General Richard Montgomery and the American Revolution: From Redcoat to Rebel 9780814788868

Citation preview

General Richard Montgomery and the American Revolution

The American Social Experience S

E

R

I

E

S

General Editor: J A M E S KIRB

Y M A R T I

N

Editors: PAULA S

. F A S S

, S T E V E

J A M E S W

. R E E

N H

D&

. M I N T Z

, CAR

P E T E R N

L P R I N C E

. S T E A R N

S

I. The March to the Sea and Beyond: Sherman's Troops in the Savannah and Carolinas Campaigns J O S E P H T

. G L A T T H A A

R

2. Childbearing in American Society: 1650-1850 C A T H E R I N E M

. S C H O L T E

N

3. The Origins of Behaviorism: American Psychology, 1870-1920 J O H N M

. O ' D O N N E L

L

4. New York City Cartmen, 1667-1850 G R A H A M R U S S E L

L H O D G E

S

5. From Equal Suffrage to Equal Rights: Alice Paul and the National Woman's Party, 1910-1928 C H R I S T I N E A

. L U N A R D I N

I

6. Mr. Jefferson's Army: Political and Social Reform of the Military Establishment, 1801-1809 T H E O D O R E J

. CRACKE

L

7. "A Peculiar People": Slave Religion and CommunityCulture among the Gullahs M A R G A R E T W A S H I N G T O

N C R E E

L

8. " A Mixed Multitude": The Struggle for Toleration in Colonial Pennsylvania SALLY S C H W A R T

Z

9. Women, Work, and Fertility, 1900-1986 SUSAN H O U S E H O L D E

R VA

N HOR

N

10. Liberty, Virtue, and Progress: Northerners and Their War for the Union EARL J

. H E S

S

11. Lewis M. Terman: Pioneer in Psychological Testing H E N R Y L

. M I N T O

N

,

12. Schools as Sorters: Lewis M. Terman, Applied Psychology, and the Intelligence Testing Movement, 1890-1930 PAUL D A V I

S C H A P M A

N

13. Free Love: Marriage and Middle-Class Radicalism in America, 182s-1860 J O H N C

. SPURLOC

K

14. Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History PETER N

. S T E A R N

S

13. The Nurturing Neighborhood: The Brownsville Boys Club and Jewish Community in Urban America, 1940-1990 G E R A L D SORI

N

16. War in America to 1775: Before Yankee Doodle J O H N M O R G A

N D E D E R E

R

17. An American Vision: Far Western Landscape and National Culture, 1820-1920 A N N E FARRA

R H Y D

E

18. Frederick Law Olmsted: The Passion of a Public Artist M E L V I N KALFU

S

19. Medical Malpractice in Nineteenth-Century America: K E N N E T H ALLE

N D

Origins and Legacy

E VILL

E

20. Dancing in Chains: The Youth of William Dean Howells RODNEY D

. O L S E

N

21. Breaking the Bonds: Marital Discord in Pennsylvania, 1730-1830 M E R R I L D

. SMIT

H

22. In the Web of Class: Delinquents and Reformers in Boston, 1810s- 1830s ERIC C

. S C H N E I D E

R

23. Army of Manifest Destiny: The American Soldier in the Mexican War, 1846-1848 J A M E S M

. M C C A F F R E

Y

24. The Dutch-American Farm D A V I D S T E V E

N C O H E

N

23. Independent Intellectuals in the United States, 1910- 194s S T E V E N BIE

L

26. The Modern Christmas in America: A Cultural History of Gift Giving W I L L I A M B

. W A I T

S

27. The First Sexual Revolution: The Emergence of Male Heterosexuality in Modern America K E V I N W H I T

E

28. Bad Habits: Drinking, Smoking, Taking Drugs, Gambling, Sexual Misbehavior, and Swearing in American History JOHN C

. BURNHA

M

29. General Richard Montgomery and the American Revolution: From Redcoat to Rebel HAL T

. SHELTO

N

Richard Montgomery , portrai t engrave d b y E . Mackenzi e from th e original oil by C . W . Peale . Courtes y o f the New-Yor k Historica l Society, Ne w York , N.Y .

General Richard Montgomery and the American Revolution From Redcoat to Rebel

HAL T

. SHELTO

N

N E W YOR K U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S

New York and London

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n Copyright © 199 4 Dv Ne w Yor k Universit y All rights reserve d Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Shelton, Ha l T . (Ha l Terry) , 1935 General Richar d Montgomer y an d th e American revolutio n : fro m redcoat t o rebel / Ha l T . Shelton . p. cm . — (The America n socia l experience serie s ; 29 ) Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-7975- 1 1. Montgomery , Richard , 1738-1775 . 2 . Generils—Unite d States -Biography. 3 . Unite d States . Continenta l Army—Biography . 4. Canadia n Invasion , 1775-1776 . I . Title . II . Series . E207.M7S48 199 4 97 3.3'092— dc20

[B] 93"3°7

6

CIP

7

New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s are printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chosen fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n the Unite d State s of Americ a 10 9

8

7

6

5

4

To the memory of my late father, William Oble Shelton—my first mentor, and one who serves as my continuing reference point.

Contents

Acknowledgments xii O N E Introduction

i

TWO Ancestry

and Early Life 8

T H R E E Duty

in the Seven Years' War 1

7

for the Patriot Cause 3

5

FOUR Decision F I V E Service

in the Provincial Congress 5

s i x The

Patriot Call to Arms 65

S E V E N The

March to Canada 7

E I G H T Struggle N I N E On

i

and Success against St. Johns 9 to Quebec 11

T E N Attack

on Quebec 1

E L E V E N Aftermath T W E L V E Epilogue

of Quebec 15 17

1

9 7 6

33 1 2

Appendixes 18

3

Notes 18

9

Bibliography 22

7

Index 23

9

xi

Acknowledgments

L

ike all authors, I amasse d a tremendous deb t o f gratitude durin g th e production o f thi s volume . Th e man y person s wh o contribute d -# t o th e fulfillmen t o f thi s wor k ar e to o numerou s t o individuall y credit here . However , som e deserve singula r recognition . This boo k gre w ou t o f m y doctora l dissertation , complete d a t th e University o f Houston . Al l historian s ar e products o f their educatio n an d teachers. Thus , a n acknowledgmen t o f th e mos t influentia l individual s who helpe d m e mol d m y caree r i s i n order . Firs t an d foremost , I woul d like t o than k m y academi c adviso r an d friend , Jame s Kirb y Martin , Professor o f History , Universit y o f Houston , wh o gav e unstintingl y o f his tim e an d expertis e t o inspir e an d motivat e m e i n thi s effort . Whil e I was hi s studen t an d graduat e assistant , h e demonstrate d t o m e th e attri butes o f a tru e scholar—devote d t o teaching , research , an d writing . I consider mysel f extremel y fortunat e t o hav e becom e associate d wit h hi m and reape d th e benefit s o f hi s knowledg e an d guidance . H e wil l alway s stand i n my estimatio n a s the epitome of an educator an d someon e who m I aspir e t o emulate . A specia l wor d o f appreciatio n als o goe s t o Josep h Glatthaar, Chair , Departmen t o f History , Universit y o f Houston , wh o materially contribute d t o my endeavo r throug h hi s renowned scholarshi p in military history . This work could not have been written without access to the documen t collections o f variou s researc h institution s an d archives . Th e Davi d Li brary o f th e America n Revolutio n serve s a s th e onl y depositor y an d facility dedicate d exclusivel y t o thi s perio d o f America n history . I a m greatly indebte d t o its President an d Director , Ezr a Stone , an d it s Direc xiii

xiv • Acknowledgments tor o f Research , Davi d J . Fowler , fo r thei r persona l an d professiona l association an d th e use of their fin e resource center. Th e archiva l staff s a t the New Yor k Publi c Library , New-Yor k Historica l Society , an d Prince ton Universit y Librar y wer e extremel y competen t an d helpfu l i n makin g available pertinent material s i n their possession . Funding playe d a significan t rol e i n bringin g thi s boo k t o fruition . I would lik e t o expres s m y gratitud e t o th e Universit y o f Housto n fo r th e Robert Giesber g Awar d fo r Outstandin g Teachin g Fello w (1988) , th e Murry A . Mille r Graduate Studen t Scholarshi p (1988-89), and the Grad uate Studen t Researc h an d Activit y Scholarshi p (1989) ; and t o the Davi d Library o f the American Revolutio n fo r it s research gran t (1988). New Yor k Universit y Pres s serve d a s th e midwif e o f th e manuscript . The finished produc t i s du e t o th e outstandin g skil l o f it s highl y profes sional staff : Coli n Jones, Director ; Nik o Pfund , Editor-in-Chief ; Despin a Papazoglou Gimbel , Managin g Editor ; an d Jennife r Hammer , Assistan t Editor. Al l patientl y worke d wit h m e t o conver t m y roug h draft s int o a comprehensible an d publishabl e work . Finally, I wis h t o than k m y family—Myrtl e Lyn n Shelton , mother ; Sutthida (Toi ) Shelton , wife ; Shan e Shelton , son ; Scot t an d Darl a Shel ton, so n an d daughter-in-law ; Sheil a an d Dere k Matthys , daughte r an d son-in-law—for thei r understanding an d support . A writer's task is sometimes a solitar y one . Thes e love d one s endure d abandonmen t o n man y occasions i n allowing m e the time to complete m y work .

General Richard Montgomery and the American Revolution

C

H

A

P

T

E

R

O N

E

Introduction Brief, brave, and glorious was his young career,— His mourners were two hosts—his friends an d foes; And fitly may the stranger, lingering here Pray for his gallant spirit's bright repose; For he was Freedom's champion, one of those, The few in number, who had not o'erstept The charter to chastise which she bestows On such as wield her weapon; he had kept The whiteness of his soul, and thus men o'er him wept1

A t 3 A.M. o n Decembe r 31 , 1775 , a band o f desperate me n stumble d / % forwar d i n th e middl e o f a dark nigh t an d durin g th e wors t o f a jL JL . Canadia n winte r storm . I n th e mids t o f gale-drive n sno w an d sleet, th e men' s labore d breathin g soo n covere d thei r face s wit h ice . Th e torturous weathe r cause d physica l pai n an d a numbnes s o f th e senses . They trudge d alon g a narrow, jumble d pat h tha t followe d th e rive r lyin g below. A careles s ste p coul d plung e a hapless individua l ont o th e froze n stream tha t la y to one side of the slipper y trail . An y rationa l bein g woul d have sough t immediat e relie f fro m th e hostil e elements , bu t th e leade r t o whom thi s grou p wa s committe d exhorte d the m beyon d individua l con cerns for comfor t o r safety. 2 A mixture o f New Yorker s an d Ne w Englanders , th e member s o f thi s command joine d th e Continenta l arm y wit h short-ter m enlistments , man y of which wer e due to expire in less than twenty-fou r hours . Althoug h th e I

2 • Introduction military expeditio n ha d capture d For t Chambly , For t St . Johns , an d Montreal i n recen t encounters , rapi d personne l turnove r cause d th e uni t to remai n largel y unseasoned . Mos t o f th e soldier s maintaine d a cavalie r attitude towar d militar y duty , disdainin g martia l disciplin e an d regimen . They wer e also sectionalists, highl y distrustfu l o f anyone who came fro m outside thei r hom e region . Thi s situatio n presente d a grea t challeng e t o their leader . H e mos t recentl y reside d i n New Yor k bu t wa s an Irishma n by birt h an d ha d serve d i n the Britis h Army . Throug h persona l exampl e on th e battlefield , however , h e wa s abl e t o inspir e thi s ragta g arm y an d form i t int o a n effectiv e fighting force . Th e me n respecte d hi s militar y experience an d admire d hi s brave and dauntles s demeanor . Therefore, thes e America n patriot s wer e grudgingly willin g t o endur e the present hardshi p with th e hope that the same storm tha t ravaged the m would als o provide a measure o f protection. The y truste d tha t th e sever e weather an d darknes s woul d concea l thei r presenc e fro m th e enem y an d thereby ai d i n thei r enterprise . Thus , ther e woul d b e n o turnin g back . The me n covere d th e firing lock s o f thei r musket s wit h th e lappet s o f their coat s t o protec t the m i n firing order , leane d agains t th e ragin g blizzard, an d advance d towar d th e fortress-cit y o f Quebec , wher e th e British arm y awaited. 3 After severa l mor e hour s o f struggle , th e Continenta l soldier s reache d the outskirt s o f Quebe c an d prepare d t o launc h a planned , coordinate d attack t o seiz e th e city . America n militar y leader s considere d Quebe c a critical prize , sinc e the y believe d i t t o b e th e ke y t o th e conques t o f Canada. I n Septembe r 1775 , Georg e Washington , th e newl y appointe d commander i n chief of the American army , expresse d hi s thoughts on th e significance o f the capture o f Quebec an d th e Canadian invasio n whe n h e stated tha t th e operatio n wa s u of th e utmos t importanc e t o th e interes t and libertie s of America." 4 By 5 A.M., th e America n forc e initiate d it s assault. Th e commande r o f the attackin g troop s positione d himsel f i n the front o f his men, a s was hi s custom durin g battle . Raisin g hi s swor d i n th e air , h e spurre d th e cold , wearied soldier s forwar d t o follo w hi s lead . After surmountin g tw o un manned defensiv e barricades , th e America n troop s encountere d ye t an other obstacle . Thi s time , th e Britis h wer e waitin g i n ambush . Canno n grapeshot an d muske t fire raine d upo n th e attacker s fro m well-conceale d positions withi n a blockhouse . Th e patrio t leade r crumple d t o th e ground . Gen. Richar d Montgomer y wa s dea d o f thre e grapesho t wound s fired a t point-blank range. 5

Introduction • 3 A membe r o f Montgomery' s part y reporte d tha t "th e fata l strok e o f losing ou r general , thre w ou r troop s int o confusion." 6 Th e remainin g Americans coul d no t regai n th e offensive . Thos e attacker s wh o survive d the violen t rebuf f fro m th e enem y retreate d o r wer e captured . Gu y Carleton, th e Britis h commande r o f Quebec , summarize d th e operatio n by assertin g that the attack "wa s soon repulsed wit h slaughter." 7 Withou t Montgomery's leadership , th e America n offensiv e agains t Quebe c turne d into a disastrous failure . The Britis h forc e di d no t ascertai n Montgomery' s deat h unti l th e nex t day. Th e Britis h sen t ou t a part y t o surve y th e America n dea d a t tha t time. Wit h th e cooperatio n o f a capture d Continenta l officer , th e detai l found an d identifie d Montgomery' s bod y wher e h e fel l th e da y before . About thre e fee t o f accumulate d sno w partiall y obscure d th e solidl y frozen remains , bu t hi s raised ar m remaine d visibl e above the snow . Th e party als o discovered hi s swor d lyin g besid e the body . Violen t deat h ha d reduced thi s imposin g figur e o f a militar y leade r i n life—tall , straight , lean, vibrant—t o a grotesque, distorte d for m wit h knee s draw n u p towar d the head. 8 The Britis h wer e almos t a s regretfu l o f Montgomery' s deat h a s th e Americans. Gov . Gu y Carleto n an d othe r Britis h officer s wh o defende d Quebec agains t Montgomery' s attac k ha d serve d wit h hi m earlie r durin g the Seve n Years ' War . Montgomer y sa w dut y i n th e Britis h arm y fro m 1756 to 1773 , rising t o the ran k o f captain befor e h e sold hi s commission . He subsequentl y settle d i n Ne w York , marrie d Jane t Livingsto n o f th e prominent Rober t R . Livingston , Sr. , family , an d i n 177 5 too k u p arm s against hi s former countr y whe n offere d a brigadier general' s commissio n in th e Continenta l army . Eve n thoug h Montgomer y change d allegiances , his forme r militar y acquaintance s stil l respecte d hi s persona l characte r and militar y leadershi p ability. 9 Gu y Carleto n ordere d Montgomery' s body decentl y burie d withi n Quebec. 10 Soon afte r hi s death , Edmun d Burke , a n oppositio n statesman , deliv ered a n eloquent an d movin g eulogy o f Montgomery i n the Britis h Parlia ment. Prim e Ministe r Lor d Frederic k North , however , becam e agitate d by thi s discours e an d replied : " I canno t joi n i n lamentin g th e deat h o f Montgomery a s a public loss. A curse on his virtues! They've undone thi s country. H e wa s brave , h e was noble , h e wa s humane , h e wa s generous : but stil l h e was only a brave, able , humane , an d generou s rebel. " Charle s James Fox , anothe r libera l membe r o f Parliament, retorted , "Th e ter m of rebel i s n o certai n mar k o f disgrace . Th e grea t asserter s o f liberty , th e

4 • Introduction saviors o f thei r country , th e benefactor s o f mankin d i n al l ages , hav e al l been called rebels. " n Americans wer e even more profuse i n their praise of the fallen general . Benedict Arnol d serve d unde r Montgomer y a t Quebec . Arnold , wh o could b e a hars h critic , pai d hi s superio r office r sincer e tribut e an d maintained tha t ha d no t Montgomer y "receive d th e fata l sho t . . . th e town woul d hav e bee n ours." 12 Gen . Phili p Schuyler , Montgomery' s commanding office r durin g th e Canadia n operation , grieved : "M y amia ble and gallan t Genera l Montgomer y i s no more. . . . My feeling s o n thi s unhappy occasio n ar e to o poignan t t o admi t o f expression . Ma y Heave n avert an y furthe r evils." 13 Mourning Montgomery' s untimel y deat h wa s no t confine d t o thos e closely associate d wit h him . H e wa s th e first America n genera l office r killed i n th e War fo r America n Independence . Joseph Warren , who m th e Continental Congres s ha d appointe d majo r genera l bu t ha d no t ye t con firmed hi s commission, die d a t Bunker Hil l si x months earlier . Montgom ery's heroi c dee d eclipse d tha t o f Warren , an d th e American s quickl y elevated hi m t o martyrdo m i n thei r struggl e fo r independence . Durin g the critica l tim e whe n th e colonist s debate d th e issu e o f arme d revolt , revolutionary American s toute d Montgomery' s sacrific e t o evoke patrioti c spirit towar d continuin g th e war . In 1776 , a patriot pamphle t appeare d i n Philadelphi a unde r th e titl e A Dialogue between the Ghost of General Montgomery and an American Delegate in a Wood Near Philadelphia. Thi s wor k i s generall y attribute d t o Thoma s Paine, revolutionar y America' s mos t influentia l pamphleteer. 14 I n 1777 , Hugh Henr y Brackenridg e publishe d a heroic tragedy , The Death of General Montgomery. It wa s a dramatic poe m clearl y intende d t o arous e colo nial sentiment s agains t th e British. 15 The hapless fortune of the day is sunk! Montgomery slain, and wither'd every hope! Mysterious Providence, thy ways are just, And we submit in deep humility. But O let fire or pestilence from Heaven , Avenge the butchery; let Englishmen, The cause and agents in this horrid war, In tenfold amplitude , meet gloomy death. 16 The Continenta l Congres s playe d a n importan t rol e i n advancin g Montgomery's contributio n t o th e patrio t cause . Afte r learnin g o f th e

Introduction • 5 general's death , Congres s issue d a proclamatio n statin g "thei r gratefu l remembrance, respect , an d hig h veneration ; an d desirin g t o transmi t t o future age s a trul y worth y exampl e o f patriotism , conduct , boldnes s o f enterprise, insuperabl e perseverance, an d contempt of danger and death." 17 On Januar y 22 , 1776 , Congres s appointe d a committee , whic h in cluded Benjami n Franklin , t o "conside r a proper metho d o f paying a just tribute o f gratitud e t o th e memor y o f Genera l Montgomery." 18 Thre e days later , th e committe e recommende d tha t a memoria l b e obtaine d from Paris , "wit h a n inscription , sacre d t o hi s [Montgomery's ] memory , and expressiv e o f hi s amiabl e characte r an d heroic k achievements." 19 Congress approve d th e recommendation , an d Benjami n Frankli n mad e the necessar y arrangement s fo r a stone marke r t o be made. I n th e follow ing year , Frankli n describe d th e complete d monumen t a s "plain , bu t elegant, bein g done by on e of the best artist s i n Paris." 20 Finding a suitabl e locatio n fo r th e shrin e wa s delaye d unti l afte r th e war. Eventually , Ne w Yor k Cit y accepte d th e hono r o f receivin g th e nation's approbatio n t o th e America n patriot . I n 1787 , wit h prope r cere mony, authoritie s erecte d th e marke r a t St . Paul' s Church . I t remain s today a s th e first monumen t dedicate d b y th e governmen t t o a n Ameri can revolutionar y hero . Th e memoria l bear s th e followin g origina l in scription: This Monument is erected By order of Congress, 25th January, 177 6 To transmit to posterity A Grateful Remembranc e of the Patriotism, Conduct, Enterpriz e and Perseverance of Major General Richard Montgomery who after a series of successes Amidst the most discouraging difficulties , Fell in the attack on Quebec, 31st December, 1775 . Aged 3 7 years. 21 In 1818 , America n official s reclaime d Montgomery' s remain s fro m Quebec an d reinterre d the m appropriatel y withi n hi s chose n country . The final restin g plac e wa s locate d nex t t o th e origina l monumen t a t St . Paul's Church . The Continenta l Congres s als o use d Montgomery' s deat h a s a justifi -

6 • Introduction cation fo r expandin g stat e commitment s t o th e revolutionar y effort . O n September 24 , 1776 , Congres s sen t resolve s t o th e states , raisin g quota s and increasin g enlistment tim e for troops to be provided fo r the Continen tal army . I n a lette r enclose d wit h th e resolves , Joh n Hancoc k stated : "The fal l o f the lat e Genl. Montgomer y befor e Quebe c i s undoubtedly t o be ascribed t o the limite d tim e for whic h th e troops wer e engaged; whos e impatience t o retur n hom e compelle d hi m t o mak e the attac k contrar y t o the convictio n o f hi s ow n judgment . Thi s fac t alon e furnishe s a strikin g argument o f th e dange r an d impropriet y o f sendin g troop s int o th e field under an y restriction s a s t o th e tim e o f thei r enlistment . Th e nobles t enterprize ma y b e lef t unfinishe d b y troop s i n suc h a predicament , o r abandoned a t th e ver y momen t succes s mus t hav e crowne d th e at tempt." 22 It i s somewha t ironi c tha t Richar d Montgomery , wh o wa s s o wel l regarded b y hi s contemporarie s an d whos e deat h wa s s o highl y instru mental i n formin g genera l opinio n durin g th e Revolution , shoul d no w occupy suc h a n obscure place in the historiography o f that period . O f th e twenty-nine majo r general s wh o serve d i n th e America n Revolution , al l but si x have bee n treate d a s subjects o f book-length biographies . Richar d Montgomery remain s on e o f th e neglecte d few . Th e brie f sketche s tha t have been produce d o n his life hardl y d o him justice. 23 The paucit y o f biographica l studie s pertainin g t o Montgomer y i n th e literature i s even more perplexing, sinc e Montgomery's fam e ha s endure d with th e passag e o f time . Th e lastin g permeatio n o f Montgomery' s lif e into th e nationa l consciousnes s i s reflected b y a n examinatio n o f county designation record s within th e nation. Traditionally , governmen t official s select th e nam e fo r a count y fro m som e well-know n historica l entit y o r personage. Excludin g president s an d governors , Montgomer y rank s fifth on the list of persons for who m th e greatest numbe r o f counties have been named. Som e sixtee n countie s throughou t th e natio n wer e name d afte r Montgomery. 24 On e migh t expec t tha t a county i n Ne w Yor k woul d b e designated fo r it s adopte d so n an d tha t som e state s o n th e Eas t Coas t where th e Revolutio n predominantl y rage d woul d remembe r Montgom ery; however , othe r far-flun g countie s acros s th e countr y bea r name s t o honor Montgomery' s memory. 25 Therefore, Montgomer y no t onl y ha d a significan t impac t o n th e American Revolution , bu t h e remain s a n importan t historica l figure. Although hi s lif e an d militar y caree r wer e brief , Montgomery' s associa tion wit h th e American revolutionar y arm y wa s unique. H e wa s a forme r

Introduction • 7 British office r wh o ha d settle d i n th e colonie s shortl y befor e th e Revolu tion. Subsequently , Congres s calle d upo n hi m t o serv e i n th e America n patriot's cause . Unlik e other forme r professiona l soldier s i n this situation , Montgomery di d no t solici t militar y appointmen t an d responde d reluc tantly whe n urge d t o joi n th e Continenta l army . Durin g thi s crucia l initial period o f the Revolution , th e patriot leadershi p was struggling wit h establishing and organizing an army to compete with the world-renowne d British arme d forces . Montgomery' s servic e i n th e fledglin g Continenta l military offer s a n appreciatio n fo r th e wa y thes e measure s wer e under taken. Montgomer y wa s als o wel l regarde d b y bot h th e Britis h an d th e Americans throughou t th e Revolution . Ho w h e reconcile d hi s divide d loyalties an d fough t agains t hi s forme r militar y comrade s shoul d ad d t o the intellectua l histor y o f th e time . Ho w th e Britis h an d American s related t o his experiences i n the wa r shoul d provid e som e critical insight s into the revolutionar y era . Thus , thi s stud y constitute s a n effort t o install Richard Montgomer y i n his rightful plac e in the scholarl y conscience .

C

H

A

P

T

E

R

T W

O

Ancestry and Early Life If anything human could now reach his ear, nothing but the grea t concern s o f virtue , liberty , truth , an d justic e would b e tolerabl e t o him ; fo r t o thes e wa s hi s lif e devoted from hi s early years.1

R

ichard Montgomer y wa s bor n o n Decembe r 2 , 1738 , a t hi s fa ther's countr y estate , nea r Sword s i n Count y Dublin , Ireland . . Thus , h e joine d a respectable famil y o f Iris h gentr y a s th e so n of Thoma s Montgomer y an d Mar y Frankli n (Franklyn ) Montgomery . His father , wh o ha d inherite d a title o f baronet , wa s a former captai n i n the army. H e was serving as a member of the Irish Parliament fo r Lifford , in Count y Donegal , a t th e tim e o f Richard' s birth. 2 Man y o f th e trait s that Richar d Montgomer y woul d exhibi t late r i n life ma y b e explained b y his ancestry. Richar d wa s directly descende d fro m a family tha t ha d bee n prominent i n Irelan d an d Scotlan d fo r man y generations . Som e source s even trac e th e earl y genealog y o f th e Montgomer y famil y bac k t o Nor mandy beyon d A.D . 912. 3 Thi s lineag e i s replet e wit h military , moral , and public-servic e references . Mos t o f Richard' s forebear s functione d i n the arme d force s an d position s o f civi l duty . A fe w entere d th e privat e sector, seekin g career s i n commercia l pursuits . Th e evidenc e als o indi cates tha t man y o f th e persona l conflict s experience d b y thi s kinshi p involved ethica l issues . Richard's fathe r provide s a n excellent poin t o f entree int o the Montgo mery ancestry . Thoma s Montgomery , a headstrong individual , defie d hi s

Ancestry and Early Life • 9 patriarchal father , Col . Alexande r Montgomer y (Montgomerie) , i n th e matter o f matrimony . Alexande r oppose d hi s son' s marriag e t o Mar y Franklin, a n Englis h lad y o f fortune , bu t Thoma s wa s unrelentin g i n hi s devotion t o Mary . Alexande r neve r forgav e hi s son' s defianc e o f hi s wishes an d designate d Thomas' s eldes t son , Alexande r John, a s the bene factor o f his will. 4 The unio n of Thomas an d Mar y Montgomer y produce d fou r children . Richard wa s th e thir d so n o f th e family , whic h als o include d a younge r daughter. Richard' s oldes t brother , Alexande r John , serve d a s a captai n in th e Britis h 43 d Regimen t i n Americ a durin g th e Seve n Years ' War . Subsequent t o his military duty , h e was a member o f the Irish Parliamen t for Donega l fo r thirty-tw o years . H e neve r married , an d h e die d a t th e age o f seventy-eigh t o n Septembe r 29 , 1800. 5 Joh n Montgomery , th e second son , wa s on e o f th e exception s t o th e Montgomer y legac y o f military an d publi c service . H e becam e a note d merchan t i n Portugal. 6 Sarah Montgomery , th e daughter , marrie d Charle s Ranelagh , a n impov erished Iris h viscount , an d raise d a large family. 7 Richard Montgomer y himsel f chos e t o trac e hi s origi n fro m Coun t d e Montgomery (Gabrie l d e Lorges) , a French noblema n o f Scottis h extrac tion (c . 1530-1574). 8 Althoug h Richar d wa s no t a direc t descendan t o f the count , thi s selectio n i s significan t becaus e i t reveal s wha t persona l qualities Richar d admire d mos t i n his ancestry . A biograph y o f Count d e Montgomery fairl y bristle s wit h militar y prowes s an d mora l courage . On Jun e 28-30 , 1559 , Kin g Henr y I I o f Franc e hel d a celebration i n Paris o n th e occasio n o f th e marriag e o f hi s daughter , Isabella , t o Kin g Philip I I o f Spain . Th e kin g ha d a penchant fo r sportin g activities , s o he ordered a tournament t o b e conducte d throughou t th e three-da y festival . On th e las t da y o f th e games , Henr y I I personall y entere d int o th e jousting match. Th e queen , Catherin e de' Medici (Catherine de Medicis), feared fo r he r husband' s safet y an d urge d hi m t o foreg o th e dangerou s pastime. However , chivalr y dominate d th e attitudes o f the gentry durin g this era , an d Henr y pride d himsel f o n suc h attributes . H e enjoye d a reputation a s a n accomplishe d horsema n an d man-at-arms . Lik e othe r noblemen, Henr y ha d learne d martia l skill s a t a n earl y ag e a s part o f hi s preparation fo r manhood . Durin g a joustin g trainin g session , hi s father , King Franci s I , delivere d suc h a blow t o hi s fac e tha t i t tor e a large gas h in the flesh. 9 According t o custom , jouster s use d woode n lance s an d attempte d t o strike their competitor s i n order t o unhorse the m o r to break thei r lances .

io • Ancestry and Early Life After demonstratin g hi s skil l i n severa l tilts , th e kin g wished t o challeng e another opponent . H e summone d Montgomery , hi s captai n o f th e Roya l Scottish Guard , t o ru n agains t him . Montgomer y trie d t o declin e th e perilous honor , bu t th e kin g insisted . Althoug h Henr y an d Montgomer y broke thei r lance s durin g thi s run , th e coun t cause d hi s monarc h t o los e his stirrup , nearl y unseatin g him . Embarrasse d b y hi s unstead y perfor mance during the first match, th e king wanted t o run anothe r bout agains t Montgomery. Disregardin g th e protest s o f those concerned ove r th e kin g placing himself i n unnecessary danger , Henr y demande d a rematch. 10 During thi s encounter , bot h jouster s brok e thei r lance s deftly ; bu t Montgomery, i n hi s anxiety , faile d t o releas e hi s broke n lanc e immedi ately afte r impact . Th e severe d shaf t remainin g i n Montgomery' s han d unintentionally struc k an d raise d th e king' s visor , allowin g th e splintere d end t o be driven throug h th e monarch's eye . Hastil y summone d surgeon s removed a four-inch-long woode n fragmen t an d fou r smalle r piece s fro m Henry's head . A t first, th e doctor s believe d tha t h e woul d onl y los e hi s eye. O n th e thir d day , h e wa s consciou s an d aske d fo r Montgomery . When tol d tha t th e coun t ha d fled Paris , h e said : "H e mus t b e brough t back a t al l costs . Wha t ha s h e t o fear ? Thi s acciden t happene d no t through hi s fault bu t b y a n unlucky chance. " n In spit e o f thi s momentar y rally , th e king' s conditio n continue d t o deteriorate. Bloo d poisonin g se t i n an d brai n damag e ensued . Medica l treatment prove d t o be futile. H e lingered fo r ten days before succumbin g to the wound . Henr y I I die d o n July i o a t th e ag e of forty. H e ha d bee n the victi m o f a tragic accident—an d apparentl y forgav e Montgomer y fo r his par t i n th e mishap . However , Catherine , th e roya l court , an d othe r horror-stricken spectator s wh o had witnesse d th e disastrous even t blame d the hapless Montgomery fo r th e loss of their ruler. 12 Because o f hi s censure , Coun t Montgomer y retire d initiall y t o Nor mandy, wher e h e maintaine d severa l estates , an d subsequentl y fled t o England. Als o durin g thi s period , h e converte d t o Calvinis t Protestant ism. Returnin g t o Franc e i n 1562 , he distinguished himsel f a s a leader o f the Huguenot s i n th e religiou s civi l wa r agains t Charle s IX , so n an d successor t o Henr y II . Montgomer y serve d a s on e o f severa l Hugueno t generals wh o fough t agains t th e Catholic s durin g th e rebellion . Th e others include d th e Princ e d e Cond e (Loui s I d e Bourbon ) an d Coun t Gaspard d e Coligny . Most o f the Huguenot militar y leader s came from th e lesser nobility o f France. Becaus e o f thei r landlor d socia l status , the y wer e particularl y

Ancestry and Early Life • 1 1 vulnerable t o th e hig h inflatio n tha t occurre d fro m tim e t o time . Thi s economic condition severel y reduced th e value of money whil e land renta l rates remained fixed b y governmental regulation . I n addition, Frenc h la w forbade th e gentry fro m supplementin g thei r incom e through commercia l enterprises. O n th e othe r hand , socia l conventio n dictate d tha t th e nobil ity maintai n a certain standar d o f living. Th e maintenanc e of their statio n required a large , continuou s expenditur e fo r th e educatio n o f thei r chil dren, accoutrement s o f rank , an d othe r trapping s befittin g a membe r o f the lavis h socia l order . Appearance s ha d t o be upheld a t al l costs. There fore, th e effect s o f th e econom y weighe d harshl y o n thi s segmen t o f society. Thes e circumstance s an d th e fac t tha t th e peerag e traditionall y received martial-art s trainin g understandabl y turne d man y i n this class t o military pursuits . Fo r them , wa r wa s th e onl y trad e the y kne w o r wer e allowed t o practice. 13 During th e first hal f o f th e sixteent h century , Franc e engage d i n war s with Spai n an d th e empir e (Valois-Hapsbur g Wars , 1495-1559) . Wit h the ensuin g year s o f peace , man y Frenc h noblemen-soldier s becam e un occupied an d restless . Th e socia l tension s tha t ha d buil t u p i n thi s privi leged grou p hel p explai n th e natur e o f thei r participatio n i n th e Frenc h Wars o f Religio n (1560-1598) . Thes e men , wh o wer e accustome d t o living b y th e sword , becam e th e protector s o f th e represse d Frenc h Protestants durin g a n intense period o f religious reformation an d confron tation. Thi s i s no t t o sugges t tha t th e Hugueno t general s wer e militar y mercenaries, attemptin g t o reap only persona l gai n and glory. Al l of them had a n almos t fanatica l devotio n t o thei r fait h an d dedicatio n t o thei r cause. Rather , thei r backgroun d offer s a n insigh t int o wh y thi s religiou s struggle assume d a particula r form . B y inclination , thes e leader s wer e men o f action, no t politician s o r me n o f letters. Therefore , i t was inevita ble tha t thi s civi l strif e woul d b e playe d ou t throug h militar y confronta tion instea d o f using intellectua l o r diplomatic alternatives . The deat h o f Henr y I I lef t a t the hea d o f state Catherine de ' Medici a s regent an d quee n mothe r o f tw o young , sickl y kings . Franci s II , th e first in succession , die d o n Decembe r 5 , 1560 , a t th e ag e of eighteen . Charle s IX succeede d hi s brothe r whe n onl y te n year s old . Thi s perio d o f uncer tainty i n roya l powe r provide d ye t anothe r catalys t fo r th e Religiou s Wars. Initially , Catherine , actin g a s regent , attempte d t o reconcil e th e two religiou s factions ; however , he r action s prove d t o b e ineffectual . France experience d a protracted cycl e o f pacificatio n followe d b y violen t outbreaks o f arme d conflic t betwee n th e tw o set s o f antagonists . Histori -

12 • Ancestry and Early Life ans hav e differentiate d u p t o eigh t separat e war s durin g thi s turbulen t period o f nearl y fou r decade s o f domesti c strife . Me t wit h thi s serie s o f rebuffs, Catherin e the n exercise d he r matriarcha l influenc e wit h Charle s to align the monarchy wit h the Catholics and th e established church . Th e conflict turne d int o a civil war , pittin g th e royalist s an d Catholic s agains t the Protestants o r Huguenots. 14 Montgomery soon established himsel f a s the most successful Hugueno t military commander . Cond e an d Colign y suffere d frequen t defea t b y th e Catholics, an d Cond e los t hi s lif e afte r bein g capture d i n Marc h 1569 . Although Montgomery' s force s wer e usuall y outnumbere d b y th e oppo sition, the y raide d extensivel y i n western France . Montgomer y ha d man y narrow escape s a s th e Catholi c arm y harrie d hi s troops , bu t h e manage d to elud e th e ponderou s an d disorganize d adversary . Becaus e o f thes e victories, Montgomer y increase d th e siz e o f hi s forc e fro m th e area s i n which h e campaigned . Man y o f hi s follower s cam e fro m Normandy , where h e wa s wel l known . H e wa s als o instrumenta l i n causin g mutin y in the rank s o f the Scotc h Roya l Guard , thirt y o f whom deserte d t o thei r former commander . Thi s necessitate d a reorganizatio n o f th e guar d i n which th e monarch y replace d th e rebelliou s Scotc h troop s wit h Swis s soldiers. Th e King' s Swis s Guar d remaine d unti l th e Frenc h Revolu tion.15 On St . Bartholomew' s Day , Augus t 24 , 1572 , Catherine attempte d t o accomplish b y assassinatio n wha t th e Catholic s ha d faile d t o d o b y mili tary action—th e overthro w o f th e Hugueno t movement . B y thi s time , she wa s convince d tha t th e Huguenot s constitute d a rea l threa t t o th e throne an d tha t thei r activitie s migh t resul t i n foreig n intervention . I n what i s commonl y referre d t o a s th e St . Bartholome w Massacre , th e monarchy an d Catholi c force s plotte d th e murde r o f al l th e principa l Huguenot leader s i n a mass killing . Conciliation towar d th e Protestant s i n th e previou s yea r ha d allowe d Coligny t o retur n t o court . H e wa s th e firs t victi m slai n i n Paris . Mont gomery, quartere d acros s th e Sein e Rive r i n St . Germain , wa s als o a primary targe t fo r assassinatio n tha t day . However , b y th e time assassins reached hi s location outsid e of Paris, Montgomery ha d receive d warning s of the danger an d manage d t o foil hi s attackers. H e escaped t o Normand y and thenc e t o England . Th e selecte d massacr e soon rage d ou t o f han d into a genera l slaughter , wit h mob s roamin g throughou t Pari s street s killing suspecte d heretics . I n th e nex t severa l day s th e carnag e sprea d

Ancestry and Early Life • 1 3 from Pari s t o th e provinces . Thousand s o f individual s los t thei r live s i n this brutal event. 16 Of th e chie f leader s o f th e Hugueno t armies , onl y Montgomer y sur vived. Hi s dramati c avoidanc e o f th e St . Bartholome w Massacr e frus trated th e Frenc h monarchy' s pla n t o undermin e th e Hugueno t move ment. Therefore , Catherin e an d Charle s were most anxiou s to apprehen d Montgomery. However , Quee n Elizabet h I o f Englan d maintaine d a n active interes t i n Montgomer y an d hi s cause . Fancyin g hersel f a s th e upholder o f Protestantism , sh e gav e ai d an d encouragemen t t o th e Hu guenots. Sh e als o force d mediatio n severa l time s durin g th e Religiou s Wars b y threatenin g Englis h intervention . Elizabet h ha d offere d sanctu ary and a sympathetic ear before t o Montgomery. Thus , whe n Montgom ery arrive d safel y i n England , Elizabet h offere d hi m refuge . In it s frantic attemp t t o use every mean s t o dispatch Montgomery , th e French monarch y disregarde d Elizabeth' s previou s compassio n fo r th e Huguenots an d sough t he r cooperation . Whe n Charles' s ambassado r de livered a message to her requestin g assistanc e in the capture of Montgom ery, Quee n Elizabet h employe d subterfug e b y citin g a n instanc e whe n King Henr y I I refuse d t o surrende r som e Englis h fugitive s upo n th e request o f Quee n Mary . Quee n Elizabet h responde d thus : " I woul d answer you r maste r a s his father answere d m y sister , Quee n Mary , whe n he said , ' I wil l no t consen t t o b e the hangma n o f the Quee n o f England. ' So his Majesty , th e Kin g o f France , mus t excus e m e if I can n o more ac t as executioner o f thos e o f m y religio n tha n Kin g Henr y woul d discharg e a similar office i n the case of those that wer e not of his religion." 17 Montgomery soo n returne d t o Franc e an d continue d th e Hugueno t crusade. H e an d hi s follower s eventuall y mounte d a stou t resistanc e t o the Frenc h crown . Th e Huguenot s establishe d contro l ove r th e provinc e of Normandy b y holdin g the strategic towns o f St . L o and Domfront . A t this time , Montgomer y threatene d t o brin g extensiv e Frenc h territor y under th e power of the Protestants. I n 1574 , Charles I X tried t o negotiat e an armistic e wit h th e count , promisin g hi m protectio n i f h e woul d la y down hi s arms . However , Montgomer y replie d tha t th e memor y o f St . Bartholomew prevente d hi m fro m doin g so. 18 Montgomery's remarkabl e militar y caree r wa s destine d t o b e brief . The royalist s an d Catholic s finally organize d a stron g suppressiv e forc e and launche d a sustaine d attac k o n th e Hugueno t stronghol d o f St . L6 . Since h e wa s outnumbere d an d besieged , wit h littl e hop e o f success o r

14 # Ancestry and Early Life escape, Montgomery' s situatio n becam e desperate . Althoug h suffering tremendous losses , h e evade d destruction . However , th e loyalis t force s overtook Montgomer y a fe w day s late r a t Domfron t an d force d hi m t o surrender th e remnant s o f hi s command . Montgomery' s apprehensio n occurred thre e day s befor e Kin g Charle s I X finally succumbe d t o a lon g illness.19 The captur e o f Coun t Montgomer y wa s particularl y gratifyin g t o Catherine de ' Medici, wh o ha d neve r forgive n th e unfortunat e knigh t fo r her husband' s death . Montgomery' s warrin g agains t he r so n wh o suc ceeded th e lat e kin g furthe r exasperate d he r feelings . Therefore , Cather ine did no t wait fo r he r other son , Henr y III , t o assume the throne befor e venting he r rag e agains t Montgomery . Assumin g th e positio n o f regen t once again , sh e ordere d a n immediat e tria l i n Paris . Th e cour t foun d Montgomery guilt y o f treaso n an d sentence d hi m t o deat h b y decapita tion.20 On Jun e 26 , 1574 , Gabrie l Montgomer y died , facin g deat h a s coura geously a s h e ha d lived . Prou d an d defian t unti l th e end , h e maintaine d silence unde r tortur e whe n hi s captor s trie d t o extrac t a confession . H e also remained constan t t o the faith tha t h e embraced afte r hi s initial flight to England . T o a friar wh o attempte d t o convinc e hi m tha t h e ha d bee n deceived b y hi s conversion , h e replied : "If I hav e bee n deceived , i t wa s by member s o f you r ow n order ; fo r th e first perso n tha t eve r gav e m e a bible i n French , an d bad e m e t o rea d it , wa s a Francisca n lik e yourself . And therei n I learned th e religion that I now hold, whic h i s the only tru e religion. Havin g live d i n i t ever since , I wish, b y th e grace of God, t o die in it today." 21 On th e scaffold , Montgomer y addresse d th e spectators , speakin g mov ingly i n suppor t o f hi s religiou s principles . H e als o requested "tha t the y would tel l hi s children , who m th e judge s ha d declare d t o be degraded t o the ran k o f 'roturiers, ' that , i f the y ha d no t virtu e o f nobilit y enoug h t o reassert thei r position , thei r fathe r consente d t o th e act." 22 Refusin g a blindfold, h e the n offere d hi s nec k t o th e executioner' s sword . Gabrie l Montgomery thu s entere d martyrdom . Hi s militar y exploit s an d th e manner i n whic h h e conducte d himsel f durin g hi s executio n serve d a s inspiration t o th e remainin g Huguenots . Instea d o f destroyin g th e Hu guenot sec t a s Catherine ha d expected , Montgomery' s deat h ha d jus t th e opposite effect . I t infuse d ne w lif e int o the cause , whic h a t that tim e wa s at its lowest ebb . Gabriel Montgomery' s legac y of loyal devotion t o heartfelt conviction s

Ancestry and Early Life • 1 5 apparently serve d a s a n incentiv e fo r hi s famil y t o regai n thei r nobl e status. B y 1583 , in Normandy, youn g Count Montgomery ha d succeede d to the ran k o f his father an d take n u p arm s i n the Protestan t cause. 23 Th e wars continue d unti l 1598 . A t tha t time , Henr y o f Navarre , wh o gaine d decisive militar y victorie s a s a Protestant leader , brough t politica l a s well as military unit y an d peac e t o Franc e b y embracin g th e Catholi c religio n as King Henr y IV . Another mor e direc t Montgomer y descendant , Si r Hug h Montgom ery, wen t to England wit h William II I of Orange in 168 9 and commande d a regimen t durin g th e war s wit h Irelan d (1690-1691) . Willia m rewarde d him wit h vas t lan d grant s i n Ireland . Man y o f hi s relation s migrate d t o live on the Montgomery landholding s i n Ireland, an d thi s period gav e rise to the Iris h branc h o f the Montgomery family. 24 Also durin g thi s era , th e Montgomer y ki n devise d th e heraldi c armo rial insignia, whic h Richar d Montgomer y woul d late r inherit . Som e source s record tha t Gabrie l Montgomer y emblazone d o n his shield a man impale d by a lance , i n gri m memor y o f th e morta l woun d tha t h e delivere d t o Henry II . However , evidenc e indicate s tha t thi s accoun t wa s a fabrica tion, invente d b y th e Catholic s t o rall y loyalis t hatre d an d oppositio n t o Montgomery durin g th e war . A referenc e t o thi s inciden t wa s no t in cluded i n th e Montgomer y coat o f arm s unti l th e Iris h Montgomery s redesigned i t man y year s later , addin g a n ar m cla d i n armo r graspin g a broken lanc e t o th e design . Th e designer s als o change d th e mott o in scribed belo w th e shiel d a t thi s tim e b y substitutin g "Patria e Infelic i Fidelis" (Loyalty bu t Misfortun e i n One' s Nativ e Land ) fo r th e Scottis h "Garde Bien " (Protect Well). 25 These pas t event s an d personalities , then , forme d th e lineag e tha t Richard Montgomer y inherited . Hi s heritag e helpe d t o shap e hi s valu e system an d worl d view throughou t hi s life . Therefore , a n understandin g of th e Montgomer y ancestr y facilitate s perception s o f Richard' s late r decisions an d conduct . With thi s warlik e famil y tradition , i t wa s natura l fo r Richar d t o b e disposed towar d a militar y career . Befittin g a so n o f lande d gentry , h e acquired a libera l educatio n a s a youth. Afte r receivin g hi s initia l educa tion a t St . Andrew s School , Richar d enrolle d i n Trinity College , Dublin , in 1754 . H e attende d tw o year s o f colleg e when , upo n th e advic e an d urging o f hi s fathe r an d oldes t brother , h e mad e a final decisio n i n favo r of joining the army . Thoma s probabl y influence d hi s son toward militar y service because h e wante d Richar d t o follow i n his footsteps an d thos e of

16 • Ancestry and Early Life his forefather s i n maintainin g th e Montgomer y militar y tradition . Alex ander ha d alread y establishe d himsel f a s an arm y officer , havin g receive d an appointmen t sometim e before . Hi s fathe r purchase d a n ensign' s com mission for Richard , an d h e entered Britis h military servic e on Septembe r 21, 1756 , at the age of eighteen. H e spen t the next eight years of his early manhood i n the 17t h Regiment o f Foot i n the British army. 26 The 17t h Regimen t ha d a lon g an d honorabl e history . I n 1688 , Kin g James I I hurriedl y expande d hi s army t o meet the threat of William II I t o his throne . H e adde d fou r thousan d Englishme n t o th e arm y lists , to gether wit h thre e thousan d me n fro m bot h Irelan d an d Scotland . Raisin g the ne w regiments , whic h include d th e 17th , brough t th e tota l arm y strength t o fort y thousan d men . Kin g James fel t confiden t tha t h e coul d defend hi s crow n wit h suc h a force . However , politica l conspiracy , no t force o f arms , cause d th e overthro w o f James. Mos t o f hi s high-rankin g officials deserte d him , an d h e fled int o exil e withou t a majo r militar y confrontation. Th e 17t h Regimen t survive d th e "Gloriou s Revolution " and severa l arm y reorganization s tha t followed . I t late r distinguishe d itself durin g th e Wa r o f th e Spanis h Successio n (1701-1714) , fighting under th e Duk e of Marlborough throughou t war-tor n Europe. 27 It i s ironi c tha t Richar d Montgomer y becam e a membe r o f th e sam e regiment that James II formed t o oppose his ancestor, Si r Hugh Montgom hery, wh o wa s the n i n th e servic e o f William III . Nevertheless , th e 17t h Regiment wa s prou d o f it s reputatio n a s a time-honored Iris h unit , loyal in it s suppor t t o th e Britis h Empire . Richar d mus t hav e share d thi s military traditio n afte r joinin g the 17t h as a young, inexperience d officer . The tim e o f Richard' s inductio n int o th e arm y wa s th e ev e of a momen tous worl d even t tha t woul d provid e th e 17t h anothe r opportunit y t o bravely serv e th e king—th e Seve n Years ' War . I t woul d als o furnis h Richard a n opportunit y t o uphol d th e Montgomer y famil y heritag e an d prove himself a s a professional soldier .

C H A P T E R

T H R E

E

Duty in the Seven Years' War When firs t a soldie r . . . I stoo d i n arms . Then , i n Britannia's cause . I dre w m y sword , an d charg' d th e rival Gaul.1 Having borne a share in all the labour of our American wars, and the reduction of Canada. Littl e did he foresee the scene s which tha t lan d ha d stil l i n reserve for him ! Little did those generous Americans, who then stood by his side, think they wer e assisting to subdue a country, which woul d on e da y b e hel d u p ove r u s a greate r scourge in the hands of friends, tha n eve r it was in the hands of enemies!2

T

he nagging imperia l rivalr y betwee n Grea t Britai n an d Franc e i n the seventeent h an d eighteent h centurie s le d ultimatel y t o th e Seven Years' War betwee n these two contending national power s as they struggle d fo r worl d supremacy . Althoug h globa l i n overall scope , the par t o f th e militar y conflic t tha t occurre d i n Nort h Americ a becam e known a s th e Frenc h an d India n wars . Thi s belligerenc y represente d a series o f protracte d colonia l war s betwee n th e Britis h army , augmente d by provincia l militia , an d Frenc h troops , assiste d b y their India n allies . Competing Britis h an d Frenc h claim s i n th e Ohi o Valle y o n th e colo nial western frontie r touche d of f th e final confrontation fo r contro l o f th e continent. I n 1747 , a group o f prominen t Virginian s organize d th e Ohi o Company o f Virgini a fo r th e purpose o f land speculatio n an d fu r trading . 17

18 • Duty in the Seven Years' War Two year s later , th e compan y wa s abl e t o influenc e th e Britis h govern ment t o grant i t some two hundred thousan d acre s in the Ohio Valley . The French , viewin g th e Britis h initiativ e a s a direct challeng e to thei r own claim s an d design s i n th e region , retaliate d b y buildin g tw o fort s o n the uppe r Ohi o Rive r an d increasin g thei r presenc e i n th e dispute d area . In 1753 , Virgini a Gov . Rober t Dinwiddi e sen t a twenty-one-year-ol d militia officer , Maj . Georg e Washington , t o protes t th e Frenc h intrusio n into territory tha t th e Britis h claime d a s part o f the Virgini a colony . Th e French spurne d Washington' s diplomati c grievanc e whe n h e presente d i t to th e militar y authoritie s a t For t L e Boeu f (nea r th e present-da y sit e of Erie, Pennsylvania) . The British-Frenc h contentio n the n focuse d o n a strategi c geographi c area identifie d b y th e Fork s o f th e Ohi o (nea r present-da y Pittsburgh) . During Januar y 1754 , a Virgini a militi a compan y bega n wor k o n a stronghold there . O n Apri l 17 , 1754 , a larger Frenc h forc e capture d th e half-completed stockad e an d the n buil t For t Duquesn e o n th e site . Th e Virginia assembl y countere d b y raisin g a n independen t regimen t an d sending a small expedition unde r Washingto n agains t the French. I n Ma y 1754, the youn g office r (no w a militia lieutenan t colonel ) routed a French patrol an d kille d it s commander . Expectin g a n attac k fro m th e mai n French militar y establishmen t a t For t Duquesne , Washingto n retreate d and hastil y constructe d For t Necessit y whil e waitin g fo r th e res t o f th e regiment t o joi n him . O n Jul y 3 , 1754 , a superio r Frenc h an d India n force attacked For t Necessity, forcin g Washington to surrender hi s untenable positio n th e nex t day . Thi s actio n gav e France temporar y contro l o f the entire Ohio region . When new s o f Washington' s defea t reache d London , th e Britis h gov ernment sen t Gen . Edwar d Braddoc k t o Americ a wit h th e missio n o f defending Britain' s claims . O n Jul y 9 , 1755 , Braddoc k wa s leadin g hi s army o f som e fourteen hundre d Britis h regular s an d seve n hundre d colo nial militiamen i n an advance on Fort Duquesn e when attacked b y a ninehundred-man forc e o f Frenc h an d Indians . Braddock' s humiliatin g rout , which cos t hi m hi s life , wa s on e of th e wors t militar y disaster s i n Britis h history an d underscore d th e depth s tha t Englis h fortune s ha d plunge d i n the struggl e against Franc e i n North America. 3 In Ma y 1756 , th e Seve n Years ' Wa r formall y bega n i n Europe , wit h Britain an d Prussi a pitte d agains t France , Austria , Sweden , an d som e German states . Spai n woul d joi n th e Frenc h allianc e later . Durin g thi s period, Britai n suffere d frustratio n an d disappointmen t i n it s militar y

Duty in the Seven Years' War • 1 9 strategy agains t France . Afte r Willia m Pit t becam e prim e ministe r i n 1758, Britis h prospect s i n th e conflict bega n t o improve . Pitt , wh o recog nized th e valu e o f Canad a an d th e America n wester n frontie r t o th e British wa r effort, sen t a well-organized militar y tas k force t o the colonie s to turn aroun d th e situation . Montgomery' s 17t h Regimen t wa s include d in this army upo n whic h Britai n pinne d it s hopes. The order s fo r hi s regimen t t o b e part o f the invasio n forc e mus t hav e been a welcom e chang e fo r youn g Montgomery . Sinc e h e accounte d fo r just on e o f nin e ensign s (th e lowest-rankin g office r i n th e army ) assigne d to th e unit , h e wa s eage r fo r a n opportunit y t o distinguis h himself . A t this point i n his life, Montgomer y represente d a loyal and prou d membe r of Hi s Majesty' s arme d forces , swor n t o protec t th e Britis h dominion . Advancement throug h th e rank s measure d success i n hi s chose n profes sion o f arms , an d th e aspirin g office r kne w tha t militar y recognitio n an d promotion wer e attaine d muc h mor e rapidl y i n wartime . Lik e al l junio r officers, h e truste d tha t enthusias m an d fortitud e woul d overcom e hi s lack of experience i n the pending hostilities. 4 Montgomery als o regarde d th e missio n a s a gratefu l brea k i n th e tedium o f routine garrison duty . Sinc e joining the unit, hi s days had bee n filled with endles s dril l an d practic e a s the regimen t simulate d battlefiel d tactics during peacetime . Thi s wa s the opportunity t o employ thes e skill s for thei r intende d purpose . Braddock' s debacl e ha d raise d question s b y some detractors ove r th e Britis h army' s readines s t o fight th e Frenc h an d Indians i n America , bu t Montgomer y an d hi s comrade s maintaine d con fidence i n thei r abilities . Th e Britis h office r corp s hel d n o doub t abou t the effectivenes s o f it s militar y doctrin e an d trainin g agains t an y enemy . After all , th e renowne d reputatio n o f th e Britis h arm y ha d bee n estab lished throughou t th e worl d a s i t helpe d t o wi n a n empir e upo n whic h the a sun neve r set. " So , Montgomery receive d th e news that hi s regimen t would participat e i n th e forthcomin g operatio n wit h grea t expectatio n and eve n exhilaration . On Februar y 3 , 1757 , th e Britis h governmen t issue d order s fo r th e 17th Regimen t t o marc h fro m it s garriso n a t Galwa y t o Cor k i n Irelan d to prepar e fo r oversea s deployment . Brig . Gen . Edwar d Richbel l com manded th e regiment whe n Montgomer y joined , bu t h e died o n Februar y 24, 1757 . Richbell' s successor , Col . John Forbes , le d th e uni t durin g it s initial activity . Si x othe r Iris h regiment s joine d th e 17t h a t Cor k t o awai t passage abroad. 5 All o f th e unit s designate d fo r th e expeditio n wer e foo t (infantry )

20 • Duty in the Seven Years' War regiments—the backbon e o f the Britis h arm y organization . A number o f companies mad e u p eac h regiment , includin g a compan y o f grenadier s and a light-infantr y company . Grenadier s represente d th e talles t an d strongest me n i n th e army , originall y selecte d becaus e the y coul d thro w a grenade , o r han d bomb , farthe r tha n ordinar y troops . B y thi s time , none o f the m actuall y carrie d grenades , bu t the y stoo d ou t fo r thei r physical strengt h an d endurance . Th e light-infantr y troop s possesse d similar attributes . The y coul d marc h faste r an d farthe r whil e carryin g less supplie s tha n commo n soldiers . Separat e range r troops , wh o wer e specially traine d i n raiding tactics, were also included i n the organization . These thre e units, then , forme d th e elite contingent o f the army . The standard-issu e individua l weapo n o f foo t soldier s wa s a flintloc k musket tha t weighe d twelv e pound s an d measure d fou r fee t nin e inche s in length. It s nickname, "Brow n Bess, " came from th e color of the walnu t stock. Kin g Georg e I introduce d th e weapon int o th e Britis h arm y i n th e early 1700s . A thin-bodie d triangular-shape d bayonet , fitte d t o th e muz zle, adde d anothe r fourtee n inche s an d tw o pound s t o th e weapon , an d might hav e bee n it s mos t importan t component . Th e muske t fired a lead ball thre e quarter s o f a n inc h i n diamete r (.7 5 caliber ) an d weighin g on e and a hal f ounces—considerabl e stoppin g powe r eve n b y moder n stan dards. Yet, th e rang e an d accurac y o f th e muske t presente d a problem . Because the musket was designed t o be loaded expeditiousl y b y its muzzle using a ramrod, th e clearanc e betwee n th e bor e an d th e lea d bal l wa s no t close. Thi s cause d muc h o f th e propellin g powe r fro m th e explodin g powder charg e t o escap e aroun d th e bal l whe n th e weapo n discharged . The muzzle-loadin g characteristi c o f th e muske t limite d it s maximu m effective rang e fro m fifty t o on e hundre d yards . Becaus e th e muske t ha d a smooth bore , i t imparted ver y littl e guidance to the ball once it was sho t out o f the barrel . Thi s unstabl e trajector y resulte d i n a relatively inaccur ate weapon . Consequently, th e muzzle-loading , smooth-bor e muske t dictate d th e tactics tha t th e soldier s arme d wit h i t used . It s inaccurac y wa s reflecte d in the Britis h manua l o f arms. Ther e wa s no command t o "aim." Instead , men wer e ordered t o "level muskets" before firing. T o compensate for th e lack o f accurac y fro m individua l weapons , battlefiel d maneuver s stresse d compact formation s fro m whic h a wal l o f masse d muske t fire coul d b e presented t o th e enemy . Foo t soldier s usuall y deploye d int o battl e line s

Duty in the Seven Years' War • 2 1 three rank s deep . Th e musket' s restricte d rang e als o force d comba t int o an encounte r a t clos e quarters . Traine d troop s coul d perfor m th e doze n steps involved i n loading and shootin g their weapons to lay down a steady two t o fou r round s pe r minute . Thi s time-consumin g reloadin g lef t sol diers vulnerabl e t o retur n fire an d promote d hand-to-han d combat . A volley fro m th e musket s followe d immediatel y b y a bayone t charg e wa s the logica l battlefiel d tacti c when force s converge d i n short-rang e engage ments. Th e shoc k o f col d stee l wa s usuall y th e momen t o f trut h fo r opposing eighteenth-centur y field armies . Battle s wer e wo n o r los t b y how wel l foot soldier s stoo d u p to this physical an d psychologica l trial. 6 Artillery battalion s wer e highl y specialize d unit s tha t employe d can nons i n a n attemp t t o give depth t o the battlefiel d b y concentratin g long range firepower o n enem y troo p stagin g area s o r duelin g wit h opposin g artillery positions . However , cannon s lacke d effectivenes s durin g clos e infantry clashe s becaus e o f thei r errati c accurac y an d th e possibilit y o f inflicting friendl y casualties . Suppl y an d transportatio n difficultie s per sisted, becaus e cannon s consume d hug e amounts o f shot an d powde r an d were ponderou s t o move . Thus , mos t cannonr y wa s employe d durin g more deliberate sieg e warfare. 7 Militar y planner s lef t Britis h cavalr y regi ments i n the Britis h Isles , where the y engage d i n ceremonial an d interna l security tasks . Heavil y foreste d terrai n i n th e Nort h America n theate r o f operations le d Britis h strategist s t o regar d i t a s unsuitabl e fo r th e us e o f cavalry tactics . Also , suppor t demand s o f mounte d troop s wer e muc h more costl y t o a field command tha n thos e o f foo t soldiers . Maintenanc e of horse s require d extensiv e forage , whic h create d a drai n o n suppl y efforts. T o conserv e shipboar d space , highe r headquarter s eve n ordere d the Iris h foo t regiment s t o dispose o f their baggag e horses befor e the y se t sail.8 The seve n Iris h regiments embarke d upo n transpor t vessel s at Cork on May 5 fo r th e convo y t o Nort h America . Thes e troo p ship s arrive d a t Halifax, Nov a Scotia , i n earl y Jul y 1757 . Th e Frenc h stronghol d a t Louisbourg o n Cap e Breto n i n th e Gul f o f St . Lawrenc e emerge d a s th e vital military objectiv e o f the British forces . Onl y afte r th e capture of this fortress coul d a Britis h offensiv e b e safel y sen t furthe r u p th e St . Law rence Rive r t o strike a t the hear t o f New France . Th e amphibiou s assaul t and seizur e o f Louisbourg , whic h ha d bee n hardene d agains t attac k b y extensive defensiv e preparations , hinge d o n establishin g a clear superior ity i n lan d an d se a forces. B y late 1757 , this prerequisite militar y buildu p

2 2 • Duty in the Seven Years' War had no t ye t take n place . Th e Britis h flee t a t Halifa x remaine d inferio r t o the Frenc h nava l squadron s tha t retaine d comman d o f th e se a aroun d Louisbourg. 9 Meanwhile, th e 17t h and othe r regiments , deploye d fro m bot h Irelan d and England , mad e us e o f th e tim e t o practic e maneuver s tha t woul d b e employed durin g th e projecte d confrontation . Th e combine d Britis h forc e occupied winte r quarter s a t Halifa x tha t year . Comman d an d staf f per sonnel change s als o occurre d durin g thi s interi m period . Colone l Forbe s became adjutan t genera l o f th e genera l staff , leavin g Lt . Col . Arthu r Morris a s acting commander o f the 17t h Regiment. 10 While allowin g th e Roya l Nav y t o concentrat e mor e o f it s fleet i n North America n waters , th e Britis h expeditionar y forc e unde r Gen . James Abercromb y finalized it s invasion plans . Th e strateg y t o be under taken i n America containe d thre e campaigns. First , Gen . Jeffery Amhers t with fourtee n thousan d Britis h regula r troop s an d tw o thousan d pro vincial soldier s woul d besieg e Louisbourg . Concurrently , Abercromby , aided b y Gen . Georg e How e wit h te n thousan d regular s an d twent y thousand provincials , woul d advanc e upon Ticonderoga an d Crown Poin t and pus h forwar d i f possibl e t o Montrea l an d Quebec . Additionally , nineteen hundre d regular s an d five thousan d provincial s wer e t o repai r Braddock's los s an d wres t For t Duquesn e fro m th e French . Forbes , wh o received a promotion t o brigadier general , le d this last operation. 11 By th e sprin g o f 1758 , th e Britis h ha d amasse d enoug h militar y re sources t o pu t thei r wa r pla n int o action . Th e Frenc h garriso n a t Louis bourg numbere d thre e thousan d regular s an d som e five hundre d Swis s mercenaries, Canadians , an d Indians . I n addition , si x ship s o f th e lin e and five frigate s i n th e harbo r guarde d th e fortress . Th e Britis h forc e a t Halifax, consistin g of eleven regular an d two provincial regiments totalin g 13,142 troops , wa s ove r thre e time s greate r tha n tha t o f th e Frenc h i n Louisbourg. Th e Roya l Nav y componen t amounte d t o twenty-thre e ship s of the line and thirtee n frigates. 12 An imposin g fleet of 15 5 warships an d troo p transports pu t t o sea fro m Halifax o n th e evenin g o f Ma y 28 , 1758 . B y June 2 , th e Britis h armad a reached a n anchorag e abou t seve n mile s fro m Louisbourg , bu t five day s of dens e fo g an d storm y weathe r frustrate d subsequen t plan s t o land . Finally, a t daybrea k o n Jun e 8 , th e warship s commence d firing o n th e French emplacements . Fiftee n minute s later , landin g craf t filled wit h British soldier s rowe d fo r shore . Selecte d landin g area s la y fro m on e t o three mile s fro m th e fortifie d city . However , Frenc h troop s ha d prepare d

Duty in the Seven Years' War • 2 3 defensive position s t o cover thes e likel y disembarkin g location s an d wer e waiting fo r th e Britis h invasion . Th e defender s hel d thei r fire unti l th e boats wer e wel l withi n range ; the n the y opene d u p a withering fusillad e as the invaders neare d th e beach. 13 Although th e soldier s accompanyin g Montgomer y i n th e assaul t craf t were anxious to return fire and read y bayonet s i n preparation fo r landing , he enforce d th e standin g orders : "N o ma n fire hi s piec e fro m ou t o f th e boat . . . bayonet s ar e fixed i n a momen t afte r th e me n ar e landed. " A raging sur f capsize d som e boats , drownin g a numbe r o f soldier s before they coul d reac h shore . Montgomer y an d hi s troop s manage d t o lan d amid th e poundin g wave s an d incomin g fire. A s fas t a s th e me n go t ou t of th e boat , Montgomer y deploye d the m int o formatio n an d marche d forward t o secur e th e landin g area . Havin g faile d t o thwar t th e amphibi ous assault , th e Frenc h oute r defens e fough t a withdrawal actio n bac k t o the safet y o f th e Louisbour g fortress . Montgomery' s uni t an d th e res t o f the Britis h forc e pursue d th e retreatin g troop s unti l the y reache d a poin t just outsid e th e rang e o f th e fort' s cannons . There , the y prepare d fo r a siege of the city. 14 Because o f continuin g ba d weathe r an d heav y swells , i t wa s June 1 6 before provision s fo r th e besiegin g troop s coul d b e landed . Althoug h i t was possibl e t o ge t som e artiller y ashor e o n Jun e 18 , intermitten t ba d weather continue d fo r a n extende d perio d an d hampere d th e sieg e buildup. As weathe r condition s improved , th e Britis h wer e abl e t o brin g u p an d emplace gun s t o bombar d th e fortres s city . Unde r thi s fire cover , Mont gomery urge d hi s me n o n i n th e back-breakin g tas k o f diggin g trenche s and buildin g breastworks , a s th e Britis h troop s pushe d forwar d a serie s of entrenchments i n a n ever-tightenin g rin g aroun d th e city . A t th e sam e time, Montgomer y ha d t o kee p hi s soldier s vigilan t o f Frenc h troop s attempting t o escape the encirclement. 15 On Jul y 9 , a Frenc h forc e o f abou t si x hundre d troop s attempte d a desperate breakou t throug h th e sieg e lines. Th e sorti e struc k a t th e gren adier compan y o f th e 17t h Regiment , killin g it s captai n an d woundin g a lieutenant. Raider s killed or wounded severa l other grenadiers befor e the y were drive n bac k t o th e city , leavin g twent y Frenc h troop s kille d an d about eight y wounde d o r captured . Th e enem y sen t out a flag of truce s o that the y coul d clai m thei r dead . Afte r thi s wa s accomplished , th e can nonading resumed . Th e vigo r wit h whic h th e Britis h repulse d thei r bi d for relie f dampened an y furthe r plan s b y th e French t o force th e siege . I n addition, th e Britis h fleet statione d i n th e ba y prevente d an y possibilit y

24 • Duty in the Seven Years' War of th e besiege d fortres s receivin g reinforcement s fro m th e sea . Fro m th e French poin t o f view , th e situatio n wa s hopeless . O n July 26 , 1758 , th e French governo r agree d t o an unconditional surrende r o f Louisbourg. l6 Casualties durin g th e entir e campaig n wer e small . Fina l Britis h arm y losses amounte d t o thre e officer s an d forty-seve n othe r rank s kille d (al l but twelv e drowned) , five lieutenant s an d fifty-five me n wounded . O f these figures, th e 17t h Regimen t ha d on e captain , on e corporal , an d te n privates killed ; on e captain , on e lieutenant , on e sergeant , on e drummer , and thirty-on e private s wounded . Britis h nav y losse s adde d eleve n me n killed, fou r officer s an d forty-eigh t me n wounded . Th e Frenc h claime d their tota l casualties t o be 11 4 killed o r wounded. 17 Although annalist s woul d recor d th e assaul t an d sieg e a s a relativel y limited affai r i n term s o f casualty statistics , i t had a more persona l mean ing to th e participants . Th e conflic t presente d a life o r deat h struggl e fo r the soldier s wh o suffere d throug h it , whateve r it s scope . Montgomery' s first tast e o f comba t wa s a gut-wrenchin g experience . H e witnesse d th e sickening sigh t o f me n bein g maime d an d slaughtered . H e fel t th e col d fear o f his own lif e bein g placed i n imminent peril . Yet , h e sensed tha t h e had bee n entruste d wit h a noble mission of serving king and country , an d he carried ou t hi s duties i n the midst o f danger . Montgomery als o learned tha t soldier s woul d normall y carr y ou t thei r orders an d perfor m function s fo r whic h the y ha d bee n trained , eve n under fire an d exposur e t o injur y o r death , i f properl y motivated . A n officer o n th e battlefiel d ha d t o lea d th e troops , no t merel y direc t them , to earn thei r confidenc e an d willingnes s t o follow. A s a junior officer , h e personally influence d a smal l numbe r o f me n tha t represente d onl y a fraction o f th e overal l operation . Still , h e understoo d tha t i f h e accom plished hi s assignmen t well , thi s segmen t combine d wit h othe r integra l parts o f th e whol e effor t complete d i n lik e manne r coul d ultimatel y ad d up to a total success . The effectivenes s wit h whic h Montgomer y discharge d hi s dutie s a t Louisbourg caugh t th e attention o f General Amherst . Rathe r tha n resort ing to show y battlefiel d heroic s t o call attentio n t o his actions , th e youn g ensign demonstrate d a quie t bu t unmistakabl e competenc e durin g com bat. Thus , h e proved himsel f t o be a solid office r wh o could b e depende d upon t o carry ou t hi s assigne d tasks . A s a result, Montgomer y receive d a promotion t o lieutenant, effectiv e July 10 , 1758 . The protracte d sieg e o f Louisbour g ha d occupie d to o muc h tim e fo r the expeditio n t o continu e agains t Quebe c tha t summer . Nevertheless ,

Duty in the Seven Years' War • 2 5 Montgomery an d hi s fello w Britis h soldier s ha d gaine d som e valuabl e combat experience . Montgomer y als o acquired som e practical knowledg e of conducting sieg e warfare tha t h e would dra w upo n a t a later date . While the British army enjoye d a successful investmen t o f Louisbourg , Abercromby's campaig n me t with dashe d hopes . Gen . Georg e How e wa s killed o n July 6 , 1758 , i n a preliminar y skirmis h nea r For t Ticonderog a (called For t Carillo n b y th e Frenc h wh o occupie d it) . Tw o day s later , Abercromby wit h fiftee n thousan d me n mounte d hi s mai n attac k o n th e fort defende d b y Gen . Loui s Montcal m an d thirty-si x hundre d troops . The ill-planne d fronta l assaul t resulte d i n the Britis h soldier s bein g cut t o pieces befor e the y coul d breac h th e fort' s perimeter . Abercromb y los t 1,944 m e n whil e inflicting onl y 37 7 casualties on the French. 18 In Augus t 1758 , th e 17t h an d severa l othe r regiment s embarke d fro m Louisbourg and saile d to Boston. Afte r arrivin g there, the regiment marche d to join and bolste r Abercromby's expeditionar y forc e in upper Ne w York . The soldiers , awaitin g deploymen t th e nex t year , occupie d winte r quar ters nea r Lak e George . Moral e o f th e survivin g troop s tha t fough t unde r Abercromby ha d plummeted . Thi s feelin g o f bitte r disappointment , however, mingle d wit h th e optimistic outloo k o f the 17t h Regimen t fres h from victory , an d overal l esprit improved. 19 On Novembe r 9 , 1758 , th e Britis h governmen t recalle d Abercromb y and replace d hi m wit h Amhers t a s commande r i n chief . Th e captur e o f Fort Duquesn e b y Forbes' s expeditio n o n November 25 , 1758 , dissipate d some o f th e disgrac e inflicte d o n th e Britis h arm y b y Abercromby' s ineptitude. Britis h authoritie s rename d thi s strategi c locatio n Pittsburg h in honor o f the prime minister , Willia m Pitt . Forbes , wh o had bee n il l for some time, die d i n the sprin g of 1759. 20 Military authoritie s no w devise d a three-pronge d offensiv e t o forc e a French capitulation i n Canada. Gen . James Wolfe, wh o had distinguishe d himself a t Louisbourg an d assume d comman d o f that expedition upo n th e departure o f Amherst , woul d tak e Quebe c b y leadin g nin e thousan d soldiers u p th e St . Lawrenc e River ; a secon d colum n o f tw o thousan d British regular s woul d sea l of f a Frenc h retrea t westwar d b y a thrus t through Niagara ; an d Amhers t wit h seve n thousan d me n woul d captur e Ticonderoga an d Crow n Point. 21 Montgomery an d th e 17t h Regimen t wer e attache d t o Amherst' s ex pedition unde r th e reorganization . O n Ma y 6 , 1759 , th e regimen t com bined wit h th e othe r expeditionar y unit s the n assemblin g nea r Albany . After extensiv e preparations , th e troop s advance d u p th e Hudso n Rive r

i6 • Duty in the Seven Years' War toward Ticonderoga . Montgomer y exhorte d hi s troops t o be watchful fo r an ambus h durin g th e treacherou s marc h throug h th e Ne w Yor k wilder ness. Hi s concer n wa s confirme d thre e day s afte r thei r departur e whe n a band o f thirt y Indian s surprise d a haples s part y o f twelv e me n o f th e 17th, killin g on e lieutenant , on e sergeant , an d tw o men , an d woundin g three others . Arrivin g a t Lak e George , th e soldier s erecte d a for t an d procured boat s t o conve y the m throug h th e waterway . Whe n th e Britis h approached Ticonderog a o n July 24 , the y wer e me t b y initia l stif f resis tance fro m th e French . Ye t a shor t tim e later , th e enem y withdre w it s main bod y o f twenty-fiv e hundre d me n t o concentrat e it s defens e a t Crown Point , leavin g a four-hundred-troop rea r garrison . After reachin g Ticonderoga, th e Britis h expeditio n lai d sieg e to the fort. 22 While conductin g norma l sieg e operations , Montgomer y notice d a n uneasiness i n hi s me n tha t al l soldier s i n comba t experienc e fro m tim e t o time, particularl y a t night when diminished visibilit y stimulate s the imagination. So , h e too k precaution s t o ensur e tha t hi s me n followe d th e general orde r specifyin g n o firing a t night , bu t receivin g an y enem y wit h the bayonet. Th e significanc e o f this practice became evident one evenin g when a fals e alar m occurre d an d a Britis h compan y o f light-infantr y began indiscriminat e firing int o th e dark . Othe r soldier s i n th e sieg e lin e joined th e erran t shooting , resultin g i n th e deat h o f a n office r an d th e wounding of several me n fro m th e 17t h Regiment. 23 On July 26 , th e Frenc h garriso n a t Ticonderog a ble w u p th e for t an d retreated t o Crown Point . Th e tota l British los s at the taking of Ticonder oga was one colonel, on e lieutenant, an d fifteen private s killed , an d abou t fifty wounded. O f this number, th e 17t h had tw o killed and eight wounded . The expeditio n resume d it s advancemen t northward . However , th e Frenc h destroyed an d abandone d Crow n Poin t befor e th e Britis h coul d reac h it . Montgomery an d othe r member s o f th e expeditio n spen t th e nex t tw o months reconstructin g th e work s a t Crow n Point , establishin g contro l o f Lake Champlain, an d buildin g a road t o the Connecticu t River . Th e nex t objective wa s Isl e au x Noix , som e 12 0 mile s dow n th e lak e wher e th e French ha d retired , bu t th e lat e seaso n interrupte d thi s operation . Whe n cold weathe r arrive d i n October , th e troop s a t Crow n Poin t wen t int o winter quarters . Gen . Rober t Monckto n assume d comman d o f th e 17t h Regiment i n October 1759 , officially replacin g the deceased Forbes. 24 In th e meantime, th e other tw o expeditions wer e progressing as planned. Fort Niagar a surrendere d t o th e Britis h o n July 24 , 1759 . Troop s unde r Wolfe wer e closin g o n th e Frenc h stronghol d a t Quebec . Montgomery' s

Duty in the Seven Years' War • 2 7 oldest brother , Capt . Alexande r Montgomery , serve d i n th e 43 d Regi ment, whic h wa s include d i n Wolfe' s expedition . Unfortunately , som e researchers hav e confuse d Richar d Montgomer y wit h Alexande r Mont gomery i n a n inciden t durin g th e Quebe c campaign . Lt . Malcol m Frase r of th e 78t h Regimen t asserte d tha t o n Augus t 23 , 1759 , hi s detachmen t was brough t unde r th e comman d o f Captai n Montgomer y fo r a n attac k on a villag e i n th e vicinit y o f St . Joachim . I n hi s journal , Frase r stated : "There wer e severa l o f th e enem y kille d an d wounded , an d a fe w pris oners taken , al l o f who m th e barbarou s Captai n Montgomery , wh o com manded us , ordered t o be butchered i n a most inhuma n an d crue l manne r . . . on e sho t an d th e othe r knocke d dow n wit h a tomahaw k an d bot h scalped i n my absence." 25 Fraser's outrag e ove r th e even t i s curiou s i n on e respect : scalpin g wa s not a n uncommon practic e during th e war. On e of the earlier instance s of its usag e wa s whe n Col . Georg e Washingto n sen t th e scal p o f a Frenc h officer take n b y Indian s t o Virginia' s Governo r Dinwiddi e i n Marc h o r April 1756 . Becaus e th e Frenc h ha d greate r India n allies , the y probabl y were more involved i n this practice than th e British . However , bot h side s condoned thi s savag e behavio r an d encourage d thei r India n confederate s in the brutality b y offering the m scal p bounties. Th e guerrilla or irregula r nature o f th e wa r contribute d t o th e genera l acceptanc e o f thi s atrociou s form o f combat . Wolf e addresse d th e issu e b y signin g a n orde r o n Jul y 27, 1759 , stating that "th e general strictl y forbid s th e inhuman practic e of scalping, excep t whe n th e enem y ar e Indian s o r Canadian s dresse d lik e Indians." Warrante d o r not , Montgomery' s brothe r gaine d th e nam e o f "Black" Montgomery becaus e of the wartime affair. 26 Wolfe's forc e continue d t o descen d upo n Quebe c an d o n Septembe r 18, 1759 , overcam e th e Frenc h defender s there . Bot h Wolf e an d Mont calm, wh o was in command a t the fortress-like city , los t their live s durin g the contest . Montgomery continue d t o ris e steadil y throug h th e office r ranks . O n May 15 , 1760 , th e commandin g office r appointe d hi m regimenta l adju tant, a n assignmen t reserve d fo r th e mos t promisin g lieutenan t i n th e unit. Success of the Britis h offensiv e tria d cleare d th e way fo r th e final stag e in th e conques t o f Canada . Th e majo r Frenc h oppositio n tha t persiste d was concentrate d i n Montreal , whic h subsequentl y becam e th e targe t fo r a climactic strik e b y th e three Britis h expedition s poise d a t Quebec, Lak e Ontario, an d Lak e Champlain . Th e 17t h Regimen t forme d par t o f th e

28 • Duty in the Seven Years' War Lake Champlai n division . I t se t ou t fro m Crow n Poin t o n Augus t 11 , 1760, an d capture d th e intermediat e objective s o f Isl e aux Noi x an d For t Chambly befor e arrivin g a t Montreal . Ther e i t merge d wit h th e othe r two division s i n a fine example o f strategi c concentratio n t o threate n th e last Frenc h bastio n o f resistance . A s th e Britis h troop s envelope d th e vicinity, refugee s crowde d int o th e city , Canadia n militiame n deserted , and th e twenty-fou r hundre d Frenc h regular s foun d themselve s greatl y outnumbered. Th e Frenc h commander , realizin g tha t h e wa s unabl e t o withstand th e opposin g forces , unconditionall y surrendere d Montrea l o n September 8 , 1760 . Wit h thi s capitulation , al l o f Canad a passe d t o th e British.27 From Montreal , Montgomer y an d hi s regiment marche d t o New Yor k during th e summe r o f 1761 , and encampe d o n State n Island . Afte r con quering Canada , th e Britis h governmen t formulate d a plan t o subdue th e French i n the West Indies . Plan s calle d fo r a n expedition t o be assemble d in Barbado s an d place d unde r th e comman d o f Monckton , wh o ha d received a promotio n t o majo r genera l o n Februar y 20 , 1761 . Havin g been designate d a s par t o f th e operation , th e 17t h Regiment , musterin g 488 men, saile d fro m Ne w Yor k on November 19 , 1761 . After arrivin g a t Barbados o n Decembe r 24 , th e regimen t joine d othe r unit s fro m Nort h America an d differen t garrison s i n th e Wes t Indies . Th e combine d arm y numbered thirtee n thousan d troop s accompanie d b y a large naval flotilla, including transports , frigates , an d sixtee n ship s of the line . Thi s invasio n force departed Barbado s on January 5 , 1762 , proceeding toward th e initial objective o f th e campaign—Martinique , a n islan d colonize d b y th e Frenc h in 1635. 28 Even thoug h th e Britis h strov e to maintain secrec y wit h thei r plannin g and mobilization , th e Frenc h i n Martiniqu e receive d warnin g o f a n in tended attac k o n tha t island , an d too k measure s t o strongl y oppos e an y attempted assault . Th e Frenc h comman d readie d a defens e i n depth , augmenting natura l barrier s o f stee p an d rugge d terrai n wit h fortifie d outposts an d redoubt s tha t extende d ove r the entir e island . I n the middl e of Januar y 1762 , th e Britis h forces , includin g Lieutenan t Montgomer y and th e 17t h Regiment , lande d o n Martiniqu e an d establishe d a beach head. A t daybrea k o n January 24 , they opene d th e main offensive agains t stout resistance . Th e enemy' s outlyin g work s wer e eventuall y storme d one b y one , an d survivor s fled t o th e citade l a t For t Royal , th e island' s capital. Losse s o f Britis h troop s i n thes e action s amounte d t o 3 3 officer s and 35 0 me n kille d o r wounded . Include d i n thes e figures, th e 17t h

Duty in the Seven Years' War • 2 9 Regiment ha d on e captain wounded ; thre e rank an d file killed an d sixtee n wounded. By the first of February, th e Britis h ha d close d aroun d an d wer e read y to launch a n onslaught o n Fort Roya l itself. Reductio n o f several batterie s on th e height s overlookin g th e fortres s cos t th e Britis h anothe r 15 0 casualties, bu t onl y on e ma n fro m th e 17t h Regiment . O n Februar y 3 , th e French commander , observin g th e extensiv e preparation s b y Hi s Majes ty's troop s t o forc e th e city , no w judge d i t pruden t t o surrender th e fort . It consiste d o f abou t 80 0 regular s an d militia , a s 15 0 men wer e kille d o r wounded durin g th e siege. Nine day s mor e suffice d t o consolidat e th e Britis h hol d o n th e res t o f the island . O n Februar y 12 , afte r sufferin g ove r a thousan d casualties , the Frenc h governor-genera l agree d t o surrende r Martiniqu e t o th e Brit ish. Genera l Monckto n summe d u p th e conduc t o f hi s troop s durin g th e campaign i n on e o f hi s dispatches : "Th e difficultie s the y ha d t o encoun ter, i n th e attac k o f a n enemy , possesse d o f ever y advantag e o f ar t an d nature, wer e great, an d thei r perseveranc e i n surmounting thes e obstacle s furnishes a nobl e exampl e o f Britis h spirit. " Afte r th e captur e o f Marti nique, threatene d garrison s o n th e other mai n island s o f the Frenc h Wes t Indies—Grenada, St . Lucia , an d St . Vincent—submitte d t o th e Britis h without hostilities. 29 Fearing that a British victory i n the global conflict woul d jeopardiz e it s New Worl d possessions , Spai n belatedl y entere d th e contes t i n 1761 , allied wit h France . No w tha t Britai n ha d overcom e Franc e i n Nort h America an d th e Wes t Indies , th e Britis h ministr y decide d t o avai l itsel f of th e larg e amassmen t o f troop s the n i n th e Caribbea n are a b y attackin g the Spaniards , a s the y ha d th e French , i n som e o f thei r principa l settle ments. Havana , Cuba , wa s a n importan t Spanis h seapor t a t thi s time . Since al l Spanis h commerc e i n Mexic o an d Sout h Americ a funnele d through there , t o take Havana woul d seve r the lifeline betwee n Spai n an d its grea t colonia l empire . Therefore , th e Britis h resolve d t o star t thei r Spanish West Indie s campaign wit h Havana . Genera l Monckton returne d to Ne w York , t o whic h th e Britis h governmen t ha d appointe d hi m gov ernor befor e th e Martiniqu e campaign . Gen . Georg e Keppel , Ear l o f Albemarle, assume d comman d o f th e ne w expedition . Onc e again , th e 17th Regimen t woul d se e combat—this tim e a s a component o f Keppel' s eleven-thousand-troop expedition . On Ma y 6 , 1762 , th e militar y comman d rewarde d Montgomery' s exceptional servic e b y promotin g hi m t o captai n an d givin g hi m on e o f

30 • Duty in the Seven Years' War the te n companie s i n th e 17t h Regimen t t o lead . A s compan y com mander, th e ne w captai n woul d b e accountabl e fo r th e activitie s an d welfare o f some seventy-five me n assigne d t o his unit. Durin g the upcom ing battles , th e live s o f thes e me n woul d depen d o n th e correctnes s an d timeliness o f hi s decisions . Althoug h Montgomer y realize d th e heav y responsibility, h e wa s self-assure d i n hi s abilitie s an d welcome d th e op portunity t o live up to the confidence hi s superiors ha d place d i n him . The expedition , accompanie d b y 2 4 ships o f th e line , 2 2 frigates, an d 150 transports , se t sai l fro m Martiniqu e o n Ma y 6 , 1762 . Shortl y afte r the armad a droppe d ancho r of f Havan a o n Jun e 6 , twelv e ship s o f th e line raced t o th e mout h o f Havan a Harbo r t o bottl e u p th e Spanis h fleet. The cit y wa s strongl y fortifie d an d garrisoned . Occupatio n troop s num bered seventee n thousan d regular s an d militiamen . I n addition , nin e thousand arme d sailor s an d marine s wer e statione d o n th e twelv e war ships i n th e harbor . Th e Spanis h deliberatel y san k thre e o f thes e ship s when th e British squadro n arrive d t o block their entranc e into the harbor . On June 7 , the British arm y lande d unoppose d approximatel y seve n mile s from Havana . Shortly thereafter , th e arm y divide d int o five brigades . Th e 17t h Regiment, includin g Montgomery' s company , woul d tak e par t i n th e siege and captur e o f Moro Fort . Thi s fortres s wa s th e ke y positio n o f th e extensive work s tha t protecte d th e cit y an d wa s considere d b y th e Span ish t o b e impregnable . O n Jul y 4 , th e Britis h batterie s opene d fire wit h forty-seven gun s tha t ha d bee n dragge d acros s a rough, rock y shoreline . Battleships outsid e th e harbor , wit h a tota l o f 22 0 cannons , kep t u p a continuous bombardment . Th e Spanis h answere d wit h thei r ow n artil lery, driving away the British ships . Nevertheless, th e British land batter ies eventuall y manage d t o silenc e al l th e Spanis h gun s bu t two . O n Jul y 30, Montgomer y an d hi s men , togethe r wit h th e othe r troop s o f th e brigade, capture d Mor o For t b y storm . Th e Britis h forc e coul d no w bea r down o n the last defenses o f the city. A t this point, th e Spanis h governor general sa w that furthe r resistanc e woul d b e useless an d surrendered . O n August 13 , 1762 , the Cross of St. Georg e flew over the Governor's Palac e —the Britis h ha d seize d Havan a an d Cuba. 30 The successfu l struggl e o f mor e tha n tw o month s agains t a superio r force defendin g fortification s tha t the y deeme d invincibl e wa s a gloriou s campaign fo r th e Britis h army . Th e triumph , however , exacte d a heav y toll. Britis h troo p casualtie s totale d 52 0 men kille d o r dea d fro m wound s received i n battle , includin g th e 17t h Regimen t figures o f on e sergean t

Duty in the Seven Years' War • 3 1 and five me n killed , tw o officer s an d tw o me n wounded . However , th e appalling statistic was the multitude of British soldier s who perished fro m disease—forty-seven hundred , o r almost hal f of the expedition. Th e 17t h Regiment fare d muc h better , whic h migh t b e attribute d t o it s leaders — only losin g four sergeant s an d twenty-tw o me n to sickness. 31 The tropica l Cuba n climat e i n the middle of summer too k a deadly tol l on the unacclimated Britis h troops . The expeditio n execute d it s campaign under a relentlessly burnin g su n when ther e had bee n no rain for fourtee n days. A scarcit y o f wate r compounde d th e problem . Becaus e ther e wa s no fres h wate r sourc e i n th e are a o f operations , drinkin g wate r ha d t o b e brought fro m a grea t distance , resultin g i n a precariou s suppl y fo r th e troops. On e participan t describe d ho w "excessiv e thirs t soo n cause d th e tongue t o swell , exten d itsel f outsid e th e lips , an d becom e black a s i n a state o f mortification ; the n th e whol e fram e becam e pre y t o th e mos t excruciating agonies, til death a t length intervened , an d gave the unhapp y sufferer relief." 32 On Augus t 20 , 1762 , Montgomery an d hi s regiment lef t Cub a i n thre e transports an d arrive d a t Ne w Yor k four day s later . However , th e debili tating effect s o f th e rigorou s campaig n lingered . A chaplai n wh o serve d in the operation reflecte d tha t "perhap s thos e were happiest wh o died an d left thei r bone s aroun d Havana , fo r thos e wh o returne d home , too k wit h them broke n strength , an d a languor whic h laste d t o their life' s end." 33 A surgeon examine d member s o f th e regimen t afte r the y lande d a t Ne w York an d rendere d a medical repor t t o Genera l Amherst : " I hav e visite d the abov e regiments , an d a m sorr y t o infor m yo u o f th e deplorabl e situation the y ar e in , . . . with dangerou s fever s an d fluxes, man y o f th e men ar e pas t recover y an d th e res t s o weak , tha t I fea r a lon g tim e will elapse befor e the y ar e agai n fit fo r service , . . . no r ar e th e officer s i n a better condition ; severa l canno t recover , an d th e greate r numbe r o f th e remainder will , fo r a lon g time , b e weakly , an d unfi t t o underg o muc h fatigue."34 The 17t h Regiment an d othe r unit s that ha d bee n involved i n the Wes t Indies campaig n entere d a n extensiv e progra m o f rehabilitation an d reor ganization whil e i n Ne w York . O n Februar y 10 , 1763 , Britain , France , and Spai n signe d th e Treat y o f Paris , officiall y endin g th e Seve n Years ' War. Britai n ha d establishe d it s worl d supremac y wit h th e territoria l concessions tha t i t wo n resultin g fro m th e conflict . Excep t fo r a fe w islands off Newfoundlan d an d i n the West Indies , Franc e relinquished it s New Worl d empir e b y cedin g Britai n al l o f it s land s eas t o f th e Missis -

3 2 • Duty in the Seven Years' War sippi, an d transferrin g it s claim s wes t o f tha t rive r an d Ne w Orlean s t o Spain. I n retur n fo r Cuba , Spai n gav e Florid a t o Britain . Thus , Britai n prevailed ove r it s rivals for colonia l power . Months o f grueling combat exacte d a toll on Montgomery. Year s later , Janet Montgomer y recalle d he r husban d tellin g he r o f th e campaig n tha t a the dut y wa s s o severe, an d h e complained tha t b y th e heat an d severit y he los t a fine hea d o f hair." 35 Althoug h hi s ordea l lef t hi m wit h n o permanent healt h impairment , Montgomery' s outstandin g servic e durin g the Seve n Years ' Wa r sappe d muc h o f hi s vigor . I n 1764 , hi s famil y became concerne d abou t hi s weakene d conditio n an d requeste d th e Brit ish governmen t t o gran t hi m a leav e t o retur n home : "Th e Relation s o f Captain Richar d Montgomery , o f the 17t h Regimen t o f Foot, . . . having represented t o me , tha t th e ba d Stat e o f Health , t o whic h h e i s reduce d by Seve n Year s Servic e i n America , makes i t necessary fo r hi m t o retur n to thi s Kingdom , wher e Hi s privat e Affair s als o require hi s Presence." 36 However, Montgomer y fel t tha t h e coul d no t curtai l hi s dutie s wit h th e regiment. Severa l month s later , Britis h Arm y Headquarter s i n Nort h America replie d t o th e ministry : "Captai n Richar d Montgomery' s Regi ment Bein g ordere d upo n Service , h e will declin e acceptin g an y permis sion, t o absen t himsel f fro m hi s Dut y a t present , bu t a s soo n a s th e Service, fo r whic h hi s Regimen t i s intended, i s over h e will have leave t o return t o England." 37 The servic e to which th e dispatch referre d involve d hostilitie s with th e Indians, know n a s Pontiac's Rebellion . Thi s Ottaw a chie f had been France' s staunchest all y durin g th e Frenc h an d India n War . Angere d b y th e French surrender , Pontia c organized a general uprisin g of eighteen India n tribes agains t th e British . I n 1763 , he denounced th e Treat y o f Pari s an d instigated attack s o n Britis h outpost s throughou t th e northwester n fron tier, overwhelmin g eigh t o f twelve scattered fort s an d forcin g th e evacua tion o f tw o more . Afte r a n initia l surpris e assaul t failed , th e Britis h stronghold a t Detroi t continue d a s a prime targe t fo r subsequen t attack s by Indians . O n Ma y 12 , 1764 , th e militar y comman d place d th e 17t h Regiment int o a newl y forme d expeditio n unde r Col . Joh n Bradstree t with a missio n o f reinforcin g th e beleaguere d Detroi t garrison . Afte r arriving there , Montgomer y an d hi s regimen t wer e instrumenta l i n pre venting Indian s fro m takin g th e importan t location . A s a result , th e rebellious tribe s becam e discourage d an d eventuall y force d Pontia c t o sign a peac e treat y i n 1766. 38 Afte r th e crisi s a t Detroi t ha d passed , Montgomery finally too k hi s leav e t o retur n hom e i n 1765 . Tw o year s

Duty in the Seven Years' War • 3 3 later i n July 1777 , the 17t h Regimen t conclude d it s North America n tou r of duty an d redeploye d bac k to England . While i n Britain , Montgomer y graduall y recovere d hi s health. H e als o had tim e t o ste p bac k an d reflec t o n th e large r meanin g o f th e war . O n the on e hand , h e wa s justl y prou d o f hi s militar y accomplishment s an d advancement withi n hi s chose n field o f endeavor . O n th e other , h e en countered th e disillusionmen t tha t man y fee l whe n weighin g th e conse quences o f a horrific conflic t i n it s aftermath . Afte r all , Montgomer y ha d beheld a t clos e rang e th e carnag e an d rui n tha t empire-buildin g engen dered. Thus , h e was left tor n betwee n thes e two powerful emotions . A precipitou s impedimen t t o th e rat e o f promotio n withi n th e office r corps adde d t o Montgomery' s growin g discontent . Durin g wartime , mil itary expansio n an d personne l casualtie s allowe d rapi d battlefiel d promo tions fo r deservin g soldiers . Wit h th e onset o f peacetime an d demobiliza tion, advancemen t i n th e Britis h arm y becam e bogge d dow n i n politica l and bureaucrati c maneuvering . Patronage , onc e again, reigne d ove r meri t as a basis fo r militar y preferment . Montgomer y ha d rise n fro m ensig n t o captain i n les s tha n si x years . Te n mor e year s woul d pas s whil e h e languished a t th e ran k o f captain . Nearin g twent y year s o f tota l tim e i n service an d lackin g a n influentia l benefactor , Montgomer y considere d hi s prospects fo r attainin g a personally rewardin g culminatio n t o the brillian t earlier par t of his career . During th e lat e 1760s , Montgomer y becam e friend s wit h suc h promi nent Whig s a s Isaa c Barre , Edmun d Burke , an d Charle s Jame s Fox . These politica l oppositio n leader s wer e becomin g progressivel y mor e outspoken i n their criticis m o f the British ministry . Barr e shared a similar experience wit h Montgomery . H e ha d entere d th e Britis h arm y a s a n ensign i n 174 6 an d late r serve d wit h grea t distinctio n i n Nort h Americ a during th e Seve n Years ' War. Althoug h h e rose ultimatel y t o the ran k o f lieutenant colone l an d commande d a regiment, Pit t turne d dow n hi s nex t promotion, endin g hi s interes t i n a military career . Montgomery , Barre , and Burk e als o were fello w alumni . Al l thre e receive d a liberal educatio n at Trinit y Colleg e i n Dublin , althoug h Barr e an d Burk e ha d graduate d some year s befor e Montgomery . Al l thes e factor s serve d t o strengthe n the intellectua l bon d amon g thes e individuals . The y spen t man y hour s together discussin g politic s whil e Montgomery wa s statione d i n England . However, Montgomery' s associatio n wit h Barre , Burke , an d Fo x gar nered hi m littl e favo r wit h th e politician s wh o dominate d th e Britis h government.39

34 # Duty in the Seven Years' War So, Montgomer y conclude d hi s remarkabl e militar y servic e i n th e Seven Years ' War—an d beyond . Yet , h e remaine d concerne d abou t hi s future i n th e Britis h arm y an d bega n t o questio n th e validit y o f govern mental politica l policies . Thi s perio d o f fallo w service , base d o n stagna tion i n rank , woul d positio n th e unfulfilled , restles s wa r vetera n a t th e crossroads of a major lif e change . When a chanc e t o purchas e a major' s commissio n presente d itsel f i n 1771, Montgomer y eagerl y lodge d hi s money. However , a political favor ite of Lord North' s ministr y procure d th e majority t o which Montgomer y felt hi s service s entitle d him . Becaus e o f hi s lac k o f influentia l politica l patronage, Montgomer y foun d himsel f shu t ou t fro m continue d advance ment i n th e Britis h militar y establishment . O n Apri l 6 , 1772 , th e disap pointed captai n sol d his own commission i n revulsion to what he regarde d as the deprivation o f his rightful militar y promotion. 40 Now, Montgomer y ha d resentfull y qui t th e Britis h arm y tha t h e faithfully an d abl y serve d fo r s o long. Stil l a relatively youn g ma n a t th e age o f thirty-three , h e bega n lookin g fo r ne w horizon s wher e h e coul d find th e opportunitie s tha t ha d elude d hi m sinc e th e en d o f th e Seve n Years' War .

