Gender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies [1 ed.] 1032523468, 9781032523460

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GENDER INCLUSION IN INDIA

Challenges and Strategies

GENDER INCLUSION IN INDIA

Challenges and Strategies

Edited by

Sabiha Hussain

Suraiya Tabassum

First published 2023 by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2023 Individual Contributors and Aakar Books The right of contributors to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan or Bhutan) British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 9781032523460 (hbk) ISBN: 9781032523477 (pbk) ISBN: 9781003406235 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003406235 Typeset in Palatino by Arpit Photographers, Delhi

Contents Introduction 1. Class Societies and the Urban Rape Phenomenon: Understanding Vulnerability, Culpability and Complicity in Contemporary Times Maya John 2. Narratives on Partition Violence: Representation of Women in Literature Meher Fatima Hussain 3. Muslim Women’s Agency in India: Situational Analysis, Suggested Strategies for their Empowerment and Inclusion in the Democratic System Suraiya Tabassum 4. Occupational and Reproductive Health Concerns of the Marginalized: A Case Study of Home-Based Women Embroiderers in Aligarh Saman Eram M. Ahmed 5. Dalit Women’s Emancipation: Struggle for Change Nivedita Giri

7

19

42

58

75 90

6. Dalit Women in India: Patterns and Forms of Atrocities Seema Mathur

117

7. Health of Tribal Women in Bankura, West Bengal: An Interdisciplinary Study Salma Khatoon

138

6ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

8. Dispossession of Land and Tribal Women in Jharkhand: Issues and Challenges Amit Kumar Venkteshwar 9. Family in Transition: Understanding the Issues and Concerns of Half-Widow-Headed Families in Kashmir Aneesa Shafi and Mohmad Saleem Jahangir 10. Education of Girls: A Case Study of Jammu & Kashmir Shaikh Shamshul Aarfin 11. Women in Higher Education in Kashmir: Understanding the Trend in the PostIndependence Period Shazia Malik

159

176

189

217

12. Reflections on Islamic Feminist Methodology and Gender Equality Sabiha Hussain

229

13. The Expatriate Glass Ceiling: A Stumbling Block to Women’s Career Advancement Monika Khemani

242

14. Gender Inclusion and Higher Education Institutions in Delhi 254 Shafia Jalal 15. Role of Media in Fostering Women’s Empowerment: A Gender Analysis 268 Shah Alam Notes on Contributors

281

Introduction

This present book not only aims at highlighting existing inequalities between men and women, vulnerability of women and girls but also their efforts to overcome these challenges. It makes an attempt to explore their systematically denied access to rights, opportunities and resources that are normally and easily available to other members of a group, and which are fundamental to social, political integration and observance of human rights within that particular group such as housing, employment, healthcare, civic engagement and democratic participation. The authors through their in-depth discussions and writings have tried to sketch an equal world as imagined by John Stuart Mill in the opening lines of The Subjugation of Women—“The principle that regulates the existing social relations between the two sexes—the legal subordination of one sex to the other—is wrong itself, and is now one of the chief obstacles to human improvement; and it ought to be replaced by a principle of perfect equality that doesn’t allow any power or privilege on one side or disability on the other.” Since time immemorial women and girls have faced both explicit and implicit forms of discrimination. Multiple forms of inequality between men and women across nations and societies make them vulnerable and easy victims of violence. They are prevented from exercising rights, accessing services and other upward opportunities. Societal norms, values and the patriarchal mindset all create a vulnerable situation for them.

8ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

Treating women and girls’ agency as homogeneous will not be correct, they are from diverse backgrounds influenced by caste, class, clan, religion, language, education, employment and habitat as well. Thus the degree of vulnerability is also determined by such associations. They are systematically denied access to various rights, opportunities and resources that are normally and easily available to other members of a group, and which are fundamental to social and political integration and observance of human rights within that particular group such as housing, employment, healthcare, civic engagement and democratic participation. In India, being a diverse country, there are many ways in which one identifies oneself. His or her individual identity is made up of multiple different identities; including race, caste, religion, gender, age and economic status. While this diversity is a cause for celebration, the multiple identities that an Indian possesses can cumulatively result in multiple levels of discrimination. This in turn can make an individual more vulnerable to discrimination and violence that are motivated by prejudice against an individual’s identity. For instance, it is extremely hard to forget the incident that took place recently, where the gang-rape and murder of an eight-year-old girl in Kashmir was motivated by communal hatred. The child was not just targeted for her gender, but also her religious identity. A lesser-known fact is that she came from an indigenous community, which made her even more vulnerable. The complexity surrounding the conditions of their marginalization; gender inequality, social isolation, poverty, social and political status—persist as obstacles to change. The papers contributed by eminent scholars aim to focus on challenges to gender inclusion affecting all women in general and women from minorities, Dalit and tribal communities in particular. The present edition looks into gender binary hence focusing on women and their issues, next/future writings will focus on other gender identities as well.

Introduction

9

In the paper by Maya John, “Class Societies and the Urban Rape Phenomenon: Understanding Vulnerability, Culpability and Complicity in Contemporary Times”, the main argument is about sexual violence which revolves around the new context of ‘urban rapes’. This has emerged within contemporary times, and within which rape and the oppression of women appear as gender crimes, pure and simple. Abstract male power or an all-pervading patriarchal desire to ‘put women in their place’ is an ahistorical, far from sufficient explanation for many rapes occurring in our country. This is because well-accepted feminist positions fail to see rape as a social crime wherein entrenched inequalities stemming from class, caste, etc. can explain predominant patterns of vulnerability, culpability and complicity. Meher Fatima Hussain in her paper, “Narratives on Partition Violence: Representation of Women in Literature” makes an attempt to engage with different literary accounts to revisit the experiences of women during the partition of India in 1947. The Great Divide caused untold miseries to people with women being one of its worst victims. Engaging with stories, memories, social workers’ accounts, oral testimonies, and accounts of women’s experiences and their ordeals reveal several dimensions that enrich historical narratives on partition effectively capturing the voices from the mainstream to the margins. The predicaments faced by women during the partition holocaust found their vent in literary accounts. They continue to echo in very distinct, robust and convincing fashion as one grapples with memories and histories of partition. Juxtaposed to these experiences, there also existed saner voices that countered vicious designs and communal preponderances. The multiple emotions and sentiments got documented both as part of fiction and non-fiction and the present paper, albeit in a limited sense, tries to build the narratives on partition violence from the perspective of women and their experiences.

10ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

In the paper “Muslim Women’s Agency in India: Situational Analysis, Suggested Strategies for their Empowerment and Inclusion in the Democratic System”, Suraiya Tabassum argues that inclusion of minorities in any governance system is a much debated issue and needs to be deliberated on to ensure corrective policy steps to ensure inclusive development, responsiveness, accountability and democratic legitimacy. In the Indian context, which is multi-cultural, multi-lingual, multi-religious and multi-ethnic, the issue of placement of minorities within the complex system of exclusion and inclusive development is no less than a challenge. If corrective steps are being taken it no longer remains a challenge. We have a great Indian Constitution and a comprehensive list of fundamental rights promising all citizens’ safeguards and inclusion; still Muslim women remain excluded and titled as “marginalized groups”. The need is to monitor proper implementation of minority safeguards, find the reasons why inequality exists in spite of promises made and work towards solutions for ensuring equitable and inclusive development. Saman Eram M. Ahmed in her paper, “Occupational and Reproductive Health Concerns of the Marginalized: A Case Study of Home-Based Women Embroiderers in Aligarh”, highlights that the health and productivity of labour are expected to be highly correlated. The better the health condition of a worker, it is likely that the higher is her/his productivity, and vice versa. Women lack control over their bodies and decisions regarding their health. Lack of decisionmaking power reduces women’s access to healthcare. Besides, women’s self-effacing outlook in patriarchal social situations also undermines their health conditions. For example, the health problems from strenuous embroidery work are not considered pressing and severe enough for the embroiderer to demand its proper medical treatment. Similarly, the problems in pregnancy are considered normal and not requiring any natal or antenatal care. This paper focuses on the various

Introduction

11

occupational health hazards of women embroiderers in Aligarh who work in seclusion within the four walls of their homes catering to the needs of local, national as well as international markets. The sample size comprises 220 women home-based embroiderers from three different embroideries, namely, patti work, cut work and karchobi. The study has a mixed method approach including both quantitative as well as qualitative techniques. The paper consists of two sections, one dealing with the health problems arising out of embroidery work and the other dealing with the reproductive health of the embroiderers. Nivedita Giri in her paper, “Dalit Women’s Emancipation : Struggle for Change” argues that the Dalits in India have been structurally discriminated against on the basis of their work and birth for centuries. The Dalit women have been doubly discriminated against at the same time one, as Dalits and the other, as women. Till today, in many states of India, the upper castes have mostly showed their power and dominance over Dalits, specially Dalit women through various forms of physical atrocities such as rape. In India therefore, this is one of the most important reasons that sexual violence cases towards Dalit women are more in number. India claims to be a progressive nation but the saddest part is even in 2021, Indian society does not seem to have moved on from caste-based oppression and violence. Many movements have taken place and several organizations are engaged in the emancipation of Dalit women but their full freedom and emancipation are yet to be achieved. The paper looks into the causes of discrimination against Dalit women as well as patterns and strategies for their emancipation. In “Dalit Women in India: Patterns and Forms of Atrocities,” Seema Mathur argues that in a male-dominated society like India, the social position of women makes them more vulnerable to a number of human rights violations, such as, physical and verbal abuse, forced labour and slavery,

12ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

trafficking, abduction, naked parading, and sexual violence including rape and gang rape. The social laws like Manusmriti and other Vedic scriptures closed all economic, political, social, educational, and personal channels through which women could be uplifted. In this situation, Dalit women suffer unimaginable oppression, not only gender-based but caste-based too from which there is no scope of escape. Dalit women are also subjected to discrimination based on specific social customs and religious practices, including the Devadasi, Jogini and Badi systems of forced prostitution. Salma Khatoon in her paper, “Health of Tribal Women in Bankura, West Bengal: An Interdisciplinary Study” stresses that over half a million women die each year due to healthrelated complications and among these health issues many problems are avoidable. The overall health status of tribal women is considered to be poor in Bankura owing to lack of proper medical facilities in the district. The present study was undertaken to know about the health status of Bankura district of West Bengal. With the increase of age, the physical conditions of the tribal women deteriorate significantly. The Government of India has tried to improve health conditions primarily through providing different kinds of incentives to increase institutional child birth and strengthen services in the public health system. The result has been definite but unequal increase across geographical areas and social groups have created an imbalance in the health status of the tribals. The persistence of these inequities indicates that a different approach is required to address the health challenges of tribal communities. In the paper, “Dispossession of Land and Tribal Women in Jharkhand: Issues and Challenges”, Amit Kumar Venkteshwar argues that land and forests are basic resources of the tribals’ life support system. The concept of land among tribal societies is different. In a democratic country, the state integrates the backward regions into the mainstream with the help of their

Introduction

13

institutional set ups like Public Sector Enterprises (PSEs) and democratic institutions. But policies of states, for the sake of nation building, have led to underdevelopment in the tribal region of Jharkhand. As far as the impact of dispossession of tribal women, there are several issues. Dispossession from their natural habitats and resources, particularly for the tribal women, not only means the shift from one place to another, but entails a significant shift. It is accompanied in the changes of their socio-economic, political and cultural status as well their own identity. The results of which are felt in their lives. The continued dispossession has intensified their poverty and threatened their identity in their own homelands. The longterm impact of dispossession has affected the rural tribes of Jharkhand which is reflected in their occupational structure. Aneesa Shafi and Mohmad Saleem Jahangir in their paper, “Family in Transition: Understanding the Issues and Concerns of Half-Widow-Headed Families in Kashmir” highlight the importance of the family. Families headed by women have become a more significant phenomenon worldwide in the 21st century. It is evident that both in developing and developed countries, female-headed families have different socio­ economic and demographic characteristics as compared to the male-headed families. Female-headed families are most susceptible to poverty and other social problems because they have fewer income earners or breadwinners to provide financial support within the family. Based on empirical analysis, the present study aims to identify and understand various socio-economic problems and concerns related to their survival and sustenance. In the paper, “Education of Girls: A Case Study of Jammu and Kashmir”, Shaikh Shamshul Aarfin reflects on the education of girls in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. It is based on the secondary data collected from different sources. The literacy rate of Jammu and Kashmir is on the lower side compared to the national average. The literacy

14ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

ratio of males and females in the state has also changed over the year which is discussed in this paper. In the backdrop of the national education policies, Jammu and Kashmir state seems to lag behind in the field of education. The disturbing statistics appear to be high dropout rate, lower literacy rate, disparity in gender and lack of appropriate educational and employment opportunities. The National Education Policy is strictly followed by the state of Jammu and Kashmir, with an institutional growth and access to services through planned investment. As a result, the progress in the field of education has been visible, and is more prominent in the literacy rate of girls. To empower the women and create gender equality, education is the only source through which it can be achieved. Shazia Malik’s paper “Women in Higher Education in Kashmir: Understanding the Trend in the Post-Independence Period” argues that facilitating the access of women to higher education is one of the vital ways to strengthen women’s empowerment. However, women’s participation has lagged behind virtually in every country. As expected, the greatest disparities continue to be found in developing world. In Kashmir, this area has been scarcely under-researched and there is hardly any perspective developed in the circles of academia on which one could build ideas. Since higher education is traditionally where experts in all fields, receive a significant part of their personal and professional training, it has special responsibilities for tasks which concern men and women on an equal basis. This paper presents a descriptive analysis of women’s representation in higher education system in Kashmir. It seeks to demonstrate the latest trends in the enrolment of women. The data collected from secondary sources such as the statistics provided by Government bodies on higher education, newspapers, and research papers have been examined to explain the shifts in the trends since 1947. Since 1989 Kashmir has witnessed a political turmoil that resulted in continuing cycles of violence in the valley thereby

Introduction

15

disrupting the day to day lives. It seeks to demonstrate the latest trends in the enrolment of women in Higher education. Islamic feminism is a feminist discourse and practice, as discussed in Sabiha Hussain’s paper, “Reflections on Islamic Feminist Methodology and Gender Equality”. Islamic feminism focuses on Islamic paradigm and eventually reflects on how patriarchal ideology has undermined the equality of all human beings. Hence, Muslim scholars have been trying to unravel patriarchal influences by focusing on egalitarianism, which is the inner spirit of Islam for all those who believe in Islam irrespective of gender. It is not just feminism that is borne out from Muslim cultures, but one that engages Islamic theology through the text and canonical traditions. Monika Khemani in her paper, “The Expatriate Glass Ceiling: A Stumbling Block to Women’s Career Advancement” raises the issue of glass ceiling. Glass ceiling is an obstacle, which is artificially created by the top management in any organization that restricts women to be ranked at more elevated levels regardless of their qualifications or achievements. Female employees face the hurdles in their career progression and experience barriers that hinder their way to progress. However, they may also face a second level of stumbling block, i.e. ‘The Expatriate Glass Ceiling’ that prevents them from receiving international management assignments which are crucial for promotion to the top level echelons of the management hierarchy. Women do not get their fair share because organizations often wrongly feel that women are not interested in international assignments or that they will not be accepted in certain international locations. This expatriate glass ceiling multiplies the impact of the glass ceiling in curtailing a woman’s chance to be at the top level positions. The objective of this research is to bring at first glance the glass ceiling practices and explore the reasons why women fail to pursue their careers as seriously as men. This paper aims to develop an understanding of barriers that may limit women’s

16ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

expatriate career opportunities. It also proposes strategies for breaking the expatriate glass ceiling. In the paper entitled “Gender Inclusion and Higher Education Institutions in Delhi”, Shafia Jalal discusses the importance of women’s education. It plays a pivotal role in the growth and progress of any country and is linked to the development of the country. No country can attain progress if half of its population is marginalized. Education provides the individual, among other skills, with an ability to differentiate between good and evil. Gender inclusion in higher education extends beyond access to women. It must include policy intervention and strategies to inform aspiration and engage and support women students during their interaction with universities. This paper takes into consideration two central universities in Delhi, namely Delhi University and Jamia Millia Islamia to assess the implementation of gender inclusiveness. The investigator conducted semi-structured interviews with the members of the Special Cells, namely the Internal Complaint Cell and Equal Opportunity Cell. From the study it was found that the major issues were the variation in awareness and the confusing nomenclature of the cell. Another issue was that the Internal Complaint Committee caters to women-specific cases rather than larger gender relations. It also became clear that there is a need to move beyond the social justice approach to one based on empowerment so that humans, especially women can attain their rightful place in society. In the paper entitled “Role of Media in Fostering Women’s Empowerment: A Gender Analysis” Shah Alam argues that the gender disparity in pursuit of empowerment has been a matter of global concern. Women have been deprived of enjoying equal privileges and rights because of certain boundaries in the age of a patriarchal setup. The contribution of women to society is generally overshadowed by the news of their hardships and atrocities inflicted on them. This leads women to have no or small recognition of their contributions.

Introduction

17

There is no denying the fact that the empowerment of women is an important aspect of the overall progress of any country. They have proved their potential in every sphere and sometimes bear dual responsibilities on the domestic as well as the economic front. The ongoing communication revolution has provided various ways of improving the social status of women. This revolution has been generated among the masses. But the revolution needs to be channelized proactively. The uncontrollable or unguided way of media may lead to adverse effects on the status of women. Mass media, which is considered to be the best medium of development, needs to work with concern in empowering women. Most of the time, the media produces a dominant stereotypical image of women claiming that they are less competent human beings. Media carries a considerable influence on people and needs to act with more sensibility and responsibility while taking up women’s issues. The paper makes an attempt to critically examine the role of mass media in women’s empowerment from the feminist lens.

1

Class Societies and the Urban Rape

Phenomenon: Understanding

Vulnerability, Culpability and

Complicity in Contemporary Times*

Maya John In this chapter, the larger argument about sexual violence revolves around the new context of ‘urban rapes’, which has emerged within contemporary times, and within which rape and the oppression of women appear as gender crimes, pure and simple. These rapes of women and children in urban centres demand closer scrutiny of mainstream feminist1 explanations of rape that slip into identifying gender inequality as the lone determinant of sexual violence. Typical feminist claims that identify rapes as an expression of misogyny/patriarchal backlash ring hollow, especially in the context of urban rapes involving large numbers of children (including young boys) and perpetrators from the most disempowered, economically as well as socially vulnerable sections of our society. Abstract male power or an omnipresent patriarchal desire * A n earlier version of this paper was presented at the National Conference on Women in a Changing World, Chennai, organized by the Indian Association of Women’s Studies (IAWS), January 23, 2017. Portions of the essay also appeared in Radical Notes, accessed July 7, 2020, https://radicalnotes.org/2013/05/08/class­ societies-and-sexual-violence-towards-a-marxist-understanding­ of-rape/ and on Sanhati, accessed July 2, 2020, http://sanhati.com/ excerpted/7237/.

20ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

to ‘put women in their place’ is an ahistorical, far from a sufficient explanation for a multitude of rapes occurring in India. This is because well-accepted feminist positions fail to see rape as a social crime wherein entrenched inequalities stemming from class, caste, etc. can explain predominant patterns of vulnerability, culpability and complicity. By locking the problem of sexual violence to the question of male– female inequality, many feminist activists and organizations are unnecessarily individualizing culpability, i.e. projecting perpetrators as mere aggressors and not as products of a wider social problem. As a consequence, there has been an untoward evasion of the class inequalities which breed sexism and thereby create the possibilities for rape. This evasion is most evident in feminist perspectives which tend to attribute victimhood to the capitalist system and culpability to what is perceived as a separate (coexisting) patriarchal system. Gender Essentialism or Gender Disembodied of Class We are aware owing to past struggles against rapes in villages, that such sexual assaults are the result of caste hierarchy and upper caste domination. In a rural context, it is clearly caste dominance which gives men the power to rape women. This is precisely why when people fought against incidents of rapes in villages, they fought not only against a callous and conniving state, but also against the power exercised by the dominant caste. Most of the anti-rape movements have thus erupted in villages as part of anti-feudal or anti-dominant caste struggles. Similarly, in insurgent areas whenever rapes have occurred, we know that they have been possible due to the power bestowed on armed personnel by the state, i.e. through laws like the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), etc. In such a context, movements have emerged not simply to fight against rape but also to fight against general militarization. Likewise, communal rioters have sexually assaulted women

Class Societies and the Urban Rape Phenomenon

21

from minority groups in order to instil fear, snatch local businesses from minorities who are often forced to migrate, and to forge a false sense of unity within the dominant community on the basis of religion, regionalism, etc. In such cases, the nexus between the local police and politicians from the dominant community has helped shield rioters from the law and to cover up the details of rioting. Without a doubt, in all these cases and contexts, it is easy to identify the element of power of the dominant section which is at play. However, most of the rapes in urban areas do not reflect such power dynamics at play. This is because the majority of these urban rapes are committed not by men with powerful positions in society, but by men and juveniles who come from the most disempowered and impoverished sections of society, i.e. the working class. The logic of caste hierarchy and upper-caste domination proves inadequate to explain several rapes in an urban context that brings with it an anonymity of position, a certain social mobility, etc. With this absence of identifiable axes of power that facilitate rapes, many in their anxious efforts to identify causes for brutal rapes in cities have resorted to explaining them through the axis of male power or basically men–women inequality.2 Influenced by popular feminist explanations of rape, the urban movement against sexual violence often reflects the tendency to project rape as an expression of brute power which has nothing to do with sexual gratification.3 Such an understanding comprehends sexual violence solely from the perspective of victims and do not take into account the perspective of perpetrators.4 Correspondingly, the typical feminist explanation assumes that all men are in the position to rape, and that all women are in the position to be raped. In order to explain why rape is an expression of power, or basically, why men come to rape women, there is a tendency to draw on the abstract concept of ‘patriarchy’ and its disciplining effect on women’s sexuality.

22ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

Such a view emerged in the 1970s and 80s, and was prominently expressed in the work of Susan Brownmiller. In her work, Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape, Brownmiller defines rape as a “conscious process of intimidation by which all men keep all women in a constant state of fear”.5 In similar terms, she asserts: “Man’s discovery that his genitalia would serve as a weapon to generate fear must rank as one of the most important discoveries in prehistoric time, along with the use of fire and the first crude axe”. Ironically, the aforementioned feminist view comes quite close to the highly controversial perspective known as the ‘natural history of rape’.6 According to this so-called natural history of rape, men are prone to rape because of the aggressive orientation of their sexuality while women are prone to be raped because of their submissiveness and because their sexuality is less governed by sexual urges than it is by the urge for a strong, stable partner. Whether the mainstream feminist view or ‘natural history of rape’, both have seen rape in an equally ahistorical manner by detaching it from the kind of society in which it occurred/occurs.7 In fact, recent research has shown that even in our ‘contemporary’ society there are some human communities that are free from rape.8 Moreover, with the evolution from primitive society to agrarian society, and later from pre-capitalist to capitalist society that triggered massive demographic changes, urbanization, commercialization etc., it would be incorrect to claim that no subsequent change occurred in the way male and female sexuality developed and expressed itself.9 The changes in male and female sexuality, as well as in the general position of women would have resulted in a change in the existence, meaning and frequency of incidents of rape. Of course, in today’s scenario we are witness to certain unconvincing modifications within the aforementioned feminist explanations that attribute sexual violence to the (lone) axis of ‘male power’. There are, indeed, some voices within

Class Societies and the Urban Rape Phenomenon

23

feminist mobilizations that claim to engage with class, caste and other axes of power when addressing the issue of sexual violence. For instance, some feminist scholars and activists draw on the concept of intersectionality of oppression, while some others have specifically tried to graft ‘rural (casteist) mentality’ onto the perpetrators of rape in urban centres.10 I later revisit the problems with the existing feminist usage of the intersectionality paradigm. At this juncture, however, I would like to draw attention to assessments that project urban rapes as a mere extension of the rural mentality which informs the consciousness of the majority of men who migrate to the cities. According to such positions, most of the men perceive the loosening of the hierarchy of caste and gender within an urban context as the ‘crossing of boundaries’, which warrants a backlash in terms of sexual assaults aimed at teaching their victims a lesson and instilling fear in everyone to adhere to traditional norms. Apart from dangerously conflating the distinctive contexts in which rapes occur, such a position begs the question as to how some men, who are born in the city, have reconciled with women ‘transgressing’ certain norms, while others from India’s villages (and now part of the lowest rung of urban society, i.e. slum dwellers), are failing to ‘reconcile’ to changes surrounding women’s lifestyles? It is my contention that this position fails to provide a realistic assessment of the urban rape pattern. In many cases of sexual violence on women and children reported from cities, it is not so much the vestiges of village-based, patriarchal mentality, but something much more complex and terrifying; a product of the urban context created by capitalism which is filled with depravation and dehumanization of the majority. Contextualizing Urban Rapes Challenging and uncomfortable though it may be, it is time we account for the role played by the dehumanizing conditions

24ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

in which a large percentage of our cities’ inhabitants live and work. The increasing trend of rapes and other sexual assaults on women and children in cities is symptomatic of much more than gender inequality. It is indicative of larger inequalities stemming from sharpening class divisions in our society that breed sexual inequalities, provide little time to nurture human relationships, and produce phenomenal levels of frustration and aggression, especially amongst men from the toiling masses. Trapping working class women in positions of economic, social, and hence, sexual vulnerability, the given socio­ economic structure has created for the female sex, a formidable image of subjugation—an image that returns to haunt even women from other class backgrounds. In this way, rape is a form of oppression unleashed not only on those made most vulnerable by class exploitation, but also on those who are burdened by the images of this vulnerability in spite of being materially distanced from it. In reality, inequalities like class play themselves out in more complex ways than mainstream feminists are willing to contend with. The question is not that men are physically more powerful and tend to misuse this power in the context of gender inequality, but that in spite of this physical power and prevailing gender inequality, poor men cannot sexually exploit rich women except in conditions where such women are in positions of vulnerability. For instance, a Bollywood actress, a female CEO of a multinational company, or a female entrepreneur can be raped by men of lower class backgrounds only if they happen to be in vulnerable circumstances like being stuck alone on a highway because their car broke down, having to manoeuver through an underground parking all alone, etc. All told, most urban rapes today cannot be explained through a class-sanitized, gender-only prism. Neither have higher levels of gender equality/parity alone translated into

Class Societies and the Urban Rape Phenomenon

25

lower rape rates. Statistics reflect no such ebb in sexual violence. Rape rates, in fact, appear not to be directly related to genderstratification or gender disparities in earnings, education, occupation prestige, etc. as is reflected in the shockingly high rape statistics of several advance capitalist countries like USA where higher levels of gender equality within respective classes have been achieved compared to other parts of the world, such as Haryana, for example.11 Similarly, in metropolises like Delhi where women have entered the workforce steadily, rape figures have soared, resulting in city labels like ‘rape capital’. Let us look at other feminist arguments about rape: (i) that rapists target any age group, any woman, and are therefore, not looking for satisfying or good sex but a window to express aggression, and (ii) men rape so as to punish women who challenge norms, and therefore, see their attack as a justified act of social control. Both arguments echo the now dominant, majestic view epitomized in many renowned feminists’ claims that rapes are not about sex but are a conscious process of intimidation by which all men keep all women in a state of fear. The ground reality, however, includes a more complex picture. While it is true that rapists target a varied group of victims, we must also contend with the fact that within the pool of rape victims there is greater representation of victims from the lower strata of society. This reflects that most victims are raped because they are in positions of greater vulnerability. While there can be no doubt that from a woman’s point of view there is nothing sexual about sexual violence, for the average man involved, the act is often about stealing sex by taking advantage of the vulnerability of the individual woman, or the impunity offered by circumstances. Moreover, extensive research on the psyche and profile of rapists shows that rapists do not exercise preference for coercive sex. Such research has shown that there are no significant differences between the arousal patterns of male

26ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

rapists and other males.12 Indeed, if we look very closely at reported cases of rapes, we will find that rapists are not always raping women and children because they seek to assert power over them or teach them a lesson for transgressing (certain) norms. After all, where is the ‘teach them a lesson’ dimension playing itself out when a six-month-old infant is raped by a family member or neighbour? In this case the rapist rapes not because he believes the infant needs to be taught a lesson, but because he sees her (childish) vulnerability as an opportunity to ‘satisfy’ himself.13 Thus, contrary to assumptions reached by mainstream feminists, rapists target a somewhat varied group of victims with a preference for those in positions of most vulnerability. The Making of Rapists and Victims: Culpability and Vulnerability in Capitalism Less directly affected by class stratification, women from the upper classes are more prone to perceive gender inequalities as a set of behaviours and a mentality that has the independent and autonomous capacity to breed a system of unequal gender relations and oppression. Unlike their working class counterparts who are burdened by pauperization, women from the middle class are less likely to comprehend and organize against the material basis on which women’s oppression stands. They downplay the fact that sexual violence cannot be eradicated as long as a class divided society exists. By ignoring the prevailing class stratification, they assume that: (working class) Men = (middle class) Women (capitalist) Men = (working class) Women (capitalist) Men = (middle class) Women (middle class) Men = (working class) Women What is evident from the above equations is just how fallacious it is to assume that equality between men and women of the same class amounts to equality between men and women of different classes.

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Sexual violence and oppression of women will persist unabated if such class and other divisions that nurture gender inequality are not eradicated. For example, as long as working class women are dependent on capitalist or middle class men for gainful employment, and are discriminated against in the job market, they are in a position to be raped whenever upper class men seek sexual gratification by drawing on the exploitable class position of these women. Similarly, as long as class exploitation persists, the working class family will continue to tie down working class women to domestic slavery in order to reduce the costs of its sustenance. This is a burden which reduces these women to positions of subjugation that can also be easily exploited by working class men in their family. Moreover, unlike higher status women who can afford a better physical and social environment which is more crime free (gated neighbourhoods, personal transport, etc.), working class women are forced to survive in more hostile conditions, i.e. poorly policed neighbourhoods, dimly-lit streets, dependence on public conveniences and crowded public transport, etc. where they easily fall prey to sexual violence. The extremely harsh economic conditions imposed on the working class are also producing phenomenal levels of frustration and aggression among working class men. These men do not have access to typical date pools like college/ campus circles, social networking sites, pub circles, etc. as they do not have the time or the economic means to be part of them. Returning from long, arduous hours of work; heavily underpaid; and hence, malnourished and poorly dressed, working class men are hardly in the position to attract women of the upper classes, who are in a better position to exercise an active choice when it comes to choosing sex partners. In this regard, the working class man’s inequality with men and women of upper classes, especially in sexual terms, constantly creates the scope for potential offenders. With little

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time for actual coital activity, yet exposed to lots of sex through the capitalist media, B-grade movies and now easily accessible pornography through cheap mobiles, working class men are conditioned to steal sex from unwilling women and children. It is then apt to say that the majority of urban rapes represent the convergence of society’s most frustrated and sexed up men, and society’s most vulnerable and dependent women and children, i.e. working class women and children. Such analysis of rape victimization and of rapists has been noted earlier by studies in radical criminology in America, wherein data collected supported causal interpretation of rape that links rape to class conditions. One such study revealed that the volume of rape victims and culprits is higher when one moved down the socio-economic hierarchy.14 It is this dismal truth that significantly explains why the rape victimization rate is particularly high for poor women. Having said this, what about rapes involving middle class men who force themselves on their wives, girlfriends, or an acquaintance at work? Here too, the substratum of sexual violence perpetrated on middle class women by men of their class is also indirectly shaped by inequalities that are bred by class. Many such rapes occur in the context of middle class women joining an extremely insecure job market in order to enhance family budgets and improve their marriage prospects. They are also exposed to sexual violence in the process of dating so as to find partners of their status, and also in circumstances where they are compelled by patriarchal family norms to tolerate sexual abuse within the home. All these experiences are historically conditioned by capitalism. The pressure created by a class-divided society to seek partners from within one’s own class has pushed women into a position of compromise, wherein, they are trapped into adhering to patriarchal femininity and internalizing norms that subjugate their interests to the interests of their partners. In such positions of compromise, such as dressing

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‘attractively’ for work, going on blind-dates, ignoring sexual innuendos of male colleagues, tolerating ‘overprotective’ partners, etc., middle class women become vulnerable to oppression unleashed by men of their class.15 Common Vulnerability or Class Apart Nonetheless, it is imperative to recognize the fact that oppression faced by middle class women cannot be equated with the exploitation and oppression borne by working class women. There is no equivalence in the experiences and interests of women across the board. Although gender is imbricated in the matrix of power, gender inequality is contingent on the class position to which women belong. Hence, although men have advantages over women of the same class, women from upper classes are far closer in material conditions and opportunities to men in their class than they are to working class women, tribal women, Dalit women, etc. Regrettably, mainstream feminist adherents of the so-called intersectionality approach have omitted this essential fact when speaking of women’s oppression in terms of equivalence. Devoid of the notion of ontology of social positions, the theory of intersectionality is perhaps one of the vaguest concepts floated by social scientists. Using this approach, some feminists seek to explain certain intra-categorical complexities, like acute differences of position within those clubbed together as a category, while speaking of a general oppression of women.16 As a consequence, intersectionality has allowed some feminists to engage with the issue of class and other social positioning by simply adding them to the list of victims and consolidating a unitary category of ‘women’. By flattening the ontology of women’s position in current society, i.e. by downplaying the obvious class-based and other distinctions between women, such positions fail to account for the interlocking of oppression. We have only to turn to the well-known relationship shared between professional middle

30ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

class women and their domestic ‘helps’. Winning the right to work by the middle class women, for instance, has been accompanied by the middle class woman’s employment of the maid as the cheap substitute for ‘her’ domestic work; a development which has culminated in the brutal exploitation of working class women as domestic workers. In reality then, the position of women is ontologically placed within the complex web of social structure in a way that makes it is subsumable within other segregations.17 For one, women are not a ‘class in themselves’ but are divided among different classes. Upper class women, for example, tend to live and work where they associate with upper class men, and hence, remain in a social environment that distinguishes them from the mass of working class men and women. This means that segregation based on gender tends to blur when we consider: (i) the commonality of interests between men and women of a class; (ii) the sharp inequalities borne by working class men in contrast to upper class women, and (iii) the inequalities borne by impoverished lower caste men in contrast to affluent higher caste women. These intrinsic problems with the intersectionality approach adopted by several middle class feminists cannot be more evident than in the manner in which they not only sanitize upper class women of class, but also project working class men as embodying gender and not class. While feminist intersectionality arguments use class to explain hyperoppression of some women, the assaults on rich women and what working class men do/feel are simply projected as the result of patriarchy/misogyny and have nothing to do with class dynamics. Class is then used as a mere sociological category which is only allowed an entry to explain hyperoppression of some women. But is rarely used to explain the making of culpability of a rapist from working class background.18 I thus find it imperative to pinpoint that although upper

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class women are oppressed by gender due to their segmented status within their class, they are also privileged in class terms. As a consequence, they are complicit in maintaining and even furthering class distinctions. In this light, it is important to recognize the co-option of women into the biased, sexist envisioning of their sexuality, as well as their growing participation in furthering their own and other women’s oppression. Upper Class Women’s Complicity A lot of this co-option is the result of cultural bombardment, wherein, industries like that of advertising; fashion; media; etc. have popularized and made normative the existence of women’s sexuality in an objectified, consumable form. Disturbing as it may be, what we are witnessing today in increasingly blatant forms is the constant promotion of raunch culture in the name of women’s sexual liberation.19 The general misconception amongst those who adopt hyper-feminine behaviour and dressing is that women exercise an active choice/agency when indulging in patriarchal femininity. Such imbibing of patriarchal femininity reflects the pressure to fit into prescribed notions of ‘beauty’, and basically, to accept and normalize given sexual codes of behaviour for men and women. In a class society like ours, patriarchal femininity and notions of beauty exist in a competitive and hypergamous mode. Importantly then, the pressure compels a large proportion of women, in particular, middle class women who have greater access to resources, to invest their time, energy and money on looking ‘more desirable’ and for inculcating all the expected mannerisms which appeal to men who are likely to be their partners. Such pressure also paves the way for a never-ending process of compromises. It is not just what women end up doing to their own bodies in order to ‘stay young’, ‘feel beautiful’, ‘catch his eye’, etc., but what they end up allowing men to do to their bodies. Not surprisingly,

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in order to keep things going so many women end up compromising on various fronts: careers, fulfilling sex, selfrespect, etc. It is in this process of maintaining ‘respectable’ relationships that many middle class women come to tolerate bossy boyfriends, domestic violence, unfaithful husbands, marital rape, etc. This double-bind of vulnerability-cum-complicity in which middle class women are trapped ensures that they are often in no position to confront the inherent dilemma of their oppression, and are therefore, incapable of resolving such oppression, i.e. by opting out of the situation. It is precisely this double-bind which: (i) makes them identify the problem as simply stemming from the prevalence of an aggressive male mentality, and (ii) prevents them from also questioning the kind of lifestyle, sexual codes, etc. assigned to them as women of a particular class. In this light, the ‘freedom’ to wear ‘anything’ is nothing but the ‘freedom’ to wear what others cannot, i.e. clothes/ accessories which the average working class woman and even a large section of middle class women cannot even afford. And so while the average middle class woman is burdened by discipline/surveillance/control imposed on her sexual freedom, such disciplining has become negotiable, and has consequently been relaxed for some upward mobile middle class women moving to big cities in search of education and employment. Understandably then, there is nothing antisystemic in women—most of whom belong to the socially and economically privileged sections of society—dressing/ behaving in hyper-feminine ways.20 The problem with such hyper-feminine behaviour is not simply that it embodies a sexual role which is based on the objectification of (specific portions of) the woman’s body, but that it represents the efforts of (upper class) women to outbid the larger body of women in looking ‘attractive’. Hyper-feminine dressing exists as, both, a compromise

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made by upper class women with men of their class, and an act of complicity which contributes to conditions for the oppression and exploitation (even rape) of lower class women. After all, objectified images of or actual chance encounters with hyper-feminine upper class women do elicit a sexual reaction/ desire among men. While these women may not be raped or molested (and one hopes they never are) when they do what they do,21 their hyper-feminine being becomes a fantasy for the average man, such that depending on the vulnerability of the next woman/child he comes across and the impunity offered by circumstances, rape of a more vulnerable other becomes possible. This could be in the form of bad sex and marital rape at the hands of their sexual partner or even buying sex from a prostitute, as well as rape of women/children unknown to them. In Lieu of Conclusion: From Middle Class Hedonism to a Sexual Revolution In response to the arguments presented above, for some the question may arise as to whether such an engagement with the harsh conditions created by capitalism does not slip into a justification of sexual violence in our cities. I wish to clarify here that by highlighting class divisions and their intricate role, I do not attempt to justify the prevalence of sexual violence in society. Causation cannot be conflated with justification, for there is a big difference in taking a position that refuses to absolve class exploitation of its role, and in a position that justifies rape. To conflate the two is like accusing a doctor who highlights the connection between a patient’s heart disease and his/her highly stressful lifestyle, of justifying and legitimizing the illness of the patient. Of course, there is need to critique the treacherous blame game and victim-shaming let loose by the hypocritical capitalist society when it comes to rape, molestation, etc., but there is no need to throw the baby out with the bathwater. Unlike a

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reified culturalist approach which conveniently allows the conservative forces in society to attribute pressing problems like sexual violence to more ‘external’ factors, i.e. the ‘ruination of traditional culture’, ‘Westernization’, ‘consumerism’, ‘aping the West’, ‘eating chowmein’, etc., a critical assessment that locates sexual violence within a class paradigm highlights the challenges thrown up by the internal functioning of Indian society itself. A rigorous critique of class stratification fostered by capitalism ensures that we do not limit the movement to a fight against the mere symptoms of the disease, i.e. patriarchal norms (lakshman rekhas, etc.),22 rather than to the disease itself. It is also possible that my argument about class inequality fuelling rape leads some to raise the question that despite sharing the same class terms and facing greater sexual repression, working class women are not raping men. On the face of it, this argument supposedly invalidates my contention about the tendency in individual working class men to rape due to their socio-economic exploitation and concomitant sexual repression. However, if we consider the historical process through which female sexuality has developed in relation to male sexuality, the possibility of women raping men appears negligible. To elucidate: even if a woman decides to go out and rape a man, the probability that the man would resist her bid is minimal. Indeed, the sexual act will immediately become consensual, for the historical trajectory of the development of male sexuality shows that men are not culturally and socially conditioned in a manner which leads them to reject sex with the same frequency and for the same reasons as women do.23 Similarly, to some, the aforementioned understanding that working class men are victims of their circumstances may come across as denying them agency. However, I must reemphasize here that my explanation regarding the pervasiveness of sexual violence in our society does not deny the existence of rapist men in other classes. As described above, the manner in which middle class work, familial and ‘love’ relations function, there

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is no denying the prevalence of sexual harassment, sexual exploitation, etc. by middle class men as participants in these relations. Given the way in which capitalism has created certain inequalities between middle class men and middle class women, as well as the marked inequalities between middle class men and working class women, doing the right, gender sensitive thing has become almost an exception than the rule for the majority of middle class men. In other words, fulfilling sex and love based on mutuality rarely exist between middle class men and women. The tendency of bad consensual sex, and even rape, prevail within the upper classes, just like it does among the working class. As highlighted above about typical middle class sexual practices, bad consensual sexual encounters are unfortunately, more often than not, concealed behind the garb of ‘sexual adventurism’, ‘metrosexual’ behaviour, ‘keeping the marriage intact’, etc.—all of which represent practices that disempower women and allows for exploitation of their sexuality. Furthermore, my argument is not that if men are deprived of sex, they would rape. The argument presented is, in fact, highly critical of biological (hormone-related) or behaviourist (stimulus-response/demand-supply) kind explanations for rape. In actual terms, I argue that capitalism has created a sexual crisis for the majority; namely, the working class, through its brutal process of surplus extraction, the concomitant loss of time and energy, and through the particular form in which it structures human sexuality. In this given context of dehumanization and enslaved sexuality nurtured by capitalism, sexual fulfilment of some people in a hedonistic mode can hardly represent a solution to the deeply entrenched sexual crisis that prevails at large. In connection to this argument about a sexual crisis in our society, I believe that it is crucial to recognize the problems with sexed-up forms of sexual desire and sexual expressions created by capital through its beauty, fashion, porn and larger

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entertainment and media industry. Bombarded by artificially created sexual desire, yet materially positioned in a way that prevents them from indulging in concomitant forms of sexual activity, working class men are imbued with a strong sense of being denied equal sexual access. This is precisely why rapists can rape despite some of them having active sexual partners—the logic being that they are ‘not getting sex’ in the form made desirable by capitalism. It is then not just the real but also the artificially created sense of deprivation/anxiety/ dissatisfaction that often facilitates the rape of vulnerable women and children by working class men who draw on this vulnerability and the impunity offered by circumstances to gratify their sexual needs. Given the ontological positioning of gender vis-à-vis class, the working class movement, in contrast to mainstream feminism, has posited that gender inequality can be eradicated completely only with the demise of class stratification. In other words, in opposition to the capitalist system which has created more conditions of coercive coitus than of voluntary sex and true love, it is socialism’s restructuring of human leisure and work time that alone can pave the way for an actual sexual revolution. Undivided by class, unfettered by inhumane work hours and unburdened by artificially accentuated male–female differences, human beings under socialism will find no reason to and have no basis on which to rape, to subjugate, or to use another’s body for selfish gains. This is clearly in contrast to middle class hedonistic, sexual adventurism that is tied down to hypergamous practices. Till the time that gender equality simply manifests itself in equality between men and women of the same class, romantic sex or the sexual revolution is clearly misnomer. It is only when gender equality has come to manifest itself through an equality of a larger kind, wherein, distinct classes, castes and races have been obliterated, that the sexual revolution can be set to begin. Evidently then, if our civilization wants to overcome

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the conditions that foster sexual violence and oppression, and if we truly desire a sexual revolution, then our efforts should be aimed at building socialism—a transformation which alongside the struggle against oppression stemming from various identities (gender, caste, religion, tribe, etc.) also requires the intensification of the struggle against class stratification.

NOTES 1. I recognize feminism as a wide corpus of views on women’s oppression which are often contradictory in their aims and interests, and which can basically be seen to share a common element in the gender essentialism they propagate. In this chapter, the particular brand of feminism at the centre of my critique and engagement with sexual violence is middle class/ bourgeois feminism which represents the embodiment of the discontent of upper class women in terms of its targets and tasks. For an insightful discussion on the problems and limitations of middle class feminism, particularly the manner in which middle class women’s aspirations are generalized and imposed on nonelite sections of women, see Fraser 2009. 2. For an example of such misreading of factors fueling rapes, see Narayan 2012-13. Narayan argues that “urban rape, rural rape, middle class rape, working class rape, modern rape, traditional rape, live-in rape...[r]ape is rape. Everywhere it is an assertion of power and a violent attempt to subjugate.” 3. For a fuller critique of this view, see Palmer 1988. 4. By drawing on such a line of argument, feminists attempt to shield victims from the typical blame game unleashed by society; something that often translates into blaming the victim for dressing well, for moving out of ‘safe’ zones, for encouraging male attention, etc. 5. Brownmiller 1975: p. 15. Emphasis mine. 6. See Thornhill and Palmer 2001. 7. This ahistorical approach to gender inequality is something which informs the views of several renowned feminists. For example, Simone de Beauvoir is known to have argued that women “have no past, no history”, cited by Lerner 1986: p. 22.

38ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies In similar terms, Andrea Dworkin in an interview, stated: “I think that the situation of women is basically ahistorical,” in E. Wilson: p. 27. 8. See Helliwell 2000 and Sanday 1981. They have successfully demonstrated that certain contemporaneous communities like the Gerai of Dayak communities (Indonesia) and Minangkabua, are rape-free. 9. For a detailed elucidation of this important historical fact, see John 2013a: pp. 6-12. For an elaboration of how capitalism has shaped men and women’s relationship in different classes, see John 2013c. 10. See Sengupta 2012. For an elaborate critique, see John 2013a. 11. National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey (NISVS) survey 2010. It was conducted by the Centre for Disease Control and Prevention in USA. It was reported that in America, rape was more common than smoking. 12. See Freund, et al., 1983; Dreznick 2003; Marshall and Eccles 1991. 13. Swami 2013. Sexual violence by men is not just unleashed on women but also on children. As a consequence, men also rape boys. In 2007, the Ministry of Women and Child Development, Government of India surveyed 12,477 children to learn of their experience of abuse. Of these, 68.99 per cent children, over half of them boys, reported that were victims of physical violence. One in 12 children, a majority being boys, reported that were suffering under sexual violence. It is, indeed, a staggering fact that half of our Indian population has encountered abuse before becoming adults. Also see the 2012 report of the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) which highlights that Delhi accounts for 11.6 per cent of crimes and 4.8 per cent of rapes committed on children. Also see the 2015 report of the NCRB which highlights that 25 per cent children fell prey to rape at the hands of employers and co-workers. Similarly, in an important localized study conducted by the Delhi Commission for Protection of Child Rights in 2014, the grave dangers that slum-dwelling children face is well highlighted. One of the repetitive trends noted in this study of 55 Delhi slums is substance-induced violence, of which girls and small children are soft targets. Another problem highlighted is the hardship of daily life in slums, which feeds into rampant violence on children and women; namely, the lack of day-care centres where young children can be cared for while their parents work, daily squabbles over water, dirty and unsafe

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community toilets, and in many places the lack of public toilets which compels hapless young girls to defecate in the open. 14. Schwendinger 1981. This work quotes Criminal Victimization Surveys in American cities, which have been collected by the U.S. Department of Justice in the 1970s. See especially Figures 5 and 6. 15. Phillips 2000. Many of the young women interviewed during this research revealed that most of their sexual encounters were for men’s sexual pleasure rather than meeting any desire of their own. 16. For such a position, see Krishnan 2013a and Krishnan 2013b. For a detailed critique of Krishnan’s position, see John 2013b. 17. For a detailed elucidation of this argument, see John 2013c. 18. This mapping of hyper-oppression does not show how some women are complicit in other women’s hyper-oppression. Hence, through its heuristic use of class, the intersectionality approach simply (i) disembodies class of gender, and (ii) disembodies women of class. This approach to class stands in sharp opposition to an alternative (Marxist) use of class, wherein class is situated at the split in the social–relational level and is attributed a collective (inclusive of both the male and female segments) objective interest vis-à-vis another. Thus, contrary to popular accusations, Marxist class analysis does not ‘reduce’ everything to class, but explains how other social positions are subsumed within class in the process of attaining the particular form of their respective articulation. 19. Levy 2005: fn 48. Also see Hoffman 2010. 20. See Jeffreys 2005. Here Jeffreys argues how a cultural imperialism spearheaded by the international beauty industry has imposed harmful practices, which are popular amongst wealthy women of developed and developing countries, on non-elite sections of women across the world. 21. Of course, when a sexily dressed middle class woman happens to be in an exploitable condition, the chances of her being sexually assaulted are large. She is attacked not because her assailants are threatened by her femininity, but because they are often looking for any vagina, mouth, or for that matter, any orifice in which they can insert their genitals. 22. After all, the intention of many rapists is not necessarily to consciously send out a larger message to women in society to

40ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies stay within lakshman rekhas (patriarchal boundaries), although unintentionally their acts trigger such responses in women. Arguably then, things like lakshman rekhas represent mere symptoms of the problem of sexual violence. 23. Of course, there are some women who do not reject sex like most woman do, and are thus, open to approaching men for, what we can identify as, casual sex. Nevertheless, such sexual behaviour in a woman is usually perceived by the larger peer group, acquaintances, etc. as ‘loose’ or ‘slutty’ behaviour.

REFERENCES Brownmiller, Susan. 1975, Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape, New York: Bantam Books. Dreznick, Michael T. 2003, “Heterosocial Competence of Rapists and Child Molesters: A Meta-analysis,” Journal of Sex Research 40, No. 2, 170-08. Fraser, Nancy. 2009, “Feminism, Capitalism and the Cunning of History,” New Left Review 56 (March/April): 97-117. Freund K., Scher, H. and Hucker, S.J. 1983, “The Courtship Disorders,” Archives of Sexual Behavior, No. 5, 369-379. Helliwell, Christine. 2000, “ ‘It’s only a Penis’: Rape, Feminism, and Difference,” Signs 25, No. 3, 789-816. Hoffman, Melody. “Teaching with Feminist Contradictions: The Debate of Dress in Theory and Practice,” accessed on January 29, 2019, https://www.academia.edu/632987/Teaching_with_ Feminist_Contradictions_The_Debate_of_Dress_in_Theory_and_ Practice. John, Maya. 2013(a), “Class Societies and Sexual Violence.” Radical Notes, accessed on March 22, https://radicalnotes.com/tag/ maya-john/. ———. 2013(b), “Critiquing Intersectionality, Populism and Gender Disembodied of Class.” Sanhati, accessed on March 10, http:// sanhati.com/excerpted/7237/. ———. 2013c, “Infantile ‘Radicalism’, Domestic Labour Debate & Anti-Rape Movement.” Sanhati, accessed on December 22, http:// sanhati.com/excerpted/8190/. Jeffreys, Sheila. 2005, Beauty and Misogyny: Harmful Cultural Practices in the West, New York and India: Routledge. Lerner, Gerda. 1986, Creation of Patriarchy. Vol. 1. Women and History, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Krishnan, Kavita. 2013(a), “Patriarchy, Women’s Freedom and Capitalism.” Kafila, accessed on January 3, https://kafila. online/2013/01/25/patriarchy-womens-freedom-and­ capitalism-kavita-krishnan/. ———. 2013(b), “Some Reflections on Sexual Violence and the Struggle Against It.” Sanhati, accessed on February 2, http:// sanhati.com/excerpted/4957/. Levy, Ariel. 2005, Female Chauvinist Pigs: Women and Launch of Raunch Culture, New York: Free Press. Marshall, W.L. and Eccles, A. 1991, “Issues in Clinical Practice with Sex Offenders,” Journal of Interpersonal Violence 6, No. 1: 68–93. Narayan, Devika. (2012-13), “Some Thoughts on Rape, Sexual Violence and Protest: Responding to Responses,” Critique 2, No. 2: 39-40. NSIVS. 2019, Summary Report, accessed on January 30, http://www. cdc.gov/violenceprevention/pdf/nisvs_report2010-a.pdf. NCRB. 2012, “Crime Against Children,” Crime in India, Statistics. Vol. 1. New Delhi: NCRB. ——— . 2015, “Crime Against Children,” Crime in India, Statistics. Vol. 1. New Delhi: NCRB. Palmer, Craig T. 1988, “Twelve Reasons Why Rape is Not Sexually Motivated: A Sceptical Examination,” The Journal of Sex Research 25, No. 4: 512-30. Phillips, Lynn. 2000, Flirting with Danger: Young Women’s Reflections on Sexuality and Domination, New York: NYU Press. Sanday, Peggy Reeves. 1981, “The Socio-Cultural Context of Rape: A Cross Cultural Study,” Journal of Social Issues 37, No. 4: 5-27. Schwendinger, Julia, and Schwendiger, Herman. 1981, “Rape, Sexual Inequality and Levels of Violence.” Crime and Social Justice 16: 3-31. Sengupta, Shuddhabrato. 2013, “To the Young Women and Men of Delhi: Thinking About Rape from India Gate.” The Outlook, accessed January 30, https://www.outlookindia.com/website/ story/to-the-young-women-and-men-of-delhi/283425. Swami, Praveen. 2013, “The Rapist in the Mirror.” The Hindu, January 11, https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/the-rapist-in-the­ mirror/article4295240.ece. Thornhill, Randy, and Palmer, Craig T. 2000, A Natural History of Rape: Biological Bases of Sexual Coercion, Cambridge: The MIT Press. Wilson, E. 1982, “Interview with Andrea Dworkin,” Feminist Review 11, No. 1 (July 1): 23-29.

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Narratives on Partition Violence: Representation of Women in Literature Meher Fatima Hussain The partition of the nation in two countries, India and Pakistan in 1947, spelt catastrophe and continues to acquire salience transcending times and boundaries. The tragedy ripped lives to shreds, caused untold miseries to people with women being one of its worst sufferers. One realm where the experiences of partition got aptly documented is literature. Partition literature serves as a parallel archive, a repository helping to connect times, emotions and memories as they got sensitively documented by writers. The writings form a valuable source to revisit women’s lives passing through the nation’s worst holocaust. Their experiences, sorrows and sufferings are very honestly mirrored in the literary accounts. Literature covered the details from a human angle that are otherwise inadequately represented through archival documents. It serves the medium to construct historical nuances as aptly argued by Tarun K. Saint that “literary representations of the partition, can offer crucial insights into the traumatic effects extreme violence had on the collective psyche and imaginations over time.”1 The writers spoke up on the predicaments of women, raised concerns on issues of their displacement, recovery, rehabilitation invoking individual and state responsibility in ensuring their security and well-being. Partition unleashed untold miseries, physical, psychological, emotional and amidst

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the orgy, efforts were also made to bring solace to the suffering souls. The sentiments found vent in oeuvres and narratives based on memories and oral testimonies, in accounts of social workers and in tales of writers, both fiction and non-fiction. Sudha Tiwari argued that a body of literature was thus born that gave voice to the traumatic realities of partition, the disillusionment and the psychological trauma. These writers not only reject religion as the cause of the separation; they also highlight the composite culture of united India and invoke the symbols of unity and humanism observed by the masses even during times of such horrific violence.2

Anecdotes and accounts of women on violence during partition got chronicled in writings both as part of fiction and non-fiction. On the role of writers, Ismat Chughtai observed that with every aspect of life disrupted by this earth-shaking event, how could poets and writers possibly sit by without saying a word? How could literature, which has close ties with life, avoid getting its shirt-front wet when life was drenched in blood? … As soon as the writers and poets had a moment to breathe, they turned towards their objective. A variety of viewpoints and sentiments, some progressive, some reactionary could be observed.3

While partition mayhem unleashed multiple vulnerabilities, there were also strong yearnings for an undivided nation. Partition and communal violence sapped the joy of freedom, killing, displacing and disillusioning millions. Writers like Saadat Hasan Manto, Rajinder Singh Bedi, Anis Kidwai, Kartar Singh Duggal and others contributed immensely to the partition literature. It is argued in the works of Anis Kidwai that India belongs to all of us, and we have to live and die here. But why this partition and exchange of population? How can we who have been dreaming of a huge united country console ourselves?4

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Khwaja Ahmad Abbas lamented, Death is final, inevitable, yet each time someone dear to us passes away, human sentiments protests, revolts, bursts out in a flood of tears. How does one mourn the death of a country, one’s country?5

The memoir of Anis Kidwai that she composed while working for the cause of bereaved women of partition is exceptionally rich. She herself had experienced huge personal loss. Shafi Ahmad Kidwai, her husband was shot dead in Mussoorie by unknown assailants during the communal pogroms. Like many others, this was a challenging time for her but she rose above her grief to work for the cause of bereaved women and those in need. Anis Kidwai consoled herself in the following words… what had happened to me was nothing new. The same calamity had befallen thousands or rather lakhs and lakhs…I began to pull myself together…decided to go to Delhi and submerge my own agony in that sea of human suffering which was swamping Delhi. Gandhiji was there.6

Anis Kidwai was consoled by Mahatma Gandhi who advised her to dedicate her services to victims of violence as he himself made strident efforts to bring relief to those afflicted by communal orgy. In an interview with Ronald Stead, Mahatma Gandhi discussed the crucial issue of how best to combat India’s internecine violence. In a single brief sentence Gandhiji defined his long range objective “to replace communal hatred by communal brotherhood.”7 Mahatma Gandhi continued to inspire social workers and fellow citizens who were devoted to the task of relief and rehabilitation. The efforts of Anis Kidwai was deeply out of her conviction that she encapsulated in the following words, none of these incidents have made me waver from the conviction that a nation’s life depends on both the preservation of moral and ethical mores as well as democracy and unity.8

Anis Kidwai worked with partition victims at camps in the

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Purana Qila and Humayun’s tomb in Delhi. Alongside, she kept a diary in which she recorded her experiences that got published in Urdu entitled Azadi ki Chaon Mein. Her work is extremely relevant as it serves as a primary documentation of the lived experiences of women and girls of partition violence. Replete with incidents and events, oral testimonies and records, Azadi ki Chaon Mein is a brilliant corpus that brings alive memories of partition, some stark and some vivid as one turns through its pages, even decades after the catastrophe shook the subcontinent. Apart from events of violence and retribution, there are also tales where secularism gasped and kindness prevailed. Denizens strove to help those in distress by giving them food and shelter, rescued young girls and handed them over to their relatives, some girls were even married to their relatives while others were bought only to be freed. Ayesha Kidwai who translated the memoir in English entitled In Freedom’s Shade observed on the relevance of Anis Kidwai’s compilation that “the work is a gift of memory that both inspires and liberates.”9 The elements of inspiration and liberation acquires unique salience because they add a different perspective particularly because the reference of partition immediately conjures sentiments of gloom and pessimism as millions got caught up in a vortex of insane violence. Khwaja Ahmad Abbas observed about partition that “the tragedy is so awful, so overwhelming, not because so many have been killed, but because so many have been killed in vain.”10 Literature recorded the sentiments of the common denizens both as perpetrators or as victims of violence, as saviours and healers and what augments its relevance further is that literature turned its lenses sharply on women’s experiences. Khol Do, Sharifan and Woh Ladki by Saadat Hasan Manto are some of the stories that capture the pangs of women, while Khol Do deals sensitively with the abduction and recovery of Sakina and acceptance by her father, the latter two stories talk of escalating violence and vengeance. In Woh Ladki, an

46ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

innocent girl avenged herself on Surinder as the latter tried to seduce her. Thinking the girl is harmless, Surinder boisterously narrated to her how he killed four people and showed her the pistol with which he carried out the gruesome killings. But the girl had come to him with a different intention. Seizing the pistol, she shot down Surinder with a startling admission, “among those four killed was also my father.”11 Tarun K. Saint has argued that “the narcissistic and sadistic tendencies in such stories were symptomatic of a large-scale breakdown of social and moral norms. This was not merely confined to goondas or hooligans since middle class society was complicit in this process, as Manto’s short stories indicate.”12 The story Kulsum by Kartar Singh Duggal talks of a girl who got dislocated when her family members were hacked to death by rioters. Caught by an old man, Kulsum was a ‘gift’ for the schoolmaster whom the old man seemed to be well acquainted with. As the schoolmaster stood bewildered before Kulsum, he construed the logic of freedom as “a day after independence there is a houri standing before me.” Intoxicated by her beauty, the schoolmaster advanced towards her, but his advances were resisted by Kulsum. For Kulsum, independence had a different meaning altogether, her chastity and honour in peril now as she found herself more vulnerable in a free country. She protested and was able to rescue herself from the schoolmaster but her honour was defiled by the old man who had brought her with him. Kulsum, who was defiant and defensive, fell silent.13 These stories portray the sentiments of the common people and the changing contours of human relations. They talk of the spiralling aggression and multiple manifestations of women’s vulnerabilities, physical, emotional and psychological. There was disillusionment and chaos and even the state machinery appeared helpless while violence proliferated. Mahatma Gandhi expressed his despair and sadness and said, “today there is murder, plunder and rape in the air. My voice is not

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heard. People consider me mad. I am expected to teach how to return two blows for one but I cannot do so. All I can say is: ‘Friend, if you want to kill me you may do so, but I will kill no one.’ I pray to God that He may keep me filled with this courage to the end.”14 Mahatma Gandhi made fervent appeals for restoration of peace and amity during the different prayer meetings he held and spoke on the experiences of the women and girls whose miseries seemed not to cease. After mingling with the ocean of displaced people huddled in camps across Punjab, Ayesha Jalal observes that Saadat Hasan Manto questioned commonplace assumptions about partition violence…without absolving the perpetrators of violence of their crime…Manto said that “they were products of a great mishap. They were not habitual killers. Like ordinary human beings, they too loved their mothers and friends, protected the honour of their daughters and daughters-in-law, and even had the fear of God in them. All this was blown away by the calamity of partition. Unless the government conducted a psychological study of the growing trend towards violence, the situation could become worse.”15 Saadat Hasan Manto was one of the first writers who wrote on the issue of ‘abducted’ women, their rights and on the question of their rehabilitation during partition, when he said, “when I think of the recovered women, I think only of their bloated bellies–what will happen to those bellies?...Would the children of their misery belong to Pakistan or Hindustan? And who would compensate these women for their nine-month burden, Pakistan or Hindustan?”16 In fact women were experiencing the worst times of their lives. Anis Kidwai in her accounts wrote that “women were being sold by their abductors. Very young minor girls never settled in one place and remained on the market for many years to come. Their youth was priced in thousands and the greedy men who took them enjoyed them for a few days, then looked about to sell them again.”17 Anis Kidwai lamented that “repeated sale of girls, the trauma they faced, the violence they were subjected

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to, took a toll not only on their physical but their emotional and mental health… many abducted girls and women were besieged by dangerous diseases, mental disorders and other conditions. It was vital to cure them urgently and the task was enormous.”18 Bringing immediate relief to women was a compelling requirement and was given particular attention in writings. Ritu Menon and Kamla Bhasin have argued that partition fiction has been a far richer source, both because it provides a popular and astringent commentary on politics and because, here and there, we find women’s voices… but the most useful material for our purpose has been the first-hand accounts and memoirs by social workers who were involved in the rehabilitation of women.19 The subcontinent had witnessed an excessive exchange of population during partition, some by choice while some reluctant and even forced. But for girls, the issue was that many were abducted and displaced across borders, married or raped and were now mothers of infants. The recovery and rehabilitation of these women was a mammoth task. Kamlaben Patel, the Indian social worker was stationed in Lahore for a few years and was actively involved in recovering Hindu and Sikh women from Pakistan. Kamlaben Patel said that “the work of recovering abducted women was telling on our nerves. We were always under a terrible strain.”20 It was definitely a very painful experience for social workers as the task threw up multiple challenges which they talked about in their accounts. The Women’s Section of the Ministry of Relief and Rehabilitation looked into the recovery work and it functioned under the direction of two principal honorary advisors, Rameshwari Nehru and Mridula Sarabhai. Kamlaben Patel, a Gandhian was close to Mridula Sarabhai and represented both India and Pakistan on the special Tribunals set up by both governments to resolve disputed cases.21 In an account entitled Abandoned, Kamlaben Patel wrote that a number of children called ‘war babies’ were born at times of wars as a consequence of extra-marital

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relations and it was incumbent on the country where they were born to be responsible for their upkeep. As the whereabouts of their father’s were unknown, the children were confined to their mothers. In case of the Great Divide, disturbances in India preceded the partition in 1947 and abduction of girls took place. In the aftermath of partition, the government of India and Pakistan were swamped with complaints by their relatives…for recovery… the two governments entered into an Inter-Dominion Agreement in November 1947 to recover as many women as possible …and restore them to their families. The fate of these children and rehabilitation of women post partition years became a perplexing issue. At a meeting convened in Delhi, it was decided that Hindu women may leave their children behind in Pakistan or if coming with them to India can abandon them in Amritsar with arrangements made to bring up such infants.22 But some mothers would not agree and were allowed to take their child to Jalandhar camp, however they too had to abandon their children. Kamlaben Patel wrote that “thinking over the problem I shuddered at the prospect of the actions we would be required to take to force recovered women to abandon their children…it was extremely difficult for us to find proper words to console the recovered women.”23 The parted children were not keeping very well and Kamlaben Patel observed that it was getting so obvious how a child was keeping fine in the care of a mother only. She noted that some unwell children were later sent to Lady Hardinge Hospital for treatment and their identities were kept under wraps. Kamlaben Patel concluded her account in the following moving words, “we had made a number of promises to their mothers at the time of parting about how we would personally look after them, but these proved to be false as we ourselves could not see them again. Even today, when I remember their mothers sobbing, my heart aches with sorrow.”24 The recovery of women proved to be a tardy process replete with several other complexities. According to

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Kamlaben Patel, an accurate official estimate did not exist. However, approximately thirty thousand Muslim, Hindu and Sikh women were recovered by both countries over an eightyear period. Amongst them the highest number of women recovered was Muslims as against Hindu and Sikh women, the task being carried out mostly between 1947-50. The Act was renewed annually in India till 1956 but after then, it was allowed to lapse.25 Adding further to the complexities was the aspect of pollution and purity that made the task of recovery of abducted and displaced women and their acceptance by their families more difficult. Anis Kidwai, Kamlaben Patel and Damyanti Sahgal added that in the filing of complaints and the actual recovery, months, sometimes years would pass and many of the recovered women declined from going back. “Some of the women were now ‘soiled’, they had lived with, married, borne children to the men of the ‘other’ community, they had therefore ‘diluted’ the purity of the community, how could they be taken back?”26 The recovery work had been entrusted to the Women’s Section, Ministry of Relief and Rehabilitation, under the direction of two principal honorary advisors, Rameshwari Nehru and Mridula Sarabhai. However both shared a difference of opinion as Sarabhai believed that no woman can remain happy with her abductor. Rameshwari Nehru did not believe it to be so and proposed that the whole issue needs to be viewed from a human angle. According to her, women who were now settled, uprooting them from their homes would once again unleash unfathomable miseries on them and would be against their will and choice. She observed that “she was once again reduced to the goods and chattel status without having the right to decide her own future or mould her own life.”27 The recovery and rehabilitation continued to be a challenging issue and stalwarts tried to influence public opinion in favour of recovery and acceptance of abducted women. On January 16, 1948, Jawaharlal Nehru made a public

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appeal through the newspaper and said, “I am told that there is unwillingness on the part of their relatives to accept those girls and women (who have been abducted) back in their homes. This is the most objectionable and wrong attitude to take and any social custom that supports this attitude must be condemned. These girls and women require our tender and loving care and their relatives should be proud to take them back and give them every help.”28 In another speech at the Plenary Session of the Indian National Congress in Jaipur on December 19, 1948, Jawaharlal Nehru, bemoaned that the problem of recovery of abducted women remained on both sides and that “a large number of Hindu and Sikh women were abducted and a large number of Muslim women were abducted on this side. People on either side have been guilty on a scale which staggers me. I am ashamed of what has been done.”29 Mahatma Gandhi’s speech at the prayer meeting in New Delhi on December 7, 1947 mentions an Inter-Dominion Conference held in Lahore on 6th December to consider ways and means for the restoration of abducted women. A joint appeal to the people of Pakistan and India to restore all abducted women was made by the representatives at the Conference. Prominent among the signatories to the appeal were Ghazanfar Ali, Begum Liaquat Ali Khan, Begum Shah Nawaz, Begum Bashir Ahmed, K.C. Neogy, Rameshwari Nehru, Mridula Sarabhai and Kamaladevi Chattopadyaya among others. Further in the speech, Mahatma Gandhi dwelt on the issue of acceptance of abducted women and said, “it is being said that the families of the abducted women no longer want to receive them back… I do not think the women concerned had done anything wrong. They had been subjected to violence. To put a blot on them and to say that they are no longer fit to be accepted in society is unjust. They should be traced and restored to their families.”30 Renuka Ray, freedom fighter, social activist and member of the Constituent Assembly, spoke on the subject of the abduction of women and

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their rehabilitation in the West Bengal Legislative Assembly in 1948 and convincingly argued that “the worst horror that has come as an outcome of the communal frenzy and bestiality in this country is the treatment that has been meted out to women.”31 The whole process of rescue and restoration of these women to the social fold had been extremely difficult and even more challenging had been the mental rehabilitation of women who were victims of communal outrage, were rendered homeless and alone was argued by Renuka Ray.32 The return of normalcy and readjustment required involved, planned and most importantly a humane approach and it was urged that people should take the initiative and act towards creating more inclusive space for women. As these concerns were being mooted in the socio-political arena, the writers too made them central to their works, the story Lajwanti by Rajinder Singh Bedi holding immense relevance in this regard. Woven amidst experiences of partition and recovery, it very effectively talks of the violence experienced by women even on a day-to-day basis subtly communicated in the folk song prevalent in the region, “I shall never marry a city boy; He wears boots and my back is slender.” There is a sense of denial, yet Lajwanti married Sunderlal, a city boy who spared no opportunity to batter her even for petty reasons. Lajwanti was always forgiving and was unconditionally devoted to Sunderlal. It was only when Lajwanti went missing during the partition pandemonium that Sunderlal felt repentant of his ill-treatment towards her. After some time, Lajwanti returned, free from her captor, Jamal. She felt terrified by her captor, Jamal, though he took good care of her and she was still deeply in love with Sunderlal who used to beat her. Post recovery, Sunderlal changed his demeanour towards Lajwanti. He was kind and generous towards her, loved and respected her more and tried to bury the chequered past behind. This was contradictory of the prevalent culture when recovered women were dishonoured and their acceptance by the families and

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the community was difficult, and even at times impossible. Sunderlal’s acceptance of Lajwanti was a case through which Rajinder Singh Bedi motivated people to extend unconditional love and respect to women who seemed more vulnerable at the hands of society that judged them on rigid patriarchal notions of purity and chastity, setting standards for women’s acceptance or rejection. Sunderal tried to dismantle these misplaced notions and explained to Lajwanti, “Let us forget the past you did not do anything sinful, did you? Our society is guilty because it refuses to honour women like you… It ought to be ashamed of itself. You should not feel dishonoured.”33 Bedi further sensitized society on the issue of recovery by writing, “honour them… give them a place in your hearts.” He observed that the programme for the rehabilitation of women who had been abducted and raped was neglected. Given the historical scenario, both the stories Khol Do and Lajwanti are very relevant. As against the convention that abducted women were not accepted back by their families, in Khol Do by Manto, the father of Sakina is elated to find his daughter back while in Lajwanti, Sunderlal who otherwise initially had been a troubling husband, realized his mistake and accepted his wife with much veneration, post her recovery. Both these stories try to influence the mindset in favour of acceptance of abducted women during partition, restoration of their status and respect, which as discussed had been a burning issue. The patriarchal clout combined with the highly communalized situation made matters worse for women that got aptly challenged by writers. So while on one hand the sinister designs were rampant on the other hand, the benign forces made efforts to bridge the fault-lines, literature being definitely one very decisive agency of change. Conclusion Partition caused untold suffering to millions with varying consequences, some settled and some still unsettled. Many of

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the aspects got chronicled in literary accounts and particular focus has been laid on revisiting the experiences of women caught in the vortex of communal violence. Literature captured many stimulating aspects and each account whether detailed or precise serves as a masterpiece to construct the legacy of partition with penetrative focus on women’s ordeals. As writers focused on documenting the experiences, there remained a conscious effort that literature serves as a tool with multiple purposes particularly venting the voices of victims as well as those who questioned the very sanity of partition. Some proposed ways towards salvaging the situation while others remained resentful that so many issues remained callously unresolved. Women remained hostages of their experiences, their bruised bodies and tormented souls and literature served as powerful means to vent their voices. However, problems have not ceased since then despite the fact the literature on partition serves as an authentic record to prove how religious intolerance can wreak havoc on innocent millions. Even today, communalism remains the most potential threat in the subcontinent while crimes against women continue to multiply unfazed and undeterred. The significance of literary records, both with their documentation of painful realities and their promises for healing acquires greater salience with each passing day as one tries to revisit the legacy of partition. Literature thus acquires its importance beyond the limits of time and space for its honest portrayal of experiences of women, as a repository of individual and collective memories and in relocating the reminiscences of the past to weave fragments of history. The corpus offers a meaningful insight into women’s position in the present times as observed by Urvashi Butalia, “every historical moment that offers us the possibility of looking at it through the prism of memory demonstrates that the more you search, the more there is that opens up.”34

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NOTES 1. The volume I Write As I Feel published in 1948 is a collection of weekly columns entitled “Last Page” written by K.A. Abbas for The Bombay Chronicle Weekly. 2. Saadat Hasan Manto was one of the first writers to write on issues and ordeals of abducted women juxtaposing them with rehabilitation challenges during partition mayhem as discussed in work of Ayesha Jalal. The concern is partially dwelt in my earlier publication entitled, ‘Reading History in Fiction: Saadat Hasan Manto and Partition’, published in Islam and Modern Age, Vol. XLIII, No. 3, August, 2016, Zakir Husain Institute of Islamic Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.

REFERENCES 1. Saint, Tarun K. 2010. “Introduction” in, Tarun K Saint, Witnessing Partition: Memory, History, Fiction, New Delhi: Routledge, p. 1. 2. Tiwari, Sudha. 2013, “Memories of Partition: Revisiting Saadat Hasan Manto”, Economic and Political Weekly, June 22, Vol. XLVIII, No. 25, p. 50, HYPERLINK "http://www.epw.in/system/files/ pdf/2013_48/25/" https://www.epw HYPERLINK "http:// www.epw.in/system/files/pdf/2013_48/25/".in/system/ files/pdf/2013_48/25/SA_XLVIII_25_220613_Sudha_Tiwari. pdf 3. Chughtai, Ismat. 2004, “Communal Violence and Literature” in No Woman’s Land, Women from Pakistan, India and Bangladesh Write on Partition of India, ed. by Ritu Menon, New Delhi: Women Unlimited, p. 41. 4. Kidwai, Anis. 1995, 1997, “In the Shadow of Freedom”, trans. from Urdu by A.J. Kidwai, in India Partitioned: The Other Face of Partition, ed. by Mushirul Hasan, New Delhi: Roli Books, Vol. II, p. 161. 5. Hasan, Mushirul. 1990, “Adjustment and Accommodation: Indian Muslims After Partition”, Social Scientist, Vol. 18, Nos. 8-9, August-September, p. 48. 6. Kidwai, Anis. 1995, 1997, “In the Shadow of Freedom” in India Partitioned, op. cit., pp. 170-71. 7. Mahatma Gandhi interview by Ronald Stead, (Correspondent of Christian Science Monitor of Boston), in The Collected Works

56ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. LXXXIX, (1947), Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1983, p. 456, HYPERLINK "http://www.gandhiheritageportal. org/cwmg_" https://www HYPERLINK "http://www. gandhiheritageportal.org/cwmg_" .gandhiheritageportal.org/ cwmg_volume_thumbview/ODk=#page/494/mode/2up 8. Kidwai, Anis. 2011, In Freedom’s Shade, trans. by Ayesha Kidwai, New Delhi: Penguin Books, p. xxiv. 9. Ibid., p. ix. 10. Abbas, Khwaja Ahmad. 1948, ‘‘Where is My Sense of Humour”, in I Write As I Feel, Bombay: Hind Kitab Ltd, p. 315. 11. Manto, Saadat Hasan. 2013, “Woh Ladki” in Kulliyat-e-Manto, (Manto ke Afsane), ed. by Humayun Ashraf, Urdu, Vol. III, Delhi, pp. 2037-2041. 12. Saint K. Tarun. “Introduction” in Tarun K Saint, Witnessing Partition: op. cit., p. 8. 13. Duggal, Singh, Kartar. 1994, “Kulsum” (original in Punjabi, translated by Alok Bhalla) in Stories About the Partition of India, ed. by Alok Bhalla, Vol. III, Noida: HarperCollins Publishers, pp. 91-94. 14. Mahatma Gandhi’s Speech at Delhi Provincial, Political Conference, Delhi on July 2, 1947, in The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. LXXXVIII, (1947), Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1983, p. 263, HYPERLINK "http://www.gandhiheritageportal. org/cwmg_volume_" https://www HYPERLINK "http://www.gandhiheritageportal.org/cwmg_volume_" .gandhiheritageportal.org/cwmg_volume_thumbview/ ODg=#page/300/mode/2up 15. Jalal, Ayesha. 2013, The Pity of Partition: Manto’s Life, Times, and Work Across the India-Pakistan Divide, Noida: HarperCollins Publishers, pp. 144-45. 16. Ibid., p. 142. 17. Kidwai, Anis. 2011, In Freedom’s Shade, trans. by Ayesha Kidwai, op. cit., p. 293. 18. Ibid., p. 294. 19. Menon, Ritu and Bhasin, Kamla. 2000, “Speaking for Themselves: Partition Histories, Women’s Histories”, in Borders

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and Boundaries: Women in India’s Partition, New Delhi: Women Unlimited, Kali for Women, rpt, 2007, pp. 11-12. 20. Patel, Kamlaben. 2004, “Jatin and Ismat”, in No Woman’s Land, op. cit., p. 162. 21. Ibid., pp. 154-55. 22. Patel, Kamlaben. 2004, “Abandoned”, in No Woman's Land, op. cit., pp. 176-177. 23. Ibid., p. 177. 24. Ibid., p. 179. 25. Menon, Ritu and Bhasin, Kamla. 2000, “Borders and Bodies: Recovering Women in the Interest of the Nation”, in Borders and Boundaries…, op. cit., p. 99. 26. Butalia, Urvashi. 1993, “Community State and Gender: On Women’s Agency during Partition”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 28, No. 17, April 24, pp. WS-17. 27. Menon, Ritu and Bhasin, Kamla. 2000, “Borders and Bodies,” op. cit., pp. 101-102. 28. Ibid., p. 99. 29. S. Gopal, ed. 1989, Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, Second Series, Vol. 8, p. 160. 30. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XC, (1947­ 48), Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1984, pp. 191-93 https:// www.gandhiheritageportal. org/cwmg_volume_thumbview/ OTA=#page/236/mode/2up 31. Bagchi, Jasodhara, Dasgupta, Subhoranjan and Ghosh, Subhasri, eds. 2009, The Trauma and the Triumph: Gender and Partition in Eastern India, Vol. 2, Kolkata: Stree, p. 250. 32. Ibid., pp. 250-51. 33. Rajinder Singh Bedi. 1994, ‘Lajwanti’ (original in Urdu, translated by Alok Bhalla), in Stories About the Partition of India, ed. by Alok Bhalla, Vol. I, HarperCollins Publishers, pp. 55-66. 34. Butalia, Urvashi. 2015, “Partition: The Long Shadow: An Introduction” in Partition: The Long Shadow, ed. by Urvashi Butalia, New Delhi: Zubaan, p. ix.

3

Muslim Women’s Agency in India:

Situational Analysis, Suggested

Strategies for their Empowerment and

Inclusion in the Democratic System

Suraiya Tabassum “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty.” Articles 1 and 2 the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) The socio-economic isolation of the Muslim community, its low education levels, and patriarchal attitudes of the community leadership has affected the ability of Muslim women in India to be represented in mainstream public and political life. India has sustained impressive economic growth over the past few

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years. Yet more than 300 million Indians live on less than a dollar a day, and 700 million live on less than two dollars a day. The picture is even starker for India’s Muslim community. Eighty-four per cent of Muslims live on less than fifty cents a day (Report on Conditions of Work and Promotion of Livelihoods in the Unorganized Sector, August 2007). Within this impoverished community, Muslim women are at the bottom rung of the ladder. Their plight is often overlooked as the world’s spotlight shines on India’s remarkable economic growth that has raised many millions out of poverty. The income gap between the increasingly affluent middle class and the poor has been the subject of many studies and reports. Beyond economics, when international attention focuses on disempowerment or repression of women in Muslim communities, India is often not included, particularly because of its status as a secular democracy with a flourishing economy (Mohan and Tabassum, 2016). Inclusion of minorities in any governance system is a much debated issue and needs to be deliberated upon to ensure corrective policy steps to ensure inclusive development, responsiveness, accountability and democratic legitimacy. In the Indian context, which is multi-cultural, multi-lingual, multi-religious and multi-ethnic, the issue of placement of minorities within the complex system of exclusion and inclusive development is no less than a challenge. If corrective steps are being taken it remains no longer a challenge. We have a great Indian Constitution and a comprehensive list of fundamental rights promising all citizens safeguards and inclusion; still Muslim women remain excluded and titled as “marginalized groups”. The need is to monitor proper implementation of minority safeguards, find the reasons why inequality exists in spite of big promises made and work towards solutions for ensuring equitable and inclusive development.

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Background Muslim dynasties ruled large parts of South Asia for close to a thousand years. This period saw the construction of great architectural marvels, the evolution of the Urdu language and the Hindustani music tradition, the composition of immortal poems and epics, the development of a distinct Sufi Islamic tradition in South Asia and experimentations in both communal pluralism and extremism. In 1947, British India was divided into two independent nations—India and Pakistan (consisting of modern-day Pakistan and Bangladesh, then East Pakistan). While the Indian National Congress led by Gandhi, Nehru and other leaders were intent on a united India, the Muslim League led by Jinnah insisted on a separate homeland for Muslims of the Indian subcontinent. The partition resulted in mass migration, loss of property and possessions, and the horrendous deaths of millions, became a defining moment in the modern history of Muslims in the subcontinent (Butalia, 2000). While the majority of Muslims of the subcontinent stayed in India after partition, a large segment of the Muslim elite migrated to Pakistan. Of the Muslims who remained in India, many felt safe only among members of their own community, creating isolated pockets of Muslims across India (Metcalf and Metcalf, 2002). Gradually, discrimination, social stagnation, and educational deprivation reduced the ability of these communities to access private sector growth or government development programmes. This impeded the economic growth of the Muslim community in large parts of the country (Prime Minister’s High Level Committee, 2006). The partition left many deep, unresolved wounds and a pervasive sense of injustice among Muslims. Since then, inter-communal violence has erupted sporadically, most notably in 1992 following the destruction of the Babri Masjid (mosque) in Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh, and in Gujarat in 2002, and resulted in enormous loss of life and property. Communal

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riots demoralized Muslims, caused a decrease in confidence in secular forces and resulted in the entrenchment of the already-present siege mentality (Action Aid, 2006). One of the effects of this siege mentality is the tendency of many Muslim leaders to resist reform and restrict women’s rights—in the name of protection—and to oppose those voices that wish to improve the position of women in the community (Hasan 2010). Another effect is the further ghettoization of Muslims, isolating the community—and its women in particular—from the democratic mainstream (Prime Minister’s High Level Committee, 2006). Situational Analysis The majority of Muslim women in India are triply marginalized, as women, as persons living in poverty, and as members of a religious minority. There are more than 66.8 million Muslim women in India (Census of India, 2001). Only about 14 per cent of Muslim women report that they are employed; and those who are, engage primarily in poorly-paid, home-based work. The mean age for marriage for Muslim women is 15.5 years. More than 75 per cent report that they need permission from their husbands to conduct virtually every activity related to their personal, social, familial or health concerns (Hasan and Menon, 2004). Illiteracy is high among Muslim women in India (57.6 per cent). In rural areas, 77 per cent of Muslim women are considered illiterate, where literacy is defined as simply being able to read and write one’s name (Action Aid, 2006). Less than 10 per cent of all Muslim women have completed secondary school. Action Aid found that “the high drop-out rates and low levels of Muslim girls’ educational attainment [are] owed to various factors, including poverty, withdrawal of girls from school to engage in household chores, opposition to co-education at puberty, opposition to girls’ working outside the home, the belief that the right place for women is the

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home for which higher education is not required, difficulty of finding a spouse for a highly educated girl, and the fear that girls studying out of their home [travelling to schools and colleges] after a certain age might be assaulted [sexually harassed] by males...” (Hasan and Menon, 2004). The percentage of Muslims in government services and other sectors dropped drastically after partition (Ibid.), and today the representation of Muslims in government in India remains low. While Muslims make up 13 per cent of the population, they have only had around 5 per cent representation in the national legislature (Bhargava, 2007). Political representation by Muslim women is significantly lower. In recent years, only two Muslim women have been part of the Indian Parliament out of a total of 790 (i.e. less than half a per cent). In many respects, Muslim women in India have fallen through the cracks. The complexity surrounding the conditions of their marginalization—gender inequality, social isolation, poverty and minority status—persist as obstacles to change. It is important to note here that the Constitution of India allows different religious communities to be governed by their ‘personal laws’ in matters of marriage, divorce, inheritance and certain other religious matters. This particular feature is a legacy of British colonial law that equated the personal and family domain with religious identity. Reform of personal laws in general and Muslim Personal Law, in particular, has been an arduous process. Conservative elements within the Muslim community have resisted reform in the name of ‘identity’ (Singh, Musharraf, and Mullah, 2006). The Indian state has often treated the views and positions of conservative leaders as synonymous with the community itself. Women’s groups continue to struggle for equal rights through legal reform (Ibid.). The Impact of Marginalization and Exclusion of Muslim Women: Key factors defining the low status of Muslim women in India are a lack of education,

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economic power and autonomy (Hasan and Menon, 2004). Additionally, the overall ghettoization of Muslims has often deprived them of government infrastructure such as health centres, schools, roads, garbage disposal and sewage facilities (Action Aid, 2006). Along with these disadvantages Muslim women in India also face isolation due to restricted mobility, which is imposed by conservative social structures. Hasan and Menon found that the Muslim women in India, whether they live in urban or rural areas, are typically among the poorest and most illiterate segment of the population. If a woman is educated, she has seldom progressed beyond primary school, has been married by the age of 15, usually has had three children by the age of 20, and is plagued by poor health for most of her life. Low skills and minimal education, as well as seclusion and a severe lack of mobility, limit her chances of obtaining paid work outside the home. These factors in combination engender complete dependency upon her husband—who is likely to be poor, under-educated and disadvantaged himself. She often faces physical and psychological violence or the threat of violence, within the home where she spends the greater part of her life. The lack of viable alternatives keeps her in a highly subordinate and often abusive relationship. Cultural and social norms, suffused as they are with a pervasive patriarchy, allow the Muslim woman little choice or decisional autonomy in practically every aspect of her life (Hasan and Menon, 2004). A 2005 Government of India study of the social, educational and economic status of Muslims in India—popularly known as the Sachar Report—assessed the status of Indian Muslims to be among the lowest of all segments of society. The report showed that Muslim women are particularly marginalized and disadvantaged. The Sachar Report found that both government and civil society blame the religious community for the position of Muslim women, rather than societal discrimination or faulty development policies. It also found that Muslims

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had not benefited much from government poverty alleviation projects and other programmes (Government of India, 2006). While affirmative action programmes for deprived groups of people are common in India, historically these have not extended to Muslims (Arjan de Haan, 2011). Following the Sachar Report*, advocates have demanded change and there has been an indication of political will to address development issues of Muslims, specifically Muslim women. In 2008 the Government of India announced a budget with special multi-sector programmes for districts with minority concentrations and increased support to development organizations working for the welfare of disadvantaged groups, including minorities. In the Government’s Five Year Plan for 2007-12, the Planning Commission specifically recognized the “double and triple discrimination” of Muslim women (as women and as a minority community) and recommended targeted interventions for Muslim women as a priority area of action (Government of India, Planning Commission, 2008). Eight years after the release of the Sachar Report, limited progress has been made in implementing its recommendations, which include improving access to quality education; enhancing access to credit and government programmes; improving employment opportunities and conditions; enhancing infrastructure provision; and encouraging community initiatives (Government of India, 2006). Muslim women in India have recently started a campaign to encourage the government to revive the report and to * The Rajinder Sachar Committee was commissioned in 2005 by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to prepare a report on the latest social, economic and educational conditions of the Muslim community of India. The committee was headed by former Chief Justice of the Delhi High Court Rajinder Sachar, as well as six other members. The committee prepared a 403 page report and presented it to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian Parliament, on November 30, 2006. This report highlighted issues facing the Muslim community and their representation in Indian public life.

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implement its recommendations effectively (Perappadan, 2012). Exacerbating all the disadvantages highlighted—and in some respects perpetuating them—is the fact that although Muslim women have the same political and legal rights as the rest of the population, they are unable to properly exercise those rights (Desai and Gheda, 2014). Many Muslim women do not realize they have rights both under the Indian Constitution and religious law (Engineer, 2007). This lack of knowledge restricts their ability to stand up for their rights, make decisions that affect their lives, earn a livelihood, or access government programmes and services intended for them. Their self-confidence is also negatively affected. They are not connected to other women in an empowering framework and they live in a cycle that is difficult to break: poverty and isolation lead to poor health and lack of education, and these, in turn, become barriers to gaining the skills and opportunities necessary to emerge from poverty. A general misperception exists both within and outside the Muslim community that gender inequity is inbuilt in Islam and that the gender disparity seen in many Muslim societies is a result of the religion itself (Narain, 2013). In fact, the opposite is true. The Qur’an provides women with rights to education, inheritance, choice of marital partner, divorce and participation in all fields of endeavour including governance and enterprise (Al-Hibri, 2000). Unfortunately, Muslim men and women are largely unaware of these rights. Many of the restrictions placed on Indian Muslim women are rooted in social customs and traditions and are legitimized in the name of shariah (the moral and religious laws of Islam). Asghar Ali Engineer, who conducted workshops on the rights of Muslim women, has reported that “when women listen to what is written in the Qur’an (on the rights and status of women), they say they never thought that the Qur’an liberates them.” (Engineer, 2007) From a wider socio-political perspective, the impact of

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Muslim women’s isolation in society is damaging to Indian democracy. In India, the socio-economic status of a community and participation in political life are inter-linked (Action Aid, 2006) and as the Sachar Report noted, “in a pluralistic society a reasonable representation of various communities in government sector employment is necessary to enhance participatory governance.” (Government of India, 2006) The political marginalization of the Muslim community is exacerbated by vote-bank polics, the practice of religious and caste leaders positioning themselves as middle men (or being perceived as such) to bargain with political parties on behalf of a community in return for votes. In reality, Indian Muslims espouse a range of political opinions. Muslim women and men are not able to fully participate in social, political and governance structures and this marginalization leaves the entire community vulnerable to anti-democratic ideologies (Mohan and Tabassum, 2016). At a relatively benign level, this can lead to a perception among the Muslim community that mainstream political processes and institutions will not deliver for the marginalized, and this perception can cause loss of faith in those mainstream structures and political processes (Piazza, 2011). On a more hopeful note, various researchers have found a growing enthusiasm among the younger generation in the Muslim community for educating their daughters (Action Aid, 2006). An increasing demand for change is being voiced. Backing this demand, there is some indication of a nascent political will to address development issues of Muslims, specifically Muslim women. The government will actively promote the democratic inclusion of the Muslim community (Mohan and Tabassum, 2016). Way Forward Suggested strategies for the empowerment and inclusion of Muslim women in the Indian democratic system

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State Parties shall take in all fields, in particular in the political, social, economic and cultural fields, all appropriate measures, including legislation, to ensure the full development and advancement of women, for the purpose of guaranteeing them the exercise and enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms on a basis of equality with men (CEDAW, 1979).

Model of Cross Sectoral Resource Network to Fix Accountability and Encourage Women’s Leadership There is a need to apply the model of cross sectoral resource network to ensure accountability of each important institution/organization, target group and individual (in this case women). Collaborating and engaging with all key players is mandatory to ensure Muslim women’s rights. I. Role of the Government “Persons belonging to minorities have the right to participate effectively in cultural, religious, social, economic and public life”. It further says in Article 4.5 that “states should consider appropriate measures so that persons belonging to minorities may participate fully in the economic progress and development in their country” (UDHR).

Undoubtedly we have great law of the land that is the Indian Constitution, which ensures a secular democratic governance system and protection of minority and women’s rights. The government has also introduced welfare policies and established offices for the minorities especially Muslims (including Muslim women as well, like i. 15-Point Programme ii. National Minorities Development and Finance Corporation, iii. National Commission for Minorities, iv. Constituting RiotTask Force, which have been launched at all India level. Unfortunately, the planned programmes could not deliver the benefits as were expected. A few years ago, A.R. Antulay, former Chief Minister of Maharashtra and Union Minister said, “During 53 years of public life in the post-independence era certain special privileges and concessions were allowed to be declared. I

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repeat allowed to be declared by government in favour of the minorities. Now in practical terms the declared concessions, facilities and extra privileges were never extended to them. The declarations thus remained as mere slogans”. The government needs to take into consideration the above recommendations to ensure that Muslim women are empowered in all facets of life, i.e. education, economic, political, etc. Lack of information about available welfare programmes restricts women from accessing benefits. There is a need to have a proper agency to disseminate such information. Resource Centre / Information Cell / Referral Centre / Information Window whatever you name it needs to be established at all possible public places to disseminate information about welfare programmes to women and excluded sections. Information disseminated needs to include further details such as which department/agency to approach, where to get the application form and who is the responsible official etc. Usage of eTechnology needs to be adopted at these centres for better work results. The Indian government needs to design effective progrmames, implement them with commitment and monitor them properly to ensure inclusion of Muslim women in the democratic system. Local NGOs can be partnered to do the task. The National Commission for Minorities can play an effective role of being the Watch Dog by overseeing the implementation of welfare programmes/projects aimed at Muslim women’s welfare. It can set up a research cell to review allocation and expenditure of funds for minority welfare under different Departments and Ministries. We can call it Minority Budgeting. II. Role of Civil Society and Media For the welfare of Muslim women committed efforts need to be made by NGOs. Along with welfare projects they need to build women’s negotiation skills so they themselves are able to get their due entitlements. Proper networking amongst NGOs

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needs to be ensured to avoid duplication and effective advocacy and outreach. Apart from secular NGOs, there are significant Muslim women’s groups headed by Muslim women, which need to initiate programmes on removal of illiteracy, poverty alleviation, and initiate livelihood opportunities, women’s empowerment and building their leadership for sustainable development. The focus should be on developing ways to help women in need without increasing their dependence or making them dole addicts. NGOs need to focus more on making the future generation of Muslim women less dependent and confident. For effective planning and documentation these NGOs need to partner with research, educational institutions, department of social work at central universities for mutual benefit. They need to involve women at the time of designing; implementing and monitoring any programme/project and work closely with government to ensure sustainability of the programmes and issues. The media also needs to play a pivotal role by focusing on Muslim women’s development issues, their concerns, stories on role models, disseminating information about welfare programmes and sharing best programmes/projects/practices aimed at the empowerment of Muslim women carried on by the government, NGOs, business houses and individuals. III. Role of the Community and Muslim Business Houses (Corporate Social Responsibility) Muslims have an added responsibility for ensuring the welfare of women in the community. Islamic scriptures provide guidelines to its followers to help their brethren in difficult situations. Along with these theoretical prescriptions, the Muslim community also has assets like waqf (donated) property, which can help the needy. The community needs to take into account the basics of belief enshrined in Islamic scriptures, which expect a caring behaviour from its followers towards their brethren. These basics are as follows:

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Theoretical Inscriptions Islamic Base of Equality The Qur’an imposes upon its followers a universal obligation to serve humanity. Muslims have been asked in the Holy Qur’an to strive continuously to establish the Nizam-e-Rabuhiyath, the system of sustenance that guarantees peace, growth and development of the entire mankind. Wealth and Qur’an According to the economic concept of the Qur’an, wealth cannot be accumulated, stored and kept idle. Such accumulation is most undesirable (Holy Qur’an, 59: 7). Islam teaches that everyone should take for his or her earning only what is required to fulfil one’s needs, and the remaining part will be left to meet the requirement of other needy persons (Holy Qur’an, 2: 219). Such persons whose basic requirements are not fulfilled have a rightful share in the surplus of other members of the society (Holy Qur’an, 51: 19, 70: 24). Under the Qur’anic system no one will have surplus money or assets. Therefore, the question of owning property, over and above one’s real need does not arise. The Holy Qur’an warns the hoarders, “And there are those who buy gold and silver and spend it not in the way of Allah: announce unto them a most grievous penalty on the day when heat will be produced out of that (wealth) in the fire of hell, and with it will be branded their foreheads” (Holy Qur’an 9: 34-35). In terms of helping the poor the Holy Qur’an declares, “provision must be made to help the kindred, or orphans, way-farers, widows, who are in bondage or in debt, those who are expelled from their homes and deprived of their property, and, in general, needy” (Holy Qur’an, 59: 7-8). There is a definite guarantee that those who pay poor dues, i.e. Zakat are bound to

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prosper*. Waqf (Donated) Property The Muslim community has the privilege of having an asset in the form of Waqf properties, which can be used for the welfare of women. These are the properties of Muslims who migrated to Pakistan after partition**. If Waqf properties are scientifically and honestly managed they can generate a great deal of revenue, which in turn can be used for establishing educational institutions, professional colleges, hospitals and to establish business houses to support women and the needy. Efforts to Instil Confidence Among Muslim Women There is a need to project women role models of the community so that the younger generation get inspired by them and get rid of a pessimistic attitude. The community has to be ready to do whatever is needed to lift their sisters from the confusion of weakness and indignity, protect them from the dangers looming on the * Unfortunately very few among rich Muslims pay the minimum rate of Zakat, i.e. 2.5 per cent annually. Since in India very few agencies collect it systematically and not on a large scale, its benefits are never seen and felt. Not many Muslims, in addition to Zakat, pay Sadaqath for which there is no maximum limit. As stated before, everything, which is surplus, must be spent. At this time when the majority of community women suffer from rampant poverty, merely by paying a minimum rate of Zakat, a rich Muslim cannot free himself of his duties towards the society. The spirit of prayer, fast and Hajj lose their credibility in the absence of this duty. When during the governance of the Caliph Abu Bakr some people refused to pay the poor due, he declared jihad (holy war) against those defaulters. Even though they performed prayers and professed faith in Islam, those rich Muslims were called unfaithful. ** Had those been maintained properly, the poverty of Muslim society could have been erased. But most of the Waqf properties have been looted, many Waqf properties all over India have been sold at throwaway prices, many have been encroached upon and many have been mortgaged. Many Waqf properties are still being looted and they are at prime locations.

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horizon and equip them with what would enable them to compete with others and be successful. Eradication of poverty, removal of illiteracy and inculcation of industrial qualities are necessary to secure these results. There has to be identification and constant articulation of emerging Muslim women elite that must forge meaningful ties with the lower strata of society. Confidence-building measures should be initiated at all levels. There are important universities: Jamia Millia Islamia, Jamia Hamdard, Aligarh Muslim University and Osmania University, opportunities provided by these institutions must be used to the maximum extent. There should be a proper functional chain of counselling and career guidance centres in these universities so that the available young girls’ talents must be properly developed into skills. Role of the Individual (Women’s Agency) No one can deny that the twenty-first century is more competitive not only in commerce and industry but also in the realm of ideas and culture. The fact is that people do not perish for lack of wealth but also for lack of vision and vision is a rare commodity amongst us. It is high time that Muslim women look beyond to be successful in the real sense and Islam has the depth to show the way for this. Women in the present century will be to a large extent what they work for, i.e. what they really want to be. The important thing is to realize that the only way to success is through competition. The more productive you are the more competitive advantage you have. Productivity in our modern society depends on knowledge (education). It is no longer ownership of land or capital, which can raise productivity. Increasingly it is knowledge and the skill of applying it, which is the source of productivity and wealth creation. The lesson is clear. Muslim women must attend to the twin ills of poverty and illiteracy by acquiring knowledge in order to be strong enough to face today’s challenges.

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Muslim women need to make innovations, take bold and courageous steps and display leadership. They have to have the hope, self-confidence and trust. Pessimism, siege mentality, a pervading sense of being backward and marginalized need to be rooted out from lives. They need to demand to ensure supply of services, entitlement and justice.

REFERENCES Action Aid. 2006, “Preliminary Report on the Socio-Economic Condition of Muslims in India”, New Delhi. Al-Hibri, Azizah Y. 2000, “An Introduction to Muslim Women’s Rights”, in Windows of Faith: Muslim Women Scholar-Activists in North America, ed. by Gisela Webb, Syracuse: Syracuse University Press. Bhargava, Rajeev. 2007, “On the Persistent Political UnderRepresentation of Muslims in India,” Law and Ethics of Human Rights, Vol. 1, Issue 1, Article 4. Butalia, U. 2000, The Other Side of Silence: Voices from the Partition of India, Durham: Duke University Press. Desai, Sonalde and Temsah, Gheda. 2014, “Muslim and Hindu Women’s Publich and Private Behaviors: Gender, Family and Communalized Politics in India”, Demography, Vol. 51, No. 6, pp. 2307-332. Engineer, Asghar Ali. 2007, Muslim Women in Indian Society, Google, accessed September 9, 2011, http://www.csss-isla. com/ archpercent2071.htm. Government of India, Social, Economic and Educational Status, of the Muslim Community: A Report, New Delhi: Prime Minister’s High Level Committee, 2006. Commonly referred to as the “Sachar Report”, it is named after the former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Justice Rajinder Sachar, who headed the committee. Government of India, Planning Commission, Report of the Steering Committee on Empowerment of Women and Development of Children for the Eleventh Plan, New Delhi: 2007, , accessed November 5, 2011. Government of India, Planning Commission. 2008, Eleventh Five Years Plan (2007-2012), New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

74ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies Haan, Arjan de. 2011, Rescuing Exclusion from the Poverty Debate: Group disparities and Social Transformation in India”, Working Paper No. 517, International Institute of Social Sciences, Irasmus University. Hasan, Zoya and Menon, Ritu. 2004, Unequal Citizens—A Study of Muslim Women in India, Oxford, Oxford University Press. Hasan, Zoya. 2010, “Gender, Religion and Democratic Politics in India”, Third World Quarterly, 31 (6). Metcalf, Barbara and Metcalf, Thomas. 2002, A Concise History of India, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mohan, Vasu and Tabassum, Suraiya. 2016, Seher-A New Dawn Breaks, Washington DC: IFES. Narain, V. 2013, “Muslim Women’s Equality in India”, Human Rights Quarterly, Vol. 35. National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganized Sector, Report on Conditions of Work and Promotion of Livelihoods in the Unorganized Sector (New Delhi: 2007) , accessed September 11, 2011. Perappadan, Bindu S. 2012, “Muslim Women Offer Chadar” to Revive Comatos Sachar Report, The Hindu, August 3, 2012. Piazza, J. 2011, “Poverty, Minority, Economic Discrimination and Domestic Terrorism”, Journal of Peace and Research, Vol. 48, No. 3. Singh, Kirti, Musharraf and Mullas, Maimoona, 2006, “Inching Towards Equality: Application of CEDAW and Muslim Personal Law in India”, in “Conceptualising Islamic Law, CEDAW & Women’s Human Rights in Plural Legal Settings: A Comparative Analysis of CEDAW in Bangladesh, India and Pakistan”, UNIFEM South Asia Regional Office.

4

Occupational and Reproductive Health

Concerns of the Marginalized: A

Case Study of Home-Based Women

Embroiderers in Aligarh

Saman Eram M. Ahmed The women home-based embroiderers of Aligarh hail from impoverished middle class families who got depressed in unfortunate circumstances. The embroidery engages women of secluded households of mainly the Muslim community. They form the marginalized section of society and are extremely vulnerable in terms of social and economic conditions which lead to poverty and deteriorating health conditions. Various researchers and institutions including anthropologists and economists (Bloom and Lucas, 2000; Farmer, 2000; WHO, 1995; World Bank, 1993) establish undisputable evidence that the poor (especially poor women) suffer more from ill health than the non-poor. The greater burden of ill health among the poor has been flagged as inequitable and an important issue of social justice (Haddad and Mohindra, 2002). Reducing social inequalities in health in general, and the burden of ill health among the poor in particular, are currently driving many global health research and activist agendas (Mohindra, 2009). Women’s health has been viewed within a narrow perspective of their child-bearing and reproductive role over a long period. In the studies conducted so far on women’s

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health there was a tendency to equate women’s health primarily with maternal health (cited in Majumder, 1996). Notably, the focus on the Indian health policy since the 1950s has also been constrained to concerns of maternal health (Mukhopadhyay, 1998) There has been of late a progressive shift in health policy occurring on account of the Women’s Health Movement and the 1994 International Conference on Population Development (ICPD), which moved away from a target-based approach to reducing fertility to an emphasis on women’s individual reproductive choices and rights over her body (ibid). In addition, a lifecycle approach to health that considers the specific and cumulative effects of poor health and nutrition across a woman’s lifecycle—from birth to old age—including reproductive and non-reproductive dimensions of health is being promoted as the new women’s health paradigm (Gupta, Chen and Krishnan, 1995). The issue of women’s health also takes on a new dimension following the concerns of productivity of women labourers. Health and productivity of labourers are expected to be highly correlated. The better the health condition of a worker, it is likely that the higher is her/his productivity, and vice versa (Majumder, 1996). Women’s health condition depends on multiple factors ranging from socio-economic realities and hardships— poverty, level of awareness and education, perceptions about illness, access to health services—to such reasons as attitudes and perceptions about illness, care for one’s own health. Women lack control over their bodies and decisions regarding their health. Lack of decision-making power reduces women’s access to healthcare (the NFHS-2 found that only 28 per cent of women of reproductive age can decide to seek their own healthcare). Besides, the self-effacing outlook of women in patriarchal social situations also undermines the health conditions of women. For example, the health problems from strenuous embroidery work are not considered pressing and

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severe enough for the worker to demand his or her proper medical treatment. Similarly, the problems in pregnancy are considered normal and not requiring any natal or antenatal care. “The numerous beliefs and practices surrounding menstruation, pregnancy and childbirth, as well as attitudes to fertility and its control, which are part of the community’s health culture specifically affect both women’s health and their health-seeking behaviour” (Ravindran, 1992). To this may be added, the problems of poor state health facilities, the government is withdrawing from the duty of providing essential health care to its citizens and the health sector increasingly getting privatized. The home-based women embroiderers face similar social constraints related to health. The ill effects of delicate needlework is not considered as a serious health issue by the embroiderers themselves. The paper discusses various occupational and reproductive health issues of women embroiderers arising out of engagement in embroidery work. Research Procedure The study is based on a primary survey of 220 embroiderers in Aligarh city. Out of a total sample of 220 embroiderers, 140 have been taken from patti work, 50 from cut work and 30 from karchobi embroidery. Purposive sampling has been used for selection of embroiderers from the population. The sample comprises embroiderers from embroidery-dominated areas of Aligarh city, namely; Bhamola, Alam Bagh, Loco Colony, Aftab Manzil, Puranichungi, Firdos Nagar, University Farm, Patwari Nagla, Jamalpur, Hamdard Nagar, Asif Nagar, Maulana Azad Nagar, Jeevangarh, Islam Nagar, Zohra Bagh, Ahmed Nagar, Baigpur, etc. The field survey was carried out for my PhD thesis during March 2011 to August 2011. The study is based on both quantitative and qualitative technique. Data was collected using structured questionnaires. However, the respondents being primarily illiterate the

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questionnaires were filled by the researcher herself during face­ to-face interviews with embroiderers. At length interviews, focused group discussions, structured questionnaires along with the researcher’s observations is the basis of this study. Descriptive statistics have been used for quantitative analyses of data. The data has been analysed from the gender perspective and women’s health has been viewed within the feminist research framework. The researcher’s subjectivity on the qualitative aspects of study might therefore appear. Occupational Health Hazard The hazards of work are more pronounced in women workers, on account of the double burden of the occupational work and the household chores falling on women (Majumder, 1996). The studies conducted on health profiles of women workers in different industries bring out the occupational health hazards and poor state of health of the workers. For instance, in the garment industry, women workers complained of back pain, leg pain, hand pain etc., after they joined the industry (ibid).“The workers in this industry do not last for very long and their eyesight starts deteriorating rapidly because of working on intricate designs in poor light. Poor posture of the workers during the process of embellishment also leads to body aches and other health problems” (Unni and Scaria, 2009). The home-based embroidery which brings out elaborate hand embroidery patterns through intricate needlework has its own hazards for the workers. The women embroiderers were engaged for an average of 6.6 hours per day doing embroidery in their homes, most of which were small, poorly ventilated and dim-lit structures, generally crowded. The family (average size being 7.5 in patti, 7.8 in cut work and 7 in karchobi members per family) was accommodated with difficulty in 1-2 small rooms. Their kitchen spaces were smoky and usually joined to their living spaces. The houses mostly could hardly meet proper hygiene

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conditions. The localities and immediate surroundings were shanty and dirty with narrow lanes and no proper drainage facility. A number of women embroiderers who were interviewed, complained of severe headache; backache and weak eyesight (see the tables below). Only a few of them did not report to have experienced any hazards of the work. There were a few women who lost their eyesight in this work (though none of them were in this particular sample but I met 3 women who lost their eyesight in patti embroidery and 2 women in cut work during my field survey. They were over 55 years of age). Poor lighting conditions at their homes made embroidery difficult. They even have to work by candle light and chimneys at night. Table 1. Occupational Ill Effects of Embroidery Type of Embroidery Patti Work Cut Work Karchobi Spinal problem 33 24 4 Weak eyesight and spinal problem 77 18 21 Side Effects

No problem Total samples

30 140

8 50

5 30

Source: Field Survey

Chart 1. Percentage of Embroiderers Facing Occupational

Hazards

Source: Field Survey

It was observed that respondents who did not have any side effects of work were the beginners at work. On an average they had a work experience of not more than 5 years. Others, who had more than 5 years of experience in embroidery

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had some health problems in general or were beginning to face the problems. It was found that respondents with weak eyesight and spinal problems, in patti work and cut work, on an average were found working for more than 10 years. While in the case of karchobi embroidery, the problem of eyesight developed within an average span of 5 years of work. The percentage of embroiderers with weak eyesight as well as spinal problems was quite high in all three embroideries but in case of karchobi the percentage was the highest. In patti embroidery, those complaining of the problems had been facing it on an average for 8.7 years, whereas the average visit to doctors was only 1.37 times in the entire span of suffering. Similarly in cut work, embroiderers suffered from illness for 7.83 years while the average visit to doctors was only 1.16 times since inception of the problem. In karchobi, the respondents on an average suffered from illness for the last 6.12 years and their average visit to doctors was merely 1.58 times. 2. Reproductive Health 2.1 Care During Pregnancy Most of the women embroiderers spoke of having taken additional nutrients during their pregnancies, though it is doubtful considering their economic conditions if they actually took the healthy and complete diet necessary for a pregnant woman. Of the 162 married embroiderers, a sizeable number (98/162) reported taking personal care during pregnancies. Chart 2. Intake of Additional Nutrients During Pregnancy

Source: Field Survey

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Women also reported some help they received during and after pregnancy from their husband’s relatives or their natal relations even if their families were nuclear. The case was almost similar in all embroiderers. Eighty-seven out of 162, i.e. 54 per cent of embroiderers confirmed that work load was shared by other members of the family including males and they were given special concessions in work by their family members. Other relatives like sister or sister-in-law, mother or mother-in-law, cousins, aunts, etc. came for help at the time of pregnancy. But in case of 46 per cent embroiderers the situation was not easy. They did not gain any support from their family members. They discussed their extremely tough times of pregnancies when they had to manage both their household chores and their embroidery work. Chart 3. Reduction of Work Load During Pregnancy

Source: Field Survey

Husbands were found helping their wives only in time of pregnancies; otherwise there was no support from husbands in terms of sharing the household tasks. Chart 4 shows that 68 per cent women embroiderers claimed to enjoy husbands’ support during pregnancy while 32 per cent of them denied any such support from their husbands. Men are the decision-makers on key matters, such as intra-household allocation of resources and contraceptive practices. Gupta, Chen and Krishnan further argue that although women are the ‘biological’ reproducers, men control ‘social’ reproduction since it is through males that children form their identity as members of society. Thus, with a low level of expectation of women from male members of the family for domestic work

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in patriarchal settings, women appear to be particularly obliged when limited help was forthcoming. The extent of such support is therefore doubtful. Chart 4. Husband’s Support During Pregnancy

Source: Field Survey

2.2 Maternal Health The women embroiderers on an average had 4.4 living children. Besides, the average age of embroiderers at the time of marriage was 17 years (well below the legal marriageable age, i.e. 18 years). The average age of embroiderers at the time of the first child was 18.6 years. The average gap between the children of women embroiderers was 1.7 years (by looking at the births of their living children). However, the average gap between pregnancies would be less than 1.7 years if we consider the miscarriages, abortions, still births and children who have died after birth. In the total sample of 162 married embroiderers, 90 women experienced miscarriages. Among which 52 women had one miscarriage, 27 had two miscarriages and 11 had more than two miscarriages (maximum number of miscarriages was 5). There were 152 cases of miscarriages in total, thus miscarriage per woman was 0.9. Similarly, in the total sample of 162 married embroiderers, 36 women had abortions. Out of which 25 women had aborted once, while 11 had aborted twice—an average abortion of 0.3 per woman.

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Chart 5. Number of Women with Miscarriages and

Abortions

Source: Field Survey

The reason for abortions was mostly poverty. Those who wanted smaller families looked at more children as a burden rather than an asset and more hands for work. Only some women aborted their children due to the responsibility of already small children. They wanted to give a gap between children. However, the decision of abortion never totally lies with women. Women appear in positions of subservience in these matters. The decision on abortion was generally taken by husbands or in-laws in the family. However, clearly all the respondents refused to have taken recourse to sex determination and selection of a male child in aborting the foetus. Chart 6. Reasons for Abortion

Source: Field Survey

Abortions were generally in the local unauthorized clinics and healthcare centres which were unsafe and services provided by unskilled persons in unhygienic conditions. Similarly, the check-ups of pregnant women were not regular. Going for routine check-ups or complaining to family members about pregnancy-related problems was seen as an embarrassing

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matter for most embroiderers. They preferred to be under the supervision of some experienced daais (midwives) or in many cases the deliveries were carried out by experienced ladies in their homes. A small percentage (10 per cent) of embroiderers preferred hospitals for delivery and paid regular visits to the doctors. Interestingly, they also spoke of lack of confidence in doctors in this matter. They thought they may be forced to have cesarean babies if they went to the hospitals. Those who had deliveries in hospitals preferred the government city hospital rather than the University hospital in the civil lines area, even though it was closer to their locality. There were only 10 per cent deliveries which took place in hospitals while 90 per cent deliveries were at home. Thus on an average a woman had 0.45 deliveries in the hospital, whereas 3.98 deliveries at home. Skilled care at childbirth is only one element of the care procedure required during pregnancy. Care after childbirth is equally important for detecting and treating infection and other conditions. Such care is beyond the imagination of these women embroiderers who possess little understanding on such issues. 2.3 Control Over Bodies Despite reduction in fertility rates in India, women remain limited in their reproductive choices and control over their bodies (Mukhopadhyay, 1998). The matters of contraception, abortion or gap between children were not an independent decision of women, as is found usual in patriarchal societies. Combined with issues of financial hardships, in many cases if they exercised a choice in these matters, they ended up using dangerous, unhygienic methods compromising their health severely. With a low level of awareness on these matters, these women were particularly at risk. In the total sample of 162 married embroiderers, 34 per cent of them had not used any contraceptive in their child-bearing

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age. Sixty-six per cent of embroiderers had used or were using contraceptives in their reproductive age. Contraceptive use in young mothers (of age less than 25) is negligible, resulting in short inter-pregnancy intervals. As elsewhere, “Women usually achieve their desired fertility of 2-3 children by the age of 25 and then adopt a permanent method” (Daniel and Rahman, 2008). The most prevalent contraceptive method used was male and female sterilization (look at the chart below). Temporary methods of contraception are not widespread. If it was used, it was mostly condoms for temporary contraception. IUD and oral pills were not common as they feared the side effects on health. Most of their views on contraception had been gained through gossip rather than on sound medical advice. The women in the locality seem to be sharing their limited experience on these matters rather than consulting doctors. Chart 7. Contraceptives Used by Embroiderers

Source: Field Survey

“Men appear as the key decision-makers in all important matters of the household including contraception practices” (Mohindra, 2009). Thirty-three per cent women embroiderers spoke of their limited decision-making on these matters. Four respondents who claimed that they themselves decided to go for tubal ligation mentioned that they went without informing their husbands. They were able to do so with the help of their female relatives but later had to face its adverse consequences. The following charts bring out women’s decisions on the use of contraceptives.

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Chart 8. Decision for Using Contraceptives

Source: Field Survey

Thus the women’s decision to use contraception was only 9 per cent. Whereas the decision made solely by partners was quite high—a typical reflection of women’s lack of control over their bodies and subordination in marriages. Interestingly, the women reported that the decision on use of contraception is usually decided on a mutual basis. This feeling in women of mutual decision was in spite of large level of female sterilization and husband’s will regarded as crucial in the decision on contraception. This however, throws important light on the low level of women’s expectations in relationships and their rights over their bodies, level of awareness and the possibilities of control. 2.4. Reflection of Income on the Health of Embroiderers Embroiderers contributing more in the family fund had greater freedom in deciding on issues of children’s welfare, household expenses and asset building. Thirty-two embroiderers have been considered here to find out the effect (if any) of their higher contribution in the family fund over their health conditions. The variables, namely—visits to doctor for occupational side effects, average number of children, average gap between children and place of delivery of children (denoting some level of consciousness among embroiderers for better health) have been considered.

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Table 2. Effect of Income on Embroiderers’ Health Place of Average Average Average Visit to Delivery No. of Gap b/w Doctor for OccupaChildren Children Hospital Home tional Side Effect Embroiderers earning more than their husbands Embroiderers earning lesser than their husbands Source: Field Survey

4.2

2.2

1.4

2.8

1.9

4.4

1.7

0.45

3.98

1.8

Table 2 suggests that higher financial contribution of embroiderers does have some positive effect on health though it is not sizeable. The average number of children per embroiderer being more or less is the same for both categories. However, the average gap between children is more in case of embroiderers earning more. These embroiderers also seem to prefer hospitals for delivery. However, there was no such encouraging attitude found in these embroiderers as far as using contraceptives was concerned. They were not better than other embroiderers in terms of deciding on this issue. The husbands still appear dominating on these matters. There was also not much difference in the average visits to doctors for occupational side effects (here embroiderers have been considered from all three embroideries, i.e. out of 220 embroiderers) between embroiderers earning less than their husbands and embroiderers earning more than their husbands. Conclusion The poor health conditions of women embroiderers can be attributed to their pathetic and dismal state of affairs that result in several musculoskeletal disorders, headaches, knee pains, joint pains, shoulder and neck pains, etc. Delicacy in needle work further affects their eyesights. Lack of awareness, poor ventilation, space crunch, motionless sitting and prolonged

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working hours are the key factors affecting the health of women embroiderers. Apart from state intervention in implementing the health schemes and reducing the cumbersome procedure in availing such health benefits, the role of NGOs can be instrumental in bringing awareness regarding several health schemes, particularly for women like Janani Suraksha Yojana, Sanitease, Pradhan Mantri Surakshit Matritva Abhiyan, etc. Social activists can play a pivotal role in uplifting this particular community, which could improve their health conditions.

REFERENCES Bloom, G. and H. Lucas. 2000, “Health and Poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa”, Institute of Development Studies Working Paper 103, London: IDS. Craft, N. 1997. “Women’s Health: Women’s Health Is a Global Issue”, British Medical Journal, Vol. 315 (No. 7116), pp. 1154-1157. Daniel, E.E. and Rahman, M. 2008. “The Effect of Community Based Reproductive Health Communication Interventions on Contraceptive Use Among Young Married Couples in Bihar”, India. Farmer, P. 2000, Infections and Inequalities: The Modern Plagues, Berkeley: University of California Press. Gupta, M.D., Chen, L.C. and Krishnan, T.N. (eds.), 1995, Women’s Health in India: Risk and Vulnerability, Bombay: Oxford University Press. Haddad, S. and Mohindra, K.S. 2002, Access, Opportunities and Communities: Ingredients for Health Equity in the South, Paper presented at the Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs Workshop (April), New York: Social Justice and Public Health. Majumder, P. and Pratima. 1996, “Health Impact of Women’s Wage Employment: A Case Study of the Garment Industry of Bangladesh”, The Bangladesh Development Studies, Vol. 24 (No. 1/2), pp. 59-102. Mazumdar, I. 2007, Women Workers and Globalization: Emergent Contradictions in India, Kolkata: STREE. Mishra, Y. 2001, “Unsafe Abortions and Women’s Health”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 36 (No. 40) October, pp. 3814-3817.

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Mohindra, K.S. 2009, Women’s Health and Poverty Alleviation in India, New Delhi: Academic Foundation. Mukhopadhyay, S. 1998, Women’s Health, Public Policy and Community Action, New Delhi: Manohar Publishers. Qadeer, I. 1998, “Reproductive Health: A Public Health Perspective”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 33 (No. 41) October, pp. 2675­ 2684. Ravindran, T.S. 1992, “Research on Women’s Health: Some Methodological Issues”, Development in Practice, Vol. 2 (No. 3), pp. 179-188. Unni, J. and Scaria, S. 2009, “Governance Structure and Labour Market Outcomes in Garment Embellishment Chains”, The Indian Journal of Labour Economics, Vol. 52 (No. 4), pp. 631-650. World Bank, 1990, World Development Report on Poverty. New York: Oxford University Press. ——— 1993. World Development Report, “Attacking Poverty”, 2000/2002, New York: Oxford University Press. ——— 2001. Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers: Internal Guidance Note, Washington, DC; World Bank. World Health Organization, 1978, The Declaration of Alma Ata. ——— 1986. The Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion, Ottawa: WHO. ——— 1995. World Health Report, 1995, Bridging the Gaps, Geneva: WHO.

5

Dalit Women’s Emancipation:

Struggle for Change

Nivedita Giri The Dalits in India have been structurally discriminated against on the basis of their work and birth for centuries. The Dalit women at the same time have been doubly discriminated one, as Dalits and the other, as women. They have experienced atrocities in various forms. Till today, in many states of India, the upper castes have most of the time shown their power and dominance over Dalits, especially Dalit women through various forms of physical atrocities such as rape. This is because the upper castes consider the lower castes as subservient. This has been practised by upper caste men to suppress the lower castes. There are ample testimonies in India that show that the hegemonic system (upper caste vs lower caste) existed in India for many centuries. Therefore, this is one of the most important reasons that sexual violence cases towards Dalit women are greater in number in India. It is more than 70 years now since India became independent but the Indian women have still not achieved full liberation. India claims to be a progressive nation but the saddest part is even in 2020, Indian society does not seem to have moved on from castebased oppression and violence. During these years, it is evident that the caste disparities have increased. The Indian media brings out a number of news items that show that Dalit women continue to face atrocities

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and discrimination because they are Dalits. “They are one of the largest socially segregated groups anywhere in the world, and make up 2 per cent of the world’s total population. Dalit women constitute 16.3 per cent of the total Indian female population” (Ruth Manorama). Hence, the situation of Dalit women in India needs special attention. They are far behind in development due to patriarchy both in society and community. It has been pointed out by Dalit activists and intellectuals that Dalit women suffer the triple burden of caste, class, and gender (Omvedt, 2004; Malik, 1999 and Ray, 2012). They have been called the “Dalits of the Dalits”, the “downtrodden amongst the downtrodden” and the “the slaves of the slaves”. (Manorama quoted in Hardtmann, 2009: 217). However, such a construction has been challenged by Shirman as “fetishizing of Dalit women’s suffering which tend to reify the living social relationships that constitute Dalit women’s lives, and to locate Dalit women as objects of pity.” (Shirman, 2004) Dietrich argues that while women’s movements downplay the caste factor and emphasize unity among women as victims of violence, Dalit movements see such violence only from a caste angle and subsume the Dalit women within Dalits in general. (Dietrich, 2003: 57) Today, Ambedkar’s vision on emancipation of women, to remove all socio-economic, political and cultural barriers for making women empowered have largely been ignored by feminist movements. However, it needs to be realized that any feminist discourse on gender equality in India cannot isolate the social institution of caste if they want to seek a concrete agenda that truly empowers common women. Hence there is a need for Indian feminists to turn to Dr. B.R. Ambedkar to understand the complex milieu of caste and gender so as to build a counter narrative that challenges the hegemony of the patriarchal Hindu order. Dr. Ambedkar struggled throughout his life for the liberation of Indian women from the lifelong bondage and

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slavery under the weight of the social structure. Following the Buddha’s philosophy he set himself as a path shower to the millennium of suppressed downtrodden and underprivileged women for social equality irrespective of their religion, caste, creed and sex (Omvedt, 2003). His main arguments centre on gender relations that are artificially constructed under the Hindu social order which not only moulds the attitude of Hindus towards women but also conditions of women to conform to a stereotyped feminine behaviour. He challenged the ideological foundation of the graded system of caste hierarchy that denied equality, freedom and dignity to women in Indian society. Dr. Ambedkar was the first Indian to break down the barriers in the way of advancement of women in India. His mission of life was to reconstruct Hindu society along with modern democratic ideas of liberty, equality and fraternity. Several women’s movements have been organized by women’s groups but the development of women is still a distant dream. This is because the problems of specific women’s groups have not been addressed separately. The emancipation of women will be achieved if the women’s movements have a holistic approach. Problems and Challenges Dalit women face discrimination in access to a dignified life, to legal redress to claim what is theirs in principle, to equal wages, to the decision-making process, and to benefits from government initiated programmes targeted at their welfare. Issues of childcare and health are relegated to the background in a struggle for subsistence. The problem of being marginalized and therefore discriminated against is worsened by the practice of untouchability. Sharecropping, for example, is not extensive among Dalit families due to the observance of ritual purity by caste groups. The grim reality of untouchability appears inescapable. It is there in

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schools, in tea shops, while labouring, while walking on public roads. The fear of indignity, humiliation and rape is always present. There are many instances of throwing food to them as if they were dogs. This kind of behaviour on the basis of caste was practised by people across religions. Caste becomes convenient in reinforcing existing inequities. Control over resources that fulfil fundamental human necessities is established unequally, in conformity with the coercive power of class. Its distribution, therefore, can only serve the ends of extended coercion. Women participants were keenly aware that caste pollution, by either presence or touch that operated so strongly in the case of conflict over public resources seemed not to matter at all in the extraction of labour. When it comes to taking water from a hand pump, notions of ritual purity are invoked, when it comes to the extraction of labour in the field, it does not matter at all that the seed is planted, the crop tended and the grain harvested by the same untouchable. The same applies in the case of rape as social revenge/punishment coercion. By a curious quirk, the untouchable becomes socially touchable in more ways than one. The image of a homogeneous Hindu people in pursuit of a single civilizational dream was seen as eyewash by many speakers. Even in the case of purportedly so fundamental an aspect of life as worship, the invocation of the existence of caste to create separate places of worship was emphasized. Be that as it may, this experience was common to the urban and rural parts of north India. While a comprehensive legislation, the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of) Atrocities Act. 1989, exists on paper, social, political and economic pressures ensure that it remains ineffective. Of the innumerable cases of rape of Dalit women, only a fraction of the victims lodge reports, an even smaller fraction is filed by the police, while actual conviction is negligible. The problem lies not so much with the law itself as with the context in which it exists. The gravest problem is that of both an absolute and

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relative scarcity of drinking water. At common water sources, Dalit women face humiliation, and are even deprived of water because the upper castes assert their privilege in respect of drawing water. Unequal relations are compounded from the lack of equality in access to resources. The inequality is reproduced when, in exchange for permission to draw water from a public source, Dalit women are forced to perform various menial tasks for upper caste women. The everyday act of collecting water invites many abuses and humiliations. Many Dalit women shared their plights on several occasions about how they were made to beg for water, and after they were given permission to draw it, were made to scrub the hand pump clean. In a country where sanitation is a scarce facility, and since what is scarce is subject to public disputes. The principle of distribution operates along a caste-class axis. The Dalit landless suffer even more and Dalit landless women suffer the most. Dalit women are often forced to use fields that belong to upper castes, leaving them susceptible to physical and mental harassment (Malik, 1999). In the Indian context, the political pitfalls of the ever increasing impact of post-modernist and post-structural approaches in terms of the rise of ‘culturological’ and communitarian approaches (Joseph, 1991); the rise of the ‘later subaltern subject’ (Sarkar, 1997) and the post-colonial subject (Ahmad, 1996) have been noted. In the framework of post­ orientalism studies, the focus remains on colonial domination alone; thereby the pre-colonial roots of caste, gender, and class domination come to be ignored. The application of the Saidian framework, therefore presents a problem, especially when applied to the non-Brahman movements and movements by or on behalf of women; for both these had used the colonial law, justice and administration as major resources (Sarkar, 1997). Recent feminist scholarship in adopting the Saidian framework not only falls into the above mentioned traps, but ends up with a frame that completely overlooks the

Dalit Women’s Emancipation: Struggle for Change 95

contributions and interventions of women in the non-Brahman movement. The invisibility of this lineage, has led scholars to conceive the recent autonomous assertion by Dalit women as ‘a different voice’. The 1980s were marked by the newly exploding caste identity and consciousness and theoretical and political issues involved in the debate on caste and its role in social transformation came to be debated (Kothari: 1994). Dalit women justify the case for talking differently on the basis of external factors (non-Dalit forces homogenizing the issue of Dalit women) and internal factors (the patriarchal domination within the Dalits). However, there are feminists who seek to understand the need to talk differently, keeping in mind certain external factors. For example, Gail Omvedt would link the Dalit need to talk differently vis-a-vis the left forces to their betrayal of the promises given to the Dalits by the latter. Rajni Kothari observes, “With the erosion of institutions, the unsettled controversies over public policies, and the growing uncertainty over ideological issues, as well as the decline of democratic functioning of the political process, faith in the capacity of the modern nation-state to provide a framework of both order and equity has declined, and so too the reliance on mainstream governmental and party political process. The result has been the rise of a series of movements as distinct from the earlier gainer of more specific economic movements such as trade union or cooperative movements.” Kothari calls this phenomenon of ‘talking differently’ a ‘discourse of descent’. But focusing on certain external factors does not provide access to the complex reality of Dalit women. For example, the question of rape cannot be grasped merely in terms of class, criminality, or as a psychological aberration or an illustration of male violence. Evolution of Dalit Women’s Movement Dalit women have been active right through history, but since this has not been recorded their time period and their

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contributions towards their emancipation are not known. They were actively involved in the anti-caste and anti-untouchability movements in the 1920s. Since women took part in the freedom struggle as the Indian mass it is difficult to identify that the Dalit women’s movement happened separately. However, it has been observed that the early women’s movement comprised of women from the upper caste and class strata who were recognized as freedom fighters and they were neither connected to party politics and nor were questioning the status of women in society. The theme of “woman as an individual in her own right” did not crop up till very late. The theme that emerges is “the naturally non-antagonistic relationship of the sexes in India as compared to the West”. (Chaudhuri, 2004: 119) The All India Women’s Congress (AIWC) were in favour of joint electorates and rejected the communal award. “Women,” the leading members continued to argue, were all “sisters under the sari” and the institutions and ideals that governed their lives were similar (Ibid.: 130). “Throughout the nineteenth century different versions of female emancipation were tied to the idea of national liberation and regeneration. The early colonial constellation of the arya woman is a firmly elitist concept in class and caste terms, and finds its nationalist shape in social and political thought, literature and a dominant historiographic model of India. The recovery of tradition throughout the proto-nationalist and nationalist period was the recovery of the ‘traditional’ woman, i.e. the Vedic woman, both in her own time, and after her appropriation by upper castes and classes in the nineteenth century, is built upon the labour of lower social groups and is also a mark of distinction from them.” (Sangari and Vaid, 1989: 10). Hence there was no specific thinking for Dalit women’s emancipation in the nineteenth century. In the Dalit history, we also find Dalit ‘Viranganas’ of 1857 mentioned which reviles the way Dalit women got represented in them. Here myths about Dalit viranganas (heroic women)

Dalit Women’s Emancipation: Struggle for Change 97

are reinvented as a potent symbol for identity formation and as a critical part of a movement to define political and social positioning of Dalits. Narratives of Dalit viranganas abound, with a long list of them littering the Indian past. These women are ascribed particularly heroic roles. In fact, Dalit female icons, engaged in radical armed struggles, far outnumber Dalit men in 1857. These writings invoke political and public Dalit memories, where women like Jhalkari Bai of the Kori caste; Uda Devi, a Pasi; Avanti Bai, a Lodhi; Mahabiri Devi, a Bhangi; and Asha Devi, a Gurjari, all stated to be involved in the 1857 revolt, have become the symbols of bravery of particular Dalit castes and ultimately of all Dalits. (Gupta, 2007: 1739-45) The representation of Dalit viranganas on a high moral and heroic ground can also be seen as an appropriation of respectability and “credibility”, imparting Dalit participation in past histories’ new meanings. These viranganas represent Dalits in the service of freedom and Indian nationalism. These Dalit viranganas are inspirations for other Dalit women movements of the present time. However, the constructive history to which the Dalit women’s movement traces itself is of Ambedkar and Phule whose approach however was confrontationalist unlike the freedom movement as well as pronouncedly antagonistic towards Brahmanic patriarchy. To Phule and Ambedkar, gender issues were not dispensable. This history also brings to light the fact that Dalit women were not historically absent from movements but their history has been neglected. They worked side by side with Dalit men but they have started to organize separately from Dalit men with different movements only from the post-1970s. While Dr. Ambedkar was recognized as the messiah downtrodden as he not only spoke for and agitated for the rights of Dalits but also Dalit women and the entire humanity. He particularly argued that “practices of sati, enforced widowhood and child marriage come to be prescribed by Brahmanism in order to regulate and control

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any transgression of boundaries, i.e. to say he underlines the fact that the caste system can be maintained only through the controls on women’s sexuality and in this sense women are the gateways to the caste system. (Ambedkar, 1982-90)” (Rege, 1998). The participation of Dalit women in the early twentieth century movements against caste exclusion and oppression, “in the following decades women’s activities developed from mere participation as beneficiaries or as an audience, to the shouldering of significant responsibility in various fields of activity in the Ambedkar movement.” (Moon and Pawar, 2003: 49) in the light of the Dalit women’s participation in the early anti-caste movements, Dr. Ambedkar “saw to it that women’s conferences were held simultaneously with those of men. By 1930 women had become so conscious that they started conducting their own meetings and conferences independently.” (Ibid.: 50) For example, in the Mahad satyagraha of 1927 “women not only participated in the procession with Dr. Ambedkar but also participated in the deliberations of the subject committee meetings in passing resolutions about the claim for equal human rights.” (Ibid.) The role of Savitri Bai Phule in the Dalit women’s emancipation is not unknown to the world. Her initiatives and persistent efforts focusing on the girls’ education is marked as a milestone of the Dalit women’s movement. Besides, the writings of Tarabai Shinde’s Stree Purush Tulana (1882), a text against women’s subordination were written from within the Satya Shodhak tradition. This text launched an attack not only on Brahmanical patriarchy but also the patriarchies among the ‘kunbi’ and other non-Brahman castes. Going beyond a mere comparison between men and women, Tarabai draws linkages between issues of de-industrialization, colonialism and the commodification of women’s bodies (Bhagwat, 1997). While trying to trace more initiative towards the development of Dalit women, it must be mentioned that the

Dalit Women’s Emancipation: Struggle for Change 99

early decades of the twentieth century saw protests by ‘muralis’ against caste-based prostitution in the campaigns launched by Shivram Janoba Kamble. The 1930s saw the organization of independent meetings and conferences by Dalit women in the Ambedkarite movement. This was an obvious consequence of Ambedkar’s practice of organizing a women’s conference along with every general meeting and Sabha that he called. The next quite structural phase was that the Dalit Movement transformation occurred between the last quarter of the nineteenth century which included Dalit women too and the Government of India Act, 1935—the propeller for Dalits to the Constitution of independent India. This transformation passed through three stages: the Dalits’ initiation into politics by 1916, their establishing a political identity by 1927, and a marked change in their political status secured in the 1935 Act Ambedkar also saw the social reformers as playing a minimal role in initiating the Dalits into politics. Instead political awakening among the depressed classes in the real sense of the term, and their introduction into the national political arena were a part of the process of their increasing importance for the various religious communities and groups that were vying with one another for increasing their strength on the one hand, and tending to decrease that of the opponents on the other, in the game of ‘politics of numbers’ (Gupta, 1985: 168). Atul Chandra Pradhan (1986) shares a different view and considered the developments prior to 1917 to be preparatory and treats them in a very summary fashion; however, he then extends his history beyond 1935 to 1947. For another, he organizes his account less around the various Britishinitiated announcements, missions, commissions, conferences, constitutions and elections than around the three key parties to the emergence of Depressed Classes as a social reality and a political force to be taken increasingly seriously. These parties were the British policy-makers; Gandhi, and behind

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him the Congress, the Hindu Mahasabha and other organs of Hindu religious opinion; and finally the Depressed Classes themselves, their leaders and organizations. With Ambedkar as the ‘Father of the Indian Constitution’ and the Congress as the ruling party, which under Gandhi’s leadership had committed itself to the upliftment of the backward sections of society, the Constitution of the Indian Union accepted the responsibility for ensuring the political representation as well as the legal, social, economic, educational and cultural development of the Scheduled Castes (1986: 313). Jayashree Gokhle (2013) recently published a major study of the Mahar movement which not only covers a longer time span but also focuses more exclusively on the Mahar community than does Zelliot’s earlier work. She argued that ‘from a depressed position at the fringes of Hindu society the untouchable Mahars produced an autonomous political movement for their advancement and emancipation’ (Ibid.: 336). This movement passed through several phases: the first from 1890-1930 was an era of self-reform characterized by a concern for social uplift and advance within the Hindu social and ideological order; in the second phase, from the First Round Table Conference till the mid-1950s, the Mahars turned their attention primarily to politics. The defeat of the Republican Party at the polls in 1952 and the mass conversion of Mahars to Buddhism mark the transition to a third phase in which they sought to establish a new identity. The rise of the Dalit Panthers and Dalit literature in the 1970s brought about the shift in the political and cultural orientation of the movement with which Gokhle concluded her study. Two important distinctions inform Gokhle’s analysis. The first is the distinction between the ‘class model’ and the ‘caste model’ of Mahar politics, each of which had its own conception of the nature of untouchability and how it is to be overcome. Omvedt thus sets her study within a framework that is both Marxist and ‘Phule-Ambedkarite’ (Ibid: 22) and concentrates

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on the Dalit movement in Maharashtra, Mysore, Hyderabad, and Andhra from 1920 to 1956, with a special eye to their relationship to the national movement and to other anti-caste and democratic revolutionary movements. In her analysis, which describes both ‘Hinduistic’ and ‘autonomy’ movements among Dalits, the years 1930-32 constitute a particularly significant ‘defining moment’ in the Dalit relationship both to the Gandhian nationalists and to the Marxists. What makes her work so original is both the framework of analysis within which she sets it and her focus on comparative regional history. There are still no monographs on the Dalit movement in India after independence. Jogdand’s Dalit Movement in Maharashtra (1991) does devote considerable space to what he called the post-Ambedkar era. V.T. Rajshekar Shetty’s more journalistic Dalit Movement in Karnataka (1978) is also a regional study. There are synoptic accounts such as my own which focus upon protest, conflict and self-redefinition as well as Gail Omvedt’s concluding chapter which described postAmbedkar fragmentation followed by an upsurge of the Dalit movement in the 1970s. There have also been overviews of the current Dalit situation in India as well as theoretical analyses of Dalit movements covering the post-independence period (Oommen, 1990; Ram, 1995 and Shah, 1990). Though there are disagreements among the social scientists on the evolution of Dalit women’s emancipation there has been a general consensus that it made its appearance on the national political scene soon after the Montagu Declaration in August 1917. What happened prior to that is treated simply as background. Those that treat it in some detail trace the sources of the movement to non-Dalit initiatives rather than to the Dalits themselves. I would argue instead that the modem Dalit movement was from its very inception a movement initiated by Dalits and for the Dalits. While there were Dalits who tried Sanskritization and some who used occupational mobility to improve their lot, it was their mass conversions

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during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, especially but not exclusively to Christianity, which made their situation, identity and aspirations a matter of public concern. After the Aga Khan deputation and the 1909 Constitution, conversion acquired political overtones because it affected the communal balance of power. It was this situation which Ambedkar was able to turn to such good advantage during the 1920s and 30s. The fourth issue concerns the dynamics of this ‘movement’ not only at the ‘centre’ but also at the regional and local ‘periphery’ during the thirty years between the Montagu Declaration in 1917 and independence in 1947. The Dalit straggle during this period under the leadership of B.R. Ambedkar, M.C. Rajah and others was focused primarily upon gaining recognition, representation and power within the changing political order. On this scholars are in basic agreement. Studies of this stage of the modern Dalit movement have tended to concentrate primarily on the constitutional straggle at the national level, as well as on the ideology and roles of Gandhi and Ambedkar in that straggle. In fact, their thought seems to have become the major ideological resource for current reflection on Dalit activism today. Yet part of any assessment of their ideologies would have to include a ‘reality check’ based on studies of grassroots regional and/or caste movements of their day. Certainly, it would be dangerous to generalize on the basis of the well-studied Mahar case alone. Additional studies of a similar nature are necessary for gaining knowledge about the foundations upon which Dalit leaders made their political claims and launched Dalit movements after independence. Finally, amidst all the plethora of micro-studies, how is the post-independence history of the Dalit ‘movement’ best understood? Those who have attempted some integration and synthesis of all these studies are not agreed on what they add up to. Two approaches seem to predominate. One attempts to classify the variety of recent Dalit activity. Thus, for example, Nandu Ram differentiates the following three types of Dalit

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activism: movements against socio-economic exploitation and numerous types of atrocities on the Dalits; movements for better access to the opportunities and for realization of goals of equality, liberty, fraternity and justice; and movements for gaining self-respect and dignified social identity (1995: 131). Alternatively, Barbara Joshi notes ‘four alternative paths to equality’ which Dalit leaders advocated when she did her field research: ‘political power, economic independence, religious reform and social reform’ (1982: 123). A second approach seeks an underlying unity beneath this diversity. This is the approach which both Gail Omvedt and I have adopted, albeit in different ways. In a similar manner, Rajni Kothari wrote in a recent article on the Dalits. Political Mobilization in the Recent Time Over the past few decades, social and political Dalit movements initiated by specifically Kansi Ram and later continued by Mayawati as leader of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). The BSP led Dalit-Bahujan Samaj movement, have placed the category of ‘Dalit’ on the national and international agenda. The main aim of the Dalit-Bahujan Samaj movement has been to win equal rights, and better access to socio-economic resources for the Dalits. For this purpose, the movement has sought to consolidate its ranks in electoral politics through the Indian state guarantee to reserve a certain number of seats for Scheduled Castes as part of the Panchayati Raj Act. The BSP’s emergence as a strong regional party under the leadership of Mayawati has led to a significant rise in confidence within Dalit communities, including a number of Dalit women, who have begun contesting elections on reserved seats. Threatened by such Dalit political assertion, caste-Hindu men and women have increasingly attacked men and women of Dalit communities (Tharu and Niranjana, 1999). For the women’s movement, these political developments have thrown up several challenges: those involved in women’s activism do not know how to deal with

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Mayawati—who has done little for women and their interests— as their role model and leader. That women have been actively involved in caste violence and it has shattered the movement’s assumptions that women are inherently peace-loving, that gender identity is more important than caste identity, and that ‘sisterhood’ will prevail among women (Menon, 2004: 166-203; Morgan, 1970). Further, Dalit-Bahujan activists and others have criticized the women’s movement for the lack of representation of women from marginalized communities, and for its lack of engagement with the caste identity of women. Activists have pointed out that as caste-Hindu, middle-class, urban-educated women have been at the helm of the women’s movement, this has resulted in their perspectives dominating the movement, often at the cost of women from marginalized communities (Balmiki, 2005; Rao, 2003; Thorat, 2001). Those involved in women’s activism have now begun to acknowledge that women’s issues are connected to identities other than gender. Hence, Dalit women are gradually becoming involved in women’s activism and their concerns are being addressed by the women’s movement. However, such engagement has confronted the movement with new dilemmas. The state of Uttar Pradesh is populated by over 170m people. Of this, Dalits constitute nearly 20 per cent (NCAER, 2003). Uttar Pradesh has been the nerve-centre of Dalit political assertion since the mid-1980s under the leadership of the BSP (Pai, 2002). Such assertion has made caste the mainstay of social and political relations in Uttar Pradesh. It has, in fact, transformed caste from being purely an instrument of oppression in the hands of caste-Hindus to also being a tool of political mobilization creating solidarities among the oppressed. With the advent of the Constitutional Amendments the Dalit women are now moving from activism to politics. We can see that a number of Dalit women workers are using their caste identity while using their identity as village-level workers, and moving beyond the realm of women’s activism.

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They are doing so by participating in local electoral politics. Using their caste identity, these women are able to use the Panchayati Raj Act, by which one-third of the seats in elected bodies are reserved for women and the marginalized. Their identity as village-level activists makes it possible for them to gain the support of the villagers. Furthermore, Dalit women village-level workers who are contesting elections are literate, earning members of their families. As such, they appear to be better placed to exercise their voting rights and to make other significant decisions than the majority of Dalit women contesting elections (Pai, 2002). The Panchayati Raj Act clearly empowers Dalit women to contest elections. Village-level Dalit women workers, while involved in overcoming structural social challenges i.e. power inequalities as part of their social activism, become more empowered. They tend to be further aware of processes of governance and village development as a result of being involved in social activism. The sad part is that in India, strong kinship ties, group support structures, money and muscle power seem crucial for winning local elections, with the result that village-level Dalit women workers have often succumbed to pressures from upper caste Hindu leaders (Gender and Development, 2006). The issue of ‘caste’ continues to raise concerns for the women’s movement in India. However, the nature of these concerns has changed as a result of the efforts made by state and non-state actors to include Dalit women and their interests in their work. Women activists—caste-Hindu, Dalit or otherwise —carry their caste identity into their organization and field of activism. Their experiences differ depending not only on their caste but also on the context in which they operate. In addition, Dalit women activists, who had been marginalized in the women’s movement, are beginning to use their ‘caste’ identity along with their identity derived from working as village-level activists, in order to take their interests beyond the realm of social activism. By participating in local electoral politics, they

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are unquestionably also using their own agency and sense of empowerment derived from their involvement in women’s activism (Gender and Development, 2006). Such participation in local electoral politics by Dalit village-level workers offers a particularly relevant insight into changes that are emerging in the Indian women’s movement as a result of its own efforts to include Dalit women and their interests, and due to broader developments outside it (for example, the Panchayati Raj Act, and the BSP-led Dalit Bahujan Samaj Movement). Over many years, the personal experiences of caste-Hindu, middle class urban-educated women—who have dominated the women’s movement in India—have been celebrated as political. The journeys of some individual Dalit women in the recent past and their forays into electoral politics from the realm of social activism, demonstrate how Dalit women are creating ways in which their personal experiences can also be celebrated as political. Furthermore, such an initiative on the part of Dalit women to venture into local electoral politics shows that these women consider that the capture of political power can bring about change in the condition of their own community. Undoubtedly, there is now a growing political conscious­ ness among the Dalit women regarding their political empowerment. It will be noteworthy to cite the story of P. Krishnaveni, the Dalit (woman) former president of the Thalaiyuthu Panchayat, in Tirunelveli district, Tamil Nadu. She lost her fingers, an ear and was left for dead by the higher castes when she challenged caste and gender hierarchies in her workplace and work areas. However, though the trauma still remains with her, this attack made her more determined than ever. She eventually won the support of other castes and communities by focusing on the development needs such as providing water and other basic necessities. As president of the Thalaiyuthiu Panchayat between 2006 and 2011, Krishnaveni— once called “troublesome”—challenged and overcame caste prejudice, and fought a culture of patriarchy and a cement

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company that wanted village land. “She confiscated what had been encroached by higher castes and tried to build toilets for village women on that land (the cause of the attack); she sat on the President’s chair in the panchayat office when her colleagues expected her—as a Dalit—not to; and to protest the discrimination she faced, unfurled a black flag instead of the tricolor on Independence Day, 2007.” (https://everylifecounts. ndtv.com/fighting-patriarchy-how-women-are-emerging-as­ panchayat-leaders-11242) Civil Society Initiatives for Empowerment of Dalit Women Besides Constitutional Provisions for equality among all, establishment of the National as well as State Commission for Women, SC/ST Commission and special provisions made for Dalit women by national and state level governments since India’s independence the desired development has not taken place for Dalit women. Therefore, many civil society organizations have come up and engaged in ensuring development of Dalit women in all sectors. The early 1990s saw the assertion of autonomous Dalit women’s organizations at both regional and national levels. The Dalit organizations raised several crucial theoretical and political challenges, besides blaming the Brahmanism characteristics of the existing feminist movement and the patriarchal practices of Dalit politics. The formation of autonomous Dalit women’s organizations, initially forced a serious debate, drawing responses from both left parties as well as autonomous women’s organizations. However, the debates seemed to have come to a relative silence. Hence, there was a serious need of a re-visioning of feminist politics by suggesting multiple feminist views. That is to say, the separate assertion by Dalit women’s organizations comes to be accepted as one more standpoint and within such a framework of ‘difference’; issues of caste become the sole responsibility of the Dalit women’s orgainzations.

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Despite a large body of legislation and other mandates assigned exclusively to deal with the predicaments of Scheduled Castes (SCs), the persistence of caste-based prejudices and the denial of access to land, education, and political power have all contributed to an atmosphere of increasing intolerance. Violence against Dalits, and Dalit women in particular, which has steadily climbed since 1994, is the extreme form of that intolerance (Rao, 1999; Subramanian, 2006). The tendency of women’s organizations has been to emphasize commonalities among women rather than acknowledge and incorporate differences in the processes of law making. Not completely visible in the processes within the women’s movements is the power dynamics associated with the differences based on caste, class, and the activist-scholar overlaps. The scenario of the women’s movement in India, particularly in the context of the Beijing Conference, is characterized by simultaneous mobilization of women by different autonomous feminist groups and by groups affiliated to formal political formations. In a situation, where the organization of politics around difference has become a major feature of feminist politics, the organization of Dalit women around the notion of difference is bound to be a logical outcome. An independent and autonomous assertion of Dalit women’s identity found its first expression in the formation of the National Federation of Dalit Women (NFDW) at Delhi dedicated to promoting the rights of Dalit women internationally by Ruth Manorama in 1995. NFDW created several goals, including creating several national and statelevel committees, tracking crimes against Dalit people, creating resources and providing scholarships for Dalit women’s educations. In 2001, NFDW with Manorama, participated in the World Conference Against Racism, where they “translated and discussed caste discrimination in a manner that seemed to amplify its global resonance.” In 2006, NFDW, along with the National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) held the

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first national conference on violence against Dalit women in New Delhi. Some women activists apprehend that contingent factors like the upcoming Beijing Conference were responsible for the national level meet at Delhi. It may be true that the all India mobilization of Dalit women, which is a culmination of such conferences previously held at Bengaluru, Delhi and Pune during the last few years, was visualized by the Dalit women activists keeping in view the representation of Dalit women to the Beijing Conference. However, the issue of representing Dalit women, both at the level of theory and politics, has erupted repeatedly in the discourse of Dalit women. The caste factor also has to be taken into account which makes sexual violence against Dalit or tribal women much more severe in terms of intensity and magnitude. This differential experience was expressed by Dalit women activists at the Delhi meet and also previously at a conclave organized by the Satyashodhak Mahila Aghadi in Maharashtra. However, these activists lament that the caste factor does not get adequate recognition in the analysis done by non-Dalit, middle class, urbanized women activists. Dalit women consider the feminist theory developed by non-dalit women as unauthentic since it does not capture their reality. This comprehension gets clearly reflected in the 12-point agenda adopted by the NFDW and in several papers presented by the Dalit women at the Maharashtra Dalit Women’s Conference held in Pune in May 1995. Another prominent organization, the Dalit Mahila Samiti (DMS) is the organizational name for a movement of Dalit women in the north Indian state of Uttar Pradesh (UP). DMS is supported by Vanangana, a feminist NGO that has its roots in the Mahila Samakhya (MS) programme, which was launched by the Government of India in the late 1980s to empower women through the popular education approach and some technical training. The Mahila Samakhya staff was given firm training in feminist thinking, and trained in grassroots mobilization and leadership based on feminist empowerment

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principles. In 1993, the leadership decided to form a separate voluntary organization, named Vanangana, to enable further work with Dalit women. Over the next few years, Vanangana developed a strong presence in the villages in and around the Chitrakoot and Banda Districts of UP. The roots of the Dalit Mahila Samiti lie in feminist organizing. However, it took long years for Dalit women to emerge as leaders of their own movements. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, it was a struggle for these women simply to come out of their homes and demonstrate that they could take responsibility of some task outside their houses. As they gained experience, they developed the ability to form a separate women’s movement with a clear focus on Dalit women’s issues. Since 2002, Dalit women leaders have been engaged in the sharpening of their goals and strengthening their organizational structures, and therefore, the formal naming of the Dalit Mahila Samiti took place in 2003. The Goals of the Movement by DMS are: To change caste equations in the area/region where they work; 2. To promote the leadership of local women; 3. To protest against all forms of violence against women and men; 4. To negotiate their terms with members of the upper caste during elections; and 5. To ensure that the benefits of government schemes announced under the new Dalit-run regime, and that power flows to all eligible Dalits. Dalit Foundation is a non-government organization, which is the first grant-making institution in South Asia working for the empowerment of Dalit communities. Established in June 2003, the Foundation’s mission, vision and programme objectives focus exclusively on empowerment of Dalit communities. It is committed to support individuals, community-based organizations, and networks that work to secure social change and protect the rights of Dalits. The Dalit Foundation defines Dalits as all those people who are dedicated to the ideology and belief of equality against the traditional

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caste-based differences. The Dalit Foundation provides group scholarships to people working among marginalized communities including Dalits in India. This organization focuses on adopting a common minimum programme which includes combating caste discrimination and untouchability in public schools and the local self-governments. The foundation organizes youth and women across castes to ensure that such organizations can fight against caste and gender prejudices and practices. It is also committed towards building a strong line of leadership for the Dalit movement. The National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) was founded in 1998. It is a coalition of Dalit human rights activists and academics with the aim to put an end to castebased discrimination. It has offices in many states and has the objective to spread awareness about Dalit issues and rights. The objectives of NCDHR are: (1) to increase visibility of Dalit issues at various levels; (2) to bring international attention and media coverage to Dalit rights; and (3) to hold the State accountable for all Human Rights violations committed against Dalits. Creating and ensuring a dynamic collective of Dalit women leaders who are agents of change working towards a new equitable society that brings power, stability, security, and happiness to all women is the mission of NCDHR. Similarly, the All India Dalit Mahila Adhikar Manch (AIDMAM) is a platform for women from Dalit communities in India to escalate voices for justice. It cultivates Dalit women activists, who are the leaders of a movement for Dalit selfrespect and dignity. AIDMAM condemns the elements of discrimination and aims to have built a critical mass movement led by Dalit women leaders; working to create communitybased movements that have specific frameworks in place to effectively challenge, tackle, and solve caste-based violence and discrimination; and the culture of impunity which is a shame in twenty-first century India.

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Conclusion The achievements of all the government and civil society initiatives for the betterment of women in India are many. And, at present there are still many government and nongovernment organizations representing the voices of Dalit women but Dalit women still suffer in many respects just because they are Dalit. Therefore, much attention is required for their overall upliftment. Also, the Dalit women need to organize themselves more for their own education, employment and political growth. In addition, the Dalit women who are in leadership positions need to have a voice for the women from their area on all platforms. It will also boost the Dalit women’s movement. However, the Dalit feminist standpoint needs to be maintained while joining the common feminist standpoints. Dalit women define the concept of Dalit strictly in caste terms, refuting the claim of upper caste women to Dalithood. The emancipation of Dalit women will be achieved only if the Dalit women’s movements persist in their efforts.

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Dalit Women in India: Patterns and

Forms of Atrocities

Seema Mathur In a male-dominated society like India, the social position of women makes them more vulnerable to a number of human rights violations, such as, physical and verbal abuse, forced labour and slavery, trafficking, abduction, naked parading, and sexual violence including rape and gang rape. The social laws like Manusmriti and other Vedic scriptures closed all economic, political, social, educational, and personal channels through which women could be uplifted. In this situation Dalit women suffer unimaginable oppression, not only gender based but caste-based too from which there is no scope to escape. Dalit women are also subjected to discrimination based on specific social customs and religious practices, including the Devadasi, Jogini and Badi systems of forced prostitution. Violence is used by dominant castes as a social mechanism for humiliating entire Dalit communities. Dominant castes use violence against Dalit women to degrade their honour and self-respect, control their bodies and sexuality, and demands women’s submission to supply labour for livelihood. As a result violence converts into atrocity as it is the combinations of violence against Dalits by non-Dalits to teach them lessons. In most of the cases of atrocities, Dalit women have been threatened by the perpetrators to remain silent about the incidents or withdraw police cases or pressurized for

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‘compromises’ when cases have been registered. Often Dalit women responded to verbal abuse of the dominant castes with silence and walk away without replying in order to maintain their dignity. Atrocities prevent the overall development and enjoyment of human rights for Dalit women and their community as well. So the assertion of Dalit women for their rights to equality, dignity and identity as human beings should be encouraged positvely. It is in this context, that this study* is the result of empirical research done in Rajasthan with 200 study samples of Dalit women who were the victims of caste-based discrimination and atrocities. Discrimination and Untouchability Practices The low social status attached to Dalit women by untouchability functions as an opportune reason for dominant castes to discriminate against the Dalit women and accordingly devalue their abilities as persons. Physical contact ‘touching’ with Dalit women is prohibited due to the stigma of impurity attached to them. Their dependency on dominant castes for their livelihood, maintains a culture of silence against untouchability and discrimination. The fear of indignity, humiliation and rape is always present (Annual Report-CDR-2007). Untouchability practices are routed in economic and political equality based on a social norm of ‘graded inequality’. Dalit women respondents, in this study, 50 per cent belong to rural and 50 per cent in urban areas. They described the social context in which they live. The grim reality of untouchability appears inescapable. Untouchability is not only present in the greater part of rural India but has adapted to new socio­ economic realities taking on new forms. It prevails everywhere in schools, teashops, work places, public places and the list is very long. This study reveals that in one form or another, untouchability still continues in the studied villages and cities. * Mathur, Seema. 2013, Atrocities on Dalit Women in India: A Selected Study of Patterns and Forms. Gujarat: Eklavya Prakashan.

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It is important to note that 79 per cent Dalit women have faced caste-based discrimination from the dominant castes. In rural areas discrimination is more practised with 92 per cent than in urban areas with 66 per cent. Some of the untouchability practices and discrimination as described by Dalit women are the following: Forms of Untouchability Practices and Discrimination* S.N.

Forms of Untouchability and Discrimination

Per cent

1

Residential segregation

69.5

2

Dalit habitation in non-Dalit basti

46.0

3

Freedom to use passage of non-Dalit locality

46.5

4

Access to public temple

42.0

5

Separate temple for Dalits

59.5

6

Access to water and public resources

55.0

7

Availability of electricity

72.0

8

Discrimination in the ration shops (PDS)

24.0

9

Upper caste people buy goods from Dalit shops

46.0

10

Discrimination in health centre/clinic

8.0

11

Dalit women allowed to work inside the upper castes’ houses

49.5

12

Denial of employment due to untouchability

22.0

13

Wage discrimination between Dalit women and non-Dalit women

18.5

14

Work without wages or less pay

25.0

Residential Segregation Dalits are excluded from the mainstream ‘bastis’ or ‘colonies’ and compelled to live in segregated bastis or colonies from the dominant castes’. In cities and towns, Dalits are more likely to live in close proximity to dominant castes. Since * Ibid., 92.

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caste segregation is continuous apart from the changing circumstances, 69 per cent Dalits live in segregated ‘basties’ or colonies. Only 46 per cent Dalits live in non-Dalit habitations, particularly in cities. But, high caste Hindus avoid mixing with Dalits so that they are forced to leave the colonies and migrate to other places. On the other side, the local governance being in the hands of dominant castes, Dalit villages or colonies are left out without development and basic amenities such as: roads, electricity, water, sewage drains, etc. Dalits live a life in extreme poverty conditions which lack certain basic amenities such as water, food, health centres, etc. Prohibition of Entering into Non-Dalits’ Houses Dalit women are not allowed to enter non-Dalits’ houses and compelled to stand far away from the houses of dominant castes. Dalits can only go to certain parts of their houses i.e. the outer extension of the house, outside the threshold but not the interior parts of their houses. In certain cases Dalits are allowed to enter the houses of non-Dalits but they are asked to wash utensils of water or tea used by them. More than 50 per cent Dalit women are allowed to enter non-Dalits’ houses only when there is need of their labour such as cleaning wheat, removing cow-dung. etc. Denial of Accessing Water/Drinking Water Resources Forty-five per cent of Dalit women are not allowed to fetch water from common water sources but dominant castes draw the water for the Dalits and pour it into their pots. They have to wait till the dominant caste people come and consent to fetch the water for them. If Dalits are allowed to fetch water, they fetch it only after the dominant castes fill their pots. In certain cases, Dalits and dominant castes stand in separate queues at the wells. Dalits are not supposed to touch the pots of dominant castes. In some cases, common water tanks are polluted after use by dominant castes so that water is not

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used by the Dalits. Sometimes, assertion of Dalits to water resources becomes the cause of atrocities against them by dominant castes. Religious Discrimination Fifty-eight per cent of Dalit women face religious discrimination. They are not allowed to enter public temples. If they enter, they are not allowed to offer their offerings or touch the ‘God’. For this reason most of the Dalits have separate temples. About 59.5 per cent Dalit women go to ‘Dalit temples’ for religious purposes. Discrimination at Working Places In many places there is a direct denial of employment to Dalit women because of untouchability. If they get a job, they are paid less compared to non-Dalit women. Thirty-five per cent Dalit women are compelled to work without wages or less wages. In cities, Dalit women are not allowed to take water from common pots and sit separately while having lunch. Many of the Dalit women are stopped from running their businesses such as: ironing clothes, selling their products, weaving by the dominant castes. Discrimination in Public Access (Education, Shops, Roads, Health Centres, etc) A total of 53.5 per cent Dalit women have no freedom to access public resources. In schools, Dalit students are denied participation in programmes and are abused by caste names. Dalit teachers also face discrimination by non-Dalit teachers. In many of the Anganwadi centres Dalit women are not allowed to cook the midday meal as dominant castes do not permit their children to eat the same food. Dalits are denied the ‘passage’ used by the dominant castes in the villages. In cities also non-Dalits do not permit Dalits free access. Dominant castes dump wastage in front of Dalits’ houses, divert the

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drains towards Dalits’ houses and so on. It is interesting to note that in the studied villages of rural areas, not a single woman reported discrimination by the doctors but in urban localities 16 per cent Dalit women faced discrimination in the health centres. The reason cited is that in most of the rural areas the facilities of government health centres are limited therefore, private and not highly qualified doctors visit the patients. They accept money and treat patients without any discrimination. Inter-Dining Times are changing but caste discrimination still exists in the same manner as it did earlier. On the occasion of marriages or other functions in dominant caste families, Dalits are not invited, and even if invited they are supposed to dine after the dominant caste finish their meal. In certain instances they are told to wash their plates after the dinner. When Dalits invite non-Dalits for some celebrations, they just come but do not eat the food prepared by the Dalits. They hire a man from their community to cook food separately for them. In some places, non-Dalits never attend the functions in the Dalit families but their quota of food is ordered directly from the shop without getting into physical contact with Dalits. Political Discrimination Dalits are prohibited access to public services resulting in limited participation in grassroots democratic institutions. Though Dalits enter local level politics through the reservation, they face discrimination. Most of them work as ‘proxy’ candidates in the hands of dominant castes. There is segregation of seats in village panchayats. Dalit women elected representatives are not allowed to sit on the chairs in the panchayat office and meetings in the presence of dominant castes. In certain cases, Dalit women sarpanches are not allowed to hoist the national flag.

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Forms of Atrocities Faced by Dalit Women Atrocities against Dalit women are not new. Specific forms of discrimination that Dalit women struggle against are based on caste, class and patriarchy. Social beliefs about pollution, the economic compulsions of being dependent on upper castes for work and livelihood and the vulnerability imposed by gender subordination, make the lives of Dalit women especially hard. This study reveals that verbal abuse and public humiliation (affecting the psyche), physical assaults (affecting bodily integrity), and sexual assaults (affecting bodily/sexual integrity), attempt to murder are the most common experiences of atrocities against Dalit women within the private and public sphere. This study reveals that most of the atrocities have taken place in the rural areas. Illiterates and women labourers are the easiest target for the dominant castes to humiliate their community through women whenever they try to assert their rights. Whenever Dalit women defend their dignity and demand their basic human rights, they are not given support by their families and communities. Because of discriminatory caste, gender, and cultural norms Dalit women often and easily have become the target of atrocities. Some of the various types of atrocities in both rural and urban areas which Dalit women face are as follows: O Public humiliation by using filthy language O Physical assaults O Sexual harassment O Attempt to rape O Rape O Attempt to murder Public Humiliation by Using Filthy Language More than 75 per cent of Dalit women face violence regularly, indicating the habitual nature of this form of violence. It is important to emphasize that the three main dimensions of untouchability—namely, exclusion, humiliation—

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subordination and exploitation are equally important in defining this phenomenon. There are some names of specific castes that are often but not always associated with particular occupations such as Dhobi, Bhangi, Chamar, Koli and so on. These caste names continue to be used as forms of abuse even today, although their use is now a criminal offence. About 75.5 per cent Dalit women have accepted that dominant caste perpetrators use filthy language to humiliate them publicly. It is more in rural areas with 96 per cent and in urban areas with 55 per cent perpetrators often address women by their caste names. Dominant caste men or women call a woman from Chamar caste ‘Chamarin’, and a woman of Koli or Bunkar caste ‘Kolan’ and a woman of Valmiki or Bhangi caste ‘Bhangan’. When the caste names or terms are used as a form of address it indicates the impurity, inferiority and immorality among Dalit women. Dominant caste perpetrators use caste name to address a Dalit woman to show their superiority. Some examples of public humiliation by using filthy language to Dalit women by the dominant castes, from the field study, are such as: Mira Devi was scolded by a Gurjjar dominant caste male by saying, “Chamaran, what are you doing here? Go from here otherwise I will beat you.” Rambati, a domestic worker, was asked to polish shoes by her dominant caste employer to humiliate her by using her caste. Whenever a Dalit woman has tried to oppose the dominant caste man not to speak in filthy language, she faced atrocities. Shayma Devi was routinely humiliated and was abused publicly because of her ‘untouchable’ low caste. She was called by her caste name ‘Bhangan.’ Whenever she asked people (for whom she works) not to address her in filthy language, they laughed at her by saying, “Are you a queen of somewhere or Madam?” Usually while addressing Dalit women, perpetrators do not use only derogatory caste names but also use other abusive epithets, such as, bitches, asses, pigs, etc. Many abusive terms also emphasize the low class status of Dalit

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women, linked with their caste, occupation, their poverty and economic dependency on the perpetrators, such as, ‘Naputi’ (women who don’t have sons), ‘Rand’ (widow), ‘beggars’, and ‘thieves’. The combinations of castes and animals’ names used against Dalit women by the dominant castes are extremely common because dogs, asses and pigs reside at the bottom of the hierarchy of animals in dominant caste Indian thoughts. Perpetrators routinely call Dalit women bitches. For instances: In Rajpura Patalwas, Manphuli Devi was abused by her caste name when she asked for her wages. She was allotted a piece of land by the government but it was occupied by the Brahmins of the village. Whenever she tried to possess her land with other Dalit women, the dominant caste Brahmin perpetrators abused them in filthy language of ‘mother and sister’, ‘koliyoki, “I will beat you. You bitch!” also threatened to break hands and feet. The abusive language is based on caste, class and gender to target women. Verbal abuse to humiliate Dalit women begins with degrading terms and expressed in most offensive language with gendered epithets to her sexual organs. Perpetrators threaten Dalit women to commit sexual violence against her. Along with degrading forms of address and threats, ‘verbal sexual advances’ are used by the perpetrators against Dalit women in the study. The perpetrators comment on Dalit women’s bodies such asAnita Verma, a government employee was verbally abused, physically assaulted and attempted to murder by her dominant caste’s colleague. He commented on her in filthy language to humiliate her, such as, ‘Your personality is appealing’, ‘figure is good’ ‘spot in your chunni’ and ‘bekar rand’ (useless women). He always tried to approach her and always talked by pointing his finger at her.” He created pressure of the job by exploiting her. Fearing the perpetrator, Anita went to her aunt where her uncle was also attacked. She went to the police station to complaint about the incident but

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the police said, “Will see the matter later.” With the help of the CO circle officer who belonged to the Dalit community the case was registered but because of pressure from the secretary of the Women’s Commission a compromise was reached by an apology in writing from the perpetrator. Most of the perpetrators describe Dalit women as easy prey. In many cases, it was revealed that Dalit women have been seen as sexual objects by the perpetrators and they wanted to take physical and sexual pleasure by taking advantage of their poverty and dependency on the perpetrators. Some of them directly invited the women to have sex with the perpetrators. For examples: When Kesar Devi went to take goods from the general shop, the dominant caste shopkeeper asked her to come in the evening saying, “Come in the evening to me, I will give you whatever you need.” When she reacted against it, Santosh was abused by the dominant caste shopkeeper in filthy language. She did not make a complaint against the perpetrator because of ‘fear of dishonour and what people would say if she went to file a complaint in the police station’.

Dalit women also face public humiliation and are threatened whenever they have access to public places. For instance: Dominant caste pujari of the temple used the following verbal abuse for Sarita in the temple, “You chamarin, how dare you offer ‘prasad’ to God? How dare you come inside the temple? You untouchable, if I see you again, I will beat you and thus humiliate you in front of everyone.”

Perpetrators threaten Dalit women by acts of violence against family members to destroy their social modesty. Impunity talk reminds Dalit women that their attempt to seek justice will be futile because the perpetrators enjoy effective protection from legal prosecution. For instance: Manbhar Mahavar was threatened by the Brahmin perpetrator who occupied her plot and cut the trees from there. When she spoke against it, he abused and beat her up by saying, “leave

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your plot from Brahmins’ basti and go to another place.” They attacked her family many times. They attempted to cut the head of her sister-in-law with an axe and also registered a false case (FIR) against her. The perpetrators also provoked the Koli community against her, so that they were able to benefit from their fight. Perpetrators closed the pathway for her to go to field, and abused her on the way and always ready to beat her and her family. They tried to prove her “Badchalan (bad charactered) and Ghranit (hated)” in the society.

Almost 58 per cent victims of public humiliation by use of filthy language did not seek legal redress at all because of the feelings of fear and dishonour. Though Section 3 (1) (x) of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 states that “Whoever, not being a member of Scheduled Caste or a Scheduled Tribe, intentionally insults or intimidates with intent to humiliate a member of Scheduled Caste or a Scheduled Tribe in any place within public view, shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which shall not be less than six months, but which may extend to five years and with fine.” But 17.7 per cent Dalit women who attempted to seek legal redress were blocked before the case reached the police station. Perpetrators, panchayats, Dalit community and victims’ families are the main actors who blocked Dalit women’s justice seeking efforts. Depression, loss of confidence, anxiety and fear of the future are largely reported by the women, particularly from those who faced repeated incidents of public humiliation by use of filthy language with other forms of atrocities also such as physical assaults. In conclusion, it can be said that most of the Dalit women face public humiliation by usage of abusive language whenever they attempted to access basic resources. Since Dalit women are largely landless and do not have property on which they can graze their animals, collect firewood, defecate, etc. and even while travelling from their houses to workplaces, they face verbal abuse.

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Physical Assault ‘Physical assault refers to the intentional use of criminal force on any person without that person’s consent in order to cause the person bodily pain or injury, or fear of immediate and unlawful violence or annoyance. As such it covers crimes under the Indian Penal Code such as ‘hurt’ (Sec. 323), ‘grievous hurt’ (Sec. 325), ‘hurt or grievous hurt by dangerous weapons and means’ (Sec. 324 and 326), ‘assault’ and the ‘use of criminal force’ (Sec. 352).’ Physical assault means to use any physical force or instrument by a person to express his or her power, or authority over another person in order to impose internal or external injuries to the body of that person. In this study out of 200 study samples, 28.5 per cent women have faced physical atrocities with verbal abuse and public humiliation by use of offensive language. Dalit women, in this study, have described various types of physical assaults. Body parts, such as, hands and feet have been used by perpetrators to assault the majority of Dalit women on their bodies. They have been hit or beaten all over their bodies. Sometimes some instruments such as chappals (slippers), ‘lathis’ (wooden sticks), and stones or bricks have been used against Dalit women by the perpetrators to physically assault them. For example: Shanti Devi was attacked suddenly, pushed down and beaten with chappals when she was taking a bath on the tube-well in the field by dominant caste Brahmins and Gurjjars. They occupied her land which was allotted by the government. She is not allowed to do agricultural work on her land and also not allowed to cut the wood from it. They placed the tube-well on her land. Now Shanti lives always in fear that any time they can stop her way and try to sexually harass her. (Study Sample No. 100)

Besides using chappals, lathis, and stones or bricks for attack, perpetrators also use weapons against Dalit women to injure and threaten them. Two women have reported attacks them

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when they demanded equal rights such as: Pooja, a minor girl was hurt by throwing stones on her during an attack on her family members by two ‘Haryana Brahmins’. So she got hurt in her head. Both Brahmins stopped her on the way and refused to allow her to go to the field for answering nature’s call. Wastage and bricks were thrown into Dhapu Devi’s house to injure her and her daughter-in-law by the dominant caste ‘Rajput’ neighbours because she dared to ask them why they insulted her daughter-in-law by saying ‘banjh’ (comment on her infertility).

In many cases of atrocities, such as physical assaults, the perpetrators threatened to block the Dalit women from reaching the police station. The perpetrators showed their criminal history to the victims and gave a message to them that the police and others were in their pockets. Nothing would happen to them even if they murdered somebody. For instanceBhawari Devi, a social activist and victim of rape (old case) is making the villagers aware about the necessity of education for girls, vaccination for children and evil customs such as female foeticide, child marriage etc. But dominant castes (Gurjjar and Brahmins) are against her so stopped her going into the village. One day Brahmin Panda borrowed money from her ‘sathin’ group’ (a Self Help Group-SHG) but he did not return the money. When she asked for the money, he attacked her with an axe. She reported the case at the police station but nothing happened. Besides that the dominant caste perpetrator damaged her crops of wheat and threatened her by saying, “We will kill you and nothing will happen to us as nothing happened when we raped you.” It may be noted that no action was taken against Brahmins and Gurjjars in the earlier two cases.

Reported cases in this study also reveal how dominant caste perpetrators have humiliated Dalit women in public by combining attacks on their bodies and stripping their clothes in public. For example: Vidya Devi reported that her ‘dupatta’ (a long cloth being worn by girls/women on their shoulders) was pulled by a dominant

130ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies caste man when she was going somewhere by saying, “Chamaro ki gel chal riya hai”. (How dare you walk with me on the way?)

What needs to be stressed here is that this sign of physical assault ‘stripping of clothes’ is linked directly with ‘hidden’ or ‘open’ intention of the attackers to sexually harass and assault women. From an overview of the various manifestations of physical assault discussed, it seems that the perpetrators have used whatever instruments were available to them on women’s bodies to physically assault them. In other words, physical assault is present everywhere in various forms. In the context of legal remedies, out of 57 incidents of physical assault only 8 per cent women dared to reach the police station to file the complaints. But in most of the cases women were pressurized to reach a compromise with the perpetrators or in land cases false cases have been registered against victims by the perpetrators. A few cases have reached the court but nothing has happened in those cases. A clear fact emerging from this data is that more than 90 per cent of incidents of physical assaults never reached or received due attention from state actors including the law enforcement machinery. In most of the cases the women themselves did not seek legal remedies or were stopped by the family members who said, “these are normal incidents, leave them.” Sexual Harassment Sexual harassment includes any unwelcome physical, verbal or non-verbal conduct of a sexual nature such as physical contact and advances, demands for sexual favours and sexually coloured remarks. Through sexual harassment there is an attempt to control women’s sexuality and simultaneously bring a feeling of ‘dishonour’ and ‘shame’ in the women by the dominant castes in Brahmanical patriarchal society. According to the National Commission for Women in its 1997 Code of Conduct for the Workplace, sexual harassment therefore

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constitutes “a serious criminal offence which can destroy human dignity and freedom.” Sexual harassment, experienced by the Dalit women in this study are touching, grabbing, sexual gestures, showing private parts, tearing clothes, physical contact and sexually coloured remarks about women’s bodies by the perpetrators. Most of the incidents of ‘verbal sexual harassment’ have been described in the above mentioned categories of atrocity i.e. ‘public humiliation by using offensive language’ and ‘physical assaults’. Sexual harassment has taken place in buses, on roadsides, and fields that means there is denial of the right to privacy and dignity for Dalit women. Though they dare to question the sexual harassments, but the fear of society in the form of ‘dishonour’ and fear for more violent acts on their siblings, particularly girls by the perpetrators force them to remain silent. For instance: Bhuri Devi, a helper in the Anganwadi reported that during travelling in the bus a dominant caste teacher of her village put his private part in her underarm and grabbed her breast. When she felt it she was shocked and cried out but he fled from the bus. She did not mention the incident to anyone because of shame. When Gyarsi went to the field to answer nature’s call in the morning along with other women, two Brahmins of her village came and opened their pants disclosing their private parts in front of them using filthy language. When she opposed it, one of them attempted to rape her. But she managed to escape from there. Out of 15 cases of atrocities named as sexual harassment 11 per cent Dalit women belong to rural and 4 per cent urban areas. The Dalit women belonging to the age group of 31 to 45 years are more vulnerable for sexual harassment with 53.3 per cent of the total incidents of sexual harassment happened with them. From the Koli community, 60 per cent Dalit women faced sexual harassment. Illiterate women educated up to Class 10 are the victims of sexual harassment with 60 per cent

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and 40 per cent respectively. As a result it might be said that highly educated Dalit women are less vulnerable for sexual harassment. The representation of category of labour work shows that women working as labourers are the easy target for sexual harassment by the dominant caste perpetrators with 66.7 per cent out of total study samples, i.e. 50 per cent. By contrast, the house-makers are slightly less the target of sexual harassment i.e. 13.3 per cent. One-fifth or twelve women of the incidents of sexual harassment did not seek legal redresses because of the feeling of shame and dishonour. Only three women who attempted to seek legal redress were blocked before the case reached the police station. The main actors who blocked Dalit women’s justice seeking efforts were perpetrators, panchayats, the Dalit community and the victims’ families. Attempt to Rape and Rape Sexual assault or the use of criminal force to molest a woman as per Indian Penal Law is any forcible invasion of women’s sexual and bodily integrity not amounting to rape. Often sexual assaults of various types, often sexual assault lead to or accompany rape and sexual exploitation. Out of total study samples, 5 per cent Dalit women have experienced ‘attempt to rape’ and 1 per cent experienced ‘rape’. Attempted rape takes sexual assault one step further though it includes many of the elements discussed above. It involves force shown by the perpetrator on the woman to rape or by the woman in the form of struggle to save herself from being raped. For example: Guddi Devi was a victim of attempted rape when she went to the field to graze her cattle. When she was cutting grass for the cattle, suddenly dominant caste, Haryana Brahmin Lallu came and held her in his arms by using abusive language and tried to rape her. Somehow she ran back home and told everything to her mother and sister-in-law. When her mother and sister-in-law confronted Lallu with their daughter-in-law’s complaint, they were beaten and abused.

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All ten cases of attempted rape are from the rural areas while accessing public resources by the Dalit women in the study. The age groups of 16 to 30 years and 31 to 45 years were more targeted groups for attempt to rape, i.e. 40 per cent. Eighty per cent of the total incidents committed on women belong to the Koli community. Similarly, 80 per cent attempt to rape were committed on illiterate women. The representation of category of labour works shows that women working as labourers are an easy target for attempted rape by the dominant caste perpetrators. Ninety per cent Dalit women on whom rape was attempted were daily wage labourers. Fear of rape is one of the pervasive instruments for controlling women and curtailing their freedom. