts" seemed provisional. historical

facts

definitively

seemed

known."

After all, "among all facts," "the

They

least

exhaustively

remained

"incomplete

and on

principle."6 Hence Ladner regarded his definition as a "conceptual tool." It helped distinguish frequent Christian uses of refarmatio from other uses. 7 "Physik" esp. 318; Maritain, On the Philosophy 24-28, 32-34; idem,

Existence 10-11, 85-122; Lion, "Social"; Aron, Introduction esp. 246, 268-74; Fleming, "Emigre" 164-68. See also Maritain, Antimoderne 4451, 65-69, 77-117; idem, Three Reformers esp. 42-50, 80; Steinen, Kitsch

und Wahrheit; Salomone, "Pluralism"; Zwierlein "Magna quaestio"; Braungart,

Asthetischer

Katholizismus

92-96;

Simonotti,

"Tra

metamorfosi"; Grandi, "Paul Landsberg"; Olivetti "L'impegno"; Oexle, "Wirklickheit" esp. 13-15; idem, "Georg Simmels" 36-45; Strasser, "Anselm"; Hardtwig, "Geschichtsreligion" 25; Ramonat, "Demok-ratie." 5

Ladner, Idea 459-62; Musru-iHo, Review 474. See also Frank, "Time"

50-52; Husser!, Philosophie als strenge Wissenschaft 8-13; Cassirer,

Freiheit77-79. Cf. Park, "Understanding" esp. 280-85. 6

Ladner, Idea 425. Arguably messier than Ladner (428 esp. n. 4)

imagined, mathematical definitions nonetheless have a historicity, which he recognized (454-59). Cf. Weyl, Philosophy qfMathematics 8-13. 7

Ladner, Idea 9, 35, 39-41. See also idem, "Erneuerung"; Lumpe, "Zur

Bedeutungsgeschichte." Inventing "basic definitions" of "reform and r~formation"

reduces historical data. Cf. Hayden, Six Hundred 8~11. Numinous inheritance from Claudius II even "Romani imperii

287

Facts emerged from the original sources, when evidence "controlled" reckonings "over and over again." Otherwise "facts" pertained more to modem presuppositions than to past data. Ladner's definition thus accounted for pervas1ve premodern reckonings informed by historically recurrent and recombinant usage. Rigorous philological examination exposed their convergence as a coherent, a cogent, and an enduring phenomenon. Ladner therefore concluded, "The word 'reform' expresses the meaning of all these terms best." 8 He thus coined the "the idea of refom1" or the "Christian idea of reform." It described patristic explanations that otherwise unaccountably invoked the same linguistic universe, to similar e:ffect. 9 Similarly relating mathematical concepts, definitions, and consequences, Godel wrote, "concepts ... which ... describe those structures" referred to "reality--to be more exact...to combinations of things."lO After all, mathematicians had discovered, as well solutam ... disciplinam primus reformauit." See Incerti Panegyricus Constantino 7(6).2 (Galletier 2.55); Ladner, "Roman Attitudes" 787. In the edition of 1967, Idea 490 addressed Levi's criticism of Ladner's deliberately "scanty discussion of late ancient syncretistic antecedents ... and parallels" and cited Ladner, "Homo Viator"; Roques, Structures 3239; Straub, "flaA.tvyEVecrio."; Kantorowicz, "Oriens." Citing Peterson, Straub (661 n. 32) likewise noted that the Nicene Church rejected politische Theologie. See also Theiler, "Antike." Cf. reviews of Ladner

by Kempf329, Ullmann 191, Mohrmann 236. 8

Ladner, Idea 51,425. See also Chapter VII.

9

Ladner Idea 1-3, 52; also 5, 49,277-78,423. Cf. Levi, Review 171. Godel, "Is mathematics syntax? (*1953/9-~)" 360 and "(*1953/9-Jil)"

10

349.

288

as defined, concepts as reaL Other mathematicians not only consciously corroborated but also independently rediscovered them. 11 Following the logic of Alfred North Whitehead or, implicitly, Godel's critique it, noted definitions--if more than mere assignment of nan1es" -expressed a reality. They constituted "the most important part of the subject." Thus "assigning names" seemed "the act of choosing .. .ideas" as "the special object of study." On act, the "whole subject depends." 12 exists "in history and it is the subject matter of this study." '"[N]either merely response ... nor sterile return to a dead past," reform seemed "essentially Christian in its origin and early development." 13 Ancient Christians linked creation and redemption in the Incarnation. It variously formed humanity again or fully. Historically instanced by this idea, the phenomenon of refonn seemed "the essence the Christian religion." It extended to "Christian civilization and its history." 14

u Godel, "Russell's"; idem, "Remarks before the Princeton"; idem, "Is mathematics syntax? (*1953/9/ll)" 342-43, 351; Parsons, "Introductory note to 1946" 144; Moore, "Introductory" 164-65, 174; Fefennan, "GOdel's life" 31-34. 12

Ladner, Idea 425-26; Whitehead, Axioms 3. See also O'Malley, "Was

Ignatius" 1 13

Dreben, "Introductory note" 44-45.

Ladner, Idea 9, 24-26 esp. n. 45, 35,40-41, 436. Cf. Eliade, Le myth de

eternal retour. 14

Ladner, "Impact" 824. See also idem, "Life" 906-907.

289

By its conceptual historicity, "reformation toward" the "original image-likeness to God" seemed central. By its linguistic historicity, it pervaded "early Christian and mediaeval thought and life." Hence Ladner's conviction rested on a broad foundation at once philological and phenomenological. 15 By past self-understandings, "'no similarity" linked · "divine simplicity and the multiplicity of human sense perception." Human image-likeness to God resided in the uncreated relationship of the divine N01fs and A6yoc;. Through the Incarnation, this relationship became perceptibly analogous to human mind and word. The relationship thus allowed and demanded human mimesis. The imago Dei mediated human freedom and divine love. 16 In ways that reflected the interests of Panofsky and Kantorowicz as well, 17 Ladner regarded cultural consequences. As Ladner, Idea 3-5. See also idem, "Philosophical Anthropology"; Thraede's review 170; Repgen, "Reform" 20-24; Morrison, Mimetic 3215

114. Ladner, "Philosophical Anthropology" esp. 832, 848-51; idem, "Eikon"; idem, "Greatness" 882-84; idem, "Karolingische Modifizier16

ung"; Javelet, "La reintroduction." 17 Theodor Klauser, "Studien zur Entstehungsgeschichte der christlichen Kunst I," Jahrbuchfur Antike und Christentum I (1958) 20-51. Kantorowicz lent Klauser's offprint to Panofsky, who, with these comments on Klauser's "most interesting" work, thanked Kantorowicz and returned it: "I find it rather presumptuous to say that archeologists of Christian art had believed this art was as old as Christianity itself up to about 1928. This may be true of such embattled Catholics as Wilpe1t; but it is certainly not true of Eisler, von Sybel, and a host of others ... .I shall certainly be more careful than I have been in formulating some of the

290

"the central tenet of Christia11 theology," the image-likeness seemed Christian art's "the greatest justification." It consequences simultaneously christological and politicaL 18 In the West, the "key terms of reformatio" and renovatio persisted with grammatical links to one another. These links extended to the similarly twinned topoi of the imago and similitudo Dei. Over centuries, the terminology changed, even as it enriched the meaning of the original terms. Though the terms themselves hardly always appeared together, nonetheless shared a very long history. It warranted or corresponded to new periodicity. 19

statements in my future Tombs." See Panofsky, Letter to Kantorowicz, 5 March 1959 (IAS). Among Kantorowicz'

at IAS, see also

Ladner, Review of Morey, Early Christian Art. Corresponding with Klauser (LBI 223), Kantorowicz contributed his "Constantinus" to Klauser's Festchrift. See also Klauser, Letter to Kantorowicz, 24 March 1945 (LBI 1.3/29); Kantorowicz, Laudes 60 n. 156, 100 n. 122, 131 n. 57; idem, "Charles the Bald" (LBI 928, 930) 3* n. 13, 5* n 20. and Significance"; idem, "The Concept of the Image"; idem, "History of Ideas" 474-75; idem, "Varia" 436-47; Cameron, "Language"; Kessler, "Image"; Nagel, Anachronic

393 n. 26 (citing Ladner). Cf. Brenk,

"Visibility" esp. 145 n. 21 (citing Ladner); Schnitzler, "Bildersti.irmer." 19

Ladner, Idea 3-5. See a!so idem, "Reformatio"; idem, "Reform:

Innovation"

543-45;

Chastang,

"Introduction"

9-12;

"Christendom" 142-46; Brady, "Introduction: Renaissance" esp. xv-xvii; Constable, Reformation 285 n. 143. For periodization as '·'intellectual prison," see Gregory, Unintended 7-10.

291

Late Antiquity and Postmodernity Nineteenth-century historicists often regarded such

concepts as renovatio or "renaissance" as previous versions of Historismus. Positivism re-enforced this transhistorical pretense. 20 Given its methodological condescension toward anything premodern, Ladner participated in "'the so-called 'revolt of the medievalists."' It not only "discovered a number of 'Renaissances,' 'reforms,' and similar 'movements' of renewal." It also redrew their chronological boundaries. By growing awareness, the old boundaries seemed neither natural nor neat. The twelfth century, for example, had invented modernitas. The seventeenth century invented the medius aevus. 21 Much "modem" remained "medieval" and vice versa. 22 20

Oexle, "Historismus" 122-26.

21

Mout, "Pia Curiositas" 147. Cf. Cellarius, Historia medii aevi ( 1688);

Muhlack, "Mittelalter." For media tempestas, see Bussi, Praefazioni 2 (Miglio 18). For "Renaissance" and Petrarch's invention of the "Dark Ages," see Ladner, "Varia" 478-79, 514-21. See also Ladner, Theologie 88, 160 n. 451; idem, "Terms and ldeac;" esp. 718 n.146; Hirsch, "Das Mittelalter" 2, 7; Kantorowicz, "Grenzen" 110; Curtius, European 385;

idem, "Medieval Bases" 29, 33; idem, "Eine neue Geschichte" 45-47; Wehrli, Review of Curtius 85; Buck, "Zu Begriff' esp. 17-18; Cram, "New Middle Ages" esp. 258-60; Haskins, Renaissance; Moos,

Geschichte 239-43, 349, 381-82, 449-53, 526-27; Fuhrmann, Deutsche Geschichte 28-31; Gotz, "Historismus" 199-201, 206; Monfasani, "Renaissance"; Ricklin, "Giovanni Andrea Bussi und die media

tempestas"; Field, "Christendom" esp. 142-46; Constable, Reformation esp. 1; Heinzle, "Boccaccio" esp. 61 -62; Kristeller, Medieval; Renais-

sances before the Renaissance; Gatto, Viaggio; Ullmann, Medieval

292

To Curtius, "Charlemagne looms from afar as the first representative of the modem wodd.'' In a way drew significant attention, Curtius did not see the Middle Ages ending until the eighteentl~ century. 23 In any event, the modernity that Ladner had known in youth destroyed itself To many German-speakers, the cultural devastation or lost confidence in the world seemed particularly profound. Maritain shared it.

24

After his own epochal peregrinatio,25

Foundations; Obenmm, "Shape." See also Kantorowicz, "Charles the Bald." Cf. Zumthor, "Moyen-Age" 152. Gelasius I coined modernus. Eleventh-century refonners reminted it in a way that anticipated the next century's modernitas. See Qelasius, Ep. 20=JK 651 (Theil 387); Ladner, "Plans" 7; idem, "Mittelalterliche Refonn-ldee" 590; idem, "History of Ideas" 480-83; Curtius, "Rhetorische" 236; idem, European 251-55; Landsberg, Die Welt esp. 102; Chenu, "Antiqui, modemi"; Sporl, "Das Alte"; Freund, Modemus; Gilson, "Le moyen age"; Gassmann, Antiqui; Gumbrecht, "Toposforschung"; Zimmennann, Antiqui und Moderni; Constable, "Renewal" 63-66; Benson, "Political" 382-83; Van Engen,

Rupert esp. l-6. Cf. Heer, '"Renaissance'-Ideologie" 45; Panofsky, Renaissance and Renascences 33-35, 219. 22

Fuhrmann, Deutsche Geschichte 11-43. I received my copy of this

book, stamped "Uberreicht vom Verfasser," as a Christmas present from Ladner. 23

Curtius, European 19-24 esp. 20, 24. Cf. Spitzer, Review of Curtius

428. 24

Maritain, Antimoderne; idem, Three; Lowith, Meaning; Ladner,

"Greatness" 880, 895-96, 901, idem, Erinnerungen 30, 35-36; Curti us,

European esp. vii-viii; idem, "Medieval Bases" 39; Heinzle, "Boccaccio"

41-43; Breuer, Asthetischer Fundamentalismus; Pl:ipping, Abend!and; Caronello,

"II

paradigma";

Chenaux,

"Le

condizioni";

Schulin,

"Weltkriegserfahnmgen"; Fried, "Einleitung" to Kantorowicz, Gotter 1820; Sloterdijk, Regeln; Oexle, "Georg Simmels" esp. 46-49; idem,

293

Ladner had reason to affirm Toynbee's v1ew from 1939. "[T]he modern age, which began in the dawn of the Renaissance," had ended. Modernity disappeared "somewhere in the crisis, which erupted into World War I." In 1923, another Jewish, medievalist convert to Catholicism, Paul Ludwig Landsberg, even argued a "postmodem order" (nachneu-

zeitliche Ordnung), "higher than ... the Middle Ages." Only through it could "Modernity justify itself." In

this

respect,

Romano

Guardini,

influenced Landsberg, echoed him.

In

who

had

1964, Ladner

corroborated the new periodicity. "Today," he wrote, "we live in a ... post-modem age ... closer to the Middle Ages." Thus he surveyed its hopeful, ethical, and voluntaristic "estrangement from the world. " 26 Such estrangement from

"Gennan Malaise"; Keyser, "Werner" 85-89; Schmidt, "Werner Jaeger" esp. 161; White, "Werner'' 272-75. On recollections of conversations with Curti us, see Spender, "Gerrnan Impressions" 7-13, 19-21. 25 In 1942 one of Kantorowicz's letters to Ladner read: "Unser Brie:fwechsel wird spater unseren 'Kleinen Schriften' beigefUgt werden milssen und schliesslich einen Migneband ergeben: BEA TI BURIANI ET EKAE EPISTOLAE (Ihren Anspruch auf Heiligkeit dilrften Sie sich hoffentlich im Laufe der nachsten Zeit verscherzt haben, so bleibe ich nur iibrig, urn wie David und Salomon als israelitischer Heiliger angerufen zu werden." Ladner's deferred sanctity alludes to his approaching marriage. See Ladner, Erinnerungen 36. Landsberg, "Die Lehre des Novalis" 17 (quotation); idem, Die Welt 30 (on Guardini); Ladner, "Greatness" 880, 895-96, 901. Cf. Toynbee, A 26

Study 5.43: "Our own 'Post-Modern' Age has been inaugurated by the

General War of 1914-18." For Nach-Neuzeit, see Guardini (1946) 4, (1950) esp. 60-61. On Guardini, see Ladner, Review of Steinen, Homo

294

the nineteenth-century-European master narrative hardly occurred once and for all. Intellectual and cultural form hardly followed function. Still Ladner's and Kantorowicz' friend, Panofsky, pioneered what some see as postmodern "retrieval of meaning. ,,27 408 n. 6. See also Guardini, "Erwiderung"; idem, "Unsere geschichtliche Zukunft"; Ladner, "Homo viator'; Albert, Das gemeinsame Sein 25-31; CaroneHo, "H paradigma" 39-42, 61-62;

"Le condizioni";

Oexle, Geschichtswissenschoft 134-62; Marrou, Time 7-8, 172-74. Cf. Koslowski, Die Priifung der Neuzeit esp. 11-21, 76-87; idem, Die postmodeme Kultur esp. 12. "For the pilgrimage topos in late medieval

aspirations of reform" and for "the middle high German tenns ...staete and unstaete, which are akin to order and alienation and likewise belong

to the condition of Homo Viator," see Ladner, "Homo viator" 1040, 1046. Fellow Austrian exile and medievalist, Walter Ullmann, wrote, with respect to Dante, "All experience proves that banishment and

exile ... stimulate associative consciousness as perhaps nothing else," as hindsight and prospect seemed linked by more than chance or introspection. See E. UHmann, Walter Ullmann esp. 18 (for "permanent scars"), 29 (quotation on Dante). See also Wedekind, "Europa im Exil"; Vian, "L'opera"; Walther, "Ernst"; Eisler, "Kuntsgeschichte." For the

"Einschlag der UHmann-Schule," recently evinced in Tierney's book, see Ladner, Letter to Kuttner, 22 April 1954 (ASK 12800). The Oxford English Dictionary's earliest listing of "postmodern" (hyphenated) dates

to 1917. See also McGiffert (1932) 170; Hudnut (1949) 108-19; Miran (1951); Trueblood (1954); Drucker, Landmarks (1957) esp. ix-xii on "this post-modern world"=Das Fundament esp. 7-] l on "u."lsere nachneuzeitliche Welt." 27

Hiscock, Symbol 3-1. See also Ladner, Erirmerungen 37-41,

idem, Idea viii-ix; idem, "Varia" 451; idem, "Eikon" 785;

idem,

"Symbolism of the Biblical" !72 esp. n. 4, 188-89; Panofsky, "Zum

Problem der Beschreibung"; Grunewald, "Aber wer" 352, 354-55, 362;

295

Such moral, esthetic, hem1eneutical, and epistemological recalibration corresponded to epochal re-articulations of Antiquity as well. To Georgeans and Panofsky, Warburg had likewise explored "the 'half-life' of antiquity." It "radiated through the Medieval. " 28 Only outdated modern conventions separated Antiquity from the Middle Ages. "George himself," Ladner observed, "had seen" the "Middle Ages ... mainly as a ... transmitter of the Graeco-Roman ideal." Georgeans agreed. "There is too much loose thinking," Curtius wrote, "about the traditional period-divisions." He noted an "interregnum" from "375 to 675" or a "fallow period .. .from 425 to 775." He wrote, "A new period of decline begins in the nineteenth century and reaches the dimensions of catastrophe in the twentieth." As names, "Antiquity, the Middle Ages, the Modem Period" seemed scientiflcally "preposterous." Curtius, Ladner, Landsberg, and Kantorowicz likewise recognized the Middle Ages' patristic foundations? 9 Brown, "Back" esp. 277-79; Ricoeur, From Text 38; Summers, "Meaning." Though many of Ladner's generation witnessed the end of Eurocentric modernity and the concomitant the failure of its scientistic detenninisms (positivism and Marxism), Ladner's rigorous philology and moderate realism predated and precluded postmodernism as such, that is, as defined philosophically in the Neo-Nietzschean poststructuralism of Foucault, for example. Ladner neither cited De1Tida nor mentioned him to me personally. See Field, "Christendom"; idem, "My Debt." 28

Eisler, "Kunstgeschichte" 562. See also McCurrach, "Renovatio."

29

Ladner, Review of Steinen, Homo Caelestis 408; Curtius, European

20, 589, 597; idem, "Medieval Bases" 38. See also Curtius, "Literarasthetik III." 434-38; idem, "Zur Geschichte" 293-99; Ladner,

296

Given "the very unsatisfactory division into Antiquity, the Middle Ages, and the Modem Period,"30 these emigres from European Modernity variously staked claim to the last centuries of pre-European Antiquity. Generally, the claim pertained to ancient cultural continuity with "medieval" thought. 31 More specifically, these culturally displaced medievalists helped remint Spiitantike. As coined in 1901, it designated an art-historical "period" or Kunstwollen. 32

"Greatness" 881; idem, "Homo" 939; idem, "History of Ideas"; Kantorowicz, King's esp. 17-19, 75-76, 140-41, 222-23, 230, 440-41, 446, 505; idem, "Deus per naturam"; Moos, "Gefahren."

°Curtius, "Ortega" 312. See also idem, "Medieval Bases" 30.

3

Field, "Christendom" Cf. Eisler, "Kunstgeschichte" 602-603. See also Van Uytfanghe, "L' Antiquite tardive." Captured in France, Landsberg died in the concentration camp Orienburg-Sachsenhausen in 1944. 32 Riegl (1901) v, 1-2, 9; Panofsky (1920) 323, (1926) esp. 153, (1939) 45; Le Coq (1923). The monographic series, Studien zur spiitantiken Kuntsgeschichte, ran from 1925 to 1941. See also Casel (1926), (1938) 61; Lehmann-Hartleben (1926); Kaschnitz von Weinberg (1926); Gelzer (1927); Lietzmann (1927); Peterson (1926) 268, (1927) 586, 589; Schlosser (1929) 885; Laqueur (1930); L'Orange (1930, 1933, 1936, 1939, 1984); Wegner (1931) 143, 173; Delbrueck (1932, 1933); Bieler (1935); Lohmeyer (1935) 552; Dohrn (1939, 1949); Jonas (1934-64); Hinks (1936); Straub (1939, 1963, 1964); Vogt (1939, 1967, 1976); Rodenwaldt (1940, 1944/1945); Meinecke, "Gedanken" (1942) 141; Komemann (1943) 367-401, (1978); Stroheker (1948, 1965 twice); Bandinelli (1953, 1959, 1958-66); Gogarten (1954) 275, 289; Wieacker (1955, 1964); Rumpf(1957); Blumenberg (1960) 132; AlfiHdi (1961) 30; Metz (1962); Vittinghoff (1964) 529-73; Dempf (1964) 24; Pelikan (1965); Schefold (1965); Beckwith (1965) 583-675; Baus (1965); Fuhrmann (1968) 529-61; Egger (1969); Miloj~ic (1971). 31

297

Reminted as "Late Antiquity," it became a historical period in its own right. 33 Troeltsch had used Spatantike in this fashion and in a way that passed into English in 1912. 34 Yet "Late Antiquity" received no echo until Ladner. Using Spatantike in the 1930s, he translated "Late Antiquity" from the 1940s on. 35 Following disciplinary traditions of Austrian33

Landsberg, Welt 114; Curtius, "Rhetorische" 221, 237, 245, 254; idem,

"Literarasthetik II." 129, 132-33, 143, 151, 172-73, 177, 184, 189, 205;

idem, "Literariisthetik HI." 438, 440, 443, 452-53, 472, 477; idem, European Literature 22-24, 27 n. 23, 69-71, 82, 92-93, 98-99, 101-102, 104, 106, 110 n. 14, 112-13, 174-76,209-11,219, 436-45,455, 462,498,

588-89; idem, "Antike Rhetorik" 13-14; idem, Biichertagebuch 41; idem, "Zur Geschichte" 293-94, 299, 301-302, 305, 309; idem, "Ortega" 312;

idem, "Medieval Bases" 29; idem, "Jorge Manrique" 368; Kantorowicz, King's xii; idem, "Invocatio" 40. See also reviews of Curtius by Spitzer (426) and Auerbach (238-39, 241-42); Kantorowicz, "Charles the Bald"

(LBI 893-901, 910) 4-12, 20; Gelley, "Ernst" 587; Lida de Malkiel, "Perduraci6n" 100; Poggler, "Dichtungstheorie" 25; Emrich "Topik" 210, 212-13; Sevcenko, "Ernst." For other early use by medievalists, see Hellmann (1911) 58, (1932) 193, (1935) 32; Hartmann (1913); Wulff (1926); Volbach (1926, 1932, 1952, 1958); Hajdu (1936) 28-38; Lowe (1948, 1950/51, 1952, 1963)=Von Cassiodor 19, 32, 42, 83, 256; Heer, '"Renaissance'-ldeologie"

25-26,

30,

35;

Steinen

(1948)

1.119;

Schweitzer (1949); Classen, "Causa imperiF'; Ficbtenau (1957); Fischer (1957); Sedlmayr (!958); Bonicatti (1963); Auerbach (1958, 1965);

idem, Mimesis 65; Kristeller, Medieval Aspects 14; idem, Review of Curtius 206; Hauck (1967). 34

Troeltsch, Die Bedeutung des Protestantismus ll, 18, 21-22=Protes-

tantism and Progress 17, 30, 37-38. 35

Ladner, "Bilderstreit" 32; idem, "Bildnisse" 182=Images 1.299; idem,

"Mittelalterliche Reform-Idee" 559; idem, "Eikon" 774; idem, "SoCalled Square" !15; idem, "Portraits" 310,321-22, 332; idem, Idea 1 n.

298

art- and Gennan-medieval history, Ladner linked the period

to reform. "Refonn" and related "concepts ... would now for the first find full fruition art." Thus "on principle," refmm "would ... overcome late antique illusionism." Under 2, 2, 118 n. 34, 3 19 n. 1, 402, 490; idem, "Vegetation" 728 n. 4, 1034; idem, "Erneuerung" 262; idem, "History of Ideas" 482, 491; idem,

"Gestures" 273; idem, "Eine Prager"

374-75; idem, "Reform:

Innovation" 542; idem, "Roman Attitudes"; idem, "Impact" 806; idem, "Varia" 467, 478-87, 491, 514-15; idem, "Homo" 944, 1034; idem, "Die Anfange" 82; idem, "Uber einige Grundzilge" 56; idem, Erinnerungen 73; Reviews by Fichtenau 116, Ullmann 190, Thraede 168, 170. Predating Ladner's use of "Late Antiquity," Panofsky (1926)--esp. 153 (citing Curtius )--and (1939) 45 respectively referred to "late-antique polymathy" and "late-antique writings." For

profolli"'!d influence

on Panofsky, see Summers, "Meaning"

Hart, "Erwin" 537,

542-50, 553, 560. See also McCmrach, "Renovatio" esp. 53, 67 n, 77. Ladner likely knew Riegl's work through Schlosser, Riegl's student and Ladner's mentor. In 1901, Riegl had planned to publish his Spiitromische Kunst-Industrie in two parts--the first from Constantine to Justinian, the

second to Charlemagne--but the second

had to be published

posthumously, not from a book manuscript but from Riegl's lectures, edited by E. Heinrich Zimmermann. Published posthumously, another book manuscript, Historische Grammatik, which dates to 1897/98 and provided lectures for 1899, also uses Spiitantike. See Riegl, Spiitromische 9-l 0; Riegl and Zimmermann, Kunstgewerbe; Riegl, Historische Grammatik esp. 15-16, 276-84; Schlosser, "Pmtraiture" 885, 889; idem, Wiener Schule 149, 156, 158, 161, 181-93 (183, 185-86 on Spatantike),

194-202, 205, 214-15, 225 (on Ladner). In an essay on Riegl's concept of Kunstwollen, Panofsky, used Spatantike in 1920. See Panofsky, "Begriff'

esp. 323, 327 n. 1, 330. See also Sedlmayr, "Einleitung" to Riegl, Gesammelte Atif.satze; Espagne, "Kunstgeschichte" esp. 289;

Riegl"; Kemp, "A!ois Riegl (1858-1905)."

299

"Alois

Augustine's aegis, "a new ... un-classical style of Christian art" emerged "in the fifth century."36 It too pertained to "Late Antiquity." Thus Ladner broke the English ground that Peter Brown started to cultivate in the 1970s. 37 Ladner himself came to see Brown's work on Augustine as "fundamental."38 Conversely, even pedantic criticism acknowledged the heuristic utility of Ladner's periodization. 39 Ladner, Brief Statement" 2. Brown renewed Marrou's attention. In 1963, Marrou, "Synesius" 13839, translated Spatantike as "late antiquity" which Brown's review (301) placed in scare quotes. Brown's mentor, Momigliano ("Unsolved" 144, 36 37

159) had used "Late Antiquity" in 1954. See also Brown, World of Late Antiquity (1971); idem, Making ofLate Antiquity; idem, "World"; idem, "Dark-Age Crisis" 4, 6, 13, 34; Marrou, Augustin (1938) vi-vii; idem, "Retractio" 693-99, 702; idem, "Chroniques" 121; idem, Time 147; idem, Decadence esp. 111 n. 1 (on Brown's Augustine of Hippo, translated by Marrou's wife, and Brown's book of 1971); Mandouze, "Henri-Irenee Marrou (1904-1977)" esp. 34; Kitzinger, "Studies on Late Antique"; idem, "On the Interpretation"; Irmscher, "Ober den Begriff"; idem, "Spiitantike"; Martin, "Qu'est-ce que l'antiquite 'tardive'?"; Ewig, Spatantikes; Vessey, "Demise." Given pre-Brownian use by Ladner, Curtius, Momigliano, Kitzinger, Auerbach, and Kantorowicz, "Late Antiquity" seems oddly absent elsewhere. Cf. Russell, Late Ancient; Laistner, Thought 33 n. 1 citing Wolf, Vom Schulwesen der Spatantike. Herzog mistakenly attributes Spiitantike to Burckhardt, Die Zeit Constantin's. Cf. Herzog, "Epochenerlebnis" esp. 199 n. 25; idem, "Einftlhrung" esp. 39. 38 Ladner, "Refonnatio" 1030; Brown, Augustine. 39 Cf. Grant, Review. Neither more rigorous nor more generous readings can sustain this critique. Against Idea 110-14, Grant's exegesis of 1 Cor. 3:8 conflates 't.v and "equality." Grant compounds this conflation with an ancient (heretical) and a modern (egalitarian) rejection of kings.

300

It overthrew the Barbarentheorie of V asari, Manetti,

Boccaccio, and Villani. 40 The new period undid "the historiographical tradition that leads from Flavio Biondo ... to Gibbon." Thus Ladner rejected "decline" as an esthetic judgment based on a progressivist bias. The new periodicity embraced evolution. It reflected developments in art history since Herder, natural science since Darwin, and cultural history since Dopsch and Pirenne. "Late Antiquity" better contextualized historical change in terms of its continuity and vice versa. 41 Especially with respect to reform or Lamenting the fact that Ladner did not pursue the Platonic background of, and Stoic parallels with, the Christian "kingdom of God" vis-a-vis Stoic claims "to kingship," Levi's review (1 71) functionally refutes Grant's. See also Clement, Stromata 1.1.4-7.4, 3.4.30-33 (Stahlin 5-7, 209-10); idem, Stromata 7.3.15.2-21.7 (SC 428.74-90); Ladner, "Homo"

945-46; Morrison, Mimetic 108-12; Maritain, Ransoming 1-32. 40

Ladner, "Die italienische Malerei" 33, citing his mentor, Schlosser.

41

Ladner, "Impact" 800 n. 6. See also Ladner, Erinngerungen 23-24;

idem, "Varia" 459, 478-87; Riegl, Spiitromische 4-13; idem, Sti(fragen esp. vi-vii, 12; Gelzer, "Altertumswissenschaft" esp. 173-74; Irmscher,

"Ober den Begriff' esp. 241; Zumthor, "Moyen-Age"

163;

Zerner, "Alois Riegl"; Rbeinberger, "Zur Historizitat" esp. 360-62; Riche, Education; Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte 32-37; Megill, "Aesthetic

Theory";

"Wie

innovativ?"

486-87;

Goffcut,

"Theme"; Field, "Christendom"; Hen, Roman Barbarians; Miller, "New" 212-13; Halsall, Barbarian; Busch, Vom Amtswalten; The Long Morning

of Medieval Europe. Cf. Marcone, "Long." Since neo-Gibbonian approaches fail to account for the heuristic limitations or anachronistic character of all arguments post factum concerning periodicity, they assign not only different traumatic causes but also different dates to "the end of Antiquity." Plagues serve as undertakers of supposedly good

301

renatssance, "Late Antiquity" nonetheless posed problems. "Alfons Dopsch and his school of economic and cultural history, and their exaggeration of late antique cultural continuity and consequent depreciation of the Carolingian achievement, have contributed most to the prevailing confusion." Ladner sought to reassemble "the pertinent facts ... to form a coherent picture." Henri Pirenne and Henri Focillon, for example, had interpreted "the Carolingian 'Renaissance'" much di:fferently. 42 No change, continuity, or period could be simultaneously absolute and historical. Conversely, every assessment of "better" or '"worse" entailed a prejudgment. In 1964, Ladner, Lynn White, and other members of UCLA's Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies coined the now commonplace "transformation of the Roman world." In doing so, they acknowledged ''the three layers of human experience: first what really happened, as we now see it...second, Gibbon, and why he saw these things as he did; third, ourselves as we are mirrored in our thoughts about the past." Thus White explained The Transformation of the "Antiquity" (even if this argument refutes previous reckoning based on "invasions") but cannot serve as undertaker of the supposedly bad "Middle Ages" and the master of ceremonies for supposedly good "Modernity." Cf. Heather, Fall; idem, Empire esp. 335-59; WardPerkins, Fall; idem, Review of Little, Plague; .Barnes, "Debate." On the complementarity of Darwinian evolution and patristic theologies of creation, see Ladner, Idea 459-62; idem, "Philosophical Anthropology" 841-43 esp. n. 66. 42

Ladner, "Plans" 4-5.

302

Roman World. In a Ladnerian tum of phrase, he offered it "as an aid to self-understanding.'"'3

43

White, "Preface" vi. See also Ladner, "Impact"; Hen, Roman 1-26 esp.

n. 48; Fried, "Vom Zerfall" 49-58.

303

VII "PERSONAL" REFORM, REFORMATIO, AND GREEK "REFORM"

Ladner's acknowledgment of help by Kantorowicz attested to decades of deep friendship as well. 1 Yet prolegomena to The Idea of Reform had themselves influenced The King's Two Bodies. It thus cross-pollinated Ladner's book? Nbr did Ladner's enduring ambivalence toward his friend's last book make its magisterial demonstration less persuasive. 3 A prolegomenon had privately drawn Ladner's praise. 4 In any event, the medieval "body politic" and "body Ladner, Idea ix, xi, 124 n. 46; idem, Erinnerungen esp. 11, 29, 32-41, 69-70; idem, "History of Ideas" 455, 467-70, 491-92, 500; idem, "Additional Note" 170; idem, "Holy Roman" 466; idem, "Heilige Reich" 472-73; "Greatness" 892; idem, "Eine unbekannte Handschrift" 228; GrUnewald, "Aber wer'' 364. 2 Kantorowicz, King's esp. 82, 524-25 cited Ladner, "The So-Called Square Nimbus"; idem, "Aspects"; idem, "Concepts"; idem, "Mittelalterliche Reform-Idee"; idem, "St. Augustine's." See also Kantorowicz, "Synthronos" (LBI 883, 886) 27* n. 99, 30* n. 115; idem, "Roma" (LBI 1013) 30 n. 52; Ladner, Idea 124 n. 46,483. 3 Ladner, Erinnerungen 39. For the ''two bodies" of the Gregorian Reform, see BOlling, "Die zwei KOrper des Apostelftlrsten." 4 Ladner, Letter to Kantorowicz, 29 October 1947 (LBI 23 Q l.AR 7216) 1-2 esp. I. Thanking Kantorowicz "filr die Sendung lhres Uberaus interessanten Artikels tiber die Winchester Quinty," Ladner wrote, "Die Interpretation der 'Quinty' ist ausserordentlich 'neat' und Ihre Reflektionen uber 'Nestorianismus' in Kunst und Geschichte sind mehr als interessant. Es zeigt sich auch wieder, wie wichtig es ist, den Zusammenhang mit der Antike herzustellen und Byzanz im Auge zu behalten. Einer der faszinierendsten--vielleicht der faszinierendste--Teil 1

305

natural" had emerged as juristic secularizations. They reconfigured the ancient, liturgical, and patristic "body of Christ." For it too had seemed really human, historically unique to Jesus. Conversely, by his own institution in the eucharist, his "body" seemed present in and as Church. 5 Thus Kantorowicz historicized the secularization of "the lord as person and the lordship as institution." 6 Notwithstanding this reckoning, however, Ladner's notions of the "personal" and the "institutional" pose special problems. Ihres Aufsatze, fUr mich und jeden emtgermassen verstandnisvollen Leser ist Ihre Behandlung der Barely Dreifaltigkeit, wirklich eine wunderbare Zeichnung, die mir, ich muss gestehen, ganz unbekannt war." Cf. Fritz Saxl (from the Warburg Jnstitute), Letter to Kantorowicz, 21 October 1946 (LBI l.AR 7216.23 J): "Was ich noch recht verstehe,

warum Ihnen Five Persons unannehbar war. Darin liegt Trinit!itsAnspielung undjeder Leser wilrde ebenfalls so fort fragen." 5

Ladner, Idea 115-16, 124 n. 46, 447 n. 23; idem, "Life" 906-909; idem,

"History of Ideas" 467-69, 500; Kantorowicz, King's; idem, Laudes;

idem, "Mysteries" nn. 16, 52, 97; idem, "Pro Patria" 485 n. 43; idem, "Constantinus Strator" 189 nn. 50, 52; idem, "Sovereignty" 273-74 esp. n. 39; Lubac, Corpus mysticum; GrUnewald, Ernst esp. 138; Haverkamp, "Stranger" 96-97, l 0 l ; Kriegel, "Kantorowicz"; Weidemann, "Paulus" 272-73; Vismann, "Forme!n"; Haldar, "Konigs-Christologie"; Prodi,

Papal Prince; Remensnyder, Remembering Kings 171 n. 88; Gauchet, Disenchantment 156, 218 n. 44, 222; Fried, "Ernst"; idem, "Einleitung" to Kantorowicz, Gotter; Bredekamp, "Politische Zeit"; Bertelli, King's

Body; Mali, "Mythenschau" 42-46; Dunbabin, "Herve" ] 71-72; Bolling, "Die zwei Korper" esp. 168; Walther, "Die Macht 253-57; Field, Liberty, esp. xiii-xviii; idem, "Christendom"; Gaposchin, Making 103. Cf. Hampe, "Das neueste" 473-74. See also Dupont, "Emperor-God's." 6

Ladner, Erinnerungen 39.

306

"Personal" Reform and

''Church'~

By recent appraisal, late-medieval reform oscillated individual "between the goal of the moral betterment of and the collective horizon of institutional change." 7 In 1949, Ladner placed this much earlier. "After a hundred years of very superficially christianized Roman Empire ... individual regeneration and the conversion of governments and peoples" no longer seemed enough. Only "sociative and intellectual" reform sufficed. Augustine's renewal of monasticism provided "his ideal solution for the reform of Christian society." Unlike later Benedictine monasticism, Augustine's "from the start" seemed "an intellectual and apostolic movement."8 Perhaps more importantly, Augustine hardly equated "City of God ... with the Church." The former "reenforced [sic] basis for both individual spiritual regeneration and reform of a sociative nature within the Church." 9 Like Kantorowicz, Ladner followed Peterson's reckoning of the public, collective historicity of the premodern Church. Ancient Christians had regarded it as their sKKA.Tjcriu. their "political assembly" pertained to God's polis. 10 Frank, "Sp1Umittelalterliche Hospitalreformen" 3. See also idem,"

7

"Einleitung" 16. But see Kerff, '"Altar' und 'Person."' 8

Ladner, "Brief Statement" 1. Ladner likewise juxtaposed "the 'clerical'

monasticism

of

the

Augustinian

type ... with

Benedictine

'lay'

monasticism." See Ladner, "Plans for Work" 2. 9

Ladner, "Plans for Work" 2.

10

In this respect, Ladner, Idea 275-76 n. 144, acknowledged his debt to

Peterson's Die Kirche (1929) and Von den Engeln (1935), both reprinted in Peterson's Theologische Traktate 409-27 and 323-407. See also

307

The patristic Church seemed "liturgical communion" and "juridical institution. " 11 Acknowledging the influence of Odo Casel, however, Ladner's book, differed from his prolegomena. The Idea of Reform seemed to favor a "personal" over a liturgical or sociative paradigm. 12 Even in Ladner, "History of Ideas" 498-507; Field, "Acclamation"; Nichtweiss,

Erik

383-452,

610-46,

746-53;

Monaci

Castagno,

"Ein

unverOffentlichter" 404-408; Weidemann, "Paulus"; Meyer-Blanck, "Versunken" 451-54; Uribarri, "Die systematische" 108-16; Ruster, "Die kirchliche"; Morlet, Demonstration 457-60; Hubner, "Uberlegungen"; Loser, "Amt"; Sesboile, "Irenaeus"; Fedou, "Origenes"; Moos, "Die Begriffe"; idem, "Das Offentliche." Cf Johnson, Ethnicity 154-60, 198233; Schott, Christianity; Brakke, "Early" 475-80. For historiographical and philological parallels, see Trommler, "Germanistik und Offentlichkeit"; Schmitz, "Legitimierungsstrategien"; Krohn, "Erwachsenenbildung." For Gegenoffentlichkeit, see Werner, "Mit den blanken Waffen." For developments that led the fifteenth-century ecclesia to recognize itself as corpus politicum as well as corpus mysticum, see Ladner, "Aspects of Medieval"; idem, "Das Heilige Reich" esp. 483-85; Kantorowicz, King's esp. 216, 260-72; Kempf, "Untersuchungen"; Black, Monarchy esp. 14; Oakley, "Propositiones Utiles"; OZ6g, "La reforme." See also Coleman, "Some Relations" esp. 130; Mali, Mythistory 217-18; Tutino, Empire 187, 192, 210. 11

Ladner, "St. Augustine's" 606.

12

Ladner, Idea 1 n. 2 (on "cosmic aspects" not personal), 104-107. Cf.

esp. idem, "Mittelalterliche Reform-Idee" (which Ladner sent to Peterson);

idem,

"St.

Augustine's";

Casel,

Das

christliche

Kultmysterium; also Case!, "Art und Sinn" (cf. esp. 51), cited by Ladner (Idea 153 n. l); Krause, Mysterium 42,95-99, 105-13, 117, 124-33, 13888, 205-25. Case! had challenged Peterson's view of mysticism as an intemalized elaboration of the f!UcrTf;pta as public sacraments. "A mystical theology," Ladner nonetheless cautioned, "such as that

308

Scripture,

!J,eTa~t6p(procw;

or reformatio and O:vaKaivromc; or

renovatio seemed "personal refonnation." They signified "renovation toward that image-likeness of man to God." 13 developed by the Greek Fathers may fall shmi of the individual experiences of the mystic, but it may transcend them through its supraindividual significance." See idea 82. See also idem, "Varia" 457; idem, Review of Cairns (447-48) and my review of Mystics: Presence and

Aporia;

Wear,

Dionysius

99-115;

Monaci

Castagno,

"Ein

unverOffentlichter" 401-408. Later Ladner (God 3) placed easel's "deep symbolic notion of the 'Christian cult mystery' .... above all" in "the Christocentric liturgy with its sacraments that culminated in the Eucharist," which "encompassed God, the cosmos, and humankind" as "symbol and reality." For analysis of the dispute between Peterson and Casel, see Nichtweiss, Erik esp. 411-26; also CaroneHo, "Il paradigma esp. 70-82; Chenaux, "Le condizioni"; Popping, Abendland 98-99, 145; Beal, Liturgical." Citing Peterson and Kantorowicz, Ladner (Idea 284318 esp. 299 n. 7, 447 n. 28) regarded the liturgy and the sacramental theology derived from it, as well as conciliar affirmation of (other) normative praxis in the canons, as enduring fonts of reform. See Peterson, Ell: ®EOl: 146-52; Kantorowicz, Laudes 68-76. For councils themselves as liturgical assemblies, see Tinteroff, "Councils and the Holy Spirit"; Schlink, Der kommende Christus 244-52; Kay, "Rjtual"; Arranz, "Circonstances; Meyendorff, "Was" 156-57. See also Stump, "Influence"

16-17; McKirterick,

Frankish

Church

1-44,

115-54;

Sommerville, Prefaces esp. 59-169; Field, On the Communion esp. 56116, 215-23; idem, "Acclamations." 13

Ladner, Idea 3 (quotation), 32, 40-47, 54-59, 83-107, 319-424. For

ease of expression and heuristic clarity, Ladner relegated finite verbs to their infinitive reformare or placed them under the rubric of reformatio. Ladners' heuristic conflation "image-likeness," followed by Javelet, not only marks the phenomenal association and syntactical connection between sh((tlV or imago and OflOlffiat6eipe'tat, CiA/..' 6 fl(J(J) TJJ.lffiV avaKatvou"'rat TJJ.lf:p~ Kai TJJ.lf:p~. See Ladner, Idea 3-4, 165-66 esp. n. 39, 423; idem, "Reformatio"; idem,

321

Ladner never regarded the Western movements as novel, because they had a collective character. Their novelty rather pe1iained to their emphases, scale, and self-definition. The question never seemed whether "personal" reform pertained to the Church, but how. Citing Ladner, Yves Cougar noted that "refo1m" entailed Christian anthropology. To this, patristic consensus and liturgical transmission had attested. So had Ladner explicitly, even before The Idea of Reform appeared in print. To explain high-medieval developments, Gerd Tellenbach cited him to similar effect. "Monastic life rests on the 'idea of a personal renewal'; monastic reform is 'institutional renewal."' Yet "the initial aspiration of the individual to a religious renewal" maintained "every monastic reform." Thus "monastic reform always corresponds to a craving for the highest perfection in ... monastic service. 56 Still Tellenbach hesitated to treat in depth the "religious motives" of reform. He left open the question of "reforms" preceding the "idea of reform" or vice versa. In 1965, however, Congar's "interrogation" at a conference

pushed him to close the question. "[W]hat place would you "Two Gregorian"; idem, "Erneuerung"; Fornasari, "Juxta patrum decreta" esp. 401-406, 415-17, 430-31. 56

Ladner, "Mittelalterliche Reform-Idee"; idem, Review of Cairns 446;

idem, "Reform: Innovation" esp. 539-42, 553; idem, "Religious

Renewal" 353-57; Thraede, Review; Congar, "Renouvellement" 198-99; TeHenbach, "11 monachesimo" 123; O'Malley, "Was Ignatius" esp. 182 n. 13; Groten, "Reformbeweungen." Cf. Constable, "Seminar HI" 33641; Bellitto, "Introduction" 9.

322

assign, m this monastic reform and in the motives of monastic reform, to the themes studied by Ladner in his great book of 1959?" After all, "Ladner demonstrates that the idea of patristic reform--and he has extended his research to the High Middle Ages--is essentially anthropological." Congar continued, "It concerns the restoration of the image of God in man, whereas we have passed today to an idea of reform more social, more juridical, more ecclesiastical." Congar' s questions perstisted. "Is this motive of reform of the restoration of God's image at play in these monastic reforms, or is it simply an idea of return to the rule as a juridical thing?" Tellenbach responded with a fuller acknowledgment of religious motivations and basis. He had "not spoken of the work of G. Ladner, although very important, because it treats its theme as pure history of the ideas." Tellenbach had attempted "to offer a whole of the history of the ideas and of the ecclesiastical and social history." Thus he reserved judgment on Ladner's "rich book of genius." Without qualification, however, he affirmed "that monastic reform as 'institutional renewal' rests on the "idea of a personal renewal." Thus "every monastic reform is based on the original aspiration to the renewal of the individual man and of the primitive Church." Reform pertained to the laity as well. 57

Tellenbach, "Il monachesimo" 123, 143-44 ("Discussione" with Cougar). 57

323

Ladner's Notion of the ''Personal" and Medieval Reform "Personal reform" remained collective. Following Ferdinand Tonnies' distinction between premodern Gemeinschaft and modem Gesellschqft, Ladner placed the

"personal" within "a supra-individual and supra-political commtmity." 58 It facilitated "the dialectic of personal and institutional reform. " 59 In "history and culture," as Tonnies saw them, all "individualism" and "society" flowed "out of commooity." Community conditioned them. 60 As an art historian, Ladner had long noted similar correspondence between terminology and iconography. The twelfth-century shift from more abstract to more naturalistic imagery 58

Ladner,

"Reformatio";

idem,

"Emeuerung"

251-54;

idem,

"Mittelalterliche Reform-Idee" 561; idem, "Refonn: Innovation" 534; idem "Future" 16-17; idem, Erinnerungen 47; idem, "Terms" esp. 3; idem, "Gregory the Great" 648-49; idem, "Two Gregorian" 668; idem, "Impact" 816-17; idem, "Greatness" 881-83, 886-89, 901; idem, Review of Cairns 449; reviews by Diekmann 330; Kempf 328-29; Marrou 141, Fichtenau 117-18; Van Engen, "Jmages" 91-92, 95-98; Oexle, Geschichtswissenschaft 144-55, 159-62, 173, 176; idem, "Kulturwissenschaftliche" esp. 118-25; Riedel, "Gesellschaft, "Gemeinschaft" 854-862; Bellebaum, "Ferdinand Tonnies"; Tonnies, Gemeinschaft. Cf. Ladner, Review of Jung 317; Alberigo, "L'amore" 176-77. For Tonnies' influence on Ladner's mentor, see Hirsch, "Das Mittelalter" ll-12. See also Chenaux, "Le condizioni." For medieval or Aristotelian precedents, see Reformation des geistlichen Gerichts 95 (Schuler 204); Struve, "Reform" 109-15, 122, 125; idem, "Bedeutung"; Moos, "Die Begriffe" 170-76. Ladner, "Religious Renewal" 353-57. See also Frech, Reform 61-75 esp. nn. 146, 162,168-69, 176, 189, 200; Alberigo, "Corruptio." 60 Tonnies, "Vorwort" 105; Bond, "Ferdinand" 357-59, 365-69.

59

324

corresponded with an incarnational shift. Once stressing Christ's divinity, art and theology increasingly stressed his humanity. Thus the symbolic, Byzantine, or early-medieval depictions of personages

their image-likeness to God

ended. Conversely, naturalistic, even classicized, depictions of human beings replaced them.

theology shifted to a

more individualized imago,formatio, and reformatio. 61 To Georgeans, Casel's liturgical understanding had likewise replaced obsolete, modem antinomies of "subject" and "object." Replacing

abstract "individual" in an

impersonal "society," a real person lived intentionally in a historical community of

or her own choice. Defined by

the same intentions, the chosen community held its members accountable to one another. Nor did such observations just pertain to Ladner's German-speaking circles. To Maritain, "the Christian City" had seemed "fundamentally antiindividualist as it is fundamentally personalist." To Gilson,

individualism divided humanity and so "always breeds

61

Ladner, Die Papsibildnisse 3.321-69; idem, "Bilderstreit"; idem, "Die

Bildnisse der ostlichen Papste; idem, "Die Papstbildnisse auf Munzen";

idem, "Portraits"; idem, "Commemoration"; idem, "Eine Prager; idem, "Das alteste Bild"; idem, "I mosaici; idem, "Die Statue"; idem, "Die Anfange des Kryptoportrats"; idem, Ad imaginem esp. 46-55; idem, "La concezione" esp. 353-59; Kitzinger, "Gregorian Reform" esp. 100-101 citing Ladner; Benton, "Consciousness" esp. 274-77, 288-89; Boulnois,

Au-de/a del 'image esp. ll-14, 26-30, 45-52, 325-30, 344. In this respect, Ladner laid firm foundations for an increasingly baroque edifice, the now vast literature on "the historicity of the human body." See Duden, "Repertory" 471, 519. On Ivan Illich, see Ladner, Erinnerungen 67.

325

tyranny, but personalism always breeds liberty."62 As Giuseppi Alberigo put it, "unity and reform are indissociable." Natacha-Ingrid Tinteroff writes, "Individualism" contradicts "the very nature of the liturgy." Present "in the assembly," the Holy Spirit enabled "the reformation of each individual" and "the reform of the whole church. " 63 In this respect, Gilson invoked medieval philosophy. Ladner and Maritain invoked Augustine's theology and patristic traditions on which it had drawn. In terms of historicity, however, "personal reform" emerged as Ladner's description, not a patristic explanation. Whatever the heuristic utility of "personal" or "individual" as modern descriptions, they never explained premodern reform. 64 From K.lingental's archives, a fifteenth-century Observant complaint provides a near exception. It complained "on ,62

Maritain, Three Reformers 19-28 esp. 23; Gilson, Medieval

Universalism 21; Braungart, Asthetischer Katholizismus 35-73 esp. 56-

59, 180-86, 267. In this respect, Tertullian's "0 testimoniwn animae naturaliter christianae!" or its medieval echoes resonated in one of George's friend's "anima naturaliter georgeana!" See Tertullian, Apologeticum 17.6 (CC 1.117); Landmann, Erinnerungen 107. See also

Oexle, "Memoria als Kultur" 48-78; Lentes, "Vita perfecta" esp. 134-45. 63

Alberigo, "Unity" 18; Tinteroff, "Councils" 151. See also Renovatio et

unitas; Alberigo, "Reforme"; Rennie, "Weapons"; Hannik, "Liturgie und

Geschichtsschreibung"; Kay, "Ritual"; Marrou, Time 10-16. 64

Cf. Headley, "Introduction" 30 n. 3; Constable, "Renewal" 37; Bowd,

Reform 23, 61-101. See Niemeyer, "What" 105-107; Helmrath, "Reform

als Thema" esp. 93; Staab, "Reform" 122-26; Constable, Reformation 3, 125. See also Ladner, "Historical Inquiry" 15 (ctiting Maritain); Kerff, '"Altar' und 'Person."'

326

account of very recalitrant obstinancy of persons to be reformed (reformandarum personarum)."65 On twelfthcentury foundations, printed fifteenth-century sermons could likewise refer to the soul as ecclesia singularis. 66 Yet the Late Middle Ages witnessed no reformatio personalis, 67 even among fractured spiritualities that floated in the wake of the Black Death. 68 Klingental HH 4 Nr. 8, cited by Niediger, "Stadtregiment" 556 n. 109. The fifteenth-century Praemonstatensian prior, Henri Van der Heyden, likewise treated reform in three parts, "in quarum prima tractatur de

65

person is" and referred "ad vestros subditos reformandos.. .. pro vestri reformatione monasterii." See Henri, Epistola reformatoria inscriptio, 1.4 (Lefevre 1, 5-6). See also 1.2, 8-9, 11 (2-3, 9-10, 12); Utenhove, Tractatus 3.4 (Martin 297); Lefevre, "Introduction." 66 Horie, Perceptions esp. 95-99; Benton, "Consciousness." For the reciprocal character of late-medieval art and highly internalized personal devotions, see also Van Os, Art esp. "Foreword" 8. 67 Translating Ladner's description into Latin, Bellitto attributes it to Nicolas de Clamanges, who never used it. Nicolas did refer to ecclesiae reformatio and ecclesiastica reformatio. He likewise insisted that "per poenitentiam vero in integrum reformatur"--"publicamque tandem vitiorum reformationem fieri." See respectively Nicolas, Super materia concilii generalis (Lydius 1.70); idem, Defilio prodigo 4 (Lydius 1.121); idem, De fructu rerum adversarum (Lydius 1.142). Similarly for reform are or reformari, see idem, Epp. 1, 29, 56, 102 (Lydius 2.3, 105106, 155, 294); idem, De ruina 14 (Coville 123). Cf. Bellitto, Nicolas esp. 2-3, 26-27, 59-90. Cf. also idem, "Reform Context" 306, 309, 320, 326. 68 Ladner, "Christendom and Humanism" 129-30; Maritain, Antimoderne 110, 137, 141; Bailey, "Late-Medieval" esp. 658-69; idem, Battling esp. 75-138; Xeres, La chiesa I 07-56 esp. 131-32; Helmrath, Basler Konzil 327-52; Lauterbach, Geschichtsverstiindnis; Oberman, "From Occam";

327

As Jean Gerson explained, individual curiositas and theological singularitas impeded rather than aided reformatio. Such individualism impeded repentance. As a human being made according to God's image, the bishop reformed regnum personale and regnum divinale. Reform of preaching entailed reform of education. Episcopal visitation required reformatores, 69 also the self-designation of some idem, "Shape"; idem, "Long Fifteeth Century"; Hamm, "Von der

spatmittelalterlichen reformatio"; idem, RefiJrmation esp. l-46; Sullivan, Image 288-307; Schuler, "Reformation"; Oexle, "Memmia als Kultur" 48-57; Walsh, "Papal Policy" (l979) esp. 36-37, (1980) esp. 138-45; Staubach, "Romfahrt"; Mertens, "Reformkonzilien" 439-41; Nimmo, "Franciscan." Crises nonetheless defined and were defined by theological continuities. See Ladner, "Mittelalterliche Reform-Idee" 590-93; idem, "Reform: Innovation" 554-58; idem, "Impact" 820-21; idem, "Greatness" 900-901; idem, "Homo" 963-74; Schmidt, "Who"; Constable, "Seminar HI"; Beumer, "Rupert"; Oberman, Forerunners 3-66; idem, Harvest; idem, Reformation: Roots; Trapp, "Modems"; Ozment, Age esp. 204-22; Voci-Roth, "Aegidius"; Patschovsky, "Ekklesiologie"; Oakley, "Absolute" esp. 444-49; Hendrix, "More than Prophet"; Brady, "Introduction: Renaissance and Reformation"; Camporeale, "Mito di Enea"; Amerini, "La questio; Marino, "Le poesie"; idem, "Brevario"; Hudson, Becoming God"; Van Engen, "The Church"; idem, Sisters; Rummel, "Voices"; Bireley, "Early-Modern" 229-32. Cf. Christianson, "Annates" 194-95, 206-207; Miethke, "Repriisentation" esp. 172. 69 See esp. Ladner's student, Pascoe, Jean Gerson esp. 99-145, 175-206. Gerson could draw inspiration from Bernard of Clairvaux. See Leclercq, "Monastic" 188-93, 199 n. 51; Oberman, Contra vanam curiositatem. See also Joannis de Segovia, Historia gestorum 8.1 (Birk 669); Concilium Basiliense Handakten 9.59, 83, 10.63, 68, 14.5-14 (Dannenbauer lOl, 106, 121-22, 144-47); Reformatio B. Johannis Soreth (Wessels 432); Statuta capitulorum 1493.38-40; (Canivez 69); Litterae

328

fifteenth-century nuns. 70 Similarly, Piene d' Ailly located and internalized re.formatio in the mystical Body of Christ. 71 Rhetorically

and

theologically,

fifteenth-century

notions of ecclesiastical refom1 resonated fifth-century notions of personal resurrection. Thus generalis reformatio in capite et in membris resounded ipsius carnis membrorumque omnium reformatio. Of course, "general reform in head and members" also invoked "Pauline" traditions. The body's members remained accountable to one another and to their head. Writing Vercelli's bishop in 1206, Innocent III advised him in sua ecclesia refi;rmanda tam in capite quam in

de beneficiis 25 (Wolfs 64-65); Utenhove, Tractatus 3.3-4 (Martin 29194, 302); Schmitt, Un Pape 36-39, 57-58, 68-71, 109, 122-23, 130-33; Luscombe, "Hierarchy" 115-16, 121-22; Binz, Vie religieuse 143-54, 169, 177-215, 362-64; Mischlewski, "Spatmittelalterliche" esp. 155-64; Lobrichon, "Making" 550-52; Heimrath, "Theorie" esp. 49, 61; Meyjes,

Jean Gerson 207-339; Longhitano, "Pietro Geremia riformatore"; Ozment, "University" 112-14; Schimmelpfennig, "Papsttum" esp. 409405; Schmidt, "Die Trierer" 483; Smet, "Pre-Tridentine" 320-21; Ziegler, "Refonnation" 598-608; Rlithing, "Kartauser" esp. 43, 47-49; Rode!, "Reformbestrebungen" 126; Manselli, "L'osservanza" esp. 179-87; Kohl, "Windesheimer" 90-91; Arnold, "Reformansatze" 146; Moos, "Die Begriffe" 181-82, 188-90. Cf. Mout, "Pia Curiositas." For false

singularis libertas, which opposed Dominican reformatores, see Hillenbrand, "Observantenbewegung" esp. 233-34, also 249-52, 258··70. 70

Winston-Allen, Convent 109-12.

71

Pascoe, Church and Reform esp. 137-56; also Tierney, "Aftenvord"

321-24; Oakley, "Figgis"; Mertens, "Reformkonzilien" 442-43.

329

membris. This phrase others, including William Durant,

influentially echoed. 72 Eleventh-century councils called by popes had likewise linked reformatio and concilia. After the Great Schism (1378), this linkage became particularly

72

Augustine, De civitate 1.12 (CC 47.14); Innocent III, Qua/iter et

quando (Regesta 2672)=Decretales 5.1.17 (Friedberg 2.739); William Durant, Tractatus 1.1, 2.1 (Clousier 1, 2, 4-5); Haec sancta=Concilium Constantiense Sessiones IV-V, 30. mart:-6 apr. 1415 (Tanner 1.408-409); Sacrosancta generalis=Concilium Constantiense Sessio XII, 29 maii 1415 (Tanner 1.416); Dietrich of Niem, Avisamenta pu/cherrima de unione et reformacione membrorum et capitis fienda (Que/len zur Kirchenreform 1.246-304); Joannis de Segovia, Historia gestorum 10.18, 22 (Birk 906915); Concilium Basiliense Handakten 9.1, 3, 66, 10.98, 20.1-33 (Dannenbauer 84, 102, 127, 171-75); Statuta capitu/orum 1493.39-40; (Canivez 69); Ladner, "Mittelalterliche Reform-Idee" esp. 579 n. 82; Haffner, Die kirchlichen Reformbemuhungen 18-21; Christianson, Cesarini 147-48; Miethke, "Konziliarismus" 42-44; idem, "Kirchenreform" 24-27; idem, "Reform" 547; Fasolt, "Die Rezeption"; idem, Council esp. I, 115-76, 184-212; Frech, Rdnrm esp. 17-96; Zumkeller, "Beteiligung"; Studt, Papst Martin 3-4, i l 7-20; OZ6g, ·'La reforme"; Coleman, "Intellectual" 203-205; Mertens, "Reformkonzilien" 434-43; Nimmo, "Franciscan" 199-200; Milis, "Reformatory" 68-69; Hillenbrand, "Observantenbewegung" 241; Bosch, "Kreuzherrenreform" 71-73; Walsh, "Papsttum" 414-15; Helmrath, "Theorie"; Boockmann, "Deutsche Orden" 136-37; Sellitto, "Reform Context"; Stump, Reforms esp. xiv n. 6, 20, 43, 156-69, 220-26, 232-45, 260-61, 266-67, 286-87; idem, "Continuing Relevance." For secularization of reformatio and membra imperii, see Krieger, Konig esp. 82, 114-18. For Gregorian antecedents, see B5lling, "Die zwei K5rper" 170, 180-81.

330

pronounced. 73 Yet "conciliarist" linkage hardly made patristic tem1s synonymous. 74 Nor did it 73

Nicholas of Cusa could even write, "Et quia omnes canones et statuta

et synodi sunt, ut ordinetur vita nostra in deum et propter hoc sunt reformatoria omnia concilia, subsequenter pauca de refonnatione sacerdotii ponuntur." See Nicholas, De concordantia 1 Indices R 11 (Kallen Ll5) on 2.25.203-207 (Kallen 2.245-49); Helmrath, "Theorie" esp. 43-44; idem, "Reform"; Miethke, "Einleitung" (1995); Sieben, Die

Konzilsidee des lateinischchen 319-21, 351-57; Ozment, "University"; Jedin, A History 1.5-75. See also Stump, Reforms; idem, "Refonn of Papal"; Gleason,

Gasparo Contarini 97-98,

105-107; Watanabe,

"Nicholas of Cusa"; Trisco, "Refonning"; Minnich, "Councils of the Catholic";

Weigert,

"Reform";

Boockmann,

Konzilien;

Alberigo,

"Conciliar Church." Cf. Nighman, "Accipiant." Just by its enclosed unity, a council liturgically re-fonned the Church that it re-presented. See

Tinteroff, "Councils" esp. 142-50; Le Goff, "Le conciie"; Kramer, "Die ekklesio!ogische." As Miethke (11-13) notes, Avignese popes after the Council of Vienne (1311-12) did not call councils but reformed, or tried to refonn, the Church by decree. See also Ballweg, Konziliare; Vones,

Urban V. esp. 34-58, 360-413, 460-76; idem, "La reforme." 74

Mertens,

"Refonnkonzilien."

On lack of success,

see Fink,

"Scheitern." On functional disparities of conciliar loyalty and reform, see Helmrath,

Basler Konzil 331; Miethke, "Kirchenreform"; Black,

"Dipomacy." Since the Great Schism forged a crisis that set traditionally co-determinant

ecclesiological

tendencies--or,

more

precisely,

institutions--against one another, "conciliarism" emerged in "papalist" polemic. See Schneider, Der Konziliarismus; Alberigo, Chiesa conciliare esp. 9-18, 24-25, 46-57, 115-28, 340-54; Miethke, "Die Konzi!ien als Forum." See also Stump, Reforms; Damaskinos, "Via synodica"; Helmrath, "Kommunikation"; Black, "Politicai"; Oakley, "Conciliar Heritage"; idem. Conciliarist Tradition; Horst, "Ekklesiologie." Cf. Wojtowytsch, Papsttum. Popes proved more successful in implementing "conciliar" reform than did councils but, with councils, often failed to

331

collective import less patristic. 75 The Council of Basel even cited Pauline use of the verbum reformacionis. This signified the "highest and perfect reform" of imitatores Dei. 76 Of course, the Gregorian Reform had invoked sanctorum patrum auctoritas. 77 Universally, liturgically, and legislatively, Cistercians in 1494 likewise linked re.formatio to sanctorum patrum vita. 78 In any case, neither the "personal" nor the "collective" predicated reform. Neither attribute seems essential--all the more so, since essence either precludes or subsumes history. 79 A student of Ladner notes, prevail over entrenched local interests. See Stievermann, "Klosterrefom1" esp. 154-56. See also Helmrath, "Theorie" 47; idem, Provinzialkapitel." 75

Helmrath,

"Refom1"; idem, "Theorie" esp. 42; Sieben, Die

Konzilsidee in der Alten esp. 324-43; idem, Traktate 112 n. 5 citing

Ladner. Cf. Grant, Review of Ladner 140-41. See also Blumenthal, "Beginnings" esp. 4, 7-8; Sellitto, "Councils and Reform"; Tierney, "Afterword" esp. 315; Savage, History 10 1-42; Phidas, "Henm§neutique"; Heinz-Mohr, Unitas Christiana esp. 9-42, 149-67. 76

Joannis de Segovia, Historia gestorum 8.1 (Birk 668).

77

Gresser, "Sanctorum patrum auctoritate." See also Bauer, "Canonical"

760; Schmitt, Un Pape 164-67; Robinson, "Reform" 310-14, 323. 78

Statuta

capitulorum

1494.38 (Canivez 89);

Schimmelfpennig,

"Papsttum" 409 n. 51. 79

Field, "Christendom." Cf. Moore, First 4. lf past, present, and future

have ontological status, present tense predicates it. See Lewis, "Space

and Time" esp. 83-87; Prior, "Notion"; Smart, Philosophy 13!-48. Cf. Constable, "Seminar HI" 333-36. This is not to say that "essence" or universals did not exist topologically as historical self-understandings. Nor is it to say that, because history pertains to particulars, it supports nominalism or its supposed political consequences. See Zuckerman, "Relationship." Different methodologies belie an essential or intrinsic

332

followers of the devotio moderna regarded their conversio as intensely personal and communal. One Devout explained it as "the saints' new singularity by devout minds." 80 Augustinian Refo:rm

G:reek Concepts

Western cenobitic

ultimately rested on Eastern

and eremitic foundations.

withdrawal from all society,

"at times ... even the liturgy," achieved a paradoxical tmion. Paradigmatically, it linked the immanently human individual to the transcendently divine One. Here Ladner followed Peterson, who otherwise stressed christological and liturgical contexts. 81 Despite Eastern parallels, then, reformatio in

melius seemed different. Coined by Tertullian

reminted

by Augustine, it remained phenomenologically unique to the West. 82 "A fundamental difference was established between

meaning, even with respect to a shared patristic foundation. See, for example, Halleux, "Probleme de methode"; Lanne, "Uniformite"; Phidas, "Hermeneutique"; Vasoli, "Il peso." No '"historical' idea" has ever occurred "once and for all." See Alberigo, "Unity" 19. See also O'Malley, "Refonn, Historical" 590-92. 80

Van Engen, Sisters 7-8 quoting Henry Pomerius. See also Ladner,

"Mittelalterliche Reform-Idee" 584; Stump, "Continuing Relevance"; Lentes, "Vita Pe1:{ecta." 81

Ladner, Idea 322. Cf. Peterson, "Herkunft." See also Alciati,

"Askese"; Meyer-Bland(, "Versunken"; Howe, "Awesome Hermit." 82

Ladner, Idea 46-48, 134-185, 377; idem, "Refonn: Innovation" 538;

idem, "St. Augustine's"; Repgen, "Reform" 7-8; Ridolfini, Review 32223. For liturgical echoes, see Beck, Review 428. Cf. Basil of Caesarea, De spiritu sancto 19.49 (SC l7bis.420); Gregory Nazianzen, Oratio 40.7, (SC 358.210); Cyril of Alexandria, In Jsaiam 4.2.45.9-!2 (PG 70.96165).

333

the development of the biblical concept of the Reform of man to the image and likeness of God in the early Greek Fathers ... and the elaboration of the same concept in St. Augustine whose thought on the subject was to dominate the West for centuries. " 83 Relative to the Incarnation and Resurrection, Augustine stressed the Passion and Crucifixion. Westerners consequently regarded humanity's (new) communion with God as better than (old) Adam's before sin. 84 With the lapse of imperial jurisdiction in most of the West, Augustine's "balance between God's grace and man's will, between mystery and ethos," provided "'practical' reform." It differed from the East's theoria. 85 As theoria defined imperial as well as mystical theology, Ladner noted Peterson's work. There "contrast between Augustine's theology of history and :Eusebian' imperial theology" seemed "more fully realized." 86 To Augustine, predestined 83

Ladner "Brief Statement" I.

84

Ladner, Idea 153-283. Ladner cites exceptions that prove the rule. See

Origen, In Matthaeum 12.18-21 (Klostermann I 09-15); Gregory Nazianzen, Oratio 32.26 (SC 318.140); Ga'ith, La conception 158-74; Peterson, "La croce." Cf. Bellitto, "Introduction" 8. 85

Ladner, Idea 166-67. See also 98-107, 330-424; idem, "St.

Augustine's"; Stump, "Influence" 3-6; Bonner, Freedom. Cf. Ullmann, Review of Ladner 191. 86 Ladner, Idea 267 n. I 14, citing Peterson, Monotheismus; Mommsen, "Augustine"; Cranz, "De Civ."; idem, "Kingdom"; Kamiah, Christentum 175-91. See also Markus, Saeculum esp. 32 n. 1, 47 n. 4, 50 n. 3, 182 n. 2; Field, Liberty 253-64; idem, "Christendom." Cf. Schmidt, "Die Rlickkehr." As Christian, social, and historical, "the Pauline concept of

334

grace hardly negated free human response but rather entailed or facilitated it It thus coincided with ethical warning and institutional censure as well as internalized refonn. 87 Whoever violated God's

"is not refonned

(reformatur) to image of the tmth, as he remains in the

likeness of vanity. " 88 Especially in East, Ladner saw "three facets of idea of refonn." They were "the return to Paradise, the recovery of man's lost image-likeness to God, and the representation on earth

the heavenly Basileia." 89 On the

one hand, only the last of these seemed preeminently collective or politica1. 90 On the other hand, Ladner heeded the Body of Christ" seemed "far removed from all ConstantinianEusebian Basileia ideology." As Ladner (268-69) noted, however, GrecoRoman "body politic" had informed the Pauline concept, which influenced Roman jurisprudence on other corporations. !n the early Middle Ages, "the ecclesiological Body of Christ could" include "both

Yet "this development lies outside Augustine's conceptions of corpus Christi, ecclesia, and civitas Dei." See also Ladner "Aspects"; idem, "Holy Roman"; idem, L 'immagine esp.

regnum

and

sacerdotium."

20-54; Musurillo, Review of Ladner 473 Gandillac, Geneses 14. 87

Augustine, De correptione 5.7-8 (CSEL 92.223-26); Ladner Idea 312-

13. See also Javelet, "La reintroduction." 88

Augustine, De civitate Dei 2.3 (CC 48.702). See also idem, De

doctrina christiana !.18.17-22.20 (CC 32.15-16); Ladner, Idea 278, 377. 89

Ladner, Idea esp. 63. See also idem, "St. Augustine's."

90

Ladner, Idea l 07-32 (nn. 93, 1 for Kantorowicz, "Deus"; idem, Kaiser

Friedrich 233-38, Erganzung Band [193

idem, "Kaiser Friedrich H."

300-309. Ladner (125, 298-320) recognized conciliar avav£m(nc; or

renovatio, which (within the context of ecumenical councils) entailed an imperial summons. Thus imperial acclamations found their way into the

335

Peterson's warning against rigid distinction. Greek concepts of Paradise and heavenly Basileia had often overlapped. 91 Ladner thus extended Peterson's and Kantorowicz' observations concerning "political theology." It included the Byzantine merger of Church on earth and earthly Basileia. 92 .

Latin Reform and Greek "Reform" Ladner nonetheless focused primarily on reformatio and related Latin terms. Since they translated Greek terms, he conceded a problem. "A special study will also have to be made of renewal ideas in Byzantium." Not "knowing what reform meant in the Christian east" made "it. .. diffkult to evaluate the reform concept of mediaeval west properly." Even "apart from the interest of this question for the western middle ages, I believe that it would be rather important for the understanding of Byzantine civilization itself to know in liturgy and protocols of the councils themselves. For the influence of Peterson and Kantorowicz, see Ladner 299 n. 7, 447 n. 28; Peterson, Ell: esp. 146-52; Kantorowicz, Laudes esp. 68-76; idem, King's 275-84. On John Chrysostom and what Ladner saw as "the eastem ... Basileia ideology," see Field, Liberty 187, 217, 222, 232-34, 245, 253-56. 91

Ladner, Idea 64-69, 82, esp. n. 5 citing Peterson's review Vuippens, Le

paradis. In this respect, Ladner (Idea 67 n. 19; "Mittelalterliche Reform-

Idee" 568 n. 38) also cited Peterson's friend, Anselm Stolz, Doctrine 1316, 24-36. Citing Kantorowicz, King's 451-95, Idea 67 n. 18 likewise marked the ideological distance separating Dantean distinction between terrestrial and celestial Paradise and patristic ambivalence. See also Ladner, "Vegetation" 747-50; idem, Erinnerungen 35; idem, "Mittelalterliche" 592-93; Haverkamp, "Stranger"; Kempf, "Untersuchungen" 22930. 92

Ladner, Idea 1!8-31, esp. nn. 44, 67, 68; Thraede, Review.

336

what direction such concepts as !lsmvoia, !lS'W!lOpqJmcn~, and avmcaivmcn~ developed in the Eastern Christian sphere." How, for example, did they impact "the so-called Byzantine Renaissances?" Such a "special study" never appeared, and so these important questions remain unanswered. admiration

the Greek

grew

every engagement. As a medievalist, however,

had begun

his research on reform. He had assun1ed "St. Augustine's histmical and metahistorical thought as

culmination of

patristic views." Thus reformatio played "the essential role." Citing Jaeger, Ladner even likened reformatio to nm8sia. One pertained to "Christian civilization" as the other had to "ancient Greek culture. " 93

The Idea of Refonn, then, Latin

data shaped perceptions of the Greek. Despite Augustine's enduring importance in the West, Ladner's later research qualified his original assumption. Subsequent research focused on the original terms. Their Latin translations had reflected as well as institutionalized the philological possibilities of the Greek. Yet the new focus modified some of Ladner's initial conclusions. As a translation of ava-, the prefix re- imparted an iterative nuance. Also a preposition and an adverb, ava indicated motion or position on, upwards, or toward. As 93

Ladner, "Plans" 2, 9-10. Ladner remained interested in the East's

impact on the West: "Is it possible to define the influence of Byzantine transfiguration mysticism (from Symeon the New Theologian to the Hesychiasts) on western concepts of renewal and exstasis in the age of St. Bernard (Petrus Venerablis' transfiguration theology!) and later on?" Cf. Bel!itto, "Introduction" 8.

337

opposed to Ka'tli, then, avli strengthened, rather than repeated. Especially since the motion toward could be "back toward," re- or retro- provided good translations. Yet they were fateful ones. The pre-Christian renovatio, for example, traditionally translated UVIllCiltVrom its authority as a convention

that

convinced

contemporaries.

By

such

reception and transmission, it remained a meaningful artifact. consensus extends well beyond Ladner and those, like Herwig 46

Wolfram,

directly

influenced

him. 48

by

As

Ladner, "Greatness" 880-84, 888-89; Konersmann, Schiefer esp. 87-

168. See also Certeau, Heterologies J99-221; Barthes, "Discourse." Cf. O'Malley, Trent 57-64. 47

Ladner, God esp. 1. See also idem, Review of Steinen, Homo 408 esp.

n. 6; Steinen, Kitsch 25-26; Wind, "Some Points" esp. 259; Braugart,

Asthetischer Katholizismus 35-73; Borgolte, "Mittelalterforschung" Vaggione, Eunomius esp. 96-107, 178-81,211, 217-20, 283-87, 334-35, 364-65, 374-81; Zachhuber, "Antiochene Synod";

Miles, Carnal

Knowing 9-11, 81-91. 48

Wolfram, "Einleitung oder Li1gen"; idem, "Gerhart"; Chastang,

"Introduction"; McConnick, "Representation"; Dutton, "Observations"; Pizarro, "King Says No";

Truthfitlness; WiHiams,

esp.

J 15-31; Shanzer, "Representations"; Goffart, Narrators esp. ix, 436-47. See also Ladner, Erinnerungen 72-73.

403

ambivalent ancients had noticed, poets and historians fabricated the very truths that ordered existence. "In Herodotus, the father of history," Cicero wrote, "are innumerable myths." By their influence, such views became "classic." Little wonder, Vico, Casel, Hofmannsthal, George, Kantorowicz, Curtius, and Steinen saw communities as poetic creations. Communities did not have a history. It made them. It seemed creation in the full sense of noi.l)m~, even in its eucharistic echoes. Even as "scientific" imagination, history remains historiographical art. 49 Thanks to Ladner and others, many historians have jettisoned nineteenth-century antinomies between reality and ideology. Unconscious behavior remained compulsive or unhistorical until realized and so articulated ideologically as real. To cultural as well as intellectual historians, discourses 49

Cicero, De legibus 1.1.5 (Powell159); Vico, La scienza nuova seconda 2.1.376 (Nicolini 1.146-47); Curtius, "Literarilsthetik III."; idem, Europiiische Literatur 251-24; Steinen, Kitsch 22-26; Auerbach, Review ofCurtius; easel, "Das Mysteriengediichtnis" 118, 132-35; Raulff, Kreis 332-45, 497-500; ·Zumthor, "Moyen-Age" esp. 166-67; Gretz, "Fundamentalisierung" esp. 84; POggeler, "Dichtungstheorie"; GrUnewald, "Aber wer" 351-52; Braungart, Asthetischer Katholizismus esp. 237-53; Detienne, L'invention esp. 13,51-59,70-71,74-75,89, 10613, 146-53; Grassi, "Critical" 43-50; Krause, Mysterium 21-24, 43-53, 57, 112,204,262, 315-16, 321-31, 338; Morse, Truth 86,258 n. 1; Mali, Mythistory 1-35, 187-228; Mooney, Vico 18, 26-29, 82-83, 172-74, 186, 191-94, 206-45; Mauro, "Giambattista" 289-95; Hunger, "Das 'Enthymem. '" See also Ladner, "New Book" 396, 399; Maritain, "Sign"; Lobur, "Festinatio" esp. 222-23; Ballweg, Konziliare 215-20; Sewell, "Bacon"; Kahn, "Werner" 74-76; Beaujour, "Memory."

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