C

H

A

P

T

E

R

F O U

R

Decision for the Patriot Cause In this most eligible of all situations , the life of a country gentlema n . . . he devoted hi s time to sweet domestic intercourse . Nor fro m tha t happ y spo t did h e wish to stray . . . But when th e hand o f power wa s stretche d fort h against the land of his residence, he had a heart to o noble not to sympathiz e in its distress . . . Although hi s liberal spiri t place d hi m above local prejudices , and h e considered himsel f a s a member of the empire at large; yet America, strugglin g i n the cause of Liberty , henceforth becam e his peculiar country , and tha t country too k full possessio n o f his soul, lifting hi m abov e this earthy dross , an d ever y private affection . . . l

I

n lat e 177 2 o r earl y 1773 , Richar d Montgomer y migrate d t o Amer ica. Befor e makin g thi s majo r chang e i n hi s life , h e explaine d hi s reasons fo r leavin g Englan d i n a lette r t o hi s cousin , J o h n Mont gomery: "A s a man wit h littl e mone y cut s bu t a bad figur e i n thi s countr y among peers , nabobs , etc. , I hav e cas t m y ey e o n America , wher e m y pride an d povert y wil l b e muc h mor e a t thei r ease. " Montgomer y ob viously understate d hi s financia l situation . Althoug h lackin g a titl e o r influential patronage , h e wa s fa r fro m impoverishment . H e receive d a 35

36 • Decision for the Patriot Cause middling inheritanc e whe n hi s father' s will divide d th e famil y resource s among him an d tw o other siblings . Proceed s fro m th e sal e of his captain' s commission furthe r augmente d hi s total assets. 2 Because o f hi s disappointmen t i n promotio n an d futur e advancemen t possibilities i n th e Britis h army , Montgomer y becam e disguste d wit h military service . H e decide d upo n a cours e o f retrea t an d solitud e re moved fro m th e vexation s o f politic s an d publi c service , vowin g neve r t o marry o r tak e u p arm s again . Montgomer y sough t solac e an d a ne w beginning i n th e colonies , wher e bot h o f his vows woul d b e relinquishe d within thre e years . A s a repos e fro m hi s previou s turbulen t militar y career, h e intende d t o establish a n idylli c lifestyl e fo r himsel f a s a gentleman-farmer. Durin g Montgomery' s wartim e servic e in America, th e vast ness o f th e countr y an d th e unlimite d opportunitie s i t offere d impresse d him. A n enterprisin g gentlema n o f modes t means , h e reasoned , coul d readily accumulat e lan d an d eventuall y amas s a n estate . Shortl y afte r hi s arrival, Montgomer y bough t a sixty-seven-acr e farmstea d a t King' s Bridge , located i n the out ward , som e thirteen mile s north o f New Yor k City. 3 While Montgomer y settle d int o hi s ne w surrounding s durin g th e firs t winter an d spring , h e becam e reacquainte d wit h Janet Livingston . The y had me t eight years befor e whe n h e was an ambitious young officer i n th e British 17t h Foo t an d sh e wa s passin g int o womanhood . Durin g th e French an d India n War , Montgomery' s uni t traverse d u p th e Hudso n River e n rout e t o it s statio n a t Michilimackina c i n Michiga n territory . When th e soldiers disembarked fro m thei r boats near Clermont, th e grand Livingston manor , Janet' s fathe r graciousl y invite d th e officer s t o visit . Richard an d Janet experience d thei r first meetin g durin g thi s occasion . I t probably amounte d t o n o mor e tha n a forma l introductio n an d polit e discourse, an d lef t littl e impression o n either. 4 By th e time of their secon d encounter , thirty-year-ol d Janet ha d devel oped int o a mos t eligibl e lad y fo r courtshi p an d marriage . Th e eldes t daughter i n th e larg e famil y o f Judge Rober t R . Livingston , on e o f th e most affluen t an d influentia l me n i n Ne w York , sh e personifie d a privi leged, accomplished , an d attractiv e woma n o f th e time . Montgomer y must hav e bee n immediatel y take n wit h her , a s h e waste d n o tim e i n vying for he r affections . Sinc e Janet hel d th e social status of a Livingston, the selectio n proces s fo r he r husban d wa s deliberat e an d discriminating . In her memoirs, sh e claimed a long succession of suitors before Montgom ery, bu t non e ha d bee n successfu l i n winnin g he r hand . Sh e rejecte d th e advances of those who displeased he r for one reason or another. Janet als o

Decision for the Patriot Cause • 3 7

wrote of a romantic notio n tha t portende d doo m fo r me n wh o sough t he r affection: "Ther e wa s a fatalit y attendin g mos t o f thos e wh o offere d themselves." Sh e relate d ho w tw o suitor s brok e thei r neck s afte r fallin g from thei r horse s an d anothe r wa s los t at se a after establishin g a romantic relationship with her. 5 Janet's famil y withhel d approva l o f othe r suitor s who m the y deeme d socially unacceptable : " I nearl y fel l i n lov e wit h a n office r wh o ha d onl y his beauty an d hi s regimentals t o boast of—he ha d neithe r educatio n no r talents. I saw these defects an d ye t i n despite of all gave him a preference . I woul d hav e bee n hi s wif e coul d m y parent s hav e consented . The y detested redcoat s an d ha d m y happines s to o much a t heart." The Living stons' estimatio n o f th e Britis h soldier s obviousl y ha d deteriorate d fro m the Frenc h an d India n War , whe n the y cordiall y welcome d the m int o their home. 6 During tha t war , colonist s generall y appreciate d th e securit y benefit s that Britis h troop s brough t b y pushin g Frenc h authorit y ou t o f Nort h America an d subduin g th e Indians . Afte r th e conflict , however , numer ous colonist s cam e t o resen t a continued larg e Britis h militar y presence . They suspecte d tha t th e soldier s wer e a n instrumen t o f th e ministeria l government fo r coercin g provincia l submissio n t o increasingl y stringen t imperial politica l measures . B y th e tim e o f Janet's courtship , man y colo nists regarded so-calle d "redcoats, " "lobsterbacks," or "bloodybacks" with disdain. Thi s dramati c transformatio n o f th e Livingsto n famil y attitude s toward Britis h troop s i n th e colonie s wa s indicativ e o f th e evolutio n o f patriot attitude s concernin g Britis h authorit y i n America . During thei r unusuall y brie f engagement , Janet stil l retaine d he r anxi ety ove r forebodin g misfortun e tha t sh e fel t coul d befal l a potentia l husband. Richar d lightl y dismisse d he r fears , however , an d he r sister s offered supportiv e counsel . Afte r receivin g favorabl e consideratio n fro m Janet, Richar d followe d conventio n b y formall y requestin g permissio n for marriag e fro m th e parent s o f th e intende d bride . I n lat e Ma y 1773 , Montgomery wrot e t o Judge Livingston : " I hav e bee n extremel y anxiou s to solici t you r approbation , togethe r wit h Mrs . Livingston's , i n a n affai r which nearl y concern s m y happines s an d n o les s affect s you r daughter . . . . I hav e venture d a t las t t o request , sir , tha t yo u an d Mrs . Livingsto n will consen t t o a union whic h t o m e ha s th e mos t promisin g appearanc e of happiness , fro m th e lady' s uncommo n meri t an d amiabl e worth. " H e concluded wit h a polite compliment regardin g ho w h e would b e honore d to joi n th e Livingsto n family : "No r wil l i t b e a n inconsiderabl e additio n

38 • Decision for the Patriot Cause to b e favore d b y suc h respectabl e character s wit h th e titl e o f son , shoul d I be so fortunate a s to deserve it." 7 While hi s prospectiv e father-in-la w deliberate d ove r th e reques t fo r marriage, Montgomery' s socia l statu s an d forme r servic e i n th e Britis h army wer e probabl y area s o f som e concern . Whe n th e patriarc h o f th e Livingston dynasty , Rober t Livingston , die d i n 1728 , he divided hi s vas t estate between tw o of his sons. The elde r son , Phili p Livingston, receive d the bul k o f th e propert y (abou t 141,00 0 acres) , know n a s Livingsto n Manor. Th e younge r son , Rober t Livingston , Jr . (Janet' s grandfather) , inherited th e adjacent Clermon t estat e of 13,00 0 acres. Consequently, th e two Livingsto n branche s a t Livingsto n Mano r an d Clermon t constitute d one of the larges t land-ownin g familie s i n New York. 8 Influence accompanie d th e affluenc e o f thi s family , whic h cooperate d in achievin g politica l ascendanc y o f th e province . Judg e Rober t R . Liv ingston (o f Clermont) , Janet' s father , too k a n activ e par t i n colonia l af fairs. H e serve d a s a colonel i n th e militia , functione d fo r a time a s hig h sheriff o f Ne w York , an d represente d Dutches s Count y i n th e Genera l Assembly fro m 175 7 t o 1768 . H e attaine d appointmen t a s Judge o f th e King's Benc h i n 1763 , which operate d a s the Ne w Yor k suprem e court of those times . I n 1765 , h e attende d th e Stam p Ac t Congres s a s a delegat e from Dutches s County . Durin g 1772 , h e acte d a s chairma n o f th e Ne w York Committe e o f Correspondence , par t o f a networ k t o coordinat e colonial vigilanc e agains t th e British . Whe n Ne w Yorker s divide d ove r the questio n o f remaining loya l t o the king , Judge Livingsto n emerge d a s a recognized leade r o f the whig or patriot faction. 9 The fac t tha t h e had earlie r resigne d hi s commission an d electe d t o live in th e colonie s probabl y exonerate d Montgomer y fro m hi s Britis h affilia tion i n Judg e Livingston' s mind . Montgomery' s prio r associatio n wit h Whig leaders i n Parliament—Edmund Burke , Isaa c Barre, Charle s James Fox, an d othe r oppositio n politician s sympatheti c wit h th e America n colonists—must hav e enhance d hi s acceptabilit y wit h th e Livingstons . After famil y consultation s an d investigatio n int o Montgomery's characte r and reputation , Judge Livingsto n replie d t o his future son-in-la w o n June 21, 1773 : "Since we heard o f your intentions , solicitou s for ou r daughter' s happiness, w e hav e mad e suc h inquirie s a s hav e give n a grea t dea l o f satisfaction. W e bot h approv e o f you r proposa l an d heartil y wis h you r union ma y yiel d yo u al l th e happines s yo u see m t o expect , t o whic h w e shall always be ready t o contribute al l in our power." 10 With th e formalitie s complete d fo r hi s marriage, Montgomer y becam e

Decision for the Patriot Cause • 3 9 concerned ove r ho w th e loca l pres s woul d announc e th e event . Anti imperialist fervo r o f tha t tim e disdaine d an y trapping s o f royalty . Mont gomery's sister , Sarah , ha d marrie d a n Iris h viscount , Charles , Lor d Ranelagh. Th e peerag e wa s th e onl y inheritanc e tha t befel l Ranelagh , a s he became strappe d t o support hi s large family. Thi s wa s probably al l the more reaso n fo r th e despoile d lor d t o clin g t o hi s nobility , tryin g t o bolster hi s familia l prid e an d honor . Montgomer y ha d n o desir e t o b e linked publicl y t o his titled relative s i n Irelan d durin g his present circum stances. H e fel t tha t i t woul d onl y subjec t hi m t o possibl e embarrass ment, jus t befor e hi s weddin g day , Montgomer y expresse d a hop e tha t the journalist s woul d "le t m e dow n easy " b y no t advertisin g th e roya l inference. T o hi s chagrin , a Ne w Yor k Cit y newspape r pronounced : "Last Thursday evenin g was married a t the Manor of Livingston, Richar d Montgomery, Esq. , brothe r t o the Righ t Hon . th e Countess o f Ranelagh , to Miss . Livingston , eldes t daughte r o f th e Hon . Rober t R . Livingston , Esq.; on e o f th e Judges o f th e suprem e cour t o f judicature , a lady o f fin e understanding, an d ver y amiabl e accomplishments." 11 The weddin g announcemen t becam e a subjec t o f som e good-nature d humor directe d a t Montgomer y b y th e Livingstons . Lik e mos t o f th e privileged socia l grou p i n th e colonies , th e Livingsto n famil y embrace d the idea of a natural elite , bu t the y wer e careful no t to portray themselve s as aristocrat s o r noblemen . Th e colonie s wer e evolvin g towar d a cultur e that fancied th e concept of the self-made person , apar t from th e Europea n tradition o f relyin g o n bloodline s t o determin e socia l status . Althoug h adhering t o deferentia l values , th e prosperou s an d influentia l segmen t o f the populatio n ha d n o wis h t o becom e a catalys t fo r clas s struggl e b y callously flaunting it s social position. 12 Thus, o n Jul y 24 , 1773 , Richar d Montgomer y an d Jane t Livingsto n married a t Clermon t wit h mos t o f th e Livingsto n famil y presen t fo r th e ceremony. Richar d lease d hi s far m a t King' s Bridg e t o a tenant, an d th e Montgomerys establishe d thei r residenc e i n a smal l hous e a t Rhinebec k where Janet owne d property . Wit h mos t o f his remaining funds , Richar d purchased mor e lan d adjoinin g Janet's tract . H e the n se t to work fencin g the pasture, plowin g the fields, buildin g a small grain mill, an d layin g th e foundation fo r a larger home . Janet's sister , Catharine , forme d a favorabl e opinion o f Richar d durin g thi s time , bu t sh e als o note d hi s bout s o f melancholy brough t o n b y fear s tha t hi s contentmen t wa s to o goo d t o last: "Mrs . [Catharin e Livingston ] Garretson , wh o sometime s cam e t o stay wit h he r eldes t siste r a t th e cottage , ha d ampl e opportunit y o f

40 • Decision for the Patriot Cause knowing thi s brother . Sh e spok e o f th e influenc e o f hi s manl y characte r upon th e villagers , o f hi s grav e rebuk e o f idlenes s an d vic e an d o f hi s many amiabl e domesti c virtues . . . . H e wa s s o happ y i n hi s domesti c relations tha t foreboding s woul d sometime s aris e an d h e woul d exclaim , 'I neve r wa s s o happ y i n al l m y life ; everythin g conspire s t o mak e i t so, ' then shakin g hi s hea d sadl y h e woul d say , 'Thi s canno t last ; i t canno t last.'" 1 3 Janet told of a strange and frightenin g drea m tha t she had three month s after thei r marriage . I n it , Montgomer y an d hi s brothe r engage d i n a fierce duel, an d Richar d sustaine d a mortal wound . Upo n awakenin g an d relating th e visio n t o he r husband , h e said , " I hav e alway s tol d yo u tha t my happines s i s no t lasting . . . . Le t u s enjo y i t a s lon g a s w e ma y an d leave the rest to God." 14 Although bot h wer e basically fatalists , th e personal philosophie s o f the Montgomerys differe d somewhat . Whil e Richar d seeme d t o accep t fat e with littl e reservation , Jane t tende d t o agoniz e mor e ove r thei r destin y and turne d t o he r husban d fo r reassurance . Althoug h Richar d ha d for saken hi s arm y career , th e lingerin g menta l attitude s forme d b y year s o f service were no t a s easily shed . Hi s militar y backgroun d probabl y condi tioned hi m fo r a direct, confrontationa l approac h t o life's problems . Thi s professional soldier' s mindse t prevente d hi m fro m dwellin g upo n matter s that h e deemed beyon d huma n control . O n th e other hand , Janet's think ing reflecte d th e cultura l rol e o f privilege d wome n o f tha t era . Societ y accustomed wome n o f leisur e t o a seemingl y gentle , passiv e existenc e i n which demur e ladie s attaine d thei r goal s throug h indirec t means . Wit h this feelin g o f bein g limite d i n personall y directin g thei r lives , man y o f these women tende d t o brooding reflection o f their perplexities . Ominous perceptions , however , coul d no t spoi l th e marita l blis s tha t the Montgomer y newl y weds enjoyed . Th e Livingston s welcome d Rich ard int o thei r family , an d h e emerge d a s a n industriou s an d faithfu l husband wh o cherishe d hi s quiet , rura l life . Jane t readil y accepte d he r position a s a devoted an d dutifu l wife . Still, th e coupl e experience d som e area s o f contention . Janet , fo r in stance, wante d t o hav e a child , particularl y a son , a s soo n a s possible . However, Richar d di d no t shar e he r enthusiasm . H e chide d he r b y saying, "B e contented , Janet . Suppos e w e ha d a son , an d h e wa s a fool . Think o f that!" As in most other matters , Janet deferre d t o her husband' s judgment. 15 In a lette r writte n i n lat e 177 4 t o Perkin s Magra—frien d o f bot h

Decision for the Patriot Cause • 4 1 Richard an d Janet, an d a n office r wh o ha d serve d wit h Montgomer y i n his previou s Britis h regiment—Montgomer y admitte d t o nostalgi a abou t his forme r comrades : "Ther e ar e som e i n th e corp s [17t h Regiment ] fo r whom I entertai n a mor e cordia l regar d tha n I shal l probabl y eve r fee l again fo r an y o f m y fello w creatures. " Th e newl y establishe d countr y squire the n turne d t o a descriptio n o f hi s presen t life , writin g wit h zea l and prid e abou t th e improvement s h e ha d initiate d o n hi s smal l estate : " 'Ti s a pit y yo u can' t com e hel p m e pla n a hous e whic h I shal l la y th e foundation o f this fall. M y mil l i s almost finished." H e als o confirmed hi s contentment i n hi s curren t existence : "You r suspicion s touchin g m y hobb y horse ar e no t wel l founded . I rod e a skittis h na g fo r fifteen years . A country lif e i s the onl y recours e o f disappointed ambition , t o hav e some thing t o d o th e sures t mean s o f procurin g goo d spirit s an d comfortabl e feelings." Th e retire d soldie r close d hi s lette r wit h a fatefu l remark : " I begin t o think I shan't di e by a pistol." 16 By 1775 , emergin g event s surroundin g increasingl y antagonisti c rela tions betwee n th e colonie s an d Englan d interrupte d th e tranqui l lif e o f the Montgomerys. Th e practic e of maintaining unwante d Britis h soldier s in th e colonie s unde r th e Quarterin g Act s ha d resulte d i n th e Bosto n Massacre, an d th e protracte d serie s o f restrictiv e trad e an d taxatio n act s culminated wit h th e Bosto n Te a Part y i n lat e 177 3 and th e Intolerabl e o r Coercive Act s o f 1774 . Thes e las t measure s brough t th e closin g o f th e port o f Bosto n an d th e declaratio n o f martia l la w i n tha t colony . Al l o f these point s o f contentio n contribute d t o unravelin g th e bond s o f th e parent Britis h stat e wit h th e America n colonies . Whe n colonia l leader s gathered a t th e Firs t Continenta l Congres s i n Septembe r 1774 , the situa tion ha d reache d crisi s proportions . Wit h th e ope n hostilitie s betwee n British troop s an d colonia l militi a a t Lexingto n an d Concor d i n Apri l 1775, an d th e convenin g o f th e Secon d Continenta l Congres s i n Ma y 1775, America n patriot s decide d t o secur e a ful l redres s o f thei r griev ances with Britai n b y arme d rebellion . The mos t publicize d event s tha t receive d th e bul k o f Britis h reactio n erupted i n Massachusetts, whic h Parliamen t considere d t o be the seedbe d of th e revolt . Simila r incidents , however , occurre d throughou t th e colo nies. Ne w Yor k produce d it s share of extralegal activitie s directed agains t British authority . Yet , avi d patriot s i n other colonie s occasionall y faulte d their fello w colon y fo r demonstratin g a n apatheti c zea l towar d thei r cause. Afte r returnin g hom e fro m a visit t o New Englan d i n the summe r of 1773 , a Philadelphi a enthusias t wrot e t o hi s frien d i n Bosto n tha t

42 • Decision for the Patriot Cause patriotism "seeme d t o have taken bu t shallo w roo t i n som e places, partic ularly Ne w York , wher e politica l principle s ar e trul y a s unfixe d a s th e wind. On e yea r see s th e Ne w Yorker s champion s fo r liberty , an d th e next huggin g their chains." 17 The reputatio n thu s acquire d b y Ne w Yor k wa s mostl y unfair . Th e slow maturatio n o f th e patrio t infrastructur e i n thi s provinc e largel y resulted becaus e Ne w Yor k Cit y functionall y serve d a s the capita l o f th e British governmen t i n th e colonies . Man y Ne w Yorkers , probabl y mor e than anywher e else , owe d thei r livelihood s t o th e Englis h bureaucracy . This widesprea d affiliatio n too k som e tim e t o erod e an d generate d a deceptive imag e o f th e colony . Ne w Yor k wa s slo w i n it s revolutionar y efforts onl y i n contras t t o th e Ne w Englan d colonies , th e crucibl e o f th e Revolution. Th e tortuou s pat h o f Ne w York' s patrio t movemen t con cealed th e depth o f its commitment onl y t o an unwary observer . Six weeks before th e Boston Massacre, Ne w Yor k City residents riote d against Britis h troops . O n Januar y 19 , 1770 , straine d civil-militar y rela tions i n Manhatta n le d t o tw o day s o f stree t fighting, referre d t o a s th e Battle o f Golde n Hill . Built-u p animosit y betwee n roya l militar y force s stationed i n the cit y an d th e populac e precipitate d ope n fighting betwee n British soldier s an d Ne w Yorker s i n the Golden Hil l are a on John Street . Hostilities betwee n th e tw o faction s resume d th e nex t da y wit h a second riot on Nassa u Stree t befor e orde r returned . A disturbanc e involvin g a felled libert y pol e serve d a s the provocatio n for thi s incident . I n Marc h 1766 , Ne w Yorker s joine d mos t o f th e othe r colonies i n erectin g so-calle d libert y pole s t o celebrat e th e repea l o f th e unpopular Stam p Act , a majo r politica l victor y ove r Parliament . Thes e structures usuall y occupie d a prominen t locatio n i n th e town . The y functioned a s patrioti c symbol s an d rallyin g point s fo r speeche s an d demonstrations espousin g opposition t o British policie s i n the colonies. British troops , wh o considere d themselve s faithfu l agent s o f th e Crown , regarded th e libert y pole s a s a flagrant insul t t o imperia l authority . Usu ally actin g withou t specifi c order s whil e of f duty , soldier s fel t hono r bound t o cu t th e libert y pole s dow n a s quickl y a s the y reappeared . Th e destruction o f the fifth successiv e libert y pol e in New Yor k Cit y resulte d in the Golden Hil l an d Nassa u Stree t riots , involvin g some sixty harasse d troops an d hundred s o f angr y civilians . Durin g thes e brie f bu t intens e clashes, soldier s use d bayonet s agains t threatenin g crowd s arme d wit h weapons o f opportunity . Althoug h th e participant s suffere d n o fatalitie s

Decision for the Patriot Cause • 4 3 and mos t casualtie s amounte d t o onl y cut s an d bruises , th e encounter s underscored th e combustibility o f anti-British sentimen t i n Ne w York. 18 The reporte d case o f Michae l Smit h glorifie d th e individua l actio n supposedly take n b y som e Ne w Yor k citizen s i n thi s affair . Whe n wor d of th e confrontatio n reache d Smith , a Broadstree t chairmaker' s appren tice, h e grabbe d a le g o f a n unassemble d chai r an d ra n towar d th e commotion. Usin g th e chai r le g as a club, h e attacke d a British grenadie r and capture d th e soldier' s weapon . Smit h triumphantl y returne d t o hi s shop after th e fra y wit h th e muske t an d bayonet . H e regarde d th e appro priated firear m a s a trophy o f hi s persona l triump h ove r th e British , an d proudly displaye d i t while relatin g the circumstances o f its acquisition o n any occasio n tha t presente d itself . Th e Ne w Yor k Son s o f Libert y seize d upon thes e particula r act s b y Ne w Yorker s t o buil d th e participant s int o folk heroe s an d strengthe n th e patrio t rhetori c agains t ministeria l govern ment. Some partisan commentator s erroneousl y reporte d late r that the troop s killed on e citize n durin g th e Ne w Yor k riot s an d toute d th e skirmis h a s the "firs t bloo d shed " i n the America n Revolution . Th e Bosto n Massacr e on Marc h 5 , 1770 , however , wit h it s confirme d fatalities , overshadowe d the Battl e of Golden Hil l i n the contemporary patrio t mind. 19 New Yor k als o participated i n it s own tea party . I n Ma y 1773 , Parliament passe d th e Te a Ac t t o rescu e th e flounderin g Britis h Eas t Indi a Company. Sinc e th e compan y represente d th e larges t busines s establish ment i n the Britis h Empire , thi s commercial enterpris e wa s s o vast that i t influenced th e nationa l economy . Unfortunately , th e te a trad e ha d falle n into desperat e economi c strait s tha t threatene d th e Britis h financia l cli mate. Colonia l boycott s ove r previou s Britis h governmen t revenu e mea sures wer e responsible, i n larg e part, fo r a large stockpile o f unsold te a i n England an d th e company' s possibl e bankruptcy . I n passin g th e act , th e government intende d t o give the Eas t Indi a Compan y a monopoly o n te a sales i n th e colonies . Parliamen t hope d tha t thi s marketin g concessio n would reliev e th e company' s warehouses , whic h wer e burdene d wit h 1 8 million pound s o f surplus tea . Even thoug h th e Tea Ac t woul d actuall y lowe r th e price of tea fo r th e consumer, i t woul d eliminat e colonia l middleme n an d erran t tea-smug gling operation s tha t especiall y flourishe d i n th e province s o f New York , Pennsylvania, an d Rhod e Island . Thus , powerfu l colonist s engage d i n this lucrativ e busines s stoo d t o los e a par t o f thei r commercia l domain ,

44 * Decision for the Patriot Cause and the y joine d wit h popula r patrio t leader s t o tur n publi c opinio n agains t the bill. The issu e that emerge d fro m thes e circumstances wa s that Parlia ment ha d devise d ye t anothe r deviou s schem e t o tax th e colonies withou t representation, requirin g th e colonist s t o continu e thei r vigilanc e agains t imperial slaver y b y resistin g Eas t Indi a tea . Whe n th e te a ship s arrive d from Englan d a t th e principa l port s o f Boston , Ne w York , Philadelphia , and Charleston , hostil e crowds awaite d them . Bosto n Harbo r becam e th e site of the first encounter, resultin g i n the Boston Tea Part y o n Decembe r 16, 1773 , where a well-organized crow d destroye d th e tea b y dumpin g i t into the water befor e i t could b e unloaded . By th e fal l o f 1773 , th e peopl e o f Ne w Yor k ha d becom e concerne d over th e tea tax a s well. Constan t publi c attentio n focuse d b y loca l medi a and frequen t rumor s tha t th e tea ship s wer e approachin g kep t th e popu lace agitated . Th e Son s o f Libert y circulate d a n "association " pledg e no t to buy , sell , o r us e Eas t Indi a tea , an d a wid e cros s sectio n o f Ne w Yorkers signed . A clandestine patrio t body , callin g itself the "Mohawks, " published a notic e i n Rivington' s Gazetteer o n Decembe r 2 , 1773 , tha t they wer e "prepare d t o pa y a n unwelcom e visit " to an y shi p tha t arrive d with th e boycotted tea . New s o f the celebrated Bosto n Tea Part y reache d New Yor k b y Decembe r 21 , 1773^0 heighte n dissensio n further . Finally, o n Apri l 18 , 1774 , a tea shi p anchore d outsid e Ne w Yor k Harbor. Afte r severa l day s o f heate d negotiation s wit h th e patrio t "com mittee of inspection," th e captai n prudentl y decide d no t t o risk the wrat h of New Yorker s by tryin g t o unload hi s consignment o f tea, an d he began to mak e preparation s fo r a return t o England . Th e maste r o f anothe r tea ship tha t arrive d o n Apri l 22 , 1774 , wa s no t a s accommodating . H e docked hi s vesse l a t a New Yor k pie r an d attempte d t o concea l it s carg o of tea whil e h e devise d a wa y t o off-loa d it . Th e patriot s suspecte d hi s plot, an d thei r intelligenc e networ k soo n confirme d thei r skepticism . Facing mounting animosity , th e unnerved captai n eventuall y brok e dow n and admitte d hi s cargo included Eas t Indi a tea . Patriot activist s immediatel y starte d t o pla n operation s t o preven t unloading o f th e tea . Tha t night , a larg e crowd , unde r th e influenc e o f the Son s o f Liberty , assemble d a t th e whar f wher e th e te a shi p wa s docked. Th e "Mohawks " were expecting t o do their dut y b y disposin g of the tea a t a prearrange d time . However , th e docksid e crow d becam e s o aroused an d impatien t b y abou t eigh t o'cloc k tha t som e o f the m too k matters int o thei r ow n hands . The y boarde d th e shi p an d destroye d seventeen chest s o f tea , value d a t £2,000, b y openin g an d throwin g the m

Decision for the Patriot Cause • 4 5 into th e harbor . Thi s prematur e activit y b y th e crow d too k th e "Mo hawks" b y surprise , a s the y wer e donnin g India n disguise s i n a nearb y tavern a t th e time , an d preempte d thei r planne d event . Th e nex t morn ing, festiv e celebrant s watche d th e tw o te a ship s se t sai l fo r England — one with al l of it s tea plundere d an d ruined , an d th e othe r wit h a hold o f undelivered tea . Thi s wa s New York' s "Te a Party, " which approximate d and reinforce d tha t o f Boston. 20 All o f thes e event s forme d th e backdro p t o Montgomery' s studie d detachment fro m politics . Althoug h h e favore d a simpl e existenc e o f noninvolvement, hi s lifestyl e wa s no t reclusive . Montgomer y mus t hav e confronted report s o f thes e happening s o n a regula r basi s a s h e wen t about th e dail y routin e o f managin g hi s estate . Informatio n concernin g aggravated British-colonia l relation s dominate d newspapers , broadsides , pamphlets, rumors , an d conversatio n o f the time. I n addition , Montgom ery n o doub t ha d firsthand knowledg e o f som e o f thes e incidents . H e possessed a n educate d an d inquirin g mind , an d thes e event s begge d analysis. Th e jarrin g condition s o f th e time s wer e no t conduciv e t o prolonged stoicism . Compellin g external force s intrude d upo n and altere d the live s o f th e colonists . Lik e th e res t o f hi s contemporaries , Montgom ery eventuall y fel t th e pressur e t o choos e side s i n th e growin g contro versy. Al l alternative s ha d t o b e considered t o resolve the dilemm a i n hi s own min d an d arriv e a t a personal decision . Then , ther e wa s the Living ston connection . The Livingsto n dynast y projecte d th e famil y int o a position o f powe r in Ne w Yor k provincia l politics . Yet , i t di d no t enjo y absolut e primac y in this respect. Th e D e Lancey s parallele d th e Livingston s i n their evolu tion int o prominen t an d influentia l families . A s thes e tw o house s buil t ambitious and competitiv e commercial enterprises , i t was natural tha t thi s contention b e extende d t o th e politica l front . Also , mos t o f th e socioeco nomically advantage d colonist s felt tha t i t was an obligation o f their socia l station t o serve the communit y a s political leaders . So , these two familie s were no t th e onl y member s o f th e rulin g elit e involve d i n Ne w Yor k politics, bu t the y wer e undoubtedly th e most active . Afte r a visit in earl y 1774, John Adam s noted , "Th e tw o grea t familie s i n thi s province , upo n whose motion s al l thei r politic s turn , ar e th e D e Lancey s an d Living stons." 21 The predominanc e o f the Livingstons an d D e Lanceys i n politics date d from th e 1740s , an d the y compete d o n generall y equa l terms , wit h con trol o f th e provincia l assembl y alternatin g betwee n th e tw o fo r severa l

46 • Decision for the Patriot Cause decades. Additionally , th e Livingston-De Lance y rivalr y wa s not limite d to kinship. Politica l activist s of all sorts broadene d th e partisan syste m b y lining u p behin d on e famil y standar d o r th e other . I n opposin g eac h other, th e tw o faction s amende d thei r agenda s a s politica l expedienc y dictated. Th e Livingston s an d D e Lancey s engage d i n a balancin g ac t between curryin g favo r fro m th e governo r an d th e Crown , an d seekin g cooperation wit h a n emergin g popula r movemen t hostil e t o ministeria l rule. Thus , i f change s i n th e politica l syste m wer e inevitable , eac h sid e maneuvered t o b e wel l positione d i n th e ne w orde r tha t woul d follow . The prerevolutionar y perio d woul d finally resolv e this longstandin g fam ily an d politica l rivalry . Th e Stam p Ac t crisi s opene d a crucial perio d i n which th e D e Lancey s almos t delivere d a deat h blo w t o Livingsto n political prospects . Bot h faction s supporte d th e Stam p Act Congres s hel d in Ne w Yor k Cit y t o voice disapproval o f suc h imperia l measures . Judg e Livingston serve d a s a delegate t o the congres s an d authore d th e petitio n that wa s sen t t o Kin g Georg e III , respectfull y protestin g th e stam p legislation. But , th e Livingston s suffere d fro m th e measured , reasone d manner b y whic h the y fashione d thei r moderat e opposition t o the Britis h in th e genera l emotiona l stor m tha t ensued . Th e D e Lancey s fare d muc h better becaus e o f th e stron g tie s the y forge d wit h th e mor e radical , popularly supporte d Son s of Liberty. 22 In th e aftermat h o f th e Stam p Ac t protests , a widesprea d tenan t o r land rio t brok e ou t i n th e rura l district s nort h o f Ne w Yor k City . Thi s general disorde r consiste d o f five hundred t o tw o thousan d participants , as disgruntle d tenant s roame d th e countrysid e i n arme d band s durin g 1766 and clashe d wit h th e Hudson Valle y landlords. Durin g these distur bances, th e "levelers, " a s the y sometime s calle d themselves , kille d an d wounded a numbe r o f men , burne d houses , an d destroye d crops . Thi s activity centere d o n th e larg e Livingsto n estate s an d threatene d Ne w York City befor e loca l law enforcement unit s and British soldiers subdue d the outbreak. 23 A rebelliou s spiri t tha t challenge d establishe d civi l authorit y provide d the atmospher e fo r th e tenant riots , althoug h thes e hostilities wer e not a n integral par t o f th e comin g Revolution . Th e Ne w Yor k Son s o f Liberty , for example , regarde d th e riot s a s a separat e issu e an d di d no t suppor t them. A Britis h office r wh o participate d i n apprehendin g th e offendin g tenants snidel y remarke d i n hi s journa l tha t th e Son s o f Libert y wer e "great opposer s t o thes e rioter s a s the y wer e o f th e opinio n n o on e i s entitled t o riot bu t themselves." 24

Decision for the Patriot Cause • 4 7 Judge Livingston' s propensit y fo r la w and orde r i n protecting manoria l property wa s reveale d whe n hi s cousin , th e lor d o f Livingsto n Mano r adjacent t o Clermont , wrot e t o hi m fo r advic e o n dealin g wit h riotou s tenants. Th e judg e responded, " I would le t the mob go on their ow n wa y and a s soon as they ha d separate d ge t a warrant an d tak e up those that ar e most dangerou s an d guilty , an d carr y the m t o Alban y Gaol . . . . I f the y should chanc e kil l an y perso n i n th e Fra y ever y ma n o f the m i s guilty o f murder an d th e Governmen t mus t interpos e eve n i f the y shoul d b e obliged t o raise men fo r th e purpose." 25 The Quarterin g o r Mutin y Ac t matte r heate d u p afte r authoritie s quelled th e tenan t uprising . Thi s legislatio n require d colonia l assemblie s to provid e quarter s an d supplie s fo r Britis h soldier s statione d i n thei r province. Parliamen t ha d annuall y passe d temporar y act s fo r quarterin g troops i n Americ a durin g th e Frenc h an d India n War . Man y American s came t o regar d th e act s a s strictl y wartim e emergenc y measures . Afte r the conclusio n o f hostilities , therefore , th e colonie s prove d les s willing t o support th e Britis h militar y establishmen t i n thei r midst . Ye t a t th e tim e of it s passag e i n 1765 , the lates t ac t stirre d littl e controvers y i n th e Ne w York Assembly . It s member s wer e to o occupie d wit h adoptin g resolu tions agains t th e Stam p Ac t t o giv e th e Quarterin g Ac t muc h o f thei r attention. Parliament persiste d i n seekin g adherenc e t o it s decree . No w reelin g from recen t events , th e Livingston s embrace d th e quarterin g statut e i n the hope that Britis h troop s coul d safeguar d th e colony fro m suc h domestic law-breakin g an d attack s o n propert y a s experience d durin g th e lan d riots. Sinc e they wer e th e principa l plaintif f i n the riots , th e Livingstons ' self-interest i n th e bil l wa s al l to o obvious . A s a result, the y appeare d t o be willin g t o jeopardiz e th e commo n good—becaus e th e sam e Britis h soldiers coul d als o be used t o enforce th e Stam p Ac t an d othe r objection able ministerial measures—fo r selfis h considerations . The Livingston-le d Ne w Yor k assembl y pushe d throug h quartering enabling legislatio n i n Jul y 1766 . Eve n so , th e measur e di d no t full y conform wit h th e Quarterin g Act . I t di d no t acknowledg e Parliament' s authority t o pas s suc h a la w an d treate d th e requiremen t a s a mer e requisition, wit h th e final decisio n restin g wit h th e Ne w Yor k assembly . Mounting tension s ove r th e measur e le d t o a clas h betwee n citizen s an d soldiers o n Augus t 11 , 1766 . Subsequen t actio n b y th e New Yor k assem bly le d t o continue d reluctanc e fo r unconditionall y implementin g provi sions o f th e bill . O n Jul y 2 , 1767 , a frustrate d Parliamen t declare d th e

48 • Decision for the Patriot Cause province i n rebellio n an d passe d th e Ne w Yor k Restrainin g Act , whic h ordered th e assembl y suspende d effectiv e Octobe r 1 , 1767 , a s punish ment fo r noncompliance . Meanwhile , Ne w Yor k assemblyme n vote d fo r a more libera l interpretatio n o f the Quarterin g Act , bu t i t stil l fell signifi cantly shor t o f complete conformity . Fearin g tha t a prolonged confronta tion wit h Ne w Yor k ove r th e issu e might unit e the colonies i n oppositio n and defea t it s origina l intent , Parliamen t decide d no t t o invok e th e sus pension. The damage had alread y bee n done. The Restrainin g Act, even thoug h it ha d no t bee n enforced , provide d a caus e celebr e t o kindl e colonia l resistance. Richar d Henr y Lee , th e arden t Virgini a patriot , referre d t o the ac t a s a "flamin g swor d ove r ou r heads." 26 Ne w York' s recalcitranc e toward th e Quarterin g Ac t als o provided a n example for othe r colonie s t o emulate. O f th e seve n continenta l colonie s (Ne w York , Ne w Jersey , Massachusetts, Georgia , Sout h Carolina , Connecticut , an d Pennsylvania ) specifically affecte d b y th e Quarterin g Act , al l but tw o (Connecticu t an d Pennsylvania) followe d Ne w Yor k b y refusin g ful l complianc e a t on e time or another. 27 As a result o f the Livingstons ' conspicuous advocac y o f the Quarterin g Act, publi c opinio n increasingl y regarde d th e famil y leader s a s self serving patrician s wh o ha d los t touc h wit h th e genera l cause . Th e D e Lanceys too k good advantag e of the situation t o discredit an d displac e th e Livingston politica l machine . Afte r 1769 , mos t member s o f th e Living ston famil y gre w dispirite d an d withdre w fro m Ne w Yor k politics . Wil liam Livingston , th e cousi n o f Judge Rober t R . Livingston , actuall y lef t New Yor k i n 177 2 an d settle d a t hi s countr y retreat , Libert y Hall , nea r Morristown, Ne w Jersey . H e quickl y adapte d t o politic s i n tha t colon y and becam e it s first revolutionar y governor . Judg e Livingsto n remaine d as th e onl y membe r o f th e forme r dynast y wit h a n importan t politica l office afte r 1769 . Neve r sinc e th e first Livingsto n entere d publi c lif e i n the seventeent h centur y ha d th e family politica l fortune s sun k s o low. 28 The continuin g revolutionar y crisi s brough t a remarkable turnaroun d in th e Livingston-D e Lance y rivalry . B y 1773 , th e D e Lancey s joine d the movemen t i n suppor t o f th e Britis h an d becam e th e senio r loyalis t faction i n America . Thi s unfortunat e decisio n wrecke d thei r provincia l interests an d politica l influence . Thei r propert y i n th e colon y suffere d sacking an d confiscatio n a s members o f th e D e Lance y famil y eventuall y emigrated t o England . Th e Livingstons , o n th e othe r hand , manage d t o shed thei r previou s stigm a an d becam e imbue d wit h intensifie d patrio t

Decision for the Patriot Cause • 4 9 commitment. Thei r revive d associatio n wit h th e revolutionar y elemen t propelled th e family onc e more into a political leadershi p position i n Ne w York. Shortly afte r Montgomer y becam e a membe r o f th e Livingsto n clan , the famil y engage d i n a politica l discussion . Janet , i n he r memoirs , de scribed ho w he r grandfathe r turne d t o he r fathe r an d said , "Yo u an d I will neve r liv e t o se e thi s countr y independent . Montgomery , yo u may , but (speakin g t o hi s grandson ) Robert , yo u will! " Janet continue d he r remembrance o f he r grandfather' s passio n fo r America n independence : u On th e breakin g ou t o f wa r h e wa s i n raptures . I n beginnin g wit h th e Bostonians h e sai d 'The y hav e taken th e bul l b y th e horns. ' Hi s sanguin e temper mad e him expect with confidence ou r independence. " Janet, how ever, surmise d tha t th e turbulen t atmospher e o f 177 5 hastene d th e en d for thi s age d patriot , wh o wa s the n i n hi s eighty-sevent h year : " I veril y believe th e Battl e o f Bunke r Hil l (o f whic h suc h a fals e an d disastrou s report wa s made ) wa s hi s death . H e too k t o hi s be d immediately , la y a week withou t pain , an d died . Th e las t word s h e muttere d wer e 'Wha t news from Boston? ' " His son , Judge Rober t R . Livingston , followe d hi m in death si x months later. 29 The Livingsto n family' s statur e a s arden t supporter s o f th e patrio t cause ma y b e gauge d b y th e leve l o f criticis m the y receive d fro m th e royalist oppositio n faction . Thoma s Jones , a ferven t Ne w Yor k loyalis t who vigorousl y denounce d th e Revolutio n a s nothin g mor e tha n wide spread lawlessness , single d ou t th e Livingstons fo r particularl y venomou s treatment i n his history o f the Revolution . Jones alleged tha t a Livingston instigated a n atrocit y agains t a Britis h office r i n Decembe r 1776 . Th e related inciden t involve d th e assassinatio n o f Capt . Erasmu s Phillip s a s he passed throug h Princeto n t o join hi s regiment: "On e o f the part y wh o committed th e murder , hi s nam e shal l b e mentioned , wa s a John Living ston, on e o f th e son s o f Rober t R . Livingston , lat e on e o f th e Judges o f the Suprem e Cour t o f th e provinc e o f Ne w York . Thi s barbarian , i n a public compan y a t Middletown , i n Connecticut , boaste d o f thi s horri d murder a s a n ac t o f heroism , a nobl e achievement ; an d s o littl e remors e had h e fo r thi s crue l ac t i n whic h h e ha d take n a principa l part , tha t h e declared, 'Tha t Captai n Phillip s mad e on e o f th e handsomes t corpse s h e had eve r beheld. ' "Jone s continue d quotin g remark s tha t h e attributed t o John Livingston : " 'W e strippe d him, ' say s he , 'o f al l hi s clothe s an d lef t him nake d i n th e street. ' ' I thought, ' adde d he , 'tha t I shoul d b e oblige d to have cut hi s head off , t o get at his diamond stoc k buckle, bu t I effecte d

50 • Decision for the Patriot Cause my purpos e b y breakin g hi s nec k an d turnin g hi s hea d tops y turvy. ' " Jones concluded thi s lurid accoun t with a provocative condemnation: "Le t the public judge whether a more barbarous, cruel , unchristianlik e ac t was ever committe d amon g civilize d nations . Bu t i t wa s don e b y rebels . I t was a n ac t of rebellion, an d don e by peopl e who bragged o f their human ity." 30 After 1773 , the Livingsto n famil y embrace d th e patrio t movemen t e n masse. Al l o f Judg e Livingston' s son s wh o wer e ol d enoug h becam e involved i n th e Revolutio n i n som e capacity . Eve n al l hi s sons-in-la w actively participate d i n th e conflic t agains t Britain . So , th e persuasio n o f the Livingstons mus t have fallen heavil y on Montgomery. Yet , the forme r British office r wa s a strong-wille d person , quit e capabl e o f independen t thinking. H e reache d hi s individua l decisio n afte r considerin g al l th e realities a s h e perceive d the m a t th e time . Lik e man y othe r provincia l inhabitants, o f whic h h e wa s no w one , Montgomer y gre w t o regar d himself les s a s a n Englishma n an d mor e a s a self-determining American . Increasingly, h e viewe d Englan d i n antagonisti c term s a s a n unneeded , oppressive, an d eve n tyrannical parent-state . Montgomer y perceive d littl e benefit t o b e derive d fro m th e Britis h governmen t an d resente d it s dicta torial interferenc e i n hi s life . Montgomery' s lingerin g bitternes s ove r hi s rejected commissio n i n th e Britis h arm y certainl y conditione d hi s atti tude. I n time , h e becam e estrange d fro m hi s forme r allegianc e t o En gland. Thus , th e influenc e o f th e Livingsto n famil y tie s an d hi s ow n intellectual conviction s combine d t o dra w Montgomer y inexorabl y int o the patriot cause .

C

H

A

P

T

E

R

F I V

E

Service in the Provincial Congress Having a heart distended with benevolence, and panting to do good, h e soon acquired, withou t courtin g i t fro m his neighbors , tha t authorit y whic h a n opinio n o f su perior talent s an d inflexibl e integrit y neve r fai l t o create. . . . l

H

aving swaye d hi m t o th e patrio t cause , prevalen t event s coaxe d Montgomery's entranc e int o politics to serve in the New Yor k Provincial Congress . Thi s extralega l bod y ha d evolve d fro m several preceden t assemblie s tha t Ne w Yorker s calle d t o conside r th e mounting crisi s with England . Lon g before th e Revolution , Ne w Yorker s became accustome d t o creating unauthorize d politica l pressur e group s t o protest agains t an d wi n concession s fro m th e constitute d government . Through th e years , th e proces s evolve d a s a means o f redress agains t an y autocratic governor . A s the conflic t betwee n th e colonists an d th e Britis h government becam e mor e acute , Ne w Yorker s forme d committees , cor responding wit h thos e o f othe r colonies , t o devis e way s o f opposin g perceived oppressiv e measure s b y th e Britis h government . Th e Naviga tion Law s revive d i n th e 1760s , th e Suga r Ac t o f 1764 , an d th e Stam p Act o f 176 5 engendere d suc h reactions . Althoug h thes e organization s initially include d member s wh o wer e moderat e i n thei r view s towar d King an d Parliament , thei r voice s wer e progressivel y drowne d ou t b y more extrem e rhetoric . Thus , th e patrio t factio n increasingl y dominate d the ad hoc governmental entities . 5i

§2 • Service in the Provincial Congress Following th e roya l colon y pattern , Ne w York' s officia l governmen t before 177 5 consiste d o f a Crown-appointed governo r an d counci l an d a locally electe d genera l assembly . B y 1774 , a powe r pla y bega n i n th e colonies t o wres t politica l authorit y fro m royalis t contro l an d plac e i t i n the hand s o f patrio t bodies . Th e Firs t Continenta l Congres s recom mended tha t th e variou s colonie s establis h a networ k o f committee s i n order t o moun t a unifie d oppositio n t o unwante d Britis h policies . O n January 20 , 1774 , eve n before th e Firs t Continenta l Congres s met , thi s movement starte d i n Ne w Yor k wit h th e creatio n o f a Committe e o f Correspondence, als o know n a s th e Committe e o f Thirteen , t o kee p watch o n th e ministeria l governmen t an d t o coordinate wit h lik e commit tees in other colonies . Since th e dul y constitute d Genera l Assembl y authorize d it s establish ment, th e Committe e o f Correspondenc e wa s a n officiall y sanctione d organization. However , o n Ma y 16 , 1774 , th e Committe e o f Thirtee n spawned th e Committe e o f Fifty , whic h ha d n o legitimat e basi s fo r it s existence. Thre e day s later , th e group admitte d a n additiona l representa tive, becomin g th e Committe e o f Fifty-One . Th e Ne w Yor k committe e system flourished wit h th e apparen t inabilit y o f royal official s t o counte r it effectively an d reape d increase d popula r support. 2 The colon y wa s withou t it s chie f roya l officia l durin g thi s critica l period. I n Apri l 1774 , Gov . Willia m Tryo n ha d saile d fo r Englan d t o discuss deterioratin g condition s withi n hi s province wit h th e Britis h gov ernment. Lt . Gov . Cadwallade r Colden , th e actin g governor , displaye d an attitud e o f forbearanc e i n dealin g wit h th e licentiou s situation . I n a July 177 4 report t o the colonial secretar y i n Parliament, Colde n describe d the curren t committee' s politica l transgression s a s "dangerou s an d illega l transactions," bu t questione d "b y wha t mean s shal l Governmen t preven t them?" H e the n agonized , "A n Attemp t b y th e Powe r o f th e Civi l Magistrate, woul d onl y she w thei r weakness . . . . I t i s though t muc h more prudent t o avoid; and t o shu n al l Extreams. . . . Things ma y tak e a favourable turn." 3 The head y atmospher e cause d b y th e succes s o f these extralega l activ ities encouraged mor e individual s t o ris k bein g singled ou t unde r charge s of sedition . Expande d committe e representatio n reflecte d thi s boldness . On Novembe r 22 , 1774 , a Committee o f Sixt y succeede d th e Committe e of Fifty-One . O n Ma y 1 , 1775 , a Committe e o f On e Hundre d replace d the Committe e o f Sixty . I n additio n t o enlargin g thei r membership , th e committees assume d a n increase d rang e of functions, includin g enforcin g

Service in the Provincial Congress • 5 3 the nonimportatio n o f Britis h goods , harassmen t o f loya l colonists , an d designation o f even more radical groups. 4 Controlled b y th e loyalis t factio n i n Februar y 1775 , th e Ne w Yor k General Assembl y refuse d t o approve th e proceeding s o f the Firs t Conti nental Congres s an d t o appoin t delegate s t o th e Secon d Continenta l Congress. Th e patrio t factio n soo n retaliated . O n Marc h 1 , 1775 , th e Committee o f Sixt y advise d count y committee s t o send representative s t o a Provincia l Conventio n tha t woul d mee t i n Ne w Yor k Cit y t o elec t delegates t o th e Secon d Continenta l Congress . Althoug h fou r o r five o f the fourtee n countie s faile d t o respond , approximatel y on e hundre d rep resentatives fro m widesprea d region s o f th e provinc e reporte d t o th e convention whe n i t me t o n Apri l 20 , 1775 . Tw o day s later , th e conven tion appointe d twelv e delegate s t o represen t Ne w Yor k a t Philadelphia , including Montgomery' s brother-in-law , Rober t R . Livingston . Havin g accomplished it s work, th e convention the n dissolved. 5 The startlin g new s o f th e Massachusett s militi a an d Britis h arm y skirmish a t Lexingto n an d Concor d reache d Ne w Yor k b y a n expres s rider fro m Connecticu t o n th e Sunda y afternoo n o f Apri l 23 , 1775 , th e day afte r th e conventio n concluded . Th e feeling s o f betrayal an d outrag e with whic h man y Ne w Yorker s receive d th e repor t arouse d genera l sen timent agains t th e Britis h governmen t an d inflame d patrio t ardor . Fo r several days , Ne w Yor k Cit y disintegrate d int o mo b rule , whil e a larg e number o f residents , le d b y Son s o f Libert y radicals , vigorousl y demon strated agains t Britis h authority . Crow d activit y focuse d o n confiscatin g public stores . Isaa c Sears , John Lamb , an d Marinu s Willet t organize d a gang t o forc e ope n th e arsena l a t Cit y Hal l an d distribut e abou t si x hundred weapon s amon g th e "mos t activ e citizens. " Arme d group s pa raded i n th e streets . Th e custom s hous e closed , an d busines s cam e t o a standstill. Britis h troops , reduce d t o a garriso n o f abou t on e hundre d soldiers becaus e of reinforcements sen t t o Boston , confine d themselve s t o their barracks . Al l regula r governmen t disappeared , an d th e municipa l committee could no t cope with th e situation. 6 The Genera l Assembl y ha d adjourne d fo r on e month o n April 3 , 1775. Now o n Apri l 24 , Actin g Governo r Colde n an d hi s councilor s me t t o assess th e disturbin g tur n o f events . Th e counci l considere d stron g mea sures bu t conclude d tha t the y lacke d th e mean s t o enforc e them . I n thei r opinion, th e loca l roya l governmen t wa s "entirel y prostrated. " Feelin g helpless an d vulnerabl e t o escalated hostilit y i f their authorit y becam e too conspicuous o r intrusive , the y decide d t o maintain a low profile . Willia m

54 * Service in the Provincial Congress Smith, on e of the councilors , recorde d th e outcom e o f th e meetin g i n hi s memoirs: a We wer e thu s unanimousl y o f Opinio n tha t w e ha d n o powe r to d o anythin g an d th e bes t mod e o f proceedin g fo r privat e Safet y an d general Peac e wa s t o us e Diswasio n fro m Violence. " Wit h civi l powe r eluding his grasp, Colde n prorogue d th e assembly t o June 7 , 1775. 7 Meanwhile, patrio t leader s scramble d t o asser t ful l contro l ove r th e extreme reactionarie s an d thei r follower s durin g thi s stat e o f upheaval . Patriots ha d alread y forme d provincia l congresse s i n severa l othe r colo nies, fro m Massachusett s t o Sout h Carolina . Now , i t wa s Ne w York' s turn. T o mee t th e crisis , th e patrio t factio n determine d upo n th e exten sion o f it s jurisdictio n an d reorganization . Whil e Colde n an d hi s counci lors were conferring, th e Committee o f Sixt y calle d fo r a public rally. A n estimated eigh t thousan d peopl e responde d an d approve d proposal s t o authorize th e committe e wit h "ful l an d unlimite d power " Tor th e protec tion o f th e cit y an d it s citizens . O n Apri l 26 , 1775 , th e Committe e o f Sixty mad e provision s throug h a genera l electio n fo r expandin g int o a Committee o f On e Hundred , whic h convene d o n Ma y 1 , 1775 . Concur rently, th e Committe e o f Sixt y sen t a proposa l t o th e countie s fo r th e establishment o f a provincia l congres s t o functio n i n concer t wit h th e Continental Congress . Thi s represente d a significant chang e i n th e scop e of th e patrio t movemen t i n Ne w York . Before , th e patriot s largel y con fined thei r activitie s t o th e provincia l capital ; now , the y bega n takin g a larger vie w of their operations. 8 During thi s time , Montgomer y continue d buildin g an d improvin g hi s country estat e remove d fro m th e politica l stor m cente r a t th e sea t o f government. Thus , h e remaine d onl y a n intereste d an d sympatheti c by stander durin g th e patrio t committe e syste m accessio n t o civi l authority . However, wit h th e adven t o f th e Ne w Yor k Congress , Montgomer y would b e swept int o the political maelstrom . To secur e a n effectiv e sanctio n fo r th e propose d infrastructure , th e Committee o f Sixt y publishe d a Genera l Associatio n o n Apri l 29 , 1775 . This declaratio n pledge d suppor t fo r "whateve r measure s ma y b e recom mended b y th e Continenta l Congres s o r resolve d upo n b y ou r Provincia l Congress." More tha n on e thousan d person s signe d th e affidavi t whe n i t was first presented . Later , committe e agent s poste d copie s i n variou s public place s s o that othe r citizen s coul d affi x thei r signatures . Althoug h signatories abate d somewha t a s a fe w passion s sobered , thi s instrumen t helped patriot s coerc e man y reluctan t individual s int o choosin g side s i n the escalatin g politica l confrontation . Th e committe e ordere d it s agent s

Service in the Provincial Congress • 5 5

to repor t th e name s o f thos e person s refusin g t o sign , althoug h suc h persons wer e no t t o b e designate d enemie s t o thei r countr y "bu t b y th e determination o f the Continental o r Provincia l Congress , o r by thi s Com mittee." I n effect , a perso n eithe r mad e a publi c commitmen t fo r th e patriot caus e or becam e readily identifie d a s a loyalist sympathizer. 9 The Provincia l Congres s thereupo n emerge d a s Ne w York' s d e fact o government, supplantin g th e Genera l Assembly . Th e assembly , afte r it s adjournment o n Apri l 3 , 1775 , wa s neve r abl e t o resum e it s norma l functions becaus e o f patrio t disruption . Th e patrio t factio n i n Ne w Yor k took advantag e o f th e chaoti c time s b y movin g swiftl y t o fill the vacuu m vacated b y th e irresolut e colonia l government , securin g suppor t fro m a large segmen t o f th e populatio n an d usurpin g lega l authority . Th e Com mittee o f On e Hundre d woul d ac t a s th e cit y governmen t an d becom e subordinate to the Provincial Congres s in this extralegal hierarchical polit ical system . Th e Ne w Yor k Congress , i n turn, woul d cooperat e wit h th e Continental Congress . By Ma y 1775 , the eighty-seven-year-ol d lieutenan t governor , Cadwal lader Colden , wa s weary o f the political disputation an d retire d i n disgus t to Sprin g Hill , hi s countr y estat e nea r Flushin g o n Lon g Island . H e explained: "Whe n Congresse s an d Committee s ha d take n the entire direction o f governmen t i t wa s extremel y disagreeabl e t o m e t o remai n a s a spectator o f th e proceeding s an d confusion s i n tow n whic h I ha d no t i n my powe r t o prevent." 10 The repressiv e measure s inflicte d recentl y b y Britis h authoritie s agains t Boston an d Massachusett s alarme d man y Ne w Yorkers . A n impendin g threat o f simila r action s directe d agains t thei r provinc e seeme d ver y rea l to them . A s th e patriot s waite d fo r th e Provincia l Congres s t o assemble , the Committee of One Hundre d me t practically ever y day to organize the city's defenses . A subcommitte e considere d ho w additiona l supplie s o f arms an d ammunitio n coul d b e obtained . Th e committe e ordere d eac h ward t o organiz e militi a companie s an d establishe d a military nigh t watch . It als o undertoo k th e suppressio n o f loyalist s b y confiscatin g an d forbid ding th e sal e o f arm s t o torie s an d thwartin g thei r effort s t o moun t a n effective opposition . Whe n convened , th e Provincia l Congres s continue d these measures. 11 On Ma y 16 , 1775 , Dutchess Count y official s me t a t Poughkeepsie an d elected Montgomer y a s one of the ten deputie s t o represent th e county i n the Ne w Yor k Provincia l Congress . Althoug h h e ha d bee n i n th e colon y only tw o year s an d ha d no t sough t politica l involvement , Montgomer y

$6 • Service in the Provincial Congress was wel l know n an d respecte d throughou t th e area . Consequently , wit h this draf t int o publi c service , h e fel t obligate d t o answe r th e call . Reluc tantly, Montgomer y pu t hi s persona l affair s i n order , bi d goodby e t o hi s wife, an d departe d fo r Ne w Yor k City, som e eighty mile s away. 12 Upon arriving , Montgomer y thre w himsel f unrelentingl y int o hi s work . From th e initia l sessio n o n Ma y 2 2 t o it s adjournmen t o n July 8 , 1775 , the Firs t Ne w Yor k Congres s increase d it s wor k loa d unti l i t me t twic e daily Monda y throug h Saturday , wit h a n occasiona l sessio n o n Sunday . Montgomery serve d o n eleven committees. Onl y Gouverneu r Morri s an d Alexander McDougal l undertoo k mor e assignments , wit h sixtee n com mittees each . Mos t othe r deputies , includin g thos e from Ne w Yor k City , participated i n six or seven congressional committees. 13 One o f th e first order s o f busines s fo r th e Ne w Yor k Congres s wa s t o legitimize it s authority . Therefore , o n Ma y 26 , 1775 , Montgomer y an d the other ninety-seve n delegate s signe d a resolution: We the Deputie s o f the different Countie s of the Colony o f New Yor k in Provincial Congress convened bein g greatly alarme d a t the avowed design of the Ministry, t o raise a revenue in America, an d shocked by the bloody scene now acting in the Massachusetts Bay, do in the most solemn manner resolve neve r t o becom e slaves , an d d o associat e unde r al l th e tie s o f Religion, Honour , an d Lov e t o ou r Country , t o adop t an d endeavou r t o carry int o executio n whateve r measure s ma y b e recommende d b y th e Continental Congres s o r resolve d upo n b y thi s Provincia l Congres s fo r the purpose of preserving our Constitution, an d opposing the execution of the several arbitrar y an d oppressiv e acts of the British Parliament , unti l a reconciliation betwee n Grea t Britai n an d America , o n constitutional prin ciples, which we most ardently desire, can be obtained.14 Although thi s politica l bod y eventuall y becam e th e provincia l bastio n of dissen t agains t Englis h rule , som e o f it s initiall y electe d members , representing a sizable segmen t o f Ne w Yor k society , stil l harbore d loyal ist sentiments . I n addition , it s membershi p include d individual s fro m a wide spectrum o f patriot persuasions, including conservatives, moderates , and radicals . A s the resolutio n indicated , reconciliatio n remaine d a desirable course of action . Montgomery's whi g sentiment s fel l betwee n th e conservatives , wh o would carr y thei r oppositio n t o th e Britis h governmen t onl y t o a poin t short o f arme d rebellion , an d th e radicals , wh o woul d settl e fo r nothin g less tha n complet e independenc e fro m Britain . Montgomer y essentiall y

Service in the Provincial Congress • 5 7 held th e view s o f a moderate patriot . H e fel t tha t th e Britis h governmen t had wronge d th e colonist s bu t hope d fo r a n honorabl e reconciliation . I f this wer e no t possible , h e would advocat e rebellio n a s a last resor t i n lie u of submission. Whe n writing to his brother-in-law, Rober t R . Livingston , in the Continenta l Congress , Montgomer y expresse d hi s feelings: " I mos t heartily wis h you r endeavo r a t a n accommodatio n ma y b e successful. " However, h e concluded hi s thoughts b y stating : "Th e ministe r ha s falle n a victim t o the jus t resentmen t o f a n injure d people. " Janet Montgomer y noted he r husband' s conversio n i n he r memoirs : "I t wa s no t unti l al l ou r petitions were rejected an d Bosto n was declared ou t of the Kings's protec tion that my hero would liste n to any argument contrary t o his loyalty." 15 As th e situatio n progressed , th e factio n tha t maintaine d allegianc e t o the Crow n los t it s influenc e i n th e Ne w Yor k Congress . A surve y o f th e congressional attendanc e recor d indicate s tha t thos e wh o afterwar d be came avowe d loyalist s faile d t o participat e o n a regula r basis . I n fact , some of them refuse d t o take their seat s after the y wer e elected. Th e mos t active member s cam e fro m th e patrio t faction , an d the y soo n dominate d the proceedings . Whe n genera l attendanc e eroded , th e patriot s lowere d the requiremen t fo r a quorum an d continue d meeting . Montgomer y dili gently attende d congressiona l sessions , onl y absentin g himsel f t o conduc t activities in conjunction wit h assigne d committe e functions. 16 Many pressin g matter s compete d fo r th e attentio n o f th e Ne w Yor k Congress. However , shortl y afte r th e Ne w Yor k Congres s convened , th e delegates confronte d a reques t fro m th e Continenta l Congres s fo r assis tance wit h For t Ticonderoga . Th e Ticonderog a situatio n woul d prov e t o be a catalyst t o strengthen th e patriot movemen t i n New York . Three separatel y conceive d bu t coincidentl y execute d patrio t militar y missions agains t For t Ticonderog a plunge d Ne w Yor k int o direc t con frontation wit h th e Britis h army . Som e tw o hundre d men , includin g th e Green Mountai n Boy s unde r Col . Etha n Alle n an d Massachusett s militi a headed b y Col. James Easto n and Maj . John Brown , converge d b y chanc e during thei r advanc e o n Ticonderoga . Althoug h independentl y orga nized, th e variou s unit s decide d t o join force s i n executin g thei r commo n mission, an d the y electe d Etha n Alle n a s thei r join t forc e commander . Benedict Arnold , a captai n i n th e Connecticu t militia , ha d simila r mili tary designs . H e wen t t o Bosto n wher e th e Massachusett s Committe e o f Safety issue d hi m a colonel' s commissio n an d order s t o procee d agains t Ticonderoga. Leavin g the recruiting of his authorized forc e to his officers , he rushe d forwar d t o reconnoite r accompanie d onl y b y a n aide . Whe n

58 • Service in the Provincial Congress Arnold encountere d th e unite d grou p heade d b y Allen , h e presente d hi s commission an d orders . Then , h e demanded comman d o f the expedition . The soldier s refuse d t o follo w anyon e excep t thei r ow n leaders , an d th e officers wer e loat h t o relinquis h authorit y t o a bras h outside r an d new comer. Arnold , a commande r withou t troop s a t thi s time , exchange d heated word s wit h Allen , Easton , an d Brown . Finally , the y agree d t o Arnold an d Alle n sharin g command , bu t th e il l feeling s remained . Jus t before daw n o n Ma y 10 , 1775 , this combine d forc e surprise d th e Britis h army garriso n o f th e strategicall y locate d bu t isolate d militar y outpost . Awakened b y hi s secon d i n command an d confronte d b y th e attacker s a s he exite d hi s quarters , th e Britis h office r i n charg e o f th e for t quickl y capitulated withou t resistance. 17 Massachusetts authorize d th e Easto n an d Brow n expeditio n an d con ferred Arnold' s commission , wherea s Connecticu t sponsore d th e opera tion involvin g th e Gree n Mountai n Boys . Sinc e Ticonderog a la y withi n the provinc e o f Ne w York , th e tw o Ne w Englan d colonie s ha d disre garded diplomac y b y carryin g ou t th e operatio n withou t first consultin g the Ne w Yor k provincia l authorities . Apparently , th e expedienc y o f th e situation overrod e consideration s o f protocol . Th e fort' s cannon s wer e sorely neede d t o reinforc e th e criticall y meage r presenc e o f artiller y i n eastern Massachusetts , wher e American s ha d besiege d th e Britis h troop s that ha d withdraw n ont o th e Bosto n peninsul a afte r Lexingto n an d Con cord. I n addition , onl y a smal l garriso n o f abou t fifty Britis h troop s wa s defending Ticonderoga , makin g it an opportune targe t fo r attack . On Ma y 26 , 1775 , the Massachusetts Congres s explaine d it s actions i n a messag e sen t t o th e Ne w Yor k Congress : "Perhap s thi s ma y appea r t o you extraordinary , bu t w e trus t tha t yo u wil l candidl y overloo k suc h a mistake (i f i t i s one ) bein g mad e i n th e hurr y an d confusio n o f war ; an d we mos t solemnl y declar e t o you, tha t thi s Congress , an d th e inhabitant s of thi s Colony , ar e a t th e utmos t remov e fro m an y dispositio n o r desig n to make an y th e leas t infractio n upon , o r usurpatio n o f the jurisdiction o f any o f ou r siste r Colonies. " Th e nex t day , th e Massachusett s Congres s sent a similar messag e o f explanatio n t o the Continenta l Congres s sayin g that i f they "ha d considere d th e proposal i n a calmer season , perhap s . . . it woul d hav e bee n prope r previousl y t o hav e consulte d ou r brethre n o f the Colony o f New York. " Then, th e Massachusetts patriot s offered thei r assurances "tha t nothin g can b e more abhorrent t o . . . this Congress . . . than an y attemp t t o usur p o n th e jurisdictio n o f an y o f ou r siste r Colo -

Service in the Provincial Congress • 5 9 nies, which , upo n a superficial consideratio n o f this step , there ma y see m to be some appearance of." 18 The languag e o f th e Massachusett s Congres s an d th e participatio n o f the Gree n Mountai n Boy s i n th e operatio n containe d deepe r meanings . Ticonderoga wa s locate d nea r a n are a tha t ha d bee n unde r contentio n fo r a number o f years. Th e Ne w Hampshir e Grant s wer e claimed afte r 172 4 by th e colonie s o f Ne w Hampshire , Massachusetts , an d Ne w York . Authorities ha d se t Ne w Hampshire' s border s wit h Massachusett s b y 1741. Th e mos t stubbor n dispute , however , remaine d betwee n Ne w Hampshire an d Ne w York . Ne w Hampshir e contende d it s boundar y stretched westwar d fro m th e Connecticu t River , an d Ne w Yor k main tained i t possessed al l territory reachin g eastward t o the same river. Thus , both colonia l government s attempte d t o asser t jurisdictio n ove r th e Ne w Hampshire Grants , o r wha t i s no w Vermont . I n 1764 , Kin g Georg e II I decided i n favo r o f Ne w York . However , a grass-roots movemen t spran g up amon g th e grantee s livin g ther e t o attai n politica l autonom y fo r thi s area. Th e Gree n Mountai n Boy s emerge d a s th e militar y ar m o f thi s movement an d oppose d Ne w Yor k governmenta l authorit y withi n th e Grants. Severa l arme d skirmishe s ha d take n plac e betwee n thes e antago nists prio r t o th e Ticonderog a expedition . Althoug h regiona l differences remained, th e mor e immediate , mutua l proble m wit h th e Britis h govern ment, a s manifeste d i n th e attac k o n Ticonderoga , transcende d thes e ol d territorial disputes—a n exampl e o f ho w th e colonie s bande d togethe r fo r the common cause. 19 Two day s afte r th e captur e o f For t Ticonderoga , a contingen t o f th e Green Mountai n Boy s le d b y Set h Warne r seize d Crow n Point , locate d twelve mile s north , withou t opposition . Then , th e zealous colonial force s under Alle n an d Arnol d exceede d thei r authorit y b y conductin g raid s against th e Britis h outpos t o f St . John s i n Canada . A t tha t time , th e colonial provisiona l governmen t ha d t o fac e th e implication s o f thes e hastily conceive d an d execute d maneuvers . Th e tw o Ne w Englan d colo nies referre d th e proble m t o th e Continenta l Congres s fo r resolution . Initially, Congres s considere d th e actio n to o radica l an d leane d towar d relinquishing th e for t bac k t o the British . However , report s fro m Arnol d and othe r expeditio n leader s emphasize d th e dange r o f Britain' s arm y presence i n Canad a t o th e futur e welfar e o f th e colonies . Th e perceive d threat o f attac k b y thes e Britis h troop s agains t th e rebelliou s colonie s eventually persuade d th e Congres s tha t For t Ticonderog a wa s to o valu -

6o • Service in the Provincial Congress able a s a strategi c militar y locatio n an d sourc e o f wa r materie l t o giv e up. 2 0 Fort Ticonderoga , guardin g th e portag e betwee n Lak e Champlain an d Lake George , la y astrid e a traditiona l invasio n rout e tha t extende d b y natural waterwa y fro m th e St . Lawrenc e Rive r o n th e Canadia n border , via th e Richelie u Rive r an d lake s Champlai n an d George , towar d Ne w York City . Th e Hudso n River , flowin g throug h it s readil y defensibl e highlands, forme d th e lowe r segmen t o f thi s approach . Th e Hudso n Highlands referre d t o th e hill y terrai n throug h whic h th e rive r course d some forty mile s abov e Ne w Yor k City . Thi s regio n als o lent it s name t o the well-know n strateg y tha t involve d th e overal l invasio n route . Th e so called Hudso n Highland s strategy , a s a plan fo r a Britis h arm y invasio n from th e nort h i n respons e t o colonia l resistance , seeme d t o b e a distinc t possibility t o th e patriots . I n addition , report s tha t Britis h agent s wer e enlisting Indian s t o assis t i n thi s punitiv e actio n adde d t o heightene d patriot apprehension. 21 As a former arm y officer , Montgomer y certainl y appreciate d th e mili tary importanc e o f th e Hudso n Highland s an d retainin g For t Ticonder oga. I n a lette r concernin g hi s evaluatio n o f a prospectiv e troo p com mander, h e indicate d hi s attitud e towar d maintainin g Ticonderoga : " I was exceedingl y please d wit h th e ide a o f Davi s havin g a command. . . . [However] I hav e sinc e hear d a anecdote tha t ha s coole d m y inclination s to trus t him . . . . H e mad e a proposa l . . . o f garrisonin g Ticonderog a with Ne w Yor k troop s an d the n deliverin g i t u p t o Mr . Carleton . I will endeavor t o be better informe d o n hi s head." 22 During th e last of May, th e Continental Congres s recommended t o the New Yor k Congres s tha t tw o location s b e fortifie d an d defende d agains t possible Britis h militar y incursion : King' s Bridge , whic h linke d Ne w York Cit y an d Manhatta n t o th e mainlan d i n th e north , an d th e Hudso n Highlands. Th e Continenta l Congres s als o recommende d tha t th e Ne w York militi a b e brough t t o a stat e o f militar y readines s an d raise d t o a level o f thre e thousan d troops . I n th e meantime , th e Continenta l Con gress requested Connecticut , whos e militia was already mobilized, t o man Fort Ticonderog a an d ai d i n th e safeguardin g o f Ne w Yor k City . Ne w York, i n compariso n t o it s neighborin g colonies , responde d rathe r slug gishly i n supporting th e patriot cause . Consequently , befor e th e taking of Ticonderoga, i t wa s fa r behin d th e Ne w Englan d colonie s i n preparin g for contingencie s agains t th e Britis h government . Massachusetts , Con -

Service in the Provincial Congress • 6 1 necticut, Ne w Hampshire , an d Rhod e Islan d exceede d Ne w Yor k i n th e mobilization o f militia an d th e securin g of weapons. 23 The Ne w Yor k Provincia l Congress , respondin g quickl y t o the appea l by th e Continenta l Congres s fo r mutua l action , bega n militar y prepara tions. However , thes e initia l defens e arrangement s probabl y contribute d to th e reputatio n tha t Ne w Yorker s acquire d o f bein g reluctan t patriots . A Connecticu t office r sen t t o Ticonderog a observed : " I a m muc h unes y at th e dea d coldnes s o f th e Peopl e i n thi s Province . Thei r whol e Depen dence i s o n Connecticu t fo r t o D o thei r Druger y fo r them , bu t I hop e that hi m wh o see s al l thing s will ope n thei r eye s an d mak e the m Patien t in S o Just a Cause." 24 During thi s time, th e attentio n o f the New Yor k Liberty Boy s concen trated o n on e o f th e fe w remainin g prominen t symbol s o f ministeria l authority i n th e city—th e Britis h garrison , manne d b y abou t on e hundre d men o f the Roya l Iris h Regiment . The y launche d a vigorous campaig n t o encourage th e soldier s t o desert , utilizin g th e pres s an d propagandisti c broadsides throw n ove r th e barrack s walls . Althoug h onl y fou r me n defected fro m Ma y i t o Ma y 23 , 1775 , i n th e nex t thre e day s fou r mor e deserted. O n Ma y 26 , 1775 , the garriso n commandant , Maj . Isaa c Ham ilton, expresse d t o Colde n hi s concer n ove r th e desertio n rate . Te n day s later, Hamilto n wrot e t o Colde n tha t hi s occupatio n o f th e garriso n wa s becoming untenable : "Th e los s of our me n b y Desertio n i s so great. . . . I therefor e thin k i t i s necessar y fo r th e goo d o f th e servic e t o retrea t o n Board hi s Majesty's Shi p the Asia." 25 The Britis h warshi p ha d arrive d fro m Bosto n a fe w day s before an d was lying in the East River . It s captain, Georg e Vandeput , dre w up plan s with Majo r Hamilto n fo r th e troops t o embark a s soon as possible. Befor e starting, Hamilto n requeste d an d receive d assurance s fro m th e Commit tee of One Hundre d tha t th e soldier s coul d depar t peaceably . O n June 6 , 1775, th e troop s emerge d fro m thei r barrack s t o marc h dow n Broa d Street t o th e harbo r wher e th e Asia awaite d a t anchor . A larg e crow d assembled t o jee r the m an d urg e furthe r desertions , o f whic h ther e wer e a few . Whe n Marinu s Willet t learne d tha t th e soldier s wer e takin g wit h them "sundr y cart s loade d wit h chest s filled wit h arms, " h e decide d t o capture "thes e spar e arms. " A s th e weapo n an d ammunitio n cart s a t th e rear o f th e processio n reache d Broa d an d Beave r streets , Willet t an d hi s followers steppe d ou t from th e crowd an d seized them. A brief altercatio n ensued wit h th e militar y escort , bu t Willet t insiste d tha t th e committe e

6i • Service in the Provincial Congress had no t give n it s consen t t o remov e an y arm s excep t thos e individua l weapons tha t th e soldier s carrie d o n thei r person . Th e colum n continue d along its route withou t th e weapons a s the crow d prevailed . A shor t tim e later, th e troops rowe d ou t t o the Asia to take up their dutie s there. 26 "Yesterday th e troop s statione d i n th e tow n embarke d o n boar d th e man-of-war/' Montgomer y wrote . "Thei r baggag e wa s stoppe d o n ac count o f som e spar e arms. " "We though t w e ha d sufficientl y secure d th e troops b y a resolve from an y insult, " he explained, an d "man y o f us wer e exceedingly angry—bu t th e people sa y that the y di d no t understan d tha t our resolv e extended t o supernumary arms." 27 After th e Provincia l Congres s becam e informe d o f th e incident , i t voiced disapproval ove r the seizure of the weapons and issued instruction s to hav e the m replaced . Th e nex t night , a party o f me n mad e a raid o n a royal magazin e a t Turtl e Ba y o n th e outskirt s o f th e city . Th e keeper , Francis Stephens , notifie d th e Provincia l Congress , whic h sen t eigh t o f its deputies t o intervene personall y i n th e plundering o f the stores . Whil e pursuing measure s of opposition, th e generally moderat e patriot Congres s continued t o maintai n a delicat e polic y o f als o attemptin g t o avoi d a complete brea k wit h Ne w Yor k loyalist s an d th e Britis h government . Thus, i t strov e t o contro l th e radica l win g o f th e patrio t movement . I t tried t o discourag e unofficia l act s b y popula r leaders , fearin g tha t the y would discredi t congressiona l authority . Thi s aspirin g governmenta l bod y wanted t o guarante e it s ow n contro l o f events . Despit e it s efforts , spo radic incident s emerged . On e reaso n fo r th e inabilit y o f th e Provincia l Congress t o curtai l undirecte d activit y wa s tha t a fe w firebrands lik e Willett, Sears , Lamb , an d McDougal l wer e popularl y electe d t o si t o n the committees o r in the Congress itself. 28 Meanwhile, th e Provincia l Congres s becam e engaged i n a multitude of functions: continuatio n o f militar y preparations , issuanc e o f passe s an d passports, diplomati c move s t o foste r goodwil l wit h th e Canadian s an d Indians, provision s fo r punishin g Britis h arm y enlistmen t b y imprison ment, an d contro l o f inoculatio n fo r smallpox . Becaus e o f hi s previou s professional militar y experience , th e Congres s leane d heavil y o n Mont gomery i n relate d matters . Thus , h e serve d o n variou s defense-relate d committees. Tw o day s afte r th e Congres s convened , i t appointe d Mont gomery t o a committee t o consider wha t actio n shoul d b e taken regardin g Fort Ticonderoga . A s a result, th e New Yor k Congress decided t o participate in the dismantling of cannons and holding of the former Britis h fort . A few day s later, Congres s named Montgomer y t o serve in a site selection

Service in the Provincial Congress • 6 3 committee t o determin e th e placemen t o f loca l militar y defensiv e posi tions. Accordingly , th e committe e designate d Montgomery' s far m a t King' s Bridge as a location fo r a fortified post— a concessio n fo r whic h h e woul d receive n o compensation . I n th e firs t par t o f Jun e 1775 , th e Congres s began a comprehensiv e surve y t o ascertai n wha t supplie s wer e availabl e in th e cit y tha t migh t b e employe d i n th e province' s defense . I t assigne d Montgomery t o a committee t o surve y "suc h part s o f the Good s retaine d by th e Merchant s o f thi s Cit y . . . a s ma y b e necessar y t o b e retaine d a t the expens e o f th e Colony. " Whe n th e Ne w Yor k Congres s authorize d a three-thousand-man provincia l militia , Montgomer y becam e involve d wit h the raisin g an d organizatio n o f thes e unit s an d securin g militar y equip ment t o issue their troops. 29 Through th e endless , tediou s hour s tha t Montgomer y devote d t o serv ing i n th e Provincia l Congress , h e neve r los t hi s kee n sens e o f humor . When grapplin g wit h matter s o f grav e consequences , h e seeme d abl e t o relieve som e o f th e tensio n b y occasionall y makin g ligh t o f th e situation . "I hav e hear d nothin g fro m th e powde r maker, " h e wrote t o hi s brother in-law whil e o n a committe e t o procur e gu n powder . " I hop e tha t h e i s not blow n up." 3 0 While Montgomery labore d wit h concern s o f the New Yor k Congress , his wif e manage d thei r persona l affair s a t Rhinebeck . Jane t Montgomer y felt prou d o f he r husband' s electio n t o th e Provincia l Congress , bu t sh e also lamented th e personal turmoi l tha t th e separatio n caused . Ne w Yor k City wa s to o fa r remove d fro m Rhinebec k t o allo w an y bu t infrequen t visits fro m he r husband . Therefore , sh e wa s lef t t o he r ow n resources . The activitie s o f severa l hire d hand s an d slave s ha d t o b e supervise d i n order t o continu e agricultura l productio n an d atten d t o th e myria d task s associated wit h th e prope r maintenanc e o f a farmstead . Althoug h sh e proved t o b e quit e capabl e o f takin g charg e o f the Montgomer y estate , i t was a function tha t sh e di d no t covet . Janet Montgomer y adhere d t o he r socially prescribe d subordinat e statu s t o he r husband . Headin g a coun try estat e wa s typicall y a man' s work . Whil e risin g t o th e occasion , she nevertheles s fel t tha t i t wa s a n aberratio n o f th e norma l scheme . Thus, Jane t Montgomer y joine d man y othe r privilege d wome n wh o were thrus t int o nontraditiona l role s b y th e upheava l o f revolutionar y events.31 On Ma y 25 , Janet Montgomer y wrot e anothe r lette r t o thei r friend , Perkins Magra. I n it, sh e composed a verse which related t o her husband' s new enterprise :

64 # Service in the Provincial Congress And your friend too , at Rhine Beck from town far removed, Who wished but to enjoy there the quiet he loved, So content & so pleased with his own private Station Thought politics nothing but noise and vexation. So as all must assist in these days of distress, So our country have chosen him one of the Congress, And here has left his two Sisters and Spouse To write Stupid verses and govern the house, While himself is engaged in some learned debate And in Senate is settling our matters of State. But to Shorten the matter, behold as a Summary That as Member for Du[t]chess, came Mr. Montgomery. 32 The Montgomer y famil y traditio n o f patricia n politica l an d militar y service i n Irelan d ha d imbue d Richar d wit h th e principl e o f nobless e oblige. H e ha d a n ingraine d susceptibilit y t o public duty. I n hi s mind, t o refuse a commo n trus t tha t th e communit y ha d conferre d upo n hi m would brin g dishono r t o himsel f an d hi s wife . Althoug h h e retaine d a personal attachmen t t o man y Englishmen , h e ha d com e t o questio n th e value o f Britis h politica l institutions . Th e seed s wer e plante d whe n hi s association wit h Burke , Barre , an d Fo x i n Englan d opene d hi s min d t o the libera l vie w o f Britis h politics . Th e oppositio n politica l factio n chal lenged man y traditiona l aspect s o f Britis h governmen t tha t th e loyalist s defended. Montgomery' s disillusionmen t wit h th e Britis h militar y pro motion syste m helpe d crystalliz e thi s attitude , an d newl y foun d associa tions an d interest s i n hi s adopte d lan d confirme d thes e feeling s o f antipa thy towar d hi s nativ e commonwealth . I n th e spiri t o f self-sacrifice , Montgomery reluctantl y relinquishe d hi s desir e t o liv e a quiet , retirin g life t o answer th e call for publi c servic e to the patriot cause. 33

C

H

A

P

T

E

R

S I

X

The Patriot Call to Arms Come Soldiers all in chorus join, To pay the tribute at the shrine Of brave Montgomery, Which to the memory is due Of him who fought and died that you Might live and yet be free . . . With cheerful an d undaunted mind, Domestic happiness resigned, He with a chosen band Through deserts wild, with fixed intent, Canada for to conquer went, Or perish sword in hand.1

A fte r choosin g Georg e Washingto n t o hea d th e Continenta l arm y / % o n Jun e 15 , 1775 , th e Continenta l Congres s turne d nex t t o JL J L selectin g the senior military commanders to serve under the new commander i n chief . Th e delegate s foun d i t necessar y t o represen t al l sections o f th e countr y i n thi s hig h comman d t o assur e a s much suppor t for th e commo n caus e a s possible . Th e provinc e o f Ne w Yor k pose d a n important consideratio n becaus e of its strategic location, connectin g Ne w England wit h th e remainin g colonies . Withou t Ne w Yor k committe d t o the Revolution , coordinatio n betwee n nort h an d sout h would b e difficult . During th e selectio n process , th e Ne w Yor k delegate s t o the Continenta l Congress requeste d tha t thei r Provincia l Congres s recommen d tw o indi viduals fo r comman d i n the Continental Army . On e woul d hol d th e ran k 65

66 • The Patriot Call to Arms of majo r general , th e othe r woul d serv e a s a brigadie r general . Thi s touched of f a lengthy debat e i n the Ne w Yor k Congres s ove r wh o woul d be most qualifie d fo r thes e appointments . The assembl y favore d Phili p Schuyle r fo r th e first position. However , Montgomery expresse d concer n over Schuyler' s fortitude fo r th e task. H e wrote t o his brother-in-law, Rober t Livingston , "Phi l Schuyle r wa s men tioned t o me . . . . Hi s consequenc e i n th e provinc e make s hi m a fit subject fo r a n importan t trust—bu t ha s h e strong nerves? I coul d wis h t o have tha t poin t wel l ascertaine d wit h respec t t o an y ma n s o employed. " Since Schuyler' s previou s wartim e servic e ha d involve d th e suppl y an d support o f militia, Montgomer y wa s probably referrin g t o Schuyler's lack of demonstrate d combat-troop-leadin g experience . Whateve r hi s militar y qualifications, politica l consideration s facilitate d Schuyler' s nomination . The apparen t reluctanc e o f Ne w Yor k t o suppor t th e patrio t caus e occu pied th e thought s o f th e delegates . Awardin g th e positio n t o someon e o f broad influenc e suc h a s Schuyler woul d hel p to "sweeten an d kee p up th e spirit i n that province." 2 Montgomery becam e awar e tha t h e wa s unde r consideratio n fo r th e second position , bu t h e did no t solici t th e appointment . Remainin g aloo f from th e proceedings, h e did no t tr y t o curry suppor t fo r th e nomination . Like man y others , th e forme r Britis h office r ha d initiall y questione d th e colonist's strengt h o f resolve for ope n hostilities wit h Britain . I n addition , he probabl y harbore d a lo w opinio n o f th e provincia l soldie r tha t pre vailed amon g Britis h regular s durin g thei r associatio n i n th e Frenc h an d Indian War . Whe n new s o f th e Bunke r Hil l battl e arrived , however , Montgomery remarked : "Wha t I feare d ha s no t happened . Th e Ameri cans will fight." Yet , h e was content t o leave this enterprise t o noisier an d more ambitious individuals. 3 Montgomery's backgroun d a s a n experience d professiona l soldie r cer tainly recommende d hi m fo r th e Continental arm y assignment . Actually , the patriot s hel d a paradoxical attitud e towar d th e Britis h army . O n on e hand, the y deepl y resente d th e Britis h soldie r a s a brutish instrumen t o f an enslavin g hom e government ; o n th e other , the y grudgingl y respecte d his professionalis m an d comba t experience . Th e Continenta l Congres s commissioned othe r forme r Britis h officers , includin g Charle s Le e an d Horatio Gates , a s genera l officer s i n th e Continenta l army ; bu t unlik e Montgomery, the y ha d activel y sough t their appointments . Th e delegate s must hav e sense d th e militar y leadershi p potentia l tha t la y withi n thi s latent warrior . Onc e again , hi s adopte d colon y aske d fo r Montgomery' s

The Patriot Call to Arms • 6 7 service, an d h e dutifull y responded . Th e Provincia l Congres s "unani mously resolve d an d agree d tha t Colone l Phili p Schuyle r i s th e mos t proper perso n i n this Colony t o be recommended a s a Major General , an d Richard Montgomery , Esq. , a s a Brigadier General." 4 Montgomery neve r regarded himsel f as an adroit politician. H e worke d hard i n the Ne w Yor k Congress, bu t h e did no t fee l completel y a t ease in that arena . Becaus e o f hi s previou s trainin g an d experience , h e under stood tha t militar y servic e wa s hi s forte . I f continue d publi c servic e wa s inevitable an d coul d no t b e avoide d honorably , h e hel d n o reservation s concerning hi s capacity t o perform a s a senior arm y commander . Still , h e exhibited th e modest y tha t wa s a part o f hi s nature . Whe n writin g t o hi s brother-in-law, Montgomer y state d tha t h e "would mos t willingly declin e any militar y comman d fro m a consciousness o f want o f talents." "Never theless I shall sacrifice m y ow n inclination s t o the service of the public, i f our Congres s shoul d b e o f th e opinio n the y canno t find a mor e capabl e servant." I n a late r letter , h e reiterate d hi s reluctanc e t o serve , bu t ex pressed compulsio n t o answer a civic calling. "Th e Continenta l Congres s have don e m e the melanchol y honou r o f appointin g m e a brigadier. I am most trul y a t th e publi c service , bu t coul d hav e wished t o hav e serve d i n a private capacity." 5 Writing again to his friend, Perkin s Magra, o n July 2 , 1775 , Montgomery expresse d hi s adherenc e t o th e America n caus e an d hi s perceive d destiny: "Yo u lef t m e callous i n politics, suspiciou s of both side s from th e very ba d opinio n I have of my fello w creatures . I now yiel d t o a generous impulse whic h wil l no t permi t m e t o withhol d m y littl e assistanc e i n support o f rights, withou t whic h lif e i s a burden. Har d fat e t o be oblige d to oppos e a powe r I ha d bee n eve r taugh t t o reverence! " Montgomer y then addresse d th e possibilit y o f havin g t o oppos e hi s ol d regimen t i n battle: " I hav e jus t hear d si x reg[imen]t s mor e ar e unde r order s fro m Ireland fo r thi s country . . . . I t i s wit h th e deepes t concer n I hea r th e 17th i s on e o f them ! M y warmes t an d affectionat e wishe s atten d m y ol d friends o f tha t corps . Ho w sorr y shou' d I b e t o mee t the m o n suc h a business! Forbi d it , fortune ! o r whatever regulate s huma n affairs." 6 Montgomery kep t th e new s o f hi s recommendatio n an d impendin g appointment fro m Jane t whil e h e turne d i t ove r i n hi s mind . H e kne w how hi s wif e woul d reac t t o th e prospec t o f he r husban d goin g t o war , but h e wante d he r concurrenc e before finally acceptin g th e commission . He obliquel y broache d th e subjec t t o Janet wit h a hal f smil e b y askin g her t o mak e a black ribbo n int o a cockade, whic h wa s customaril y wor n

68 • The Patriot Call to Arms on a militar y hat . He r reaction , a s Richar d ha d anticipated , wa s on e o f panic: "Wha t i s i t yo u as k o f me—m y God , yo u ar e no t engage d t o fight." Richar d gentl y responded , "No , no t engaged , bu t thi s depends o n you alone. " Janet exclaimed , "Oh , i f on me never will I consent." Takin g her hand , Richar d spok e hi s mind : "Whe n I entered you r famil y I wa s a stranger i n you r country . I have hardly bee n tw o year s i n it , ye t withou t my wis h o r knowledg e the y appoin t m e t o th e committ y [committee ] from Dutchess . Th e time s wer e suc h I coul d no t refus e howeve r reluc tant. . . . Bu t a soldie r fro m m y yout h wha t coul d I d o a s a statesman ? Now withou t consultin g m e they hav e mad e m e a general. I n thi s capac ity I ma y b e o f servic e fo r jus t cause . Ca n I refuse? " Richar d conclude d with hi s thoughts regardin g hi s obligation a s a gentleman an d responsibl e member o f society : "Honou r call s o n me . An d surel y m y honou r i s dea r to yo u yet , wit h yo u I leav e thi s point—sa y yo u wil l prefe r t o se e you r husband disgrace d an d I submit t o go home to retirement." Janet realize d she coul d no t protes t suc h a n appeal . Sh e tearfull y too k th e ribbo n an d made the cockade. 7 The wee k afte r officiall y designatin g Georg e Washingto n a s com mander i n chie f o f th e army , th e Continenta l Congres s appointe d fou r major generals , includin g Phili p Schuyler . O n Jun e 22 , i t name d eigh t brigadier generals . Selectio n o f thes e general s fo r th e Continenta l arm y resulted fro m considerabl e politica l maneuverin g a s congressiona l dele gates patronize d thei r favorit e sons . Congres s allotte d brigadie r appoint ments fo r eac h colon y i n proportio n t o th e numbe r o f troop s raise d b y those provinces, an d followe d th e recommendations o f the colonies i n th e actual selection. 8 However, Congres s created problem s i n the commissioning proces s b y a haphazar d metho d o f determinin g seniorit y an d statu s amon g th e ap pointed generals . Consideratio n o f previous troop-leadin g experienc e an d an objective evaluatio n o f military leadershi p potential gave way to o ofte n to mor e subjectiv e mean s o f rankin g th e genera l officer s b y popularity . Additionally, som e appointment s depende d mor e o n th e lobbyin g skill s of th e candidate' s patron s i n Congres s tha n th e aspirant' s competence . This resulte d i n severa l instance s wher e individual s wit h mediocr e cre dentials wer e selecte d ove r better-qualifie d candidates . Consequently , some officers fel t slighte d b y th e treatment the y receive d b y th e selectio n process. Massachusetts provide d a n excellen t exampl e o f thi s proble m i n con sequence o f the first general-office r appointment s i n June 1775 . Congres s

The Patriot Call to Arms • 6 9 initially designate d th e Massachusett s contingen t o f Set h Pomeroy , Wil liam Heath , an d Joh n Thoma s a s th e first, fourth , an d sixt h brigadie r generals, respectively . Mos t peopl e regarde d Thomas , a combat vetera n of th e Frenc h an d India n War , a s th e logica l choic e fo r th e rankin g Massachusetts genera l becaus e o f Pomeroy' s advance d ag e o f sixty-nin e years an d Heath' s lac k o f comba t experience . Moreover , Thoma s out ranked Heat h i n th e Massachusett s militia . Whe n Congres s announce d its determination, Thoma s too k i t as a personal rebuff . Th e situatio n wa s resolved whe n Pomero y decline d hi s appointment , citin g hi s age . Thi s opened th e wa y fo r Congres s t o fill Pomeroy' s vacanc y wit h Thoma s a s the first brigadier general. 9 Although Montgomer y wa s clearl y th e bes t qualifie d o f al l th e briga dier candidates , Congres s retaine d hi m a s th e secon d i n ran k o f th e brigadier general s durin g th e shuffle . However , th e recor d doe s no t reflect an y il l feelin g o n th e par t o f Montgomer y towar d th e rankin g process. Th e prospect s of a general officer' s appointmen t fa r exceede d th e thwarted major' s commissio n tha t h e sough t earlie r i n th e Britis h army . Nevertheless, Jame s Duane , a Ne w Yor k delegat e t o th e Continenta l Congress, sen t a letter of explanation t o Montgomery : I a m directed b y th e Congres s t o acquain t yo u o f a n arrangemen t i n th e Massachusetts Departmen t an d the reason which le d to it least by misun derstanding i t you migh t thin k yoursel f neglected . Whe n Brigds . Genera l were to b e appointed i t wa s agreed tha t th e firs t i n nominatio n shou d b e one o f th e Massachusett s generals . Th e gentleme n fro m tha t provinc e recommended Genera l Pomero y wh o was accordingl y fixed upon bu t before hi s commissio n arrive d a t th e cam p h e ha d retire d fro m th e army . Under thes e circumstance s th e Congres s though t i t jus t t o fill u p th e commission designated for Mr. Pomeroy with the name of General Thomas as first Brigadier ; yo u consequentl y hol d th e ran k t o whic h yo u wer e elected. I sincerel y hop e thi s ma y no t giv e yo u an y displeasur e a s I am confident n o disrespect was intended. 10 The lac k o f uniformit y concernin g office r ranking an d promotio n woul d plague th e Continenta l arm y throughou t th e Revolution . A fe w year s later, th e practic e contribute d t o Gen . Benedic t Arnold' s defectio n fro m the American arm y t o join th e Britis h forces . Arnol d wa s passed ove r fo r advancement an d promotio n i n the American arm y b y officers lackin g his seniority an d ability . Hi s disgus t wit h a syste m tha t h e deeme d flawed and unfai r helpe d hi m t o consider th e more professional Britis h arm y a s a supplanter fo r hi s unrequited service .

70 • The Patriot Call to Arms The Pomeroy-Thoma s controvers y pointe d ou t anothe r weaknes s i n the Continental army . Pomero y ha d serve d a s an officer i n the Massachu setts militi a sinc e 1743 , when h e receive d a n ensign' s commission . Expe riencing comba t wit h th e militi a durin g th e Frenc h an d India n War , h e had rise n t o a majo r genera l i n th e Massachusett s militi a before bein g offered a commissio n b y Congress . Hi s recor d reflecte d a stron g attach ment t o hi s hom e province . Whe n h e participate d i n th e Bunke r Hil l battle, h e chos e t o serv e no t a s a general i n a leadershi p role , bu t a s a n individual riflema n i n th e redoub t amon g th e Massachusett s militiamen . After ostensibl y rejectin g appointmen t i n th e Continenta l arm y becaus e of age, he continued hi s involvement i n the Revolutio n a s a Massachusetts militia majo r genera l fo r almos t tw o years . O n Februar y 19 , 1777 , h e died o f pleurisy whil e i n provincial militar y service . Pomeroy epitomize d th e provincial attitud e of some officers durin g th e Revolution. Th e notio n o f sectionalis m acte d a s a deterrent t o th e unifi cation o f colonia l militar y unit s int o a truly continenta l arm y capabl e o f opposing Britis h forces . Thi s feelin g wa s eve n mor e prominen t i n th e enlisted ranks , wher e th e comba t effectivenes s o f militiame n coul d ofte n be measure d b y th e geographica l proximit y o f the conflic t t o their home s and whethe r the y wer e under th e leadershi p of local officers . It i s t o th e credi t o f Georg e Washingto n an d hi s Continenta l arm y generals—whose sens e o f nationalis m surmounte d sectiona l differences —that a united fron t wa s eventuall y establishe d sufficien t fo r continuin g the Revolution . Foreig n root s an d worldl y experienc e conditione d Mont gomery t o a broad perspective . Althoug h h e ha d earlie r show n loyalt y t o his hom e provinc e o f Ne w York , h e quickl y seize d upo n th e continenta l view durin g hi s service . I n hi s mind , th e overal l caus e too k precedenc e over localism . Later , a s the field commander o f the Canadia n expedition , he would sharpl y criticiz e New Yor k troops a s well as soldiers from othe r colonies when thei r servic e fell shor t o f his standards . By Jun e 23 , 1775 , th e Ne w Yor k Congres s learne d tha t Washingto n would pas s throug h Ne w Yor k Cit y whil e e n rout e fro m Philadelphi a t o Boston t o take charge of the militi a unit s besiegin g that cit y an d adoptin g these force s int o th e Continenta l army . Schuyler , wh o ha d bee n ap pointed commande r o f th e Ne w Yor k troops , accompanie d Washington . Both Schuyle r an d Montgomer y personall y receive d thei r commission s from Washingto n a s par t o f th e genera l celebratio n tha t ensue d durin g the commander's brie f visit. Although Montgomer y woul d hav e preferre d to serv e wit h Washingto n a t th e immediat e poin t o f confrontatio n nea r

The Patriot Call to Arms • 7 1 Boston, Washingto n assigne d hi m dut y a s deput y commande r unde r Schuyler.11 Washington's visi t t o Ne w Yor k Cit y als o illustrate d th e dualit y o f public sentimen t prevalen t i n the province at that time . Th e arriva l o f th e new commander i n chief on Sunday , June 25 , coincided, b y chance , wit h the retur n o f Willia m Tryon , th e roya l governor . Tryo n ha d jus t com pleted a trip t o Englan d fo r consultatio n wit h Parliament , a trip tha t ha d stretched int o fourteen months . Washington' s stopove r i n New Yor k Cit y would b e transitory . Tryon , however , expecte d t o sta y indefinitel y b y resuming officia l residenc e i n th e cit y an d presidin g ove r th e provinc e much a s before. Th e governo r ha d buil t a political powe r bas e during hi s tenure tha t include d suppor t fro m man y wealth y an d influentia l Ne w Yorkers. The convergen t event s o f thi s da y presente d a dilemm a t o th e Ne w York Provincia l Congress , whic h ha d bee n forme d durin g Tryon' s ab sence. Th e delegate s wante d t o impres s thei r ne w militar y commander , but the y als o di d no t wis h t o flagrantly offen d th e governor ; the y wer e acutely awar e o f th e persona l jeopard y i n whic h th e extralega l statu s o f their assembl y place d them . British authorit y i n Ne w Yor k government , whic h ha d bee n chal lenged b y th e patriot s before , wa s effectivel y suspende d afte r Tryon' s departure. Yet , a disquietin g Britis h militar y presenc e i n Ne w Yor k continued ver y muc h i n evidence . Mos t o f th e Britis h troop s wer e des tined t o Boston when the y vacate d garrison s i n New Yor k City. Howeve r on Jun e 6 , 1775 , th e approximatel y on e hundre d remainin g soldier s evacuated thei r barrack s an d too k u p statio n aboar d severa l Britis h war ships, includin g th e sixty-four-gu n battleshi p Asia an d th e sloo p Kingfisher, which la y menacingl y i n the harbor sout h of Manhattan . Moreover, th e Ne w Yor k Congres s ha d no t ye t solidifie d it s popula r support t o th e exten t tha t i t ha d enoug h confidenc e t o challeng e th e authority o f th e roya l governor . Loyalis t sentimen t remaine d stron g i n many part s o f th e city . I n tryin g t o avoi d alienatin g a segmen t o f th e populace—those wh o wer e stil l loya l Britis h subject s bu t migh t b e per suaded t o condon e th e patrio t caus e i f no t provoked—th e Provincia l Congress struggle d t o find a diplomati c solutio n t o th e precariou s situa tion. The Britis h warship s positione d i n th e Ne w Yor k Cit y harbo r wer e also o n th e min d o f Washingto n a s h e neare d tha t location . Whe n hi s traveling party reache d Ne w Brunswick , Ne w Jersey, on June 24 , Schuy -

72 • The Patriot Call to Arms ler wrote to the president o f the New Yor k Congress: "General Washing ton . . . propose s t o b e i n Newar k b y nin e tomorro w morning . Th e situation o f th e men-of-wa r a t Ne w Yor k (w e ar e informed ) i s suc h a s may mak e i t necessar y tha t som e precautio n shoul d b e take n i n crossin g Hudson's River ; an d h e woul d tak e i t a s a favo r i f som e gentleme n o f your bod y woul d mee t hi m tomorrow , a t Newark, a s the advice you ma y give him, wil l determine whethe r h e will continue hi s proposed route , o r not." 12 This reques t fo r routin g instruction s gav e Ne w Yorker s a n opportu nity t o solv e their proble m concernin g officiall y receivin g bot h Washing ton an d Tr y on o n th e sam e day . Th e Provincia l Congres s worke d ou t a plan b y whic h bot h dignitarie s migh t b e properly welcomed , bu t th e tw o resulting celebration s woul d b e widel y separated . Th e cit y ha d onl y on e militia unit , Col . John Lasher' s independen t battalion , availabl e fo r cere monial duty . Congres s ordere d Colone l Lashe r t o post on e of his compa nies at the pie r o n the souther n ti p of Manhattan wher e Tryon's shi p was expected t o dock . A secon d compan y accompanie d a four-ma n congres sional committee , whic h include d Montgomery , acros s th e Hudso n t o Newark. The y wer e t o mee t Washingto n an d lea d hi s part y northwar d on a detou r t o th e Hoboke n ferr y landing , locate d i n th e fa r northwes t side o f th e city . Th e tw o location s wer e a s fa r remove d fro m eac h othe r as possibl e whil e remainin g i n th e city . Th e bul k o f Lasher' s battalio n was statione d abou t halfwa y betwee n th e tw o landin g sites , wit h order s to proceed o n the double to greet whichever officia l arrive d first. 13 The schem e t o partitio n th e tw o publi c celebration s i n orde r t o tact fully accommodat e all popular politica l sentiments wa s a tenuous arrange ment. However , Tryon' s consideratenes s facilitate d it s success. While the governor waite d aboar d hi s shi p i n the ba y fo r hi s officia l receptio n t o b e prepared, som e of his friends an d associate s saile d ou t t o visit him. Whe n they briefe d hi m o n th e situatio n i n th e city , Tr y on decide d t o delay hi s landing time, originall y schedule d fo r 4 P.M., b y fou r hours . Washington an d hi s entourage, includin g generals Phili p Schuyle r an d Charles Lee , militar y aide s and staf f officers , a troop of Philadelphia ligh t horse actin g a s a n honorar y escort , an d member s o f th e congressiona l committee, arrive d a t the Hoboken ferr y landin g on Long Island a t 4 P.M. The part y repaire d t o th e nearb y hom e o f a membe r o f th e Provincia l Congress, Leonar d Lispenard , fo r refreshmen t an d a rest . Thi s wa s a welcome respit e fo r Washingto n an d hi s me n afte r on e hundre d mile s o f riding i n les s tha n thre e days . The y wer e me t ther e b y th e res t o f th e

The Patriot Call to Arms • 7 3 New Yor k Congress . Lasher' s reserv e companie s wer e als o abl e t o catc h up with them . Al l participated i n a parade that commenced a n hour later . An impressiv e crow d o f spectators, i n a holiday spirit , warml y welcome d Washington an d joine d i n the parade . The celebratio n fo r Washingto n continue d unti l 8 P.M. , th e tim e fo r Tryon's postpone d arrival . A respectabl y larg e gatherin g greete d th e governor upo n hi s landing . Althoug h hi s receptio n wa s muc h les s nois y and festiv e tha n Washington' s ceremony , Tr y on wa s apparentl y satisfie d by th e turnout . Th e governor , however , appeare d t o b e i n a sombe r mood. H e issue d som e brief remark s t o the crow d an d the n walke d a few blocks t o th e townhous e o f Hug h Wallace , a membe r o f th e governor' s council. Here , h e spent the night conferring wit h hi s aides and associates , and receivin g callers . Onl y thre e block s away , Washingto n engage d i n similar activitie s at Robert Hull' s Tavern. 14 Some resident s chos e t o boycot t on e o r th e othe r o f th e celebrations . Many othe r townspeopl e enthusiastically participate d i n both civi c events by walkin g a fe w block s fro m wher e Washington' s parad e ende d t o th e pier wher e Tr y on disembarked . T o thes e Ne w Yorkers , thi s wa s no t a n act o f hypocrisy , bu t merel y a practica l reactio n t o th e dichotomou s politics of the times. When Washingto n arrive d a t Lispenard' s hous e earlie r i n th e day , th e New Yor k Congres s ha d presente d hi m wit h a dispatch fro m th e Massa chusetts provincia l counci l addresse d t o John Hancock , th e presiden t o f the Continenta l Congres s a t Philadelphia . Agent s o f th e Ne w Yor k Con gress obtaine d th e lette r b y interceptin g th e transien t expres s rider . Th e chagrined Ne w Yorker s urge d Washingto n t o ope n th e packe t an d en dorse i t to its intended recipient . Th e messag e contained th e first reliabl e report o f the Battle of Bunker Hill . New s o f the extensive open hostilitie s between colonia l militi a an d th e Britis h army , whic h occurre d nea r Bos ton o n June 17 , placed mor e urgenc y o n Washington' s journe y t o assum e command o f the army . Still, Washington delaye d hi s departure fro m Ne w Yor k City unti l th e afternoon o f th e nex t day . Th e Provincia l Congres s persuade d hi m t o attend furthe r officia l function s befor e h e left . I n addition , Washingto n wanted t o draw up a suitable plan for th e administration o f the New Yor k Department. I f tha t are a coul d b e entruste d t o a semi-independent com mand unde r Schuyle r an d Montgomery , the n Washingto n woul d b e fre e to devote his attention t o military affair s aroun d Boston . After length y consultation s wit h Schuyle r an d Montgomery , Wash -

74 * The Patriot Call to Arms ington issue d genera l instruction s tha t mad e the m accountabl e t o bot h civil an d militar y superiors . The y wer e t o execut e an y order s tha t the y received fro m th e Continenta l Congress , an d t o kee p Washingto n in formed a s t o th e situatio n o f thei r command . H e specificall y requeste d that the y "dela y n o time i n occupying th e severa l post s recommende d b y the Provincial Congres s of this colony, an d puttin g them i n a fit posture. " Washington als o charged the m wit h maintainin g surveillanc e over loyalis t activities i n thei r area : "Kee p a watchful ey e upo n Governo r Tr y on, an d if you find hi m directl y o r indirectl y attemptin g an y measure s inimica l t o the commo n cause , us e ever y mean s i n you r powe r t o frustrat e hi s designs. . . . I n lik e manne r watc h th e movement s o f th e India n agent , Colonel Gu y Johnson , an d prevent , a s fa r a s yo u can , th e effec t o f hi s influence t o ou r prejudic e wit h th e Indians. " Then , Washingto n con cluded b y stating : "You r ow n goo d sens e must gover n yo u i n al l matter s not particularl y pointe d out , a s I do not wis h t o circumscribe yo u withi n narrow limits." 15 Washington's belate d departur e fro m Ne w Yor k Cit y allowe d hi m only t o reac h King' s Bridg e o n th e outskirt s o f tow n b y th e evenin g o f June 26 . Schuyle r accompanie d hi m durin g thi s time . Resumin g thei r trip th e nex t morning , the y encountere d Davi d Wooste r an d hi s approxi mately eightee n hundre d Connecticu t soldier s a t Ne w Rochelle , Ne w York. Wooste r an d hi s me n ha d marche d fro m Greenwich , Connecticut , to assis t i n th e defens e o f Ne w York . Th e thre e general s coordinate d their plan s an d parte d compan y th e next morning . Washingto n continue d on t o Bosto n t o assum e comman d o f th e Continenta l army . Wooste r remained nea r Ne w Yor k Cit y o r o n Lon g Islan d throughou t th e sum mer. Schuyle r returne d t o th e cit y t o joi n Montgomer y an d begi n hi s new duties. 16 Meanwhile, Tryo n confirme d th e report s tha t h e ha d receive d durin g his absence . H e realize d tha t th e "genera l revolt, " a s h e calle d it , ha d usurped hi s politica l power . Althoug h man y Ne w Yorker s respecte d hi m because o f hi s personal popularity , the y criticize d hi s official office . Con sequently, h e discovere d tha t h e wa s governo r i n nam e only . Th e num bers o f citizen s wh o remaine d loya l t o Britis h authorit y wer e no t wel l organized. A s a result, th e loyalist s ha d remaine d ineffectua l i n counter ing the growing patrio t surge . Lacking th e mean s t o ensur e compliance , Tryo n sa w n o reaso n t o tr y to forcibl y reasser t hi s authorit y wit h littl e expectatio n tha t i t woul d b e

The Patriot Call to Arms • 7 5 widely accepted . Instead , h e quietly bega n t o try rebuildin g th e loyalis t infrastructure an d regainin g publi c confidenc e fo r hi s officia l position , while tacitl y functionin g wit h th e Provincia l Congress . H e fel t that , i n time, th e patriot movemen t woul d expos e itsel f t o be the lawless elemen t that th e loyalists alread y considere d i t to be. Like many moderat e Britis h authorities, Tr y on believe d tha t judiciousnes s an d patienc e o n hi s par t would eventuall y outlas t th e arrogators . Unprovoke d excesse s an d radi calism, i n du e course , woul d tur n th e masse s agains t th e ill-advise d opposition fron t an d restore the government t o its original form . Initially, Montgomery attache d littl e danger to Tryon's activities . Writin g to Rober t Livingston , hi s brother-in-la w i n th e Continenta l Congress , Montgomery stated , " I believe Mr. Tryon mean s to conduct himsel f wit h prudence. H e will , however , b e wel l watched. " Althoug h th e governo r never directl y challenge d th e command o f Schuyler an d Montgomery, h e remained a threat an d source of suspicion an d intrigue. I n a later lette r to Livingston, Montgomer y mentione d hi s concerns tha t Tryo n wa s "carrying o n som e secre t designs " an d wishe d tha t th e governor b e conducte d to Hartford , Connecticut , wher e h e woul d b e "ou t o f th e wa y o f mis chief." But, when Isaa c Sears , th e most radica l Ne w York revolutionary , approached bot h congresse s an d th e northern departmen t wit h a plan t o abduct Tryon t o Hartford an d hold hi m for political ransom, eac h author ity rejecte d hi s scheme as too extreme. 17 Rapidly developing events ultimately shifte d th e attention of Montgomery an d Schuyle r t o the northern reache s o f their departmen t an d patrio t activities i n New York Cit y wer e lef t t o the Provincial Congress . O n the night o f June 29 , 1775 , Schuyler receive d th e first o f a serie s o f order s pertaining t o Canad a tha t woul d com e fro m th e Continenta l Congress . This messag e containe d directive s fo r th e invasio n o f Canada, a reversa l of previousl y establishe d policy . O n Jun e 1 , th e da y afte r Congres s decided t o retain Ticonderog a an d Crown Point , i t enjoined an y militar y operation u by an y colony, o r bod y o f colonists, agains t o r into Canada. " This wa s a reactio n t o th e brief , impulsiv e incursion s int o Canad a b y Arnold an d th e Gree n Mountai n Boy s afte r seizin g Ticonderog a an d Crown Point . Congres s di d no t wan t t o jeopardiz e relation s wit h th e Canadians—whom i t desire d t o unit e wit h th e thirtee n colonie s i n th e resistance agains t Britain—wit h suc h seemingl y belligeren t an d expan sionist actions. 18 Earlier politica l reactio n ha d seriousl y weakene d Congress' s attempt s

j6 • The Patriot Call to Arms to win Canadia n suppor t fo r colonia l resistanc e t o Britain . Indication s o f American intoleranc e plante d a see d o f skepticis m i n th e mind s o f man y Canadians. Parliament passe d th e Quebe c Ac t i n May 1774 , which provide d fo r a military styl e o f territoria l governmen t i n Canada , consistin g o f a roya l governor an d a n appointe d advisor y counci l wit h n o popularl y electe d representation. A s a concessio n t o th e predominatel y French-Canadia n populace, th e ac t mad e provision s fo r retainin g a French-base d lega l system an d recognizin g Roma n Catholicis m a s th e establishe d religion . This legislatio n serve d t o reinforce th e beliefs o f American patrio t leader s that th e Britis h government intende d t o deny loca l representative govern ment fo r al l of it s colonies. A provisio n o f the ac t tha t extende d Canada' s boundaries southwar d t o th e Ohi o Rive r an d preempte d territor y tha t American colonie s expecte d t o acquire further alarme d th e patriot leader ship. The Firs t Continenta l Congres s reflecte d thes e provincia l concern s when i t responde d strongl y t o th e passag e o f th e Quebe c Act . Congres s tried t o garne r suppor t fo r th e patrio t caus e b y issuin g a conciliator y message t o th e Canadian s tha t emphasize d Britain' s heavy-hande d gov ernmental authorit y an d th e advisabilit y o f mutua l resistanc e t o thes e measures. A t th e sam e time , Congres s dispatche d a protes t t o Englan d that denounced th e Quebec Act. Foremos t amon g the enclosed grievance s was th e provisio n o f th e ac t tha t favore d th e Roma n Catholi c religion . When th e content s o f th e secon d communicatio n becam e know n i n Can ada, prominen t French-Canadian s note d th e duplicit y o f Congress' s di plomacy. Suspicio n tha t the Protestant colonies to their south were foster ing anti-Catholicis m cloude d a Canadian decisio n t o enter a joint ventur e and complicate d th e effort s o f Congres s t o forg e a n allianc e agains t th e British government . Still, Congres s continue d debatin g th e Canadia n question , graduall y leaning towar d "makin g a n impressio n int o Canada." Fea r o f a successfu l British-Indian coalitio n an d th e argument s o f Arnol d an d Etha n Alle n concerning th e vulnerabilit y o f Britis h force s i n th e regio n heavil y influ enced th e deliberations. Report s indicate d tha t the efforts o f Guy Johnson had bee n joine d b y Gu y Carleton , th e roya l governo r o f Canada , i n persuading th e Indians , a s well a s the Canadians, t o side with th e Britis h in an y conflic t agains t th e colonists . Gen . Thoma s Gage , th e Britis h commander i n Boston , wrot e a lette r t o Lor d Dartmout h i n th e Britis h Parliament tha t state d h e had informatio n tha t "th e Rebel s afte r Surpriz -

The Patriot Call to Arms • 7 7 ing Ticonderoga , mad e Incursion s an d committe d Hostilitie s upo n th e Frontiers o f the Province of Quebec; which wil l Justify Genera l Carleto n to rais e bot h Canadian s an d Indian s t o attac k the m i n hi s turn , an d w e need no t b e tender o f calling upon th e Savages , a s the Rebel s have shew n us th e Exampl e b y bringin g a s man y Indian s dow n agains t u s her e a s they coul d collect." 19 The account s o f Arnol d an d Allen , b y comparison , emphasize d tha t the Britis h force s alon g th e St . Lawrenc e numbere d onl y abou t on e thousand. I n addition , the y advise d Congres s tha t mos t Canadians — many o f Frenc h extractio n an d smartin g unde r Englis h rul e sinc e th e French an d India n War—wer e dispose d towar d th e patriot caus e agains t the Britis h shoul d the y b e give n a choice . John Adam s summe d u p th e congressional dilemm a o n June 7 : "Whethe r w e shoul d marc h int o Can ada wit h a n arm y sufficien t t o brea k th e powe r o f Governo r Carleton , t o overawe the Indians , an d t o protect th e Frenc h ha s been a great question . It seem s t o b e th e genera l conclusio n tha t i t i s bes t t o go , i f w e ca n b e assured tha t th e Canadians will be pleased wit h it , an d join." 20 In th e end , Congres s fel t a n offensive , whic h wa s conducte d wit h diplomacy s o as not t o provoke the Canadians, woul d b e the prudent wa y to defen d agains t th e standin g threa t o f th e Indian s an d Britis h militar y in tha t are a agains t th e colonies . Th e strategi c timin g o f suc h a ventur e also seeme d favorable . Upo n receip t o f order s fro m th e Congres s direct ing th e Ne w Yor k Departmen t t o undertak e a Canadian expedition , thi s militarily importan t an d politicall y sensitiv e initiativ e fell t o Schuyler an d Montgomery. The tw o commander s plunge d immediatel y int o th e myria d detail s necessitated b y th e operation. The y ha d t o raise, equip, train, an d suppl y an arm y before a n effectiv e invasio n int o Canad a coul d b e expected . Schuyler an d Montgomer y urge d th e Provincia l Congres s t o expedite th e organization o f Ne w Yor k regiment s fo r th e campaign . Th e Continenta l Congress directe d tha t th e Connecticu t an d Massachusett s troop s scat tered i n outpost s alon g th e Hudso n Rive r fro m Lak e Georg e t o Ne w York Cit y an d a t Ticonderog a woul d b e assigne d t o th e Ne w Yor k Department. B y th e first o f July , th e initia l departmen t troo p retur n indicated tha t a forc e o f almos t thre e thousan d me n ha d bee n hastil y accrued. Concurrently , th e departmen t commander s scoure d th e prov ince and requeste d assistanc e from th e Continental Congres s i n procurin g weapons, gu n powder , an d provision s t o equip and suppl y thei r army. 21 While organizing an d outfittin g thei r force , Schuyle r an d Montgomer y

78 • The Patriot Call to Arms began formulating a military pla n for th e assigned operation . Th e strateg y for th e invasion of Canada wa s to reverse the ominous Britis h schem e tha t the American s wer e attemptin g t o thwart . Th e Ne w Yor k Departmen t would adop t a south-to-north variatio n o f the traditional invasio n route t o conduct a preemptive strik e int o Canada. Th e operatio n calle d fo r utiliz ing the Hudso n Rive r an d lak e system i n northern Ne w Yor k a s a supply line an d patriot-hel d For t Ticonderog a a s a stagin g area . Troop s an d supplies woul d b e pushed u p this passageway int o Canada . On July 1 , Congress resolve d tha t Genera l Wooste r an d hi s Connecti cut force s i n th e vicinit y o f Ne w Yor k Cit y shoul d remai n ther e t o provide loca l security . T o compensat e fo r thi s los s o f manpowe r t o th e invasion force , Congres s allocate d th e Gree n Mountai n Boy s t o the Ne w York Department . Schuyle r wa s anxious to determine the state of prepar edness o f th e varied , far-flun g troop s tha t ha d bee n assigne d t o th e de partment, an d t o obtain first-han d intelligenc e pertaining to the offensive . On July 4 , Schuyle r departe d fo r For t Ticonderoga, leavin g Montgomer y to supervise final arrangements fo r advancin g the operation northward . A fe w week s later , Montgomer y fel t tha t h e ha d accomplishe d al l h e could a t his location, an d h e prepared t o move up the chain of outposts t o join Schuyle r a t For t Ticonderoga . O n hi s departure, Montgomer y bad e farewell t o the Livingsto n family . Judg e Livingsto n cautione d Richar d t o a take car e o f you r life. " Montgomer y respectfull y answered , "O f m y honour, yo u woul d say , sir. " Janet, he r siste r Catharine, an d their young est brother, Edward , accompanie d Richar d a s far a s Saratoga. Year s later , Edward recalle d a poignant scen e that occurre d durin g thi s time : "It wa s just befor e Genera l Montgomer y left . . . . W e wer e onl y thre e i n he r room: he , m y sister , an d myself . H e wa s sittin g i n a musin g attitude , between hi s wife , who , sa d an d silent , seeme d t o b e readin g th e future , and myself , whos e childish admiratio n wa s divided betwee n th e glitterin g uniform an d th e martia l bearin g o f hi m wh o wor e it , when , al l o f a sudden, th e silenc e wa s broke n b y Montgomery' s dee p voice , repeatin g the followin g line , a s one who speak s i n a dream: ' 'Ti s a mad world , m y masters, I onc e though t so , no w I kno w it. ' . . . Perhap s h e migh t hav e been contrasting th e quiet an d sweet s of the life he held i n his grasp, wit h the tumult s an d peril s of the camp which h e had resolve d t o seek withou t a glanc e a t wha t h e wa s leavin g behind . Thos e wer e th e las t word s I heard fro m hi s lips , an d I neve r sa w hi m more. " Richard' s las t word s t o his wif e were : "Yo u shal l neve r hav e caus e t o blus h fo r you r Montgom ery." He the n departe d t o join his troops. 22

C

H

A

P

T

E

R

S E V E

N

The March to Canada Then through the lakes Montgomery takes, I wat he was na slaw, man. 1 Our incampment is so swampy, I feel, says he exceedingly for the troops; and provisions so scarce, it will require not only dispatch, but good fortune, to keep us from distress. 2

O

n hi s way northward , Schuyle r wrot e George Washington fro m Saratoga revealin g hi s thought s abou t shapin g hi s ne w corp s into a n efficien t militar y force : "B e assure d m y genera l tha t I shall use my bes t endeavors t o establish orde r an d disciplin e i n the troop s under m y command . I wis h I coul d ad d tha t I ha d a prospec t o f muc h success i n tha t way . I t i s extremely difficul t t o introduc e a proper subor dination amongs t a people where s o little distinction i s kept up." 3 A numbe r o f America n troop s wer e garrisonin g Ticonderog a whe n Schuyler arrive d ther e o n Jul y 18 . Th e soldier s unde r Col . Benjami n Hinman, wh o ha d take n comman d o f th e for t subsequen t t o it s captur e on Ma y 10 , 1775 , numbered onl y abou t twelv e hundred . The y consiste d mainly o f fres h Connecticu t volunteers , unaccustome d t o militar y ser vice. Most of them wer e insubordinate an d undisciplined . Th e condition s that Schuyle r foun d a t th e garriso n highl y annoye d th e authoritativ e disciplinarian. After hi s arrival , h e wrot e anothe r lette r t o George Washington : "Yo u will expec t tha t I shoul d sa y somethin g abou t thi s plac e an d th e troop s 79

8o • The March to Canada here. No t on e earthl y thin g fo r offens e o r defens e ha s bee n done. " Schuyler the n relate d th e results of his unannounced nighttim e inspectio n of two outposts manne d b y negligen t sentinel s an d a guard forc e tha t wa s sound asleep : "Wit h a pen-knif e onl y I coul d hav e cu t of f bot h guards , and the n se t fir e t o the blockhouse , destroye d th e stores , an d starve d th e people here. " H e conclude d hi s repor t wit h a hope "t o ge t th e bette r o f this inattention. " "Th e officer s an d me n ar e all good lookin g people , an d decent i n thei r deportment , an d I reall y believ e will mak e goo d soldiers , as soon a s I ca n ge t th e bette r o f thi s nonchalanc e o f theirs . Bravery , I believe, the y ar e far fro m wanting." 4 Schuyler's concer n abou t th e trainin g an d disciplin e o f colonial troop s would b e share d b y ever y America n commande r throughou t th e war . These recruit s chafe d unde r th e regimentatio n an d conformit y tha t thei r leaders trie d t o impos e o n the m i n orde r t o emulat e th e highl y repute d European mode l o f soldiery. Th e natur e of the Continental army' s initia l composition ma y b e seen during th e raising of the New Yor k regiments . Some patricians viewe d militar y organizatio n durin g th e Revolutio n a s an opportunity t o retain a social status quo after th e conflict. James Duan e wrote hi s fello w Ne w Yor k delegate i n the Continenta l Congress , Rober t R. Livingston , tha t h e was "please d tha t youn g Mr . Livingsto n i s raisin g a company i n the Mano r . . . which wil l rende r lande d propert y secure. " "We mus t thin k i n time of the mean s o f assuring th e rein s of governmen t when thes e commotions shal l subside. Licentiousnes s i s the natural objec t of civi l discor d an d i t ca n onl y b e guarde d agains t b y placin g th e com mand o f th e troop s i n th e hand s o f propert y an d ran k wh o . . . wil l preserve th e sam e authorit y ove r th e mind s o f th e peopl e whic h the y enjoyed i n the time of tranquility." 5 However, Duan e an d peopl e o f hi s il k coul d no t realiz e th e ful l mea sure o f thei r expectation s fo r severa l reasons . Som e me n o f propert y an d social statu s decline d militar y command , wit h it s concomitan t persona l hardships an d sacrifices , whe n i t wa s offere d t o them. Wit h th e prospec t of a physicall y demanding , roug h existence , th e stat e o f a n individual' s health an d ag e certainl y playe d a rol e i n thi s decision . A fe w o f th e privileged clas s simply chos e not t o be inconvenienced an d le t others wh o they deeme d mor e suite d t o that typ e of work serv e in the military . Mos t realized tha t ther e wa s quit e a differenc e fro m actin g a s th e nomina l commander o f a militia unit during peacetime, with its innocuous muster s and drills , t o leadin g soldier s int o actua l combat . Int o thi s militar y lead -

The March to Canada • 8 1 ership voi d steppe d myria d personalities , eac h wit h hi s ow n motiv e i n answering th e cal l t o arms—b e i t civi c responsibility , ambition , adven turesomeness, o r an y numbe r o f other influences . Althoug h mos t officer s tended t o b e economicall y advantage d i n civilia n lif e befor e joinin g th e army, man y o f the m represente d th e upwardl y mobil e merchan t o r middl e class o f colonial society . Therefore , contro l o f th e militar y b y th e lande d interest remaine d tenuou s a t best . As a newl y establishe d countr y squir e an d membe r o f th e gentry , Montgomery subscribe d t o the notion s tha t ther e existe d a "natural elite " and tha t ownershi p o f land bestowe d one' s prestige . But , h e also felt tha t the privilege d ha d a responsibilit y t o societ y tha t shoul d b e discharge d during period s o f crisi s a s wel l a s time s o f peace . H e ha d n o sympath y for aloo f aristocrat s whe n h e sough t volunteer s t o fill the office r position s in th e Ne w Yor k regiments . Jane t Montgomer y recalle d he r husband' s reaction t o th e genera l reluctanc e o f mos t Ne w Yor k elit e leader s t o answer th e martia l call . "N o gentleme n offere d t o tak e commission s i n the army . Th e mechanic s alon e offered , an d h e [Montgomery ] accepte d them withou t demur . Whe n th e brigad e wa s filled severa l gentleme n came forward , bu t h e refuse d the m th e places , tellin g the m the y shoul d have been first, an d wer e too late." 6 One incidenta l consequenc e i n th e establishmen t o f th e office r corp s concerned th e Son s o f Libert y an d othe r patrio t radical s wh o ha d accu mulated i n Ne w Yor k City . Popula r rabble-rouser s suc h a s John Lam b and Marinu s Willet t joine d th e newl y forme d Ne w Yor k regiment s a s junior officers , whic h effectivel y remove d th e extrem e politica l elemen t from th e loca l scene . Thi s alleviate d muc h o f th e civi l disturbanc e i n th e city and allowe d th e Provincial Congres s to conduct it s business in a more orderly fashion . Onc e i n th e army , however , th e confrontationa l natur e of thes e crow d leader s wh o ha d turne d officer s becam e a source o f vexa tion t o thei r militar y superiors . Followin g thei r example , subordinate s frequently questione d an d challenge d th e decision s o f their commanders . Thus, thi s organizational dynami c contributed t o the relatively egalitaria n character o f th e America n forces , whic h wa s unprecedente d i n eigh teenth-century armies . If th e officer s o f th e Continenta l arm y wer e indeterminate , th e me n were eve n mor e so . Mostl y poor , nondescrip t peopl e wh o ha d n o bette r chance o f earnin g a livelihoo d represente d thos e wh o wer e willin g t o become commo n soldiers . Th e militar y comman d hope d tha t th e virtua l

82 • The March to Canada lack o f militar y experienc e an d regimentatio n o f thes e recruit s woul d b e compensated b y thei r braver y an d fortitude . The Ne w Yor k Congres s directe d tha t thre e thousand Continental s b e raised withi n th e province. Militar y organizatio n forme d thes e troops int o four infantr y regiment s o r battalion s (term s use d interchangeably ) an d a n artillery company . A colone l (commander) , lieutenan t colone l (deput y commander), major , adjutan t (administrativ e officer) , quartermaste r (lo gistics officer) , chaplain , an d surgeo n forme d a regimental headquarters . Each regiment , totalin g approximatel y 75 0 individuals , consiste d o f te n companies o f seventy-fiv e men . A captai n an d tw o lieutenant s le d ever y company. Al l suc h unit s als o had thre e sergeants , thre e corporals, a fifer, a drummer , an d sixty-fou r privates . Thi s woul d b e Ne w York' s contri bution t o the Continental army , sometime s calle d th e Ne w Yor k Line. 7 The 1 st (o r Ne w York ) Regiment , unde r th e comman d o f Col . Alex ander McDougall , recruite d it s me n largel y i n Ne w Yor k Cit y an d th e surrounding area . Th e 2n d (o r Albany ) Regiment , le d b y Col . Goos e Van Schaick , dre w it s member s primaril y fro m Albany , Tr y on, Char lotte, an d Cumberlan d counties . Th e 3r d (o r Ulster ) Regiment , com manded b y Col . James Clinton , enliste d it s contingen t mainl y i n Ulster , Orange, an d Suffol k counties . Th e 4t h (o r Dutchess ) Regiment , heade d by Col . Jame s Holmes , recruite d it s me n chiefl y i n Dutchess , Kings , Queens, Richmond , an d Westcheste r counties . Capt . Joh n Lam b com manded th e artiller y compan y an d enliste d hi s cannoneers fro m th e Ne w York Cit y area . Recruit s fo r th e 1s t Ne w Yor k an d Ne w Yor k Artiller y Company wer e generall y laborer s an d seamen , whil e farmers an d trades men, wit h a large r proportio n o f marrie d men , filled th e rank s o f th e other thre e regiments . Abou t on e ou t o f si x soldier s wa s no t ye t twent y years old. 8 The recruitin g proces s starte d whe n th e Provincia l Congres s sen t war rants t o aspirin g captain s authorizin g the m t o enlist me n fo r a company . If th e warran t holde r wa s successfu l i n filling th e unit-mannin g require ments, a commissio n woul d b e forthcomin g appointin g hi m a s com mander o f th e company . Authoritie s als o publishe d advertisement s an d broadsides encouragin g peopl e t o voluntee r fo r militar y service . Recruit ing activitie s usuall y too k plac e a t a designate d loca l in n o r tavern . Re cruiters promise d inducement s o f pay , uniforms , weapons , an d equip ment t o th e prospectiv e soldiers . Althoug h th e basi c allowanc e fo r a private o f on e shillin g an d eleve n penc e pe r da y wa s modes t b y al l standards, th e opportunit y fo r regula r pay , n o matte r ho w minimal , ha d

The March to Canada • 8 3 an appea l t o th e poore r segmen t o f th e populace . Th e Continenta l Con gress limite d th e ter m o f military servic e to the remainder o f the year a s a further incentiv e t o volunteer. 9 Th e us e of enlistment bountie s wa s wide spread: a Ten shilling s shal l b e allowe d t o ever y Soldier , tha t shal l enlis t in th e Continenta l Congres s i n thi s Colony , fo r th e presen t Campaign , who shal l furnis h himsel f wit h a good musket." 10 A s a n additiona l stim ulus t o recruiting , th e Ne w Yor k Congres s resolve d tha t "ever y officer , who ha s alread y enliste d o r wh o shal l hereafte r enlis t a soldie r i n th e Regiments no w raisin g i n thi s Colony , shal l b e entitle d t o a dolla r fo r each such soldier." 11 Even wit h thi s vigorous recruitin g activity , som e companies wer e har d pressed t o muste r a full-strengt h complement . A s i n th e othe r colonies , the vas t majorit y o f Ne w Yorker s electe d no t t o suppor t th e Revolutio n in a militar y status . Th e decisio n t o joi n th e arm y wa s no t take n lightl y by th e genera l population . I t mean t separatio n fro m friend s an d family , and riskin g one' s life . Compensatio n fo r thi s persona l obligatio n offere d by th e recruiter s amounte d t o nothin g bu t promise s a t thi s point . S o individuals wh o becam e emotionall y involve d i n th e revolutionar y spirit , or indigent s wh o hope d militar y servic e woul d improv e thei r live s mad e up th e bul k o f th e inductees . Onl y abou t 2,07 5 m e n enliste d i n th e Ne w York regiments i n 1775. 12 These wer e th e troop s tha t Montgomer y woul d endeavo r t o mold int o an effectiv e fightin g forc e t o assaul t Canada . H e hel d n o illusion s regard ing th e qualit y o f troop s bein g recruited , suspectin g tha t man y "hav e entered int o th e Servic e fro m mercenar y view s [rather ] tha n fro m a generous Zea l fo r th e Gloriou s Caus e o f America. " "Goo d soldiers, " h e announced, woul d b e "cherishe d wit h th e fon d attentio n o f a n indulgen t parent," bu t "th e vicious , th e disorderl y an d th e disobedien t woul d i n due course b e visited wit h deserve d punishment." 13 Montgomery precede d th e Ne w Yor k force s o n th e wa y nort h an d anxiously awaite d thei r advanc e at Albany. However , complication s wit h mobilization an d suppl y o f th e regiment s delaye d thei r departure . Short ages o f weapon s an d basi c equipmen t prevente d th e troop s fro m becom ing read y fo r fiel d duty . Inadequat e tim e fo r trainin g th e ra w recruit s compounded th e problems. I n the middle of July, th e Provincial Congres s responded t o th e plea s o f Schuyle r an d Montgomer y t o expedit e th e dispatch o f the regiment s b y conceding : "Ou r troop s ca n b e of no servic e to you ; the y hav e n o arms , clothes , blankets , o r ammunition ; th e officer s no commissions ; ou r treasur y n o money ; ourselve s i n debt . . . . We wil l

84 • The March to Canada remove difficulties a s fast a s we can, an d sen d yo u th e soldiers , wheneve r the me n w e have raised ar e entitled t o that name." 14 Regiments wer e outfitte d i n numerica l order . B y Augus t 8 , si x week s after recruitin g wa s completed, fou r companie s of the 1s t New Yor k wer e well enoug h arme d an d provisione d t o b e sen t t o Albany , unde r th e command o f Lt . Col . Rudolphu s Ritzema . McDougal l remaine d behin d to supervise th e preparation s o f the remainde r o f his regiment. Tw o day s later, Ritzema' s forc e encampe d a t Hal f Moon , a staging are a establishe d just nort h o f Alban y fo r th e troop s mobilizin g fo r th e Canadia n cam paign.15 Schuyle r an d Montgomer y wer e not impressed wit h man y o f the soldiers tha t ha d joine d thei r expedition . "Fourtee n o f Col . Ritzema' s men hav e alread y deserte d sinc e hi s arriva l a t Hal f Moon, " Schuyle r observed, "an d I believe he will lose many mor e before h e reaches Ticon deroga." "I f thos e gon e ar e lik e som e tha t remain , w e hav e gaine d b y their goin g off." 16 With th e vanguar d o f th e 1s t Regimen t finally o n th e move , Montgo mery turne d hi s attentio n t o th e 2n d Regiment . "Th e troop s ar e t o b e forwarded t o Ticonderog a a s fas t a s the y ma y arriv e o r a s soo n a s thos e under you r immediat e comman d ca n b e furnishe d wit h suc h article s a s are absolutely necessar y t o enable them t o take to the field," h e instructe d Colonel Va n Schaick . Troo p disciplin e during the march and the soldier' s responsibility t o societ y wer e als o on Montgomery' s mind . " I intrea t yo u to enforce goo d order , tha t individual s ma y no t suffe r i n thei r property, " he ordere d Colone l Va n Schaick . "Impres s th e me n wit h jus t notion s o f our dut y t o societ y an d ho w infamou s i t i s i n u s wh o hav e arm s i n ou r hands fo r th e protectio n o f our fello w citizen s t o betra y tha t trus t b y an y violation o f their rights." x 7 Schuyler an d Montgomer y slowl y gathere d a conglomerat e forc e a t Ticonderoga t o moun t th e campaign . Thi s fea t require d forwardin g an d converging troop units over land and wate r some one hundred mile s north from Alban y betwee n Lak e Georg e an d Lak e Champlain . Whe n th e British fleet standing off Manhatta n weighte d ancho r t o sail for Bosto n i n the middl e o f July , th e Continenta l Congres s als o ordere d som e o f th e Connecticut troop s statione d aroun d Ne w Yor k City t o march fo r Ticon deroga. Thi s force , commande d b y Col . Davi d Waterbury , joine d Hin man's Connecticu t contingen t previousl y positione d a t Ticonderoga . I n addition, Massachusett s soldier s unde r Col . James Easto n ha d arrive d a t Ticonderoga. Fiv e companie s o f th e 2n d Ne w Yor k combine d wit h th e four companie s o f th e 1s t Ne w Yor k t o for m th e Yorke r complement .

The March to Canada • 8 5 (Six companie s o f th e 3r d Ne w Yor k an d five companies o f th e 4t h Ne w York ha d onl y reache d Alban y b y thi s time. ) Thre e companie s o f Ne w Hampshire Ranger s commande d b y Col . Timoth y Bede l an d a Gree n Mountain Boy s Regiment from Vermon t heade d b y Lt. Col . Set h Warne r later joine d th e campaig n e n rout e t o St . Johns. Tw o artiller y companie s —Capt. Samue l Mott' s Connecticu t gunner s statione d a t Ticonderog a and Lamb' s Ne w Yor k unit , whic h woul d arriv e shortly—len t fire sup port. Together , thes e recruit s fro m Massachusetts , Connecticut , Ne w Hampshire, Vermont , an d Ne w Yor k comprise d th e troo p forc e o f th e expedition b y th e las t par t o f August . Draw n fro m differen t colonies , inadequately trained , unaccustome d t o servin g together , suspiciou s o f outsiders, th e soldier s o f thi s makeshif t rebe l assemblag e presente d a challenge to anyone attemptin g t o lead them. 18 During th e collectio n o f thei r modes t army , Schuyle r an d Montgom ery als o engage d i n a n industriou s boat-buildin g progra m o n Lak e George . A sizabl e fleet wa s neede d t o ferr y th e soldier s dow n Lak e Champlai n into Canada . Mos t o f th e craf t wer e bateaux , whic h wer e boat s abou t thirty fee t lon g wit h a cargo capacit y o f thre e t o seve n tons . The y coul d be rigge d wit h sai l bu t wer e usuall y paddle d b y a n eight-ma n crew . B y August, worker s ha d complete d enoug h o f thes e boat s t o carr y thirtee n hundred me n wit h a three-wee k suppl y o f provisions . The y als o con structed severa l large r vessel s capabl e o f containin g abou t thre e hundre d individuals an d suitabl e fo r nava l warfare . Thes e ships , combine d wit h those that wer e buil t o r seize d durin g th e capture of Ticonderoga, consti tuted a flotilla for th e operation, whic h wa s only abl e to transport approx imately hal f of the total force. 19 All thes e preparation s t o invad e Quebe c Provinc e di d no t escap e th e attention o f th e Britis h militar y establishmen t i n Canada . Gu y Carleton , the roya l governo r a t Quebe c wh o als o commande d th e militar y forces , moved t o Montrea l shortl y afte r receivin g new s tha t th e American s ha d captured Ticonderog a an d Crow n Point . There , h e receive d intelligenc e regarding th e concentratio n o f field units b y th e American s a t Ticonder oga with th e inten t o f driving northward int o Canada . The inhabitant s o f Canad a di d no t generall y rall y t o counte r th e Americans a s Carleto n ha d hoped . Althoug h th e clerg y supporte d th e British government—becaus e th e Quebe c Ac t allowe d Roma n Catholi cism to remain a s the stat e religion—there wa s scant outpouring o f active support fro m th e Frenc h Canadians . Mos t o f them too k a watch-and-wait stance to determine whic h sid e would gai n th e uppe r han d i n th e contes t

86 • The March to Canada over thei r homelan d befor e the y committe d themselves . A larg e numbe r of Indian s seeme d willin g t o figh t alongsid e th e Britis h force s i n Canada , but Carleto n issue d order s tha t restraine d thei r participation . H e re quested th e tribes to remain neutral , excep t for limite d scoutin g activities. Based o n hi s experienc e i n th e Frenc h an d India n War , Carleto n simpl y did no t fee l tha t th e nativ e warrior s coul d b e trustworth y o r reliable . With inadequat e militar y forces—onl y tw o regiment s o f regular s an d a few hundre d Canadia n volunteers , o r fewe r tha n on e thousan d me n fo r the defens e o f the whol e province—Carleton' s situatio n a t this point wa s not encouraging. However , h e would prov e himself a n excellent strategis t and resourcefu l fiel d commander . Carleton adopte d a n advance d defensiv e postur e wit h th e fe w troo p resources tha t h e ha d a t hi s disposa l t o fen d of f th e America n invasion . He planne d t o confron t th e intruder s shortl y befor e o r afte r the y crosse d the border . Carleto n kne w tha t h e would hav e to fight hi s initia l battl e a s close t o th e frontie r a s possibl e t o kee p th e enem y a t arms ' lengt h fro m the ke y citie s o f Montrea l an d Quebec . Therefore , h e selecte d St . John s (St. Jean) , a prominen t locatio n eas t o f Montrea l o n th e Richelie u Rive r guarding th e traditiona l Canadia n invasio n route , a s th e plac e t o mak e a stand. St . John s suite d hi s purpose s well . I t stoo d a s a n obstacl e tha t could no t b e easil y bypasse d b y a force inten t upo n capturin g Montreal , and i t provide d a bas e fro m whic h vessel s coul d sai l t o intercep t an y invaders whil e the y wer e stil l o n Lak e Champlain . Nearby , Chambl y would serv e a s an easil y accessibl e suppl y depo t fo r th e Britis h defensiv e network. So , Carleton bega n reinforcing St . Johns wit h a s many force s a s he coul d scrap e together , an d h e launche d a majo r nava l buildin g effor t of his own. Meanwhile, Genera l Washingto n decide d t o expan d th e Canadia n campaign. A secon d invasio n rout e woul d b e pursued , culminatin g i n a two-pronged attack , wit h tw o armie s enterin g Canad a a t differen t point s and the n combining to capture Quebec, th e province's capital city. Wash ington selecte d Col . Benedic t Arnol d t o lead thi s additiona l effort . Whil e Schuyler an d Montgomer y continue d thei r approac h t o Quebec along th e St. Lawrenc e River , Arnol d woul d lea d a n expedition throug h th e Main e wilderness t o mee t the m outsid e th e city . Schuyle r retaine d overal l com mand o f th e enlarge d Canadia n campaign . Washingto n reasone d tha t hi s plan woul d plac e added pressur e on Carleton's defensiv e measures . Writ ing t o Schuyler , Washingto n explaine d tha t Carleto n "mus t eithe r brea k up an d follo w thi s [Arnold's ] part y t o Quebec , b y whic h h e will leav e

The March to Canada • 8 7 you fre e passage , o r h e mus t suffe r tha t importan t plac e [Quebec ] to fal l into our hands." 20 On Augus t 17 , Schuyle r returne d t o Alban y t o atten d a conferenc e with representative s fro m th e Iroquoi s India n trib e (Si x Nations ) aime d at keepin g the m neutral , leavin g Montgomer y i n comman d a t Ticonder oga. Durin g Schuyler' s absence , Montgomer y receive d a messag e fro m Maj. Joh n Brown , wh o ha d bee n sen t ou t t o conduc t a reconnaissanc e into Canada . Brown' s repor t confirme d othe r intelligenc e tha t tw o gun boats bein g buil t a t St . John s wer e nearin g completion . Thei r entranc e into servic e threatene d t o giv e th e Britis h contro l o f Lak e Champlain , thereby placin g th e America n campaig n i n jeopardy . Withou t waitin g t o secure approva l fro m hi s superior , Montgomer y boldl y decide d t o mov e north immediatel y t o den y nava l superiorit y o f th e lak e b y th e enemy . His militar y trainin g ha d taugh t hi m tha t timin g coul d sometime s b e more determinativ e tha n strength . B y sunse t o f Augus t 28 , Montgomer y embarked th e greate r par t o f Waterbury' s Connecticu t Regiment , fou r companies o f Ritzema' s 1s t Ne w York , an d a smal l sectio n o f Mott' s artillery compan y wit h severa l cannons—som e twelv e hundre d me n i n all—aboard th e schoone r Liberty , th e sloo p Enterprise, and a numbe r o f bateaux. H e lef t a like number o f soldiers behind. 21 Just prio r t o leaving , Montgomer y sen t a hast y lette r t o Schuyle r explaining hi s actions . " I a m s o muc h o f Brown' s opinion, " h e wrote , "that I thin k i t absolutel y necessar y t o mov e dow n th e lak e wit h th e utmost dispatch . Shoul d th e enem y ge t thei r vessel s int o th e lake , 'ti s over wit h u s thi s summer. " H e clarifie d th e reaso n tha t h e mad e th e decision o n hi s ow n volition . "Th e movin g withou t you r order s I don' t like; but, . . . the prevention o f the enemy i s of the utmost consequence. " He urge d Schuyle r "t o follo w u s i n a whale-boat, " saying , "I t wil l giv e the me n grea t confidenc e i n you r spiri t an d activity. " "Ho w necessar y this confidenc e i s t o a general , I nee d no t tel l you. " Montgomer y the n concluded: " I mos t heartil y wis h thi s ma y mee t wit h you r approbation , . . . al l m y ambitio n i s to do my dut y i n a subordinate capacity , withou t the leas t ungenerou s intentio n o f lessenin g tha t meri t s o justl y you r due." 22 The lette r reflect s th e clos e persona l an d professiona l relationshi p tha t had develope d betwee n th e tw o me n i n th e shor t tim e the y ha d serve d together. Althoug h Schuyle r an d Montgomer y contraste d sharpl y i n their demeanor an d deportment , the y ha d establishe d a mutua l trus t an d re spect. Schuyler , a punctilious , careful , an d deliberat e officer , wa s bes t

88 • The March to Canada suited fo r th e functions o f a behind-the-lines commander . Hi s fort e la y i n organization an d coordination . Il l health als o plagued hi m throughou t th e campaign. Consequently , Schuyle r entruste d th e field comman d o f th e expedition t o hi s energeti c an d dauntles s secon d i n command , allowin g him wid e latitud e t o discharg e hi s duties . Montgomer y fi t th e rol e o f troop leade r superbl y whil e respecting th e authority o f his senior officer . Most o f th e unhardene d troop s reacte d t o th e precipitou s orde r t o advance towar d St . Johns, som e 12 0 miles to the north, wit h littl e enthu siasm. The y fel t unprepare d an d hesitan t t o close with th e enemy. How ever, thei r dynami c genera l goade d the m int o motion . Montgomer y fel t that h e ha d n o tim e t o spar e fo r furthe r preparations . Th e momen t ha d come fo r decisiv e action ; hi s soldier s woul d hav e t o b e tempere d b y combat. A Connecticu t compan y commande r hurriedl y writin g t o hi s wife scrawled , " I hav e bu t on e mone t [moment ] to rit e a s ou r order s ar e Suden fo r Marchin g an d al l i n Confusion . . . . I thin k w e ar e no t Read y for Suc h a n Importan t Task , Bu t I Pra y Go d ma y b e wit h us , a s th e Battle i s not t o th e strong. " I n a second lette r o n th e nex t day , h e wrote : "I mus t confes s tha t i t appear s t o m e tha t w e g o on (i n m y openion ) ful l as fast a s we are Ready, bu t hop e for th e Best." 23 Hampered b y rai n an d unfavorabl e winds , Montgomery' s forc e worke d its wa y dow n th e lak e b y navigatin g durin g th e da y an d goin g ashor e t o bivouac at night. Montgomer y fel t relief that the campaign was underwa y at last . Week s o f frustratio n ove r th e organizatio n an d suppl y o f th e mission caused hi m to grow impatient wit h it s progress. Now wit h inerti a of th e missio n finally overcome , th e genera l develope d a n optimisti c outlook. Th e soldiers ' moral e als o improve d markedl y whil e activel y engaged i n a concerted effor t unde r thei r positiv e and confiden t leader . With th e troop s o n th e mov e an d regainin g thei r spirit , Montgomer y had a few moment s fo r som e privat e considerations . Soldier s usuall y fal l into a n age-ol d ritua l o n th e ev e o f combat—findin g o r deepenin g reli gious convictions , writin g letter s professin g affectio n t o love d ones , an d attempting t o put thei r persona l affair s i n order. Fo r Montgomery, i t was time to direct hi s attention t o these kinds of thoughts an d contemplat e hi s own mortality . O n Augus t 3 0 while at Crown Point , h e drew u p his will. In it , h e bequeathe d hi s "persona l fortune " an d th e farmstea d a t King' s Bridge t o hi s sister , Lad y Ranelagh . T o hi s wife , h e lef t th e Rhinebec k estate an d hi s propert y there . H e explaine d th e provision s o f th e docu ment b y statin g that "th e ampl e fortun e tha t m y wif e will succeed t o [her share o f th e Livingsto n estate ] makes i t unnecessar y t o provide fo r he r i n

The March to Canada • 8 9 a manne r suitabl e t o he r situatio n i n lif e an d adequat e t o th e war m affection I bea r her . M y dea r sister' s larg e famil y want s al l I ca n share. " He als o recommende d on e o r tw o o f hi s sister' s younge r childre n t o hi s wife's protection. 24 On Augus t 30 , Schuyle r returne d t o Ticonderog a fro m th e Alban y council meeting . H e wa s suffering fro m hi s lates t bou t wit h feve r an d rheumatic pains. Som e of the news that he received concernin g the Gree n Mountain Boy s offere d n o bal m t o hi s malaise . Th e irregula r troo p uni t had bee n undergoin g sever e reorganizatio n sinc e th e Continenta l Con gress assigne d i t t o th e Norther n Department . A t tha t time , Congres s authorized th e Vermon t regio n volunteer s t o elec t thei r ow n officers , including th e lieutenan t colone l wh o would comman d them . Thi s engen dered a heated rivalr y amon g severa l aspirin g commanders , al l o f who m hindered mobilizatio n effort s o f th e organization . A s a result, th e Gree n Mountain Boy s a s a distinc t battalio n di d no t joi n th e campaig n unti l much late r tha n expected . I n th e interim , Schuyle r an d Montgomer y employed individual s fro m th e Green Mountai n Boy s as scouts and intel ligence agent s i n Canada . Th e cavalie r attitud e o f thes e soldier s an d th e autonomous natur e o f thei r mission s mad e the m difficul t t o control , resulting i n several counterproductive incidents . Capt. Remembe r Baker , a Gree n Mountai n Bo y o n independen t as signment, wa s th e subjec t o f thi s mos t recen t matte r o f concer n tha t Schuyler encountere d upo n hi s arrival at Ticonderoga. Schuyle r reporte d to Washingto n tha t th e dispositio n o f th e Canadian s an d Indian s towar d his campaign migh t have been undermined b y the "imprudence of a Capt. Baker, wh o withou t m y leav e an d contrar y t o th e mos t pointe d an d express orders, " precipitate d a firefight wit h a group o f Indian s tha t ha d commandeered som e canoe s o f hi s scoutin g part y operatin g i n th e Cana dian wilderness . Bot h side s i n th e skirmis h receive d severa l casualties , and Bake r die d i n th e affair . "Thi s event , m y Canadia n corresponden t informs m e ha s induce d som e o f th e Indian s o f tha t trib e t o joi n th e regular force s a t St . John's, " Schuyle r wrot e i n a lette r t o tw o o f th e Northern Departmen t India n commissioners. 25 The survivin g troops , whic h ha d bee n drive n awa y b y th e Indians , later returne d t o claim th e bod y o f their captain . The y foun d Bake r wit h his hea d an d hand s cu t of f an d missing . Returnin g t o thei r base , th e scouts informe d Etha n Alle n o f thei r experiences . Allen , th e forme r commander o f the Green Mountai n Boy s until displaced b y Set h Warner , had offere d hi s service s t o th e campaig n i n a n individua l capacity . A

90 • The March to Canada subsequent patro l capture d som e prisoner s wh o divulge d tha t Baker' s head wa s mounte d o n a pole standin g i n th e parad e groun d a t St . Johns. Allen calle d fo r volunteer s an d le d the m i n a surreptitiou s sorti e insid e the wall s o f th e stronghold . There , the y recovere d th e severe d hea d s o that i t could b e properly burie d wit h th e body. 26 On th e nex t da y afte r hi s arriva l a t Ticonderoga , Schuyle r ordere d forward five hundre d o f Hinman' s regiment , thre e hundre d o f Va n Schaick's 2n d Ne w Yor k Regiment , an d som e artillery. Then , i n spit e of his physica l condition , h e se t ou t t o catc h u p wit h Montgomery . O n th e morning of Septembe r 4 , Schuyle r rejoine d Montgomer y awaitin g him a t Isle L a Motte , situate d i n th e norther n reache s o f Lak e Champlain . A fifth compan y o f th e 1s t Ne w Yor k als o wa s abl e t o combin e wit h th e force a t this point . Assuming command , Schuyle r issue d order s t o resume th e advanc e t o Isle au x Noix , locate d nea r th e entranc e o f th e Sore l o r Richelie u River , where a n attac k agains t St . Johns woul d b e launched . Tha t evening , th e invaders pitche d cam p a t Isl e au x Noi x an d spen t thei r first nigh t o n Canadian soil . B y th e nex t da y Schuyler' s conditio n ha d worsened , bu t he drafted a proclamation t o the Canadians , designe d t o curry thei r favo r and support . Addresse d t o "Friend s an d Countrymen, " th e messag e ex plained tha t th e "Gran d Congress " i n Philadelphi a ha d ordere d hi s arm y to expe l th e Britis h troop s actin g unde r a "despoti c Ministry " t o enslav e them. H e pledge d t o "cheris h ever y Canadia n . . . an d sacredl y guar d their property " durin g th e campaign . Schuyle r instructe d Etha n Alle n and John Brow n t o delive r th e documen t t o James Livingsto n a t Cham bly, wit h who m h e ha d bee n i n correspondence . A Chambl y merchan t sympathetic t o th e Americans ' caus e i n Canada , Livingsto n wa s a likel y contact t o disseminate thi s patriot gestur e of goodwill. 27 On Septembe r 6 , th e American s mad e thei r first attemp t upo n For t St. Johns, whic h la y onl y twelv e mile s nort h o f Isl e au x Noix . Schuyle r and Montgomer y intende d th e initia l operation , conducte d withou t a clear superiorit y o f force s an d firepower, a s a n explorator y prob e t o tes t the Britis h defenses . Th e assaul t forc e o f approximatel y on e thousan d troops approache d t o within a mile of the fortifie d tow n whe n it s batter y opened a harmles s cannonad e upo n thei r boats . Pushin g forwar d hal f a mile nearer th e post , the y lande d i n a broad swam p tha t extende d almos t to St . Johns. Sinc e Schuyle r wa s incapacitated , h e remaine d a t th e land ing sit e wit h a fe w me n t o guar d th e bateaux . Montgomer y starte d th e

The March to Canada • 9 1 main bod y o f troop s throug h marsh y an d heavil y woode d terrai n towar d their objective . Maj. Thoma s Hobb y an d Capt . Matthe w Mea d o f Waterbury' s 5t h Connecticut le d a flankin g part y o n th e lef t an d a littl e ahea d o f th e others. Afte r sloggin g a quarte r o f a mil e throug h th e wetlands , th e flankers were crossing a deep, mudd y strea m whe n a hundred Indian s le d by Capt . Gilber t Tic e ambushe d them . Severa l o f th e American s fel l during th e initia l volley , bu t th e res t returne d fire an d maneuvere d smartl y into a dens e thicke t t o engag e th e hidde n enemy . Th e ensuin g firefight lasted fo r abou t hal f a n hour befor e th e Indian s retreated bac k to the fort . Eight of the Americans wer e killed or fatally wounded ; an d eight , includ ing Hobb y an d Mead , wer e injure d les s severely . Th e enem y suffere d similar losses , includin g Tice, wh o received a slight wound. Thi s wa s th e first bloo d she d i n the Canadian invasion. 28 The skirmish , shor t a s i t was , disrupte d th e Americans ' advance . I n the almos t impenetrabl e forest , i t wa s difficul t t o ascertai n th e strengt h and dispositio n o f the enem y spoilin g force. Montgomer y di d no t wis h t o expose hi s soldier s t o a n adversar y whos e number s an d locatio n ha d no t been determined . Wit h nightfal l no t fa r off , h e decide d t o suspen d oper ations fo r th e day . A s dusk fell , hi s troops bega n preparin g thei r positio n to provid e loca l security . However , gunner s a t St . John s locate d thei r encampment an d began disruptive fire on the invaders, forcing Montgom ery t o withdraw hi s positio n t o a point thre e quarter s o f a mile away an d out of reach of the Britis h cannons. 29 As the forc e bivouacke d tha t night , a n intelligenc e agen t cam e to brie f Schuyler. Th e informatio n tha t h e imparte d presente d gloom y prospect s for th e quic k captur e o f St . Johns. Th e informan t state d tha t althoug h a single regimen t o f Britis h regular s wa s presen t i n al l o f Canada , al l bu t fifty o f thes e wer e positione d wit h abou t a hundred Indian s a t St . John s and Chambly . There , h e claimed , th e fortification s "wer e complea t an d strong an d plentifull y furnishe d wit h cannon, " an d a well-arme d schoone r was nearl y read y t o b e place d i n actio n agains t th e Americans . H e als o maintained tha t th e American s coul d expec t n o overt assistanc e fro m th e Canadians, wh o preferre d t o remai n neutral . Therefore , h e advise d th e general tha t i t would no t b e prudent t o attack St . Johns unde r th e presen t circumstances.30 Schuyler wa s discourage d fro m continuin g th e assaul t b y th e informa tion availabl e t o him . Th e nex t morning , h e calle d a counci l o f wa r i n

92 • The March to Canada which h e reviewe d th e curren t situatio n wit h hi s senio r officers . Th e Americans, wit h onl y tw o cannons , kne w tha t "th e wea k stat e o f ou r artillery" prevented the m fro m layin g siege to the fort. Furthermore , the y could no t hop e t o sin k th e sixteen-gu n Britis h warshi p whil e i t remaine d within th e protectiv e cove r o f th e fort' s battery . The y als o understoo d that th e "great forwardness" o f the vessel posed a considerable threat, an d they ha d t o prevent i t fro m breakin g ou t int o Lak e Champlain . I f i t did , the lin e o f communicatio n wit h Ticonderog a migh t b e severe d an d th e campaign aborted . Therefore , th e council of officers resolve d t o return t o Isle au x Noix , wher e a n alread y prepare d boo m coul d b e throw n acros s the channe l t o bloc k th e enemy' s shi p fro m enterin g th e lake . Then , depending upo n mor e encouraging new s from St . Johns an d th e arrival of additional reinforcements , a n advanc e migh t agai n b e mounte d agains t the British stronghold. 31 Once bac k a t Isl e au x Noix , th e American s installe d th e boo m acros s the rive r an d fortifie d th e islan d int o a n excellen t defensiv e position . However, Schuyler' s healt h ha d deteriorate d t o th e poin t tha t i t wa s becoming a liability t o th e mission . Ritzema , on e o f th e regimenta l com manders, observe d tha t th e general wa s "in a dangerous Situation. " "Thi s is very detrimenta l t o us. " The bedridde n Schuyle r informe d th e Conti nental Congres s an d Genera l Washingto n o f hi s disable d stat e an d com mended Montgomer y fo r assumin g th e function s o f comman d tha t h e could n o longe r perform . " I canno t estimat e the obligation s I lie under t o General Montgomery , fo r th e man y importan t service s h e ha s don e an d daily does , i n whic h h e ha s ha d littl e assistanc e fro m me , a s I hav e no t enjoyed a moment' s healt h sinc e I lef t For t George , an d a m no w s o low as not t o be able to hold th e pen." 32 Schuyler the n receive d a reply t o th e messag e tha t h e ha d sen t earlie r to James Livingston . Th e well-affecte d Chambl y merchan t reporte d tha t Canadians ha d responde d positivel y t o Schuyler' s manifesto . H e pro posed tha t th e American s shoul d establis h a positio n nea r St . John s t o prevent th e Britis h vesse l wit h it s sixtee n mounte d guns , christene d th e Royal Savage, from escaping . Livingsto n promise d th e suppor t o f " a con siderable part y o f Canadians" in the operation, whic h h e suggested migh t even captur e th e ship . Reinforcement s ha d arrive d b y tha t time—thre e hundred o f Hinman' s Connecticu t troops , fou r hundre d o f th e 2n d Ne w York, an d severa l piece s o f artillery . Th e forwar d invasio n forc e no w numbered seventee n hundre d me n an d ha d five cannon s an d thre e mor tars. Schuyle r enthusiasticall y adopte d Livingston' s schem e an d mad e

The March to Canada • 9 3 elaborate plan s t o carry i t out . Tw o row-galleys , eac h carryin g a twelvepounder, th e sloop , th e schooner , an d te n bateau x wit h 35 0 men wer e t o lie i n th e rive r t o preven t th e Royal Savage fro m goin g sout h t o th e lake ; and 80 0 me n wer e t o inves t St . Johns , 30 0 of the m t o ac t a s a coverin g party whil e 50 0 circumvented th e for t an d establishe d a "corps o f obser vation" to interdict communication s betwee n St . Johns an d Chambl y an d control th e waterway. 33 On Septembe r 10 , Montgomery pu t th e pla n int o action . Th e expedi tion se t out an d a t approximately 9 P.M. lande d abou t thre e miles south of St. Johns . Th e coverin g part y unde r Montgomer y hel d tha t position , while Lieutenan t Colone l Ritzem a wit h hi s detachmen t departe d t o marc h around th e fort . It wa s pitc h black i n th e swamp , an d Ritzema' s unteste d soldiers , remembering th e ambus h o n th e forme r expedition , wer e nervou s an d apprehensive. The y ha d no t proceede d fa r whe n th e troop s suddenl y panicked an d scattered , eve n thoug h n o sho t ha d bee n fired. Apparentl y two unit s o f th e detachmen t ha d collide d i n th e dar k an d heav y under brush. Thi s genera l confusio n ha d s o startle d th e othe r unit s tha t th e entire forc e stampede d bac k towar d th e boats . Montgomer y hear d th e frightened soldier s crashin g throug h th e wood s bac k t o hi s locatio n an d hurried t o intercep t them . H e manage d t o rall y th e detachmen t an d started the m of f again , exhortin g the m u to ac t lik e men " an d "d o you r duty." The y advance d abou t a quarte r o f a mil e whe n som e grapesho t fired fro m a Britis h bateau x i n th e rive r lande d amon g thei r ranks . Hal f of the m agai n bea t a hasty retreat . Ritzem a an d th e res t o f hi s comman d continued t o pres s forwar d t o engag e a fe w o f th e enem y occupyin g a nearby breastwork , inflictin g tw o casualties . B y then , i t wa s 3 A.M. an d the detachmen t remaine d straggl y an d disorganized . Ritzem a decide d t o withdraw hi s forc e an d rejoin th e coverin g party . Th e whol e expeditio n spent th e night a t the landing area. 34 Early th e nex t mornin g a t th e reques t o f several officers , Montgomer y called a counci l o f war . Th e gathering , compose d o f al l th e field-grade officers an d compan y commanders , resolve d t o procee d wit h anothe r effort t o accomplis h th e planne d attac k o n St . Johns. However , man y o f the officers wer e unsur e o f the obedienc e o f their men . The y fel t tha t th e state of affairs necessitate d obtainin g th e consent o f the soldiers by ballot . This metho d wa s s o unmilitary an d contrar y t o standar d troo p disciplin e as Montgomery kne w i t tha t h e was appalle d a t it s suggestion . H e accede d to i t onl y becaus e o f th e exigencie s o f th e situation . Afte r th e ran k an d

94 * The March to Canada file added thei r vot e t o continu e th e operation , th e detachmen t prepare d to move out. However , jus t then , a lieutenant wh o ha d bee n scoutin g u p the river , returne d an d sprea d wor d tha t th e Royal Savage was bearin g down o n thei r location . Whil e Montgomer y an d hi s officer s considere d this lates t development , hal f o f th e Ne w Englan d troop s becam e un nerved an d embarke d o n th e boat s withou t orders , inten t o n retreatin g posthaste dow n th e river . I n disgust , Montgomer y ordere d th e demoral ized expeditio n t o return t o Isle aux Noix. 35 After withdrawin g fro m St . Johns , a dee p sens e o f disappointmen t beset Montgomery . Suc h a n ignominiou s retrea t wa s inexcusabl e i n hi s thinking, an d h e decided t o make another attemp t t o salvage the mission . After hi s colum n ha d gon e a few miles , h e ordered th e boat s pu t t o shor e so tha t h e coul d tes t th e tempe r o f th e troop s regardin g thei r marchin g from tha t poin t agains t St . Johns. Whil e h e an d hi s officer s wer e confer ring, on e o f th e me n calle d ou t tha t a n enem y vesse l wa s approaching . The troop s wer e hardly restraine d fro m pushin g off withou t thei r officer s in thei r hast e t o escape , whic h dashe d al l chance s o f persuadin g th e soldiers t o continu e operations . Bac k t o th e relativ e safet y o f Isl e au x Noix the y went. 36 The disgraceful an d mutinou s behavio r o f the soldiers mortifie d Mont gomery. "Suc h a set of pusillanimous wrenche s neve r wer e collected," h e wrote hi s wife . "Coul d I , wit h decency , leav e th e arm y i n it s presen t situation, I woul d no t serv e a n hou r longer. " H e wondere d whethe r th e "general characte r o f th e peopl e ha s bee n to o justl y represented. " Afte r venting hi s exasperation , h e the n conceded , "ther e ar e som e whose spiri t I hav e confidenc e i n . . . and the y flatter m e wit h hope s o f prevailin g o n them t o retrieve their characters." 37 Turning first to the traditional remedy, Montgomer y requeste d Schuyle r to appoin t a court-martia l boar d t o dea l wit h th e mos t flagrant case s o f insubordination an d unmilitar y conduct . Charge s wer e har d t o prove , however, becaus e mos t soldier s wer e reluctan t t o testif y agains t thei r comrades. Whe n th e cour t complete d it s wor k thre e day s later , i t had hande d ou t mor e acquittal s tha n convictions . Th e punishment s im posed involve d a sergean t reduce d i n ran k fo r desertin g hi s pos t durin g action, a ma n sentence d t o thirty-nin e lashe s fo r "cockin g an d present ing hi s firelock" t o a n officer , an d anothe r ma n assigne d t o fatigu e duty fo r th e duratio n o f th e campaig n becaus e h e "fle d i n fea r o f enem y pursuit." 38

The March to Canada • 9 5 In additio n t o th e applicatio n o f militar y justice , Montgomer y em ployed othe r method s t o instil l som e measur e o f disciplin e an d fighting mettle i n th e troops . H e fel t tha t th e behavio r o f th e soldier s coul d b e "palliated b y sayin g the y wer e youn g troops, " an d believe d tha t thei r rough edge s woul d "wea r of f b y a little practice. " " I hav e endeavore d t o make the m ashame d o f themselves , an d hop e tha t thi s won' t happe n again." H e considere d thei r genera l respons e o f self-abasemen t an d con triteness a s a promis e o f bette r conduc t i n th e future . Montgomer y tol d Schuyler tha t th e me n wer e "unabl e t o bea r th e reproac h o f thei r lat e unbecoming behavior. " Therefore , h e wa s determine d t o motivat e th e men int o redeeming themselves. 39 An opportun e enem y attac k als o helpe d t o buo y th e men' s saggin g spirits. A hostile boat approached th e American bas e and opene d fire, bu t the patrio t gunner s score d a direc t hi t tha t san k th e enem y vessel . Thi s incident serve d t o infuse optimis m throughou t th e ranks. Shortly , moral e and enthusias m returne d t o the members o f the expedition. Schuyle r an d Montgomery wante d t o capitaliz e o n th e upswin g o f troo p attitud e an d prepared fo r a renewed attac k on St . Johns. However , severa l days of bad weather delaye d initiatio n o f the operation. 40 The onse t o f rai n exacerbate d prevalen t unhealth y condition s sur rounding th e patriots ' encampment . Isl e au x Noi x wa s a low islan d wit h poor drainag e an d disease-breedin g backwater , chose n a s a base fo r stra tegic rathe r tha n environmenta l reasons . Illnes s cause d b y inclemen t weather, inadequat e shelter , insufficien t rations , an d unsanitar y sur roundings swep t throug h th e camp . Si x hundre d me n wer e o n th e sic k list and coul d no t engage in normal duties. Schuyler' s conditio n als o grew worse. H e ha d bee n directin g operation s fro m hi s be d fo r mor e tha n a week , bu t no w h e realize d tha t h e coul d no t continue . Ba d weathe r had finally ende d hi s hope s fo r a recover y a t Isl e au x Noix , s o h e de cided t o retur n t o th e healthie r confine s o f Ticonderog a fo r recupera tion. O n Septembe r 16 , h e wa s pu t int o a covered boa t an d lef t Isl e au x Noix. 41 With th e departur e o f Schuyler , comman d o f the expeditio n devolve d upon Montgomery . I t was not a n enviable position. Hi s motle y collectio n of troops had demonstrate d littl e courage and prowes s in previous comba t situations. Also , th e Americans ' undiscipline d styl e o f soldierin g wa s disconcerting t o Montgomery becaus e i t contrasted sharpl y wit h wha t h e had know n i n the Britis h army . Eve n though h e expected hi s men t o give

o6 • The March to Canada a bette r accoun t o f themselve s i n th e future , diseas e no w sappe d thei r strength. Tim e als o playe d a detrimenta l role . Winte r wa s no t tha t fa r away i n thi s norther n clime , an d St . John s stil l stoo d impregnabl e a s ever. Nevertheless , patrio t aspiration s fo r th e conques t o f Canad a reste d on th e shoulder s o f thi s man . Montgomer y accepte d th e challeng e an d gazed steadil y northward .

C H A P T E R

E I G H

T

Struggle and Success against St. Johns Six weeks before St. John's they lay, While cannon on them constant play, On cold and marshy ground; When Preston forced at length to yield, Aloud proclaimed it in the field, Virtue a friend ha d found . . . To Montreal he winged his way, Which seemed impatient to obey And opened wide its gates, Convinced no force could e'er repel Troops who had just behaved so well, Under so hard a fate.l

jk s th e formidabl e responsibilit y o f invadin g Canad a settle d o n hi s / % shoulders , Montgomer y quickl y too k stock of the situation. Th e .X J L terrai n wa s familia r t o him . Fiftee n year s earlier , h e ha d cam paigned i n thi s sam e are a whil e i n th e Britis h army . Th e circumstances , however, ha d change d dramatically . Then , h e serve d a s a n office r i n a crack regimen t o f tightl y controlle d an d discipline d soldiers , traine d t o strict obedience . Now , h e foun d himsel f o n th e othe r sid e o f th e battl e line in charge of an army of rebels that were quite different fro m the professional soldier s to whom h e was accustomed. Clearly , Montgomer y woul d have to make numerous adjustment s t o accomplish hi s crucial mission . 97

98 • Struggle and Success against St. Johns The arriva l o f mor e troop s provide d on e piec e o f goo d news . Thes e additional levie s helpe d t o compensat e fo r th e rampan t sicknes s tha t had attacke d an d disable d almos t hal f o f hi s campaigners . Reinforce ments arrivin g o n Augus t 1 6 include d Lt . Col . Set h Warne r wit h 17 0 of hi s Gree n Mountai n Boy s an d Col . Timoth y Bede l wit h 10 0 Ne w Hampshire Rangers . Capt . Joh n Lamb' s Ne w Yor k artiller y company , with it s much-neede d cannon s an d gunner y expertise , woul d als o appear soon . Montgomery' s troo p strengt h wa s nearin g tw o thousan d soldiers. When Schuyle r returne d t o Ticonderoga , h e immediatel y bega n t o push forwar d additiona l troop s t o bolste r Montgomery' s force . Colone l Easton wit h tw o hundre d o f hi s troop s an d th e 1 st Ne w Yor k Regimen t were soo n e n rout e fro m Ticonderog a t o Isl e au x Noix . Schuyler' s dili gent mobilizatio n o f reinforcement s an d th e procuremen t o f provision s from th e rea r echelo n probabl y contribute d mor e t o th e campaig n tha n he coul d hav e otherwis e accomplishe d a t Montgomery' s side . Circum stances ha d swep t th e tw o officer s int o a comman d arrangemen t tha t matched th e capabilities o f both. 2 A fe w o f th e reinforcements , however , offere d littl e hel p t o th e cam paign. Pleadin g persona l reason s o r som e other excuse , the y requeste d t o go home o n furlough . Montgomer y grante d leave s to two irresolut e com pany commanders , a Captai n Doolittl e o f Connecticu t an d Capt . Joh n Quackenbush (Quackenbos ) o f Ne w York . Shortl y afterward , h e re marked wryl y t o Marinus Willett , anothe r compan y commander : "Whe n we get ri d o f the 'do-littles ' and 'quakes-in-the-bush ' I hope we shall hav e none left bu t fighting me n o n whom I can rely." 3 Unhesitatingly, Montgomer y initiate d anothe r expeditio n agains t St . Johns o n Septembe r 16 , th e sam e da y tha t Schuyle r departe d t o retur n to Ticonderoga . H e organize d hi s fourtee n hundre d effective s int o a combined strik e force . First , h e sen t a nava l component , consistin g of a schooner , a sloop , te n bateaux , tw o row-galley s (eac h wit h a twelve-pound cannon) , an d 35 0 troops t o lie in th e rive r an d counte r an y maneuver b y th e Royal Savage. Then , h e embarke d th e res t o f hi s troops i n bateau x an d lande d the m onc e mor e nea r St . Johns o n Septem ber 17. 4 The Britis h garrison , commande d b y Maj . Charle s Preston , awaite d the lates t America n offensive . Ironically , Presto n wa s th e sam e office r who ha d purchase d th e majorit y commissio n ove r Montgomer y fou r years earlier . A twis t o f fate ha d confronte d thes e tw o me n onc e again —

Struggle and Success against St. Johns • 9 9 this tim e o n th e field o f battle . Preston , a competen t an d tenaciou s commandant, woul d b e a worthy adversar y fo r Montgomery. 5 Carleton's entir e forc e o f regular s amounte d t o 37 6 troop s o f th e 7t h Regiment (th e Royal Fusiliers ) and 26 3 soldiers of the 26t h Regimen t (th e Cameronians). Les s tha n tw o hundre d me n draw n fro m thes e tw o regi ments, alon g with a few artilleryme n an d Indians , garrisoned St . Johns a t the tim e o f th e Americans ' firs t abortiv e attemp t upo n it . Shortl y after ward, Carleto n strengthene d th e defense s a t St . John s wit h 22 5 me n h e had manage d t o provide : a n augmentatio n o f regula r troop s t o tota l 500 ; about 10 0 Canadian volunteers ; and a 70-man Roya l Highlan d Emigrant s company, mad e u p o f vetera n Scottis h soldier s wh o ha d emigrate d t o Canada. Thi s additiona l personne l strengt h increase d th e garrison-man ning leve l t o approximatel y 72 5 troop s altogether . Carleto n poste d an other ninet y officer s an d me n fro m th e 7t h Regimen t a t nearb y Cham bly. 6 Montgomery an d hi s troop s spen t th e first nigh t nea r th e landin g are a under sporadi c bombardmen t fro m th e fort . Th e nex t morning , h e or dered Majo r Bede l t o occup y a positio n nort h o f St . Johns , takin g wit h him th e Gree n Mountai n Boy s an d par t o f Hinman' s comman d i n addi tion t o hi s ow n Ne w Hampshir e Rangers . A s th e soldier s prepare d t o depart, the y hear d distan t gunfir e fro m th e directio n o f thei r intende d objective. Montgomer y notice d tha t som e of the men showe d sign s of th e same apprehensio n tha t ha d foile d th e tw o earlie r attacks . Determine d t o avoid simila r result s thi s time , Montgomer y decide d t o lea d th e advanc e personally. Wit h th e Green Mountai n Boy s at the head o f the column, h e maintained th e troop s i n clos e formation durin g th e approac h march . A s the firing gre w louder , Montgomer y quickl y maneuvere d hi s soldier s t o close in on the source of commotion . On Septembe r 14 , Montgomer y ha d sen t Maj . John Brow n wit h on e hundred American s an d thirt y t o fort y Canadia n recruit s t o reconnoite r the vicinit y o f Chambly . Brow n learne d tha t a Britis h suppl y trai n wa s on it s way t o St . Johns. O n th e nigh t o f Septembe r 17 , he and hi s troop s waylaid a convo y o f eigh t wagon s loade d wit h store s abou t tw o mile s north o f it s destination . Th e nex t morning , som e tw o hundre d Britis h regulars an d volunteer s wit h tw o fieldpieces commande d b y Capt . Joh n Strong o f the 26t h Regimen t emerge d fro m th e for t a t St . Johns t o attac k him. Ami d a considerable exchang e o f fire, Brown' s forc e withdre w int o a nearb y woo d wit h thei r capture d booty . Thi s constitute d th e firefight that Montgomery an d hi s force o f five hundred troop s happene d upon .

ioo • Struggle and Success against St. Johns "The grap e sho t an d muske t ball s flew very thick, " Capt . John Fasset t serving wit h th e Gree n Mountai n Boy s recorde d i n hi s diary ; bu t bot h sides suffere d fe w casualties . Whe n Montgomery' s troop s converge d o n the nois y battlefield , man y succumbe d t o fea r agai n an d hun g back . Ye t under thei r general' s field leadership , the y manage d t o rebound an d rou t the Britis h part y bac k int o the fort . "Th e enemy , afte r a n ill-directe d fire for som e minutes , retire d wit h precipitation , an d luck y fo r the m the y did," Montgomer y late r reported , "fo r ha d w e know n thei r situation , which th e thickness o f the woods prevente d ou r finding ou t till i t was to o late, ther e would no t a man o f them returned." 7 While Brown' s contingen t continue d foraging , commandeerin g twelv e more wagon s o f supplies , Montgomer y lef t Bede l i n charg e o f thi s tas k force t o entrench itsel f abou t a mile north o f St . Johns. Montgomer y sen t other force s t o establis h post s a t Longueui l an d L a Prairi e t o guard thes e two approache s fro m Montreal . The n h e positione d hi s othe r unit s t o surround th e fort . Th e troop s busie d themselve s preparin g entrench ments an d erectin g gu n emplacements . Th e sieg e o f St . John s ha d be gun. 8 Except fo r brief , specifi c mission s lik e countering Brown' s rai d o n th e supply train , Presto n preferre d t o retai n hi s troop s withi n th e protectiv e walls of the for t an d rel y largel y upo n hi s gunners t o keep the American s at bay . H e ha d a large an d effectiv e batter y numberin g forty-tw o piece s of artillery, includin g tw o twenty-four-pounders, an d plent y o f ammuni tion. Therefore , h e chos e t o exploi t thi s advantag e tha t h e enjoye d ove r the besiegers . Durin g th e first week s o f th e siege , Preston' s rat e o f fire achieved a ten-to-one preponderanc e ove r tha t o f the Americans , an d th e British maintaine d thi s superiorit y unti l Schuyle r coul d sen d mor e an d heavier guns from Ticonderoga. 9 Montgomery's force s concentrate d o n improvin g thei r sieg e works. I n three o r fou r days , the y erecte d tw o batteries . Th e American s locate d one betwee n eigh t hundre d an d nin e hundre d yard s sout h o f th e for t i n which the y mounte d tw o nine-pounders . The y establishe d th e othe r about si x hundre d yard s eas t o f th e for t an d emplace d tw o smal l mortar s there. Whil e th e besieger s attempte d t o strengthe n thei r investment , th e British gunner s maintaine d a steady canno n "salute " upon the m fro m th e fort.10 On Septembe r 22 , Montgomer y narrowl y escape d deat h fro m thi s determined bombardmen t a s he supervise d th e wor k o f hi s soldiers . Th e energetic genera l "sprun g upo n th e to p o f th e breastwor k t o se e if i t wa s

Struggle and Success against St. Johns • 10 1 as i t shoul d be , an d th e instan t h e struc k hi s fee t o n top , a canno n sho t passed hi m an d cu t of f th e skirt of his coat an d turne d hi m round , an d h e pitched int o th e breastwor k bu t struc k upo n hi s feet. " Th e experienc e served t o enhanc e Montgomery' s battlefiel d leadershi p imag e wit h th e troops a s they observe d "thi s did no t see m to hurt o r frighten him. " n Montgomery endeavore d t o hold al l of his officers t o the high standar d of conduc t tha t h e se t fo r himself . H e ha d littl e toleranc e fo r thos e wh o failed t o measure up. Whe n recommendin g tha t Colone l Bede l take disciplinary actio n agains t hi s commissar y office r fo r no t accountin g fo r cap tured stores , Montgomer y plainl y state d hi s conviction : "Th e ignoranc e of th e commo n soldie r ma y sometime s excit e mercy , bu t th e office r cannot plea d i n th e sam e manner. " A n inciden t tha t exemplifie d thi s credo occurre d shortl y afte r Montgomery' s nea r fatality . "Th e othe r night, Captai n Mott e [Gershor n Mott] , o f the Firs t Regimen t o f Yorkers , basely deserte d th e morta r battery , withou t eve r havin g bee n attacked, " Montgomery reporte d t o Schuyler , "an d mad e m e a forma l repor t tha t the enem y ha d rushe d int o th e work , an d hi s me n ha d lef t him. " "A n hour afte r this , hi s Lieutenan t cam e in, " Montgomer y continued , "an d honestly tol d m e ther e ha d bee n n o enem y there. " "Wer e I furnishe d with power s fo r tha t purpose , h e shoul d no t liv e an hour afte r hi s trial, i f the court condem n him : but I must transmi t th e court-martial t o you." 12 Montgomery wa s muc h mor e concerne d wit h othe r aspect s o f com mand tha n hi s personal safety . On e sourc e of vexation involve d maintain ing a coheren t organization . Som e o f th e officer s assigne d t o hi s forc e tended t o be free-spirited an d intractable . Etha n Allen , the rejected leade r of the Green Mountai n Boys , was such a rugged individualist . Montgom ery ha d neve r approved o f Allen's irresponsibl e military style . When Set h Warner supersede d Alle n a s commander, Montgomer y characterize d th e move a s " a chang e whic h wil l b e ver y acceptabl e t o ou r convention." 13 Later, Schuyle r consente d wit h muc h reservatio n i n allowin g Alle n t o join th e expeditio n a s a n unassigne d officer . Montgomer y deploye d th e zealot o n variou s long-rang e mission s int o Canada t o keep this unpredict able officer ou t o f the immediate are a of operations. On thi s occasion , Montgomer y ha d sen t Alle n o n t o Chambl y t o recruit an d take command o f a group of Canadian volunteers. John Brow n had gon e t o L a Prairi e fo r a simila r purpose . Alle n collecte d abou t 25 0 Canadians unde r arm s an d optimisticall y reporte d t o Montgomer y tha t he could muste r man y more . " I swea r b y th e Lor d I can rais e three time s the number o f our arm y i n Canada." "To fai l o f victory wil l b e an eterna l

102 • Struggle and Success against St. Johns disgrace, bu t t o obtain i t will elevat e us on th e wings o f fame," wrot e th e glory-seeking office r wit h a new command. 14 On Septembe r 24 , Allen' s rambling s i n Canad a too k hi m t o the sout h shore o f th e St . Lawrenc e Rive r opposit e Montreal . Ther e h e reconnoi tered th e largest city i n Canada wit h a population o f nearly nin e thousan d that serve d a s th e fiel d arm y headquarter s o f Governo r Carleton . How ever, i t wa s no t strongl y held , becaus e th e Britis h chos e t o mak e thei r stand a t St . Johns an d committe d mos t o f their militar y resource s t o tha t location. A s a result , les s tha n sixt y regular s defende d th e city . Alle n deemed Montrea l a s a ripe victory jus t waiting to be plucked . Unfortunately, Allen' s recruit s prove d t o b e unreliabl e an d al l bu t eighty o f the m melte d away . Bu t Brow n chance d upo n th e scen e wit h two hundre d troop s tha t h e ha d assembled . Bot h o f these ambitiou s me n heard opportunit y knockin g on the door. Montrea l wa s just too alluring a prize fo r th e darin g officer s t o resist . Impetuously , the y decide d t o joi n forces an d captur e Montreal . Thei r pla n calle d fo r eac h grou p t o mak e separate crossing s o f th e St . Lawrenc e Rive r tha t nigh t an d conduc t a joint attac k fro m opposit e end s of the city i n the morning . After meetin g with Brown , Alle n encountere d abou t thirt y American s whom h e persuade d t o joi n him , bringin g hi s tota l strengt h t o approxi mately n o soldiers . Shortl y afte r midnight , Alle n bega n ferryin g hi s troops acros s th e rive r wit h th e od d collectio n o f canoe s an d dugout s h e was abl e t o fin d i n th e limite d time . Ther e wer e s o fe w boat s availabl e that onl y one-thir d o f hi s soldier s coul d cros s a t on e time . I n spit e o f choppy water s churne d b y a gusty wind , Allen' s entir e forc e wa s safel y across th e rive r an d movin g towar d Montrea l wel l before dawn . B y daybreak, Alle n ha d stealthil y advance d hi s troop s t o abou t a mile nort h of th e city . There , h e waite d fo r a prearranged signa l fro m Brow n o f hi s arrival an d readines s t o commence the attack . Th e signa l never came. Fo r some reason, Brow n an d hi s force faile d t o make the rendezvous. 15 Allen an d hi s part y foun d themselve s alon e an d stranded . I t wa s to o late to retreat an d mak e the three requisite crossings again . Thei r activit y in broa d dayligh t woul d b e promptly discovere d b y th e enem y an d elici t a counterattack. Two-third s o f the troops lef t o n the Montreal sid e of th e river whil e th e firs t contingen t crosse d woul d b e to o wea k a forc e t o defend themselves . Alle n decide d t o deplo y hi s soldier s i n a defensiv e position tw o o r thre e mile s fro m th e cit y an d wai t fo r th e Britis h on slaught tha t woul d surel y come . Afte r th e surprise d inhabitant s learne d of Allen' s presenc e aroun d mid-morning , rampan t confusio n an d pani c

Struggle and Success against St. Johns • 10 3 broke out . However , whe n th e intruder s faile d t o menac e th e city , Car leton wa s abl e t o restor e orde r an d rall y a substantia l numbe r o f volun teers t o augmen t hi s regulars . B y tw o o'cloc k tha t afternoon , a forc e o f over thre e hundre d troop s unde r th e comman d o f Maj . Joh n Campbel l sallied ou t o f Montrea l t o offe r battl e t o Allen' s hapless , outnumbere d party. A shar p firefight ensued , an d th e Britis h force d Alle n an d hi s followers t o surrende r afte r tw o hour s o f fighting. " I though t t o hav e enrolled m y nam e i n th e lis t o f illustriou s America n heroes , bu t wa s nipped i n the bud" was the way Alle n late r represented hi s actions. 16 Allen's reckles s sorti e an d hi s summar y defea t wa s definitel y harmfu l to th e America n caus e i n Canada . Th e fiasco heartene d th e loya l Cana dians an d disheartene d som e o f thos e wh o wer e leanin g towar d support ing Montgomery' s expedition . Set h Warne r apprise d Montgomer y o f Allen's faile d attemp t an d note d tha t "hi s defea t hat h pu t th e Frenc h people int o grea t consternation. " Jame s Livingsto n als o informe d Mont gomery o f th e setbac k an d concluded : "Mr . Alle n shoul d neve r hav e attempted t o attac k th e tow n withou t m y knowledge , o r acquaintin g m e of hi s design , a s I ha d i t i n m y powe r t o furnis h hi m wit h a numbe r o f men." Majo r Bede l reflecte d hi s embarrassmen t ove r th e situatio n whe n he wrot e Montgomery : " I a m sorr y thing s wer e no t don e mor e pru dently." 17 Montgomery wa s generally awar e that hi s long-range force s wer e con sidering Montrea l a s a n objective , bu t h e expecte d t o b e kep t curren t o n any pla n tha t develope d s o a concerte d an d coordinate d effor t coul d b e made. I n a letter, h e tol d Schuyle r tha t "Allen , Warner , an d Brow n ar e at L a Prairi e an d Longueui l wit h a part y o f ou r troop s an d som e Cana dians. . . . They hav e a project o f making an attempt on Montreal." Late r the sam e day , Montgomer y receive d th e new s concernin g Allen' s disas ter, an d h e reported t o Schuyle r i n a second letter : " I have to lament Mr . Allen's imprudenc e an d ambition , whic h urge d hi m t o thi s affai r singl e handed." 18 Schuyler enclose d Montgomery' s repor t whe n h e wrot e th e presiden t of Congress : " I a m ver y apprehensiv e o f disagreeabl e consequence s aris ing fro m Mr . Allen' s imprudence. " " I alway s dreade d hi s impatienc e o f subordination; an d i t wa s no t unti l afte r a solem n promis e . . . tha t h e would demea n himsel f properly , tha t I woul d permi t hi m t o atten d th e army." 19 George Washingto n adde d hi s denouncemen t o f Allen' s conduct . H e wrote Schuyler : "Colone l Allen' s Misfortun e will , I hope, teac h a Lesson

104 • Struggle and Success against St. Johns of Prudenc e an d Subordinatio n t o others , wh o ma y b e to o ambitiou s t o outshine thei r Genera l Officers , an d regardles s o f Orde r an d Duty , rus h into Enterprizes , whic h ma y hav e unfavorable Effect s t o the Publick, an d are destructive t o themselves." 20 Most patrio t publi c opinion joine d Montgomery , Schuyler , an d Wash ington i n condemnin g Allen' s ill-advise d activity . A representativ e news paper accoun t read : "Th e expeditio n wa s a thin g o f th e colonel' s ow n head, withou t order s fro m th e genera l [Montgomery] ; an d fro m whom , as well a s others, h e receives much censure . I f they ha d bee n appraise d o f it, the y coul d hav e put hi m i n a situation to have succeeded withou t muc h danger. Bu t Alle n i s a hig h flying genius , pursue s ever y schem e o n it s first impression , withou t consideration , an d muc h les s judgment." 21 Montgomery kne w tha t h e ha d t o overcom e Etha n Allen' s bunglin g and th e psychologica l boos t i t gav e th e Britis h defender s o f Canada . H e believed tha t man y Canadian s "ar e anxious for ou r success , but hav e been intimidated muc h b y ou r weakness , les t b y a miscarriage the y shoul d b e left t o th e vengeanc e o f tyranny. " However , i n spit e o f hi s doggedness , the sieg e o f St . John s wa s progressin g excruciatingl y int o a stalemate . Montgomery lacke d th e manpowe r t o directl y assaul t th e stronghol d without a reductio n o f it s defenses , an d hi s artiller y wa s to o wea k t o breach th e fort' s wall s o r caus e muc h damag e within . "Ha d w e twic e o r thrice a s man y men, " Montgomer y noted , "everythin g woul d lon g ag o have bee n settled. " A disgruntle d office r wrote : "I t i s amazing t o me tha t the Colonie s shoul d hav e s o little sens e o f importanc e o f thi s expedition , as no t t o giv e u s a goo d larg e Army , wel l furnishe d . . . whic h indee d would hav e nearly settle d th e controversy." 22 The slownes s o f th e campaig n becam e a caus e fo r concer n o f th e commander i n chief , whic h adde d mor e pressur e o n Montgomer y t o expedite hi s operations. I n a letter t o Schuyler, Washingto n professe d hi s utmost confidenc e i n hi m an d Montgomery . However , h e suggeste d a plan o f bypassin g St . John s i n a n effor t t o captur e Montrea l promptl y and marc h o n Quebe c t o lin k u p wit h Arnold' s force . Montgomer y fel t that a releas e o f hi s sieg e o n St . John s i n orde r t o advanc e o n Montrea l would plac e hi s comman d precariousl y betwee n th e tw o Britis h threats . This woul d allo w Preston' s troop s t o break out an d ravag e the American s from thei r rear . Montgomer y maintaine d hi s field commander' s preroga tive. H e continue d t o rely on his previously formulate d strateg y tha t hel d the reduction o f St . Johns a s the ke y to the defeat o f Montreal. 23 In addition , th e weathe r an d terrai n severel y hampere d th e campaign .

Struggle and Success against St. Johns • 10 5 It was growing progressivel y colder , an d heav y rain s se t in. Th e chilling , wet element s quickl y turne d th e area of operations int o a quagmire. "Ou r men Sometime s hav e been We t nea r Twent y Day s together, " a Connecticut chaplai n recounted . "W e hav e bee n lik e half-drowne d rat s crawlin g thro' the swamp," Montgomery wrot e to his wife. "Wheneve r w e attemp t to erec t batteries , th e wate r follow s i n th e ditch , whe n onl y tw o fee t deep," a participant complained. 24 The storm y weathe r matche d th e mood o f the campaigners. Wit h thei r advance bogge d down , interna l dissension s flare d amon g th e soldiers . Although th e troop s admire d Montgomer y fo r hi s courage unde r fir e a s a battlefield leader , the y continue d t o resis t conformin g t o conventiona l military practice s suc h a s unit y o f command . Sectionalis m remaine d th e root o f muc h tensio n amon g th e soldiers . Traditionally , th e Ne w En glanders dislike d th e Yorkers , an d th e Yorker s distruste d th e Ne w En glanders. Lieutenan t Colone l Ritzema , commandin g th e 1s t Ne w York , blamed th e Ne w Englan d troops , wh o displaye d a "dastardly spirit, " fo r the tw o earlie r abortiv e attempt s o n St . Johns . Maj . Joh n Brow n o f Massachusetts though t "Ne w Yor k hav e acted a droll part , an d ar e deter mined t o defeat us , i f in their power." 25 Most o f th e troop s fel t mor e loyalt y t o thei r hom e colon y an d officer s than t o th e Continenta l army . Som e o f th e Ne w Englan d officer s fume d over th e fac t tha t Montgomery , a Ne w Yorke r i n thei r minds , com manded a n expeditio n mad e u p o f a larg e majorit y o f Ne w Englanders . Col. Benjami n Hinman , a Connecticu t regimenta l commander , wrote : "New Yor k abound s wit h officers , bu t I hav e no t ha d m y curiosit y gratified b y the sight of one private." Col. Samue l Mott, anothe r regimen tal commander fro m Connecticut , noted : "Fo r al l the pretensions o f Ne w York, ther e ha s no t bee n on e hea d Colone l o f a Regimen t see n i n th e Army thi s year ; an d ou t o f thei r thre e thousan d five hundre d men , w e have never ha d mor e tha n si x hundred dow n her e unti l thes e fou r days. " Many o f thes e officer s regularl y reporte d directl y t o thei r respectiv e provincial authorities , commentin g freel y o n th e genera l an d ho w the y thought th e campaig n wa s bein g conducted . Colone l Mot t remarked : " I have n o grea t opinio n o f Montgomery' s generalship , althoug h I believ e him t o b e a man o f courage ; that i s but a small (thoug h essential ) qualifi cation of a General." 26 Montgomery's insistenc e o n holdin g hi s officer s t o exactin g perfor mance standards migh t hav e rankled some . Still , he applied th e criteria i n a comprehensive an d evenhande d manner . Whe n hi s wif e suggeste d tha t

io6 • Struggle and Success against St. Johns Montgomery promot e he r brother , Capt . Henr y (Harry ) Beekma n Liv ingston, wh o wa s servin g a s aide-de-cam p t o th e general , h e coul d no t while remainin g tru e t o hi s principles . Althoug h Montgomer y ha d forme d a clos e friendshi p wit h hi s brother-in-law , h e fel t tha t Livingston , wh o had bee n commissione d onl y thre e months , wa s no t ye t read y fo r highe r rank. " I mos t certainl y migh t hav e advance d Harr y t o a majority, " h e answered hi s wife's inquiry , bu t "disintereste d an d generou s motive s will forever, I hope, preven t m e from servin g myself o r famil y a t the expens e of the publick. " "Thoug h a fine, spirite d fellow, " Montgomer y reasoned , "he ha s no t experienc e fo r suc h a n importan t post. " " I gran t ther e ar e others a s bad o r worse, " he concluded, bu t "i t i s not m y doing , no r will I ever have such a weight o n m y conscience." 27 Montgomery ha d begu n som e soul-searching of his own becaus e of the difficulties tha t ha d ensue d durin g th e campaign . " I hav e bee n dragge d from obscurit y muc h agains t m y inclinatio n an d no t withou t som e strug gle, a s yo u know, " h e confide d t o hi s wife , "an d depen d upo n it , th e instant I ca n wit h decenc y sli p m y nec k ou t o f th e yoke , I wil l retur n t o my famil y an d farm , an d tha t peac e o f min d whic h I can' t hav e i n m y present situation. " Th e capricious , pluralisti c characte r o f hi s troop s continued t o ve x Montgomery . "Th e Ne w Englan d troop s ar e the wors t stuff imaginable, " h e wrot e hi s eldes t brother-in-law . "Ther e i s suc h a n equality amon g them , tha t th e officer s hav e n o authority . . . . Th e pri vates ar e al l generals , bu t no t soldiers. " I n thi s letter , h e wa s equall y critical o f the Yorkers, who m h e described ou t of his exasperation a s "th e sweepings o f th e Ne w Yor k streets. " Althoug h anguishe d b y hi s situa tion, Montgomery' s undeniabl e devotio n t o dut y impose d a sens e o f purpose tha t pushe d hi m onward. 28 As Montgomer y wrestle d wit h th e grou p dynamic s o f hi s command , he di d no t los e sigh t o f hi s objective . Eve n wit h th e arriva l o f Captai n Lamb an d hi s artiller y uni t o n Septembe r 21 , fire suppor t fo r th e sieg e continued t o be a problem fo r th e Americans . O n Octobe r 5 , the expedi tion receive d a thirteen-inc h morta r tha t Schuyle r ha d forwarde d fro m Ticonderoga. Th e nex t day , th e artilleryme n embedde d th e gu n i n a position tha t ha d bee n laboriousl y raise d fro m th e swamp y groun d nea r the eas t battery . Th e besieger s expecte d thi s weapon , whic h the y fondl y dubbed th e "ol d sow, " t o begi n turnin g th e artiller y due l i n thei r favor . However, th e range proved to o great fo r th e gun t o achieve any devastat ing effect o n th e for t an d wa s another disappointmen t fo r th e Americans .

Struggle and Success against St. Johns • 10 7 Major Preston , th e Britis h commandant , wrot e i n hi s journal : "Anythin g relating to the So w wa s a better Joke on them tha n o n us." 2 9 Montgomery wa s acutely awar e of the defects o f his artillery batteries . He intende d t o shif t th e emphasis fro m th e position s o n th e eas t sid e an d emplace anothe r batter y close r t o th e for t o n th e northwes t side . There , he calculated , hi s artiller y coul d fire int o th e stronghol d wit h bette r accuracy an d effectiveness . However , thi s proposed tacti c proved unpop ular wit h hi s troops. Sinc e the selecte d positio n wa s located o n a rise only four hundre d yard s fro m th e fort , i t woul d plac e the m i n a n are a mor e exposed t o effectiv e enem y canno n bombardment . Also , th e subjec t sit e was situate d o n th e sam e sid e o f th e rive r a s St . Johns , thereb y makin g the American s wh o migh t occup y i t mor e susceptibl e t o a British groun d counterassault. Montgomer y dre w fro m hi s skill in siege warfare tha t ha d been honed b y his experience in the British army . I n his estimation, thes e were acceptable risk s that ha d t o be taken t o curtail th e impasse and forc e the invested stronghold . Although the y respecte d thei r commander' s professionalis m an d per sonal bravery , Montgomery' s troop s clun g t o a notio n o f fre e wil l an d asserted thei r disapprova l o f thi s plan . "Whe n I mentione d m y inten tions," Montgomer y wrot e Schuyler , " I di d no t conside r I wa s a t th e head o f troop s wh o carr y th e spiri t o f freedo m int o th e field, an d thin k for themselves. " Montgomer y wa s learnin g wha t militar y commander s throughout th e wa r woul d discove r abou t th e patrio t soldier . Year s later , Frederick vo n Steuben , wh o obtaine d a major-general' s commissio n i n the Continenta l army , wrot e t o a forme r comrad e i n th e Prussia n arm y and expresse d thi s sam e lesson . "Yo u sa y t o you r soldier , 'D o this, ' an d he doeth it ; but I a m obliged t o sa y t o mine , 'Thi s i s the reaso n wh y yo u ought t o do that;' an d the n h e does it." 30 Major Brow n tol d Montgomer y tha t man y me n woul d deser t i f th e general ordere d the m t o occup y th e intende d position . Montgomer y calle d a counci l o f hi s field-grade officer s t o explai n an d garne r suppor t fo r hi s strategy. "Upo n considerin g th e fata l consequence s whic h migh t flow from th e wan t o f subordinatio n an d discipline , (shoul d thi s ill-humou r continue), m y unstabl e authorit y ove r troop s o f differen t Colonies , th e insufficiency o f th e militar y law , an d m y ow n wan t o f powe r t o enforc e it, wea k a s i t is , I though t i t expedien t t o cal l th e Field-Officer s to gether." 31 The officer s side d wit h th e troop s an d unanimousl y recommende d

io8 • Struggle and Success against St. Johns against Montgomery' s plan . Th e genera l state d tha t wa s contrar y t o hi s judgment, bu t t o quie t an d satisf y th e troop s h e woul d giv e hi s consen t to continu e concentratin g th e sieg e o n th e eas t sid e o f St . Johns . H e realized tha t a n accommodation ha d t o be made to preserve his command . However, Montgomer y fel t dee p humiliation . " I canno t hel p observin g to ho w littl e purpos e I a m here, " h e lamente d t o Schuyler . "Wer e I no t afraid th e exampl e woul d b e to o generall y followed , an d th e public k service might suffer , I would no t stay an hour at the head of troops whos e operations I cannot direct." 32 Others i n thi s situatio n migh t hav e qui t i n disgust . Thi s general , however, possesse d to o muc h pragmatis m t o submi t t o suc h a fate . H e remained goa l oriented an d di d no t allo w his emotions to divert hi m fro m his overal l purpose . B y inspiration , exhortation , chastisement , o r con ciliation, h e wa s willin g t o d o whateve r i t too k t o motivat e hi s troop s i n accomplishing thei r mission . Whe n face d wit h persona l rebuff s suc h a s this, Montgomer y manage d t o control hi s temper . H e maintaine d a stoi c bearing with hi s soldiers , whil e using letters t o Schuyle r an d clos e famil y members a s a safety valv e to vent hi s frustrations . Montgomery ordere d Col . Jame s Clinto n wit h par t o f hi s 3r d Ne w York t o buil d th e ne w battery . The y complete d th e positio n o n Octobe r 14, an d Lamb' s cannoneer s opene d fir e wit h th e tw o twelve-pounder s emplaced there . Th e Royal Savage, warped t o th e shor e clos e t o th e fort , became th e primar y targe t o f opportunity . B y th e morning , th e shi p received s o many hit s that i t sank in place. Thus, th e floating menace tha t had struc k fea r i n th e heart s o f Montgomery' s ra w recruit s wa s finally neutralized, providin g much-neede d encouragemen t fo r th e Americans. 33 Schuyler, bac k i n Ticonderoga, wa s sympathetic abou t Montgomery' s troop disciplin e problems . H e wa s experiencin g muc h o f th e same . A spirit o f independenc e prevaile d i n Gen . Davi d Wooster' s behavio r a s commander o f th e Connecticu t troops , muc h t o Schuyler' s chagrin . A t sixty-four year s old , Wooste r wa s a n anachronis m i n a n arm y o f muc h younger officers . A militi a vetera n wit h thirt y year s o f service , h e wa s piqued a t bein g passe d ove r fo r highe r ran k i n th e Continenta l arm y b y younger me n wit h les s military experience . Schuyler' s senio r b y birt h b y twenty-two year s an d Montgomery' s b y mor e tha n a quarte r century , Wooster seeme d t o shun militar y subordinatio n an d protocol . In Septembe r 1775 , th e Continenta l Congres s relieve d Wooste r an d his troops o f the defens e o f New Yor k Cit y an d ordere d the m northwar d to joi n th e Canadia n expedition . E n route , h e circumvente d th e chai n o f

Struggle and Success against St. Johns • 10 9 command, conductin g a court-martial a t For t Georg e withou t Schuyler' s required authorization . Upo n learnin g o f the incident , Schuyle r wrot e t o Wooster fo r a n explanation o f "a conduct I cannot accoun t for, unles s yo u consider yoursel f m y superior. " Wooste r attempte d t o smoot h ove r mat ters wit h Schuyle r b y replyin g tha t hi s actio n "wa s neve r designe d . . . to contradic t o r counterac t you r authority . . . . I hav e th e caus e o f m y Country to o much a t heart to attempt t o make any difficulty o r uneasines s in th e Army , upo n who m th e succes s o f a n enterpris e o f almos t infinit e importance t o th e Countr y i s no w depending. " Relation s betwee n th e two men, however , remaine d strained. 34 Wooster's soldier s followe d hi s exampl e an d wer e reluctan t t o tak e orders fro m anyon e bu t him . Whe n 25 0 Connecticu t troop s reache d Ticonderoga i n advance of Wooster, Schuyler , anxiou s to reinforce Mont gomery, ordere d the m forwar d t o St . Johns . The y answere d tha t the y did no t choos e t o mov e unti l Wooste r arrived . "D o no t choos e t o move ! Strange languag e i n a n Army, " Schuyle r wrot e t o th e Continenta l Con gress, "bu t th e irresistible force of necessity oblige s me to put u p with it. " Schuyler planne d t o retain Wooste r a t Ticonderoga t o keep this sourc e of disruption awa y fro m th e critica l fiel d operations , wher e h e wa s afrai d Wooster woul d clas h wit h Montgomer y ove r ran k an d authority . Wit h the refusa l o f th e Connecticu t me n t o advanc e withou t thei r leader , Schuyler ha d n o choice but t o sen d Wooste r forwar d wit h hi s troops an d hope for th e best. 35 Meanwhile, Montgomer y endeavore d t o bring the siege of St . Johns t o a climax . Jame s Livingsto n ha d enliste d abou t thre e hundre d Canadian s and suggeste d t o Montgomer y tha t the y migh t b e successfull y employe d in a n attemp t agains t Chambly . Th e genera l recognize d th e strategi c importance o f Chambly a s a source of resupply an d a potential back-doo r entree t o St . Johns. H e approve d th e pla n an d ordere d John Brow n wit h fifty American s t o joi n Livingston' s force . Durin g th e nigh t o f Octobe r 16, th e America n detachmen t an d th e Canadia n contingen t wit h tw o nine-pounders slippe d pas t th e gun s o f St . John s an d converge d o n Chambly. The fort' s commander , Josep h Stopford , so n o f a n Iris h ear l an d a major i n th e 7t h Foot , lacke d th e mettl e o f Majo r Preston . Chambly' s defenders wer e protected b y a castlelike stone structure, bu t it s high walls were relativel y thin . Althoug h th e fortres s wa s no t impregnabl e t o artil lery fire, th e garriso n ha d a n ampl e stoc k o f food , thre e mortars , a larg e supply o f musket s an d ammunition , an d 12 4 barrels o f gunpowder . Th e

110 • Struggle and Success against St. Johns next morning , Brow n an d Livingsto n opene d fir e o n th e for t wit h thei r cannons. Tw o day s o f bombardmen t onl y resulte d i n shootin g a fe w holes in the walls and knockin g down a chimney bu t caused n o casualties. However, Majo r Stopfor d abruptl y surrendere d hi s comman d o n Octo ber 1 9 without furthe r resistance . H e also neglected t o destroy the considerable military store s contained withi n th e fort before h e capitulated. 36 The captur e o f Chambl y gav e th e American s fres h confidenc e an d replenished thei r deplete d supplies . Schuyle r wrot e Washingto n tha t th e expedition migh t hav e run out of ammunition withi n " a very fe w days " if the Britis h ha d prolonge d thei r defens e o f Chambly . Afte r th e fort' s reduction, Montgomer y informe d Schuyler : "W e hav e gotte n si x ton s o f powder which , wit h God' s blessing , will finish ou r busines s here. " Th e colors of the 7th Roya l Fusiliers were among the spoils taken at Chambly . Montgomery sen t the m a s a battl e troph y t o Schuyler , wh o forwarde d them t o th e Continenta l Congress . Thes e wer e th e first standard s o f a British regimen t t o b e capture d b y th e American s durin g th e Revolutio n and wer e a source of pride to Montgomery's troops. 37 News o f Chambly wa s reaso n fo r celebratio n whe n i t reached Genera l Washington's headquarter s outsid e Boston . Washingto n sen t congratula tions t o Montgomer y o n hi s success an d hi s wis h "tha t hi s nex t lette r b e dated fro m Montreal. " A lis t o f item s capture d b y Montgomer y wa s forwarded t o Washingto n an d provoke d a lighthearte d momen t fo r th e usually reserve d commande r i n chief. Th e inventor y ended : "Roya l Fusi liers, 83 ; Accoutrements, 83. " "We laugh at his idea for classin g the Roya l Fusiliers wit h th e stores, " Washingto n wrot e t o Schuyler . "Doe s h e consider the m a s inanimates o r as a treasure?" 38 The surrende r o f Chambly's garriso n als o gave Montgomery a n oppor tunity t o satisfy hi s humanitarian impulse . H e had receive d report s of the rough treatmen t tha t th e Britis h impose d o n Etha n Alle n afte r hi s cap ture. Brig . Gen . Richar d Prescot t wa s particularl y vindictiv e towar d Allen, threatenin g to hang him before clappin g him i n heavy iron s aboar d the warship Gaspe at Montreal. Althoug h h e personally dislike d Alle n an d resented hi s recen t militar y blunder , Montgomer y wa s stil l concerne d over his welfare a s a British prisoner . Th e general felt a n obligation t o the errant office r wh o ha d bee n attache d t o hi s command . Intendin g t o us e the prisoner s take n a t Chambl y a s leverag e t o exact bette r condition s fo r Allen an d othe r captive s hel d b y th e British , h e presente d a lette r t o Major Stopford . I n it , Montgomer y state d tha t h e had "informatio n fro m different quarters , tha t Governo r Carleto n treat s hi s unfortunat e pris -

Struggle and Success against St. Johns • i n oners wit h th e mos t crue l severity , loadin g the m wit h irons , an d tha t Colonel Alle n himsel f meet s with th e sam e indignity." He the n requeste d Stopford t o writ e Carleto n "acquaintin g hi m wit h you r situation , an d representing th e fata l consequence s whic h mus t atten d th e carrying on s o barbarous a war." Montgomer y dispatche d a letter t o Carleto n simila r t o the on e h e gav e Stopford . A fe w day s late r a n America n detachmen t escorted th e Britis h captive s t o Ticonderoga . Fro m there , the y wen t t o Connecticut t o await parol e or exchange. 39 Carleton receive d Montgomery' s lette r concernin g prisoner s o f wa r and forwarde d i t t o th e America n Secretary , Lor d Dartmouth , wit h hi s comments. " T i s tru e th e Rebel s hav e been i n irons , no t fro m choic e bu t necessity, w e hav e neithe r Prison s t o hol d no r Troop s t o guard them , s o that the y hav e bee n treate d wit h a s muc h humanit y a s ou r ow n safet y wou'd permit . . . . I wis h t o explai n thi s matte r t o you r Lordship , bu t I shall retur n n o answer , no r ente r int o any correspondenc e wit h Rebels . I shall treat al l their threat s wit h silen t contempt." 40 Montgomery seize d upo n th e succes s a t Chambl y an d th e audaciou s spirit tha t i t imbued i n his troops t o make another attemp t i n establishin g a forwar d batter y northwes t o f St . Johns. Wit h th e moo d o f th e soldier s on the upswing , ther e was no opposition t o the plan this time. Montgom ery issue d order s t o begi n preparation s fo r th e ne w position . Th e wor k was i n progres s o n Octobe r 2 6 whe n Genera l Wooste r an d hi s 33 5 Connecticut me n accompanie d b y 22 5 troop s o f th e 4t h Ne w Yor k ar rived. Thes e reinforcement s raise d Montgomery' s forc e t o over two thou sand effectives . Fo r th e firs t tim e sinc e th e sieg e began , th e genera l fel t the tide of battle turning i n his favor. 41 However, Wooster' s presenc e introduce d anothe r potentiall y disrup tive influenc e o n th e expedition . Althoug h Wooste r assure d Schuyle r before h e lef t Ticonderog a tha t h e woul d recogniz e Montgomery' s posi tion o f authority , th e Connecticu t genera l wa s unpredictable . Montgom ery decide d t o emplo y tac t an d diplomac y t o gai n th e crusty , age d veteran's cooperation . Whe n th e tw o general s met , Montgomer y ex plained, "M y commissio n i s older tha n yours , an d I mus t command. " " I am bu t a youn g man , an d yo u ar e a n ol d man , experience d i n war, " h e continued, therefor e " I shal l alway s tak e you r advic e a s a son woul d tha t of hi s father. " Wit h hi s eg o comforted, Wooste r accepte d Montgomery' s leadership an d joine d th e effort agains t St . Johns. 42 The da y afte r hi s arrival , Wooste r an d hi s me n deploye d aroun d th e site of the artiller y positio n unde r construction . Montgomer y intende d t o

i i 2 • Struggle and Success against St. Johns

concentrate hi s forc e i n th e vicinit y o f th e ne w batter y tha t wa s nearin g completion. H e shifte d th e bul k o f hi s strengt h t o th e northwes t sid e o f St. Johns, leavin g only th e 3r d Ne w Yor k wit h a few gunner s o n the eas t side to guard an d offe r fire fro m th e batter y there . Th e Britis h defender s observed Montgomery' s troop s busil y engage d i n establishin g thei r for ward positio n jus t 25 0 yard s fro m th e fort . The y maintaine d a heav y bombardment upo n th e Americans , bu t th e artiller y fire resulte d i n fe w casualties. Wit h th e sieg e tightenin g aroun d hi s stronghold , Majo r Pres ton becam e increasingl y concerne d ove r th e possibilit y o f a relief forc e t o help extricate him fro m hi s predicament. 43 Carleton ha d bee n workin g fo r som e tim e i n Montrea l t o assembl e a counterstrike force . Report s tol d hi m tha t th e situatio n a t St . John s wa s becoming desperate . Somethin g ha d t o b e don e withou t furthe r delay . The governo r sen t instruction s t o Col . Alla n MacLea n a t Quebe c t o assemble al l availabl e me n immediatel y an d marc h t o St . Johns . Mean while, Carleto n quickl y presse d int o servic e a forc e comprise d o f som e 800 Canadia n militia , 13 0 Royal Highlan d Emigrant s an d Fusiliers , an d 80 Indians . H e intende d t o combin e th e Quebe c part y wit h th e troop s raised a t Montreal t o break th e siege of St. Johns. Carleto n electe d t o lead the operatio n personally , an d h e embarke d hi s soldier s i n boat s tha t would tak e them dow n th e St . Lawrenc e River to link up with MacLean' s contingent. 44 On th e afternoo n o f Octobe r 30 , Carleto n an d hi s troop s reache d Longueuil o n th e St . Lawrenc e Rive r a little belo w Montreal . There , h e encountered Set h Warne r wit h thre e hundre d o f hi s Gree n Mountai n Boys an d soldier s o f th e 2n d Ne w York . Whe n Warne r sa w Carleton' s forty-boat flotilla approachin g hi s position , h e hurrie d hi s four-pounde r to th e water' s edg e an d deploye d hi s soldier s i n wood s borderin g th e river. Warner' s troop s commence d firing whe n th e enemy' s boat s cam e into range . Th e Britis h forc e answere d i n kin d agains t it s hidde n adver sary. "Th e Enem y ha d canno n an d bom b shell s aboard , whic h the y gav e us a plenty of , . . . and th e Musket ball s came close to our head s i n grea t plenty," recorde d a n America n soldier . Yet , th e amphibiou s forc e re mained thwarte d i n its efforts t o disembark an d assaul t the rebel position . Carleton trie d repeatedl y t o forc e a landing, onl y t o b e turned bac k eac h time by a barrage of small arms and canno n fire. Afte r abou t five hours of heated fighting, Carleto n ordere d hi s fleet t o pu t abou t an d withdra w back to Montreal. I n the confusion, tw o Canadians, Jean Baptiste Despin s and a barbe r name d Lacoste , foun d themselve s lef t behin d an d wer e

Struggle and Success against St. Johns • 11 3 captured b y Warner' s soldiers . Th e Britis h los t abou t twenty-on e me n killed an d fifty wounded , bu t th e American s amazingl y suffere d n o casu alties in the repulse. 45 MacLean an d hi s party ha d pushe d forwar d a s far a s Sore l whe n new s of Carleton' s defea t a t Longueui l reache d them . H e halte d hi s approac h and placed hi s troops on the defensive whil e awaiting further instructions . The failur e t o advanc e fro m Montrea l certainl y dampene d th e prospect s of relievin g St . Johns , bu t Carleto n wa s no t easil y discouraged . H e stil l hoped tha t somethin g coul d b e done to alleviate Montgomery's increasin g hold o n th e outpos t tha t guarde d Montreal . Th e governo r continue d t o dispatch spie s an d patrol s t o prob e fo r wea k spot s wher e th e sieg e line s might b e penetrated . On Novembe r 1 , everythin g wa s i n readines s fo r th e openin g o f th e newly erecte d batter y northwes t o f St . Johns . I t containe d fou r twelve pounders, thre e nine-pounders , an d five mortars . Utilizin g th e bonanz a of munition s capture d a t Chambly , Montgomer y wa s abl e t o conduc t a sustained bombardmen t o f th e fort . Wit h th e four-gu n easter n batter y joining in, firing commenced i n the morning and continued uninterrupte d throughout th e day . Th e Britis h gun s returne d counterbatter y fire o f equal intensity , bu t the y wer e les s effective tha n thos e of the Americans . From it s improve d vantag e point , Montgomery' s artiller y coul d no w inflict seriou s damage inside the fort. Colone l Ritzem a elatedl y note d tha t the protracte d cannonad e "knocke d ever y Thin g i n th e For t t o Shat ters." 4 6 Although th e America n artiller y salvo s resulte d i n considerabl e struc tural damage , the y cause d fe w casualties . However , th e continuous , proximate firing bega n t o wear o n th e defenders ' nerves . Combine d wit h dwindling ration s an d mountin g despai r abou t a relief effort , th e cannon ade sappe d th e moral e o f th e beleaguere d garrison . Still , Majo r Presto n resisted yieldin g hi s command . Hi s assigne d missio n instructe d hi m t o defend St . Johns u to th e last extremity." A s a dedicated, resolute , profes sional officer , h e wa s determine d t o hol d ou t o r dela y fo r a s lon g a s possible while waiting for reinforcements . At sundown , th e American s cease d thei r shellin g an d Montgomer y dispatched a deman d fo r capitulation . Th e lette r informe d Presto n o f Carleton's defeate d relie f forc e an d urge d hi m "t o spar e th e live s o f a brave garrison. " Montgomer y concluded , "Shoul d yo u continu e . . . t o persist i n a defens e whic h canno t avai l you— I . . . shal l dee m mysel f innocent o f th e melanchol y consequences. " Lacoste , th e barbe r take n

i i 4 * Struggle and Success against St. Johns

prisoner a t Longueuil , carrie d th e lette r s o tha t h e coul d attes t t o th e hopeless situatio n tha t attende d furthe r defens e o f the fort. 47 About midnight , on e o f Wooster' s troop s o n picke t dut y challenge d someone who stumble d int o the American's line s i n th e dark. Th e sentr y saw th e ma n pu t somethin g i n hi s mout h upo n captur e bu t coul d no t ascertain wha t i t was because of the diminished visibility . H e escorted hi s prisoner t o Wooste r an d relate d th e circumstance s o f th e inciden t t o th e general. Afte r searchin g and questioning the prisoner to no avail, Wooste r forced th e ma n t o inges t a physi c an d ordere d hi s soldie r t o guar d hi m closely. A fe w hour s afte r takin g the purgative, th e prisoner discharge d a silver ball . Wit h examination , th e American s discovere d tha t i t "wen t together wit h a screw , an d o n takin g i t apar t i t containe d a smal l bi t o f paper o n whic h wer e writte n thes e words : 'Hol d ou t an d yo u shal l b e relieved.' " Thus , th e besieger s compromise d Carleton' s last-ditc h effor t to offer hop e to the grim defenders o f St . Johns. 48 Uninformed o f Carleton's aspirations , bu t wel l awar e of his own dete riorating defense , Presto n fel t increasin g pressur e t o yield . "No t a Sylla ble of Intelligenc e fro m Genera l Carleto n arrive d altho ' we sen t repeate d Messengers t o Montreal, " th e hard-presse d St . John s commandan t ago nized. Still , h e remaine d prou d an d defian t t o th e end . Afte r receivin g Montgomery's letter , h e replie d tha t Lacost e wa s know n fo r havin g "fit s of insanity. " Therefore , th e Montrea l barbe r wa s a n unreliabl e sourc e of information. Presto n submitte d a counterproposal tha t h e woul d surren der th e garriso n i f the for t wa s no t relieve d withi n fou r days . Montgom ery wa s concerne d abou t hi s delaye d tim e schedul e wit h respec t t o sub sequent plan s t o captur e Montrea l an d Quebe c before winte r halte d military operations . H e answere d b y statin g "th e advance d seaso n o f th e year will not admi t you r proposal. " The general offered t o make availabl e Despins, th e othe r prisone r capture d a t Longueuil , t o substantiat e La coste's testimony. Havin g "acquitte d m y conscience, " Montgomery warned , "if yo u d o no t surrende r thi s day , i t will b e unnecessar y t o mak e an y future proposals ; th e garriso n shal l b e prisoner s o f war , withou t th e honours o f war." 4 9 On Novembe r 2 , Presto n sen t severa l officers , includin g Lt . Joh n Andre, t o confer wit h Despins , wh o was in custody aboar d th e Enterprise. During their meetin g Despins convinced Andr e that St . Johns was indee d in a hopeles s situation . Upo n hi s return , Andr e reporte d hi s findings t o Preston who , despairin g o f relief, agree d t o surrender . Montgomer y an d Preston dre w u p an d adjuste d th e term s o f capitulation : th e garriso n

Struggle and Success against St. Johns • 11 5 would b e allowe d th e honor s o f war , officer s coul d kee p thei r sid e arms , each soldie r woul d retai n hi s persona l baggage , bu t al l th e prisoner s would b e interned i n the colonies. 50 The nex t morning , Presto n parade d hi s comman d ou t o f th e battere d fort t o groun d thei r musket s an d formall y surrender . Then , th e van quished troop s boarde d boat s fo r thei r journe y t o Connecticut an d deten tion. Presto n ha d hel d ou t a s lon g a s reasonabl y coul d b e expecte d without sacrificin g hi s comman d t o senseles s bloodshed . Durin g th e siege , the defender s suffere d forty-thre e casualties , includin g twent y killed . American battl e losse s wer e als o relatively light . Captai n Lam b recorde d that hi s artillery compan y ha d bee n rathe r unfortunat e becaus e it lost five killed an d si x wounded, "whic h i s as great a loss as has been sustaine d b y the whol e Army , excep t fo r th e first skirmis h wit h th e Indians. " Diseas e had cu t dow n Montgomery' s troop s i n fa r greate r numbers . B y Octobe r 12, 937 soldiers i n the expedition ha d bee n discharge d a s unfit fo r duty. 51 Although th e sieg e o f For t St . John s wa s successful , i t cos t th e expe dition valuabl e time . Preston' s stubbor n resistanc e delaye d th e America n advance o n Canad a fo r tw o months . A n America n campaigne r summe d up th e situatio n whe n h e wrot e hi s wife: "St . John s i s a ver y Stron g Hole, an d a s ba d t o com e t o a t a s an y wha t ever. " O n th e othe r hand , i t is t o Montgomery' s credi t tha t h e manage d t o hol d togethe r hi s ragta g command an d mol d hi s troops int o a combat forc e capabl e of overcomin g determined Britis h regular s holdin g a fortified position. 52 Now i t was time for Montgomer y t o direct this wave of victory towar d his nex t objective . Som e twent y mile s northwes t o f St . John s la y Mon treal. I t wa s stil l a s vulnerable a s when Etha n Alle n mad e his imprompt u bid fo r it s capture. Th e eventua l fal l o f St . Johns opene d th e roa d fo r th e American expeditionar y forc e t o marc h o n thi s importan t prize , an d Montgomery immediatel y bega n preparation s fo r it s reduction .

C H A P T E R

N I N

E

On to Quebec His nobl e declaratio n t o th e inhabitant s o f Montreal , "that th e continenta l armie s . . . bein g com e fo r th e express purpose of giving liberty an d security " . . . did honour t o himself , an d t o tha t delegate d bod y unde r whose authority he acted.1 With scarce one third of his force Then to Quebec he bent his course.2

I

t wa s importan t fo r Montgomer y no t t o allo w hi s troop s t o res t o n their accomplishment s an d dela y thei r advanc e o n Montreal . Weathe r would becom e a n increasing liabilit y t o his enterprise a s winter se t in. I n addition , Arnold , who m h e planne d t o joi n i n attackin g Quebec , had bee n si x weeks on hi s approac h marc h throug h th e Maine wildernes s by thi s time . As Montgomer y attempte d t o quickl y consolidat e hi s comman d afte r the fal l o f St . Johns , h e encountere d mor e problem s wit h hi s troops . Many o f th e recruits , particularl y th e Connecticu t men , ha d endure d their fill of a combat soldier' s hardships, and they wanted t o return home . Montgomery wa s "obligate d . . . t o promis e al l suc h thei r dismissio n a s chose it , t o coa x the m t o Montreal. " Th e America n troop s wer e als o il l equipped fo r th e Canadia n cold . Whe n Montgomer y allowe d th e St . Johns garriso n t o retain it s reserve of clothing to wear during captivity , a mutiny nearl y ros e among th e Ne w Yor k troops . Th e America n soldier s 116

On to Quebec • 11 7 wanted t o clai m th e garment s a s th e spoil s o f wa r an d us e the m t o augment thei r ow n ragge d an d inadequat e uniforms . However , th e high minded Montgomer y face d dow n hi s troops . " I woul d no t hav e sullie d my own reputation, no r disgraced th e Continental arms , by suc h a breach of capitulation, " h e wrote . "Ther e wa s n o drivin g i t int o thei r noodles , that th e clothin g wa s reall y th e propert y o f th e soldier , tha t h e ha d pai d for it." 3 The lates t inciden t wit h hi s soldier s ove r th e capture d clothin g le d Montgomery t o "wis h som e metho d coul d b e falle n upo n o f engagin g gentlemen t o serve ; a point o f hono r an d mor e knowledg e o f the world , t o be found i n that class of men, woul d greatl y refor m discipline , an d rende r the troop s muc h mor e tractable. " A s thi s lamentatio n illustrates , Mont gomery di d no t conside r himsel f a common person . Althoug h hi s remar k could b e construe d a s on e o f a n elitist , Montgomer y ha d bee n equall y critical o f aristocrat s who m h e fel t wer e no t livin g u p t o thei r leadershi p obligations. A n internall y drive n individua l wit h a strong persona l code , he di d no t fi t comfortabl y int o an y o f th e stereotypica l socia l classes . Thus, h e could no t condon e unacceptable behavio r b y hi s troops i n orde r to gai n thei r popularity . Hi s detache d bran d o f leadershi p wa s on e o f setting a n exampl e t o b e looke d u p t o an d emulate d b y hi s soldiers—no t establishing clos e familiarit y wit h th e ran k an d file, a s the crow d leader s turned militar y commander s tende d t o do . Montgomer y believe d tha t people, i n general, wer e no t inherentl y virtuou s an d neede d t o be held t o a highe r standard . H e ha d earlie r confide d t o hi s wife tha t " I a m unfi t t o deal wit h mankin d i n th e bulk . . . . I fee l to o sensibl y th e rascality , ignorance an d selfishnes s s o common amon g m y fello w creatures." 4 On th e nigh t o f Novembe r 3 , an earl y winte r stor m wit h intermitten t snow an d rai n tha t lef t th e groun d "i n a manne r drowne d wit h water " beset th e operation . I t soo n turne d th e eighteen-mil e roa d o n whic h th e Americans woul d marc h t o L a Prairi e int o a quagmire. Thre e day s later , the lead element s o f the expedition trudge d forwar d i n "Water sometime s midleg high. " "Unde r ou r fee t w e ha d Water , Sno w an d Ice, " a partici pant recorded . "Ove r ou r head s wer e thic k Clouds , an d th e sno w an d Rain cam e pourin g dow n upo n us. " Wit h a not e o f astonishment , h e noted: "I t wa s remarkabl e t o Se e th e American s afte r almos t infinit e Fatigues an d Hardship s marchin g o n a t thi s advance d Season , badl y clothed, an d badl y provide d fo r t o Montreal , pressin g o n t o Ne w Seige s and new Conquests." "In abou t four days, " Colonel Bedel wrote the Ne w

118 • On to Quebec Hampshire Committe e o f Safety , "w e shal l hav e either a wooden le g or a golden chai n a t Montreal." 5 Meanwhile, MacLea n remaine d a t Sore l trying to decide his next mov e after hi s unsuccessfu l attemp t t o merg e wit h Carleto n an d reliev e St . Johns. Force s unde r Easton , Brown , an d Jame s Livingsto n foun d hi m there. Montgomer y ha d sen t th e detachmen t t o bloc k an y escap e o f British troop s fro m Montrea l t o Quebec . Afte r a brie f exchang e o f fire, MacLean's troop s withdre w t o thei r vessel s i n th e St . Lawrenc e River . On Novembe r 8 , bot h ship s saile d awa y unde r heav y canno n fire fro m the pursuin g Americans . Th e Providence wit h a contingen t o f regular s headed fo r Montrea l t o reinforc e Carleton , an d th e Snow Fell with Mac Lean an d hi s Roya l Highlan d Immigrant s prudentl y returne d t o resum e the defense o f Quebec. 6 For thre e days , Montgomery' s expeditio n slogge d towar d L a Prairie . From hi s positio n o n th e outskirt s o f Montreal , Montgomer y sen t a message to the inhabitants, advisin g them t o persuade Governor Carleto n to surrende r th e cit y o r suffe r "th e dreadfu l consequence s o f a bombard ment." Carleto n appreciate d th e hopelessnes s o f hi s situatio n afte r th e capitulation o f St . Johns . Lackin g adequat e defense s an d experiencin g eroding suppor t fro m a populac e sobere d b y Montgomery' s imminen t warning, h e kne w i t wa s onl y a matte r o f tim e before Montrea l woul d also fall. Carleto n lef t th e surrender negotiation s to the Montrealers whil e he prepared t o salvage or destroy whateve r h e could o f the military store s and retrogres s th e garrison t o Quebec. 7 As a majo r fur-trad e center , Montrea l containe d a sizabl e populatio n of abou t eigh t thousan d noncombatants . Unde r existin g circumstances , loyalty o f th e alarme d an d dispirite d resident s towar d th e Britis h waned , replaced b y a feeling o f self-preservation . The y wer e desirou s o f seekin g the best terms possible to protect their lives and property. Civilia n leader s quickly establishe d contac t wit h Montgomery' s expeditio n t o draw u p a n agreement whereb y the y woul d han d ove r Montreal t o the Americans . While Montgomer y tightene d hi s hol d o n Montrea l an d entere d nego tiations fo r it s capture , weathe r condition s force d Carleto n t o dela y hi s evacuation. Th e governo r ha d complete d loadin g hastil y assemble d mili tary store s aboard hi s vessels, but contrary wind s prevented th e departur e of hi s ship s fro m Montrea l fo r severa l days . O n Novembe r n , a fai r breeze facilitate d Carleton' s flight. Th e governor , wit h hi s 130-ma n gar rison, embarke d i n th e Gaspe and tw o othe r arme d vessel s an d se t sai l fo r Quebec. Eigh t smalle r craf t loade d wit h provision s accompanie d th e

On to Quebec • 11 9 warships whe n the y slippe d ou t o f th e harbor . Fo r severa l hours , th e British flotilla made goo d progress . Th e nex t day , Carleton' s luc k change d once again when on e of his ships ran aground . B y the time she was afloat , the win d shifte d an d force d th e fleet t o ancho r nea r Sorel . Wit h hi s retreat stymied , Carleto n waite d fo r favorabl e wind s t o continu e hi s voyage.8 Shortly afte r Carleton' s narro w escap e fro m Montreal , civi l represen tatives an d Montgomer y agree d upo n term s fo r it s capitulation . O n No vember 13 , Montgomery's arm y marche d throug h th e city gate s and too k possession o f Montreal . Unawar e tha t Carleto n ha d fled, the y immedi ately launche d a search fo r th e governor, who m the y believe d wa s hidin g somewhere i n th e city . Soo n the y discovere d tha t h e ha d elude d them . Montgomery ordere d som e o f hi s troop s t o embar k i n bateau x wit h mounted cannon s i n pursuit o f their quarry. 9 Carleton ha d narrowl y escape d Montreal , bu t h e wa s no t ye t ou t o f American clutches . Befor e th e amphibiou s forc e fro m Montrea l coul d close with him , hi s fleet encountered th e provincia l batterie s a t Sore l tha t had earlie r thwarte d MacLean' s operations . O n Novembe r 15 , th e fir e from thes e gun s force d th e Britis h ship s t o shif t thei r anchorag e u p th e river t o remai n ou t o f range . Whil e Carleto n waite d fo r a change i n th e wind an d assesse d hi s situation , a boa t fro m th e patrio t positio n rowe d out unde r a flag o f truce . A messenge r carrie d a n ultimatu m fro m th e American commander , Colone l Easton , demandin g tha t th e governo r unconditionally surrende r wit h al l his ships, troops, an d supplies . "I f yo u will Resig n you r Flee t t o m e Immediatel y withou t destroyin g th e Effect s on Board, " the messag e read, "Yo u an d You r me n shal l be used wit h du e civility togethe r wit h wome n an d Childre n o n Board—t o thi s I expec t Your direc t an d Immediat e answer . Shoul d yo u Neglec t Yo u will Chere fully tak e the Consequences whic h wil l follow." 10 With Gaspe and hi s othe r vessel s hampere d fro m continuin g thei r passage, Carleto n weighe d hi s nex t move . Hi s predicamen t wa s fa r fro m one o f despair . Hi s arme d ship s mounte d thirt y cannon s tha t coul d b e used t o suppress th e America n batterie s i f he elected t o run th e blockade . However, th e governo r remaine d uncertai n abou t th e siz e o f th e threat . Although th e American s boaste d o f massiv e fir e superiorit y ove r hi s force, h e could no t observe their disposition fro m hi s position. Therefore , he ha d n o accurat e wa y o f confirmin g th e numbe r an d strengt h o f th e guns confronting him . Carleton calle d hi s senio r officer s togethe r t o conside r thei r options .

i2o • On to Quebec

Everyone agree d tha t th e governor' s presenc e a t Quebe c wa s essential , since Canada' s fat e depende d no w upo n th e successfu l defens e o f th e capital. Jean Baptist e Bouchette , a captain o f one of the sloops , suggeste d a plan t o take Carleton aboar d a small boat an d snea k him pas t the enem y blockade. Bouchette , a seasoned French-Canadia n pilo t wh o was respect fully know n a s th e "Wil d Pigeon, " ha d intimat e knowledg e o f th e river . Carleton decide d t o abando n hi s fleet an d pu t hi s trus t i n th e risk y scheme. O n th e night o f November 16 , the governor disguise d himsel f i n the gar b o f a Canadia n peasan t an d slippe d ove r th e sid e o f th e Gaspe. Bouchette waite d alongsid e i n a whal e boa t t o receiv e him . Oar s wer e muffled, bu t a s th e boa t passe d nea r th e batteries , th e cre w paddle d silently wit h thei r bar e hands . Thei r stealt h an d th e murk y darknes s prevented discover y b y th e American s a s the y mad e goo d thei r escape . The nex t day , Carleto n an d hi s boatmate s continue d downstrea m unti l they cam e upo n th e Snow Fell. Th e Britis h warshi p transporte d th e fortunate governo r an d hi s party t o Quebec, arrivin g November IQ. 11 With th e governor's departure , comman d o f the Gaspe and accompany ing fleet passe d t o Carleton' s deputy , Genera l Prescott . Befor e h e left , Carleton instructe d hi m t o dum p al l cannons, powder , an d ball s int o th e river i f h e coul d no t avoi d capitulation . Presse d b y th e American s t o surrender, th e general expressed skepticis m concerning the claimed invin cibility o f the blockade . Maj . John Brow n invite d Prescot t t o appoint on e of his officers t o come ashore and verify th e batteries for himself. Employ ing hi s Yanke e wile s durin g th e conducte d tour , Brow n convince d th e gullible Britis h office r tha t th e batterie s containe d man y mor e cannon s than actuall y existed . Prescot t believe d wha t th e office r reporte d bac k t o him an d decide d tha t forcin g th e blockad e woul d b e disastrou s t o hi s ships. O n Novembe r 19 , Prescot t dumpe d th e gunpowde r an d cannon balls int o th e rive r an d ordere d th e fleet to strik e it s colors withou t firing a shot. 12 Montgomery wa s please d wit h th e succes s o f hi s troop s i n capturin g the Britis h fleet. However , fro m a professiona l militar y standpoint , h e condemned hi s counterpart' s fainthearte d surrender . " I blus h fo r Hi s Majesty's troops! " he commented. "Suc h a n instanc e o f bas e poltrooner y I neve r me t with ! an d al l becaus e w e ha d half-a-doze n canno n o n th e bank o f th e rive r t o anno y hi m i n hi s retreat. " Stil l smartin g fro m Pres cott's hars h treatmen t o f Etha n Allen , Montgomer y heape d scor n upo n the Britis h genera l who m h e regarde d " a crue l rascal. " " I hav e treate d

On to Quebec • 12 1

him wit h th e sovereig n contemp t hi s inhumanit y an d barbarit y merit, " he noted. 13 Actually, Montgomery' s contemp t fo r Prescot t wa s expresse d onl y i n his attitude toward th e captured general . Th e humanitaria n sid e of Mont gomery towar d th e prisoner s o f war prompte d severa l o f his own officer s to censur e th e general , registerin g thei r concer n tha t "th e public k safet y may b e i n danger. " Th e inciden t sparke d wha t Montgomer y considere d to b e a challeng e t o hi s authority . " A numbe r o f officer s presume d t o remonstrate agains t th e indulgenc e I had give n som e of the officers o f th e King's troops, " Montgomer y wrot e t o Schuyler . "Suc h a n insul t I coul d not bear , an d immediatel y resigned. " "Toda y the y qualifie d i t by suc h a n apology a s puts i t in my powe r t o resume the command." 14 Montgomery blame d a disgruntled Captai n Lam b fo r stirrin g u p thi s unrest. Th e forme r radica l patrio t stree t leade r ha d bee n a sourc e o f aggravation t o Montgomer y sinc e h e first joine d th e expeditio n i n Sep tember. A t tha t time , Lam b objecte d t o th e attachmen t o f hi s uni t t o a n infantry regiment , an d h e threatene d t o resig n hi s commissio n i f th e Congress di d no t designat e hi s comman d a s a n independen t artiller y company. Now , h e wa s displease d wit h th e amoun t o f hi s pa y an d entertained hi s resignatio n onc e more . H e fel t tha t th e captain' s salar y was "suc h a trifle" tha t h e had t o consume hi s persona l fund s t o maintai n himself an d eventuall y hi s famil y "mus t starv e a t home. " Montgomer y regarded Lam b a s " a reckles s genius , an d o f ba d temper, " wh o wa s "brave, activ e an d intelligent , bu t ver y turbulen t an d troublesome. " However, th e genera l realize d tha t "H e i s absolutely necessar y wit h thi s Army, i f we ar e t o hav e artillery, " an d tolerate d hi s disruptiv e natur e a s best he could. 15 Although Lam b wa s a habitua l malcontent , hi s grievanc e concernin g military pa y reflecte d th e hardshi p fro m inadequat e compensatio n tha t most o f th e soldier s i n th e arm y bore . Congres s require d officer s t o purchase item s fo r thei r ow n use . However , officer s i n th e Canadia n expedition were hit particularly har d b y inflate d price s for these commod ities. The lon g distance in which goods had t o be transported t o reach th e northern wildernes s raise d thei r pric e substantiall y fro m wha t officer s stationed i n th e colonie s pai d fo r th e sam e article . Montgomer y under stood hi s officers' plight . I n a letter writte n th e mont h before , h e briefe d Schuyler o n th e problem : "Th e ver y hig h price s whic h officer s mus t pa y here fo r everythin g brough t fro m Ticonderoga , ar e fa r abov e wha t thei r

12 2 • On to Quebec

scanty pittanc e o f pa y wil l allo w o f . . . whic h displace s the m entirel y from th e footin g o f th e troop s . . . i n th e mids t o f a plentifu l country. " At that time, Montgomery recommende d a pay augmentation o r gratuity , especially t o th e junior-grad e officers , t o offse t thi s financial burden . I n the lates t episod e wit h Lamb , Montgomer y appeale d t o Congres s o n hi s officers'behalf.16 Prescott's surrende r yielde d a n unexpected windfal l fo r Montgomery' s troops. A s a resul t o f th e capitulation , th e American s seize d additiona l vessels—some wit h mounte d cannons—t o transpor t themselve s dow n the St . Lawrenc e Rive r to Quebec. Sundr y othe r captured supplie s foun d in th e ships ' carg o fortifie d th e expedition' s wa r chest , includin g a stan d of smal l arms , clothing , an d tw o hundre d pair s o f shoes . Montgomer y also borrowe d £5,00 0 fro m Jame s Price , a successful Montrea l merchan t sympathetic t o th e Americans . H e use d thi s mone y t o purchas e war m clothing fo r hi s men , compensatin g fo r th e conteste d Britis h uniform s that h e denied the m afte r th e fall o f St . Johns. 17 In spit e o f thes e positiv e developments , Montgomer y ha d t o conten d with anothe r crisi s wit h hi s homesic k troops . A t St . Johns , som e o f th e Connecticut me n threatene d t o retur n home , an d Montgomer y promise d them a discharg e afte r Montreal . I t wa s th e onl y way , h e thought , t o retain the m i n servic e a s lon g a s possible . Now , the y hel d hi m t o hi s word, requestin g immediat e separatio n fro m furthe r duty . Thi s actio n of a fe w soldier s encourage d othe r Ne w Englan d troop s tha t ha d no t re ceived th e general' s assuranc e t o extor t thei r ow n release . "Mos t o f th e New Englan d Me n embrace d th e Opportunity, " Colone l Ritzem a com mented, bu t "th e Yorker s i n genera l resolve d t o se e a n En d t o th e Cam paign." 18 Although thei r enlistment s ra n unti l th e en d o f th e year , man y o f th e New Englander s fel t tha t the y ha d born e thei r shar e o f hardship s an d were entitle d t o retur n home . Montgomer y urge d the m t o reenlis t unti l mid-April o r unti l reinforcement s arrived . Otherwise , the y woul d "la y him unde r th e necessit y o f abandonin g Canada ; o f undoin g i n on e da y what ha s bee n th e wor k o f months ; an d o f restorin g t o a n enrage d an d hitherto disappointe d enem y th e mean s o f carryin g a crue l wa r int o th e very bowel s o f thei r Country. " Fe w heede d hi s continue d cal l t o arms . "The troops," Chaplain Trumbul l noted , "ar e averse to enlisting and lon g to b e dismisse d home. " The y believe d tha t the y ha d discharge d thei r military obligation , an d patrioti c appeal s could no t swa y them. 19 With th e exception o f two hundred soldier s who remained wit h Woos -

On to Quebec • 12 3 ter, th e Connecticu t contingen t qui t th e expeditio n afte r th e captur e o f Montreal. Mos t o f th e othe r Ne w Englan d troop s joine d i n th e mas s exodus. Set h Warne r lef t wit h nearl y al l o f hi s Gree n Mountai n Boys . Bedel an d a majorit y o f hi s Ne w Hampshir e Ranger s als o departed . Easton an d man y o f hi s Massachusett s troop s heade d home . Schuyle r attributed th e decisio n o f th e Ne w Englan d troop s a s a n affirmatio n o f nonvirtuous an d unprofessiona l Continenta l soldiers . "The y hav e such a n intemperate desir e t o retur n hom e tha t nothin g ca n equa l it, " Schuyle r wrote t o Congress. "I t migh t hav e bee n expecte d tha t me n influence d b y a sens e o f libert y woul d no t hav e require d suc h a promise , an d tha t others, t o who m i t wa s no t immediatel y intended , woul d no t hav e take n advantage of it," he anguished. "Bu t al l this," he warned, "flow s fro m th e same unhappy sourc e with th e other disorder s to o prevalent i n our troop s —a wan t o f subordinatio n an d discipline , a n evi l whic h ma y prov e fata l to us." 2 0 The departur e o f thes e soldier s greatl y disappointe d Montgomery , who too k i t a s anothe r persona l rebuk e fro m member s o f hi s command . As wit h th e othe r instance s o f recalcitranc e fro m hi s troops , th e genera l felt betraye d an d unappreciated . Spurnin g self-aggrandizement , Montgo mery ha d hope d t o relinquis h hi s field leadershi p o f th e expeditio n t o more aspirin g officers . "Wil l no t you r healt h permi t yo u t o resid e a t Montreal thi s winter, " h e wrot e Schuyler . " I a m wear y o f power , an d totally wan t tha t patienc e an d tempe r s o requisite fo r suc h a command. " "I wis h [Charles ] Le e coul d se t of f immediatel y fo r th e comman d here, " he wrote i n another letter. 21 This serie s o f incident s involvin g hi s troop s progressivel y wor e dow n Montgomery's forbearanc e an d pragmatism . H e coul d attribut e som e o f the earlie r problem s t o novic e soldier s wh o lacke d militar y experience . However, h e could no t comprehen d th e seemin g lack of public virtue an d patriotism o f the troops tha t returne d hom e before thei r enlistments wer e completed. Montgomer y yearne d fo r relie f fro m hi s command , bu t hi s sense of responsibility woul d no t allo w him to turn ove r the expedition t o General Wooster , wh o h e fel t wa s no t equa l t o th e task . Thi s lates t vexation ove r troo p defection s drov e Montgomer y t o tende r hi s resigna tion fro m th e servic e while awaiting a suitable replacement . Troops tha t refuse d t o continu e wit h Montgomer y i n Canad a soo n began t o arriv e a t Ticonderog a o n thei r tre k home . There , Schuyle r als o attempted t o dissuade the disaffected hord e from leavin g but me t no more success tha n Montgomery . I n revulsion , Schuyle r decide d t o follo w

124 * Onto Quebec Montgomery's exampl e in resigning his commission. "Gentleme n i n command find i t ver y disagreeabl e t o coax , t o wheedle , an d eve n t o lie , t o carry o n th e service, " h e wrot e t o Washington . "Habite d t o order , I cannot withou t th e mos t extrem e pai n se e tha t disregar d o f discipline , confusion, an d inattention , whic h reign s s o genera l i n thi s quarter , an d am therefor e determine d t o retire. " "O f thi s resolution , I hav e advise d Congress," h e concluded . I n communicatin g Montgomery' s complaint s and retiremen t intentio n t o Congress , Schuyle r added : "M y sentiment s exactly coincid e with his. " "I shall , with him , d o everything i n my powe r to pu t a finishing strok e t o the campaign, " h e vowed, "an d mak e the bes t arrangement i n m y power , i n orde r t o insur e succes s t o th e next. " "Thi s done, I must be g leave to retire," he resolved. 22 The proffere d resignation s induce d conciliator y replie s fro m th e Con gress. Thes e letter s praise d th e effort s o f bot h me n an d urge d the m t o change their minds . Member s o f the Congress "be g you will no t insis t o n a Measure , whic h a t onc e depriv e Americ a o f th e futur e Benefit s sh e expects fro m you r Zea l an d Abilities , an d ro b yo u o f th e Hono r o f compleating th e gloriou s Wor k yo u hav e s o happil y an d successfull y begun," John Hancoc k communicated t o Schuyler. "Th e Los s of so brave and experience d a n officer will b e universally regrette d a s a Misfortune t o all America. Bu t the y [member s o f Congress] still hope , tha t upo n recon sidering the Matter, th e sam e generous an d patrioti c Motives, whic h first induced yo u t o take s o capital a Part i n opposing th e unprovoked Hostili ties of a n unnatura l Enemy , wil l promp t yo u t o persevere i n th e Cause, " the president o f Congress wrot e to Montgomery. 23 Although th e laudator y correspondenc e fro m Congres s woul d cer tainly flatter an y person , letter s fro m Genera l Washington , inspire d b y kindred sympathies , probabl y produce d a greater effec t o n Schuyle r an d Montgomery. Th e commande r i n chie f wa s experiencin g th e sam e prob lems wit h hi s troop s a t th e sieg e o f Boston . Washingto n reporte d t o Congress th e "egregiou s wan t o f Public Spirit " in his soldiers. "Instea d o f pressing t o b e engage d i n th e caus e o f thei r Country, " h e wrote , " I find we ar e likely t o b e deserted a t a most critical time. " "It wil l b e next t o a n impossibility t o kee p the m unde r an y degre e o f Descipline , an d tha t i t will b e ver y difficul t t o prevai l o n the m t o remain a moment longe r tha n they chus e themselves ; I t i s a mortifying reflectio n t o b e reduce d t o thi s dilemma." 24 Washington wrot e Schuyle r urgin g him an d Montgomer y t o remain i n command. "Whe n i s th e Tim e fo r brav e Me n t o exer t themselve s i n th e

On to Quebec • 12 5 Cause o f Libert y an d thei r Country , i f thi s i s not? " h e posed . "Shoul d any Difficultie s tha t the y ma y hav e to encounter, a t this important Crisis , deter them? " "Go d knows , ther e i s no t a Difficult y tha t yo u bot h ver y justly complai n of , tha t I hav e no t i n a n eminen t Degre e experienced , that I a m no t ever y Da y experiencing, " h e professed, "bu t w e mus t bea r up agains t them , an d mak e th e bes t o f Mankin d a s the y are , sinc e w e cannot hav e the m a s w e wish. " Washingto n the n requeste d tha t hi s tw o generals "la y asid e suc h Thoughts , Thought s injuriou s t o yourselves , excessively s o to your Country , whic h call s alou d fo r Gentleme n o f you r Abilities." 25 Washington's persona l appea l wa s to o poignan t fo r Schuyle r an d Montgomery t o tur n down . The y realize d tha t thei r problem s wit h th e troops wer e no t isolated , bu t wer e endemi c throughou t th e Continenta l army. Thi s relieve d the m o f thei r self-reproac h an d restore d thei r sens e of individua l hono r a s militar y leaders . I n hi s letters , Washingto n als o revealed a n intimat e insigh t int o overcomin g condition s inheren t i n th e Continental army . Combine d wit h a n emotiona l solicitatio n t o their civi c responsibility, Washington' s argument s engendere d a positiv e respons e from hi s discourage d generals . Schuyle r decide d t o retai n overal l com mand o f th e Norther n Department , despit e hi s incessan t debilitatin g physical condition . Montgomer y committe d himsel f onc e agai n a s field commander o f the American expeditio n an d determine d t o employ what ever resource s were afforde d hi m i n its mission t o capture Canada. Thus , Washington's persuasivenes s an d th e receptivit y o f Schuyle r an d Mont gomery t o continue d self-sacrific e averte d a command crisi s i n th e Cana dian campaign . Schuyler's healt h woul d no t permi t hi m t o joi n th e expeditio n o r eve n remain an y longe r a t Ticonderoga . Wit h th e forwar d comman d i n th e trusted hand s of Montgomery, Schuyle r decided t o direct his rear suppor t function fro m hi s hom e a t Albany . H e hope d tha t th e comfortabl e sur roundings ther e woul d b e more conducive t o his recovery. Befor e leavin g Ticonderoga i n charg e o f Col . Jame s Holme s o f th e 4t h Ne w Yor k i n early December , Schuyle r endeavore d t o pu t th e activitie s a t th e pos t o n as goo d footin g a s possible . H e dispose d o f al l th e prisoner s sen t t o hi m by forwardin g the m unde r guar d t o b e retaine d i n Connecticu t o r Penn sylvania. Then , h e mad e arrangement s fo r th e transfe r o f capture d can nons t o Col . Henr y Knox . Washingto n ha d sen t Kno x t o transpor t th e ordnance t o Boston t o reinforce th e siege against Britis h force s there. 26 On Decembe r 7 , Schuyle r establishe d hi s headquarters i n Albany. Hi s

126 • On to Quebec first orde r o f busines s wa s t o mee t wit h a n India n delegatio n tha t wa s waiting fo r him . Managin g India n affair s i n th e Norther n Departmen t was on e o f Schuyler' s finest accomplishment s durin g th e Canadia n cam paign. Throug h adroi t negotiations , h e wa s abl e t o prevai l upo n th e natives t o maintai n thei r genera l neutralit y durin g th e hostilities . Al though Lor d Dartmout h officiall y sanctione d th e use of Indians, Carleto n declined t o loos e the m i n an y majo r effor t agains t th e Americans . How ever, som e British India n agent s and loyalis t leaders such as Guy Johnso n and Si r John Johnso n wer e activel y engage d i n tryin g t o recrui t Indian s for th e Britis h cause . Thei r activitie s wer e thwarte d b y th e Canadia n invasion, whic h serve d t o cu t of f Britis h supplie s t o potentia l India n allies. A s a result , th e Indian s prove d t o b e a nondeterminan t facto r i n the Canadian campaign. 27 Montgomery concerne d himsel f wit h securin g Montreal , reorganizin g his scaled-dow n command , an d preparin g t o close in on Quebec . " I nee d not tel l you, " h e wrot e hi s brother-in-law , Rober t R . Livingston , "that , until Quebe c i s taken , Canad a i s unconquered. " However , a n attac k o f Quebec wa s a troublesom e propositio n fo r Montgomery . H e kne w b y experience tha t hi s artiller y an d th e siz e o f hi s forc e wer e probabl y inadequate fo r a successfu l sieg e o r investmen t o f th e city . So , eve n a t this earl y plannin g stage , Montgomer y wa s favorin g a stormin g o f th e British defenses. 28 Carleton's presenc e a t Quebe c als o worrie d Montgomery . "Th e Gov ernor escaped—more' s th e pity!, " h e tol d hi s wife . I n contemplatin g future operations , Montgomer y hel d a hig h opinio n o f Carleto n a s a tactician. Whil e reviewin g th e historica l preceden t o f the successfu l Brit ish assaul t agains t th e French a t Quebec durin g the Seve n Years' War, h e did no t expec t th e sam e miscalculation b y th e presen t defender . "Wolfe' s success wa s a luck y hit , o r rathe r a serie s o f hits, " h e wrote . "Al l sobe r and scientific k calculatio n wa s agains t him , unti l Montcalm , permittin g his courag e t o ge t th e bette r o f hi s discretion , gav e u p th e advantage s o f his fortres s an d cam e ou t t o tr y hi s strengt h o n th e plain. " "Carleton , who wa s Wolfe's Quartermaster-General , understand s thi s well , an d i t is feared, will no t follo w th e Frenchman' s example, " Montgomer y theo rized.29 Out o f hi s meage r force , Montgomer y ha d t o provid e a garriso n t o occupy Montreal . H e pu t Wooste r i n charg e o f th e occupation , com manding wha t remaine d o f hi s Connecticu t troops . H e augmente d th e Montreal garriso n wit h severa l Yorke r unit s unde r Colone l Ritzema .

On to Quebec • 12 7

Montgomery als o sent Col . James Livingsto n forwar d t o raise a Canadian partisan unit . O n Novembe r 28 , Montgomer y an d thre e hundre d Ne w Yorkers, newl y outfitte d i n capture d o r purchase d uniforms , embarke d for Quebe c aboar d severa l o f thei r priz e ships . Thes e "vessel s Mr . Pres cott mad e us a present of, " a s Montgomery phrase d it , include d th e sloo p Gaspe an d th e schoone r Mary. H e als o too k wit h hi m par t o f Captai n Lamb's artiller y compan y wit h fou r field piece s an d si x mortars . Jame s Livingston, wit h hi s Canadia n recruits , an d Maj . Joh n Brown , wh o le d the remnants o f Easton's command , joine d th e expedition a t Sorel. 30 In th e evenin g o f Decembe r 2 , Montgomer y an d hi s me n joine d Ar nold's force , awaitin g the m a t Poin t au x Tremble s abou t eightee n mile s up th e rive r fro m Quebec . Bringin g wit h hi m much-neede d clothin g an d supplies, Montgomer y wa s haile d a s a her o whe n h e arrived . Arnold' s soldiers were immediatel y take n with th e general who assumed comman d of th e combine d field forces . Afte r a shor t bu t "energeti c an d elegant " speech, a s on e privat e describe d it , answere d wit h frequen t huzzahs , most o f th e me n forme d a very favorabl e initia l impressio n o f Montgom ery. "H e i s a gentle , polit e Man , tal l an d Slende r I n hi s make , bal d o n the to p o f Hi s Head , Resolute , mild , an d o f a fine Tempe r an d a n Excellent General, " one of the troop s noted . "Thoug h hi s face wa s muc h pockmarked," anothe r observed , h e wa s "wel l limbed , tal l an d hand some," wit h a manne r tha t "designate d th e rea l soldier. " Genera l Mont gomery "wa s bor n t o command, " stil l anothe r added , "hi s eas y an d affable condescensio n t o bot h officer s an d men , whil e i t forbid s a n im proper familiarity , create s lov e an d esteem ; an d exhibit s hi m th e gentle man an d soldier . H e i s tall an d ver y wel l made ; and possesse s a captivat ing address. " Montgomery' s presenc e raise d th e spirit s o f Arnold' s troops . One soldie r expresse d thi s optimis m tha t thei r ne w commande r engen dered: "No w ne w lif e wa s infused int o the whole of the corps." 31 Montgomery wa s equall y impresse d wit h Arnold' s soldiers . Man y o f them ha d taste d comba t a t th e sieg e o f Bosto n befor e volunteerin g fo r their hazardou s mission . Startin g i n Massachusetts , the y ha d marche d through 35 0 mile s o f rugge d wildernes s t o reac h Quebe c i n forty-fiv e days. O f th e origina l forc e o f eleve n hundred , onl y approximatel y si x hundred survive d th e rigor s o f the march . Displayin g remarkabl e endur ance ove r incredibl e hardships , thes e troop s eve n wo n th e respec t o f th e Quebec defenders . On e Britis h observe r wrote : "Ther e ar e abou t 50 0 Provincials arrived . . . . Surel y a miracl e mus t hav e bee n wrough t i n their favor . I t i s a n undertakin g abov e th e commo n rac e o f men . . . .

128 • On to Quebec They hav e travele d throug h wood s an d bogs , an d ove r precipice s . . . attended wit h ever y inconvenienc e an d difficulty , t o be surmounte d onl y by men of indefatigable zea l and industry. " Montgomery wrot e to Schuy ler: " I mus t sa y tha t h e [Arnold ] ha s brough t wit h hi m man y prett y young men . . . . I find Colone l Arnold' s corp s a n exceedin g fine one , inured t o fatigue , an d wel l accustome d t o canno n shot . . . . Ther e i s a style o f disciplin e amon g them , muc h superio r t o wha t I hav e bee n use d to see this campaign." 32 The tw o commanders promptl y establishe d a close rapport whe n the y joined forces . Earlier , Montgomer y ha d suspecte d Arnol d o f bein g a flamboyant glor y seeke r i n th e Etha n Alle n mold . Arnold' s shar p disput e with Alle n ove r wh o shoul d assum e leadershi p o f th e Ma y assaul t o f Ticonderoga coul d hav e le d t o Montgomery' s concern . Durin g initia l planning o f th e dua l invasio n agains t Canada , Montgomer y wrot e t o Schuyler, anticipatin g th e eventua l convergenc e o f th e tw o forces . "Shoul d Arnold com e int o m y neighborhood, " Montgomer y inquired , u has h e orders t o pu t himsel f unde r m y command ? Yo u kno w hi s ambition . I need no t point out the bad consequences of a separate command." Schuy ler clarifie d th e prospectiv e comman d role s wit h Arnold . Whe n th e tw o officers di d merg e thei r columns , th e problem s wit h Arnol d tha t Mont gomery ha d contemplate d neve r materialized . Afte r meetin g Arnold , Montgomery describe d hi m a s "active , intelligent , an d enterprising. " A s the senio r rankin g officer , Montgomer y assume d comman d o f th e com bined field force , an d Arnol d rendere d hi s complet e cooperation . Eac h officer realize d an d appreciate d th e military competenc y o f the other, an d this soo n develope d int o a n amiabl e workin g relationshi p o n bot h a professional an d persona l level. 33 Montgomery devote d Decembe r 3 to th e distributio n o f supplie s an d organizing hi s little army tha t now numbered abou t a thousand men . Th e next day , th e expedition mad e it s way dow n th e St . Lawrenc e t o take u p positions befor e Quebec . Montgomer y deploye d th e troop s t o blockad e the lan d side s o f th e fortres s city . H e statione d th e soldier s tha t h e ha d brought fro m Montrea l o n th e righ t win g o f th e line , wher e th e Plain s (Heights) of Abraham forme d a plateau t o the west of the city's wall. Th e general assigne d Arnol d an d hi s me n th e lef t win g a t St . Roch , a subur b just north o f the city . Quebec stoo d o n a promontory i n a ben d o f th e St . Lawrenc e River . On th e southeaster n o r St . Lawrenc e side , th e cit y wa s guarde d b y a precipitous, rock y clif f tha t ros e mor e tha n thre e hundre d fee t abov e th e

On to Quebec • 12 9 river. Alon g th e northeaster n bas e o f th e cliff , th e terrai n presente d a more gentl e slop e t o th e water' s edge . Th e Lowe r Tow n o r commercia l section wa s locate d here . Th e Uppe r Tow n o r mai n par t o f th e cit y occupied th e uppe r leve l o f th e promontory . Quebe c wa s completel y fortified b y a thirty-foot-high wall , from whic h six bastions with mounte d heavy cannon s projected . Fou r gates—Palac e Gat e a t th e norther n end , St. John' s Gat e a t th e northwester n quadrant , St . Loui s Gat e i n th e center section , an d Prescot t Gat e betwee n th e lowe r an d uppe r towns — allowed controlle d acces s to the city . Lieutenant Governo r Cramah e an d Colone l MacLea n ha d initiate d measures fo r th e defens e o f Quebe c wit h th e resource s a t thei r disposal . They evacuate d th e inhabitant s o f th e Lowe r Tow n t o withi n th e mor e secure confine s o f th e walle d city . The y als o levele d nearb y building s outside th e wal l t o depriv e attacker s o f cove r an d affor d Britis h gunner s with clea r fields of fire. Finally , the y presse d int o servic e every ma n wh o was willin g t o take up arm s i n th e defens e o f the city. Afte r hi s return t o Quebec, Governo r Carleto n immediatel y reviewe d thes e preparations an d began t o finalize hi s defensiv e plan . Ther e wer e abou t five thousan d people insid e th e wall s o f Quebec . Store d provision s wer e availabl e i n sufficient quantity , i f carefull y rationed , t o sustai n thi s numbe r o f indi viduals unti l th e middl e o f May . Therefore , Quebe c coul d withstan d a six-month sieg e withou t undu e hardship . Carleto n expecte d reinforce ments fro m Englan d befor e then . The tota l occupant s o f Quebe c include d a 1,248-ma n armed defensiv e force consistin g o f disparat e component s o f Britis h regulars , artillerists , marines, seamen , an d militiamen ; Canadia n militiame n an d volunteers ; and th e Roya l Highlan d Emigrants . However , th e loyalty o f man y civil ians wa s suspect . Lik e th e Montrealers , man y o f Quebec' s inhabitant s feared tha t a n attac k o n thei r cit y woul d resul t i n wholesal e destructio n of their home s and persona l property , i f not their own lives. They viewe d capitulation a s a mean s o f saving thos e thing s the y hel d dear . Fo r thi s reason, som e o f the m wer e aidin g an d abettin g th e America n seizur e o f Quebec. Lt . Col . Henr y Caldwell , Britis h militi a commander , stated : "We could guar d agains t open an d avowe d enemies , bu t no t agains t thos e lurking about town." 34 To ri d th e cit y o f thes e securit y risk s an d solidif y publi c suppor t against th e American threat , Carleto n issue d a proclamation. "I n orde r t o rid th e Tow n o f al l useless , disloya l an d treacherou s persons, " th e edic t read, thos e eligibl e men wh o woul d no t joi n i n the defens e o f Quebec b y

130 • On to Quebec serving in the militi a wer e to "quit th e Town i n four days " and th e limit s of th e Distric t o f Quebec b y Decembe r 1 "under pai n o f being treated a s Rebels or Spies , i f . . . found withi n th e said limits. " Although i t prompte d some citizen s t o flee the are a an d drov e a few int o Montgomery' s camp , Carleton's purg e o f unreliabl e element s ha d a salutar y effect . Accordin g to Caldwell , "tha t orde r strengthene d th e garriso n considerably " an d everyone no w "seeme d zealou s fo r th e publi c service. " Unde r th e threa t of banishment , Carleto n induce d som e tw o hundre d Britis h an d thre e hundred Frenc h inhabitant s t o volunteer fo r militi a duty. 35 Carleton planne d n o offensive action . Hi s strateg y wa s t o force Mont gomery t o brin g th e battl e t o him . H e ha d enoug h resource s s o tha t h e could winte r behin d th e wall s o f Quebe c an d awai t reinforcement s tha t would com e wit h th e sprin g breaku p o f ic e i n th e froze n St . Lawrenc e river. Unti l then , h e would stan d behin d hi s formidable fortification s an d defy th e Americans t o take Quebec. Montgomery wa s wel l awar e of the difficultie s facin g him . Th e froze n ground woul d no t allo w hi m t o di g trenche s an d enginee r prope r sieg e lines. Th e lightnes s o f hi s artiller y woul d no t permi t hi m t o breac h th e defensive wall . Th e expiratio n o f enlistment s fo r al l o f Arnold' s Ne w England troop s a t year' s en d an d th e threa t o f Britis h reinforcement s b y April preclude d a protracted operation . Montgomer y thu s ha d n o inten tion o f relying on classic siege tactics. Instead , h e planned t o capitalize on a few expedient s tha t h e hoped t o turn t o his advantage. Whe n writin g t o his brother-in-la w fro m Montreal , h e reveale d som e o f hi s thinkin g fo r combating Carleto n i n Quebec : "Th e extensivenes s o f hi s works , whic h in cas e o f investment , woul d favou r him , will , i n th e othe r cas e [storm ing], favou r us . . . . We ma y selec t a particular tim e and plac e for attack , and t o repel this , th e garriso n mus t b e prepared a t al l times an d places ; a circumstance whic h will impos e upo n i t incessan t watchin g an d labour , by da y an d b y night , whic h i n its undisciplined state , mus t bree d discon tents that ma y compe l Carleto n t o capitulate." 36 As soo n a s th e envelopmen t o f Quebe c wa s complete , Montgomer y initiated a wa r o f nerve s wit h Carleton . O n Decembe r 7 , h e sen t a n ultimatum t o th e governo r designe d t o plan t th e seed s o f doub t concern ing a continue d defens e o f Quebec . "Th e feeling s o f humanit y induc e me," h e bega n o n a consolatory note , "t o sav e yo u fro m th e Destructio n which hang s ove r you. " " I a m wel l acquainte d wit h you r situation, " h e claimed, describin g i t as "a great extent of works i n their natur e incapabl e

On to Quebec • 13 1

of defence, manne d wit h a motley Cre w of Sailors the greatest par t of our friends, o f Citizen s wh o wis h t o se e u s withi n thei r Walls , an d a few o f the worst Troop s wh o eve r stile d themselve s Soldiers. " "I a m a t the hea d of troops, " h e postured , "accustome d t o success , confiden t o f th e Righ teousness o f the Caus e the y ar e engaged in ; inured t o danger an d fatigue , and o f the ungenerous mean s employed t o prejudice the m i n the minds of the Canadians ; tha t i t i s wit h difficult y I restrai n the m til l m y Batterie s are ready , fro m insultin g you r work s whic h woul d affor d the m th e fai r opportunity o f a n ampl e vengeanc e an d jus t retaliation. " "Shoul d yo u persist i n a n unwarrantabl e defence, " Montgomer y warned , "th e conse quences b e on your ow n Head." 37 Montgomery employe d a n innocuou s noncombatant , a n ol d woman , to delive r th e messag e t o Carleton . Sh e approache d th e Palac e Gat e an d told th e guar d tha t sh e carrie d a n importan t dispatc h fo r th e governor . Except t o rais e hi s ire , th e bluf f mad e n o impressio n o n Carleton , wh o determined t o continu e hi s previou s decisio n no t t o communicat e wit h the rebels . Wit h a dramati c ai r t o demonstrat e hi s indignatio n afte r scanning th e communique , Carleto n summone d a drummer. H e ordere d him t o take Montgomery's messag e with fire tongs, so as to avoid contam ination fro m th e vil e prose, an d ceremoniousl y consig n i t to the flames in his fireplace . Th e governo r the n ha d th e messenge r ouste d fro m th e cit y so tha t sh e coul d repor t t o Montgomer y ho w th e communicatio n wa s received.38 A few day s later, Montgomer y trie d anothe r ploy . Thi s time, he wrot e a direct appea l to the Quebec merchants, assurin g them that his army ha d come "wit h th e professe d Intentio n o f eradicatin g Tyranny , an d givin g Liberty an d Securit y t o this oppressed Province , Privat e Propert y havin g ever b y u s bee n deeme d sacred. " Montgomer y chos e anothe r woma n t o smuggle this solicitation int o the city. However , Carleto n soo n discovere d the plo t an d clappe d he r i n th e cit y jai l t o repen t he r indiscretion . A s a last resort , Montgomer y directe d tha t copie s o f hi s previou s messag e t o Carleton b e enclose d wit h th e proclamatio n t o th e merchant s an d tha t they b e sho t ove r th e wal l int o Quebe c b y bo w an d arrow . Thi s tacti c met wit h n o mor e succes s tha n th e earlie r attempt s t o intimidat e an d discredit Carleton . B y thi s time , th e governo r ha d tightene d hi s contro l over th e inhabitant s remainin g i n the city . Th e merchant s wer e too war y now t o risk accommodation wit h th e Americans. 39 Montgomery neve r pu t muc h hop e fo r succes s o n hi s psychologica l

132 • On to Quebec warfare agains t Quebec , bu t h e fel t tha t i t wa s a n optio n tha t ha d t o b e tried befor e resortin g t o mor e darin g action . A t thi s juncture , however , required expedienc e woul d no t affor d hi m th e luxur y o f continuin g thi s type o f operation . Th e presen t situatio n calle d fo r direc t militar y effort s against the city t o dislodge Carleton's obstinat e defense .

C H A P T E R

T E

N

Attack on Quebec The situation of his army pressed dispatch; snows and frost only quickened his motions. He hoped by one successful stroke , before the arrival of succours to the garrison, to complete his plan.1 But yet, what-reck, he at Quebec, Montgomery-like did fa', man, Wi' sword in hand, before his band, Amang his en'mies a', man. 2 Thus fell our worthy and brave General. Weep America! for thou hast lost one of thy most virtuous and dearest sons.3

A fte r receivin g n o satisfactio n i n hi s attempt s t o arrang e a peacefu l /_% capitulatio n o f Quebec, Montgomer y turne d t o an artillery can 1 J L nonad e o f th e city . Erectin g batterie s wit h th e gun s h e ha d brought fro m Montreal , h e emplaced five small mortars behin d protectiv e buildings i n St . Roch , a fe w hundre d yard s fro m th e wall s o f Quebec . Shelling of the city commence d o n Decembe r 9 to provide a postscript t o the unanswere d message s o f conciliatio n tha t Montgomer y ha d sen t t o the inhabitants . Several day s o f sustaine d firing, however , faile d t o mak e a seriou s impact o n th e garriso n o r civilia n population . Capt . Thoma s Ainsli e o f r

33

134 * Attack on Quebec the Britis h militi a crowed , "Thei r sho t ha d n o mor e effec t upo n ou r walls, tha n peas e wou' d hav e agains t a plank. " "Befor e the y gav e u s a sample o f thei r savoi r fair e i n th e bombardin g way, " Ainsli e remarked , "the town s peopl e ha d conceive d tha t ever y shel l wou' d inevitabl y kil l a dozen or two of people, & knock down som e two or three houses . . . but after the y sa w tha t thei r bombette s a s the y calle d them , di d n o harm , women an d childre n walke d th e streets laughin g a t their forme r fears." 4 The ineffectivenes s o f Montgomery' s six- , nine- , an d twelve-pounder s was du e largel y t o thei r ligh t weigh t an d limite d range . I t soo n becam e apparent t o th e American s tha t thei r batterie s wer e no t i n a positio n t o compete wit h th e thirty-two-pounder s i n th e fortress . Thi s Britis h fire superiority manifeste d itsel f i n th e casualtie s an d damag e suffere d b y th e Americans fro m counterartiller y fire . A hostil e canno n barrag e drov e Arnold fro m hi s headquarter s i n St . Roc h whe n hi s hous e wa s riddle d with shot . Carleton' s cannoneer s nearl y kille d Montgomer y whe n a shell decapitated hi s hors e an d demolishe d hi s sleig h a fe w minute s afte r h e had alighte d t o confer wit h hi s aides. 5 Despite the disadvantages fro m whic h th e American artiller y endured , Montgomery ordere d th e emplacemen t o f anothe r batter y tha t hopefull y could giv e a bette r accoun t o f itself . Th e Plain s o f Abraha m offere d th e most advantageou s firing location , bu t i t offere d littl e natura l cove r fro m outranging counterbatter y shelling . I n addition , th e har d froze n groun d would no t permit diggin g or the construction o f earthworks t o protect th e guns or gunners. Nevertheless , th e Americans accepte d th e challenge and risk. Captai n Lam b chos e a site on th e Plain s abou t seve n hundre d yard s from St . John' s Gate . Workin g b y nigh t i n th e bitin g cold , hi s me n prepared th e ne w position . I t too k th e nam e o f the "ic e battery," becaus e its breastwork s wer e constructe d wit h sno w tha t ha d bee n wette d dow n with wate r an d allowe d t o for m int o wall s o f ice . O n Decembe r 15 , Lamb's me n mounte d five six-poun d an d twelve-poun d cannon s an d a howitzer i n the battery, an d traine d th e weapons on Quebec . With thi s sho w o f force , Montgomer y decide d t o issu e stil l anothe r appeal t o th e Britis h defenders . A part y consistin g o f Colone l Arnold , Capt. Joh n Macpherso n (on e o f Montgomery' s aides-de-camp) , an d a drummer advance d unde r a flag o f truce . The y carrie d a lette r fro m Montgomery promisin g Carleto n an d Cramah e saf e conduc t t o Englan d if the y woul d capitulate . Holdin g tru e t o hi s stanc e o f nonnegotiatio n with the rebels, Carleton turne d awa y the American representatives with out meetin g with the m o r receiving their communication. 6

Attack on Quebec • 13 5 Thwarted onc e again in his attempt t o parley a peaceful solutio n to the siege, Montgomery resume d bombardmen t o f Quebec. Th e "ic e battery " joined i n pourin g a vigorou s volum e o f fire upo n th e walle d city . Th e overall effectiveness o f the cannonading, however , wa s little improved . At first, Carleton' s gunner s wer e frustrated i n their attempt s t o answe r the lates t challeng e t o thei r artiller y primacy . Intervenin g house s i n th e adjacent subur b o f St . John's blocke d thei r lin e of fire to the ne w Ameri can battery . Carleto n ordere d th e obtrusive structure s destroyed , an d th e British cannoneer s soon brough t thei r heav y thirty-two-poun d gun s t o bear o n th e "ic e battery. " Th e bi g gun s systematicall y lai d wast e t o th e installation. Counterbattery fire quickl y silence d tw o o f Lamb' s guns , killin g thre e of his men an d woundin g severa l others. Still , the Americans persiste d i n continuing thei r artiller y operation s i n the face of adversity. Montgomer y arrived a t th e batter y i n th e mids t o f th e ruinou s shelling . Afte r experi encing the dismounting o f a cannon an d disabling of its crew by incomin g fire, th e genera l turne d t o Captai n Lamb . "Thi s i s war m work , sir, " h e remarked t o Lamb . "I t i s indeed," wa s th e reply , "an d certainl y n o plac e for you , sir. " "Wh y so , Captain? " th e genera l asked . "Becaus e ther e ar e enough o f u s her e t o b e kille d withou t th e los s o f you , whic h woul d b e irreparable," Lam b answered . Montgomer y an d Lam b apparentl y ha d reconciled thei r differences. 7 Lamb an d hi s me n displaye d courageou s militar y conduc t i n carryin g out thei r dutie s whil e their batter y disintegrate d aroun d them . I n spit e of these heroics , Montgomer y kne w tha t hi s gunner s coul d no t compet e with th e Britis h cannons . H e di d no t wis h t o sacrific e an y mor e o f hi s men an d weapon s t o a futile effort , s o he instructed Lam b to evacuate th e position. Montgomery indicate d hi s gran d strateg y fo r assaultin g Quebe c i n a letter t o Wooster . " I neve r expecte d an y othe r advantag e fro m ou r artil lery tha n t o amuse the enemy an d blin d the m a s to my rea l intention," h e wrote. Montgomer y the n revealed hi s underlying aim : "I propose the first strong northweste r t o mak e tw o attack s a t night : one , wit h abou t a thir d of th e troops , o n th e lowe r town ; . . . th e othe r upo n Cap e Diamon d bastion." 8 Although Montgomer y claime d t o be "full y convince d o f the practica bility" o f hi s plan , hi s decisio n wa s undoubtedl y influence d b y severa l situational factors . A traditional sieg e could no t b e effectively conducted . The America n gun s wer e clearl y inadequat e t o the tas k o f breachin g th e

136 • Attack on Quebec walls o f th e cit y o r o f underminin g th e moral e o f it s inhabitants . Mont gomery als o fel t pressur e fo r th e speed y captur e o f Quebe c fro m hi s superiors, wh o presume d tha t h e woul d continu e hi s strin g o f militar y conquests i n Canad a wit h it s culminatio n a t th e capita l city . Schuyle r informed Washington , " I mak e n o doub t bu t tha t i t [Quebec ] will b e i n our possessio n befor e an y troop s ca n com e t o it s relief. " Washingto n answered, " I flatter mysel f tha t you r nex t Favour will give me an accoun t of Genera l Montgomery' s joinin g Colone l Arnol d an d tha t Quebe c i s o r soon will b e reduce d t o ou r possession. " Henr y Kno x adde d t o th e general anticipatio n b y impetuousl y reportin g t o Washington durin g thi s time tha t " I hav e very littl e doubt tha t Genera l Montgomer y ha s Quebe c in his possession." 9 Congress ha d als o becom e impatient . I n November , i t sen t a commit tee north t o assess the progres s o f the Canadia n campaign . Advancin g n o farther tha n Ticonderoga , th e committeeme n di d no t catc h u p wit h Montgomery. However , i n thei r repor t the y expresse d confidenc e i n hi m and recommende d tha t Congres s provid e reinforcement s fo r hi s enter prise. Montgomery' s conquest s o f St . Johns an d Montrea l wer e th e onl y victories wo n b y th e Continenta l arm y durin g th e first si x month s sinc e its organization . Bolstere d b y Montgomery' s previou s triumphs , mem bers o f Congres s relie d o n th e continuatio n o f hi s momentu m t o secur e Quebec an d wer e slo w t o ac t o n request s fo r augmentation . Benjami n Franklin reflecte d a n anxiou s Congres s whe n h e wrote : "[We ] have no w reason t o expec t tha t whol e Provinc e [Quebec ] ma y soo n b e i n ou r possession."10 The prospec t o f a Canadian allianc e als o prodde d Montgomer y i n hi s decision. H e wrote Schuyler : " I fear th e Canadians will not relish a union with th e Colonie s til l the y se e th e whol e countr y i n ou r hands , an d defended b y suc h a force a s may reliev e the m th e apprehension s o f agai n falling unde r th e Ministerial lash." 11 Considerations o f suppor t fro m hi s soldier s adde d anothe r facto r t o Montgomery's concep t o f operations. " I am not certain whether o r no th e troops relis h thi s mod e o f proceeding, " h e admitted . "Shoul d i t no t appear i n th e sam e advantageou s ligh t t o th e men , I shal l no t pres s i t upon them , wel l knowin g th e impossibilit y o f making troop s ac t with th e necessary vigou r o n suc h a n occasion , i f thei r mind s ar e possesse d wit h imaginary terrors. " Montgomer y induce d hi s troop s wit h a n orde r tha t directed tha t "th e Effect s o f the Governor , Garrison , an d o f such a s have been actin g i n misleadin g th e Inhabitant s an d distressin g th e Friend s o f

Attack on Quebec • 13 7 Liberty" woul d b e auctione d an d th e proceed s divide d amon g th e invad ing soldiers . Som e o f th e troop s too k a muc h wide r vie w whe n the y interpreted thi s directiv e concernin g th e spoil s o f war . "Al l tha t ge t saf e into th e cit y wil l liv e well, " on e ma n wrote , u for the y ar e allowe d t o plunder an d tak e what the y please." 12 The Ne w Englan d troop s unde r Arnol d presente d a potential proble m to the operation. Becaus e their enlistment s expire d a t the end o f the year , many wer e contemplating getting an early star t for home . A Pennsylvani a soldier condemne d the m b y observing : "Th e patriotis m o f the summer o f seventy-five seeme d almos t extinguishe d i n th e winte r o f seventy-six. " Although Montgomer y ha d expedite d hi s pla n o f attac k o n Quebe c t o accommodate th e impendin g terminatio n o f enlistments , h e wa s no w concerned ove r th e possibilit y o f losin g hal f o f hi s troo p strengt h eve n before year' s end. 13 On Christma s Day , Montgomer y spok e t o Arnold' s troops , assurin g them "nothin g wa s wantin g t o insur e victor y bu t th e exercis e o f tha t valor" that the y ha d "s o triumphantly displayed " thu s far . H e conclude d that thei r succes s "woul d rescu e a provinc e fro m th e Britis h yoke " an d obtain "immorta l honor " fo r themselves . "Th e addres s wa s sensibl e an d concise," one privat e noted , "th e engagin g orator y o f th e Genera l highl y enraptured us. " "We answered hi m wit h a cheer, declarin g that whateve r his Excellenc y wa s please d t o comman d w e wer e read y t o obey. " Al though anothe r privat e considere d th e pla n t o stor m Quebe c "ras h an d imprudent," h e di d no t thin k i t prope r t o mak e an y objections , "les t I should b e considered wantin g in courage." "The fire of patriotism kindle d in ou r breasts, " h e recalled , "an d w e resolve d t o follo w whereve r h e should lead. " Montgomer y reporte d t o Schuyle r tha t " I the n ha d reaso n to believe the troops well inclined fo r a coup-de-main." 14 The recen t communicatio n fro m Montgomer y als o alleviate d Schuy ler's "distressin g anxiety " over hi s greatest fear . A false , maliciou s repor t circulated a t hi s headquarter s "tha t Genera l Montgomer y wa s killed , Colonel Arnol d take n prisoner , an d ou r Arm y totall y defeated. " Afte r hearing fro m Montgomery , a relieve d Schuyle r wrot e t o Congres s t o belie th e rumor . Yet , th e ominou s hearsa y woul d prov e t o b e strangel y prophetic.15 Meanwhile, dissensio n betwee n Arnol d an d som e of his officers brough t another crisis with which Montgomery ha d to deal. Som e animosity aros e between Arnol d an d on e o f hi s compan y commanders , wit h who m tw o others soo n sided . John Brow n als o fomented th e dispute b y encouragin g

138 • Attack on Quebec the malcontent captains . Brow n had detested Arnol d sinc e their feud ove r command o f th e combine d forc e tha t capture d Ticonderog a i n May . So , Brown use d thi s inciden t t o provoke hi s old antagonist . A s a condition t o their continue d service , th e thre e compan y commander s insiste d upo n being release d fro m Arnold' s comman d an d reorganize d int o a separat e contingent unde r Majo r Brown . Thi s caba l placed Montgomer y i n a very delicate position. "Thi s dangerous party threaten s th e ruin of our affairs, " Montgomery wrot e Schuyler . "Th e thre e discontente d companie s ar e within a few day s of being free fro m thei r engagements, " he explained. " I must tr y ever y mean s t o preven t thei r departure , an d i n thi s matte r I a m much embarrassed. " "Thei r officer s hav e offere d t o sta y provide d the y may joi n som e othe r corps, " h e continued . "Thi s i s resentmen t agains t Arnold, an d will hur t hi m s o much tha t I d o no t thin k I ca n consen t t o it." Although h e risked divestin g his force o f three companies, Montgom ery stoo d behin d Arnol d i n th e controversy . H e ha d n o intentio n o f contravening th e authorit y o f hi s assistan t commande r whos e abilitie s h e respected. Th e genera l me t wit h th e involve d officer s an d manage d t o defuse th e situation . H e persuade d the m t o pu t asid e thei r differences , forego thei r unreasonabl e demands , an d suppor t th e operatio n agains t Quebec. 16 With thes e difficultie s settled , Montgomer y bega n final preparation s for th e assault . H e numbere d "no t muc h abov e 80 0 me n fit fo r dut y exclusive o f a fe w ragamuffi n Canadians, " bu t h e hope d t o penetrat e Carleton's thinl y stretche d defense s b y employin g th e advantag e o f sur prise. H e ha d writte n earlie r t o Schuyler : "Fortun e ofte n baffle s th e sanguine expectation s o f poo r mortals . I a m no t intoxicate d wit h th e favors I have received a t he r hands , bu t I do think ther e i s a fair prospec t of success. " Hi s pla n calle d fo r th e Ne w Yorker s an d fou r o f Arnold' s companies t o stor m th e Cap e Diamon d bastio n b y escalad e whil e th e remainder o f his force mad e a secondary attac k on the Lower Town. 17 On Decembe r 27 , a snowstorm descende d upo n th e city—the kin d o f weather condition s tha t Montgomer y wante d i n orde r t o concea l hi s operations fro m th e enemy. H e issue d order s fo r hi s troops to check thei r weapons, read y scalin g ladders, an d stan d b y for action . Becaus e some of his me n wor e confiscate d Britis h uniforms , h e instructe d the m t o attac h twigs o f hemloc k t o thei r hat s t o distinguis h the m fro m thei r adversarie s during battle . Soo n afte r midnight , however , th e sno w stoppe d fallin g and the weather suddenl y turne d clear . Montgomer y calle d off the attack , telling hi s soldier s "i t wa s wit h th e greates t reluctanc e h e foun d himsel f

Attack on Quebec • 13 9 Caird upo n b y hi s dut y t o repres s thei r ardor , bu t shoul d hol d himsel f answerable fo r th e los s o f thos e brav e me n whos e live s migh t b e Save d by waitin g for a favourable opportunity." 18 Montgomery soo n learne d tha t th e chang e i n weather an d hi s decisio n to postpone the operation save d hi s troops from almos t certai n disaster b y a forewarne d enemy . Joshu a Wolf , Colone l Caldwell' s cler k take n pris oner b y th e Americans, ha d escape d bac k to Quebec an d informe d Carle ton of Montgomery's pla n o f attack. Hi s intelligenc e was corroborated b y a Sergean t Singleton , a n America n deserte r wh o defecte d t o th e Britis h at th e sam e time . I n th e morning , a n observe d shif t o f th e garriso n defenses t o counter a n attack at the designated locatio n confirmed tha t th e plan ha d bee n compromised . I n orde r no t t o pla y int o Carleton' s hands , Montgomery change d hi s strateg y t o concentrat e hi s mai n effor t o n th e Lower Town. 19 Carleton maintaine d hi s garriso n o n twenty-four-hou r alert . Th e de fenders wer e confiden t i n thei r abilit y t o defea t an y assaul t upo n thei r ramparts. "Abov e a thousan d me n wer e read y t o oppos e th e Rebel s i n case o f a n attack, " Ainsli e recorde d i n hi s journal . "Th e res t o f th e Garrison la y i n thei r cloath s wit h thei r arm s an d accoutrement s lyin g beside them. " "Ca n thes e me n [Americans ] preten d tha t ther e i s a possibility o f approachin g ou r wall s loade n wit h ladders, " h e wrot e wit h a n assured air . "Shal l w e b e lookin g o n cros s arm'd? " "I t wil l b e a fata l attempt fo r them, " he predicted. "The y wil l never scal e the walls." 20 In spit e o f th e delay , mos t o f th e America n troop s remaine d i n hig h spirits. Eve n a n outbrea k o f smallpo x faile d t o dampen thei r enthusiasm . Medical personne l encourage d inoculation s an d evacuate d confirme d case s to a facility thre e mile s awa y i n a n attemp t t o limi t th e contagion . Som e of th e me n i n Capt . Simeo n Thayer' s compan y confronte d fou r fello w soldiers who had feigne d sicknes s to avoid musterin g fo r th e attack. The y paraded th e impugned shirker s with "halters round their necks," exposing them t o th e ridicul e o f th e res t o f th e compan y "a s a punishment Du e t o their effeminat e courage , wh o afte r suffering i n thei r fatigue s t o a degree of spiri t a s ye t know n t o b e equal'd , timorousl y withdre w fro m th e Laurels they wer e ready t o gather." 21 As Montgomer y waite d fo r advantageou s condition s t o launc h hi s operation, h e revise d hi s pla n o f attack . Leadin g hi s thre e hundre d Ne w Yorkers fro m th e Plain s o f Abraham , h e woul d descen d t o th e St . Law rence an d follo w th e narro w pat h besid e th e river , passin g belo w Cap e Diamond t o get into the Lowe r Tow n fro m th e southwest. Arnol d woul d

140 • Attack on Quebec approach fro m St . Roc h wit h som e five hundre d o f hi s ow n men , fifty artillerymen unde r Captai n Lamb , an d abou t fort y Canadian s an d Indi ans, enterin g th e Lowe r Tow n fro m th e opposit e direction . Afte r effect ing a linkup , Montgomer y an d Arnol d woul d forc e thei r wa y u p th e steep, connectin g roadwa y throug h Prescot t Gat e int o th e Uppe r Town , thereby rupturin g th e city' s walle d defenses . Onc e th e American s wer e inside th e inne r city , resistanc e woul d crumble . T o thro w Carleto n of f balance an d guessin g a s t o wher e th e mai n attac k woul d materialize , Montgomery planne d tw o feints . Colone l Livingston' s contingen t o f Ca nadians woul d threate n St . John' s Gate , settin g i t o n fire; an d a detach ment o f Massachusett s me n unde r Capt . Jaco b Brow n (Joh n Brown' s brother) woul d engag e th e guar d a t th e Cap e Diamon d bastion . I n orde r to coordinat e th e movemen t o f th e tw o primar y assaul t forces , Brown' s party woul d als o fire rocket s t o signa l Arnol d tha t Montgomer y ha d initiated hi s approach . I n a n attemp t t o confus e th e defender s further , Montgomery slate d Capt . Isaia h Wool' s batter y o f five mortar s a t St . Roch t o thro w shell s int o th e tow n whil e th e diversionar y feint s wer e conducted.22 Montgomery selecte d th e Lowe r Tow n fo r th e rea l assaul t becaus e i t was th e leas t fortifie d par t o f Quebec , lyin g outsid e th e towerin g cit y walls. Carleto n kne w thi s vulnerabilit y an d ha d take n precaution s b y building a network o f barricades an d obstacle s there . Montgomer y calcu lated tha t hi s troop s coul d overcom e thes e obstructions . H e als o di d no t rule out the possibility tha t i f his force could gain possession of the Lowe r Town o r commercia l district , th e Englis h merchant s woul d prevai l upo n Carleton t o surrender t o prevent destructio n o f their property . This wa s a n ambitiou s pla n bor n ou t o f desperat e circumstances . Intrinsic an d externa l exigencies—lac k o f heav y artillery , short-ter m en listments, threa t o f enem y reinforcements , an d hig h expectation s o f su periors—combined i n compellin g Montgomer y t o tak e precipitou s mea sures agains t Quebec . Wit h hi s experienc e i n sieg e warfare , h e coul d weigh th e odd s a s well a s anyone. Th e Britis h garriso n outnumbere d hi s force b y mor e tha n tw o t o on e an d ha d establishe d fire supremac y ove r his artillery . Th e chance s fo r succes s wer e les s tha n convincing . H e would hav e like d clea r superiorit y i n troo p strengt h an d firepower t o g o against a stubbor n enem y defendin g a fortifie d position , bu t h e realize d that h e mus t pla y th e han d tha t fat e ha d deal t him . Fro m hi s militar y experience, h e als o kne w tha t th e imponderable s o f warfare—surprise , tactical mistakes , herois m o f th e soldiers , an d shee r luck—ofte n deter -

Attack on Quebec • 14 1 mined th e tid e o f battle , an d h e hope d thes e advantage s woul d fal l hi s way. A s h e ha d writte n hi s brother-in-law , Rober t R . Livingston , a fe w weeks before, u Audacesfortuna juvat—Fortune favor s th e bold." 23 Although h e appeare d effusiv e an d unabashe d t o hi s troop s t o hel p maintain thei r spirit , Montgomer y seeme d pensiv e and preoccupied i n his headquarters a t Hollan d House . A s wit h al l militar y leader s jus t befor e committing thei r soldier s t o th e uncertaintie s o f a deadly contes t agains t the enemy, Montgomer y fel t th e awesome weight o f command—respon sibility fo r th e live s o f others—o n hi s shoulders . Durin g thes e privat e moments o f reflection , h e engage d i n som e quie t sou l searching , runnin g the operatio n throug h hi s min d whil e tryin g t o mak e i t a s perfec t a s humanly possible . Others prepare d fo r battl e i n thei r ow n persona l way . Capt . Joh n Macpherson, Montgomery' s aide-de-camp , composed a letter to his fathe r in Philadelphia . A n ardent , twenty-year-ol d patriot , Macpherso n ap pended instruction s fo r hi s lette r t o b e maile d onl y i n cas e h e di d no t survive. "I f yo u receiv e this , i t wil l b e th e las t thi s han d wil l eve r writ e you," th e poignan t tex t read . "Order s ar e give n fo r a genera l stor m o f Quebec thi s night ; an d Heave n onl y know s wha t ma y b e m y fate ; bu t whatever i t be , I canno t resis t th e inclinatio n I fee l t o assur e yo u tha t I experience n o reluctanc e i n thi s cause , t o ventur e a life whic h I conside r is onl y len t t o b e use d whe n m y countr y demand s it. " Capt . Jaco b Cheeseman, a company commande r i n th e 1s t New Yor k Regiment , als o penned a letter t o hi s father : " I can' t tel l whe n I shal l retur n home , fo r I can't d o lik e man y o f m y fellow-citizens—afte r puttin g m y han d t o th e plow, loo k back ; especiall y now , whe n m y countr y call s loudl y fo r assis tance." Cheesema n expresse d thes e patrioti c sentiment s despit e a pre monition o f hi s impendin g deat h o n th e battlefield . Afte r dressing , h e placed five gold coins into his pocket s o that the y coul d b e used t o pay fo r a proper buria l whe n hi s body wa s recovered. 24 With th e onse t o f anothe r snowstor m o n th e nigh t o f Decembe r 30 , which promise d t o b e fiercer tha n th e previou s one , Montgomer y issue d the orde r fo r attac k tha t hi s troop s anticipated . A t tw o o'cloc k o n th e morning of the 31st , th e Americans gathered a t their designated assembl y areas—the Ne w Yorker s o n th e Plain s of Abraham, Arnold' s forc e a t St . Roch, Livingston' s Canadian s i n vicinity o f St . John's Gate , an d Brown' s men opposite the Cape Diamond bastion . Around fou r o'clock, Montgom ery le d hi s column dow n towar d Wolf s Cov e located besid e the river. A s he bega n th e stee p one-mil e descent , Brown' s detachmen t launche d it s

142 • Attack on Quebec rockets an d bega n firing upo n th e Cap e Diamon d bastion . Livingston' s contingent o f Canadians approache d St . John's Gate . Observin g th e rock ets i n th e snow-choke d sk y ove r Cap e Diamond , Arnol d starte d hi s advance. Th e long-awaite d onslaugh t agains t Quebe c ha d commenced. 25 The rocket s serve d a s a signal t o the Americans , bu t the y als o alerte d the Britis h tha t th e cit y wa s unde r attack . Capt . Malcol m Frase r o f th e Royal Highlan d Emigrants , wh o commande d th e mai n guar d tha t night , was conductin g a tou r o f th e guar d post s o n th e wester n wal l whe n th e rockets burs t i n th e sky . Sensin g tha t thi s mean t a n imminen t attack , h e immediately sprea d th e warning . Drum s bea t t o arms , tow n bell s ran g the alarm , an d officer s ra n throug h th e street s rushin g troop s t o thei r posts. Britis h artiller y roare d i n reply to the American mortar s that bega n to fall . I n shor t order , th e entir e garriso n stoo d read y t o oppos e th e attack, bu t the y ha d no t determine d wher e th e mai n thrus t woul d b e made. Th e defender s extende d lantern s affixe d t o pole s ove r th e wall s and heave d ignite d fire ball s fro m th e battlement s t o illuminat e th e groun d outside. Th e tw o feint s wer e no t convincin g enoug h t o b e take n ver y seriously. Livingston' s demonstratio n amounte d t o a timorou s actio n b y the Canadians . The y wer e no t abl e to moun t an y intimidatin g encounte r and faile d t o se t th e gat e afire . Althoug h Brown' s me n maintaine d a spirited fusillad e o n thei r objective , the y di d no t attemp t t o clos e upo n the position. 26 In th e mids t o f the clamor , Carleto n waite d patientl y fo r th e situatio n to clarify . Th e unruffle d vetera n Britis h genera l decide d no t t o commi t his mai n reserv e unti l th e fo g o f battl e lifte d sufficientl y s o that h e coul d fix th e locatio n o f th e primar y attack . Suspectin g tha t wha t the y ha d experienced s o fa r wa s merel y a diversio n fo r th e rea l attack , Carleto n sent Colone l Caldwel l an d a detachmen t o f militi a t o investigat e th e gunfire nea r th e Cape Diamon d bastion . About thi s time, Montgomery reache d Wolfe' s Cove , where the fame d British genera l ha d lande d sixtee n years before durin g hi s conquest o f the French i n Quebec . Th e America n genera l ha d n o tim e t o conside r th e irony o f th e occasion , fo r th e heav y blizzar d an d roug h terrai n wer e putting hi m behin d hi s tim e schedule . Bitte r col d an d dee p snowdrift s called fo r Herculea n effort s t o mov e forward . Turnin g downstream , h e continued t o lea d hi s me n i n thei r advanc e alon g th e edg e o f th e St . Lawrence. Here , h e encountere d eve n mor e distressin g conditions . Up heaval o f th e froze n rive r ha d pile d onshor e hug e masse s o f ic e tha t repeatedly blocke d thei r path , forcin g the m t o claw their wa y u p the clif f

Attack on Quebec • 14 3 to get around th e obstructions. Thi s wa s particularly difficul t fo r th e me n carrying scalin g ladders . Almos t tw o mile s o f this stretche d ahea d befor e they reache d th e firs t defense s o f th e Lowe r Town . Th e troop s slogge d onward bu t los t preciou s minute s o f darkness durin g th e ordeal. Towar d the rea r o f th e colum n wa s Col . Donal d Campbell , Montgomery' s quar termaster general . Campbel l woul d late r describ e th e rout e a s "the wors t Path I eve r traveled , bein g oblige d i n severa l place s t o scrambl e u p th e slant o f th e Rock s & then descendin g b y pullin g th e Skir t o f ou r Coat s under u s & slidin g dow n 1 5 o r 2 0 foot , & thi s repeate d severa l time s before w e got to the first Barrier." 27 Campbell an d Montgomer y wer e a stud y o f contrastin g personalities . It i s difficul t t o understan d wh y the y go t alon g s o well . Perhap s ther e was a kindred feelin g becaus e Campbell wa s a Yorker who had previousl y served a s a n office r wit h th e Britis h army . However , Campbell' s cas e demonstrates th e divers e background s an d purpose s o f th e member s o f the expedition . Th e colone l wa s a vociferous braggar t wh o ostentatiousl y carried a larg e claymore— a two-edge d Scottis h broadsword—int o bat tle. Unlik e Montgomery , Campbell' s objec t fo r servin g i n th e patrio t cause wa s motivate d b y selfis h reasons . H e owne d te n thousan d acre s of land i n New Yor k awarded t o him b y the British Crow n a s compensatio n for hi s father' s dispute d lan d holding s an d service s i n quellin g th e Scot tish rebellion of 1745 . After receivin g this grant, Campbel l incurre d man y debts b y livin g i n Englis h hig h societ y beyon d hi s means whil e tryin g t o uphold a n affluen t image . T o sav e himsel f fro m debtors ' prison , h e use d his inheritance an d socia l connections t o persuade a number o f influentia l English friends , includin g a membe r o f Parliament , t o insur e hi s debts . He the n summaril y departe d fo r America , leavin g hi s backer s t o mak e restitution fo r wha t h e owed. Hi s ex-friend s sued i n British court s fo r hi s title t o th e Ne w Yor k land s t o recou p thei r losses . Wit h thi s threa t o f personal rui n hangin g over hi s head, Campbel l embrace d America n inde pendence a s a means t o ri d himsel f o f privat e lega l an d financial difficul ties.28 On th e other sid e of Quebec, Arnold' s column brave d the raging stor m as i t marche d int o battle . Lik e Montgomery , Arnol d le d th e way—bot h had learne d tha t i t was vita l t o take suc h chance s whe n commandin g ra w American soldier s i n combat. Seein g their leader s i n the fore steadie d th e nerve o f th e troops , bu t th e practic e als o increase d th e exposur e o f thes e officers t o enem y fire. Lik e al l goo d field commanders , Montgomer y an d Arnold wer e willin g t o ris k thei r live s i n th e executio n o f thei r duties .

144 * Attack on Quebec Behind Arnol d an d hi s advanc e party , Captai n Lam b an d hi s cannoneer s dragged a six-poun d canno n lashe d t o a sled . Th e mai n bod y o f rifl e companies followed . A contingen t o f Canadian s an d Indian s brough t u p the rear . Their rout e too k the m pas t the Palac e Gate nort h o f the city. Arnold' s vanguard circumvente d th e gate undetected, bu t hi s mai n bod y o f troop s drew heav y fir e fro m th e alerte d Britis h guard s ato p the wall . Fo r a third of a mil e the y ra n a gauntle t o f muske t ball s raine d upo n the m fro m above. "Her e w e lost some brave men," Priv. John Joseph Henr y remem bered, becaus e h e an d hi s fello w soldier s "wer e powerles s t o retur n th e salutes w e received , a s th e enem y wa s covere d b y hi s impregnabl e de fenses." "The y wer e eve n sightles s t o us, " h e groaned . "W e coul d se e nothing bu t th e blaze from th e muzzles of their muskets." 29 In th e ensuin g rus h towar d th e Lowe r Town , Lamb' s unwield y sle d became mire d i n a deep snowdrif t an d th e canno n ha d t o b e abandoned . The artillerist s continue d th e marc h arme d onl y wit h thei r muskets . Finally, Arnol d an d hi s troop s reache d th e first barricad e i n th e Lowe r Town, whic h wa s defende d b y a detachmen t o f militi a an d tw o ligh t cannons. On e o f th e Britis h artiller y piece s hastil y fired. A badl y aime d load o f grapesho t whistle d ove r th e Americans ' head s wit h littl e effect . Snow ha d we t th e powde r o f the other gu n causin g i t to misfire. Then , a hail o f muske t fire explode d fro m th e emplacement . Arnol d originall y planned t o take this barrier unde r fire with hi s own cannon whil e separat ing hi s forc e int o lef t an d righ t envelopment s t o defea t i t fro m th e rear . Deprived o f hi s field piece , h e ha d t o resor t t o mor e direc t an d darin g tactics. Arnol d ordere d a fronta l assaul t agains t th e positio n befor e an other volle y o f canno n shell s coul d b e levele d agains t hi s troops . Whil e leading the charge, h e felt a stab of pain an d fel l t o the ground. Ami d th e withering fire, a bullet ha d ricochete d int o his path, lodgin g in his left le g below th e knee . Tryin g t o continue , h e slumpe d agains t a wall , barel y able t o stand . Severa l soldier s ra n t o hi s assistance . Wit h a ma n unde r each arm , Arnol d shoute d encouragemen t t o hi s troop s a s h e limpe d reluctantly fro m th e field of battle. Seeing their leade r wounded an d unabl e to carry on , man y o f Arnold' s men becam e dispirited . "W e ar e sold " echoe d dow n th e troo p line . Th e command wa s i n dange r o f crumbling . Anothe r office r ha d t o asser t himself quickl y t o maintai n th e momentu m o f th e assault . Capt . Danie l Morgan an d hi s Virgini a rifleme n accepte d th e cal l t o duty. Morga n wa s a natural leade r an d wa s respected fo r hi s military prowes s b y th e troops.

Attack on Quebec • 14 5 His superio r officers— a lieutenan t colone l an d tw o majors—ha d no t reached th e scene , s o h e too k th e initiative . Makin g hi s wa y t o th e fore , he exhorted th e soldier s to follow hi s lead. Whil e the enemy attempte d t o reload, Morga n flung himsel f a t the barrier . Me n wit h scalin g ladders ra n beside hi m whil e dodgin g muske t fire . Closin g upo n th e fifteen-foot-high barricade, Morga n wa s the first one to mount a ladder, callin g for th e res t to hee d hi s example . A s h e reache d th e top , a blast o f fire erupted i n hi s face. Th e stunne d captai n topple d backwar d of f th e ladde r int o the sno w below. Upo n a quic k persona l inspection , h e discovere d severa l bulle t holes throug h hi s clothing an d hi s face blackene d b y burne d gunpowder . Miraculously, h e wa s unhur t an d spran g bac k u p th e ladde r withou t hesitation. Thi s tim e h e vaulte d ove r th e wall , an d hi s comrade s flocked after him . Th e startle d Britis h militiame n surrendere d withou t muc h further resistance . Morga n ha d overcom e th e strongpoin t an d take n ove r a hundre d captives , whil e losin g on e kille d an d si x wounded . Hi s oppo nents suffere d comparabl e casualties. 30 As th e troop s rounde d u p thei r prisoners , Morga n advance d t o th e second barricad e situate d thre e hundre d yard s ahead . Surprisingly , h e found i t undefended , an d th e wa y looke d ope n t o th e Uppe r Tow n beyond. Morga n rejoine d hi s forc e an d urge d the m t o pus h o n throug h the nex t barrie r withou t delay . T o hi s disappointment , h e foun d the m unwilling t o advance . The y expresse d concer n ove r th e siz e o f thei r assembled force . Th e prisoner s outnumbere d thei r captor s a t thi s point , and som e expresse d fea r tha t th e captive s migh t tr y t o overpowe r thei r guards. I n addition , som e companie s ha d becom e separate d fro m th e assault part y an d wer e stil l tryin g t o find thei r wa y throug h th e narrow , winding street s o n th e othe r sid e o f th e first barricade . Th e officer s tol d Morgan tha t the y wante d t o wai t ther e unti l mor e o f thei r stragglin g column caugh t u p an d Montgomery' s forc e joine d them . Morga n decide d not to press the matter further , fo r h e "was overruled b y hard reasoning. " However, h e feared tha t a great opportunity fo r quic k victory ha d slippe d between thei r fingers. "T o thes e argument s I sacrifice d m y ow n opinio n and los t the town," Morgan late r lamented. 31 The American s use d thi s interva l t o tak e stoc k o f their stat e of affairs . Many of them discovered tha t their weapons had becom e wet and useless. While shieldin g the m fro m th e element s wit h thei r coa t lappets , th e warmth o f thei r bodie s melte d th e accumulate d sno w o n thei r clothes , soaking th e firelocks. The y gratefull y exchange d the m fo r arm s seize d from th e Britis h captives . "Thes e wer e no t onl y elegant, " Henr y de -

146 • Attack on Quebec scribed them , u but wer e suc h a s befitte d th e han d o f a rea l soldier. " I t was abou t daybrea k whe n th e majo r par t o f th e colum n arrive d an d th e Americans re-forme d fo r a n attack on the secon d barrier. 32 Meanwhile, Colone l Caldwel l an d hi s detachmen t ha d reache d Cap e Diamond bastio n an d u saw tha t there was nothing serious intended" ther e by th e Americans. O n hi s own volition , h e then le d hi s men t o St . John' s Gate. Durin g hi s tour , h e conclude d tha t n o rea l threa t wa s developin g from th e Plai n an d th e guards mannin g th e wall were capable of handlin g the demonstration s o f Brow n an d Livingston . Whil e a t St . John' s Gate , he learne d o f Arnold' s attac k o n th e othe r sid e of th e town . Augmentin g his militi a wit h som e Roya l America n Emigrant s unde r Capt . John Nairne , Caldwell heade d towar d th e Lower Town . MacLean wa s als o active in sorting out what th e Americans' intention s were and preparin g to counter them . H e informe d Carleto n o f the seriou s action developin g i n th e Lowe r Town . Carleto n had , therefore , ordere d some two hundred Canadia n militiame n t o occupy an d hol d tha t sector . When Caldwel l reache d th e secon d barricade , h e wa s joine d b y Cap tain Anderso n leadin g abou t fifty sailors . Caldwel l cam e upo n a scene of confusion a t the defensive position . " I found things , thoug h no t i n a good way, ye t no t desperate, " h e describe d th e situation . H e sai d tha t th e Canadians wer e "sh y o f advancin g towar d th e barrier, " an d h e "wa s obligated t o exer t mysel f a goo d deal. " Caldwel l quickl y restore d orde r and readie d hi s me n t o receiv e th e Americans . A s h e wa s accomplishin g this, Captai n Anderso n le d hi s detachmen t throug h th e barricad e gate . Seeing Morga n o n th e othe r side , Anderso n calle d fo r hi m t o surrender . Morgan aime d hi s rifl e an d sho t hi m throug h th e head . Anderson' s part y retreated behin d th e barricad e draggin g th e dea d bod y o f thei r office r with them. 33 Seizing th e moment , th e American s initiate d thei r assaul t agains t th e barrier. Me n positione d ladder s agains t th e wal l an d Morga n clambere d to th e top . H e wa s drive n bac k b y hostil e fire. I n spit e o f repeate d attempts, n o on e wa s successfu l i n climbin g ove r th e heavil y defende d barricade. Effort s t o outflan k th e barricad e b y breakin g int o adjacen t buildings als o me t wit h failure . Som e wer e sho t of f th e ladder s whil e trying t o scal e th e wall . Other s wer e kille d o r wounde d i n th e narrow , confined street s fro m th e murderou s fire lai d dow n b y Caldwell' s troops . Captain Lam b suffere d a majo r woun d whe n a part o f hi s fac e wa s tor n away b y grapeshot. 34 The tid e o f wa r ha d turne d agains t th e Americans . Th e officer s con -

Attack on Quebec • 14 7 sidered th e alternative s lef t them . Som e fel t tha t Montgomer y surel y would joi n the m a t an y moment , an d the y wante d t o hol d thei r positio n until reinforced . Th e majorit y ha d give n up hopes of relief fro m th e Ne w York troop s an d viewe d thei r situatio n a s untenable . The y decide d t o abandon th e attempt an d withdraw . However, Carleto n too k actio n t o preven t that . B y thi s time , th e British commande r wa s confiden t tha t th e onl y threa t t o hi s defens e rested wit h th e force s presentl y opposin g hi m a t th e secon d barricad e i n the Lower Town . Seizin g the initiative at the critical moment , h e decided to commit hi s reserves b y orderin g Capt . Georg e Law s with five hundred men t o sall y fort h ou t o f th e Palac e Gat e an d strik e th e American s fro m their rear . Spillin g ou t th e gateway , Law s followe d th e pat h lef t b y Arnold's troop s a s they earlie r skirte d th e gat e and proceede d towar d th e Lower Town . Shortly , h e collide d wit h Captai n Dearborn' s "los t com pany." Becaus e o f a dela y i n startin g thei r approac h march , Dearbor n and hi s me n ha d becom e separate d fro m Arnold' s mai n forc e an d wer e still tryin g t o find thei r wa y t o joi n th e res t o f th e column . On e o f th e British picket s sa w Dearbor n i n th e murk y distanc e an d challenge d hi m to identify himself . " A friend," th e captain replie d t o the shadowy figure. When aske d wh o h e wa s a frien d to , Dearbor n answered , "t o liberty. " The soldie r the n exclaimed , "Go d dam n you " an d lunge d t o fire a t Dearborn. Th e America n hurrie d t o give his adversary "hi s due." "But t o my grea t mortification, " Dearbor n recounted , "m y Gu n di d no t g o of f . . . no r on e i n Te n o f m y me n coul d ge t of f ou r Gun s the y bein g s o exceedingly wet. " Surrounde d an d outnumbere d b y si x to one, Dearbor n surrendered afte r a brief stand . Britis h troop s marche d hi m an d hi s me n under guar d int o the Uppe r Town. 35 Anxious t o cu t of f th e America n retreat , Captai n Law s continue d t o charge towar d th e Lowe r Town . Upo n nearin g th e chaoti c engagemen t there, h e called fo r th e first American s h e sa w to capitulate. The y jeere d at th e suggestio n o f surrenderin g t o a lon e officer . Law s looke d aroun d and discovere d tha t hi s men were nowhere i n sight—in hi s excitement h e had outru n them . Althoug h th e captain insiste d tha t hi s command woul d arrive "in a twinkling," the disbelieving Americans disarmed th e overzealous office r an d mad e hi m thei r prisoner . A shor t tim e later , Laws' s me n did appea r i n suc h number s a s t o forc e hi s releas e an d caus e muc h consternation t o the stalle d America n assaul t force. 36 The fres h Britis h troop s quickl y recapture d th e first barricade , pre venting an y chanc e o f withdrawa l b y th e rebels . Heartene d b y th e ap -

148 • Attack on Quebec pearance of Laws's force, th e British prisoner s also turned o n their forme r American captors . Trappe d betwee n th e two barricades , wha t wa s left o f Arnold's colum n hel d ou t unti l nearl y te n o'clock . On e i n five o f th e Americans ha d bee n kille d o r wounded . Thei r spiri t flagged a s thei r numbers wer e reduced . The y finally despaire d o f bein g relieve d b y Montgomery's forc e an d bega n surrendering . Morgan , however , wa s defiant t o th e end . Backe d agains t a wall , h e refuse d t o relinquis h hi s sword t o th e Britis h soldier s wh o encircle d hi m an d demande d it . Eve n when the y threatene d t o shoo t hi m o n th e spo t i f h e di d no t submit , h e scornfully stoo d hi s ground. Th e deadl y impass e wa s broke n whe n Mor gan sighte d a pries t i n th e crow d o f Britis h troops . H e hande d th e surprised clergyma n hi s sword , angril y announcing , "No t a scoundrel o f those coward s shal l tak e i t out o f m y hands. " Thus ende d th e three-hou r fight i n th e Lowe r Town . Th e American s ha d com e almos t withi n reac h of their objective , bu t i t had elude d thei r grasp. 37 Montgomery an d hi s column o f Yorkers were very muc h o n the mind s of Arnold' s troop s durin g thei r desperat e struggle . Th e pla n calle d fo r a combined effor t agains t th e Britis h defense s i n th e Lowe r Town . The y could no t understan d wh y th e genera l ha d faile d t o kee p hi s rendezvou s and forsake n the m i n their hou r of need. No t ye t known t o them, anothe r catastrophe ha d befalle n Montgomer y an d hi s men . At abou t si x o'cloc k earlie r tha t morning , Montgomer y an d hi s me n reached a timber palisad e blocking their way into the Pres de Ville sectio n of the Lowe r Town . Ther e wa s n o sign o f any defender s a t th e obstacle , so Montgomer y calle d o n hi s pioneer s t o us e thei r saw s an d axe s i n cutting a n openin g throug h th e fifteen-foot-high picke t fence . Leavin g half o f th e pioneer s ther e t o finish th e jo b for th e mai n body , th e genera l and hi s vanguar d slippe d throug h th e breac h an d continue d abou t a hundred yard s t o a secon d palisade . Stil l unchallenge d b y an y sentries , Montgomery agai n ordere d th e pioneer s t o remov e som e picket s i n th e barrier t o allo w passage . H e wa s concerne d wit h advancin g hi s troop s past thes e obstacle s a s quickl y a s possibl e becaus e h e kne w tha t ever y moment's dela y increase d thei r chance s o f discovery . H e als o worrie d about th e slownes s o f hi s advanc e an d wante d t o lin k u p wit h Arnold' s force a s soo n a s possible. I n hi s impatience , Montgomer y pushe d severa l of th e half-sawe d post s ou t o f th e wa y wit h hi s ow n hand s an d edge d through th e opening . Hi s aide , Captai n Macpherson ; th e first compan y commander, Captai n Cheeseman ; an d severa l others i n his advanc e part y accompanied him . Behin d them , th e mai n forc e ha d reache d an d bega n

Attack on Quebec • 14 9 negotiating the first palisade. Peering through the snowy gloom Montgom ery discerne d th e outline s o f a two-stor y blockhous e guardin g th e entr y to Pres de Ville . The tw o palisade s wer e s o intimidatin g an d th e hous e i n suc h a n advantageous locatio n t o cover th e ope n are a befor e it , tha t th e defender s apparently fel t n o need t o place guards forwar d o f these sites . Therefore , the hous e wa s th e firs t occupie d positio n Montgomer y encountered . I t was a simple fram e structur e nea r a potash works . Th e Britis h converte d it int o a stronghol d b y cuttin g loophole s i n th e wall s fo r musket s an d mounting fou r smal l cannons i n the upstairs windows . A motley garriso n manned th e fortifie d house . Som e thirt y Canadia n militiame n an d a handful o f British seamen-gunner s comprise d th e guard force . On e of th e militiamen observe d Montgomer y an d hi s me n passin g throug h th e bar rier an d alerte d hi s comrades . Th e guardsme n mad e thei r cannon s read y to fir e an d too k u p position s a t th e firin g port s wit h readie d muskets . They decide d t o hol d thei r fir e unti l th e American s advance d clos e enoug h to present a target tha t woul d b e difficult t o miss. Back a t th e barricade , Montgomer y heede d th e sudde n clamo r an d flurry o f activit y i n th e blockhouse . I t wa s no w obviou s t o hi m tha t th e enemy kne w o f hi s presenc e an d wa s preparin g t o repe l hi s advance . H e decided t o attac k th e strongpoin t befor e hi s adversarie s ha d an y mor e time to gird themselve s fo r a n engagement. Montgomer y dre w hi s swor d and turne d t o th e me n behin d him . "Com e on , m y goo d soldiers , you r General Call s upo n yo u t o Com e on. " Leadin g th e charge , Montgomer y was les s tha n fift y yard s fro m th e blockhous e whe n th e hostil e cannon s began t o roar . Grapeshot , followe d b y a fusillade o f musket fire , downe d most of the Americans wh o were in the front. Th e advanc e party wa s cut to pieces . Montgomer y wa s kille d durin g th e firs t volle y wit h grapesho t through th e hea d an d bot h thighs . Captain s Macpherso n an d Cheesema n lay dea d a fe w fee t behind . Othe r bodie s wer e sprawle d nearb y i n th e snow. A few daze d survivor s fle d bac k to the barricade. 38 With th e deat h o f Montgomery , comman d fel l o n th e shoulder s o f Colonel Campbell . A t th e soun d o f gunfire, h e had hurrie d forwar d fro m his position wit h th e mai n body . Upo n reachin g th e secon d barricade , h e surveyed th e grisl y scen e befor e him— a battlefiel d littere d wit h bodie s from th e advance party an d under th e guns of the blockhouse. Th e troop s milling abou t hi m wer e demoralize d ove r th e los s o f thei r genera l an d their predicament . However , th e outcom e o f th e engagemen t wa s ye t t o be decided . Th e ful l weigh t o f th e America n resource s ha d no t bee n

150 • Attack on Quebec brought t o bear on the blockhouse. Th e mai n force of the column had no t reached th e secon d barrie r an d wa s stil l uncommitte d t o combat . Thi s situation calle d fo r someon e t o rall y th e soldier s an d pres s forwar d wit h the attack. Campbel l prove d incapabl e of the task thrust upo n him . Soldiers o f th e America n arm y derive d muc h o f thei r courag e fro m that o f thei r leaders , an d wit h Montgomer y kille d an d Campbel l unabl e to muste r th e mettl e t o replac e him , th e Ne w Yorker s becam e a n irreso lute arme d assemblag e rathe r tha n a n effectiv e fighting force . Severa l unnerved officer s joine d Campbel l an d advise d hi m agains t continuing . He readil y agree d an d ordered a n immediate retreat. Turnin g hi s back on the Lowe r Town , h e abandone d Arnold' s force , leavin g i t t o fen d fo r itself. Reversin g th e colum n i n it s tracks , Campbel l directe d i t bac k th e way i t had come , whil e taking charge of the rear guard. 39 Leaving th e unrecovere d remain s o f Montgomery an d hi s party o n th e battlefield onl y adde d t o th e disgrac e o f Campbell' s action . Th e lifeles s forms o f Montgomery an d th e men who fell with him began accumulatin g a shrou d o f fallin g sno w wher e the y la y o n th e no w silen t field of battle . Macpherson di d no t liv e to receiv e th e promotio n fo r whic h h e had bee n recommended. Montgomer y neve r learne d o f hi s advancemen t t o majo r general tha t Congres s conferre d o n Decembe r 9 i n recognitio n o f hi s victorious leadership of the northern army. 40

C H A P T E R

E L E V E

N

Aftermath of Quebec Every Tongu e i s lou d i n celebratin g hi s Praises , an d lamenting his Fate; and on every Breast his distinguished merit is written in Characters indelible. Among the first Patriots an d Heroes , th e faithfu l Pag e o f Histor y wil l perpetuate the name of Montgomerie.1 If a Martyr' s suffering s meri t a Martyr' s Rewar d hi s claim is indisputable. . . . He now rests from his Labour and his Works can't but follow him. 2

T

he bodie s o f Montgomer y an d hi s me n la y undisturbe d wher e they fel l fo r th e res t o f th e day . Th e blockhous e guard s di d no t realize th e significanc e o f th e actio n i n whic h the y ha d bee n involved—that on e pron g o f th e America n arm y ha d bee n turne d bac k and it s commanding general slain. They coul d observe some of the attack ers fal l unde r thei r gun s an d th e survivor s withdraw , bu t the y ha d n o way o f discerning th e exten t o f damage the y ha d inflicte d o n thei r assail ant o r whethe r th e oppositio n woul d launc h anothe r attemp t a t thei r position. Late r tha t morning , whe n wor d cam e tha t a n enem y forc e ha d penetrated th e Lowe r Town , severa l o f th e nervou s guardsme n woul d have abandoned thei r outpos t i f cooler heads had no t prevailed. Althoug h Montgomery's deat h wa s no t ye t know n t o th e British ^ i t becam e appar ent t o al l b y tha t afternoo n tha t the y ha d repulse d a major attac k b y th e Americans o n the city. 3 l

5*

152 • Aftermath of Quebec Flush wit h hi s succes s i n defending Quebec , Carleto n sen t a task forc e into th e subur b o f St . Roc h t o seiz e Wool' s morta r battery , acquirin g Lamb's derelict cannon on the way. The y manage d t o rout the American s from th e batter y bu t encountere d unexpecte d resistanc e whe n the y at tempted t o pursu e the m throug h th e narro w streets . Th e artilleryme n were joine d b y som e reserv e troop s an d improvise d a holdin g actio n i n the hamlet. Meanwhile , som e soldiers ran to Arnold's headquarter s i n the general hospita l t o war n th e colone l o f a n impendin g Britis h attack . Bedridden afte r havin g th e bulle t remove d fro m hi s leg , Arnol d receive d the new s wit h typica l audacity . H e ordere d a gun issue d t o every wounde d man i n the hospital t o resist the British, an d he readied hi s brace of pistols and swor d s o that h e could wield them fro m hi s bed. "H e was determine d to kil l a s man y a s possibl e i f the y cam e int o th e room, " th e docto r observed wit h awe . However , th e British officer s i n St . Roc h decided no t to pres s th e issu e further . Th e tas k forc e returne d t o Quebe c wit h th e captured field piece s after settin g fire to several houses. 4 Once Woo l reporte d th e departur e o f th e Britis h fro m St . Roch , relative cal m returne d t o Arnold' s headquarters . Th e colone l dispatche d a letter t o General Wooste r i n Montreal, informin g hi m of Montgomery' s death an d hi s faile d attemp t o n Quebec . H e als o appraise d hi s curren t situation a s critica l an d requeste d immediat e assistanc e fro m Wooster , who wa s no w th e rankin g America n office r i n Canada . O n hi s retur n from Pre s d e Ville , Campbel l ha d sen t Edwar d Antil l t o als o notif y Wooster o f th e America n defea t a t Quebec . I n a serie s o f subsequen t letters t o Wooster , Arnol d continue d hi s ple a fo r reinforcements . "Fo r God's sake , orde r a s man y me n dow n a s you ca n possibl y spare , consis tent wit h th e safet y o f Montreal , an d al l th e mortars , howitzers , an d shells, that you can possibly bring. " Despite his vulnerable plight, Arnol d vowed t o fight on . " I hav e n o thought s o f leavin g thi s prou d town, " h e wrote hi s sister, "unti l I first enter i t in triumph." 5 In Quebec , th e Britis h celebrate d thei r victory . "Th e Flowe r o f th e rebel arm y fel l int o ou r hands, " Captai n Ainsli e elatedl y depicte d th e battle. Anothe r office r too k a religiou s ton e whe n accountin g fo r thei r military success : "Th e Lor d o f Host s severel y smot e ou r enemy ; the y were overwhelmed a s with a whirlwind, an d lef t u s triumphant t o gathe r them u p an d lea d the m int o captivity. " Colone l Caldwel l predicte d tha t the Americans ' los s woul d discourag e simila r enterprise s i n th e future : "The Quebe c expeditio n will mak e the m heartl y sic k o f engagin g i n wa r out o f their Provinces." 6

Aftermath of Quebec • 15 3 On th e morning of January 1 , the British venture d outsid e the walls of Quebec to survey th e battle sites and retrieve the dead. James Thompson , overseer o f work s i n th e enginee r departmen t o f th e garrison , accompa nied a party fro m Pre s de Ville. H e wa s there to inspect the damage don e to th e barricade s an d orde r thei r repair . H e als o supervise d th e remova l of th e dea d Americans . A s th e me n foun d th e froze n corpse s an d pulle d them fro m th e knee-dee p snow , the y cam e acros s a n upward-thrus t ar m protruding fro m a whit e mound . Afte r uncoverin g th e bod y an d upo n closer examination , Thompso n determine d b y th e qualit y o f his unifor m that th e ma n wa s a high-rankin g officer . A blood y fu r ca p marke d wit h the initial s R . M . le d Thompso n t o believ e tha t thes e wer e th e morta l remains o f Montgomery . On e grapesho t bal l ha d entere d th e hea d throug h the chin , anothe r ha d lodge d i n th e groin , an d a third ha d shattere d th e thigh bone . Besid e th e crumple d bod y la y a swor d wher e i t droppe d when th e violent, fata l impac t o f cannon fire wrenched i t from Montgom ery's outstretched arm . Th e ornate sword, fashione d wit h a n ivory handl e and a silve r dogs-hea d pomme l tha t befitte d a general , heightene d Thompson's suspicio n tha t th e recovere d remain s belonge d t o th e rebe l leader. H e ha d th e corpse carried insid e Quebec, wher e it was recognized by th e Wido w Prentice , wh o operate d a n in n tha t Montgomer y ha d patronized whil e serving with the British army. Carleto n brough t i n som e American prisoner s t o confirm he r identificatio n o f their slain general. 7 Although o n opposit e militar y side s a t thi s time , Carleto n respecte d the ma n tha t h e had soldiere d wit h i n th e wa r agains t France . Th e entir e garrison admire d Montgomer y a s a n individual , eve n i f the y coul d no t approve of his political transgressions . Fe w use d hars h word s when relat ing th e deat h o f thei r enemy . "Thos e wh o kne w hi m formerl y i n thi s place, sincerel y lamen t hi s lat e infatuation, " Captai n Ainsli e wrot e i n hi s journal. "The y sa y he was a genteel man , an d a n agreeable companion." 8 Carleton ordere d Montgomer y burie d wit h dignit y bu t withou t elabo rate ceremony i n Quebec. Whil e the governor wante d t o treat Montgom ery's remain s wit h respect , h e di d no t wis h t o furthe r th e caus e o f th e rebellion b y contributin g t o th e mystiqu e tha t h e feare d woul d b e buil t around Montgomery' s mourne d demise . Thompso n employe d a crafts man t o buil d a suitabl e coffi n fo r th e occasion . Man y o f th e America n prisoners grieve d a s they sa w th e genera l carrie d t o his grave. "M y hear t was read y t o burs t wit h grie f a t viewin g th e funera l o f ou r belove d general," wrot e Privat e Henry . "Montgomer y wa s beloved , becaus e o f his manlines s o f soul , heroi c bravery , an d suavit y o f manners. " "H e ha d

154 * Aftermath of Quebec the voluntar y love , esteem , an d confidenc e o f th e whol e army, " Majo r Meigs noted . "Hi s death , thoug h honourable , i s lamented , no t onl y a s the deat h o f a n amiable , worth y friend , bu t a s a n experienced , brav e general, whos e countr y suffer s greatl y b y suc h a los s a t thi s time. " A t sunset o n January 4 , th e Britis h committe d Montgomery' s remain s t o a grave insid e th e St . Loui s Gate . Macpherso n an d Cheesema n wer e als o interred withou t coffin s i n th e sam e plot . Th e Reveren d d e Montmollin , the garrison chaplain , performe d th e graveside service, with Carleto n an d a few Britis h officer s an d Quebe c citizen s in attendance. 9 It wa s difficul t t o ascertai n th e tota l casualtie s suffere d durin g th e assault. Althoug h th e Britis h scavenge d th e battlefield , som e bodie s re mained hidde n b y th e sno w unti l th e sprin g thaw . Privat e Henr y note d that "o f commissione d officer s w e ha d si x killed , five wounded, " bu t h e overestimated th e figures fo r th e ran k an d file a s "a t leas t on e hundre d and fifty kille d an d fifty o r sixt y wounded. " Captai n Dearbor n probabl y rendered a mor e accurat e accounting : "Th e Sergeants , Corporals , an d privates, kill' d & wounded accordin g t o the bes t account s I could obtain , Amounted t o abou t on e Hundre d men , th e numbe r kill' d o n th e Spot , about 40. " Th e Britis h casualtie s wer e comparativel y light . Carleto n reported onl y on e officer (Captai n Anderson ) an d si x enlisted me n killed , with eleve n rank an d file wounded. 10 In additio n t o th e casualties , th e American s los t som e fou r hundre d men, fit an d wounded , includin g thirt y officers , wh o wer e capture d b y the British . Carleto n prove d t o be a magnanimous captor . H e imprisone d the American s i n th e Uppe r Town , segregatin g th e officer s fro m th e enlisted ranks . Al l th e prisoner s experience d goo d treatment . Carleto n allowed th e recover y o f thei r baggage , arrange d human e accommoda tions, an d provide d medica l car e fo r th e wounded . Mos t o f th e capture d Americans wer e apprehensiv e ove r th e possibilit y o f bein g sen t t o En gland an d trie d fo r treason . So , the y wer e appreciativ e o f Carleton' s forebearing an d benevolen t attitud e towar d them . Henr y referre d t o th e governor a s "a n ornamen t suc h a s woul d grac e an y nation. " H e eve n placed th e Britis h genera l i n th e compan y o f hi s revere d America n per sonages. "I f suc h me n a s Washington , Carleton , an d Montgomery , ha d the entir e directio n o f th e advers e war , th e contention , i n th e event , might hav e happil y terminate d t o th e advantag e o f bot h section s o f th e nation." 11 With Henr y an d hi s fello w prisoner s languishin g i n captivity , Arnol d confined t o hi s bed , an d Campbel l demoralized , th e American s under -

Aftermath of Quebec • 15 5 standably reflecte d o n th e event s tha t le d t o th e failur e o f thei r attack . The los s o f bot h field commander s durin g th e earl y stage s o f th e assaul t suddenly an d unexpectedl y place d th e America n operatio n i n jeopardy . When a debilitating woun d force d Arnol d ou t o f action, Morga n admira bly picke d u p th e rein s o f leadership . H e aggressivel y continue d th e assault i n th e Lowe r Tow n t o overru n th e first barricade . There , th e Americans halte d thei r advanc e t o awai t reinforcements . I f Morga n an d his men ha d immediatel y pushe d forwar d beyon d th e undefended secon d barricade, the y migh t hav e been abl e to break int o the Uppe r Tow n wit h little opposition . Th e breac h coul d hav e caused enoug h pani c an d confu sion fo r th e Britis h t o induc e thei r submission . Unfortunately , i n a mo ment o f indecision , the y le t th e opportunit y expire . Durin g th e crucia l time i n which th e assaul t part y regrouped , th e Britis h manage d t o assem ble a n impregnabl e defens e o f th e barrier . I f Arnol d ha d bee n spare d hi s injury an d retaine d th e command , i t i s difficul t t o believ e tha t thi s pug nacious warrio r woul d hav e allowe d th e assaul t t o paus e afte r reductio n of the first barricade . Colonel Caldwell , wh o wa s chiefl y responsibl e fo r galvanizin g th e British effor t i n tha t sector , admitted : "Ha d the y acte d wit h mor e spirit , they migh t hav e pushed i n a t first an d possesse d themselve s o f the whol e of Lowe r Town , an d le t thei r friend s i n a t th e othe r side , befor e ou r people ha d tim e t o hav e recovere d fro m a certain degre e o f panic , whic h seized the m o n th e new s o f th e pos t bein g surprised. " Captai n Ainslie , however, disagree d an d offere d a mor e optimisti c scenario : "Allo w fo r a moment tha t the y ha d carrie d th e Lowe r Town , the y woul d hav e bee n but littl e advanc' d toward s gettin g possessio n o f th e uppe r town , fro m whence w e ca n bur n th e house s belo w u s a t an y time . Shell s wou' d soo n have reduce d i t t o a hea p o f rubbish. " Still , mos t o f th e American s believed tha t th e Lowe r Tow n wa s th e ke y t o th e walle d cit y above . Possession o f th e secon d barricad e undoubtedl y woul d hav e encourage d them t o seriousl y threate n th e Uppe r Town . Thei r success woul d hav e been decided b y th e unpredictable situatio n create d a t that time. 12 The condition s fo r a n America n victor y certainl y woul d hav e im proved wit h th e arriva l o f Montgomery' s colum n i n th e Lowe r Town . The culminatio n o f thi s forc e wit h tha t o f Morgan , eve n afte r th e initia l opportune momen t ha d slippe d away , woul d hav e offere d a significantl y stronger challenge to the invincibility o f the second barricade . The weigh t of thi s combine d thrus t migh t hav e provide d enoug h impetu s t o ti p th e scales o f battl e i n th e Americans ' favor . Wit h Montgomery' s untimel y

156 • Aftermath of Quebec death, thi s challeng e agains t th e Britis h defense s neve r materialize d wit h its planne d intensity . I f Montgomer y ha d survive d o r anothe r instinctiv e leader suc h a s Morga n ha d sprun g forwar d t o tak e hi s place , th e Ne w York contingen t stoo d a n excellen t chanc e o f defeating th e blockhous e a t Pres de Vill e and linkin g up with thei r comrades i n the Lower Town . Al l that wa s neede d a t thi s critica l junctur e wa s fo r someon e t o provid e a steadying influenc e o n th e soldier s t o continu e th e attack . Th e guard house, manne d b y a n ill-assorte d grou p on th e verg e of panic and greatl y outnumbered b y th e Americans , stoo d a s the onl y remainin g obstructio n between th e colum n an d Quebec . A forcefu l assaul t b y th e Yorker s probably woul d hav e sen t th e defender s fleeing an d opene d th e wa y t o their objective . Instead , i t wa s th e American s wh o fled whe n Campbel l showed hi s lac k o f courag e unde r fire . Th e troop s sa w throug h hi s previous facad e o f bluster an d posturin g an d refuse d t o follow him . Wit h no redeemer forthcomin g afte r Montgomery' s death , th e America n effor t died a t Pre s d e Ville , a failur e tha t ultimatel y doome d th e entir e opera tion. Arnol d expresse d thi s contentio n whe n writin g o f Montgomery : "Had h e bee n properl y supporte d b y hi s troops , I make n o doubt o f ou r success." 13 As Arnol d lamente d wha t coul d hav e been an d scribble d letter s whil e propped u p i n hi s bed , h e als o bega n t o pla n fo r futur e operations . Fearing a counter strike fro m Carleton , som e o f hi s officer s urge d hi m t o withdraw int o th e countryside . Arnol d woul d no t entertai n suc h tactics . He ordere d a blockad e o f th e cit y wit h wha t meage r force s h e ha d lef t while waitin g fo r reinforcements . Som e si x hundre d me n wer e availabl e to Arnol d afte r th e faile d attac k o n Quebec . O f these , mor e tha n on e hundred whos e enlistment s ha d expire d lef t fo r home . The y wer e joine d by a numbe r o f deserter s wh o ha d experience d thei r fil l o f war . " I hop e you wil l sto p ever y rasca l wh o ha s deserte d fro m u s an d brin g hi m bac k again," Arnol d wrot e Wooster . Arnol d als o wanted someon e mor e activ e to assum e comman d o f th e expeditio n whil e h e recuperate d fro m hi s wound. A t first , h e selecte d Colone l Campbel l t o relieve him . However , Arnold soo n hear d th e details of Campbell's conduc t a t Pres d e Vill e an d took bac k th e command . Fo r tw o months , th e wounde d combatan t ra n the emaciated arm y an d th e blockade of Quebec from hi s bedside. 14 The me n wh o participate d i n th e assaul t o n Quebe c compose d a microcosm o f th e Continenta l arm y i n 1775 . Ther e wa s Montgomer y i n the lea d chargin g int o th e mout h o f th e enemy' s cannon . H e represente d the purist s o r idealist s wh o sough t n o persona l rewar d fro m th e wa r bu t

Aftermath of Quebec • 15 7 fought becaus e the y believe d i n th e principle s o f th e cause . Besid e hi m was Arnold, th e confident an d adep t office r wh o characterized thos e wh o embraced th e militar y a s a mean s t o satisf y thei r pent-u p ambitions . Behind cam e Campbell an d me n of his ilk, with hidden, persona l agenda s for thei r involvemen t i n th e enterpris e an d questionabl e staunchnes s o f character. Als o alon g wa s Morgan , portrayin g th e troop s wh o joine d th e army t o ven t thei r physica l aggressiveness . Lamb , wh o personifie d th e radical revolutionary , wa s prominent a s well. Then , ther e was the seven teen-year-old Henry , symbolizin g the restless young men who enlisted i n a quest fo r adventur e and maturity . Still , there were nameless others wh o were composites o f these sundry traits . Collectively , the y pointe d ou t th e multisided characte r o f th e first Continenta l soldier s an d shattere d th e myth o f the monolithic duty-filled patrio t freedo m fighter. Carleton wa s conten t t o remai n withi n th e confine s o f Quebe c afte r repulsing th e America n attack . Althoug h hi s availabl e force s no w ha d a four-to-one advantag e ove r tha t o f th e Americans , th e governo r rejecte d any offensiv e actio n agains t th e tenuou s blockad e tha t Arnol d defiantl y maintained. Carleto n wa s generall y haile d a s th e savio r o f Quebec , ye t even som e of his officers criticize d hi m fo r no t deliverin g a coup de grac e to th e America n expeditio n afte r thei r abortiv e attack . "Th e genera l di d not choos e to risk anythin g further, " wrot e Colone l Caldwell . "Hi s idea s seemed entirel y t o centr e i n th e preservatio n o f th e town , certai n o f succours arrivin g i n th e spring ; no r di d h e see m t o carr y hi s view s towards th e operations o f the summe r campaign , whic h migh t hav e bee n much forwarde d b y th e entir e rou t o f th e enemy. " Cautiou s b y nature , Carleton interprete d hi s primary missio n a s a defensive on e of safeguard ing Quebe c proper . Uncertai n o f ho w man y troop s Arnol d stil l fielded, he was not willin g to venture a major engagemen t wit h th e Americans o n their terms . T o sen d hi s soldier s outsid e th e safet y o f th e walle d cit y i n pursuit o f Arnold' s forc e woul d b e a foolhard y derelictio n o f duty , h e reasoned. H e surel y als o considere d tha t thi s wa s th e blunde r b y whic h the Frenc h ha d los t Quebe c i n 1759 . Successfu l s o fa r i n hi s defensiv e strategy, i t mad e goo d sens e t o Carleto n t o continu e holdin g th e Ameri cans at bay unti l Britis h reinforcement s arrive d i n April. 15 If Carleto n wa s no t dispose d towar d destructio n o r dispersa l o f th e Americans surroundin g Quebec , Arnol d certainl y ha d n o mean s t o forc e the situatio n t o a climax. Therefore , th e Quebec campaign settle d int o a n impasse that woul d las t for th e winter . In spit e of Arnold's pressin g requests fo r reinforcements , Wooste r wa s

158 • Aftermath of Quebec unwilling t o immediatel y leav e Montreal . H e ha d a garrison o f onl y five hundred t o si x hundred troop s t o hold tha t city , a s well a s Chambly an d St. Johns , an d h e feare d a Canadia n uprising . H e wa s als o concerne d with securin g Montrea l t o provid e a route o f withdrawa l fro m Quebe c i f retreat becam e necessary . So , h e dispatche d a n urgen t appea l t o Set h Warner t o sen d hi s Gree n Mountai n Boy s t o Canad a "a s fas t a s they ar e collected." Then , Wooste r sen t Antil l an d Mose s Haze n wit h a letter t o Albany t o inform Schuyle r o f the faile d attac k on Quebec. " I shal l not b e able t o spar e an y Me n t o reinforc e Colo : Arnold . . . . I hav e therefor e sent Colo : Clinto n an d Mr . Pric e wh o I thin k ma y b e of grea t servic e t o him." 16 Schuyler wa s overwhelme d b y th e new s o f Montgomery' s death . H e had value d hi m a s his personal frien d a s well as his able field commander. Schuyler wa s concerne d tha t th e los s o f Montgomer y cas t futur e Cana dian operation s i n great peril . H e sen t a letter to Congress, explaining th e tragedy, an d h e als o wrot e a "melancholy account " t o Washington . "M y amiable friend , th e gallan t Montgomery , i s no more; the brav e Arnol d i s wounded; an d w e hav e me t wit h a sever e check , i n a n unsuccessfu l attempt o n Quebec . Ma y Heave n b e graciousl y please d tha t th e misfor tune ma y terminat e here." Schuyler's inabilit y t o send suppor t t o Quebe c compounded hi s grief . Hi s hope s fo r promp t relie f o f th e Canadia n expedition reste d wit h Washington . I n Schuyler' s lette r t o hi s com mander, h e stated : " I trembl e fo r ou r peopl e i n Canad a . . . nothing . . . seems lef t t o preven t th e mos t fata l consequences , bu t a n immediat e reinforcement, tha t i s nowhere to be had, bu t fro m you." 17 Washington receive d Schuyler' s lette r o n th e evenin g o f January 17 . He als o deplore d th e demis e o f on e o f hi s mos t competen t generals . "I n the Deat h o f thi s Gentleman, " Washingto n wrot e t o Schuyler , "Americ a has sustaine d a heav y Loss , a s h e ha d approve d himsel f a stead y Frien d to he r Right s an d o f Abilit y t o rende r he r th e mos t essentia l Services. " The nex t da y h e calle d a council o f wa r t o consider th e crisi s i n Canada . The counci l resolve d "tha t i n th e presen t feebl e stat e o f th e Regiment s here, I t wa s imprope r t o detach an y forc e fro m thes e Line s to Quebec o r Canada." Th e sieg e o f Boston , lik e tha t o f Quebec , ha d turne d int o a seemingly endles s stalemat e tha t sappe d th e moral e o f th e America n soldiers. Rampan t desertion s combine d wit h lo w recruitmen t rate s t o undermine th e comba t efficienc y o f th e Continenta l army . I n addition , Washington wa s engage d i n a majo r reorganizatio n o f hi s arm y whil e trying t o maintai n pressur e o n th e Britis h i n Boston . Thi s rebuildin g

Aftermath of Quebec • 15 9 program wa s necessary t o compensate fo r th e short-term militi a unit s tha t were leavin g e n mass e no w tha t the y ha d complete d thei r origina l com mitment. "I t woul d giv e m e th e greates t Happiness , i f I coul d b e th e happy Mean s of relieving our Fello w Citizen s no w i n Canada," Washing ton replie d t o Schuyler . "Bu t i t i s not i n m y power. " "I n shor t I have no t a Ma n t o spare, " h e groaned . A reallocatio n o f som e o f th e unit s t o b e raised fo r th e Bosto n army , an d a ple a t o Congres s an d th e variou s colonies fo r increase d militar y manpower , wa s th e bes t tha t th e com mander i n chief coul d d o for th e Canadian operatio n a t this time. 18 After notifyin g Schuyler , Antil l an d Haze n continue d t o Philadelphi a to appris e Congres s o f th e situatio n i n Canada . O n Januar y 18 , Antill , who ha d bee n wit h Montgomer y durin g th e assault , testifie d fo r tw o hours befor e th e congressiona l delegates . Congres s ha d alread y autho rized nine battalions for the Canadian campaig n on January 8 , even befor e news of the attac k o n Quebe c reache d them . However , incentiv e t o pus h the measur e t o fruitio n ha d bee n lacking . Th e repuls e o f th e America n forces i n Canad a arouse d mor e congressiona l attentio n i n considerin g th e needs o f th e norther n army . Congres s adopte d a n extensiv e serie s o f resolves concerning affair s i n Canada durin g th e next severa l days. 19 The initia l inclinatio n o f Congres s i n respec t t o Montgomery' s deat h was t o kee p th e los s a s quie t a s possible . Th e delegate s feare d tha t new s of th e disaste r migh t plung e th e patrio t movemen t int o despai r o r eve n dissolution. On e membe r "move d i n a florid Speec h tha t th e Delegate s may wea r Mournin g ( a Crap e roun d th e lef t Arm ) fo r On e Mont h fo r Montgomery," an d anothe r desire d t o arrang e a sermo n honorin g th e general's mortality . A thir d propose d a publi c monumen t b e erecte d t o his memory. Congres s turne d dow n thes e actions "o n the Ground tha t n o Mourning i s eve r wor n b y an y Court s o n suc h Account s & tha t th e General i s alread y embalme d i n th e Hear t o f ever y goo d America n an d that suc h Proceedin g ma y caus e to o muc h alar m a t suc h a critical Junc ture." 20 The circumstance s o f Montgomery' s tragi c deat h provoke d a wide spread catharsis , callin g int o questio n th e manne r i n whic h th e Congres s and colonia l authoritie s ha d prosecute d th e war . Criticis m levele d a t government official s range d fro m a seemin g lac k o f will i n decisivel y conducting th e patrio t militar y effor t t o short-ter m enlistmen t policie s and scarcit y o f resources allocate d t o support th e armed conflict . Lieutenant Colone l Ritzema , statione d wit h Wooste r a t Montreal, wa s one of th e first t o lash ou t i n frustratio n agains t wha t h e perceive d a s th e

160 • Aftermath of Quebec government's neglec t o f th e norther n army . Stunne d afte r hearin g o f th e events i n Quebec , h e fire d of f a letter t o Pierre Va n Cortlandt , chairma n of th e Ne w Yor k Committe e o f Safety . "Ou r misfortun e i s i n grea t measure owing to the anxiet y som e of the troops wer e under o f returnin g home," he wrote. "Thi s I trust wil l be a warning t o America no t to enlist men fo r an y limite d time. " " I wil l ventur e t o say, " h e continued , "tha t unless a change takes place in this respect, Americ a mus t fal l a sacrifice t o her enemies. " "W e ar e no w i n a wretche d plight, " Ritzem a observe d i n the letter , "ou r excellen t genera l dea d an d defeated— a grea t probabilit y that th e flower o f hi s arm y i s cu t t o pieces—th e soldier s mutinous , an d with littl e discipline, no t a sous to pay them with, whic h makes them so. " "For God' s sake , sir , exer t yourself, " h e exclaimed . " I hav e exaggerate d nothing; le t u s hav e me n an d money , otherwise , b y Heavens , Canad a i s lost." 21 Gen. John Sullivan , wh o wa s wit h Washingto n outsid e Boston , wrot e to th e Ne w Hampshir e Assembl y t o giv e hi s assessmen t o f th e Quebe c disaster. "Upo n m y soul , i t give s m e pai n t o find tha t ou r Continenta l chest i s s o ofte n empty, " th e genera l asserted , "an d tha t parsimon y an d indolence, whic h ha s destroyed s o many powerfu l States , i s but to o likely to destroy ours. " "T o this , alone , wa s owing tha t fata l defea t a t Quebec , as th e decease d Montgomery' s letter s wil l full y show, " h e concluded . "For h e seemed t o prophesy hi s defeat fro m th e want of money t o pay of f the troops." 22 Such complaint s prompte d th e politica l leadershi p t o significantly wide n their concep t o f oppositio n t o Britis h rule . Congres s cam e t o regar d th e Canadian campaig n les s a s a n adjunc t operation . Now , mos t delegate s fixed o n th e possessio n o f Canad a a s a vita l issu e i n th e Americans ' struggle agains t Britain . Thi s calle d fo r a deeper commitmen t t o produc e the assets needed t o pour int o an expanded wa r effort . "Your Lette r t o Congress respectin g the unfortunate Deat h o f Genera l Montgomery an d th e Disaste r o f hi s Troop s pierce d ever y Heart, " a congressional delegat e wrot e t o Schuyler . " I sincerel y Sympathiz e wit h you th e Los s of that brav e officer." " I kno w you r afflictio n mus t b e grea t for i n hi m yo u hav e los t a most Valuabl e Frien d an d a n office r i n who m you deservedl y pu t th e greates t Confidence, " h e consoled , "bu t Suc h i s Heaven's Will , an d le t u s Acquiesc e i n th e Divin e Providence. " "Wha t Aid Congres s Mea n t o giv e th e Norther n Arm y yo u have, " h e assure d the general . " I hop e a stead y Attentio n wil l b e give n t o tha t importan t Affair." "Measure s ar e now take n b y Congress , whic h I trust will reduc e

Aftermath of Quebec • 16 1 Carleton & his few troop s before th e En d o f February," anothe r membe r wrote hi s provincia l congress . "Ha d on e thir d o f th e Succour s bee n sen t Montgomery, i n al l human probability , th e Lif e o f that brav e and gallan t Officer ha d bee n save d & Quebec lon g e'er thi s in our Possession." 23 Samuel Chase , a Marylan d delegate , demonstrate d a n earl y enthusi asm fo r backin g th e conques t o f Canada . H e wrot e t o John Adams : " I think th e Succes s of the Wa r will , i n great Measure , depen d o n Securin g Canada t o ou r Confederation. " Joh n Adam s agree d wit h hi s colleague , and mos t o f hi s fello w member s woul d shortl y com e t o accep t thi s precept. I n a lette r t o hi s clos e frien d i n th e Massachusett s Congress , James Warren , Adam s expresse d th e overwhelmin g feelin g i n th e Conti nental Congress : "Th e Unanimou s Voic e o f th e Continen t i s Canad a must b e ours, Quebe c mus t b e taken." 24 Strangely, Montgomery' s brother-in-law , Rober t R . Livingston , wa s among th e fe w delegate s wh o disapprove d o f th e Canadia n campaign . "When th e expeditio n agt . Canad a wa s first projecte d I oppose d it, " h e said. "I t i s indisputable tha t th e possessio n o f Canada will drain u s of ou r specie, disapat e withou t adin g t o ou r strength, " h e propheticall y stated . The acquiescenc e tha t buil t i n Congres s towar d projectio n o f patrio t military operation s i n Canad a swep t awa y th e objection s o f Livingsto n and th e smal l number o f like-minded members. 25 Washington had a keen understanding of the sentiments that develope d in Congres s durin g thi s time . H e welcome d it s realizatio n o f th e critica l outcome of the Canadian campaig n an d th e long-needed emphasi s b y tha t body o n prope r militar y support . A t th e en d o f January , h e wrot e t o Wooster: " I nee d no t mentio n t o yo u th e Importanc e o f Canad a i n th e scale of our Affairs—to whomsoeve r I t belongs, i n their favou r probably , will th e Ballanc e Turn—I f i t i s ours , succes s wil l crow n ou r virtuou s Struggles—If ou r Enemies , th e Contest a t best, will be doubtful, hazard ous & bloody—Governmen t bein g full y convince d o f thes e facts , wil l most assuredl y sen d a Stron g & considerable Reinforcemen t t o Quebe c early i n th e Spring. " I n a subsequen t lette r t o hi s confidant , Lt . Col . Joseph Reed , Washingto n reiterate d ho w th e recen t traged y a t Quebe c had bee n turne d int o a long-ter m militar y advantag e fo r th e America n army: "Bu t fo r th e los s o f th e Gallan t Chie f [Montgomery ] & his brav e Followers I should thin k th e re-buff rathe r favourabl e tha n otherwise; fo r had th e Countr y [Canada ] bee n subdue d b y suc h a handfu l o f Me n 'ti s more tha n probabl e tha t i t woul d hav e bee n lef t t o th e defens e o f a few , & rescued [retaken ] from u s i n the Spring—Ou r eye s will now, no t onl y

162 • Aftermath of Quebec be ope n t o th e Importanc e o f holdin g it , bu t th e number s whic h ar e requisite to that end." 26 During th e first fe w month s o f 1776 , momentu m intensifie d i n th e government fo r a revived sustainmen t o f Canadian operations . However , the issu e o f short-ter m enlistment s wa s a differen t matter . Lik e mos t i n the colonies , member s o f Congres s an d provincia l official s possesse d a n ingrained fea r o f establishing a standing army , les t it encourage a military dictatorship an d loos e th e troop s agains t th e civilia n secto r o f America n society. Th e ide a prevaile d tha t th e arm y shoul d b e compose d o f part time citizen-soldier s followin g th e historica l exampl e o f Cincinnatus , a farmer wh o twic e joine d th e legio n t o sav e Rome , an d bot h time s re turned t o hi s plo w a s soo n a s th e crisi s ha d passed . Enrollin g soldier s i n the Continental arm y fo r extende d period s of duty smacke d of a menacing military establishmen t tha t th e civil officials wer e trying t o guard against . On th e othe r hand , th e Quebe c experienc e graphicall y pointe d ou t th e inefficiency o f th e enlistmen t progra m i n use . Militar y leader s wer e con vinced tha t th e high turnove r rat e of soldiers, leadin g to an undependabl e troop strengt h an d organizatio n fo r combat , represente d th e underlyin g bane o f th e army' s abilit y t o protec t th e countr y agains t th e British . I n their view , establishmen t o f a professiona l arm y fo r th e American s wa s essential t o th e successfu l outcom e o f th e struggl e agains t England , be cause i t provide d th e onl y hop e t o stan d u p t o th e seasone d Britis h redcoats.27 Washington lai d ou t thes e concern s t o th e presiden t o f Congres s dur ing th e first par t o f Februar y 1776 . "Th e disadvantage s attendin g th e limited Inlistmen t o f Troops, i s too apparent t o those who are eye witness of the m t o rende r an y animadversion s necessary, " h e wrot e t o Joh n Hancock. "Tha t thi s caus e precipitate d th e fat e o f th e brave , an d muc h to b e lamente d Gen l Montgomerie , & brought o n th e defea t whic h fol lowed thereupon , I hav e no t th e mos t distan t doub t of, " h e stated , "fo r had h e no t bee n apprehensiv e o f th e Troop s leavin g hi m a t s o importan t a crisis, bu t continue d th e Blockad e o f Quebec , a Capitulation, fro m th e best Acct s I hav e bee n abl e t o collect , mus t inevitabl y hav e followed. " Professing tha t " I hav e nothin g mor e i n vie w tha n wha t t o m e appear s necessary t o advanc e th e public k Weal, " Washingto n wen t o n t o recom mend t o Congress tha t i t extend th e lengt h o f service requirement fo r th e military b y obligating recruit s t o serve until th e end o f hostilities. 28 Civilian authoritie s bega n t o seriousl y reevaluat e th e enlistmen t issu e after Quebec . Still , the y harbore d muc h recalcitranc e towar d th e tradi -

Aftermath of Quebec • 16 3 tion-breaking actio n o f lengthenin g th e tim e fo r militar y service . O n January 19 , 1776 , Congres s defeate d a n initia l motio n tha t troop s b e enlisted fo r thre e year s o r a s lon g a s th e wa r continued . A n emotiona l discussion ensue d ove r th e issue . On e delegate , Roge r Sherma n o f Con necticut, expresse d hi s oppositio n tha t "lon g enlistmen t i s a stat e o f slavery. Ther e ough t t o b e a rotation whic h i s i n favo r o f liberty. " Joh n Adams, a Massachusett s delegate , endorse d th e proposa l fo r long-ter m enlistments onl y i f administere d o n a voluntar y basis , "a s me n mus t b e adverse t o it—wa r ma y las t 1 0 years. " A s argument s suc h a s tha t o f Washington mounted , however , Congres s reluctantl y move d towar d ex tension o f enlistmen t periods . Th e delegate s appointe d a three-perso n committee, comprise d o f Benjami n Franklin , Samue l Chase , an d Charle s Carroll, t o g o t o Canad a t o stud y th e situatio n an d mak e recommenda tions. O n Ma y 17 , 1776 , th e commissio n reported : "Th e inlistin g Me n for a year, o r fo r a less time occasioned th e Deat h o f the brave Montgom ery . . . & is the principal Sourc e of all the disorders i n your Army." 29 Even wit h thi s corroboration , i t wa s no t unti l Septembe r 16 , 1776 , that Congres s decide d t o procure enlistment s i n the Continenta l arm y fo r the duratio n o f th e war . O n Septembe r 24 , 1776 , John Hancock , presi dent o f Congress , notifie d th e state s o f thes e resolve s t o "engag e th e Troops t o serv e during th e Continuanc e o f the War. " H e the n explaine d the thinkin g o f Congres s o n th e subjec t a t tha t time . "Th e man y il l Consequences arisin g fro m a short an d limite d Inlistmen t o f Troops, ar e too obviou s t o b e mentioned, " h e state d before citin g Montgomery' s reverse a t Quebe c a s th e determinin g cas e i n point . "Withou t a wel l disciplined Arm y w e ca n neve r expec t Succes s agains t vetera n Troops, " he admonished, "unles s our Troops are engaged to serve during the War. " Thus, Congres s opene d th e wa y fo r th e professionalizatio n o f the Ameri can army . I t migh t no t hav e happened bu t fo r Montgomery' s tragi c deat h at Quebec. 30 While debat e ove r militar y enlistmen t policie s percolate d i n Congress , the delegates also reconsidered th e method b y which Montgomery's deat h would b e officiall y sanctioned . Soo n afte r th e origina l decisio n t o down play th e loss , i t becam e obviou s fro m th e amoun t o f public mournin g fo r the falle n genera l tha t thi s governmental positio n wa s untenable. Letters , popular ballad s an d poems , publi c speeches , newspape r articles , an d broadsides carrie d th e nam e o f Montgomer y throughou t th e colonies . The Pennsylvania Gazette, fo r example , epitomize d Montgomer y a s th e most appealin g kin d o f soldie r durin g tha t time . "Th e los s o f Genera l

164 • Aftermath of Quebec Montgomery," wrot e th e editor , "wh o wel l understoo d th e dutie s o f a soldier an d th e citize n an d generousl y endure d th e fatigues o f one for th e sake of securing the rights of the other, i s greatly regrette d b y ever y love r of mankind. " Th e traditiona l practic e o f no t speakin g il l o f on e recentl y deceased coul d accoun t fo r som e o f th e courtes y pai d t o Montgomery , but th e magnitud e o f th e homag e fa r surpasse d wha t woul d b e expecte d from thi s socia l convention . T o capitaliz e o n thi s outpourin g o f popula r adoration, Congres s bega n extollin g Montgomer y a s a marty r fo r th e patriot cause. 31 During this early period o f the Revolution, conflictin g loyaltie s divided the country . Man y colonist s maintaine d equivoca l attitude s towar d th e conflict wit h Britai n an d hope d fo r eventua l reconciliatio n wit h th e mothe r country. Eve n moderat e patriot s suc h a s Rober t R . Livingston , wh o approved o f som e sort of independence fro m Britain , questione d whethe r the movemen t towar d tha t ultimat e goa l wa s proceedin g to o fas t an d recklessly. Th e patrio t factio n neede d a rallying poin t t o pull it s activis m together an d stimulat e publi c opinio n agains t Britain . Montgomery' s deat h filled this requirement perfectly . If someon e ha d se t ou t t o desig n a n idea l marty r fo r th e caus e o f liberty, the y coul d no t have done better tha n Montgomery. H e embodie d all the necessary credential s fo r martyrdom . Hi s persona l lif e was beyon d reproach, an d hi s professiona l lif e commande d respec t fro m frien d an d foe alike . Also , h e coul d no t b e dismissed a s a knee-jerk radical . Charac terized b y reaso n an d temperance , hi s reputatio n appeale d t o a larg e swath o f th e population , bot h libera l an d conservative . H e ha d bee n o n the othe r sid e whil e servin g i n th e Britis h army , bu t obviousl y h e ha d appreciated th e signs of British tyranny an d joine d th e American patriots . His ultimat e sacrific e a t Quebec earned hi m a hero's status . Congress hope d tha t Montgomery' s unselfish , trul y virtuou s partici pation i n th e Revolutio n woul d encourag e other s t o follow hi s precedent . On Januar y 25 , th e delegate s resolve d t o orde r a monumen t tha t woul d be establishe d t o Montgomery' s fame . "I t bein g no t onl y a tribut e o f gratitude justl y du e t o th e memor y o f thos e wh o hav e peculiarl y distin guished themselve s i n th e gloriou s caus e o f liberty , t o perpetuat e thei r names b y th e mos t durabl e Monument s erecte d t o thei r honour, " Con gress explained , "but , also , greatly conduciv e to inspire posterity wit h a n emulation o f thei r illustriou s actions. " Th e monumen t woul d serv e t o "express th e veneratio n o f th e Unite d Colonie s fo r thei r lat e General , Richard Montgomery, " th e resolutio n read , "an d fo r transmittin g t o fu -

Aftermath of Quebec • 16 5 ture ages , a s examples trul y worth y o f imitation, hi s patriotism, conduct , boldness o f enterprise, insuperabl e perseverance , an d contemp t o f dange r and death." 32 Congress als o scheduled a state memoria l servic e fo r Montgomer y an d selected th e Reveren d Willia m Smit h t o delive r a eulogy . Th e appoint ment o f Dr . Smith , wh o wa s the provos t o f the Colleg e and Academ y o f Philadelphia, precipitate d a highl y controversia l event . Ironically , th e loyalist factio n trie d t o us e Montgomery's fam e o n thi s occasio n fo r thei r own purposes . Unbeknow n t o mos t o f th e member s o f Congres s wh o knew him only by his professional reputation , Smit h was a latent loyalist . The ceremon y o n Februar y 19 , 1776 , wa s conducte d a t th e ne w Reformed Calvinis t Churc h i n Philadelphi a wit h pom p an d ceremony . A New Hampshir e delegate , Josiah Bartlett , describe d th e service in a letter to hi s wife: "Th e Congress , th e Genera l Assembl y o f thi s province , th e Committees o f Safet y an d inspection , an d abou t 3 0 Clergyme n o f th e Different Denomination s i n thi s City , wit h othe r Gentlemen , walke d from th e Cour t house , i n a Body , t o th e Church , o n Eac h Sid e walke d three Regiment s o f th e Cit y associators . Th e music k wa s ver y solem n & mournful, an d compose d wit h th e organs , Bas s viol , 8 o r 1 0 violins , German flutes , Frenc h horn s &c , th e whol e wa s Conducte d wit h grea t order & Decency. " A clergyman , Henr y Muhlenberg , als o commente d on the ritual i n his journal : The processio n wa s arrange d a s follows : (a ) The student s o f th e Englis h Academy, (b ) Th e preacher s o f al l denomination s i n th e cit y an d th e teachers o f al l facilitie s i n th e Academy , (c ) The Congres s o f th e unite d provinces, (d ) The provincia l Assembly , (e ) The corporatio n o f th e city , i.e. the mayor, etc. (f) The committees of the city and its suburbs, (g) The battalions of the associated city militia, which marched along either side in order that the countless throngs of people might not crush the procession. All the bells in and around the city were tolled in token of mourning. But the church was much too small. In the church vocal and instrumental music was rendered, which broke into the oration several times and was intended to give an impression of various scenes in the siege, and the drums outside, in the front of the church, joined in at given signals.33 Smith's oratio n wa s extremel y laudator y o f Montgomery , bu t durin g the cours e o f hi s addres s th e minister' s sentiment s towar d reconciliatio n with Britai n wer e subtl y revealed . Smit h resorte d t o a misrepresentatio n of fac t whe n h e claime d tha t Montgomer y an d Schuyle r share d i n thi s

166 • Aftermath of Quebec loyalist view : "Hi s [Montgomery's ] principle s o f loyalt y t o hi s Sovereig n (whom h e had lon g served, an d whos e true glory consist s i n healing thos e streaming wounds ) remaine d fir m an d unshaken . . . . H e mos t ardentl y joined hi s worthy friend , Genera l Schuyler , i n praying that 'Heave n ma y speedily re-unit e u s i n ever y bon d o f affectio n an d interest ; an d tha t th e British empir e ma y agai n becom e th e env y an d admiratio n o f th e uni verse, an d flourish' till th e consummatio n o f earthl y things. " I n hi s ad dress, Smit h als o chastise d som e o f hi s fello w clergyme n an d academi cians fo r thei r patrio t leanings : "Go d forbi d tha t an y o f th e professio n t o which I belong , shoul d eve r . . . prostitut e thei r voic e t o inflam e men' s minds t o the purposes o f wild ambition , o r mutual destruction." 34 The flagrant attemp t o f Smit h t o propagandize hi s oration i n behal f o f the loyalis t factio n infuriate d th e patriot-minded delegates . Whe n a member move d t o than k Smit h fo r hi s oratio n o n Montgomery , i t "wa s objected t o fo r severa l reasons ; th e chie f wa s tha t th e Dr . declare d th e Sentiments o f th e Congres s t o continu e i n a Dependenc y o n G Britai n which doctrin e thi s Congres s canno t no w approve. " John Adam s voice d the outrag e o f th e patrio t factio n tha t influence d Congres s o n thi s issue : "The oratio n wa s a n insolen t Performance . . . . A Motio n wa s mad e t o Thank th e orato r an d as k a Copy—Bu t oppose d wit h grea t Spirit , an d Vivacity fro m ever y Par t o f th e Room , an d a t las t withdrawn , les t i t should b e rejecte d a s i t certainl y woul d hav e bee n wit h Indignation. " "The orato r the n printe d i t himself, " h e noted , "afte r leavin g ou t o r altering som e offensiv e Passages. " Adam s the n conceded , "Th e appoint ment o f hi m t o mak e th e oration , wa s a grea t oversight , an d mistake. " This embarrassin g inciden t serve d a s a reminde r t o th e mor e radica l patriot leadershi p tha t constan t vigilanc e mus t b e maintaine d agains t opposing forces lurkin g within thei r midst. 35 Proponents o f th e conflic t wit h Britai n continue d t o tak e advantag e o f Montgomery's acclai m t o buil d suppor t fo r thei r cause . A them e tha t surfaced i n th e campaig n o f word s wa s one o f reprisa l an d vengeanc e fo r Montgomery's deat h an d th e humiliatin g failur e a t Quebec . "Poo r Brav e Montgomery! bu t i t i s no t a tim e t o cr y bu t t o revenge, " Gen . Charle s Lee wrot e afte r learnin g tha t th e Britis h ha d kille d hi s fello w general . This broa d refrai n o f reprisa l ha d bee n use d successfull y earlie r b y th e Sons o f Libert y t o direc t publi c hatre d agains t th e Britis h afte r variou s so-called militar y atrocitie s suc h a s the Boston Massacre. Publicist s seize d on Montgomer y a s a consummate subjec t t o wag e thei r rhetorica l battl e throughout th e Revolution. 36

Aftermath of Quebec • 16 7 Thomas Pain e wa s the foremos t o f these patriot author s t o incorporat e Montgomery i n his literature. Pain e had alread y writte n hi s Common Sense before h e learne d o f Montgomery' s death . Thi s pamphlet , whic h origi nally appeare d i n Philadelphi a o n Januar y 10 , 1776 , mad e bold , direc t attacks o n th e Britis h monarch y fo r th e firs t time . Previou s grievance s generated i n th e colonie s ha d sidesteppe d thi s institutio n hel d sacre d b y most Englishme n an d narrowl y focuse d o n the Britis h Parliament an d th e ministerial army . Wit h hi s nex t work , A Dialogue between the Ghost of General Montgomery Just Arrived from the Elysian Fields; And an American Delegate in a Wood Near Philadelphia, th e best-know n America n pamphlet eer amplifie d th e ide a o f independenc e h e had advance d i n Common Sense. In thi s imaginar y dialogu e wit h a delegat e t o th e Continenta l Congress , the ghos t o f Montgomer y moralized : " I a m her e upo n a n importan t errand, t o war n yo u agains t listenin g t o term s o f accommodatio n fro m the cour t o f Britain . . . . I t wa s n o smal l mortificatio n t o m e whe n I fel l upon th e Plain s of Abraham, t o reflect tha t I did no t expire like the brav e General Wolfe , i n the arm s of victory. Bu t I now n o longer env y hi m hi s glory. I woul d rathe r di e i n attemptin g t o obtai n permanen t freedo m fo r a handfu l o f people , tha n surviv e a conquest whic h woul d serv e onl y t o extend th e empir e o f despotism. " Pain e publishe d thi s pamphle t i n June 1776, th e tim e whe n Congres s appointe d a committee t o draft th e Decla ration o f Independence . Paine' s compositio n wa s ver y instrumenta l i n blunting loyalis t an d conservativ e Whi g argument s agains t thi s congres sional instrumen t an d leadin g publi c thinkin g towar d a n acceptanc e o f independence.37 The nex t year , Hug h Henr y Brackenridg e publishe d th e pamphle t play, The Death of General Montgomery. This wa s a seque l t o hi s earlie r propaganda drama , The Battle of Bunker's-Hill, released th e year before . I n this lates t offering , Brackenridg e continue d writin g i n th e heroi c traged y style t o arous e th e colonist s agains t th e British . I n it , h e recounte d th e legendary deed s o f Montgomer y a t Quebe c an d condemne d th e Britis h for hi s death. Th e pla y reflect s ho w vilificatio n i n protest rhetori c b y thi s time had extende d t o Englishmen i n general. When men far off, i n civilized states . . . In every language, they shall execrate, The earth-disgracing name of Englishmen. And at the Last Day, when the pit receives Her gloomy brood . . . Pointing to him, the foul and ugly Ghosts

168 • Aftermath of Quebec Of Hell, shall say, "That was an Englishman." 38 In additio n t o mournin g th e los s o f a fellow officer , Continenta l arm y leaders use d Montgomery' s self-sacrificin g militar y prowes s a s a n objec t lesson t o stimulat e laggin g enlistment s an d promot e militar y disciplin e and moral e amon g thei r troops . Nathanae l Greene , on e o f Washington' s best generals , reflecte d thi s thinkin g i n a lette r t o Joh n Adams . "Th e monuments yo u ar e erectin g t o th e grea t heroe s Warren , Montgomery , and Merce r will b e a pleasin g circumstanc e t o th e arm y i n general, " h e wrote, "an d a t th e sam e time, a piece of justic e due t o th e braver y o f th e unfortunate generals. " "Patriotism i s a glorious principle," he added, "bu t never refus e he r th e necessary aids. " Greene also proposed tha t a number of medal s b e struc k o f thes e heroi c figure s "t o animat e th e livin g to grea t and worth y actions." 39 To hono r Montgomery , th e Continental militar y name d afte r hi m on e of th e fort s establishe d o n th e Hudso n Rive r t o guar d agains t a Britis h incursion. I n addition , Congres s commissione d a warshi p Montgomery; and variou s colonies , includin g Ne w York , Maryland , Pennsylvania , an d Rhode Island , christene d privateer s unde r th e registry Montgomery. 40 By 1778 , as hostilities dragge d o n wit h n o end i n sigh t and revolution ary spirit very much on the wane, attempts emerged t o revive the public' s resolve. A n instanc e tha t typifie d thi s perio d o f appealin g t o th e heart s and mind s o f th e populac e occurre d i n Boston . Cit y officials , le d b y Samuel Adams , organize d a civic ceremony o n March 5 to commemorat e the eight h anniversar y o f th e Bosto n Massacre . A committe e aske d Jonathan William s Austi n t o deliver th e oration . Lik e s o many orator s before him, Austi n selecte d Montgomer y a s hi s principa l subject . I n hi s im passioned speec h intende d t o rekindl e th e ebbin g emotion s o f th e citi zenry, h e aske d hi s audience : "Shal l th e frequen t Call s o f ou r Exalte d General [Montgomery] , wh o seem s t o b e raise d u p b y Heaven , t o sho w to what heigh t Humanit y ma y soar ; who generously sacrificin g affluenc e and domesti c life , wishe s t o share wit h yo u i n ever y dange r an d distress , shall hi s frequen t call s b e i n vain?" Then h e exhorted them : "Le t no t th e ashes o f Warren , Montgomery , an d th e illustriou s Rol l o f Heroes , wh o died fo r Freedom , reproac h ou r inactivit y an d wan t o f spirit , i n no t completing thi s gran d Superstructur e [Revolution] ; th e Pillar s o f whic h have been cemented wit h th e richest bloo d of America." 41 Even thoug h Montgomer y prove d t o b e one o f th e mos t abl e militar y

Aftermath of Quebec • 16 9 commanders durin g hi s brie f dut y i n th e Continenta l army , i t woul d seem tha t h e provide d jus t a s valuable servic e t o the Revolutio n afte r hi s death. Patrio t propagandist s evoke d hi s nam e throughou t th e conflic t when callin g upo n thei r pen s t o augmen t th e swor d o f th e Continenta l soldier. Thei r effusio n o f patrioti c spirit , cal l t o arms , an d declamatio n against the British earned the m an d Montgomer y a place in the America n psyche of the period . Montgomery als o had a significant impac t on British perceptions of the Revolution. Th e Whi g o r oppositio n politica l factio n use d hi s virtuou s example to its advantage when denouncing the government fo r it s colonial policies. Britis h oppositio n statesme n pointe d t o Montgomery's characte r to refut e th e ministeria l argumen t tha t America n rebel s wer e nothin g more tha n uncouth , renegad e provincials . Thi s resulte d i n a legitimatio n of the Revolution i n the eyes of many Englishme n an d a softening o f their attitude towar d th e conflict . O n Marc h 11 , 1776 , a fe w day s afte r th e British governmen t receive d a n accoun t o f Quebec , Whi g leader s Ed mund Burk e and Charle s James Fo x eulogized Montgomer y i n the Hous e of Commons . Prim e Ministe r Lor d Frederic k North , wh o wa s i n atten dance, acknowledge d Montgomery' s attribute s bu t spok e against wha t h e called "thi s unqualifie d liberalit y o f th e praise s bestowe d o n Genera l Montgomery b y th e gentleme n i n Opposition , becaus e the y wer e be stowed o n a Rebel." Fox countered b y remindin g th e minister s tha t the y "owed th e Constitutio n whic h enable d the m t o si t i n tha t Hous e t o a rebellion."42 The Londo n oppositio n pres s reflecte d th e tribut e give n Montgomer y in Parliamen t b y th e Whigs . Th e Evening Post bordered th e Marc h 1 2 edition i n mournin g blac k an d commente d tha t Nort h woul d neve r b e able t o convinc e Englishme n tha t Montgomer y wa s nothin g bu t a com mon rebel . Scot's Magazine compare d Montgomer y t o a nationa l hero , General Wolfe : In Abram's plains they lie interr'd the virt'ous and the brave: Among the rest no more preferr'd than bold Montgomery's grave. The article s lionizin g Montgomer y becam e s o plentifu l tha t a loyal Londoner gre w tire d o f readin g th e commendation s o f th e America n general an d submitte d a retor t t o th e edito r o f th e General Evening Post.

170 • Aftermath of Quebec "Encomiums o n th e deat h o f Montgomer y havin g bee n admitte d int o some of the public papers, yo u ar e desired t o give a place to the followin g Contrast i n your next. " Montgomery dies;—from hi s ill-boding fall, Ah! wisdom learn, ye mad Provincials all. Alike, alas! Montgomery to thee, The fatal bullet, or the fatal tree. Who fights and falls in foul Rebellion's cause, From Virtue's friends can ne'er deserve applause: Ambition's dupe, a lawless Faction's tool, Must live a madman, and must die a fool. Here read thy character, thy peril, Lee; A traitors name, a traitors destiny. The Morning Post published anothe r poem , "Th e Sieg e o f Quebec, " that ridicule d th e falle n America n genera l wh o ha d receive d s o muc h public attention fro m th e British : Montgomery fell among the dead. Arnold and Campbell—wiser—fled ! Gen'rals surpass their troops in cunning, And there fore should excel in running. Although loyal Englis h newspaper s retaliate d agains t th e widesprea d proliferation o f respec t an d sympath y fo r Montgomery , th e damag e ha d been done. Th e Britis h politica l opposition occupied th e high ground an d the conservative s coul d onl y snip e a t them . Th e powe r o f th e pres s initiative remained wit h th e Whig faction o n this issue. 43 A fe w year s later , th e Reveren d Jame s Murra y publishe d a book, An Impartial History of the Present War in America. I n it , h e summe d u p th e sentiments o f man y o f hi s fello w Englishme n towar d Montgomer y afte r Quebec. "Thu s fel l Richar d Montgomer y i n the cause of liberty, fighting as h e believed , an d a s unbiase d reaso n will i n afte r age s determine , fo r the right s o f huma n natur e an d o f hi s country , agains t th e illega l en croachments o f a British ministry . . . . His man y an d excellen t qualities , and agreeabl e disposition , ha d procure d hi m a n uncommo n stat e o f bot h public an d privat e esteem , an d ther e wa s perhap s n o perso n engage d o n the sam e side , an d fe w o n either , whos e los s woul d hav e bee n mor e regretted bot h i n Britain an d America." 44 Scholars have long questioned wh y th e British were ostensibly dilator y

Aftermath of Quebec • 17 1 in prosecutin g th e Revolution . Tim e afte r time , th e Britis h arm y frette d away thei r militar y advantag e an d faile d t o forc e th e Continenta l arm y into a climacti c battl e tha t woul d haste n a n en d t o th e rebellion . Thi s tactical ambivalenc e wa s attended b y a long succession o f British militar y commanders. Politica l leadershi p i n Parliamen t wa s similarl y unstabl e during th e conflict , evidence d b y th e stron g oppositio n faction . Man y have attribute d thes e condition s t o a lac k o f Britis h nationa l wil l t o conduct th e wa r mor e forcefully . Genera l ambivalenc e o n th e Englis h home fron t towar d th e colonia l proble m resulte d i n a fragil e bas e t o reunite th e empire . Regar d fo r Montgomer y unfolde d a s a n importan t factor i n shapin g Britis h publi c opinio n durin g thi s decisiv e period . I n this respect , Montgomery' s spiri t transcende d politic s an d boundaries , and wa s able to influence bot h side s of the Revolution .

C H A P T E R

T W E L V

E

Epilogue A very distinguishe d Officer , wh o sacrifice d hi s lif e i n support o f the liberties of America . . . the edict of the intelligent & brave Montgomery , whos e nam e wil l b e immortal . . . ! Montgomery (whos e name i s recorded i n th e annal s of Fame, ther e t o stan d i n conspicuou s character s unti l time shall be no more). . . 2

A fte r Montgomery' s repuls e a t Quebec , th e America n governmen t / % experience d a n awakened intensit y regardin g the Canadian cam JL J L paig n an d bega n funnelin g resource s t o th e norther n army . Slowly, troop s an d materie l buil t up . O n th e first o f Apri l 1776 , whe n Wooster finally cam e to Quebec to assume command, th e American forc e numbered tw o thousan d troops . However , Arnol d coul d no t ge t alon g with Wooste r becaus e of personality conflicts . Whe n Arnold reinjure d hi s leg i n a n acciden t wit h hi s hors e shortl y afte r Wooster' s arrival , h e use d this excus e t o retir e t o Montreal , leavin g hi s superio r i n charg e o f th e siege. Wooste r bombarde d th e cit y wit h artiller y an d trie d t o assume th e military initiative , bu t hi s attempt s amounte d t o n o mor e tha n inconse quential harassmen t t o the enemy . On Ma y 1 , Gen . Joh n Thomas , a mor e capabl e an d activ e officer , superseded Wooster . Si x day s later , befor e Thoma s coul d organiz e an y serious actio n agains t Quebec , a Britis h relie f fleet arrived . Th e fifteen 172

Epilogue • 17 3 ships containe d Gen . Joh n Burgoyne , eigh t arm y regiments , an d tw o thousand Germa n mercenaries . Th e Britis h ha d wo n i n the race with th e Americans t o deliver a substantial reinforcemen t t o Quebec. Thi s spelle d the en d o f th e America n sieg e o f Quebec . Wit h hi s increase d troo p strength, Carleto n now felt confident i n taking the fight t o the Americans, who numbere d abou t twenty-fiv e hundre d me n a t thi s time . Th e Britis h commander waste d n o tim e i n launchin g a vigorous attac k o n th e besie gers. Overpowered , Thomas' s troop s bea t a hast y retreat , leavin g muc h of thei r equipmen t behin d whe n the y fled. Exacerbatin g th e problem , Thomas becam e il l wit h th e smallpo x tha t ha d helpe d i n decimatin g hi s army. O n June 2 , while his force wa s retreating t o Chambly, h e died . Field comman d o f th e Canadia n campaig n no w devolve d upo n Brig . Gen. John Sullivan , wh o ha d recentl y arrive d a t St . Johns wit h a brigade of fres h troops . Sulliva n combine d hi s me n wit h th e remnant s o f Tho mas's force an d se t out on a second marc h on Quebec. H e was met by th e British a t Trois-Rivieres , abou t halfwa y betwee n Montrea l an d Quebec . The American s suffere d on e calamity afte r anothe r a s the Britis h pushe d them bac k i n a series of engagements. Wit h thei r casualtie s mountin g an d in dange r o f bein g surrounde d b y th e British , surviva l o f Sullivan' s forc e became critical . Mor e an d more , th e America n fat e i n Canad a appeare d doomed t o failure. Eve n th e relentless Arnol d no w advise d tha t ther e wa s "more hono r i n makin g a saf e retrea t tha n i n hazardin g a battl e agains t such superiority. " u The junctio n o f th e Canadian s wit h th e Colonies , a n object whic h brough t u s int o thi s country , i s no w a t a n end, " h e wrot e Sullivan. "Le t u s qui t the m an d secur e ou r ow n countr y befor e i t i s to o late." 3 Congress receive d th e discouragin g report s fro m Canad a i n a gloom y mood an d pondere d th e cause s of th e misfortunes . I n th e mind s o f man y delegates, th e los s of Montgomery's militar y leadershi p deal t a fatal blo w to th e campaign . "Sinc e th e Deat h o f Montgomery, " Joh n Adam s re flected, "W e hav e ha d n o Genera l i n Comman d ther e [Canada ] wh o Seems t o hav e ha d a ful l an d comprehensiv e Vie w o f th e Stat e o f tha t Province, t o hav e watche d th e Motion s i n ever y Part , o r concerte d hi s measures wit h an y System. " Sulliva n migh t hav e received mor e criticis m than h e deserved fo r hi s brief, ingloriou s par t i n the Canadian campaign . As hi s subsequen t servic e wit h th e Continenta l arm y demonstrated , h e was an adequatel y capabl e an d courageou s general . Durin g hi s comman d in Canada, h e experienced th e sam e problems tha t confronte d Montgom ery earlier . Whil e Montgomer y foun d way s o f workin g throug h thes e

174 * Epilogue difficulties, Sulliva n wa s overwhelme d b y the m an d unabl e t o hol d hi s army togethe r a s a n effectiv e fightin g force . Hi s censur e stemme d fro m instinctive comparisons draw n wit h Montgomery, an d almos t any genera l would pal e under suc h a correlation. Som e never full y appreciate d Mont gomery's abilit y an d achievement s unde r th e circumstances h e faced unti l the actions of his successors wer e beheld. 4 On Jun e 17 , 1775 , Congres s ordere d Gen . Horati o Gate s t o tak e command o f th e Continenta l troop s i n Canada . Durin g th e las t o f June, Sullivan's exhauste d an d demoralize d me n straggle d int o Crow n Point . By July, th e American s ha d falle n al l th e wa y bac k t o For t Ticonderog a where th e Canadia n operatio n ha d begun , an d Canad a wa s onc e agai n i n the hand s o f th e British . O n Jul y 6 , 1776 , a grateful Britis h governmen t nominated Carleto n fo r knighthood . Thus , withi n te n months , th e arm y that ha d se t ou t i n Septembe r 177 5 t o conque r Canad a wa s reduce d b y what Dr . Isaa c Senter , a participan t throughou t th e entir e campaign , described a s a a heterogenea l concatenatio n o f th e mos t peculai r an d un paralleled rebuff s an d suffering s tha t are perhaps to be found i n the annal s of any nation." 5 The Canadia n campaig n ma y b e dismisse d i n a strict sens e a s a wast e of resources an d a dismal failur e fo r th e Americans. Yet , i n a wider view , the operatio n ca n b e recognize d a s servin g a valuabl e end . Althoug h Quebec wa s no t capture d o r Canad a conquered , Montgomery' s offensiv e forced th e Britis h force s i n Canada int o a prolonged life-or-deat h struggl e well withi n th e interio r o f their norther n province . B y keeping Carleton' s forces thu s occupied , th e expeditio n relieve d th e America n colonie s fro m any threa t o f a Britis h aggressio n fro m th e nort h durin g tha t perio d o f time. Montgomery' s effort s delaye d th e Britis h fro m attemptin g t o exe cute th e Hudso n Highland s strateg y o f invadin g Ne w Yor k an d isolatin g the Continenta l force s i n Ne w England . Thi s certainl y ease d a majo r concern o f Washingto n wit h hi s arm y surroundin g Boston . Th e sieg e of Boston resulte d i n the greatest America n militar y accomplishmen t durin g the firs t yea r o f th e Revolution , bu t i t wa s no t wo n i n Massachusett s alone. B y pinnin g dow n Carleto n an d hi s arm y i n Canad a fo r almos t a year, Montgomer y preclude d hi s comin g t o th e ai d o f th e beleaguere d British force s i n Boston . Whe n th e Britis h governmen t sen t reinforce ments fro m Englan d durin g 1776 , some were diverted t o relieve Quebec . The dissipate d troo p deploymen t prevente d an y majo r reinforcemen t o f the besiege d Britis h soldier s i n Boston . Thi s lac k o f troo p concentratio n in Bosto n t o effec t a breakou t helpe d i n th e Britis h decisio n t o evacuat e

Epilogue • 17 5 the city i n the sprin g of 1776 . Thus, th e American incursio n int o Canad a played a majo r rol e i n securin g Ne w Englan d durin g th e initia l stag e o f the Revolution . Therefore , whe n considerin g th e Canadia n campaig n i n full perspective , eve n thoug h Montgomer y faile d i n hi s immediat e objec tive, h e succeeded i n furthering th e Revolutio n i n an indirect way . After th e Wa r fo r America n Independenc e a t las t cam e t o a n end , Montgomery's spiri t figure d prominentl y i n th e publi c ceremonie s tha t sprang u p acros s th e countr y i n whic h th e celebrant s baske d i n thei r victory ove r Britain . Simeo n Baldwin , wh o woul d becom e a membe r o f Congress an d a Suprem e Cour t justice , cite d Montgomer y durin g hi s address i n Albany upo n th e occasion. "Durin g an unhappy Perio d o f near 8 years w e hav e experience d al l th e horror s o f a War," h e stated . "Noth ing les s tha n th e Liberties , Happiness , & future Glor y o f th e America n World, wer e th e livel y incentives , whic h emboldene d th e Patron s o f ou r Cause, t o oppose the aspiring progress o f lawless Power." "Thes e Son s of Liberty, the y ar e worthy o f the name , eve n dare d t o assault the stronges t Bulwarks o f the northern realm, " he continued. "Com e y e who enjoy th e blessings fo r whic h the y fought , len d a tear t o th e immorta l memor y o f your brav e Montgomery." 6 With th e en d o f hostilities , th e governmen t finall y mad e goo d o n it s commitment t o erec t a nationa l monumen t t o Montgomery' s memory . Some year s before , Benjami n Frankli n ha d arrange d fo r th e memoria l t o be crafte d i n Pari s b y Jea n Jacque s Caffieri , sculpto r t o Loui s XVI . Officials originall y intende d t o locat e th e elegan t Pyrenee s marbl e shrin e at the Stat e House in Philadelphia; however, wartim e disruptions delaye d its installation . Afte r i t wa s finished i n 1777 , th e monumen t la y i n nin e packing case s a t L e Havre , France , awaitin g shipmen t fo r nearl y tw o years. Whe n transporte d fro m L e Havr e t o Nort h Carolina , i t remaine d there fo r severa l mor e years . I n 1784 , Congres s directe d th e superinten dent o f finance t o issu e instruction s fo r it s erectio n i n Ne w York , Mont gomery's adopte d state . Eventually , Ne w Yor k Cit y becam e th e sit e o f the nation's tribut e t o Montgomery. I n 1787 , with appropriat e formality , the monument wa s dedicated a t St . Paul' s Episcopa l Church. 7 Janet Montgomer y outlive d he r husband , Richar d Montgomery , b y fifty-three years . Durin g thi s time, sh e assumed th e role as protectress o f the Montgomer y spirit . Sh e alway s reverentl y an d lovingl y referre d t o him a s "m y general " o r "m y soldier, " an d scrupulousl y guarde d hi s memory an d reputation . I n replyin g t o a lette r fro m Aaro n Burr , wh o had serve d wit h Montgomer y i n Canada , Janet indicate d th e hig h pedes -

176 • Epilogue tal o n whic h sh e placed he r spouse . "Yo u hav e awakened al l my sensibil ity b y th e prais e yo u bestowe d o n m y unfortunat e Genl., " sh e wrote . "He wa s indee d a n ange l sen t u s fo r a moment." "Alas ! for me , tha t thi s world wa s not mor e worthy o f him." 8 Like man y eighteenth-centur y women , Jane t wa s conten t t o b e a secondary partne r whil e livin g wit h he r husband . However , th e absenc e of he r spous e necessitate d he r breakin g ou t o f thi s mol d an d becomin g more self-relian t an d assertive . Afte r Montgomer y lef t fo r th e war , Jane t supervised th e completio n o f thei r white-frame d hous e nea r Rhinebec k that the y name d "Grasmere. " Sh e live d ther e fo r th e nex t twenty-seve n years. After thei r traumati c separatio n whil e he r husban d serve d i n the Con tinental army , Jane t agonize d ove r th e danger s tha t h e faced . A forlor n wife's lamentation s wer e poignantl y expresse d i n Janet's earl y letter s t o the ma n wh o ha d bee n tor n awa y fro m he r afte r onl y tw o year s o f marriage. Befor e long , thes e letter s becam e to o emotiona l fo r Montgom ery t o contend wit h whil e devoting himself t o his military duties . " I mus t entreat a favo r o f you, " h e wrot e fro m St . Johns , "t o writ e n o mor e o f those whinin g letters. " " I declar e i f I receiv e anothe r i n tha t style, " th e affectionate bu t exasperate d husban d stated , " I will loc k u p th e res t without readin g them. " " I don' t wan t anythin g t o lowe r m y spirits, " h e explained. " I hav e abundan t us e fo r the m all. " Th e deat h o f he r dearl y loved husban d shortl y afterwar d wa s a n almos t insufferabl e persona l tragedy t o Janet. Afte r Montgomery' s demise , Janet entere d int o a period of bereavemen t tha t woul d las t fo r th e remainde r o f he r life ; bu t o n another level , Mrs . Montgomer y cam e int o he r ow n a s a self-sufficien t woman. 9 As th e Revolutio n progressed , Jane t maintaine d a n activ e interes t i n politics an d th e cours e o f th e war . Sh e proudl y uphel d th e patrio t caus e for whic h he r husban d gav e his life and sharpl y criticize d loyalis m i n an y form. "Whils t lif e an d memor y ar e lef t me, " sh e wrot e t o he r cousin , Mrs. John Jay (Sall y Livingsto n Jay), "his loved Ide a must eve r retain m y whole hear t an d fil l i t wit h regre t tha t m y ever y hop e o f happines s i s n o more." 10 Mercy Oti s Warren , a well-known autho r wh o would writ e a patriotic history o f th e Revolution , sen t Janet a letter o f sympath y a s soon a s sh e heard of Montgomery's death . Thi s act of kindness initiated a long friend ship between thes e like-minded wome n o f the Revolution. 11 Janet als o could b e a harsh criti c of som e patriot leader s i f she though t

Epilogue • 17 7 they neglecte d thei r responsibilities . Sh e soo n becam e a detracto r o f General Schuyler . Perhap s sh e blame d hi m fo r remainin g i n th e rea r echelon of the Canadian campaign . Sh e might hav e felt tha t hi s inactivit y placed a n undu e burde n o n he r husband , contributin g t o hi s death . Janet's sentiment s wer e reflecte d i n th e journa l o f Willia m Smith , wh o was a n extende d gues t o f th e Livingston s a t Clermon t Mano r durin g th e war and cam e into contact wit h Janet on a regular basis . "Mrs. Montgom ery . . . censure s Genl . Schuyle r fo r orderin g a Brigad e fro m Belo w a s discovering Weakness, " h e wrot e i n July 1777 . "Sh e alledge s tha t ther e are 600 0 Me n a t Ticonderog a whic h i s though t t o b e Forc e enoug h fo r the Northern Defence—an d sh e also faults hi s being at Albany." 12 Janet als o foun d hersel f heavil y involve d wit h th e younge r generatio n of Americans . Man y republica n mother s name d thei r son s afte r Montgomery, an d som e o f thes e familie s corresponde d wit h Janet , re questing he r t o offe r advic e an d encouragemen t t o Montgomery' s name sakes. Wit h n o childre n o f he r own , sh e probabl y relishe d thi s relation ship with youn g devotees acros s the country. "Ther e i s no pleasure equa l to hearing my dear littl e friend o f the improvement yo u an d al l those wh o are call' d afte r Genera l Montgomer y mak e i n thei r learning, " sh e wrot e to one , "an d I wil l pleas e mysel f tha t the y will al l striv e t o b e goo d an d great men. " Th e bo y die d eigh t month s later , an d Janet trie d t o comfor t the grief-stricke n mothe r i n th e los s o f he r onl y son . "Go d i s just, " sh e wrote. " I a m one that speak s from a knowledge of his goodness—tried i n the Furnac e o f afflictio n b y th e los s o f a Father an d a Husband—whic h were th e tw o stronges t tye s o f m y life, " sh e continued , "ye t h e di d no t permit m e t o sin k unde r th e weigh t o f m y woes—bu t bi d m e loo k forward t o th e hig h reputatio n the y ha d lef t behind. " " I clos e thi s wit h commending yo u t o hi s care, " sh e concluded , "an d wit h assurin g yo u that I shal l eve r remembe r wit h pleasur e th e attentio n yo u hav e show n for m y husband' s memory." 13 Although Jane t neve r remarried , remainin g faithfu l t o "he r soldier, " she ha d a notabl e courtshi p wit h anothe r genera l durin g th e summe r o f 1784. Afte r th e war , th e charmin g wido w i n he r earl y fortie s me t an d began correspondin g wit h Horati o Gates , wh o ha d los t hi s wif e th e previous year . Gate s wa s immediatel y captivate d b y Jane t an d entere d upon a n eage r pursui t tha t h e hope d woul d lea d t o thei r marriage . Jane t valued Gate s a s a friend , bu t sh e wa s convince d tha t n o on e coul d eve r take the plac e of Montgomery i n her heart . Befor e long , sh e realized tha t Gates's intention s transcende d friendship . No t wishin g t o give her suito r

178 • Epilogue false hopes , Jane t "droppe d a tear " ove r hi s matrimonia l proposa l an d gently informe d Gate s tha t a secon d marriag e wa s no t a possibilit y fo r her. "Sensibl e t o your merits , I shall ever be flattered b y bein g assured o f your friendshi p an d I woul d hop e tha t i n ceasin g t o lov e me—m y unaf fected cando r ma y als o entitle m e t o your esteem, " sh e wrote, "An d tha t you ma y soon , goo d Sir , mee t wit h som e mor e amiabl e woman , whos e undivided affection s wil l contribut e t o you r lastin g felicity. " Tw o year s later, Gate s foun d an d marrie d th e "amiabl e woman " who m Jane t ha d hoped h e would . Mrs . Montgomer y an d Genera l Gate s continue d thei r friendship an d correspondenc e unti l th e general die d i n 1806. 14 In 1789 , Janet prepare d t o visit Montgomery's relative s in Ireland. Sh e traveled t o New Yor k City an d spen t severa l month s waitin g fo r he r shi p to sail. Durin g thi s time , he r brother , Rober t R . Livingston , actin g in hi s capacity o f chancellor , swor e i n th e firs t presiden t o f th e Unite d States . Janet attende d Washington' s Inaugura l Bal l o n Ma y 7 an d visite d th e Washingtons severa l time s afterward . Washingto n wrot e letter s o f intro duction fo r Jane t t o som e o f th e Iris h aristocrac y wh o ha d sympathize d with th e colonie s durin g th e Revolution . Afte r arrivin g i n Ireland , sh e stayed awhil e wit h th e brother-in-la w o f Bisho p Samue l Provoost , th e clergyman wh o performe d he r marriag e t o Montgomery. Then , sh e moved in with th e Ranelaghs, th e family o f Montgomery's sister , fo r a n extende d visit. Th e Ranelagh s graciously receive d Janet int o their home and hoste d a numbe r o f guests wh o cam e t o call upo n her . However , th e outspoke n Janet frequentl y entere d int o livel y discussion s wit h th e Ranelagh s ove r British-American politics . Eventually , thes e differences i n opinio n re sulted i n a falling-ou t betwee n th e sisters-in-law . Lad y Ranelag h late r wrote a shar p lette r t o Janet accusin g he r o f troublemaking . "Yo u talke d much o f bein g th e bon d o f Peac e befor e yo u came—bu t I mus t sa y tha t . . . you hav e not much put that Maxim i n force." In 1790 , Janet returne d to America, thoroughl y disguste d wit h Lad y Ranelagh. 15 As a n heires s t o th e Livingsto n fortune , Jane t Montgomer y increase d her holding s fro m tim e t o time a s these asset s becam e availabl e an d wer e distributed afte r death s i n th e family . A s a result , sh e becam e involve d with lan d speculation . I n th e 1780s , sh e bough t a portio n o f th e D e Lancey estat e i n Ne w Yor k Cit y a s a n investment . Official s confiscate d the propert y an d offere d i t a t publi c sal e afte r th e D e Lancey s turne d loyalist an d fled. Fetchin g i t a t a bargain price , th e iron y o f thi s transac tion—involving th e D e Lanceys , wh o wer e bitte r politica l rival s o f th e Livingstons befor e th e war—probably di d no t escape Janet's notice. 16

Epilogue • 17 9 After he r mother' s demis e i n 1800 , Jane t decide d t o buil d a mor e comfortable residenc e fo r hersel f close r t o th e famil y estat e a t Clermont . She purchase d tw o hundre d acre s o n th e eas t ban k o f th e Hudso n Rive r about twent y mile s nort h o f Poughkeepsi e an d bega n plannin g a palatia l home fo r he r late r years . I n 1804 , constructio n wa s complete , an d sh e moved int o the magnificen t French-style d ston e mansion. Sh e named he r house Chatea u d e Montgomery , bu t i t later als o became know n a s Mont gomery Place . Her e a t th e ag e of sixty-one , sh e became th e grande dam e of the Livingsto n an d Montgomer y clans , entertainin g friend s an d famil y members. Sh e als o continue d t o manag e he r vas t estat e an d busines s affairs. He r incom e mostl y cam e fro m lan d venture s an d rental s o f he r various properties , bu t sh e als o engage d i n a numbe r o f agricultura l activities. Som e o f thes e undertaking s wer e quit e innovative , suc h a s raising six thousand silkworm s i n a silk-producing project. 17 In th e wak e o f anothe r wa r betwee n Americ a an d Grea t Britai n tha t erupted i n 1812 , nationalis m ra n hig h an d publi c spiri t onc e agai n resur rected Montgomery' s memory . American s celebrate d wha t the y regarde d as their secon d triump h ove r Grea t Britain , an d gratefu l thought s turne d back t o th e her o o f th e precedin g conflict . Man y wer e concerne d tha t Montgomery's remain s stil l reside d wher e h e fel l i n a foreig n land . I t seemed fitting tha t Montgomery' s final resting place be located i n the ne w nation fo r whic h h e ha d fough t an d died . Sensin g th e tim e wa s righ t t o accomplish thi s long-overdu e tribut e t o he r husband , Jane t starte d th e bureaucratic wheel s turning . I n 1818 , sh e wrot e Ne w Yor k Lt . Gov . Stephen Va n Rensselaer . "Havin g obtaine d permissio n fro m Gov . Si r James Westbrook e t o remov e th e ashe s o f Genera l Montgomer y fro m Quebec, m y friend s suppose d i t woul d b e mor e honorable , i f th e Coun trey woul d undertak e it, " sh e said , "i f m y friend s will hav e the goodnes s to propos e i t an d redee m hi s ashe s fro m a public gate-way—i n a strang e land, the y wil l do great justic e to my feeling s an d hono r to themselves." 18 On Februar y 27 , 1818 , th e Ne w Yor k Legislatur e passe d a n Ac t o f Honor authorizin g th e relocatio n o f Montgomery' s body . Gov . D e Wit t Clinton o f Ne w Yor k arrange d wit h Si r Joh n Sherbrooke , governor general of Canada, fo r th e return o f Montgomery's remain s to New York . State authoritie s commissione d Lewi s Livingston , Janet' s nephew , t o g o to Quebe c an d receiv e th e remains . Jame s Thompson , wh o assiste d i n Montgomery's intermen t a t Quebe c i n 177 6 an d wa s no w eighty-nin e years old , participate d i n th e exhumatio n an d identificatio n o f th e bod y on Jun e 16 , 1818 . Lewi s Livingsto n escorte d Montgomery' s remains ,

i8o • Epilogue encased i n a ne w mahogan y casket , t o th e capito l a t Alban y o n July 4 , 1818, wher e the y la y i n stat e fo r tw o days . Then , th e remain s wer e placed o n boar d th e steamboa t Richmond and conveye d dow n th e Hudso n River toward Ne w York . Governo r Clinto n ha d notifie d Janet o f the tim e when th e Richmond woul d pas s Chatea u d e Montgomery , an d sh e wen t out o n th e verand a t o vie w th e shi p carryin g he r genera l home . Forty three year s ha d elapse d sinc e sh e an d Montgomer y parte d a t Saratoga . When pang s o f nostalgi a rushe d ove r her , sh e requeste d t o b e lef t unat tended o n the porch. "A t length , the y cam e by," she described th e scene, "with al l tha t remaine d o f a beloved husband , wh o lef t m e i n th e bloo m of manhood , a perfec t being. " Th e Richmond stopped , whil e a militar y band o n boar d playe d th e dead marc h an d th e honor guar d fired a salute, and the n solemnl y continue d it s passag e t o Ne w Yor k City . Emotion s overcame th e seventy-four-year-ol d widow . Whe n he r companion s cam e to find he r som e tim e later , the y foun d Jane t unconsciou s o n th e floor where sh e had fainted. 19 When Genera l Montgomery' s bod y reache d th e cit y o f Ne w York , nearly five thousand peopl e participate d i n th e ceremonie s tha t followed. Newspapers an d magazine s wer e ful l o f article s coverin g th e event . Th e Daily Advertiser, fo r instance , carrie d complet e coverag e o f th e function , and th e Port Folio printed a long , dolefu l poe m i n Frenc h eulogizin g Montgomery. Th e funera l processio n consiste d o f militar y an d civilia n organizations suc h a s the Societ y o f th e Cincinnat i an d othe r revolution ary vetera n groups , foreig n diplomats , an d stat e an d federa l dignitarie s headed b y Vic e President John C . Calhoun . Montgomery' s remain s wer e interred o n Jul y 8 , 1818 , nex t t o hi s monumen t a t St . Paul' s Church . Only onc e before , upo n th e deat h o f Georg e Washington , ha d suc h a huge outpourin g o f publi c sentimen t fo r a national her o occurred . " I a m satisfied," Janet wrote . "Wha t mor e could I wish than the high honor tha t has been conferred o n the ashes of my poo r soldier." 20 Ten year s later , Andre w Jackso n corresponde d wit h Edwar d Living ston. "Presen t m e in the most respectful term s to your age d sister [Janet]," he wrote . "Sa y t o her , i f I eve r shoul d b e withi n on e hundre d mile s o f her dwellin g I wil l visi t an d hav e th e hono r o f shakin g b y th e han d th e revered relic t o f th e patrioti c Genl . Montgomery , wh o will eve r liv e i n the heart s o f hi s countrymen. " " I rejoic e t o hear tha t a t th e ag e of 8 5 she retains al l he r intellectua l faculties, " h e added . Thre e month s afterwar d on Novembe r 6 , 1824 , Jane t Montgomer y died , lookin g forwar d t o a reunion wit h he r husband . Sh e ha d writte n Merc y Oti s Warre n som e

Epilogue • 18 1 years before : "Wha t bu t th e expectatio n beyon d th e grav e ca n eve r mak e me smile in the midst of grief; what mak e me suffer lif e after m y Soldier' s fall, bu t th e blessed flatterin g hop e of meeting him again." 21 Although fade d fro m th e modern memory, Gen . Richar d Montgomer y remains a n America n icon . Althoug h h e an d Janet lef t n o direc t descen dants to carry o n the Montgomery name , his deeds during the Revolutio n should stan d i n th e collectiv e consciousnes s t o remin d eac h generatio n o f Americans o f th e sacrifice s tha t som e hav e mad e t o secur e independenc e for th e ne w America n nation . Hi s legac y challenge s th e inheritor s o f thi s precious freedo m t o respect th e liberties for whic h Montgomer y fought .

Appendixes

Appendixes • 18 5 COLONEL ALEXANDE R b. d . m. prio r t o 169 6 ELIZABETH COL E b. d .

CAPTAIN THOMA S b. d . m. MARY FRANKLI N b. d. 175 8

ALEXANDER JOH N ("Black Montgomery" ) b. d . 180 0 never marrie d

SELECTED MONTGOMER Y GENEALOG Y

JOHN . m. 172 2 MARY CO X b. d . 3 childre n b. d

JOHN b. _ d .

RICHARD b. 173 6 d . 177 5 m. 177 3 JANET LIVINGSTO N b. 174 3 d . 182 8 no issu e

SARAH . m. CHARLES, FOURT H VISCOUN T RANELAG H b. d . 2 son s b. d

Appendix A: Selected Montgomery Genealogy

JANET b. 1743 ; d . 182 8 m. 177 3 Gen. Richard Montgomery b. 1736 ; d . 177 5 no issue

CATHARINE b. 1745 ; d . 175 2

ROBERT R. (The Chancellor) b. 1746 ; d . 181 3 m. 177 0 Mary Steven s b. 1752 ; d . 181 4 2 daughters

ROBERT R. (the Judge) b. 1718 ; d . 177 5 m. 174 2 Margaret Beekman bp 1724 ; d . 180 0 11 children ; 1 d.y .

ROBERT (of Clermont ) b. 1688 ; d . 177 5 m. 171 7 Margaret Howarde n 1 so n

HENRY BEEKMAN b. 1752 ; d . 183 1 m. 178 1 Anne Hum e Shippen b. 1761 ; d . 184 1 1 daughter

i

CATHARINE b. 1752 ; d . 184 9 m. 179 3 Rev. Freeborn Garretson b. 1752 ; d . 182 7 2 children

i

JOHN ROBER T b. 1755 ; d . 185 1 m. 177 9 Margaret Sheaff e b. — ; d . 178 4 no issu e m. 178 9 Eliza McEver s b. — ; d . 184 8 8 childre n

GERTRUDE b. 1751 ; d . 183 3 m. 177 9 Maj. Gen . Morgan Lewi s b. 1754 ; d . 184 4 1 daughte r

Peter R . Livingsto n b. 1766 ; d . 184 7 (son o f Robert Jame s an d Susan [Smith ] Livingston) no issu e

JOANNA b. 1759 ; d . 182 9

ALIDA b. 1761 ; d . 182 2 m. 178 9 Gen. Joh n Armstron g b. 1758 ; d . 184 3 1 daughte r

a

5 |i " 3

>a

Appendix B: Selected Livingston (Clermont) Genealogy

MARGARET b. 1749 ; d . 182 3 m. 177 9 Dr. Thoma s T . Tillotson b. 1752 ; d. 183 2 4 childre n

186 • Appendixes s§Js8M|aJ j

Appendixes • 18 7

Trois-Rivi&reSrt

Appendix C: Canada and the Northern Campaign

188 • Appendixes

Appendix D: The Attack on Quebec

Notes

O N E Introduction i. Georg e W . Cullum , "Major-Genera l Richar d Montgomery, " Magazine of American History n (Apri l 1884) : 295. 2. Fro m th e Journal o f Jeremiah Greenman , i n Rober t C . Bra y an d Pau l E . Bushnell, eds. , Diary of a Common Soldier in the American Revolution, 1775-1783 (DeKalb, 111. , 1978), 23; Vincent F. O'Reilly, "Major-Genera l Richar d Montgom ery," American-Irish Historical Society Journal 25 (1926): 186. 3. Justi n H . Smith , Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony, 2 vols. (Ne w York , 1907), 2:130 .

4. Pete r Force , ed. , American Archives, 4th an d 5t h ser. , 9 vols. (Washington , D.C., 1837-53) , 4th ser. , 3:765 . 5. Fro m th e Journal o f James Thompson , Superintenden t o f Militar y Work s at Quebec , 1761-1776 , quote d i n William J. Anderson , "Canadia n History : Th e Siege and Blockad e of Quebec by Generals Montgomery an d Arnold i n 1775-76, " Literary and Historical Society of Quebec Transactions, ne w ser. , pt . 9 (1871/72): 62. 6. Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 4:589 . 7. Si r Gu y Carleto n t o Gen . Si r Willia m Howe , January 12 , 1776 , in Ander son, "Canadia n History, " 66. 8. Thompson , quote d i n Anderson, "Canadia n History, " 65. 9. Jame s Gran t Wilso n an d John Fiske , eds. , Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, 7 vols. (New York , 1886-1900) , 4:370-71 . 10. Thompson , quote d i n Anderson, "Canadia n History, " 67. 11. Quote d i n Wilson an d Fiske , Appleton's Cyclopaedia 4:371. 12. Benedic t Arnol d t o Hanna h Arnold , Januar y 6 , 1776 , i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 4:589 . 13. Phili p Schuyle r t o John Hancock , Januar y 13 , 1776 , i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser., 4:666 . 189

190 • Two: Ancestry and Early Life 14. [Thoma s Paine] , A Dialogue between the Ghost of General Montgomery and an American Delegate in a Wood Near Philadelphia (New York , 186 5 [1776]). 15. Hug h Henr y Brackenridge , The Death of General Montgomery (Norwich, 1777), i n Norma n Philbrick , ed. , Trumpets Sounding: Propaganda Plays of the American Revolution (New York , 1972) , 213-54 . 16. Ibid. , 50 . 17. Quote d i n Wilson an d Fiske , Appleton's Cyclopaedia 4:371. 18. Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 4:1650 . 19. Ibid. , 1654 . 20. Repor t fro m Benjami n Franklin , Sila s Deane , an d Arthu r Le e t o th e Committee o f Foreig n Affairs , Novembe r 30 , 1777 , Franci s Wharton , ed. , The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, 6 vols . (Washington , D.C., 1889) , 2:436. 21. O'Reilly , "Major-Genera l Richar d Montgomery, " 189-90 . 22. Joh n Hancoc k t o th e States , Septembe r 24 , 1776 , i n Pau l H . Smith , ed. , Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774-1789, 1 7 vols . (Washington , D.C. , 1976 - ) , 5:228-30. 23. Ther e i s n o definitiv e biograph y o f Richar d Montgomery . Th e onl y one , written b y A . L . Todd , Richard Montgomery: Rebel of1775 (New York , 1966) , was not well receive d b y scholars . Stuar t R . J. Sutherland , fo r example , criticize d th e book: "It s superficia l researc h an d naiv e styl e o f writin g mak e i t o f littl e value. " Francess G . Halpenny , ed. , Dictionary of Canadian Biography, 11 vols. (Toronto , 1966-82), 4:550. 24. Josep h Natha n Kane , The American Counties (Metuchen , N.J. , 1972) , 16 . The lis t o f person s (excep t fo r president s an d governors ) fo r who m si x o r mor e counties hav e bee n name d include : Benjami n Franklin , 23 ; Francis Marion , Na thanael Greene, an d the Marquis de Lafayette, 1 7 each; Richard Montgomery , 16 ; Henry Cla y an d Anthon y Wayne , 1 5 each; Joseph Warren , 14 ; Charles Carrol l and Stephe n Arnol d Douglas , 1 2 each ; John Caldwel l Calhoun , 11; John Han cock, James Lawrence , Olive r Hazar d Perry , an d Zebulo n Pike , 1 0 each; Henr y Knox, Danie l Morgan , an d Israe l Putnam , 9 each ; Thoma s Har t Benton , Alex ander Hamilton , Willia m Jasper, Rober t Edwi n Lee , John Marshall , an d Danie l Webster, 8 each; Danie l Boone , Rober t Fulton , an d Casimi r Pulaski , 7 each; an d George Rogers Clark, Georg e Armstrong Custer, Johann D e Kalb, Benjamin Lin coln, Meriwethe r Lewis , Nathanae l Macon , an d Hug h Mercer , 6 each. 25. Kane , The American Counties, 260-61 . Th e ful l lis t includes : Arkansas , 1842; Georgia , 1793 ; Illinois , 1821; Indiana , 1822 ; Iowa , 1851; Kansas , 1867 ; Kentucky, 1796 ; Maryland, 1776 ; Mississippi, 1871; Missouri, 1818 ; New York , formerly Tryo n County , nam e change d t o Montgomer y County , 1784 ; Nort h Carolina, 1778 ; Ohio, 1803 ; Pennsylvania, 1784 ; Texas, 1837 ; and Virginia , l ll^T W O Ancestry

and Early Life

1. Willia m Smith , An Oration in Memory of General Montgomery (Philadelphia, 1776), 16-17 .

Two: Ancestry and Early Life • 19 1 2. Ther e i s som e confusio n ove r th e dat e o f Richar d Montgomery' s birth . Some source s cit e th e dat e a s 1736 ; others a s 1738 . Th e dat a tha t Montgomer y was sixtee n year s ol d whe n h e matriculate d a t Dubli n Colleg e o n June 15 , 1754 , in George Dame s Burtchaell , an d Thoma s Ulic k Sadleir , eds. , Alumni Dublinenses (Dublin, Ireland , 1935) , 588, substantiate 1738 . Dumas Malone , ed. , Dictionary of American Biography, 2 6 vols. (Ne w York , 1928-58) , 13:98-99 ; Leslie Stephe n an d Sidney Lee , eds. , The Dictionary of National Biography, 24 vols . (London , 196 8 [1949-50]), 13:767-68 ; Mar k M . Boatne r III , Encyclopedia of the American Revolution (New York , 1976) , 726-27 ; National Cyclopedia of American Biography, 6 3 vols. (New York , 1898-1984) , 1:100-101 ; Wilso n an d Fiske , Appleton's Cyclopaedia 4:370-71; Halpenny, Dictionary of Canadian Biography 4:545-50. 3. Cullum , "Major-Genera l Richar d Montgomery, " 273. 4. Thoma s H . Montgomery , "Ancestr y o f Genera l Richar d Montgomery, " New-York Genealogical and Biographical Society Record 2 (July 1871) : 128. 5. Ibid. , 129 . 6. Ibid. , 128 ; Janet Montgomery i n Louise L. Hunt , Biographical Notes Concerning General Richard Montgomery (Poughkeepsie, N.Y. , 1876) , 4. 7. Thoma s H . Montgomery , "Ancestr y o f Genera l Richar d Montgomery, " 128.

8. Jane t Montgomery , i n Hunt , Biographical Notes Concerning General Richard Montgomery, 4 . 9. Pau l Va n Dyke , Catherine de Medicis, 2 vols. (New York , 1922) , 1:103 . 10. Hug h Ros s Williamson, Catherine de' Medici (New York , 1973) , 81. 11. Williamson , Catherine de" Medici, 82 . 12. Frangoi s Pierr e Guillaum e Guizot , A Popular History of France, from the Earliest Times, 8 vols. (Ne w York , 196 9 [1869]), 4:268; Henry M . Baird , History of the Rise of the Huguenots of France, 2 vols. (New York , 197 0 [1879]), 1:339-40 . 13. Williamson , Catherine de' Medici, 90 . 14. Julie n Coudy , ed. , The Huguenot Wars (New York , 1969) , 79. 15. Jame s Westfal l Thompson , The Wars of Religion in France, 1559-1576 (New York, 1957) , 34 216. O . I . A . Roche , The Days of the Upright: The Story of the Huguenots (Ne w York, 1965) , 134-36 ; Du e d e Castries , The Lives of the Kings and Queens of France (New York , 1979) , 163. 17. Baird , History of the Rise of the Huguenots of France 2:589. 18. Thompson , The Wars of Religion in France, 1559-15/6, 472. 19. Baird , History of the Rise of the Huguenots in France 2:632, 636. 20. Ibid. ; Henr y M . Baird , The Huguenots and Henry of Navarre, 2 vols. (Ne w York, 197 0 [1903]) , 1:16-17 .

21. Baird , History of the Rise of the Huguenots of France 2:634. 22. Ibid . "Roturier" is a French ter m fo r "commoner, " "no t o f noble rank. " 2 3. Baird , The Huguenots and Henry of Navarre 1:261 -62. 24. Jane t Montgomer y t o Edwar d Livingston , Jul y 4 , 1820 , Janet Montgom ery, "Reminiscences, " ed . Joh n Ros s Delafield , Dutchess County [N.Y.] Historical Society Year Book 15 (1930): 73 (an unpublishe d manuscrip t cop y o f this documen t that confirm s it s conten t i s i n th e New-Yor k Historica l Societ y holdings) ; Jane t

192 • Three: Duty in the Seven Years' War Montgomery, i n Hunt , Biographical Notes Concerning General Richard Montgomery, 4; Thoma s H . Montgomery , "Ancestr y o f Genera l Richar d Montgomery, " 123 , 125.

25. Baird , History of the Rise of the Huguenots of France 2:78 ; Thomas H . Mont gomery, "Ancestr y o f General Richar d Montgomery, " 127 . 26. Jane t Montgomery , i n Hunt , Biographical Notes Concerning General Richard Montgomery, 4 . 27. Joh n Willia m Fortescue , A History of the British Army, 1 3 vols. (London , 1910-30), 1:307-9 , 335 , 390 , 4 0 1 , 449 , 460 , 4 8 9 - 9 0 .

T H R E E Duty

in the Seven Years' War

1. Brackenridge , The Death of General Montgomery, 237-38 . 2. Willia m Smith , An Oration in Memory of General Montgomery, 17 . 3. Amon g th e standar d work s tha t trea t th e Seve n Years ' Wa r i n Nort h America (Frenc h an d India n War ) are : Franci s Parkman , The Battle for North America (Garden City , N.Y. , 194 8 [1851-92]) ; an d Howar d H . Peckham , The Colonial Wars, 1689-1762 (Chicago , 1964) . 4. Grea t Britai n Wa r Office , Annual Army Lists (London, 1756) , 270-71 . Th e 17th Regimen t numbere d thirty-fiv e officer s (on e commander , on e lieutenan t colonel, on e major , seve n captains , on e captai n lieutenant , on e adjutant , on e chaplain, on e surgeon , twelv e lieutenants , nin e ensigns), an d seve n hundre d ran k and file . 5. Th e Iris h regiment s include d th e 1st , 17th , 27th , 28th , 43rd , 46th , an d 55th. Richar d Cannon , Historical Record of the Seventeenth, or the Leicestershire Regiment of Foot (London, 1848) , 17 ; E. A . H . Webb , A History of the Services of the lyth (the Leicestershire) Regiment (London , 1911) , 41 ; John Knox , An Historical Journal of the Campaigns in North America, ed. Arthu r G . Doughty , 3 vols. (Free port, N . Y . , 1970) , 1:16-17 .

6. Fo r studie s concernin g musketr y an d infantr y tactics , consul t Torste n Lenk, The Flintlock: Its Origin and Development, ed . John . E . Ha y ward (London , 1965); Howar d L . Blackmore , British Military Firearms, 1650-1850 (London , 1961); Harol d L . Peterson , Arms and Armor in Colonial America, 1526-1783 (Har risburg, Pa. , 1956) . 7. Fo r discussion s o f cannons an d artiller y techniques , se e James A . Browne , England's Artillerymen, A Historical Narrative of the Services of the Royal Artillery, from the Formation of the Regiment to 1862 (London, 1865) ; Alber t Manucy , Artillery through the Ages: A Short Illustrated History of Cannon, Emphasizing Types Used in America (Washington, D.C. , 1949) . 8. Knox , A n Historical Journal of the Campaigns in North America 1:16-17. 9. Cannon , Historical Record of the Seventeenth, 17 ; Webb, A History of the Services of the 17th, 41; J. Macka y Hitsma n an d C . C . J . Bond , "Th e Assaul t Landin g a t Louisbourg, 1758, " Canadian Historical Review 35 (December 1954) : 315-16. 10. Joh n Forbes , Writings of General John Forbes, ed . Alfre d P . James (Menasha , Wise, 1938) , 16 .

Three: Duty in the Seven Years' War • 19 3 11. Fortescue , A History of the British Army 2:321 . 12. Hitsma n an d Bond , "Th e Assaul t Landin g a t Louisbourg, 1758, " 318. 13. Fortescue , A History of the British A rmy 2:322-23. 14. Hitsma n an d Bond , "Th e Assaul t Landin g a t Louisbourg, 1757, " 321. 15. Ibid. , 330 . 16. London Gazette, August 15 , 1758. 17. J . S . McLennan , Louisbourg from Its Foundation to Its Fall, 1713-1758 (London, 1918) , 253 ; Cannon , Historical Record of the Seventeenth, 18; Webb , A History of the Services of the 17th, 44. 18. Knox , An Historical Journal of the Campaigns in North America 1:189-95 . 19. Richar d Montgomer y t o Col . Jacob Glen , Augus t 24 , 1758 , Misc . MSS , Montgomery, New-Yor k Historica l Society . 20. A s prim e minister , Pit t directe d th e overal l wa r effort . However , Kin g George I I wa s intereste d enoug h i n militar y matter s t o interven e occasionally . Pitt generall y appointe d principa l militar y commander s base d o n meri t an d abil ity, sometime s promotin g promisin g officer s suc h a s Amhers t ove r th e head s o f seniors. Th e kin g usuall y favore d a patronag e syste m fo r selectio n o f militar y authorities. Abercromb y represente d on e of the king's disappointing appointees . 21. J . Macka y Hitsman , Safeguarding Canada, 1763-1871 (Toronto , 1968) , 14 ; Rex Whitworth , Field Marshall Lord Ligonier: A History of the British Army, 17021770 (New York , 1958) , 278. 22. Webb , A History of the Services of the 17th, 46 . 23. Ibid. , 47 . 24. Cannon , Historical Record of the Seventeenth, 19; Knox, An Historical Journal of the Campaigns in North America 1:403. A t Lak e Champlain an d th e St . Lawrenc e River watershed , geographica l direction s follo w th e flow o f water . Thus , dow n refers t o a northward headin g and u p indicate s a southward orientation . 25. J . M . LeMoine , "Genera l R . Montgomer y an d Hi s Detractors, " New York Genealogical and Biographical Record 22, no. 2 (April 1891) : 65-66; Malcolm Fraser , Extract from a Manuscript Journal Relating to the Siege of Quebec (Quebec , 192 7 [1868]), 13-14 . 26. Jame s Wolfe , General Orders in Wolfe's Army during the Expedition up the St. Lawrence (Quebec, 1875) , 29 . Apparently , thi s episod e di d n o lastin g har m t o Alexander Montgomery' s reputation . Afte r quittin g th e arm y afte r th e war , h e served fo r a numbe r o f year s a s a n Iris h M.P . Fo r a comprehensiv e stud y o f scalping, consult James Axtell, The European and the Indian: Essays in the Ethnohistory of Colonial North America (New York , 1981) , chaps. 2 , 8 . A n Ensig n Douvill e wa s reportedly th e French office r whos e scalp Washington sen t to Dinwiddie . 2 7. Hitsman , Safeguarding Canada, 18 . 28. Webb , A History of the Services of the 17th, 51-52; Cannon, Historical Record of the Seventeenth, 20 . 29. London Gazette, March 23 , 1762 ; London Gazette, March 24 , 1762 ; Webb, A History of the Services of the 17th, 53-54; Cannon, Historical Record of the Seventeenth, 20-21; Fortescue , A History of the British Army 2:548-50 . 30. Rober t Burton , "Sieg e an d Captur e o f Havan a i n 1762, " Maryland Historical Magazine 4 (1909) : 321-35 ; Fortescue, A History of the British Army 2:550-52 ;

194 • Four: Decision for the Patriot Cause Webb, A History of the Services of the 17th, 54-55; Cannon , Historical Record of the Seventeenth, 21-22 . 31. Burton , "Sieg e an d Captur e o f Havana, " 334 ; Fortescue, A History of The British Army 2:552 ; Webb, A History of the Services of the 17th, $6. 32. Majo r T . Mant e Journal, 425-26 , 461 , quoted i n Webb , A History of the Services of the 17th, 56; Burton, "Sieg e and Captur e o f Havana," 328 . 33. Rev . Joh n Graham , Septembe r 28 , 1762 , quote d i n Burton , "Sieg e an d Capture o f Havana," 334 . 34. Joh n Adai r t o General Amherst , Septembe r 18 , 1762 , quoted i n Webb, A History of the Services of the 17th, 57. 35. Jane t Montgomery , "Reminiscences, " 74. 36. Ear l o f Halifa x t o Gen . Thoma s Gage , Januar y 14 , 1764 , i n Clarenc e Edwin Carter , ed. , The Correspondence of General Thomas Gage with the Secretaries of State, 1763-1775, 2 vols. (New York , 196 9 [1931-33]), 1:11 . 37. Gen . Thoma s Gag e t o th e Ear l o f Halifax , Apri l 7 , 1764 , i n Carter , The Correspondence of General Thomas Gage 1:21 . 38. Webb , A History of the Services of the 17th, 57-60. 39. Charle s J. Fox , wh o ha d bee n raise d a s a wealthy aristrocrat , ha d hi s ow n reasons fo r adoptin g Whi g views . The y concerne d th e king' s persona l dislik e o f him a s a libertine and a product o f the idle rich. 40. Jane t Montgomery , "Reminiscences, " 67.

F O U R Decision

for the Patriot Cause

1. Willia m Smith , An Oration in Memory of General Montgomery, 19-20. 2. Richar d Montgomer y t o Joh n Montgomery , n.d. , i n Thoma s H . Montgomery, "Ancestr y o f General Richar d Montgomery, " 129 . Richard's eldes t brother, Alexande r Montgomery, receive d a substantial inheritanc e from a n issueless uncle. Therefore, th e father, Thoma s Montgomery , lef t hi s estate to Richard , an older brother , John, an d a younger sister , Sarah , whil e bequeathing a nominal legacy t o Alexander . Thoma s H . Montgomery , "Ancestr y o f Genera l Richar d Montgomery," 128 . Th e proceed s fro m Montgomery' s commissio n ar e assume d to b e £1,500—th e prevailin g valu e a t tha t time . Eri c Robson , "Purchas e an d Promotion i n th e Britis h Arm y i n the Eighteent h Century, " History, new ser. , 3 6 (February-June 1951) : 60. 3. Jane t Montgomery , "Reminiscences, " 74 . Ne w Yorker s durin g tha t tim e considered th e ou t war d t o b e th e environ s situate d nort h o f Ne w Yor k City , beyond th e built-up area , includin g the scattered farms . 4. Jane t Montgomery , "Reminiscences, " 67, 73-74 . 5. Jane t Montgomery , "Reminiscences, " 64-65 . O f Janet' s fou r sister s wh o survived childhoo d an d fo r who m ther e i s a recorded dat e of marriage, al l but on e married afte r th e ag e of twenty-eight , an d th e averag e age of marriag e wa s thirt y years: Janet , thirty ; Catharine , die d a t ag e seven ; Margaret , thirty ; Catharine , forty-one; Gertrud e (th e exception) , twenty-two ; Joanna, n o recor d o f marriag e

Four: Decision for the Patriot Cause • 19 5 date; Alida , twenty-eight . O n th e othe r hand , th e averag e ag e o f marriag e fo r Janet's fou r brother s wa s twenty-six years . 6. Jane t Montgomery, "Reminiscences, " 64. 7. Richar d Montgomer y t o Judge Rober t R . Livingston , i n Janet Montgom ery, "Reminiscences, " 47-48 ; Hunt , Biographical Notes Concerning General Richard Montgomery, 2-3 ; [Louis e L . Hunt] , "Genera l Richar d Montgomery, " Harper's New Monthly Magazine 70, no . 41 7 (Februar y 1885) : 351 . There i s disagreemen t among th e source s ove r th e dat e o f th e letter . Joh n Ros s Delafiel d i n "Reminis cences," by Janet Montgomery , transcribe s th e dat e a s May 28 , 1773 , but Louis e L. Hunt , i n Biographical Notes Concerning General Richard Montgomery and "Genera l Richard Montgomery, " place s the date at May 20 , 1773. 8. Rober t Livingston' s will , Februar y 10 , 1723 , Livingston-Redmon d MSS , microfilm edition , Frankli n Delan o Roosevel t Library , Hyd e Park , Ne w York , roll 4. 9. Joh n Wilso n Poucher , "Dutches s Count y Me n of the Revolutionar y Period : Judge Rober t R . Livingston , Hi s Sons , an d Sons-in-Law, " Dutchess County [N.Y.] Historical Society Year Book 3 0 (1945): 55. 10. Judg e Rober t R . Livingsto n t o Richar d Montgomery , Jun e 21 , 1773 , i n Hunt, Biographical Notes Concerning General Richard Montgomery, 3-4 ; [Hunt], "General Richard Montgomery, " 351. 11. Quote d i n Julia Delafield , Biographies of Francis Lewis and Morgan Lewis, 2 vols. (New York , 1877) , 1:184 ; Rivington's Gazetteer (New York) , July 29 , 1773 . 12. Willia m Alexander (1726-1783 ) was a notable exception t o colonial patrio t distaste o f roya l symbology . A prominen t Ne w Jerse y businessma n wh o late r received a general's commissio n i n th e Continenta l army , Alexande r endeavore d to claim th e earldom o f Stirling in 1756 . Although h e was unable to secure officia l recognition o f th e Britis h governmen t t o th e peerag e tha t h e coveted, h e usurpe d the titl e an d referre d t o himsel f a s "Lord Stirling " before an d durin g th e Revolu tion. Fo r th e mos t recen t biography , se e Pau l Davi d Nelson , The Life of William Alexander, Lord Stirling (Tuscaloosa , Ala. , 1987) . Nelso n theorize d tha t man y colonial patriot s indulge d Alexander' s titl e a s an expressio n o f spit e an d mocker y against Britis h arroganc e (62) . However , anothe r biographe r indicate d tha t Georg e Washington's opponent s accuse d hi m o f aristocratic leaning s afte r th e Revolutio n because o f hi s practic e o f callin g Alexande r "Lor d Stirling. " Dougla s Southal l Freeman, George Washington: A Biography, 7 vols. (Ne w York , 1948-57) , 6:212 13.

13. Jane t Montgomery , "Reminiscences, " 67-68. Quotation fro m th e recollections o f Catharin e Livingsto n Garretson' s daughter , b y Susa n Warner , "Lif e o f the Rev . Freebor n Garretson, " unfinished MS , 19 , in Katherine M. Babbitt , Janet Montgomery: Hudson River Squire (Monroe, N.Y. , 1975) , 10-11 . 14. Jane t Montgomery , "Reminiscences, " 68. 15. Quote d i n Delafield , Biographies of Francis Lewis and Morgan Lewis 1:215. 16. Richar d Montgomer y t o Lt. Perkin s Magra , [afte r April ] 1774 , Montgom ery MS S Collection , Clement s Library , Universit y o f Michigan . Als o publishe d in Clements Librar y Associates , Major General Richard Montgomery: A Contribution toward A Biography (An n Arbor , Mich. , 1970) , 12-15 . Th e "hobb y horse " refer s

196 • Four: Decision for the Patriot Cause to hi s countr y life ; th e "skittis h nag " i s th e Britis h arm y i n whic h Montgomer y served fo r fiftee n years . 17. Georg e Clyme r t o Josia h Quincy , Jr. , Jul y 29 , 1773 , Josia h Quincy , Memoir of the Life of Josiah Quincy, Jun. (Ne w York , 197 1 [1825]) , 114 . Clymer , later a delegat e t o th e Continenta l Congress , wa s jus t slightl y les s causti c i n hi s criticism towar d hi s nativ e province : h e referre d t o Pennsylvani a a s only a mod erate i n it s revolutionar y spirit . Quinc y wa s a fello w lawye r an d Massachusett s friend o f Clymer . 18. Pau l A . Gilje , The Road to Mobocracy: Popular Disorder in New York City, 1763-1834 (Chape l Hill , N.C. , 1987) , 52-58 ; Edwar d Countryman , A People in Revolution: The American Revolution and Political Society in New York, 1760-1790 (Baltimore, 1981) , 63-66. 19. Henr y B . Dawson , The Sons of Liberty in New York: A Paper Read Before the New-York Historical Society, May 3, 1850 (Ne w York , 1850) , 112-18 ; Marth a J . Lamb, History of the City of New York, 3 vols. (Ne w York , 1877) , 1:746-47 ; Elli s H. Roberts , New York: The Planting and the Growth of the Empire State, 2 vols. (Ne w York, 1887) , 2:376-79 . Th e Son s o f Libert y replace d th e destroye d libert y pol e with a new on e erecte d nearb y o n propert y obtaine d fo r tha t purpose . Thi s sixt h and las t libert y pol e stoo d unti l th e Britis h captur e an d occupatio n o f th e cit y i n the summe r o f 1776 . Fo r a definitiv e treatmen t o f th e Golde n Hil l an d Nassa u Street riots , consul t Le e R . Boyer , "Lobste r Backs , Libert y Boys , an d Laborer s in the Streets, " New-York Historical Society Quarterly 57, no. 4 (October 1973) : 281308. 20. Th e Nancy, commande d b y Captai n Lockyer , wa s th e first te a shi p t o arrive a t Ne w York . Capt . Jame s Chamber s wa s th e maste r o f the London, which became involve d i n th e Ne w Yor k "Te a Party. " Ne w Yor k decide d tha t subse quent shipment s woul d b e impounde d unti l th e te a coul d b e sol d a t auction . Force, American Archives, 4t h ser. , 1:249-50 ; Ne w Yor k State , The American Revolution in New York: Its Political, Social, and Economic Significance (Albany, N.Y. , 1926), 32-33 , 312-13 ; Leopol d S . Launitz-Schurer , Jr. , Loyal Whigs and Revolutionaries: The Making of the Revolution in New York, 1763-1776 (New York , 1980) , 106-8; Bernar d Mason , The Road to Independence: The Revolutionary Movement in New York, 1773—1777 (Lexington , Ky. , 1967) , 19-22 ; Malcol m Pete r Decker , Brink of Revolution: New York in Crisis, 1765-1776 (New York , 1964) , 141-44 ; Carl L. Becker , The History of Political Parties in the Province of New York, 1760-1776 (Madison, Wise , 1968) , 95-111 . 21. L . H . Butterfield , ed. , The Adams Papers: Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, 4 vols . (Ne w York , 1964) , 2:103 . Fo r a comprehensiv e stud y o f th e Livingston family , consul t Cynthi a A . Kierner , Traders and Gentlefolk: The Livingstons of New York, 1675-1790 (Ithaca, N.Y. , 1992) . 22. Poucher , "Dutches s Count y Me n of the Revolutionar y Period, " 55. 23. Patrici a U . Bonomi , A Factious People: Politics and Society in Colonial New York (New York , 1971) , 180 . For a comprehensive stud y o f the 176 6 land riot s i n New York , refe r t o Sun g Bo k Kim , Landlord and Tenant in Colonial New York: Manorial Society, 1664-1775 (Chapel Hill , N.C. , 1978) , 346-415 . Th e manoria l tenancy syste m i n provincia l Ne w Yor k ha d it s root s i n th e semifeuda l patroon -

Five: Service in the Provincial Congress • 19 7 ship institutio n o f Ne w Netherland . I n 1664 , th e Englis h conquere d thi s Dutc h holding an d establishe d th e colon y o f Ne w Yor k i n it s stead . However , lan d ownership practice s i n th e newl y forme d provinc e borrowe d heavil y fro m th e earlier model . Th e resultan t tenanc y metho d becam e th e basi s o f long-standin g landlord-tenant tensions . Thi s adversar y potentia l brok e out int o violent confron tations o n numerou s occasion s throughou t th e colonia l perio d an d wel l beyon d the Revolution . Finally , i n 1846 , a revised stat e constitutio n opene d th e wa y fo r tenants to obtain title s to their farms . 24. Th e Britis h office r wa s Capt . John Montresor . John Montresor , The Montr esorJournals, ed. G . D . Skull , Collection s o f th e New-Yor k Historica l Society , no. 1 4 (New York , 1882) , 363. 25. Judg e Rober t R . Livingsto n t o Rober t Livingston , Jr. , Ma y 14 , 1776 , Livingston-Redmond MSS , microfil m edition , Frankli n Delan o Roosevel t Li brary, rol l 8 . Tw o member s o f the Livingsto n famil y wer e named Rober t Living ston, Jr. On e wa s th e firs t proprieto r o f Clermon t (Janet' s grandfather) . Th e on e involved i n thi s correspondenc e wa s th e so n o f Phili p Livingsto n (fro m th e Livingston Mano r branch) . 26. Richar d Henr y Le e to a "Gentleman o f Influenc e i n England, " Marc h 27 , 1768, i n James Curti s Ballagh , ed. , The Letters of Richard Henry Lee, 2 vols. (Ne w York, 1911-14) , 1:27 .

27. Launitz-Schurer , Loyal Whigs and Revolutionaries, 50-51 . Fo r a n in-dept h treatment o f thi s episode , se e Nicholas Varga , "Th e Ne w Yor k Restrainin g Act : Its Passage and Som e Effects, 1766-1768, " New York History 37, no. 3 (July 1956) : 233-58; Le e E . Olm , "Th e Mutin y Ac t fo r America : Ne w York' s Noncompli ance," New-York Historical Society Quarterly 58 (1974): 188-214 . 28. Bonomi , A Factious People, 261-62. Willia m Livingsto n becam e a Ne w Jersey delegat e t o th e Firs t Continenta l Congress , servin g until June 5 , 1776 . H e then too k comman d o f th e state' s militi a a s a brigadie r genera l bu t resigne d hi s commission o n Augus t 31 , 1776 , upo n electio n a s governor . H e hel d thi s offic e for fourtee n years . 29. Jane t Montgomery , "Reminiscences, " 68-69 . 30. Thoma s Jones , History of New York during the Revolutionary War, 2 vols. (New York , 196 8 [1879]) , 171-72 . Joh n R . Livingsto n volunteere d a s a n arm y officer durin g th e Revolutio n bu t wa s neve r commissioned . H e wa s i n charg e o f the powde r mill s buil t b y hi s fathe r i n 177 5 t o suppl y th e America n army , an d his critica l service s i n thi s capacit y wer e probabl y o f fa r greate r valu e t o th e Revolution tha n the y woul d hav e been a s a soldier. F I V E Service

in the Provincial Congress

1. Willia m Smith , An Oration in Memory of General Montgomery, 19 . 2. Ne w Yor k State , The American Revolution in New York, 27-46. 3. Cadwallade r Colde n t o th e Ear l o f Dartmout h (Willia m Legge) , Jul y 6 , 1774, Edmun d B . O'Callagha n an d Berthol d Fernow , eds. , Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, 1 5 vols . (Albany , N.Y. , 1856-57) ,

198 • Five: Service in the Provincial Congress 8:469-70. Cadwallade r Colde n (1688-1777 ) wa s bor n i n Scotlan d an d combine d the practic e o f medicin e an d merchandisin g i n Philadelphi a befor e movin g t o New York . There , h e attained th e position o f senior councilor befor e hi s appoint ment a s lieutenan t governo r i n 1760 . Althoug h widel y respecte d a s a distin guished scientis t an d scholar , Colden' s effort s t o enforc e th e Stam p Ac t i n 1765 , during on e o f th e severa l time s h e assume d th e rol e o f actin g governor , arouse d the resentmen t o f man y Ne w Yorkers . Thi s resulte d i n hi s bein g hange d an d burned i n effigy . Willia m Tryo n (1729-1788 ) serve d a s th e roya l governo r o f North Carolin a fo r si x years (1765-1771 ) befor e hi s transfer t o New Yor k i n July 1771. Whil e i n Nort h Carolina , h e wa s instrumenta l i n supressin g th e "Regula tors," a movement brough t o n b y East-Wes t sectionalis m an d challeng e t o estab lished governmenta l jurisdiction . I n hi s military capacit y (commissione d i n 1751, he maintaine d hi s office r statu s i n th e Britis h army) , Tryo n le d th e militi a t o eventually defea t th e Regulator s i n th e Battl e o f Alamanc e o n Ma y 16 , 1771 . After hi s transfer t o New York , h e became popular wit h man y o f the residents on a personal level . I n 1772 , the provincial governmen t organize d Tryo n Count y an d named i t i n hi s honor . However , increase d resistanc e b y th e patrio t movemen t against hi s official statu s an d roya l authorit y soo n force d Tryo n o n th e defensive . In Apri l 1774 , he departed t o discuss hi s problem s wit h th e Englis h government , leaving Colde n i n charge . Fo r th e mos t recen t biograph y o f Tryon , se e Pau l David Nelson , William Tryon and the Course of Empire: A Life in British Imperial Service (Chapel Hill , N.C. , 1990) . 4. Ne w Yor k State , The American Revolution in New York, 27-46. 5. Ibid. , 47-48 . Thi s sourc e state s tha t th e countie s o f Tryon , Gloucester , Cumberland, an d som e district s o f Queen s di d no t sen d representative s t o th e New Yor k Provincial Convention. However , Becker , The History of Political Parties in the Province of New York, 186-92 , indicates the noncompliant counties as Tryon, Gloucester, Cumberland , Richmond , an d Charlotte . Th e Provincia l Conventio n carefully inspecte d th e credential s o f th e propose d member s befor e seatin g them . Eventually, forty-on e member s signe d th e official minute s of the convention . 6. New York Journal, Apri l 13 , 1775 ; William M . Willett , ed. , A Narrative of the Military Actions of Colonel Marinus Willett (New York , 196 9 [1831]), 30-31 , 54 55; Isaac Q. Leake , ed. , Memoir of the Life and Times of General John Lamb (Albany, N.Y., 197 0 [1857]), 101-2 ; Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 2:347-49 , 3^4 7. Cadwallade r Colde n t o Lor d Dartmouth , Ma y 3 , 1775 , O'Callagha n an d Fernow, Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York 8:571-72; Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 2:448 , 459-61 ; Willia m H . W . Sabine , ed. , Historical Memoirs from 16 March 1763 to 25 July 1778 of William Smith, 2 vols . (New York , 1958) , 1:221 . 8. Pennsylvania Journal, Apri l 26 , 1775 . 9. New York Mercury, Ma y 1 , 1775 ; New York Journal, Ma y 4 , 1775 ; Cadwallader Colde n t o Lor d Dartmouth , Jun e 7 , 1775 , i n Cadwallade r Colden , The Colden Letter Books, 1760-177$, 2 vols., New-Yor k Historica l Societ y Collections , no. 1 0 (Ne w York , 1877-78) , 2:400 ; Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 2:400 , 427, 448-49 , 468 , 471 , 605 . Variou s association s wer e create d b y th e patriot s during th e prerevolutionar y perio d a s a means o f consolidating politica l strength .

Five: Service in the Provincial Congress • 19 9 The Genera ! Associatio n shoul d no t b e confuse d wit h th e Continenta l Associa tion, bot h o f whic h ar e commonl y referre d t o a s merel y th e "Association. " Th e First Continenta l Congres s signe d th e Continenta l Associatio n o n Octobe r 20 , 1774, as a nonimportation, nonconsumption , an d nonexportatio n agreemen t agains t British goods . Thi s associatio n als o establishe d enforcemen t committee s t o seiz e goods tha t violate d th e term s o f th e instrumen t an d t o publiciz e th e name s o f those wh o faile d t o compl y wit h th e association' s stipulations . B y Apri l 1775 , all colonies ha d adopte d th e association . I t wa s enforce d i n Ne w Yor k b y th e Committee o f Sixty , th e Committe e o f On e Hundred , an d th e Provincia l Con gress. Th e Continenta l Associatio n generate d grea t pressur e o n Englis h mer chants t o encourag e th e Britis h governmen t towar d reconciliatio n wit h th e colo nies. Othe r association s o f a different sor t appeare d i n earl y 1775 . Unlik e thos e created a s an economic weapon, thes e endeavored t o gain suppor t o f the colonist s to th e patrio t cause . Th e Genera l Associatio n i n Ne w Yor k emerge d a s on e o f these types of conventions . 10. Cadwallade r Colde n t o Capt . Georg e Vandeput , Ma y 27 , 1775 , i n Col den, The Colden Letter Boob 2:413-14 . n . Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 2:470-71 , 481, 529-30 , 617-18 , 636 37,670-71. 12. Provincia l Congres s MSS , Ne w Yor k Stat e Archives ; Ne w Yor k Secre tary o f State , Calendar of Historical Manuscripts Relating to the War of the Revolution, 2 vols. (Albany, N.Y. , 1863-68) , 1:67 . 13. Ibid . Roge r J. Champagne , Alexander McDougall and the American Revolution in New York (New York , 1975) , 86. 14. Provincia l Congres s MSS , Ne w Yor k Stat e Archives ; Ne w Yor k Secre tary o f State , Calendar of Historical Manuscripts Relating to the War of the Revolution 1:85-86. 15. Richar d Montgomer y t o Rober t R . Livingston , Jun e 3 , 1775 , Rober t R . Livingston Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . Jane t Montgomery , "Reminis cences," 69. Fo r a comprehensive discussio n o f patriot ideologica l divisions , refe r to Mason, The Road to Independence, 71-72 . 16. Fo r a definitive stud y o f the composition an d grou p dynamics o f the Ne w York Provincia l Congress , consul t Becker , The History of Political Parties in the Province of New York, 201-10 . 17. O n Ma y 8 , 1775 , the Britis h force s commander , Gen . Thoma s Gage , sen t a messag e t o th e commande r o f For t Ticonderoga , Capt . Willia m Delaplace , warning hi m o f th e possibilit y o f a rai d o n hi s position . Lt . Jocely n Feltha m arrived twelv e day s befor e th e attac k wit h th e advanc e elemen t o f a twenty-ma n reinforcement tha t Gen . Gu y Carleto n wa s sendin g fro m Canada . Th e onl y casualty wa s Colone l Easton , wh o receive d a slight woun d b y a sentry's bayone t during th e initia l encounter . Prisoner s consiste d o f tw o officer s an d forty-eigh t enlisted men . Etha n Alle n t o th e Massachusett s Congress , Ma y 11 , 1775 , an d Benedict Arnol d t o th e Massachusett s Committe e o f Safety , Ma y 11 , 1775 , i n Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 2:556 , 557 ; Allen French , The Taking of Ticonderoga in 177$: The British Story; A Study of Captors and Captives (Cambridge, Mass. , 1928), 42-45 ; Benso n J. Lossing , The Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution, 2 vols.

200 • Five: Service in the Provincial Congress (New York , 1851-52) , 1:124 ; Christophe r Ward , The War of the Revolution, ed . John R . Alden , 2 vols . (Ne w York , 1952) , 1:72 . Benedic t Arnol d (1741-1801 ) was bor n i n Norwich , Connecticut . H e wa s apprentice d t o a druggist a t th e ag e of fourteen . Afte r th e deat h o f hi s parents , th e twenty-one-year-ol d Arnol d sol d the famil y propert y an d move d t o Ne w Haven . Ther e h e opene d a sho p t o sel l drugs and books . Marrying his first wife i n 1767 , he became a successful merchan t and trader . Whe n Lexingto n an d Concor d brok e out , h e raise d a compan y o f Connecticut militi a an d marche d fo r Boston . O n Ma y 3 , 1775 , Massachusett s appointed Arnol d a militi a colone l an d approve d hi s pla n t o attac k For t Ticon deroga. 18. Becaus e o f indecisio n o n th e par t o f Congress, directive s concernin g relo cation o f armamen t a t For t Ticonderog a wer e delayed . B y th e tim e a n initiativ e was taken , sever e winte r weathe r an d scarcit y o f adequat e transportatio n com bined t o furthe r imped e thei r removal . A detai l unde r Col . Henr y Knox , th e newly appointe d Continenta l arm y chie f o f artillery , utilizin g oxe n draw n sleds , finally delivere d th e cannon s (52-5 9 weapon s weighin g a tota l o f abou t 119,90 0 pounds) fro m Ticonderog a t o th e vicinit y o f Bosto n o n Januar y 24 , 1776 . Fo r accounts o f Knox' s canno n transportatio n operation , se e Henr y Knox , "Knox' s Diary durin g Hi s Ticonderog a Expedition, " New England Historical and Genealogical Register 3 0 (1976): 321-22 ; Nort h Callahan , "Henr y Knox , Genera l Washing ton's General, " New-York Historical Society Quarterly 44 (i960): 150-65 ; Alexander C. Flick , "Genera l Knox' s Ticonderog a Expedition, " New York State Historical Association Quarterly Journal 9(1928): 119-35 . 19. Afte r th e Revolution , th e territoria l disput e resumed . Finally , a n accor d was reache d whereb y Vermon t pai d Ne w Yor k $30,00 0 fo r th e conteste d land s and th e stat e of Vermon t entere d th e Unio n i n 1791 . For a thorough treatmen t o f the Ne w Hampshir e Grant s controversy , consul t Irvin g Mark , Agrarian Conflicts in Colonial New York, 1711-1775 (Port Washington , N.Y. , 1965) , 164-94 . 20. Fo r a comprehensiv e discussio n o f th e For t Ticonderog a affair , refe r t o Justin H . Smith , Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony 1:119 , 166-71 , 178-92 . 21. Th e Hudso n Rive r wa s als o know n a s th e Nort h Rive r durin g thi s time . In June-October 1777 , the Britis h arm y employe d thi s Hudso n Highland s strat egy when Gen . John Burgoyn e launched a n invasion fro m Canad a dow n the Lak e Champlain-Lake George-Hudso n Rive r rout e i n a n attemp t t o geographicall y separate th e colonie s an d dea l wit h the m i n a piecemea l fashion . Thi s offensiv e failed whe n Burgoyn e los t the Battle of Saratoga an d surrendere d hi s forces . 22. Richar d Montgomer y t o Rober t R . Livingston , Jun e 3 , 1775 , Rober t R . Livingston Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . Gu y Carleto n (1724-1808 ) wa s a career Britis h arm y officer , risin g t o the ran k o f majo r genera l befor e h e receive d his mos t recen t appointmen t a s governo r o f Quebe c Provinc e o n Januar y 10 , 1775. H e ha d serve d i n th e sam e capacit y durin g th e 1766-177 0 period . Fo r a comprehensive biographica l stud y o f Carleto n durin g th e America n campaig n i n Canada, se e Perry Eugen e Leroy , "Si r Gu y Carleto n a s a Military Leade r durin g the American Invasio n an d Repuls e in Canada, 1775-1776, " 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss. , Ohio Stat e University , i960) . 23. Worthingto n Chaunce y Ford , ed. , Librar y o f Congress , Journals of the

Six: The Patriot Call to Arms • 20 1 Continental Congress, 17/4-1789, 3 4 vols. (Washington , D.C. , 1904-37) , 2:57 , 59 61,73-75. 24. Willia m Dougla s t o Hanna h Douglas , July 19 , 1775 , in Willia m Douglas , "Letters Writte n durin g th e Revolutionar y Wa r b y Colone l Willia m Dougla s t o His Wif e Coverin g th e Perio d Jul y 19 , 1775 , t o Decembe r 5 , 1776, " New-York Historical Society Quarterly Bulletin 1 2 (1929): 150 . 25. Force , American Archives, 4t h ser. , 2:516-17 ; Majo r Isaa c Hamilto n t o Cadwallader Colden , Ma y 26 , 1775 , June 5 , 1775 , i n Cadwallade r Colden , The Letters and Papers of Cadwallader Colden, 9 vols. , New-Yor k Historica l Societ y Collections, no . 5 6 (New York , 1918-37) , 7:297 , 299-300 . 26. Willett , Narrative, 58-65 . 27. Richar d Montgomer y t o Rober t R . Livingston , Jun e 7 , 1775 , Rober t R . Livingston Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . 28. Colden , The Colden Letter Books 2:426-28; Force , American Archives, 4t h ser., 2:1285 , 1290 , 1626-27 ; O'Callagha n an d Fernow , Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York 8:646. Fo r a n excellen t commentar y o n th e relationship betwee n th e Provincia l Congres s an d popula r disorder , se e Gilje, The Road to Mobocracy, 6 1 -64. 29. Journals of the Provincial Congress of the State of New York, 2 vols. (Albany , N.Y., 1775) , 1:31 , 33 , entrie s o f Jun e 7 , 1775 ; Ne w Yor k Secretar y o f State , Calendar of Historical Manuscripts Relating to the War of the Revolution, 1:101; Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 2:1248 , 1265 , 1267 , 1272 , 1273 , 1278-80 , 1284 , 1286 , 1287, 1299 , 1301 .

30. Richar d Montgomer y t o Rober t R . Livingston , Jun e 7 , 1775 , Rober t R . Livingston Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . 31. Abigai l Adams , fo r example , foun d hersel f i n simila r circumstance s whe n her husband , Joh n Adams , lef t t o serv e i n th e Continenta l Congress , compellin g her to manage their Braintree , Mass. , farm . 32. Jane t Montgomer y t o Lt . Perkin s Magra , Ma y 25 , 1775 , Montgomer y MSS Collection , Clement s Library . Als o publishe d i n Clement s Librar y Associ ates, Major General Richard Montgomery, 18-23. Th e tw o sister s referre d t o i n th e poem wer e th e maide n sister s wh o reside d wit h Jane t Montgomer y durin g thi s time. Richar d Montgomery' s onl y sister , Lad y Sara h Ranelagh , live d wit h he r husband, Charles , fourt h Viscoun t o f Ranelagh , i n Ireland . 33. Th e colonia l patriot s philosophicall y aligne d themselve s wit h th e Britis h opposition factio n i n Englan d (Whigs) , callin g themselve s "whigs " afte r tha t political party. Th e patriot s referre d t o provincials who were against conflict wit h the Britis h governmen t a s "tories, " a derogatory ter m derive d fro m th e designa tion of the loyalist part y i n England (Tories) . s 1 x The

Patriot Call to Arms

1. " A Son g o n th e Brav e Genera l Montgomer y Wh o Fel l withi n th e Wall s of Quebec Dec . 31 , 1775 , i n Attemptin g T o Stor m Tha t City" ; include d i n a 177 6 broadside issue d a t Danvers, Mass. , Essex Institute , Salem , Mass . Reproduce d i n

202 • Six: The Patriot Call to Arms Frank Moore , ed. , The Diary of the American Revolution, 1775-1781 (New York , 1968), 92-93 . 2. Richar d Montgomer y t o Rober t R . Livingston , Jun e 3 , 1775 , Bancrof t Transcripts, Rober t R . Livingsto n Papers , 1 , 33 , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . Robert R . Livingsto n t o Richar d Montgomery , Jun e 3 , [1775] , Bancrof t Tran scripts, Livingsto n Papers , 1,31 , Ne w Yor k Public Library. Phili p John Schuyle r (1733-1804) wa s bor n int o on e o f th e oldes t an d mos t affluen t Dutc h familie s i n New York . Afte r receivin g a n excellent education , h e serve d a s a logistical office r in the militi a durin g th e French an d India n War , risin g to the rank of colonel. H e became afflicted wit h hereditar y rheumati c gout at the age of twenty-two. Electe d to th e Provincia l Assembl y i n 1768 , h e prove d t o b e a n arden t patriot , althoug h he opposed th e Son s o f Libert y an d othe r radica l activities . Fo r Schuyle r biogra phies, se e Benso n J . Lossing , The Life and Times of Philip Schuyler, 2 vols. (Ne w York, 187 3 [i860]); Martin H . Bush , Revolutionary Enigma: A Re-appraisal of General Philip Schuyler of New York (Port Washington, N.Y. , 1969) ; Don R . Gerlach , Proud Patriot: Philip Schuyler and the War of Independence, 1775-1783 (Syracuse, N.Y. , 1987)3. Jane t Montgomery , "Reminiscences, " 75. 4. Journals of the Provincial Congress of the State of New York 1:32 , entr y o f June 7, 1775 . Horati o Gate s (1728-1806 ) retire d o n hal f pa y a s a major i n th e Britis h army i n 1765 . Seve n year s later , h e settle d i n Virgini a wit h th e hel p o f Georg e Washington, who m h e ha d serve d wit h an d befriende d durin g th e Frenc h an d Indian Wars . A s th e Revolutio n approached , Gate s side d wit h th e colonists . Anticipated persona l advancemen t i n joinin g th e Continenta l army , whic h des perately neede d professionall y traine d officers , certainl y playe d a part i n Gates' s decision fo r th e patrio t cause . Hi s connection s wit h Washingto n facilitate d thi s ambition. Afte r Congres s selecte d Washingto n a s th e commande r i n chief , h e nominated Gate s t o b e hi s adjutan t genera l wit h th e ran k o f brigadie r general . Charles Le e (1758-1815) , a half-pa y Britis h lieutenan t colone l wh o migrate d t o the colonie s i n 1773 , recommende d himsel f t o th e Congres s fo r a n appointmen t in th e Continenta l army . Congres s offere d hi m a major-general' s commission . Acceptance o f thi s positio n woul d lea d t o th e los s of hi s Britis h arm y retiremen t pay an d confiscatio n o f hi s propert y i n England , s o Le e waite d unti l Congres s agreed t o compensate hi m fo r thes e losses before acceptin g the commission . 5. Richar d Montgomer y t o Rober t R . Livingston , Jun e 7 , 1775 , Rober t R . Livingston Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library. Richar d Montgomer y t o Robert R . Livingston, June 28 , 1775 , Emmet Collection , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 6. Richar d Montgomer y t o Capt. Perkin s Magra, July 2 , 1775 , Richard Mont gomery MSS , Clement s Library . Als o published i n Clements Librar y Associates , Major General Richard Montgomery, 16-17. Th e Britis h governmen t deploye d ^I\G regiments to Boston i n August 1775 , including the 17t h Foot. Th e 17t h Regimen t remained i n Americ a unti l 1782 . However , i t di d no t se e action i n th e Canadia n campaign an d thu s neve r opposed Montgomery . 7. Jane t Montgomery , "Reminiscences, " 69-70. 8. Ford , Journals of the Continental Congress 2:97 , 99 , 103 . Th e fou r major general selection s included : Artema s War d (Massachusetts) , Charle s Le e (Vir -

Six: The Patriot Call to Arms • 20 3 ginia), Phili p Schuyle r (Ne w York) , an d Israe l Putna m (Connecticut) , respec tively. Th e initia l brigadier-genera l appointment s comprised : Set h Pomero y (Massachusetts), Richar d Montgomer y (Ne w York) , Davi d Wooste r (Connecti cut), Willia m Heat h (Massachusetts) , Joseph Spence r (Connecticut) , John Thoma s (Massachusetts), John Sulliva n (Ne w Hampshire) , an d Nathanae l Green e (Rhod e Island), respectively . I n addition , Congres s name d Horati o Gate s (Virginia ) a s Continental arm y adjutan t genera l with brigadie r rank . 9. Congres s di d no t fill th e vacan t eight h brigadie r position . Therefore , th e amended brigadie r genera l orde r o f ran k was : Thomas , Montgomery , Wooster , Heath, Spencer , Sullivan , an d Greene . Fo r a discussio n o f th e genera l office r selection process , se e Alle n French , The First Year of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass. , 1934) , 2 95' 752-54 ; Jonathan Gregor y Rossie , The Politics of Command in the American Revolution (Syracuse, N.Y. , 1975) , 14—24 ; Rober t K . Wright, Jr., The Continental Army (Washington , D.C. , 1986) , 21-29 . 10. Jame s Duan e t o Richar d Montgomery , Jul y 21 , 1775 , i n Edmun d C . Burnett, ed. , Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, 8 vols . (Washington , D.C., 1921-36) , 1:171 ; Pau l H . Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 1:641-42 . James Duan e (1733-1797 ) was th e so n of a prosperous Ne w Yor k City merchant . He practice d la w afte r bein g admitte d t o th e ba r i n Augus t 1754 . Afte r hi s election t o th e Continenta l Congres s o n July 4 , 1774 , h e becam e a leader i n th e moderate factio n towar d independence . H e serve d o n a large number o f commit tees, an d hi s mos t significan t wor k wa s don e i n th e fields o f finance an d India n affairs. n . Jane t Montgomery , "Reminiscences, " 74-75. 12. Phili p Schuyle r t o Peter Va n Brug h Livingston , June 24 , 1775 , in Journals of the Provincial Congress of the State of New York 2:10-11 . Pete r Va n Brug h Livingston (1710-1792) , a wealth y distan t cousi n o f th e Clermon t Livingstons , had profite d greatl y fro m militar y contract s durin g th e colonia l wars . H e wa s elected presiden t o f th e Ne w Yor k Provincia l Congres s whe n i t wa s founde d o n May 23 , 1775 , an d becam e it s treasure r o n July 8 . H e hel d bot h position s unti l August 28 , 1775 , when h e withdrew fro m al l public affairs du e to poor health . 13. Journals of the Provincial Congress of the State of New York 1:54, entr y o f June 25, 1775 14. Bruc e Bliven , Jr., Under the Guns: New York 1775-1776 (New York , 1972) , 1-12.

15. Georg e Washingto n t o Phili p Schuyler , Jun e 25 , 1775 , in W . W . Abbot , ed., The Papers of George Washington, 7 vols., Colonia l Serie s (Charlottesville, Va. , 1983-90), 1:37 . Col . Gu y Johnso n (1740-1788 ) commande d a range r compan y during th e Frenc h an d India n War . Afte r th e conflict , h e becam e superintenden t of India n affair s fo r th e Britis h an d buil t a goo d reputatio n wit h th e Indians . During 177 3 t o 1775 , h e wa s a membe r o f th e Ne w Yor k Assembly , an d h e developed int o a n effectiv e loyalis t leade r i n th e province . A t thi s time , h e wa s actively engage d i n incitin g the Indian s against the patriot cause . 16. Davi d Wooste r (1711-1777) , so n of a Connecticut mason , graduate d fro m Yale Universit y i n 1738 . H e becam e a militia office r i n 174 1 an d participate d i n the Frenc h an d India n War . I n 1746 , Wooste r marrie d th e daughte r o f Thoma s

204 • Six: The Patriot Call to Arms Clap, presiden t o f Yale . I n 1750 , h e organize d a t Ne w Have n on e o f th e firs t lodges o f Fre e Mason s i n Connecticut . I n 1763 , he served a s customs collecto r i n New Haven . H e wa s als o commissioned a s a captain i n the Britis h army , retirin g on hal f pa y i n 1774 . He receive d appointmen t a s a major genera l o f six Connecti cut regiment s i n April 177 5 and wa s ordered t o New Yor k the next month. Whe n Congress starte d commissionin g Continenta l generals , i t name d hi m brigadie r general o n June 22 , 1775 . 17. Richar d Montgomer y t o Rober t R . Livingston , Jul y 1 , 1775 , Rober t R . Livingston Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library. Richar d Montgomer y t o Robert R . Livingston, Augus t 6 , 1775 , Rober t R . Livingsto n Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library. Bliven , Under the Guns, 25-29. Tr y on wa s no t abl e to regain hi s govern mental authorit y i n Ne w York . Increasin g patrio t activities , includin g th e threa t of kidnapping, force d hi m int o seclusion, furthe r alienatin g him fro m civi c affairs . In Octobe r 1775 , he took refug e aboar d a British shi p i n Ne w Yor k Cit y Harbo r and remaine d ther e unti l Britis h force s arrive d i n June 177 6 fo r th e Ne w Yor k campaign. Tryon' s governorshi p wa s one of exile during thi s time. I n this regard , Tryon followe d th e example set by three of his fellow roya l governors of Virginia , North Carolina , an d Sout h Carolina , wh o ha d al l retreate d t o Britis h warship s stationed i n thei r respectiv e province . Isaa c Sear s (1 7 30-1786) wa s Ne w York' s most activ e an d notoriou s patrio t agitator . A s a radica l leade r i n th e Son s o f Liberty, h e participate d i n nearl y ever y mo b actio n i n Ne w Yor k Cit y fo r te n years. However , hi s sometime s bizarr e an d unsanctione d activitie s wer e a fre quent sourc e of embarrassment t o more moderate patriots . 18. Ford , Journals of the Continental Congress 2:75. 19. Gen . Thoma s Gag e t o Lor d Dartmouth , Jun e 12 , 1775 , i n Carter , The Correspondence of General Thomas Gage 1:403-4. Th e Secon d Massachusett s Pro vincial Congres s enliste d th e Stockbridg e Indian s i n it s figh t agains t Britis h authority an d als o attempted t o includ e th e Mohaw k an d Easter n Indian s i n thei r cause. Willia m Lincoln , ed. , The Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 177s, and of the Committee of Safety (Boston, 1838) , 114-16 , 118-20 , 225-26).

20. Joh n Adam s t o Jame s Warren , Jun e 7 , 1775 , i n Rober t J . Taylor , ed. , Papers of JohnAdams, 4 vols . (Cambridge , Mass. , 1977-79) , 3:17-18 . B y sendin g many o f hi s regula r troop s t o fight a t th e sieg e of Boston , Gu y Carleto n deplete d the Britis h force s i n Canad a t o abou t eigh t hundre d regulars , a thir d o f who m were statione d i n th e Grea t Lake s regio n fa r t o th e west . I n a n attemp t t o consolidate Englis h authorit y i n Quebec, h e declared martia l la w on June 9, 1775 . 21. Papers of the Continental Congress, Nationa l Archives , microfilm , 172 . Re turn o f July 14 , 177 5 reflected th e followin g troo p disposition an d strength : Gen . Wooster's an d Col . Davi d Waterbury' s Connecticu t regiment s a t Ne w Yor k Cit y numbered 57 6 an d 929 , respectively ; Col . Benjami n Hinman' s Connecticu t regi ment wa s disperse d amon g Ticonderog a (478) , Crow n Poin t (293) , Lak e Georg e landing (98) , an d For t Georg e (104) ; Massachusett s troop s scattere d a t variou s locations amounte d t o 174 ; an d Ne w Yor k volunteer s a t For t Georg e adde d another 20 5 men—fo r a tota l forc e o f 2,857 . Tw o week s later , troo p return s

Seven: The March to Canada • 205 reported a rank-and-file strengt h of 2,958, of whom 2,41 9 were considere d fit for duty. 22. Charle s Haven s Hunt , Life of Edward Livingston (New York , 1864) , 32 . B y blush, Montgomer y mean t feel ashamed. S E V E N The

March to Canada

1. " A Fragment, " a ballad b y Robert Burns , reproduce d i n Frank Moore , ed., Songs and Ballads of the American Revolution (Port Washington , N.Y. , 1964) , 381. 2. Willia m Smith , An Oration in Memory of General Montgomery, 28 . 3. Phili p Schuyle r t o Georg e Washington , Jul y 15 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers, Ne w Yor k Public Library . 4. Phili p Schuyle r t o Georg e Washington , Jul y 18 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers, Ne w Yor k Public Library . 5. Jame s Duan e t o Robert R . Livingston, June 7 , 1775 , Livingston-Redmon d MSS, Ne w York Publi c Library . Th e "young Mr . Livingston " wa s Robert R . Livingston's younges t brother , Henr y Beekma n Livingston , wh o raised a com pany an d was commissione d a captain i n the 4th New York Regimen t o n June 28, 1775 . He wen t wit h hi s brother-in-law, Richar d Montgomery , t o Quebec an d served a s his aide-de-camp fro m July t o December 1775 . 6. Jane t Montgomer y i n Hunt , Biographical Notes Concerning General Richard Montgomery, 7. The ter m "mechanics " refers t o the unfranchise d residents : leasehold tenant s an d those wh o worked fo r others—distinguishe d fro m th e land owner an d merchan t segment s of society. 7. Fre d Anderso n Berg , Encyclopedia of Continental Army Units (Harrisburg , Pa., 1972) , 83-85 ; Eri c I . Manders , "Note s o n Troop Unit s i n the New York Garrison, 1775-1776, " Military Collector and Historian: Journal of the Company of Military Historians 25, no. 1 (Sprin g 1973) : 18-21 . 8. Ala n C . Aimon e an d Barbar a A . Aimone , "Organizin g an d Equippin g Montgomery's Yorker s i n 1775, " Military Collector and Historian: Journal of the Company of Military Historians 28 , no. 2 (Summer 1976) : 53-54. Als o se e Ala n C. Aimone an d Barbara A . Aimone, "Brav e Bostonians : Ne w Yorkers ' Role s in the Winter Invasio n of Canada," Military Collector and Historian: Journal of the Company of Military Historians 36, no. 4 (Winter 1984) : 134-50 , for an excellent overvie w of the Canadia n campaign ; As a Bir d Gardner , "Th e Ne w Yor k Continenta l Lin e of the Arm y o f the Revolution, " Magazine of American History 7 (December 1881) : 403; Willia m L . MacDougall, American Revolutionary: A Biography of General Alexander McDougall(Westport, Conn. , 1977) , 66. 9. O'Callagha n an d Fernow, Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York 15:11. 10. Ibid. , 17 . 11. Ibid. , 22. in I

12. Aimon e an d Aimone , "Organizin g an d Equippin g Montgomery' s Yorker s 775/'54-

2o6 • Seven: The March to Canada 13. Richar d Montgomer y Genera l Orders , July 19 , 1775 , Richard Montgom ery MSS , New-Yor k Historica l Society . 14. Ne w Yor k Committe e o f Safet y t o Phili p Schuyler , Jul y 15 , 1775 , i n Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 2:1730 . 15. Rudolphu s Ritzema , "Journa l o f Col . Rudolphu s Ritzem a o f th e Firs t New Yor k Regiment , Augus t 8 , 177 5 t o Marc h 30 , 1776, " Magazine of American History with Notes and Queries 1 (1877) : 98. 16. Phili p Schuyle r t o Ne w Yor k Congress , Augus t 19 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:177 . 17. Richar d Montgomer y t o Col . Goos e Va n Schaick , Augus t 10 , 1775 , Richard Montgomer y MSS , New-Yor k Historica l Society . 18. Ford , Journals of the Continental Congress 2:186 ; Force , American Archives, 4 thser., 3:177,433-34 . 19. Force , American Archives, 4t h ser. , 2:1702-4 , 1734-35 , 1762-63 ; 3:17 , 242-43. 20. Georg e Washingto n t o Phili p Schuyler , Augus t 20 , 1775 , i n Abbot , The Papers of George Washington 1:331-33. 21. Joh n Brow n t o Richard Montgomery , Augus t 23 , 1775 , in Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:468 . 22. Richar d Montgomer y t o Philip Schuyler , Augus t 25 , 1775 , Philip Schuy ler Papers, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . 23. Capt . Willia m Dougla s to Hannah Douglas , August 28-29 , 1775 , William Douglas Papers , New-Yor k Historica l Society . 24. Richar d Montgomery , Las t Wil l an d Testament , Augus t 30 , 1775 , Rich ard Montgomer y MSS , New-Yor k Historica l Society . 25. Phili p Schuyle r t o George Washington, Augus t 31 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers, New Yor k Public Library; Philip Schuyler to Turbutt Franci s and Volck ert Douw , Augus t 31 , 1775, Philip Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 26. Urie h Cross , "Narrativ e o f Urie h Cros s i n th e Revolutionar y War, " Vermont Quarterly, new ser. , 1 5 (July 1947) : 180. 27. Phili p Schuyle r t o th e Inhabitant s o f Canada , Septembe r 5 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyler Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . Abou t a week later , Georg e Wash ington sen t a similar appea l t o th e Canadians : se e George Washington , "Addres s to th e Inhabitant s o f Canad a [c . Septembe r 14 , 1775], " in Abbot , The Papers of George Washington 1:461-63 . Etha n Alle n (1738-1789 ) commande d th e Gree n Mountain Boy s whe n the y seize d Ticonderog a fro m th e Britis h i n May 177 5 bu t lost hi s positio n a s commande r i n July 177 5 an d wa s a t thi s tim e servin g unde r Schuyler an d Montgomer y a s a civilian scout . Set h Warne r (1743-1784) , who m the Gree n Mountai n Boy s electe d a s lieutenan t colone l commande r o n July 26 , 1775, wa s stil l attemptin g t o mobiliz e hi s battalio n i n th e aftermat h o f organiza tional turmoi l s o i t coul d joi n th e campaig n a s a coherent unit . Jame s Livingsto n (1747-1832), a distan t relativ e o f th e Ne w Yor k Livingston s an d a n in-la w o f Montgomery, wa s a merchant livin g i n Chambl y a t thi s tim e wh o supporte d th e patriots' campaign i n Canada . 28. Phili p Schuyle r t o Joh n Hancock , Septembe r 8 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Phili p Schuyle r t o Georg e Washington , Sep -

Seven: The March to Canada • 20 7 tember 20 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Ritzema , "Journal," 99 . Gilber t Tic e wa s a forme r captai n i n th e Ne w Yor k militi a wh o became a loyalist , servin g th e Britis h throughou t th e wa r b y recruitin g an d leading various bands of Indians against the Americans . 29. Phili p Schuyle r t o Joh n Hancock , Septembe r 8 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Phili p Schuyle r t o Georg e Washington , Sep tember 20 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Ritzema , "Journal," 99. 30. Phili p Schuyle r t o Joh n Hancock , Septembe r 8 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Phili p Schuyle r t o Georg e Washington , Sep tember 20 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . Schuyle r wished t o maintain th e confidentialit y o f his informant, s o he did no t disclos e hi s name i n th e lette r t o Hancoc k (Continenta l Congress) . I n th e lette r t o Washing ton, h e include d th e agent' s nam e bu t requeste d tha t th e commande r i n chie f obliterate i t afte r reading . Washingto n complie d wit h th e request . However , historical researc h reveale d tha t th e subjec t individua l wa s Mose s Haze n (1733 1803), a native of Massachusett s wh o ha d live d a t St . Johns sinc e 1763 . Althoug h Hazen ha d retire d a s a n office r fro m th e Britis h army , authoritie s i n Canad a suspected hi m o f bein g sympatheti c t o th e America n cause . The y ha d earlie r imprisoned hi m fo r a time an d confiscate d hi s considerabl e propert y holding s i n the area. Se e Abbot, The Papers of George Washington 1:22 2 n . 4 . 31. Phili p Schuyle r t o Joh n Hancock , Septembe r 8 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Phili p Schuyle r t o Georg e Washington , Sep tember 20 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 32. Rudolphu s Ritzem a t o Alexande r McDougall , Septembe r 8 , 1775 , Alex ander McDougal l Papers , New-Yor k Historica l Society ; Phili p Schuyle r t o John Hancock, Septembe r 8 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library ; Philip Schuyle r t o Georg e Washington , Septembe r 20 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . 33. Phili p Schuyle r t o Continenta l Congress , Septembe r 19 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyler Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 34. Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:741-42 . 35. Ibid . 36. Ibid . 37. Richar d Montgomer y t o Jane t Montgomery , Septembe r 12 , 1775 , Jane t Montgomery Papers , Edwar d Livingsto n Collection , Princeto n Universit y Li brary. 38. Phili p Schuyle r Letterboo k 2:121 , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . 39. Richar d Montgomer y t o Jane t Montgomery , Septembe r 5 , 1775 , Jane t Montgomery Papers , Edwar d Livingsto n Collection , Princeto n Universit y Li brary; Phili p Schuyle r t o Continenta l Congress , Septembe r 19 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyler Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 40. "Extrac t o f a Letter t o a Gentleman i n New-Yor k fro m a n Office r a t Isl e aux Noix, Septembe r 17 , 1775, " in Force, American Archives, 4t h ser. , 3:726 . 41. Phili p Schuyle r t o Continenta l Congress , Septembe r 19 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyler Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library .

2o8 • Eight: Struggle and Success against St. Johns E I G H T Struggle

and Success against St. Johns

i. " A Son g o n th e Brav e Genera l Montgomery, " i n Moore , The Diary of the American Revolution, 92-93. 2. Phili p Schuyler to Continental Congress, September 19 , 1775, Philip Schuyler Papers, Ne w Yor k Public Library . 3. Jane t Montgomery , i n Hunt , Biographical Notes Concerning General Richard Montgomery, 7-8 ; Howar d Thomas , Marinus Willett: Soldier, Patriot, iy^.0-18^0 (New York , 1954) , 36. 4. Phili p Schuyler to Continental Congress, September 19 , 1775, Philip Schuyler Papers, Ne w Yor k Public Library . 5. Jane t Montgomery , i n Hunt , Biographical Notes Concerning General Richard Montgomery, 8. Majo r Charle s Presto n wa s a membe r o f th e 26t h Regimen t o f Scottish Rifle s a t thi s time . H e late r receive d th e titl e of Fift h Barone t o f Valley field, Fife . 6. Fortescue , A History of the British Army 3:155 ; Justin H . Smith , Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony 11343-44 . 7. Harr y Parke r Ward , ed. , "Diar y o f Captai n John Fassett , Jr., " The FollettDewey Fassett-Safford Ancestry of Captain Martin Dewey Follett (Columbus , Oh. , 1896), 217 ; Richard Montgomer y t o Philip Schuyler , Septembe r 19 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyler Papers , New Yor k Public Library. Fo r a British versio n of the skirmish , see Lt. Gov . Hecto r Cramah e t o Secretar y o f State , Ear l o f Dartmout h (Willia m Legge), Septembe r 24 , 1775 , Britis h Publi c Record s Office , Colonia l Correspon dence (CO 5). 8. Maj . Timoth y Bede l t o Ne w Hampshir e Committe e o f Safety , Septembe r 23, 1775 , in Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:779 . 9. M . James , Retur n o f Bras s an d Iro n Ordnanc e an d Mortar s i n th e Nort h and Sout h Fort s a t St . John's , Novembe r 3 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:1395 ; Willett , Narrative, 37 ; Georg e F . G . Stanley , Canada Invaded, l 775~i776(Toronto, 1973) , 51. 10. Willett , Narrative, 37 ; Leake , Memoir of the Life and Times of General John Lamb, 112 .

11. Diar y o f Col. Aaron Barlo w extracte d i n Charles Bur r Todd, "Th e Marc h to Montrea l an d Quebec , 1775, " American Historical Register 2 (1895): 646; "Military Pensio n Depositio n o f Justus Bellamy, " in John C . Dann , ed. , The Revolution Remembered: Eyewitness Accounts of the War for Independence (Chicago, 1980) , 384. 12. Richar d Montgomer y t o Col. [Maj. ] Timothy Bedel , Octobe r 13 , 1775 , in W. T . R . Saffell , Records of the Revolutionary War: Containing the Military and Financial Correspondence of Distinguished Officers (Baltimore, 196 9 [1894]), 2 5- Rich ard Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler , Septembe r 24 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Pa pers, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . Capt . Gersho m Mot t ha d bee n on e o f th e mos t active agitator s i n Ne w Yor k befor e th e Revolutio n an d hi s entry int o th e army . Capt. Joh n Lam b an d fello w officers , wh o ha d bee n associate d wit h Mot t i n th e Sons o f Liberty , petitione d Montgomer y t o restor e hi m t o hi s compan y com mand. I t appear s tha t th e genera l yielde d t o th e reques t fo r mitigation , a s Mot t

Eight: Struggle and Success against St. Johns • 20 9 led hi s company o n subsequen t expeditio n operations : the march t o Montreal an d the attac k o n Quebe c (Leake , Memoir of the Life and Times of General John Lamb, 117).

13. Richar d Montgomer y t o Philip Schuyler , Augus t 1 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . 14. Etha n Alle n t o Richar d Montgomery , Septembe r 20 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives', 4t h ser. , 3:754 . 15. Maj . John Brow n ha d serve d unde r Alle n wit h th e Massachusett s contin gent a t th e captur e o f Ticonderog a i n Ma y 1775 . Th e reaso n h e faile d t o joi n Allen befor e Montrea l remain s obscure . I n hi s late r accoun t o f th e affair , Alle n made n o recrimination s agains t Brown . H e matter-of-factl y tol d o f Brown' s fail ure to appear an d le t the matter drop . Sinc e no one accused Brow n o f derelictio n of dut y i n thi s regard , h e fel t n o compunctio n t o defen d himsel f an d lef t n o explanation o f th e inciden t befor e h e died i n actio n i n Octobe r 1780 . Fo r furthe r analysis, se e Charles A. Jellison, Ethan Allen: Frontier Rebel (Syracuse, N.Y. , 198 3 [1969]), 152-57 ; French , The First Year of the American Revolution, 422-23; Justin H. Smith , Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony 1:384-90 . 16. Th e onl y detaile d primar y sourc e o f Allen' s attemp t o n Montrea l i s hi s own account : Etha n Allen , The Narrative of Colonel Ethan Allen (Ne w York , 1961 , reprint), 16-24 . Hi s Britis h captor s sen t Alle n i n iron s t o England . H e returne d to New Yor k City unde r parol e in October 1776 . 17. Set h Warne r t o Richar d Montgomery , Septembe r 27 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4t h ser. , 3:953 ; James Livingsto n t o Richar d Montgomery , September 27 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:952-53 ; Timoth y Bedel t o Richar d Montgomery , Septembe r 28 , 1775 , in Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:954 . 18. Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler , Septembe r 28 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyler Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler, Septembe r 28 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Li brary. 19. Phili p Schuyle r t o Presiden t o f th e Congress , Octobe r 5 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyler Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 20. Georg e Washingto n t o Phili p Schuyler , Octobe r 26 , 1775 , i n Joh n C . Fitzpatrick, ed. , The Writings of George Washington, 39 vols. (Washington , D.C. , 1931-44X4:46. 21. New England Chronicle, Novembe r 2 , 1775 . Fo r a Britis h versio n o f th e incident, se e Guy Carleto n t o the Ear l of Dartmouth, Octobe r 25 , 1775 , in K. G . Davies, ed. , Documents of the American Revolution, 1770-1783, Colonia l Offic e Series, no . 1 1 (London, 1976) , 165-66 ; Lieutenant Governo r Cramah e to the Ear l of Dartmouth , Septembe r 30 , 1775 , Britis h Publi c Record s Office , Colonia l Correspondence (C O 5) ; Gu y Johnso n t o th e Ear l o f Dartmouth , Octobe r 12 , 1775, i n Davies , Documents of the American Revolution, 142-44 ; "Letter s fro m Quebec," in Force, American Archives, 4th ser., 3:845 , 924; Quebec Gazette, October 5, 19 , 1775 ; London Gazette, November 4 , 1775 . 22. Richar d Montgomer y t o Jane t Montgomery , Octobe r 6 , 1775 , Jane t

2 io • Eight: Struggle and Success against St. Johns Montgomery Papers , Edwar d Livingsto n Collection , Princeto n Universit y Li brary; Samue l Mot t t o Jonathan Trumbull , Octobe r 6 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 3.9 7 3. 23. Georg e Washingto n t o Phili p Schuyler , Octobe r 26 , 1775 , in Fitzpatrick , The Writings of George Washington 4:47 . Schuyle r endorse d Montgomery' s pla n o f operations an d late r outlined th e strategy i n detail to Washington. Phili p Schuyle r to Georg e Washington , Novembe r 6 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 24. Benjami n Trumbull , " A Concis e Journa l o r Minute s o f th e Principa l Movements toward s St . John's o f th e Sieg e an d Surrende r o f th e Fort s Ther e i n 1775," Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society 7 (1899): 159 , entry o f Novem ber 6 , 1775 ; Richard Montgomer y t o Janet Montgomery , Octobe r 6 , 1775 , Janet Montgomery Papers , Edwar d Livingsto n Collection , Princeto n Universit y Li brary; Samue l Mot t t o Gov . Jonatha n Trumbull , Octobe r 20 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:1124 . 25. Ritzema , "Journal, " 100 , entr y o f Septembe r 11 , 1775 ; Maj. John Brow n to Gov . Jonatha n Trumbull , Augus t 14 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser., 3:136 . 26. Col . Benjami n Hinma n t o Gov. Jonathan Trumbull , Augus t 14 , 1775 , in Force, American Archives, 4t h ser. , 3:135 ; Col . Samue l Mot t t o Gov . Jonatha n Trumbull, Octobe r 6 , 1775 , in Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:974 . 27. Richar d Montgomer y t o Jane t Montgomery , Octobe r 9 , 1775 , Jane t Montgomery Papers , Edwar d Livingsto n Collection , Princeto n Universit y Li brary. Henr y Beekma n Livingsto n (1750-1831 ) became the mos t distinguished o f the fourtee n Livingston s wh o serve d a s commissioned officer s i n th e Revolution . He continue d a s an aid e t o Montgomer y unti l th e general' s death . Afterward , h e became aide-de-camp t o General Schuyler . H e receive d hi s majority o n Februar y 28, 1776 . Congres s als o presente d hi m a sword i n hono r o f hi s gallan t servic e i n Canada. H e eventuall y ros e t o th e ran k o f brigadie r genera l b y th e clos e o f th e Revolution. 28. Ibid. ; Richar d Montgomer y t o Rober t R . Livingston , Octobe r 5 , 1775 , Robert R . Livingsto n Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . 29. Richar d Montgomer y t o Timoth y Bedel , Septembe r 20 , 1775 , in Saffell , Records of the Revolutionary War, 19 ; Phili p Schuyle r t o Georg e Washington , September 20 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Aaro n Barlow diary , entr y o f Octobe r 6 , 1775 , i n Todd , "Th e Marc h t o Montrea l an d Quebec," 647 ; Benjamin Trumbull , Bulletin of the Fort Ticonderoga Museum (January 1928) : 16, entry o f October 6, 1775 ; Charles Preston journal, entry o f Octobe r 6, 1775 , i n Canadia n Publi c Archives , Report of the Public Archives for 1914 and ipij, Appendi x B (Ottawa, 1916) , 21. 30. Richar d Montgomer y t o Philip Schuyler, Octobe r 13 , 1775, Philip Schuy ler Papers, Ne w Yor k Public Library ; Frederic k vo n Steube n t o Baron d e Gaud y [1787], i n Friedric h Kapp , The Life of Frederick William von Steuben (New York , 1859), 699 . (Baron ) Frederic k vo n Steube n (1730-1794) , a former Prussia n arm y officer, joine d the Continental arm y i n 177 8 and became its inspector general wit h the ran k o f majo r general . Hi s fam e stemme d fro m hi s adroi t militar y trainin g of

Eight: Struggle and Success against St. Johns • 21 1 Washington's ragta g troop s a t Valle y Forg e tha t year . H e serve d wit h th e Conti nental arm y unti l th e en d o f th e war , whe n h e becam e a n America n citizen ; h e lived i n New Yor k until hi s death . 31. Richar d Montgomer y t o Philip Schuyler, Octobe r 13 , 1775, Philip Schuy ler Papers, Ne w Yor k Public Library . 32. Ibid . 33. Henr y Brockhols t Livingston , "Journa l o f Majo r Henr y Livingsto n o f th e Third Ne w Yor k Continenta l Line , Augus t T o Decembe r 1775, " ed . Gaillar d Hunt, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 2 2 (April 1898) : 17-18; Oscar E. Bredenberg , "Th e America n Champlai n Fleet , 1775-77, " Bulletin of the Fort Ticonderoga Museum 12 , no . 4 (Septembe r 1968) : 255-58 . Th e Royal Savage came to res t i n shallo w water . Afte r thei r captur e o f St . Johns , th e American s raise d the vesse l an d pu t i t t o thei r ow n use . I n Octobe r 1776 , Benedic t Arnol d em ployed th e Savage as par t o f hi s flotill a i n th e nava l battl e h e conducte d o n Lak e Champlain (Valcou r Island) . Durin g thi s engagement , th e shi p wa s destroye d when i t caugh t fir e an d he r magazin e exploded . Jane t Montgomer y wa s a great aunt t o Henr y Brockhols t Livingsto n (1757-1823) , wh o shoul d no t b e confuse d with Janet's brother , Henr y (Harry ) Beekman Livingston . 34. Phili p Schuyle r t o Davi d Wooster , Octobe r 19 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Davi d Wooste r t o Phili p Schuyler , Octobe r 19, 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . Davi d Wooste r (1711-1777) becam e a militi a lieutenan t i n 1741 . H e continue d t o serv e i n th e militia throughou t th e Frenc h an d India n War . H e wa s a majo r genera l i n th e Connecticut militi a a t th e beginnin g o f th e revolutionar y war . Whe n th e Conti nental Congres s starte d commissionin g genera l officers , i t offere d Wooste r a brigadier-general commission . H e wa s the only majo r genera l o f militia no t give n the correspondin g ran k i n th e Continenta l army . Hi s familiarit y wit h th e ran k and fil e mad e hi m wel l like d bu t als o promote d la x disciplin e amon g th e me n i n his command . Hi s undiscipline d troop s an d hi s lac k o f respec t fo r authorit y formed a basis for th e ill will betwee n hi m an d Schuyler . 35. Phili p Schuyle r to President of Congress, October 18 , 1775 , Philip Schuy ler Papers, Ne w Yor k Public Library . 36. Richar d Montgomer y t o Philip Schuyler , Octobe r 20 , 1775 , Philip Schuy ler Papers, Ne w Yor k Public Library . 37. Phili p Schuyler to George Washington, Octobe r 26 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler , October 20 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 38. "A n Accoun t o f Store s Take n a t Chambly, " i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:1133-34 ; Georg e Washingto n t o Phili p Schuyler , Novembe r 5 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 39. Richar d Montgomer y t o Josep h Stopford , Octobe r 20 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:1134 ; Richard Montgomer y t o Guy Carleton , Octo ber 22 , 1775 , in Ernest Cruikshank , ed. , A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada from the Peace of Paris in 1763, to the Present Time, 3 vols. (Ottawa, 1919-20) , 2:106-7 . Fo r Allen' s accoun t o f his captivity, se e his Narrative.

2i2 • Eight: Struggle and Success against St. Johns 40. Gu y Carleto n t o Lor d Dartmouth , Octobe r 25 , 1775 , i n Cruikshank , A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada 2:112-13. 41. Phili p Schuyle r t o Joh n Hancock , Octobe r 21 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . 42. "Militar y Pensio n Depositio n o f Justus Bellamy, " i n Dann , The Revolution Remembered, 382 . 43. Aaro n Barlo w diary , i n Todd , "Th e Marc h t o Montrea l an d Quebec, " 647-48; Trumbull, "Diary " (January 1928) : 29-30. 44. "Extrac t o f a Letter fro m Quebec , Octobe r 25 , 1775, " in Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:1185 . 45. Ward , "Diar y o f Captain John Fassett , Jr.," 225-29 . 46. Ritzema , "Journal, " 102 , entry o f November 1 , 1775. 47. Richar d Montgomer y t o Charle s Preston , Novembe r 1 , 1775 , i n Cruik shank, A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada 2:114. 48. "Militar y Pensio n Depositio n o f Justus Bellamy, " i n Dann , The Revolution Remembered, 385 . 49. Charle s Presto n journal , entr y o f Novembe r 3 , 1775 , i n Canadia n Publi c Archives, Report of the Public Archives, 24-25 ; Charles Presto n t o Richar d Mont gomery, Novembe r 1 , 1775 , in Force, American Archives, 4t h ser. , 3:1393 ; Richard Montgomery t o Charles Preston , Novembe r 1 , 1775 , in Cruikshank , A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada 2:114.

50. "Extrac t o f Anothe r Lette r fro m For t St . Johns , Novembe r 3 , 1775, " in Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:1344 . "Article s o f Capitulation , St . Johns , November 2 , 1775, " in Cruikshank, A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada 2:115 ; Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:1394 . Lt . John Andr e (1751-1780) of the 7t h Regimen t wa s among th e prisoners take n b y th e American s whe n the y capture d St . Johns . H e wa s ex changed a yea r late r afte r servin g parol e i n th e interio r o f Pennsylvania . H e returned t o dut y a s a captai n an d aide-de-cam p t o Gen . Charle s Gre y wit h th e British occupatio n forc e i n Philadelphia . There , h e befriende d Benedic t Arnold' s wife, Pegg y Shippen . Later , h e becam e involve d i n Arnold' s treason . Andre' s second captur e b y th e Americans resulte d i n his execution a s a spy. 51. Stanley , Canada Invaded, 62 ; Justin H . Smith , Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony 1:459 ; Charle s Preston , "Troo p Return , Novembe r 1 , 1775, " i n Cruikshank, A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada 2:115 ; "Extract o f a Letter fro m a n Office r o f the Ne w York Forces [Capt. John Lamb] , November 3 , 1775, " in Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:1343-44 . 52. Willia m Dougla s t o Hanna h Douglas , Novembe r 12 , 1775 , i n Douglas , "Letters Writte n durin g th e Revolutionar y Wa r b y Colone l Willia m Dougla s t o His Wife, " 153-54 .

Nine: On to Quebec • 21 3 N I N E On

to Quebec

1. Willia m Smith , An Oration in Memory of General Montgomery, 29-30 . 2. " A Son g o n th e Brav e Genera l Montgomery, " i n Moore , The Diary of the American Revolution, 93 . 3. Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler , Novembe r 13 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyler Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 4. Ibid . Richar d Montgomer y t o Janet Montgomery , Octobe r 5 , 1775 , Janet Montgomery Papers , Edwar d Livingsto n Collection , Princeto n Universit y Li brary. 5. Trumbull , " A Concis e Journal," 161 , 163 ; Trumbull, "Diary " (Jul y 1928) : 26, 28 ; Timothy Bede l t o the Ne w Hampshir e Committe e o f Safety , Octobe r 27 / November 2 , 1775 , in Force, American Archives', 4t h ser. , 3:1207-8 . 6. Richar d Montgomer y t o Philip Schuyler, Novembe r 3 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers, New Yor k Public Library; John Brow n to Richard Montgomery , Novem ber 8 , 1775 , in Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:1401 . 7. Richar d Montgomer y t o th e Inhabitant s o f Montreal , Novembe r 12 , 1775 , in Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:1596-97 . 8. Cruikshank , A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada 2:12 ; Stanley, Canada Invaded, 66-67. 9. "Article s of Capitulation, Montreal , Novembe r 12 , 1775, " in Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:1597-98 ; Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler , No vember 17 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . 10. Jame s Easto n t o Gu y Carleton , Novembe r 15 , 1775 , i n Justin H . Smith , Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony 11487 . 11. Harriso n Bird , Attack on Quebec: The American Invasion of Canada, 7775 (New York , 1968) , 142-45 ; Rober t M . Hatch , Thrust for Canada: The American Attempt on Quebec in iyy$-iyy6 (Boston , 1979) , 94-95 ; Stanley , Canada Invaded, 68-69. 12. Justi n H . Smith , Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony 1:488-90; Hatch , Thrust For Canada, 95-96 . 13. Richar d Montgomer y t o Jane t Montgomery , Novembe r 24 , 1775 , Jane t Montgomery Papers , Edwar d Livingsto n Collection , Princeto n Universit y Li brary. Montgomer y sen t Prescot t wit h th e othe r captive s t o Ticonderoga , an d Schuyler furthe r evacuate d the m t o Pennsylvania. Phili p Schuyle r t o Continenta l Congress, Novembe r 27 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Li brary. Prescot t remaine d detaine d ther e a s a prisone r o f wa r unti l Septembe r 1776, when h e was exchanged fo r Gen . John Sullivan , wh o had bee n capture d i n the Battl e of Long Islan d th e previous month . 14. Jame s Clinton , John Nicholson , an d Lewi s Duboi s t o Richar d Montgom ery, Novembe r 23 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:1695 ; Richar d Montgomery t o Philip Schuyler, Novembe r 24 , 1775 , in Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:1695 . 15. Joh n Lam b t o the Continenta l Congres s Committe e o f Safety , Augus t 28 , 1775, i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:445 ; Richard Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler, Novembe r 20 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Li -

214 • Nine: On to Quebec brary; Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler , Novembe r 24 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyler Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . Capt . Joh n Lam b (1735-1800) , former Son s of Libert y leader , wa s one of the few Continenta l arm y officer s wh o had acquire d expertis e i n artiller y techniques . Eve n b y Augus t 1776 , only abou t five hundre d America n artilleryme n wer e presen t fo r duty , compare d t o fou r times tha t numbe r o f Britis h cannoneers . Georg e Ott o Trevelyan , The American Revolution, 6 vols . (Ne w York , 1898-1914) , 6:205 . Vita l t o th e arm y a s a scarc e artillerist, Lam b enjoyed specia l militar y status . 16. Richar d Montgomer y t o Philip Schuyler , Octobe r 9 , 1775 , Philip Schuy ler Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler , November 20 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers, Ne w Yor k Public Library. Initially , a captai n o f artiller y receive d $26.6 6 pe r mont h i n pape r money , compare d t o a regular captain' s pa y o f $20 . Ford , Journals of the Continental Congress 2:220, entr y of July 29 , 1775 . Later , Congres s increase d th e pa y o f a captain i n a "marchin g regiment" t o $26.6 6 withou t a correspondin g rais e i n th e rat e fo r a n artiller y captain. Ford , Journals of the Continental Congress 3:322 , entr y o f Novembe r 4 , 1775. This lates t officer pa y scal e angered Lamb , wh o viewed i t as a slight. 17. "Retur n o f Militar y Store s o n Boar d th e Vessel s unde r th e Comman d o f Brigadier-General Prescott , Boun d t o Quebec , Novembe r 19 , 1775, " i n Force , American Archives, 4t h ser. , 3:1693 ; Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler , November 24 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 18. Ritzema , "Journal, " 103 , entry o f November 14 , 1775 . 19. Richar d Montgomery, Proclamation to Troops, November 15 , 1775, Richard Montgomery MSS , New-Yor k Historica l Society ; Trumbull , " A Concis e Jour nal," 166 , entry o f November 15 , 1775. 20. Phili p Schuyle r t o Continenta l Congress , Novembe r 27 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyler Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . 21. Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler , Novembe r 13 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyler Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler, Novembe r 24 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Li brary. Som e member s o f Congres s wer e considerin g Maj . Gen . Charle s Le e (1731-1782) a t thi s tim e a s a replacemen t fo r th e infir m Schuyler , shoul d on e have bee n needed . Georg e Washingto n expresse d th e widel y hel d opinio n o f Wooster whe n h e wrote : "Genera l Wooster , I a m informed , i s no t o f suc h Activity a s t o pres s throug h Difficulties , wit h whic h tha t Servic e i s environed. " George Washingto n t o Phili p Schuyler , Octobe r 6 , 1775 , i n Fitzpatrick , The Writings of George Washington 4:18-19. 22. Phili p Schuyler to George Washington, November 22 , 1775 , Philip Schuyler Papers, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Phili p Schuyle r t o th e Presiden t o f Congress , November 18 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 23. Joh n Hancoc k t o Philip Schuyler , Novembe r 30 , 1775 , in Paul H . Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 2:415-16 ; John Hancoc k t o Richar d Montgomery , November 30 , 1775 , in Paul H . Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 2:414-15. 24. Georg e Washingto n t o the Presiden t o f Congress, Novembe r 28 , 1775 , in Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington 4:120-23. Fo r a comprehensiv e study o f th e uniqu e natur e o f the Continental army , se e James Kirb y Marti n an d

Nine: On to Quebec • 21 5 Mark Edwar d Lender , A Respectable Army: The Military Origins of the Republic, 1763-1789 (Arlingto n Heights , 111. , 1982). A differen t perspectiv e i s provided b y Charles Royster , A Revolutionary People at War: The Continental Army and the American Character, 1775-1783 (Chapel Hill , N.C , 1979) . 25. Georg e Washingto n t o Phili p Schuyler , Decembe r 5 , 24 , 1775 , in Fitzpa trick, The Writings of George Washington 4:147-48, 178-80 . 26. Phili p Schuyle r t o Georg e Washington , Decembe r [8] , 1775 , i n Abbot , The Papers of George Washington 2:518-19 . 2 7. Lossing , The Life and Times of Philip Schuyler 147 1 -7 2. 28. Richar d Montgomer y t o Robert R . Livingston , Novembe r 1775 , in Force, A merican A rchives, 4t h ser. , 3:1638-39 . 29. Richar d Montgomer y t o Jane t Montgomery , Novembe r 24 , 1775 , Jane t Montgomery Papers , Edwar d Livingsto n Collection , Princeto n Universit y Li brary; Richar d Montgomer y t o Rober t R . Livingston , Novembe r 1775 , in Force , A merican A rchives, 4t h ser. , 3:1638-39 . 30. Ritzema , "Journal, " 103-4 , entr y o f Novembe r 28 , 1775 ; Richard Mont gomery t o Phili p Schuyler , Decembe r 5 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers , Ne w York Public Library . 31. Lt . Willia m Humphrey , Capt . John Topham , Capt . Simeo n Thayer , an d Priv. Georg e Morison journals , i n Kennet h Roberts , ed. , March to Quebec: Journals of the Members of Arnold's Expedition (New York , 194 0 [1938]) , 270 , 534 ; [Priv. ] John Joseph Henry , Account of Arnold's Campaign against Quebec (New York , 196 8 [1877]), 9432. "Extrac t o f Lette r Receive d i n England , Quebec , Novembe r 9 , 1775, " in Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 3:1420 ; Richard Montgomer y t o Philip Schuy ler, Decembe r 5 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . I n th e parlance of the time, "pretty " men connoted fine, stou t persons . 33. Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler , Septembe r 23 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyler Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler, Decembe r 5 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 34. "Retur n o f Me n fo r th e Defense , Novembe r 16 , 1775, " in Cruikshank , A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada 2:131 ; Henr y Caldwel l t o Gen . Jame s Murray , Jun e 15 , 1776 , i n Cruikshank, A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada 2:168 . 35. Gu y Carleton , "Proclamation , Novembe r 22 , 1775, " i n Cruikshank , A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada 2:134-35; Henr y Caldwel l t o Gen . Jame s Murray , Jun e 15 , 1776 , i n Cruikshank, A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada 2:168 . Edwar d Antil l wa s one of the Quebe c resident s who chos e t o leav e afte r Carleton' s proclamatio n an d performe d "considerabl e service" fo r th e American s whe n Montgomer y appointe d hi m hi s chie f enginee r to replace the former on e who had returne d home . Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler, Decembe r 5 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 36. Richar d Montgomer y t o Robert R . Livingston , Novembe r 1775 , in Force, A merican A rchives, 4t h ser. , 3:1638-39 .

2i6 • Ten: Attack on Quebec 37. Richar d Montgomer y t o Guy Carleton , Decembe r 6, 1775 , in Cruikshank , A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada 2:138 . 38. Willia m Lindsay , "Narrativ e o f th e Invasio n o f Canad a b y th e America n Provincials unde r Montgomer y an d Arnold, " Canadian Review and Magazine 3 (September 1826) : 94-95. 39. Richar d Montgomer y t o th e Merchant s o f Quebec , Decembe r 6 , 1775 , in Cruikshank, A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada 2:136-37 . T E N Attack

on Quebec

1. Willia m Smith , An Oration in Memory of General Montgomery, 32 . 2. Rober t Burns , " A Fragment, " i n Moore , Songs and Ballads of the American Revolution, 381. 3. Rudolphu s Ritzem a t o Pierr e Va n Cortlandt , Januar y 3 , 1776 , quote d i n William Hall , "Colone l Rudolphu s Ritzema, " Magazine of American History 2 (1878): 165. 4. Capt . Thoma s Ainslie , "Journa l o f th e Mos t Remarkabl e Occurrence s i n the Provinc e o f Quebec, " i n Frederi c C . Wurtele , ed. , Blockade of Quebec in 17751776 by the American Revolutionists (Quebec, 1906) , 22 , 23. 5. Ainslie , "Journal, " i n Wurtele , Blockade of Quebec, 21, 97 ; Capt . Henr y Dearborn journal , i n Lloyd A . Brow n an d Howar d H . Peckham , eds. , Revolutionary War Journals of Henry Dearborn, 1775-1783 (Chicago, 1939) , 64 ; Justi n H . Smith, Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony 2:106 . 6. "Extrac t o f a Lette r fro m a Gentlema n i n th e Continenta l Service , Date d before Quebec , Decembe r 16 , 1775, " in Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 4:290 ; Justin H . Smith , Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony 2:103-4 . 7. Leake , Memoir of the Life and Times of General John Lamb, 125 ; Justin H . Smith, Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony 2:104 . 8. Richar d Montgomer y t o Davi d Wooster , Decembe r 16 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 4:288-89 . 9. Phili p Schuyle r t o George Washington, Decembe r 9 , 1775 , in Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 4:226 ; Georg e Washingto n t o Phili p Schuyler , Decembe r 18, 1775 , in Fitzpatrick , The Writings of George Washington 4:174-76; Henr y Kno x to Georg e Washington , Decembe r 17 , 1775 , in Abbot , The Papers of George Washington 2:563-65. 10. Th e committe e comprise d Rober t R . Livingston , Rober t Trea t Pain e o f Boston, an d John Langdo n o f New Hampshire ; for thei r report, se e Ford, Journals of the Continental Congress 3:446-52, entr y of December 23 , 1775 . Benjamin Frank lin t o M . Dumas , Decembe r 19 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4t h ser. , 4:352-5411. Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler , Decembe r 18 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyler Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library .

Ten: Attack on Quebec • 21 7 12. Richar d Montgomer y t o Davi d Wooster , Decembe r 16 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4t h ser. , 4:288-89 ; Richar d Montgomery , "Genera l Order , December 15 , 1775, " i n Cruikshank , A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada 2:137 ; "Extrac t o f a Lette r from a Gentlema n i n th e Continenta l Service , Date d befor e Quebec , Decembe r 16, 1775, " in Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 4:290 . 13. Joh n Joseph Henr y journal , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 374 . 14. Georg e Morison an d Abner Stockin g journals, in Roberts, March to Quebec, 535, 561-62 ; Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler , Decembe r 26 , 1775 , Philip Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . 15. Phili p Schuyle r t o Presiden t o f Congress , Decembe r 26 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 4:463-64 . 16. Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler , Decembe r 26 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyler Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . Th e principal s involve d i n thi s episode ar e obscur e becaus e thei r name s wer e erase d fro m th e origina l letter s i n an effor t no t t o sensationaliz e th e affai r i f mad e know n fo r genera l consumption . When writin g Schuyle r o f the incident, Montgomer y said , " I wish you would no t mention names ; for I know no t whether th e situation of affairs wil l admit of doing the public k th e justic e I coul d wish. " Mos t historian s agre e tha t Capt . Olive r Hanchet o f Connecticu t instigate d th e trouble , an d tha t h e wa s joine d b y Capt . William Goodric h an d Capt . Jona s Hubbar d o f Massachusetts . Arnold' s fieldgrade officer s wh o coul d hav e bee n i n th e conspirac y wer e Lt . Col . Christophe r Greene, Maj . Timoth y Bigelow , an d Maj . Retur n Jonathan Meigs . However , th e consensus i s tha t Maj . Joh n Brow n wa s th e one . Roberts , March to Quebec, 429 ; Ward, The War of Revolution, 188 ; Leake , Memoir of the Life and Times of General John Lamb, 126 ; Lossing, The Life and Times of Philip Schuyler, 493-94 ; French, The First Year of the American Revolution, 612; J. Smith , Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony 2:121-22 .

17. Richar d Montgomer y t o Davi d Wooster , Decembe r 16 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 4:288-89 ; Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler , December 5 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Capt . Simeon Thaye r journal , i n Roberts, March to Quebec, 273 . 18. Maj . Retur n J. Meig s journal , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 187-88 ; Capt . Henry Dearbor n journal , i n Brow n an d Peckham , Revolutionary War Journals of Henry Dearborn, 65-66 . 19. Henr y Caldwel l t o Gen . James Murray , Jun e 15 , 1776 , Henr y Caldwell , The Invasion of Canada in iyyy. Letter Attributed to Major Henry Caldwell (Quebec, 1927 [1887]) , ° ; Capt . Thoma s Ainsli e journal , i n Sheldo n Cohen , ed. , Canada Preserved, 31 ; John Josep h Henr y journal , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 373 . Th e first nam e o f Sergean t Singleto n i s questionable . Hatch , Thrust for Canada, 129, indicated Samuel ; C . Ward , The War of the Revolution, 190 , wrot e Stephen . H e was one of several deserters to the British during the siege of Quebec. 20. Capt . Thoma s Ainsli e journal, i n Cohen, Canada Preserved, 31-32 . 21. Dr . Isaa c Sente r an d Capt . Simeo n Thaye r journals , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 230, 273-74 . Fo r a monograp h concernin g th e medica l aspect s o f th e

2i8 • Ten: Attack on Quebec command, se e Phili p Cash , "Th e Canadia n Militar y Campaig n o f 1775-1776 : Medical Problem s an d Effect s o f Disease , "Journal of the American Medical Association 236, no. 1 (Jul y 5 , 1976) : 52-56. 22. Dr . Isaa c Sente r an d Capt . Simeo n Thaye r journals , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 232 , 275; George Morison, "A n Account of the Assault on Quebec, 1775, " Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 1 4 (1800): 435-36; Benedict Arnol d to Davi d Wooster , Decembe r 31 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 4:481-82. 23. Richar d Montgomer y t o Rober t R . Livingston , Decembe r 17 , 1775 , Robert R . Livingsto n Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 24. Joh n Macpherso n t o hi s father , Decembe r 30 , 1775 , i n Jame s M . Le Moine, Quebec Past and Present: A History of Quebec, 1608-1876 (Quebec, 1876) , 210. Jacob Cheesema n t o Thoma s Cheeseman , Decembe r 23 , 1775 , i n Lossing , The Life and Times of Philip Schuyler 11499; "Extrac t o f a Lette r fro m Canada , February 9 , 1776, " i n Force , American Archives, 4t h ser. , 4:706-7 ; Denni s P . Ryan, ed. , A Salute to Courage: The American Revolution as Seen through Wartime Writings of Officers of the Continental Army and Navy (New York , 1979) , 18-19 . 25. Som e participant s an d historian s erroneousl y recorde d th e dat e o f th e American attac k o n Quebe c a s January 1 , 1776 . For a comprehensive assessmen t of thi s subject , se e James M . LeMoine , "Th e Assaul t o f Brigadier-Genera l Rich ard Montgomer y an d Colone l Benedic t Arnol d o n Quebe c i n 1775 : A Re d Lette r Day i n th e Annal s o f Canada, " Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada 5 (1899): 457-66. 26. Capt . Thoma s Ainsli e journal , i n Cohen , Canada Preserved, 33-34 ; Dr . Isaac Senter journal , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 233 . 27. Donal d Campbel l t o Rober t R . Livingston , Marc h 28 , 1776 , Rober t R . Livingston Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . 28. Donal d Campbell' s father , Capt . Lauchli n Campbell , cam e t o Ne w Yor k from Scotlan d i n 1738 . H e entere d int o a n agreemen t wit h Gov . Georg e Clark e to brin g settler s fro m Scotlan d a t hi s ow n expens e i n retur n fo r lan d tha t woul d be granted t o him for each family h e transported. Th e governor brok e his promise and Captai n Campbel l receive d n o lan d fo r hi s effort s o f bringin g eighty-thre e emigrant familie s t o New York . Subsequently , h e purchased a farmstead i n Ne w York, leavin g t o serv e wit h distinctio n i n th e Britis h arm y durin g th e Scottis h Rebellion o f 1745 . Donal d Campbel l wa s a yout h whe n hi s fathe r die d afte r returning t o Ne w York . Th e younge r Campbel l serve d a s a lieutenan t an d quartermaster i n th e Roya l America n Regimen t durin g th e Frenc h an d India n War. Upo n th e Treat y o f Pari s i n 1763 , he retire d fro m th e Britis h arm y o n hal f pay. H e the n wen t t o Englan d an d requeste d compensatio n fro m th e Crow n fo r his lat e father' s loya l militar y servic e an d th e unsettle d Ne w Yor k lan d claim . The Britis h governmen t recommende d an d referre d th e matte r t o Gen . Rober t Monckton, the n governo r o f New York . Althoug h h e petitioned fo r on e hundre d thousand acre s o f land , h e receive d onl y te n thousan d acres . "Donal d Campbel l Memorial, Ma y 1764, " i n O'Callagha n an d Fernow , Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New-York 7:629-30 . Donal d Campbel l relinquishe d his half pa y o n July 17 , 1775 , to accept appointmen t b y the Continental Congres s

Ten: Attack on Quebec • 21 9 as deput y quartermaste r genera l o f th e Norther n Departmen t wit h th e ran k o f colonel. Ford , Journals of the Continental Congress 2:186. 29. Joh n Joseph Henr y journal , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 376 . 30. Ibid. , 377 ; Simeo n Thayer , Georg e Morison , an d Abne r Stockin g jour nals, i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 275 , 536 , 564-65 ; Charles Porterfield , "Memo rable Attac k o n Quebec , Decembe r 21 , 1775 : Diar y o f Colone l Charle s Porter field," Magazine of American History with Notes and Queries 2 1 (1889) : 319 . Danie l Morgan (1736-1802) , a first cousin of Daniel Boone , joined Braddock' s expeditio n as a teamster a t the age of seventeen. I n 1756 , while employed i n hauling supplie s by wago n t o frontie r forts , h e ha d a n altercatio n wit h a British officer . Hi s tria l for insubordinatio n resulte d i n a sentence of five hundred lashes . In 1758 , Morgan became an ensign ; and durin g a scrape with th e Indians , h e lost all of his teeth o n one sid e whe n a bullet passe d throug h hi s nec k an d mouth . I n 1762 , h e marrie d and settle d o n a farmstead . Whil e prosperin g a s a farme r h e serve d stint s a s a lieutenant i n several colonial wars. In June 1775 , the six-foot, two-hundred-poun d "Old Wagoner " forme d on e o f th e tw o Virgini a rifl e companie s an d receive d a captain's commissio n a s it s commander . Then , Morga n marche d hi s company t o join th e Continenta l arm y formin g a t Boston . Whe n Arnol d organize d hi s Cana dian expedition , Morga n an d hi s men participate d i n hi s march t o Quebec. Fo r a comprehensive biograph y o f Danie l Morgan , consul t Do n Higginbotham , Daniel Morgan: Revolutionary Rifleman (Chapel Hill , N.C. , 1961) . 31. Danie l Morga n t o [Henr y Lee?] , n.d. , i n Danie l Morgan , "A n Autobiog raphy," Historical Magazine of America, 2n d ser. , 9 (Jun e 1877) : 379-80 . A fe w historians questio n portion s o f Morgan' s testimony . Se e French, The First Year of the American Revolution, Appendi x 47, 768-69 . 32. Joh n Joseph Henr y journal , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 375 , 377. 33. Henr y Caldwel l t o Gen . Jame s Murray , Jun e 15 , 1776 , Caldwell , The Invasion of Canada in 1775, 10-11. Anderso n wa s a lieutenant i n th e Roya l Nav y appointed a s a captain o f the Quebec garrison . 34. Lam b survive d bu t wa s permanentl y disfigured , losin g a n eye . H e wa s included i n the prisoners captured b y the Britis h troops . 35. Henr y Dearbor n journal , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 150-51 . 36. Capt . Thoma s Ainsli e journal , i n Cohen , Canada Preserved, 36; Jaco b Danford, "Quebe c unde r Siege , 1775-1776 : Th e 'Memorandums ' o f Jacob Dan ford," ed . Joh n F . Roche , Canadian Historical Review 5 0 (Marc h 1969) : 72-73 ; Lindsay, "Narrativ e o f the Invasio n of Canada," 102-3 . 37. Jame s Graham , The Life of General Daniel Morgan (Ne w York , 1856) , 102 338. Henr y Dearbor n journal , i n Brow n an d Peckham , Revolutionary War Journals of Henry Dearborn, j2. Ther e is no eyewitness account of Montgomery's death . In additio n t o Dearborn , America n secondar y source s includ e Retur n J . Meig s and Abne r Stockin g journals , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 189, 563-64 ; an d Francis Nichols , "Diar y o f Lieutenan t Franci s Nichol s o f Colone l Willia m Thompson's Battalio n o f Pennsylvani a Riflemen , Januar y t o September , 1776, " Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 2 0 (1896) : 505 . Britis h secondar y sources ar e foun d i n Henr y Caldwel l t o Gen . Jame s Murray , Jun e 15 , 1776 ,

2 20 • Eleven: Aftermath of Quebec Caldwell, The Invasion of Canada in 1775, *3i a n d Capt . Thoma s Ainsli e journal , in Cohen , Canada Preserved, 36 . The America n account s clai m tha t al l the guard s in th e blockhous e fled i n pani c whe n the y wer e attacked , an d on e drunke n sailo r fired a singl e canno n tha t kille d Montgomer y an d hi s men , befor e runnin g awa y with th e rest . Th e Britis h statement s asser t tha t th e garriso n mounte d a deliber ate, sustaine d defens e o f th e blockhous e wit h repeate d fire fro m cannon s an d muskets. Althoug h th e evidenc e suggest s tha t som e shrinkin g guardsme n ha d t o be steadie d b y mor e stouthearte d member s o f th e blockhous e detachment , th e British renditio n seem s the more plausible i n this instance . Fo r a discussion o f th e contradiction, consul t French , The First Year of the American Revolution, Appendix 46, 767-68 . Som e account s credi t Bur r wit h bein g besid e Montgomery whe n th e general receive d hi s fata l wound . Bur r supposedl y trie d t o rall y th e me n t o continue th e attac k t o n o avail . Afte r th e other s ha d fled, Bur r attempte d unsuc cessfully t o evacuat e Montgomery' s bod y b y himself . Othe r authoritie s hav e discounted thes e activities by Burr . Arnol d indicate d tha t Bur r was with his forc e on the other sid e of the Lower Town durin g the attack. Benedic t Arnold t o Davi d Wooster, Decembe r 31 , 1775 , injare d Sparks , ed. , Correspondence of the American Revolution, 4 vols. (Freeport , N.Y. , 197 0 [1853]), 1:499-500 . Althoug h Bur r wa s in bot h camp s befor e th e action , actin g a s liaiso n betwee n Montgomer y an d Arnold, hi s whereabout s an d activitie s durin g th e assaul t remai n i n dispute . Fo r an examinatio n o f thi s controversy , se e Justi n H . Smith , Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony 2:584-8 5 n . 6^ (6) ; Nathan Schachner , Aaron Burr: A Biography (New Yor k 1961) , 52 1 n. 15 ; Herbert S . Parme t an d Mari e B. Hecht , Aaron Burr: Portrait of an Ambitious Man (New York , 1967) , 28-29 . 39. Donal d Campbel l t o David Wooster , Decembe r 31 , 1775, in Force, American Archives, 4t h ser. , 4:480-81 ; Donal d Campbel l t o Rober t R . Livingston , March 28 , 1776 , Robert R . Livingsto n Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . 40. Phili p Schuyle r t o Presiden t o f Congress , Decembe r 26 , 1775 , i n Force , American Archives, 4t h ser. , 4:463-64 ; Ford , Journals of the Continental Congress 3:418, entry o f Decembe r 9 , 1775 . E L E V E N Aftermath

of Quebec

1. Jame s Duan e to Robert R . Livingston , January 31 , 1776, in Paul H. Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 3:173-74. 2. Thoma s Lync h t o Philip Schuyler , January 20 , 1776 , in ibid., 125-26 . 3. Henr y Caldwel l t o Gen . Jame s Murray , Jun e 15 , 1776 , Caldwell , The Invasion of Canada in 1775, 13—14 . 4. Dr . Isaa c Sente r journal , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 234-35; Ainslie , "Journal," in Wurtele, Blockade of Quebec, 32 . 5. Benedic t Arnol d t o Davi d Wooster , Decembe r 31 , 1775 , in Roberts , March to Quebec, 102-3 ; Benedict Arnol d t o David Wooster , January 2 , 1776 , in Roberts , March to Quebec, 103-6; Benedic t Arnol d t o Hanna h Arnold , Decembe r 6 , 1776 , in Roberts , March to Quebec, 108-9 . 6. Ainslie , "Journal, " in Wurtele , Blockade of Quebec, 30 ; W. T . P . Shortt , ed. ,

Eleven: Aftermath of Quebec • 22 1 Journal of the Principal Occurrences during the Siege of Quebec (London , 1824) , 33 ; Henry Caldwel l t o Gen . Jame s Murray , Jun e 15 , 1776 , Caldwell, The Invasion of Canada in 177$, 15 . 7. Jame s Thompso n account , Augus t 16 , 1828 , in E . P . Quebec , "Th e Hun dredth Anniversar y o f Montgomery's Death, " New Dominion Monthly 1 7 (December 18 , 1875) : 402-3; Lindsay , "Narrativ e o f the Invasio n o f Canada," 104 . 8. Ainslie , "Journal, " in Wurtele, Blockade of Quebec, 33 . 9. Joh n Josep h Henr y an d Retur n J . Meig s journals , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 389-90, 192 ; James Thompso n account , Augus t 16 , 1828 , i n Quebec , "The Hundredt h Anniversar y o f Montgomery' s Death, " 403-4 ; Lindsay , "Nar rative of the Invasio n o f Canada," 104 . 10. Joh n Josep h Henr y an d Henr y Dearbor n journals , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 379 , 154 . Als o se e Joseph War e journal , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 27 40; Gu y Carleto n t o Gen . Willia m Howe , Januar y 12 , 1776 , i n Cruikshank , A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada 2:140-41 . Henry trie d t o justify hi s assessment b y stating : "Neither th e American accoun t o f thi s affair , a s publishe d b y Congress , no r tha t o f Si r Gu y Carleton, admi t th e los s o f eithe r sid e t o b e s o grea t a s i t reall y was , i n m y estimation. I t seem s t o be a universal practic e amon g belligerent s o f al l nation s t o lessen th e numbe r o f th e slai n o f th e sid e o f th e part y whic h report s th e event , and t o increas e i t o n th e par t o f th e enemy. " Joh n Josep h Henr y journal , i n Roberts, March to Quebec, 379-80 . n . Joh n Josep h Henr y journal , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 381, 389 . Th e amicable relationshi p betwee n th e America n prisoner s an d Carleto n di d no t last . Bored b y th e tediu m o f captivity an d despairin g o f being rescued , th e American s planned a n escap e in April 1776 . The Britis h thwarte d thi s bid fo r freedo m whe n a fe w me n informe d o n thei r fello w prisoners , alertin g th e captor s o f th e escap e plan. Th e unres t prompte d Carleto n t o initiat e mor e stringen t securit y o f th e captives, clappin g man y o f the m i n irons . I n Augus t 1776 , Carleto n parole d th e prisoners an d transporte d the m t o America . Henr y Dearborn , Simeo n Thayer , John Joseph Henry , Georg e Morison, Abne r Stocking , an d John Forbe s journals , in Roberts , March to Quebec, 158 , 280-82, 398-411 , 538-39 , 566-67 , 593-98 . 12. Col . Henr y Caldwel l t o Gen . Jame s Murray , Jun e 15 , 1776 , Caldwell , The Invasion of Canada in 1775, 12 ; Ainslie , "Journal, " i n Wurtele , Blockade of Quebec, 31 . 13. Benedic t Arnol d t o Davi d Wooster , January 2 , 1776 , in Sparks , Correspondence of the A merican Revolution 1:501-2. 14. Ibid . I n th e summe r o f 1776 , Colone l Campbel l receive d a court-martia l for hi s conduc t durin g th e attac k o n Quebec . Th e cour t ordere d hi m t o b e cashiered; bu t o n Februar y 13 , 1777 , Congres s decide d o n hi s appea l tha t h e could continu e hi s service as a colonel i n the army. Ford , Journals of the Continental Congress 7:1140. However , Campbel l di d no t retur n t o duty, an d h e spent th e res t of th e wa r disputin g wit h Congres s ove r th e settlemen t o f hi s quartermaste r accounts an d tryin g t o redee m hi s reputation . Congres s rewarde d Arnol d b y advancing him t o brigadier genera l o n January 10 , 1776 , to fill the vacancy lef t b y Montgomery's promotion .

222 • Eleven: Aftermath of Quebec 15. Col . Henr y Caldwel l t o Gen . Jame s Murray , Jun e 15 , 1776 , Caldwell , The Invasion of Canada in 1775, 14 . 16. Davi d Wooste r t o Set h Warner , Januar y 6 , 1776 , i n Force , American Archives, 4th ser. , 4:588-89 . B y earl y Marc h 1776 , approximatel y fou r hundre d Green Mountai n Boy s ha d reache d Wooster . Davi d Wooste r t o Phili p Schuyler , January 5 , 1776 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . Mose s Hazen (17 3 3-1803) retire d o n hal f pa y fro m th e Britis h arm y an d settle d a t St . Johns. Afte r Canadia n authoritie s imprisone d hi m fo r a time an d confiscate d hi s property, h e joine d Montgomery' s expeditio n fo r it s operations aroun d Montrea l and Quebec . Col . Jame s Clinto n wa s th e commande r o f th e 3r d Ne w Yor k Regiment. James Price , a wealthy merchan t an d sympathize r i n Montreal, loane d large sums of money t o finance the American expeditio n i n Canada. Montgomer y wrote tha t Pric e "ha s bee n a faithfu l frien d t o th e Cause . . . . Hi s advic e an d assistance upo n ever y ocasio n I have much benefitte d by . . . . 1 cant hel p wishin g the Congres s t o giv e hi m a n ampl e testimon y o f thei r Sens e o f hi s generou s an d Spirited exertion s i n th e caus e o f freedom. " Richar d Montgomer y t o Phili p Schuyler, Decembe r 26 , 1775 , Phili p Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Li brary. O n Marc h 29 , 1776 , Congres s appointe d Pric e a s the deput y commissar y general o f stores and provision s fo r th e American force s i n Canada . 17. Phili p Schuyle r t o President o f Congress, January 13 , 1776 , Philip Schuy ler Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Phili p Schuyle r t o Georg e Washington , January 13 , 1776 , Philip Schuyle r Papers , Ne w Yor k Public Library . 18. Georg e Washington t o Philip Schuyler , January 18 , 1776 , Philip Schuyle r Papers, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; "Counci l o f Wa r [Januar y 18 , 1776], " i n Abbot, The Papers of George Washington 3:132-34 . 19. Richar d Smit h diary , Januar y 18 , 1776 , i n Pau l H . Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 3:112-13 ; Ford , Journals of the Continental Congress 4:39-40 , 70-76. 20. Richar d Smit h diary , Januar y 18 , 1776 , i n Pau l H . Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 3:112-13 . 21. Rudolphu s Ritzem a t o Pierr e Va n Cortlandt , January 3 , 1776 , i n Journals of the Provincial Congress of the State of New-York 1:286-87 . Rudolphu s Ritzem a (1710-1795) wa s sen t b y Wooste r t o brie f Schuyle r o n th e situatio n i n Canada . Schuyler subsequentl y referre d hi m t o Congress. Afte r discussin g hi s views wit h the Ne w Yor k Committe e o f Safet y o n Februar y 11 , Ritzem a continue d o n t o Philadelphia t o confe r wit h Congres s o n Februar y 16 . Ritzema , "Journal, " 105 6. O n Marc h 28 , 1776 , Congres s appointe d Ritzem a commande r o f th e reorga nized 3 d Ne w Yor k Regimen t an d promote d hi m t o colonel . However , h e agai n became disillusione d wit h th e America n civil-militar y establishment . I n Novem ber 1776 , h e defecte d fro m th e Continenta l arm y an d joine d th e Britis h arm y with th e ran k o f lieutenan t colonel . H e serve d a s a quartermaste r office r i n th e West Indies . Afte r th e war , Ritzem a retire d fro m th e Britis h arm y o n hal f pa y a s a lieutenant colonel . 22. Joh n Sulliva n t o th e Ne w Hampshir e Assembly , Januar y 18 , 1776 , i n Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 4:768-69 . 23. Olive r Wolcot t t o Phili p Schuyler , Januar y 22 , 1776 , Phili p Schuyle r

Eleven: Aftermath of Quebec • 22 3 Papers, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Rober t Alexande r t o the Maryland Counci l o f Safety, Januar y 30 , 1776 , i n Pau l H . Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 3:167 68. 24. Samue l Chas e t o John Adams , January 12 , 177 5 [1776], in Taylor , Papers of John Adams 3:400-401 ; John Adam s t o James Warren , Februar y 18 , 1776 , i n Paul H . Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 3:275-76. 25. Rober t R . Livingsto n t o Thomas Lync h [January 1776] , in Paul H. Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 3:178-81. 26. Georg e Washingto n t o Davi d Wooster , Januar y 27 , 1776 , i n Abbot , The Papers of George Washington 3:204-5 ; George Washingto n t o Joseph Reed , Januar y 31, 1776 , in Abbot, The Papers of George Washington 3:225 , 228-29 . 27. Fo r a comprehensive stud y o f the standin g arm y concep t i n the Continen tal army , refe r t o John Tod d White , "Standin g Armie s i n Time of War: Republi can Theor y an d Militar y Practic e during th e America n Revolution " (Ph.D. diss. , George Washington University , 1978) . 28. Georg e Washingto n t o John Hancock , Februar y 9 , 1776 , i n Abbot , The Papers of George Washington 3:274-77. 29. Richar d Smit h diary , entr y o f January 19 , 1776 , in Paul H . Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 3:116-17 ; "Jame s Duan e Note s o f Delegate s [Februar y 22 , 1776]," in Pau l H . Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 3:294-96 ; Commissioner s to Canad a t o John Hancock , Ma y 17 , 1776 , i n Pau l H . Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 4:22-25. 30. Ford , Journals of the Continental Congress 5.762 , entr y o f Septembe r 16 , 1776; John Hancoc k t o th e States , Septembe r 24 , 1776 , in Pau l H . Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 5:228-30. 31. Pennsylvania Gazette, January 24 , 1776 . 32. Force , American Archives', 4t h ser. , 4:1654 . 33. Josia h Bartlet t t o Mar y Bartlett , Februar y 19 , 1776 , i n Pau l H . Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 3:277-78 ; Theodor e G . Tapper t an d Joh n W . Doberstein, trans. , The Journals of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, 3 vols. (Philadelphia , 1942-58), 2:716 , entry o f February 19 , 1776 . 34. "Willia m Smit h Oration , Februar y 19 , 1776, " in Force, American Archives, 4th ser. , 4:1681 . 35. "Richar d Smit h Diary , Februar y 21 , 1776, " i n Pau l H . Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 3:294 ; John Adam s t o Abigail Adams , Apri l 28 , 1776 , in Pau l H. Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 3:592-95. 36. Charle s Le e t o Georg e Washington , Januar y 24 , 1776 , i n Abbot , The Papers of George Washington 3:182-83 . 37. Thoma s Paine , A Dialogue between the Ghost of General Montgomery Just Arrived fromthe Elysian Fields; And an American Delegate, in a Wood near Philadelphia, in Phili p S . Foner , ed. , The Complete Writings of Thomas Paine, vol. 2 (New York , 1945), 88-93 . Thoma s Pain e (1737-1809 ) becam e th e mos t famou s an d prolifi c revolutionary author . H e continue d hi s writings afte r enlistin g i n the Continenta l army a s a volunteer durin g 1776-177 7 an d servin g th e America n governmen t i n various capacitie s unti l th e en d o f th e war . Hi s word s tha t stirre d th e patriot' s soul enshrined hi m i n the cause for independence .

224 * Twelve: Epilogue 38. Hug h Henr y Brackenridge , Death of General Montgomery, i n Philbrick , Trumpets Sounding', 253 . Two year s later , Brackenridg e include d Montgomer y i n a eulogy h e delivered: "Whe n the y mea n to dress the hero with th e fairest praises , they wil l sa y h e wa s . . . virtuous, an d prudent , an d intrepid , a s Montgomery. " Hugh M . [Henry ] Brackenridge , An Eulogium of the Brave Men Who Have Fallen in the Contest with Great Britain: Delivered on Monday, July 5 , 1779 (Philadelphia, 1779), 131 . Hugh Henr y Brackenridg e entere d th e Colleg e o f Ne w Jerse y (late r named Princeton ) i n 1768 , receivin g hi s bachelor' s degre e i n 177 1 an d a master' s degree i n 1774 . Durin g hi s tim e a t college , h e becam e intereste d i n libera l ideas , joining a fraterna l literar y club—th e America n Whi g Society . H e serve d a s a chaplain i n th e Continenta l arm y fro m 177 6 t o 1778 , whil e studyin g t o b e a Presbyterian minister . Late r h e turned t o another career—tha t o f playwright an d drama teacher . H e stand s a s a n excellen t exampl e o f revolutionar y author s wh o sought t o inflame passion s against th e British . 39. Nathanae l Green e t o John Adams , Ma y 2 , 1777 , i n Bernhar d Knollen berg, "Th e Revolutionar y Correspondenc e o f Nathanael Green e an d John Adams, " Rhode Island History 1 (April 1942) : 49-50 . Josep h Warre n wa s kille d a t Breed s (Bunker) Hil l o n Jun e 17 , 1775 , an d wa s posthumousl y mad e a majo r general . Hugh Mercer , a brigadier general , wa s fatally wounde d a t the Battl e of Princeto n on January 3 , 1777 , and die d o n January n , 1777 . 40. Sabine , Historical Memoirs of William Smith 2:35 , entr y o f June 30 , 1777 . Force, American Archives, 5th ser. , 1:588 , 659, 958, 1330 ; 2:79, 82 , 357 , 702, 711, 1126, 1394 ; 3:459 , 821 .

41. Jonatha n William s Austin , An Oration Delivered March $th, 1778, at the Request of the Inhabitants of the Town of Boston to Commemorate the Bloody Tragedy of the Fifth of March, 1770 (Boston, Marc h 9 , 1778) , 14 . 42. "Hous e o f Commons , Marc h 11 , 1776, " in Force , American Archives, 4th ser., 6:314-15 . 43. London Evening Post, Marc h 12 , 1776 ; Scot's Magazine, Ma y 1776 ; London General Evening Post, Apri l 2 , 1776 , referenc e i s t o Gen . Charle s Lee , wh o lik e Montgomery serve d a s a Britis h office r befor e joinin g th e Continenta l army ; London Morning Post, September 4 , 1776 . Also see Solomon Lutnick , The American Revolution and the British Press, 1775-1783 (Columbia, Mo. , 1967) , 91-94 ; Jame s C. Gaston , London Poets and the American Revolution (Troy, N.Y. , 1979) , 132 . 44. Jame s Murray , An Impartial History of the Present War in America, 2 vols. (Newcastle, England , 1780) , 1:564 .

T W E L V E Epilogue

1. Georg e Washingto n t o Si r Edwar d Newenham , Jul y 29 , 1789 , i n Fitzpa trick, The Writings of George Washington 30:367-68 . 2. Rober t Morri s t o Charles Lee , Februar y 17 , 1776 , in Paul H . Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 3:267-70. 3. Benedic t Arnol d t o Joh n Sullivan , Jun e [1 3 ?] , 1776 , i n Force , American

Twelve: Epilogue • 22 5 Archives, 4t h ser. , 6:1104-5 ; Sparks , Correspondence of the American Revolution 1:528 — 29. 4. Joh n Adam s t o Samue l Cooper , Jun e 9 , 1776 , i n Pau l H . Smith , Letters of Delegates to Congress 4:175-77. 5. Dr . Isaa c Sente r journal , i n Roberts , March to Quebec, 241 . The estimate d loss sustaine d b y th e American s i n th e Canadia n invasion—includin g killed , wounded, prisoners , an d dea d fro m disease—wa s fiv e thousand individuals . 6. Simeo n Baldwin , oration , Ma y 12 , 1783 , i n Simeo n E . Baldwin , ed. , Life and Letters ofSimeon Baldwin (New Haven , Conn. , 1919) , 147-50 . 7. Timoth y Pickerin g t o Gov . Georg e Clinton , Octobe r 22 , 1784 , Timoth y Pickering Papers, Ne w Yor k Public Library; Thomas P . Robinson , "Som e Note s On Major-Genera l Richar d Montgomery, " New York History 3 7 (Octobe r 1956) : 395; Cullum , "Major-Genera l Richar d Montgomery, " 297 ; O'Reilly , "Major General Richar d Montgomery, " 188-89 . 8. Jane t Montgomer y t o Aaro n Burr , Marc h 7 , 1779 , Aaro n Bur r Papers , New Yor k Public Library . 9. Richar d Montgomer y t o Jane t Montgomery , Septembe r 1775 , quote d i n Harper's New Monthly Magazine 70, no. 417 (February 1885) : 353. 10. Jane t Montgomer y t o Mrs . Joh n Jay , Septembe r 6 , 1780 , i n Henr y P . Johnston, ed. , The Correspondence and Public Papers of JohnJay (Ne w York , 1890) , 1:402-3.

11. Merc y Oti s Warre n t o Janet Montgomery , January 20 , 1776 , Janet Mont gomery Papers , Edwar d Livingsto n Collection , Princeto n Universit y Library . 12. Sabine , Historical Memoirs of William Smith 2:170, entry o f July 1 , 1777 . 13. Jane t Montgomer y t o Montgomer y Tappen , Esq. , Apri l 1784 , i n Charle s I. Bushnell , ed. , "Wome n o f th e Revolution : A Serie s o f Letter s Writte n b y Distinguished Wome n o f Tha t Period, " Historical Magazine 5 , no . 2 (Februar y 1869): 111 ; Janet Montgomer y t o Mrs. Tappen , Novembe r 24 , 1784 , in Bushnell , "Women o f the Revolution, " 111 . 14. Jane t Montgomer y t o Horati o Gates , Jun e 1784 , Horati o Gate s Papers , New-York Historica l Society . Lik e Montgomer y an d Charle s Lee , Gate s wa s a former professiona l office r i n th e Britis h arm y who m th e Continenta l Congres s appointed genera l during it s initial commissioning. Th e correspondenc e recor d o f the relationshi p betwee n Jane t Montgomer y an d Horati o Gates , spannin g th e period betwee n summe r 178 4 t o 1803 , i s containe d i n bot h th e Gate s Papers , New-York Historica l Society , an d th e Horati o Gates-Jane t Montgomer y MSS , New Yor k Publi c Library . 15. Babbitt , Janet Montgomery, 20-22 ; Georg e Washingto n t o Si r Edwar d Newenham, Jul y 29 , 1789 , an d January 15 , 1790 , i n Fitzpatrick , The Writings of George Washington 30:367-68 , 503-4 ; Sarah Ranelag h t o Janet Montgomery , n.d. , Janet Montgomer y Papers , Edwar d Livingsto n Collection , Princeto n Universit y Library. 16. Babbitt , Janet Montgomery, 19. 17. Joh n Ros s Delafield , "Montgomer y Place , Barrytown , Ne w York, " American Architect 13 2 (October 5 , 1927) : 421-26; John Ros s Delafield , "Montgomer y Place," New York History 20 , no . 4 (Octobe r 1939) : 445-46 , 448 ; Pete r De -

226 • Twelve: Epilogue Labigarre, "Mr . DeLabigarr e o n Sil k Worms, " Transactions of the Society for the Promotion of Agriculture, Arts, and Manufactures, i, pt . 2 (1794) : 179 . A Britis h expedition unde r Gen . Joh n Vaugh n burne d Clermon t i n Octobe r 1777 . Janet's mother, Margare t Livingston , ha d i t rebuil t t o it s origina l grandeur ; upo n he r death, ownershi p of the house passed t o the eldest son , Rober t R . Livingston . 18. Jane t Montgomer y t o Stephe n Va n Rensselaer , January 20 , 1818 , Emme t Collection, Ne w Yor k Public Library . 19. America n Sceni c an d Histori c Preservatio n Society , "Genera l Richar d Montgomery an d Hi s Monumen t a t New York, " Annual Report to the Legislature of the State of New York (1916): 648-49; James Thompso n account , Augus t 16 , 1828 , in Quebec , "Th e Hundredt h Anniversar y o f Montgomery' s Death, " 404 ; Janet Montgomery, i n Hunt , Biographical Notes Concerning General Richard Montgomery, 29.

20. New York Daily Advertiser, July 8 , 1818 ; Port Folio 6 (August 1818) : 75-80; 7 (Februar y 1819) : 134-41 . Th e origina l manuscrip t o f th e poe m reside s i n th e David Librar y o f th e America n Revolution . Babbitt , Janet Montgomery, 26; Janet Montgomery, i n Hunt , Biographical Notes Concerning General Richard Montgomery, 30.

21. Andre w Jackson t o Edwar d Livingston , Augus t 2 , 1828 , in John Spence r Bassett, ed. , Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 7 vols. (Washington , D.C. , 1926 35), 499-500 ; Janet Montgomery , i n Hunt , Biographical Notes Concerning General Richard Montgomery, 14.

Bibliography

P R I M A R Y S O U R C E

S

Manuscript Collections Boston Publi c Library . Letter . Richar d Montgomer y t o Janet Montgomery , No vember 3 , 177 5 (G.51.7.4.55). . Propose d Inscriptio n fo r a Monument t o Genera l Montgomery . Charle s Thomson. January 25 , 177 6 (Ch.C.4.4). . Letter . John Pierc e to Tapping Reeve . January 27 , 177 6 (Ch.C.5.29). Clements Library , Universit y o f Michigan. Montgomer y MS S Collection . David Librar y o f th e America n Revolution . Jule s Daverza[c] . Poe m Eulogizin g General Montgomery. July 1818 . Franklin Delan o Roosevel t Library , Hyd e Park , N.Y . Livingston-Redmon d MSS . Microfilm Edition . National Archives . Papers of the Continental Congress. Microfil m Collection . New-York Historica l Society . Willia m Dougla s Papers . . Alexande r McDougal l Papers . . Horati o Gates Papers . . Richar d Montgomer y MSS . New Yor k Public Library. Bancrof t Transcripts . . Aaro n Bur r Papers . . Emme t Collection . . Horati o Gates-Janet Montgomer y MSS . . Rober t R . Livingsto n Papers . . Livingston-Redmon d MSS . . Timoth y Pickerin g Papers. . Phili p Schuyle r Papers . . Phili p Schuyle r Letterbooks . New Yor k Stat e Archives. Provincia l Congres s MSS . 227

228 • Bibliography Princeton Universit y Library . Edwar d Livingsto n Collection . Janet Montgomer y Papers. Newspapers and Magazines London Evening Post. London General Evening Post. London Gazette. London Morning Post. New England Chronicle (Boston). New York Daily Advertiser. New York Journal. New York Mercury. Pennsylvania Gazette (Philadelphia). Pennsylvania Journal (Philadelphia). Port Folio (New York) . Quebec Gazette (Quebec, Canada) . Rivington's Gazetteer (New York) . Scot's Magazine (London). Books Abbot, W . W. , ed . The Papers of George Washington. 7 vols . Colonia l Series . Charlottesville: Universit y Pres s of Virginia , 1983-90 . Allen, Ethan . The Narrative of Colonel Ethan Allen. Ne w York : Corint h Books , 1961 (reprint). Babbitt, Katherin e M . Janet Montgomery: Hudson River Squire. Monroe , N.Y. : Library Researc h Associates , 1975 . Baldwin, Simeo n E. , ed . Life and Letters of Simeon Baldwin. Ne w Haven , Conn. : Tuttle, Morehous e an d Taylor , 1919 . Ballagh, Jame s Curtis , ed . The Letters of Richard Henry Lee. 2 vols . Ne w York : Macmillan, 1911-14 . Bassett, Joh n Spencer , ed . Correspondence of Andrew Jackson. 7 vols. Washington , D.C.: Carnegie Institutio n o f Washington, 1926-35 . Bray, Rober t C , an d Pau l E . Bushnell , eds . Diary of a Common Soldier in the American Revolution, 1775-1783: An Annotated Edition of the Military Journal of Jeremiah Greenman. DeKalb : Northern Illinoi s Universit y Press , 1978 . Brown, Lloy d A. , an d Howar d H . Peckham , eds . Revolutionary War Journals of Henry Dearborn, 1775-1783. Chicago : Caxton Club , 1939 . Burnett, Edmun d C , ed . Letters of Members of the Continental Congress. 8 vols . Washington, D.C. : Carnegie Institutio n o f Washington, 1921-36 . Burtchaell, Georg e Dames , an d Thoma s Ulic k Sadleir , eds . Alumni Dublinenses: A Register of the Students, Graduates, Professors, and Provosts of Trinity College in the University of Dublin, 1593-1860. Dublin , Ireland : Alex, Thorn , 1935 . Butterfield, L . H. , ed . The Adams Papers: Diary and Autobiography of John Adams. 4 vols. Ne w York : Atheneum, 1964 .

Bibliography • 22 9 Canadian Publi c Archives . Report of the Public Archives for 1914 and 1915. Ottawa , 1916. Carter, Clarenc e Edwin , ed . The Correspondence of General Thomas Gage with the Secretaries of State, 1763-1775. 2 vols. Ne w York : Archo n Books , 196 9 (1931— 33). Cohen, Sheldon , ed . Canada Preserved: The Journal of Captain Thomas Ainslie. Ne w York: New Yor k Universit y Press , 1968 . Colden, Cadwallader . The Letters and Papers of Cadwallader Colden. 9 vols . New York Historica l Societ y Collections , no . 56. Ne w York : New-Yor k Historica l Society, 1918-37 . . The Colden Letter Books, 1760-1775. 2 vols. New-Yor k Historica l Societ y Collections, no . 10 . New York : New-York Historica l Society , 1877-78 . Cruikshank, Ernest , ed . A History of the Organization, Development, and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada from the Peace of Paris in 1763, to the Present Time. 3 vols. Ottawa : Canadia n Government , 1919-20 . Dann, John C , ed . "Militar y Pensio n Depositio n o f Justus Bellamy. " I n John C . Dann, ed . The Revolution Remembered: Eyewitness Accounts of the War for Independence. Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1980 . Davies, K . G. , ed . Documents of the American Revolution 1770-1783. Colonia l Offic e Series, no . 11 . London: Grea t Britai n Colonia l Office , 1976 . Delafield, Julia . Biographies of Francis Lewis and Morgan Lewis. 2 vols. Ne w York : Anson D . F . Randolph , 1877 . Fitzpatrick, Joh n C , ed . The Writings of George Washington. 39 vols. Washington , D.C.: U.S . Governmen t Printin g Office , 1931-44 . Foner, Phili p S. , ed . The Complete Writings of Thomas Paine. Vol . 2 . Ne w York : Citadel Press , 1945 . Forbes, John . Writings of General John Forbes. Ed. Alfre d P . James . Menasha , Wise: Collegiate Press, 1938 . Force, Peter , ed . American Archives: A Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs. 4t h an d 5t h ser . 9 vols . Washington, D.C. : M. St . Clai r & Peter Force , 1837-53 . Ford, Worthingto n Chauncey , ed . Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789. 34 vols. Washington, D.C. : U.S . Governmen t Printin g Office , 1904-37 . Fortescue, John William . A History of the British Army. 1 3 vols. London : Macmil lan, 1910-30 . Freeman, Dougla s Southall . George Washington: A Biography. 1 vols. Ne w York : Scribner, 1948-57 . French, Allen . The Taking of Ticonderoga in 1775: The British Story; A Study of Captors and Captives. Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1928 . . The First Year of the American Revolution. Cambridge , Mass. : Houghto n Mifflin, 1934 . Gaston, James C . London Poets and the American Revolution. Troy, N.Y. : Whitston , 1979. Graham, James. The Life of General Daniel Morgan. New York : Derby an d Jackson, 1856. Great Britai n Wa r Office . Annual Army Lists. London, 1756 .

230 • Bibliography Halpenny, Frances s G. , ed . Dictionary of Canadian Biography. 11 vols . Toronto : University o f Toronto Press , 1966-82 . Henry, John Joseph. Account of Arnold's Campaign against Quebec. Ne w York : Arn o Press, 1968(1877) . Hunt, Charle s Havens . Life of Edward Livingston. New York : D . Appleton , 1864 . Jellison, Charle s A . Ethan Allen: Frontier Rebel. Syracuse , N.Y. : Syracus e Univer sity Press , 198 3 (1969). Johnston, Henr y P . The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay. Ne w York : G . P. Putnam' s Sons , 1890 . Jones, Thomas . History of New York during the Revolutionary War. 2 vols . Ne w York: Arno Press , 196 8 (1879). Journals of the Provincial Congress of the State of New York. 2 vols . Albany , N.Y. : ThurlowWeed, 1775-77 . Kapp, Friedrich . The Life of Frederick William von Steuben. Ne w York : Maso n Brothers, 1859 . Knox, John . An Historical Journal of the Campaigns in North America for the Years 1757, 1758, 1759, and 1760 by Captain John Knox. Ed . Arthu r G . Doughty . 3 vols. Freeport , N.Y. : Book s For Librarie s Press , 197 0 (1914-16). Leake, Isaa c Q. , ed . Memoir of the Life and Times of General John Lamb. Albany , N.Y.: Benchmark , 1970(1857) . Lincoln, William , ed . The Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775, and of the Committee of Safety. Boston: Dutto n an d Wentworth , 1838. Lossing, Benso n J . The Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution. 2 vols . Ne w York : Harper an d Brothers , 1851-52 . . The Life and Times of Philip Schuyler. 2 vols . Ne w York : Sheldon , 187 3 (1860). Lutnick, Solomon . The American Revolution and the British Press, 1775-1783. Co lumbia: Universit y o f Missouri Press , 1967 . MacDougall, Willia m L . American Revolutionary: A Biography of General Alexander McDougall. Westport , Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1977 . Montresor, John . The Montresor Journals. Ed . G . D . Skull . Collection s o f th e New-York Historica l Society , no . 14 . New York : New-Yor k Historica l Soci ety, 1882 . Moore, Frank , ed . Songs and Ballads of the American Revolution. Port Washington , N.Y.: Kennika t Press , 1964 . . The Diary of the American Revolution, 1775-1781. Ne w York : Washingto n Square Press , 1968 . Murray, James. An Impartial History of the Present War in America. 2 vols. Newcas tle, England : T . Robson , 1780 . New Yor k Secretar y o f State . Calendar of Historical Manuscripts Relating to the War of the Revolution. 2 vols. Albany, N.Y. : Weed, Parsons , 1863-68 . O'Callaghan, Edmun d B. , an d Berthol d Fernow , eds . Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York. 1 5 vols. Albany , N.Y : Parsons , 1856 — 57.

Bibliography • 23 1 Parmet, Herber t S. , an d Mari e B . Hecht . Aaron Burr: Portrait of an Ambitious Man. Ne w York : Macmillan, 1967 . Philbrick, Norman , ed . Trumpets Sounding: Propaganda Plays of the American Revolution. New York : Benjamin Blom , 1972 . Quincy, Josiah. Memoir of the Life ofjosiah Quincy, Jun. Ne w York : D a Capo Press, 1971(1825). Roberts, Kenneth, ed . March to Quebec: Journals of the Members of Arnold's Expedition. New York : Doubleday, Doran , 194 0 (1938). Ryan, Denni s P. , ed . A Salute to Courage: The American Revolution as Seen through Wartime Writings of Officers of the Continental Army and Navy. Ne w York : Columbia Universit y Press , 1979 . Sabine, Willia m H . W. , ed . Historical Memoirs from 16 March 1763 to 25 July 1778 of William Smith. 2 vols. New York , 1969-7 1 (1956-58). Saffell, W . T . R . Records of the Revolutionary War: Containing the Military and Financial Correspondence of Distinguished Officers. Baltimore : Genealogical , 196 9 (1894). Schachner, Nathan . Aaron Burr: A Biography. Ne w York : A. S . Barnes , 1961 . Shortt, W . T . P. , ed. Journal of the Principal Occurrences during the Siege of Quebec by the Revolutionists under Generals Montgomery and Arnold in 1775-1776. London : Simpkin, 1824 . Smith, Justi n H . Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony: Canada and the American Revolution. 2 vols. New York : G. P . Putnam' s Sons , 1907 . Smith, Pau l H. , ed . Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774-1789. 1 7 vols. Washing ton, D.C. : U.S . Governmen t Printin g Office , 1976 - . Sparks, Jared, ed . Correspondence of the American Revolution. 4 vols. Freeport, N.Y. : Books for Librarie s Press , 197 0 (1853). Tappert, Theodor e G. , an d Joh n W . Doberstein , trans . The Journals of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg. 3 vols. Philadelphia: Muhlenber g Press , 1942-58 . Taylor, Rober t J., ed . Papers of JohnAdams. 4 vols. Cambridge : Belkna p Pres s o f Harvard Universit y Press , 1977-79 . Thomas, Howard . Marinus Willett: Soldier, Patriot, 1740-1830. Ne w York : Pros pect Books , 1954 . Trevelyan, Georg e Otto . The American Revolution. 6 vols. Ne w York : Longmans , Green, 1909-14 . Ward, Harr y Parker , ed . "Diar y o f Captai n Joh n Fassett , Jr., " b y Capt . Joh n Fassett, Jr. I n Harr y Parke r Ward , ed. , The Follett-Dewey Fassett-Safford Ancestry of Captain Martin Dewey Follett. Columbus, Oh. : Champli n Printing , 1896 . Wharton, Francis , ed . The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States. 6 vols. Washington, D.C. : U.S . Governmen t Printin g Office , 1889 . Whitworth, Rex . Field Marshall Lord Ligonier: A History of the British Army, 17021770. New York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1958 . Willett, Willia m M. , ed . A Narrative of the Military Actions of Colonel Marinus Willett. Ne w York : Arno Press, 196 9 (1831). Wolfe, James . General Orders in Wolfe's Army during the Expedition up the St. Lawrence, 1759. Quebec: Dawson , 1875 .

232 • Bibliography Pamphlets Austin, Jonathan Williams . An Oration Delivered March 5th, 1778, at the Request of the Inhabitants of the Town of Boston to Commemorate the Bloody Tragedy of the Fifth of March, 1770. Boston , Marc h 9 , 1778 . Brackenridge, Hug h M . [Henry ] An Eulogium of the Brave Men Who Have Fallen in the Contest with Great Britain: Delivered on Monday, July 5, 1779, before A Numerous and Respectable Assembly of Citizens and Foreigners, in the German Calvinist Church, Philadelphia. Philadelphia , 1779 . Caldwell, Henry . The Invasion of Canada in 1775: Letter Attributed to Major Henry Caldwell. Quebec: Literary an d Historica l Societ y o f Quebec, 192 7 (1887). Clements Librar y Associates . Major General Richard Montgomery: A Contribution toward a Biography. An n Arbor : Universit y o f Michigan, 1970 . Dawson, Henr y B . The Sons of Liberty in New York: A Paper Read before the NewYork Historical Society, May 3, 1850. Ne w York , 1850 . Fraser, Malcolm . Extract from a Manuscript Journal Relating to the Siege of Quebec in 1759 Kept by Colonel Malcolm Fraser Then Lieutenant of the 78th (Eraser's Highlanders) and Serving in That Campaign. Literary an d Historica l Societ y o f Que bec. Quebec , 1927(1868) . Hunt, Louis e L . Biographical Notes Concerning General Richard Montgomery, Together with Hitherto Unpublished Letters. Poughkeepsie, N.Y. , 1876 . [Paine, Thomas] . A Dialogue between the Ghost of General Montgomery and an American Delegate in a Wood Near Philadelphia. Ne w York , 186 5 (1776). Smith, William . An Oration in Memory of General Montgomery and of the Officers and Soldiers Who Fell with Him, December 31, 1775, before Quebec; Drawn up (and Delivered February 19th, 1776) at the Desire of the Honourable Continental Congress. Philadelphia, 1776 . Articles Ainslie, Thomas . "Journa l o f the Most Remarkabl e Occurrence s i n Quebe c fro m the 14t h o f November , 1775 , t o th e 7t h o f May , 1776 , b y a n Office r o f th e Garrison." Collections of the New-York Historical Society 1 3 (1880): 175-236 . . "Journa l o f the Most Remarkabl e Occurrence s i n the Province of Quebe c from th e Appearanc e o f th e Rebel s i n Septembe r 177 5 until Thei r Retrea t o n the Sixt h o f May. " I n Frederi c C . Wurtele , ed. , Blockade of Quebec in 17751776 by the American Revolutionists (Quebec, 1906) , 11-265 . Bushnell, Charle s I. , ed . "Wome n o f the Revolution : A Serie s of Letter s Writte n by Distinguishe d Wome n o f Tha t Period. " Historical Magazine 5, no . 2 (February 1869) : 105-12 . Cross, Urieh . "Narrativ e o f Urie h Cros s i n th e Revolutionar y War. " Vermont Quarterly. New ser . 1 5 (July 1947) : 177-87. Cullum, Georg e W. "Major-Genera l Richar d Montgomery. " Magazine of American History, with Notes and Queries 1 1 (April 1884) : 273-99. Danford, Jacob . "Quebe c under Siege , 177'5-1776 : The 'Memorandums ' of Jacob

Bibliography • 23 3 Danford." Ed . John F . Roche . Canadian Historical Review 50 (March 1969) : 6 885. DeLabigarre, Peter . "Mr . DeLabigarr e o n Sil k Worms." Transactions of the Society for the Promotion of Agriculture, Arts, and Manufactures 1 , pt. 2 (1794): 172-97 . Delafield, Joh n Ross . "Montgomer y Place , Barrytown , Ne w York. " American Architect 132 (October 5 , 1927) : 421-26. . "Montgomer y Place. " New York History 20 , no . 4 (Octobe r 1939) : 445 62. Douglas, William . "Letter s Writte n durin g th e Revolutionar y Wa r b y Colone l William Dougla s t o His Wif e Coverin g the Perio d July 19 , 1775 , to Decembe r 5, 177'6. " New-York Historical Society Quarterly Bulletin 12(1929) : 149-54 . Hall, William . "Colone l Rudolphu s Ritzema. " Magazine of American History 2 (1878): 163-67 . Hunt, Louis e L . "Genera l Richar d Montgomery. " Harper's New Monthly Magazine 70 (February 1885) : 350-59. Knollenberg, Bernhard . "Th e Revolutionar y Correspondenc e o f Nathanae l Green e and John Adams. " Rhode Island History 1 (Apri l 1942) : 45-55. Knox, Henry . "Knox' s Diar y durin g Hi s Ticonderog a Expedition. " New England Historical and Genealogical Register 30 (1976): 321-22. LeMoine, Jame s M . "Genera l R . Montgomer y an d Hi s Detractors. " New York Genealogical and Biographical Record 22, no. 2 (April 1891) : 65-66. . "Th e Assaul t o f Brigadier-Genera l Richar d Montgomer y an d Colone l Benedict Arnol d o n Quebe c i n 1775 : A Re d Lette r Da y i n th e Annal s o f Canada." Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada 5 (1899): 45766. Lindsay, William . "Narrativ e o f th e Invasio n o f Canad a b y th e America n Pro vincials unde r Montgomer y an d Arnold. " Canadian Review and Magazine 3 (September 1826) : 89-104. Livingston, Henr y Brockholst . "Journa l o f Major Henr y Livingsto n o f the Thir d New Yor k Continenta l Line , Augus t t o December, 1775. " Ed. Gaillar d Hunt . Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 22 (April 1898) : 9-33. Montgomery, Janet . "Reminiscences. " Ed . Joh n Ros s Delafield . Dutchess County [N.Y.] Historical Society Year Book 15 (1930): 45-76. Montgomery, Thoma s H . "Ancestr y o f Genera l Richar d Montgomery. " NewYork Genealogical and Biographical Society Record 2 (July 1871) : 123-30 . Morgan, Daniel . "A n Autobiography. " Historical Magazine of America. 2 d ser. , 9 (June 1877) : 370-80 . Morison, George . "A n Accoun t o f th e Assaul t o n Quebec , 1775. " Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 1 4 (1890): 434-39. Nichols, Francis . "Diar y O f Lieutenan t Franci s Nichol s o f Colone l Willia m Thompson's Battalio n o f Pennsylvani a Riflemen , Januar y t o September , 1776. " Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 20 (1896): 504-14. O'Reilly, Vincen t F . "Major-Genera l Richar d Montgomery. " American-Irish Historical Society Journal 25 (1926): 179-94 . Porterfield, Charles . "Memorabl e Attac k o n Quebec , Decembe r 21 , 1775 : Diar y

234 * Bibliography of Colone l Charle s Porterfield. " Magazine of American History with Notes and Queries 2\ (\m\. 318-19 . Ritzema, Rudolphus . "Journa l o f Col. Rudolphu s Ritzem a of the First Ne w Yor k Regiment, Augus t 8 , 177 5 t o Marc h 30 , 1776. " Magazine of American History with Notes and Queries 1 (1877) : 98-107. Todd, Charle s Burr . "Th e Marc h t o Montrea l an d Quebec , 1775. " American Historical Register 2 (1895): 641-49. Include s extracts of the diary of Col. Aaro n Barlow. Trumbull, Benjamin . " A Concise Journal o r Minutes of the Principal Movement s towards St . Johns ; O f th e Sieg e an d Surrende r o f th e Fort s Ther e i n 1775. " Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society 7 (1899): 137-73. . "Benjami n Trumbul l Diary. " Bulletin of the Fort Ticonderoga Museum (January 1927) : 11-18 ; (July 1927) : 26-33; (Januar y 1928) : 14-30 ; (July 1928) : 21-35. S E C O N D A R Y S O U R C E

S

Books Axtell, James . The European and the Indian: Essays in the Ethnohistory of Colonial North America. New York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1981. Baird, Henr y M . History of the Rise of the Huguenots of France. 2 vols. Ne w York : AMS Press , 1970(1879) . . The Huguenots and Henry of Navarre. 2 vols. Ne w York : AM S Press , 197 0 (1903). Becker, Car l L . The History of Political Parties in the Province of New York, 17601776. Madison: Universit y o f Wisconsin Press , 1968 . Berg, Fre d Anderson . Encyclopedia of Continental Army Units. Harrisburg , Pa. : Stackpole Books , 1972 . Bird, Harrison . Attack on Quebec: The American Invasion of Canada, 1775. Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1968 . Blackmore, Howar d L . British Military Firearms, 1650-1850. London : H.Jenkins , 1961. Bliven, Bruce , Jr. Under the Guns: New York 1775-1776. Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row, 1972 . Boatner, Mar k M. , III . Encyclopedia of the American Revolution. New York : Davi d McKay, 1976 . Bonomi, Patrici a U . A Factious People: Politics and Society in Colonial New York. New York : Columbia Universit y Press , 1971 . Browne, James A . England's Artillerymen: A Historical Narrative of the Services of the Royal Artillery, from the Formation of the Regiment to 1862. London : Hall , Smar t and Allen , 1865 . Bush, Marti n H . Revolutionary Enigma: A Re-appraisal of General Philip Schuyler of New York. Port Washington , N.Y : Ir a Friedman , 1969 . Cannon, Richard . Historical Record of the Seventeenth, or the Leicestershire Regiment of Foot. London: Parker, Furnival l & Parker, 1848 .

Bibliography • 23 5 Castries, Du e de . The Lives of the Kings and Queens of France. New York : Alfre d A . Knopf, 1979 . Champagne, Roge r J. Alexander McDougall and the American Revolution in New York. New York : Unio n Colleg e Press, 1975 . Coudy, Julien, ed . The Huguenot Wars. New York : Chilton, 1969 . Countryman, Edward . A People in Revolution: The American Revolution and Political Society in New York, 1760-1790. Baltimore : Johns Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1981. Decker, Malcol m (Peter) . Brink of Revolution: New York in Crisis, 1765-1776. Ne w York: Argosy Antiquarian , 1964 . Gerlach, Do n R . Proud Patriot: Philip Schuyler and the War of Independence, 17751783. Syracuse , N.Y. : Syracus e Universit y Press , 1987 . Gilje, Pau l A . The Road to Mobocracy: Popular Disorder in New York City, 17631834. Chapel Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1987 . Guizot, Francoi s Pierr e Guillaume . A Popular History of France, from the Earliest Times. 8 vols. New York : AMS Press , 196 9 (1869). Hatch, Rober t M . Thrust for Canada: The American Attempt on Quebec in 17751776. Boston: Houghton Mifflin , 1979 . Higginbotham, Don . Daniel Morgan: Revolutionary Rifleman. Chapel Hill : Univer sity of North Carolin a Press , 1961 . Hitsman, J . Mackay . Safeguarding Canada, 1763-1871. Toronto : Universit y o f Toronto Press , 1968 . Kane, Joseph Nathan . The American Counties. Metuchen , N.J. : Scarecro w Press , 1972. Kierner, Cynthi a A . Traders and Gentlefolk: The Livingstons of New York, 16751790. Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell Universit y Press , 1992 . Kim, Sun g Bok . Landlord and Tenant in Colonial New York: Manorial Society, 16641775. Chapel Hill : University o f North Carolin a Press , 1978 . Lamb, Marth a J. History of the City of New York. 3 vols. Ne w York : A . S . Barnes , 1877-96. Launitz-Schurer, Leopol d S. , Jr. Loyal Whigs and Revolutionaries: The Making of the Revolution in New York, 1763-1776. Ne w York : Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , 1980. LeMoine, Jame s M . Quebec Past and Present: A History of Quebec, 1608-1876. Quebec: A. Cote , 1876 . Lenk, Torsten . The Flintlock: Its Origin and Development. Ed . Joh n E . Hayward . London: Hollan d Press , 1965 . McLennan, J . S . Louisbourg from Its Foundation to Its Fall, 1713-1758. London : Macmillan, 1918 . Malone, Dumas , ed . Dictionary of American Biography. 26 vols. New York : Charle s Scribner's Sons , 1928-58 . Manucy, Albert . Artillery through the Ages: A Short Illustrated History of Cannon, Emphasizing Types Used in America. Washington, D.C. : Nationa l Par k Service , 1949. Mark, Irving . Agrarian Conflicts in Colonial New York, 1711-1775. Por t Washing ton, N.Y. : I.J. Friedman , 1965 .

236 • Bibliography Martin, James Kirby , an d Mar k Edwar d Lender . A Respectable Army: The Military Origins of the Republic, 1763-1789. Arlingto n Heights , 111. : Harlan Davidson , 1982. Mason, Bernard . The Road to Independence: The Revolutionary Movement in New York, 1773-1777. Lexington : Universit y o f Kentucky Press , 1967 . National Cyclopedia of American Biography. 63 vols . Ne w York : Jame s T . White , 1898-1984. Nelson, Pau l David . The Life of William Alexander, Lord Stirling. Tuscaloosa : University o f Alabama Press , 1987 . . William Tryon and the Course of Empire: A Life in British Imperial Service. Chapel Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1990 . New Yor k State . The American Revolution in New York: Its Political, Social, and Economic Significance. Albany , N . Y., 1926 . Parkman, Francis . The Battle for North America. Comp . Joh n Tebbel . Garde n City, N.Y. : Doubleday , 194 8 (1851-92; 1902-03) . Peckham, Howar d H . The Colonial Wars, 1689-1762. Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press, 1964 . Peterson, Harol d L . Arms and Armor in Colonial America, 1526-1783. Harrisburg , Pa.: Stackpol e Books , 1956 . Roberts, Elli s H . New York: The Planting and the Growth of the Empire State. 2 vols. New York : Houghton, Mifflin , 1887 . Roche, O . I . A . The Days of the Upright: The Story of the Huguenots. New York : ClarksonN. Potter , 1965 . Rossie, Jonatha n Gregory . The Politics of Command in the American Revolution. Syracuse, N.Y. : Syracus e Universit y Press , 1975 . Royster, Charles . A Revolutionary People at War: The Continental Army and the American Character, 1775-1783, Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press, 1979 . Stanley, Georg e F. G . Canada Invaded, 1775-1776. Toronto : Hakkert , 1973 . Stephen, Leslie , an d Sidne y Lee , eds . The Dictionary of National Biography. 24 vols. London : Oxford Universit y Press , 196 8 [1949-50]. Thompson, James Westfall . The Wars of Religion in France, 1559-1576. Ne w York : Frederick Ungar , 1957 . Todd, A . L . Richard Montgomery: Rebel of 1775. New York : Davi d McKay , 1966 . Trevelyan, Georg e Otto . The American Revolution. 6 vols. New York : Longmans , Green, 1898-1914 . Van Dyke , Paul . Catherine de Medicis. 2 vols. Ne w York : Charles Scribner' s Sons , 1922. Ward, Christopher . The War of the Revolution. Ed. Joh n R . Alden . 2 vols. Ne w York: Macmillan, 1952 . Webb, E . A . H . A History of the Services of the 17th (the Leicestershire) Regiment. London: Vache r & Sons, 1911. Williamson, Hug h Ross . Catherine de' Medici. Ne w York : Vikin g Press, 1973 . Wilson, Jame s Grant , an d Joh n Fiske , eds . Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography. 7 vols. Ne w York : D . Appleton , 1886-1900 .

Bibliography • 23 7 Wright, Rober t K. , Jr . The Continental Army. Washington , D.C. : U.S . Govern ment Printin g Office , 1986 . Wurtele, Frederi c C , ed . Blockade of Quebec in 1775-1776 by the American Revolutionists. Por t Washington , N.Y. : Kennika t Press , 197 0 (1906).

Articles Aimone, Ala n C , an d Barbar a A . Aimone . "Organizin g an d Equippin g Montgomery's Yorker s i n 1775. " Military Collector and Historian: Journal of the Company of Military Historians 28, no. 2 (Summer 1976) : 52-63 . . "Brav e Bostonians : Ne w Yorkers ' Role s i n th e Winte r Invasio n o f Can ada." Military Collector and Historian: Journal of the Company of Military Historians 36, no . 4 (Winter 1984) : 134-50 . American Sceni c and Histori c Preservatio n Society . "Genera l Richar d Montgom ery an d Hi s Monumen t a t Ne w York. " Annual Report to the Legislature of the State of New York (1916): 643-51 . Anderson, Willia m J. "Canadia n History : Th e Sieg e an d Blockad e of Quebec b y Generals Montgomer y an d Arnol d i n 1775-76. " Literary and Historical Society of Quebec Transactions. Ne w ser. , pt . 9 (1871/72): 49-71 . Boyer, Le e R . "Lobste r Backs , Libert y Boys , an d Laborer s i n the Streets. " NewYork Historical Society Quarterly 57, no. 4 (October 1973) : 281-308. Bredenberg, Osca r E . "Th e America n Champlai n Fleet , 1775-77. " Bulletin of the Fort Ticonderoga Museum 12, no. 4 (September 1968) : 249-63. Burton, Robert . "Sieg e an d Captur e o f Havan a i n 1762. " Maryland Historical Magazine 4 (\909): 321-35 . Callahan, North . "Henr y Knox , Genera l Washington' s General. " New-York Historical Society Quarterly 44 (1960): 150-65 . Cash, Philip . "Th e Canadian Militar y Campaig n o f 1775-1776 : Medical Problem s and Effect s o f Disease . "Journal of the American Medical Association 236 , no . 1 (July 5 , 1976) : 52-56. Flick, Alexande r C . "Genera l Knox' s Ticonderog a Expedition. " New York State Historical Association Quarterly Journal 9(1928): 119-35 . Gardner, As a Bird . "Th e Ne w Yor k Continenta l Lin e o f th e Arm y o f th e Revolution." Magazine of American History 7 (December 1881) : 401-19. Hitsman, J . Mackay , an d C . C . J . Bond . "Th e Assaul t Landin g a t Louisbourg , 1758." Canadian Historical Review 35 (December 1954) : 314-30. Manders, Eri c I. "Note s o n Troop Unit s i n the New Yor k Garrison, 1775-1776. " Military Collector and Historian: Journal of the Company of Military Historians 25 , no. 1 (Sprin g 1973) : 18-21 . Olm, Le e E . "Th e Mutin y Ac t fo r America : Ne w York' s Noncompliance. " NewYork Historical Society Quarterly 58 (1974): 188-214 . Poucher, Joh n Wilson . "Dutches s Count y Me n o f th e Revolutionar y Period : Judge Rober t R . Livingston , Hi s Sons , an d Sons-in-Law. " Dutchess County [N.Y.] Historical Society Year Book 30 (1945): 54-74.

238 • Bibliography Quebec, E . P . "Th e Hundredt h Anniversar y o f Montgomery' s Death. " New Dominion Monthly 1 7 (December 18 , 1875) : 397-404. Robinson, Thoma s P . "Som e Note s o n Major-Genera l Richar d Montgomery. " New York History 37 (October 1956) : 388-98. Robson, Eric . "Purchas e an d Promotio n i n th e Britis h Arm y i n th e Eighteent h Century." History. New ser. , 3 6 (February-June 1951) : 57-72. Varga, Nicholas . "Th e Ne w Yor k Restrainin g Act: Its Passage and Som e Effects , 1766-1768." M?w York History 37, no. 3 (July 1956) : 233-58. Dissertations Leroy, Perr y Eugene . "Si r Gu y Carleto n a s a Military Leade r durin g th e Ameri can Invasio n an d Repuls e i n Canada , 1775-1776. " 2 vols. (Ph.D . diss. , Ohi o State University, 1960) . White, John Todd . "Standin g Armie s i n Tim e o f War : Republica n Theor y an d Military Practic e durin g th e America n Revolution. " (Ph.D . diss. , Georg e Washington University , 1978) .

Index

Abercromby, Gen . James, 22 , 25 Adams, Abigai l (Mrs. John Adams), 20 1 n . 31 Adams, John, 45 , 77 , 161 , 163 , 166 , 168 , 173 Adams, Samuel , 16 8 Ainslie, Capt. Thomas , 133-34 , 139 , 152 , 153, 15 5 Albany, N.Y. , 25 , 125 , 158 , 18 0 Alexander, Willia m (Lord Stirling), 19 5 n. 12 Allen, Col. Ethan , 57-58 , 59 , 76-77 , 89 90; attack of Montreal, 101-4 , 110-11 , 115, 120-21 , 20 6 n. 2 7 Amherst, Gen . Jeffery, 22 , 24, 25 , 31 Andre, Lt . John, 114 , 212 n . 5 0 Antill, Edward , 152 , 158 , 159 , 215 n . 3 5 Arnold, Benedict , 4 , 157 , 170 , 199-20 0 n . 17; advance on Quebec, 104 , 116 , 127 28; attack of Quebec, 130 , 134 , 136 , 137-150; argument for Canadian invasion, 76-77 ; cabal against, 137-38 , 217 n . 16 ; capture of Ticonderoga, 57 58, 59 , 75 ; continued sieg e of Quebec, 151-52, 156 , 157-58 ; disgust with Continental army system, 69 ; promoted to Brig. Gen . t o fill Montgomery's vacancy , 221 n . 14 ; retired to Montreal, 172 , 173 ; selected for Canadian campaign, 86-87 ; wounded, 144 , 15 5 Artillery (British), 21 , 23

Artillery companies: New York , 82 , 85, 98, 106, 108 , 115 , 127 , 140 , 144 ; Connecticut, 85 , 87 Asia, 61,62, 7 1 Austin, Jonathan Williams, 16 8 Austria, 1 8 Baker, Capt. Remember , 89-9 0 Baldwin, Simeon , 17 5 Barbados, 28 Barre, Isaac, 33 , 38 , 64 Bartlett, Josiah, 16 5 Bedel, Col . Timothy , 85 , 98, 99, 100 , 101 , 103, 117-18 , 12 3 Boston, Mass., 25 , 41; siege of, 58 , 71, 73, 124, 125 , 127 , 158-59 , 174-7 5 Boston Massacre, 41 , 43, 166 , 16 8 Boston Tea Party , 41, 44 Bouchette, Jean Baptiste, 12 0 Brackenridge, Hug h Henry , The Death of General Montgomery, 4 , 167-68 , 22 4 n. 3 8 Braddock, Gen . Edward , 18 , 19 , 22 Bradstreet, Col . John, 3 2 British army: attitude toward colonial mili tary, 66; battlefield tactics , 20-21 ; colonial attitude toward, 37 , 40, 47, 66; grenadiers, 20 , 23 ; light-infantry troops , 20 , 28; ranger troops, 20 ; senior officer appointments, 19 3 n . 2 0 British (Royal) Navy, 22 , 23-24 , 28 , 3 0 Brown, Capt . Jacob, 140 , 141-42 , 14 6 239

240 • Index Brown, Maj . John, 57 , 87, 90, 99, 100 , 101, 102 , 103 , 105 , 107 , 118 , 120 , 127 , 137-38, 20 9 n . 1 5 Bunker (Breeds ) Hill, Battl e of, 4 , 49, 66, 73 Burgoyne, Gen . John, 17 3 Burke, Edmund , 3 , 33 , 38 , 64, 16 9 Burr, Aaron , 175-76 , 219-2 0 n . 3 8 Caldwell, Lt . Col . Henry , 129 , 139 , 142 , 146, 152 , 15 5 Calhoun, John C , 18 0 Campbell, Col . Donald , 143 , 149-50 , 152 , 156, 157 , 218-19 n . 28 , 221 n . 1 4 Campbell, Maj . John, 10 3 Canada: America n invasio n of, 2 , 19 , 27 28, 59-60 , 75 , 77-78, 85-87 ; America n withdrawal from , 172-74 ; strategic im portance, 160-6 1 Canadians, 22 , 27, 28, 75; militia i n th e British army , 112 , 129-30 , 146 , 149 ; recruits fo r Montgomery' s expedition , 109 , 127, 138 , 140 , 141-42 , 144 ; support fo r colonial resistanc e to Britain, 75-77 , 8 5 86, 89 , 90, 91, 92, 101-2 , 129 , 136 , 17 3 Cape Diamond , 135 , 138 , 139 , 140 , 141 42, 14 6 Carillon, Fort , 2 5 Carleton, Gen . Guy , 3 , 60, 76 , 77, 85, 200 n. 22 ; attitude towar d India n allies , 86, 126 ; defense o f Montreal, 102-3 , 110-11, 112-13 , 114 , 118 ; defense o f Quebec, 118-20 , 126 , 129-32 , 134 , 135 50, 157 , 173 ; knighted, 174 ; preparation to defend Canada , 86 , 99, 102 , 204 n . 20 ; treatment o f prisoners, 110-11 , 154 , 221 n . 1 1 Carroll, Charles , 16 3 Cavalry (British) , 2 1 Chambly, 2 , 28 , 86, 91, 93, 99, 101 , 109 10, 111 , 112, 158 , 17 3 Charles IX , Kin g of France, 10 , 11 , 12, 13, 14 Chase, Samuel , 161 , 163 Cheeseman, Capt . Jacob, 141 , 148 , 149 , 154 Clermont, 36 , 38 , 39 , 47, 177 , 225-26 n . 17 Clinton, Gov . D e Witt, 179 , 18 0 Clinton, Col . James, 82 , 108 , 158 , 222 n . 16

Coercive Acts , 41 Colden, Lt . Gov . Cadwallader , 52 , 53-54 , 55,61, 197-9 8 n . 3 Coligny, Coun t Gaspar d de , 10 , 12 Committee of Correspondence, Ne w York , 38 Conde, Princ e de (Louis I de Bourbon) , 10 , 12 Connecticut militia , 6 0 Connecticut River , 26 , 5 9 Continental army : adoption , 70 , 73 , 74; characteristics o f soldiers, 81-82 ; egalitarian character , 81 , 93, 107-8 ; makeup of leadership, 80-81 ; multiside d charac ter, 156-57 ; recruiting, 83 , 158 ; sectionalism, 70 , 105 ; senior officer rankin g an d promotion, 68-69 ; term o f service, 83, 158-60, 162-63 ; training an d discipline , 80, 81 , 122-23 , 124 , 125 ; troop return s of Northern Department , 204- 5 n . 2 1 Continental Association , 198-9 9 n . 9 Continental Congress , First , 41 , 52, 76 Continental Congress , Second , 4-5 , 6 , 41, 53, 54 , 55 , 57, 5 9 , 6 0 , 6 1 , 7 3 , 7 4 , 8 3 , 103, 124 , 173 ; directives fo r th e invasio n of Canada, 75 , 76-77, 78 , 136 , 159 ; reaction t o Montgomery's death , 159-64 ; selection of senior militar y commanders , 65-66, 68-70 , 74 , 202- 3 nn . 8 , 9 Cramahe, Lt . Gov . Hector , 129 , 13 4 Crown Point , 22 , 25 , 26, 28 , 75, 85, 88, 174 Dartmouth, Lord , 76 , 111 , 126 Dearborn, Capt . Henry , 147 , 15 4 De Lancey family , 45-46 , 48 , 17 8 Despins, Jean Baptiste , 112 , 11 4 Detroit, 3 2 Dinwiddie, Robert , 18 , 27 Duane, James, 69 , 80, 20 3 n . 1 0 Duquesne, Fort , 18 , 22, 25 Dutchess County , N.Y. , 38 , 64, 68 East Indi a Company , 43-4 4 Easton, Col . James, 57 , 84 , 98, 118 , 119 , 123, 127 , 199-20 0 n . 1 7 Elizabeth I , Quee n o f England, 1 3 Enterprise, 87 , 11 4 Fassett, Capt . John, 10 0 Forbes, John, 19 , 22, 25,2 6

Index • Fort Royal , 28 , 29 Fox, Charle s James, 3 , 33 , 38 , 64, 169 , 194 n. 3 9 France, 17 , 18 , 19 , 29, 31 Francis I , Kin g of France, 9 Francis II , Kin g of France, 1 1 Franklin, Benjamin , 5 , 136 , 163 , 17 5 Fraser, Capt . Malcolm , 14 2 Fraser, Lt . Malcolm , 2 7 French an d India n Wars , 17 , 36 , 37 , 47, 66, 77 , 86 French army , 22 , 23, 26, 28 , 29 French navy , 2 2 French War s of Religion , 11-1 5 Gage, Gen . Thomas , 76-77 , 199-20 0 n . 1 7 Garretson, Catharine . See Livingston, Ca tharine Gaspe, 110 , 118 , 119 , 120 , 12 7 Gates, Gen . Horatio , 66, 174 ; courted Janet Montgomery, 177-78 , 20 2 n . 4 General Association , 198-9 9 n . 9 George I , Kin g of England, 2 0 George III , Kin g of England, 46 , 5 9 "Glorious Revolution, " 1 6 Golden Hill , Battl e of, 42-4 3 "Grasmere," 17 6 Great Britain , 17 , 18 , 31-3 2 Green Mountai n Boys , 57-58 , 59 , 75, 78, 85, 89,98,99 , 101 , 112 , 123 , 15 8 Greene, Nathanael , Gen. , 16 8 Grenada, 2 9 Halifax, Nov a Scotia , 21 , 22 Hamilton, Maj . Isaac , 61 Hancock, John, 6 , 73 , 124 , 16 3 Havana, Cuba , 29 , 3 0 Hazen, Moses , 158 , 159 , 207 n . 30 , 222 n . 16 Heath, Brig . Gen . William , 68-6 9 Henry, Priv . John Joseph, 144 , 145-46 , 153, 154 , 157 , 221 n . 1 0 Henry II , Kin g of France, 9-10 , 1 3 Henry III , Kin g of France, 1 4 Henry IV , Kin g of France, 1 5 Hinman, Col . Benjamin , 79 , 84, 90, 92, 99, 105 Hobby, Maj . Thomas , 9 1 Holland House , 14 1 Holmes, Col . James, 12 5 Howe, Gen . George , 22 , 25

24 1

Hudson Highland s strategy , 60 , 78 , 174 , 200 n . 2 1 Hudson River , 25 , 36 , 60, 72 , 77 , 78, 168 , 179, 18 0 Huguenots, military , 10-11 , 12-13 , 14 , 15 'ice battery, " 134 , 13 5 Indians, 22 , 26, 27 , 32 , 60, 62, 74 , 76 , 77, 86, 87 , 89, 91, 112 , 126 , 140 , 144 , 204 n . 19 Intolerable Acts . See Coercive Act s Ireland, 8 , 15 , 16 , 19 , 21, 64, 67, 17 8 Isabella, Quee n o f Spain , 9 Isle aux Noix, 26 , 28 , 90, 92, 93, 95, 98 Isle L a Motte, 9 0 Jackson, Andrew , 18 0 James II , Kin g of England , 1 6 Jay, Sall y Livingsto n (Mrs . John Jay), 17 6 John Stree t Riot . See Golden Hill , Battl e of Johnson, Col . Guy , 74 , 76 , 126 , 203 n . 1 5 Johnson, John, 12 6 Jones, Thomas , 49-5 0 Keppel, Gen . George , (Earl e of Albemarle), 2 9 Kingfisher, 7 1 King's Bridge , 36 , 39 , 60, 63, 74, 88 King's Swis s Guard, 1 2 Knox, Col . Henry , 125 , 13 6 Lake Champlain, 26 , 27-28 , 60, 84 , 85 , 86, 87, 90, 92 Lake George, 25 , 26, 60, 77 , 84, 85 Lake Ontario, 2 7 Lamb, Capt . John, 53 , 62, 81 , 85, 98, 106 , 108, 115 , 121-22 , 127 , 134 , 135 , 140 , 144, 146 , 157 , 213-14 nn . 15 , 16 , 219 n . 34 La Prairie, 100 , 101 , 103 , 117 , 11 8 Lasher, Col . John, 72-7 3 Laws, Capt . George , 14 7 Le Boeuf, Fort , 1 8 Lee, Gen . Charles , 66, 72 , 123 , 166 , 202 n . 4 Lee, Richar d Henry , 4 8 "Levelers." See New York , tenan t riot s Lexington an d Concord , 41 , 53, 58 Liberty, 87 Liberty poles , 42-4 3 Lispenard, Leonard , 72 , 73

242 • Index Livingston, Catharine , 39-40 , 7 8 Livingston-De Lanc y politica l rivalry , 4 5 50 Livingston, Edward , 78 , 18 0 Livingston Estate . See Clermont Livingston family : marriage s of sons an d daughters, 194-9 5 n . 5 ; politics, 45-50 ; social attitudes , 3 9 Livingston, Capt . Henr y (Harry ) Beekman , 106,205 n . 5 , 21 0 n. 2 7 Livingston, Henr y Brockholst , 21 1 n . 3 3 Livingston, Col . James, 90 , 92, 103 , 109, 118, 127 , 140 , 141 , 142 , 146 , 206 n . 2 7 Livingston, Janet, 3 , 36-37 , 38 , 39 Livingston, John, R. , 49-50 , 19 7 n . 3 0 Livingston, Lewis , 179-8 0 Livingston Manor , 38 , 47 Livingston, Pete r Va n Brugh , 20 3 n . 1 2 Livingston, Philip , 3 8 Livingston, Robert , 3 8 Livingston, Rober t Jr., 38 , 19 7 n. 25 ; death, 49 ; support fo r independence , 4 9 Livingston, Rober t R. , 49 , 67, 75 , 80, 130 , 141, 161 , 164, 178 , 19 7 n . 25 ; appointed to the Secon d Continenta l Congress , 5 3 Livingston, Judge Rober t R. , 3 , 36 , 48, 49, 78; attitude towar d Britis h soldiers , 37 ; background, 38 ; death, 49 ; during tenan t riot, 4 7 Livingston, William , 48 , 19 7 n. 2 8 London, 196 n. 2 0 Longueuil, 100 , 103 , 112 , 113-1 4 Louisbourg, 25 ; siege of, 21 , 22-24 Loyalists, 53 , 57, 62, 64, 71 , 74-75, 165 , 166, 20 1 n . 3 3 MacLean, Col . Allan , 112 , 118 , 129 , 14 6 Macpherson, Capt . John, 134 , 141 , 148, 149, 150 , 15 4 Magra, Lt . Perkins , 40-41 , 63 , 67 Marlborough, Duk e of, 1 6 Martinique, 28-2 9 Mary, 12 7 Mary, Quee n o f England, 1 3 Massachusetts Congress , 57 , 58-5 9 Massachusetts militia , 5 7 McDougall, Alexander , 56, 62, 82 , 84 Mead, Maj . Matthew , 9 1 Medici, Catherin e de' (Catherine de Medicis), 9, 10 , 11 , 12, 13 , 14 Meigs, Maj. Retur n J., 15 4

Mercer, Brig . Gen. Hugh , 22 4 n. 3 9 Michilimackinac (Michiga n Territory) , 3 6 "Mohawks." See New Yor k Tea Part y Monckton, Gen . Robert , 26 , 28 , 29 Montcalm, Gen . Louis , 25 , 27, 12 6 Montgomery, 16 8 Montgomery (Montgomerie) , Col . Alexan der, 8- 9 Montgomery, Alexande r John, 9 , 16 , 26 27, 19 3 n. 2 6 Montgomery, Coun t d e (Gabriel d e Lorges), 9-1 5 Montgomery, Hugh , 1 5 Montgomery, Janet, 32 ; as grande dame of Livingston an d Montgomer y families , 178-79; attended Washington' s inaugura tion, 178 ; bade farewell t o husband, 78 ; built Montgomer y Place , 179 ; censure of Schuyler, 177 ; comments o n grandfather , 49; comments o n he r husband's conver sion to the whigs, 57 ; death, 180-81 ; em braced patriotism , 176-77 ; guardian o f husband's memory , 175 , 176 , 177 ; included i n husband's will , 88-89 ; instru mental i n reinterrment o f husband, 179 , 180; personal philosophy , 40 ; reaction t o husband's inductio n int o the Continenta l army, 67-68 ; recalled husband' s reactio n to reluctance of social elite to serve in th e Continental army , 81 ; relationship wit h Gates, 177-78 ; role as a woman, 40 , 76; took charge of farmstead i n husband's ab sence, 63, 176 ; visit to Ireland, 17 8 Montgomery, John (Richard' s brother) , 9 Montgomery, John (Richard' s cousin) , 3 5 Montgomery, Mar y Frankli n (Franklyn) , 8 , 9 Montgomery Place , 179 , 18 0 Montgomery, Richard , 49 ; accompanied George Washington o n visit to Ne w York City, 72 ; adoration afte r death , 163-64; ancestry, 9-15 ; appointed Brig . Gen. i n the Continental army , 65-68 , 70-71; appointe d Maj . Gen . i n the Con tinental army , 150 ; appointed regimenta l adjutant i n the British army , 27 ; as an American icon , 181 ; assumes comman d of Canadian expedition , 95-96 ; attack of Quebec, 1-3 , 86-87 , 122 , 126-27 , 128 , 130-32, 133-50 , 21 8 n . 25 ; attitude toward th e social elite and militar y ser -

Index • 24 3 vice, 80 ; background, 2 , 3 ; bade farewel l to wife, 78 ; birth, 8 , 19 1 n. 2 ; burial 3 , 5, 153-54; capture o f Montreal, 116-19 ; capture of St . Johns, 87-115 ; characteristic traits, 156-57 ; contribution t o Cana dian campaign, 173-75 ; courtship o f Janet Livingston , 36-38 ; death, 2-3 , 149 , 219 n. 38 ; death use d b y Continenta l Congress, 6 ; disappointment wit h troo p defections, 123 ; disgust wit h militar y ser vice, 36 ; duty i n the Seve n Years' War , 19-32; education, 15 ; escaped death , 100-101, 134 ; estimation o f Carleton , 126; eulogized i n Britis h Parliament , 3 4, 169 ; friendship wit h prominen t Whigs, 33 ; heraldic armoria l insignia , 15 ; impact o n Britis h perception s o f the Rev olution 169-71 ; impression o f Arnold' s troops, 128 ; incorporated int o patrioti c propaganda, 167-69 , 175 ; initial impres sion of Philip Schuyler , 66; involvement in the patriot cause , 45-50 ; joined Britis h army, 15-16 ; lamented Etha n Allen' s at tack of Montreal, 103-4 ; leadership, 2 , 100-101, 105 , 107-8 , 116-17 , 121 , 137, 143; life a s a country squire , 41 ; marriage to Janet Livingston , 38-39 ; martyrdom , 4, 164 ; memorial service , 165-66 ; merged wit h Arnold' s expedition , 128 ; migration t o America, 35-36 ; monu ment, 5 , 164-65 , 175 ; naming of countie s after, 6 , 19 0 nn. 24 , 25 ; nostalgia abou t former Britis h arm y comrades , 40-41 , 67; notion o f honor, 68 , 78 ; paucity o f biographical studie s of , 6 ; personal phi losophy, 40 ; pragmatism, 108 , 136-37 ; preparation fo r th e invasio n o f Canada , 77-78, 83-85 ; promotion t o lieutenant i n the Britis h army , 24 ; promotion t o captain (compan y commander ) i n the Britis h army, 29-30 ; reaction t o death, 158 , 159-60, 163 ; relationship wit h Arnold , 128, 137-38 ; relationship wit h Lamb , 121-22, 135 ; relationship wit h Schuyler , 87-88; relationship wit h Wooster , 111 ; remains reinterred , 179-80 ; resignatio n from Britis h army , 34 ; sense of national ism, 70 ; service in the N.Y. Provincia l Congress, 51 , 54, 55-64 ; stance on troo p discipline, 84 , 94-96, 98 ; suspicions of William Tryon , 75 ; tendered hi s resigna -

tion, 123-2 5 thought s o n ev e of combat , 88, 141 ; troop description of , 127 ; unbiased standar d o f conduct fo r troops , 70, 105-6 ; uniqueness o f servic e to th e Revolution, 6-7 , 174-75 ; view of recruits, 83 ; weary o f field command, 123 ; whig sentiments , 56-57 ; wrote will , 8 8 89 Montgomery, Sara h (Lad y Ranelagh) , 9 , 39, 88 , 17 8 Montgomery, Thomas , 8-9 , 19 4 n. 2 Montgomery's troops : attitude, 2 ; combat readiness, 2 ; New Englanders , 1 ; New Yorkers, 1 ; sectionalism, 2 ; short-term enlistments, 1 Montreal, 2 , 22 , 27, 28 , 85, 86, 100 , 102-3 , 110, 112 , 113 , 115 , 118 , 122 , 126 , 128 , 130, 133 , 136 , 15 8 Morgan, Capt . Daniel , 144-45 , 146 , 148 , 155, 156 , 157 , 219 n. 3 0 Morris, Lt . Col . Arthur , 2 2 Morris, Gouverneur , 56 Mott, Capt . Gershom , 101 , 208-9 n . 1 2 Mott, Capt . Samuel , 85 , 87 Mott, Col . Samuel , 10 5 Muhlenberg, Henry , 16 5 Murray, Reveren d James, 17 0 Musket, flintlock, 20-2 1 Mutiny Act . See Quartering Act s Nairne, Capt . John, 14 6 Nancy, 19 6 n. 2 0 Nassau Stree t Riot . See Golden Hill , Battl e of Navigation Laws , 5 1 Necessity, Fort , 1 8 New Hampshir e Grants , 5 9 New Hampshir e Rangers , 85 , 98, 99, 12 3 New York , 3 , 25, 26, 28 , 29, 31 , 38; antiBritish sentiment , 43 ; assembly, 47-48 , 51; attitude towar d rebellion , 41-42 ; committee development , 52-55 ; General Assembly, 52-55 ; General Association , 54-55; manoria l tenanc y system , 196 97 n . 23 ; militia, 63 , 72-73; out ward , 194 n. 3 ; Provincial Congress , 51 , 54-63 , 65-67, 71-73 , 74 , 75 , 77, 81, 82, 83-84 ; Provincial Convention , 53 ; recruitment of soldiers, 82 ; strategic location , 65 ; support o f patriot cause , 60-61 , 66, 83 ; tenant riots , 46-4 7

244 * Index New Yor k City , 5 , 36 , 42, 46, 60, 77 , 78, 81, 82 ; British garrison, 61-62 , 71; crowd/mob activity , 53 ; George Wash ington's visit , 71-7 4 New Yor k (Northern) Department , 73-74 , 75, 77 , 78 New Yor k Restrainin g Act , 4 8 New Yor k Tea Party , 43^4 5 Niagara, Fort , 2 6 Normandy, France , 8 , 10 , 12 , 13 , 15 North, Lor d Frederick , 3 , 16 9

134, 140 , 146 ; St. Loui s Gate, 129 , 154 ; strategic importance , 2 , 126 ; Upper Town, 129 , 140 , 145 , 147 , 15 5

Ranelagh, Charles , 9 , 3 9 Reed, Lt . Col . Joseph, 16 1 Regiments, Britis h Army , 19-20 ; 7t h (Royal Fusiliers) , 99 , 109 ; 17th , 16 , 19 , 22-24, 25 , 26, 27 , 28-31 , 32 , 41, 67, 192 n . 4 , 20 2 n . 6 ; 26th (Cameronians) , 99; 43d, 9 , 27 ; 78th, 27 ; Royal Irish , 19 , 21-22,61,67, 19 2 n . 5 Regiments, Continenta l Army : Connecti Ohio Company o f Virginia , 17-1 8 cut, 60 , 79-80 , 84 , 87 , 90, 92; Massachu"Old sow, " 106- 7 setts, 84 , 98, 123 , 140 ; New York , 77 , 81, 82-83 , 127 , 138 , 139 , 141 ; 1st Ne w Paine, Thomas , The Ghost of General MontgoYork (New York) , 82 , 84 , 98; 2nd Ne w mery, 4, 167 , 223 n . 3 7 York (Albany), 82 , 84 , 87 , 90, 92, 112 ; Parliament, 3 , 42, 43, 44, 47, 51 , 52, 76, 3rd Ne w Yor k (Ulster), 82 , 85 , 108 , 112 ; 171 4th Ne w Yor k (Dutchess), 82 , 85, 111, Patriots, 38 , 41, 43-44, 53 , 54, 55, 57 , 64, 125; 5th Connecticut, 91 , 108-9 , 111 , 66, 71 , 75, 76, 81 , 164 , 166 , 201 n . 3 3 114, 12 2 123 , 12 6 Philip II , Kin g of Spain , 9 Rhinebeck, N.Y. , 39 , 63, 64, 88 , 17 6 Phillips, Capt . Erasmus , 49-5 0 Richbell, Gen . Edward , 1 9 Pitt, William , 19,25 , 3 3 Richelieu River , 60 , 86 , 90 Pittsburgh, 2 5 Richmond, 18 0 Plains (Heights) of Abraham, 128 , 134 , Ritzema, Col . Rudolphus , 84 , 92, 93, 105, 139, 141 , 146, 16 7 113, 122 , 126 , 159-60,22 2 n . 2 1 Point au x Trembles, 12 7 Royal America n Emigrants , 14 6 Pomeroy, Seth , 68-7 0 Royal Highlan d Emigrants , 99 , 112 , 118 , Pontiac's Rebellion , 3 2 129, 14 2 Prescott, Brig . Gen . Richard , 110 , 120-21 , 122, 127 , 213 n . 1 3 RoyalSavage, 92, 93, 94, 98, 108 , 211 n . 3 3 Presde Ville , 149 , 152 , 153 , 15 6 St. Andrew s School , 1 5 Preston, Maj . Charles , 98-99 , 100 , 104 , St. Bartholome w Massacre , 12-1 3 106, 112 , 113 , 114-15 , 20 8 n . 5 St. Joachim, 2 7 Price, James, 122 , 158 , 222 n . 1 6 St. Johns, 2 , 59 , 86, 173 ; attack of , 87-115 , Providence, 11 8 122, 135 , 136 , 141-42 , 15 8 Prussia, 1 8 St. Lawrenc e River , 21 , 25, 60, 77 , 86, 87, 102, 112 , 118 , 122 , 128 , 130 , 139 , 142 ; Quackenbush (Quackenbos) , Capt . John , geographical directions , 19 3 n. 2 4 98 St. Lucia , 2 9 Quartering Acts , 41, 47, 48 St. Paul' s Church, 5 , 175 , 18 0 Quebec Act , 76 , 85 St. Roch , 128 , 133 , 134 , 140 , 141 , 152 Quebec City, 2 , 5 , 22 , 24 , 25 , 26, 27 , 86, St. Vincent , 2 9 112, 118 , 126 ; attack of, 1-3 , 86-87 , Scalping, 2 7 122, 126-27 , 128 , 130-50 , 173 , 218 n . 25; Lower Town , 129 , 138 , 139 , 140 , Schuyler, Maj . Gen . Philip , 4 , 94, 95, 103, 143, 144 , 146 , 147 , 148 , 150 , 151 , 155, 110, 121 , 123, 128 , 136 , 137 , 158 , 160 , 156; Palace Gate, 129 , 130 , 144 , 147 ; 165-66, 20 2 n . 2 ; accompanied Georg e physical descriptio n of , 128-29 ; Prescott Washington o n visit to New Yor k City , Gate, 129 , 140 ; St. John's Gate , 129 , 71-74; commander o f Northern Depart -

Index • 24 5 ment, 75 ; departed Canada , 95 ; deterioration of health, 92 , 95, 125 ; maintained rear suppor t fo r Montgomery, 100 , 125 — 26; negotiations wit h Indians , 87 , 89, 126; preparation fo r the invasion of Canada, 75 , 77-78, 79-80 , 83-87 ; problem s with Wooster , 108-9 ; proclamation t o the Canadians, 90 , 92; reaction t o Montgomery's death , 158 ; relationship wit h Montgomery, 8 7 88, 92; rejoined Mont gomery, 90 ; selection a s Maj. Gen., 6 667, 68, 70-71; tendered hi s resignation, 123-25 Scotch Roya l Guard , 1 2 Scotland, 1 6 Sears, Isaac , 53 , 62, 75, 204 n. 17 Senter, Dr . Isaac , 17 4 Seven Years ' War, 3 , 9, 17-32 , 33 , 126 Sherbrooke, John, 17 9 Sherman, Roger , 16 3 Smith, Michael , 43 Smith, William , 53-5 4 Smith, Reveren d William , 165 -66 Snow Fell, 118, 120 Sons of Liberty, Ne w York, 43-44 , 46 , 53, 61,81, 16 6 Sorel, 113 , 119, 127 Spain, 18 , 29, 31-32 Spanish army , 3 0 Spanish navy , 3 0 Stamp Act, 47, 51; Congress, 38 , 46; crisis, 46 Staten Island , 2 8 Steuben, Maj . Gen. Frederick von , 107, 210-11 n . 30 Stopford, Maj . Joseph, 109-1 1 Strong, Capt . John, 9 9 Sugar Act , 51 Sullivan, Brig . Gen . John, 160 , 173-7 4 Sweden, 1 8 Swiss mercenaries, 22 Tea Act , 43. See also Boston Te a Party and New Yor k Tea Part y Tenant riots . See New York: Tenant riot s Thayer, Capt . Simeon , 13 9 Thomas, Gen . John, 68-70 , 172-7 3 Thompson, James, 153 , 179 Tice, Capt . Gilbert , 91 , 206-7 n . 28 Ticonderoga, 22 , 25, 26, 60, 62, 75, 77, 78,

84, 87 , 109, 111, 136, 174; capture by Americans, 57 , 59, 76-77, 78 , 84, 85, 89,90,92,98, 123 , 125 Tories. See Loyalists Treaty o f Paris (1763), 31 , 3 2 Trinity College , 5 , 33 Trumbull, Benjamin , 12 2 Try on, Gov . William, 52 ; return t o New York City, 71-74 , 20 4 n. 17 Valois-Hapsburg Wars , 1 1 Van Courtland , Pierre , 16 0 Vandeput, Capt . George , 61 Van Schaick , Col . Goose, 82 , 84, 90 Wallace, Hugh , 7 3 Warner, Col . Seth, 59 , 85, 89, 98, 101, 103, 112 , 123, 158, 206 n. 27 War of the Spanish Succession , 1 6 Warren, James, 16 1 Warren, Maj . Gen. Joseph, 4 , 168 , 224 n. 39 Warren, Merc y Otis , 176 , 180-8 1 Washington, George , 2 , 18 , 27, 79-80, 110; adopted Continenta l army , 70 ; appointed Commande r i n Chief, 65 ; assessment of importance of Canada, 16 1 -62; denouncement o f Ethan Allen , 103-4 ; directives concerning Canadia n campaign , 86, 104 , 136; inauguratio n a s president, 178; persuaded Montgomer y an d Schuy ler to remain i n the army, 124-25 ; reaction t o Montgomery's death , 158 , 161 — 62; sense of nationalism, 70 ; visit to New York City, 71-7 4 Waterbury, Col . David, 84 , 87 West Indies , 28 , 29, 31 Wolf, Joshua, 13 9 Wolfe, Gen . James, 25 , 26, 27, 126 , 167, 169 Wolfs Cove , 141 , 14 2 Whigs, 33 , 167, 169, 201 n. 33 . See also Patriots Willett, Marinus , 53 , 61-62, 81 , 98 William II I of Orange, 15 , 16 Wool, Capt. Isaiah , 140 , 152 Wooster, Gen . David , 74 , 78, 108-9 , 11112, 114 , 122-23, 126 , 135, 152, 156, 157-58, 161 , 172, 203-4 n . 16 , 211 n. 34, 21 4 n. 21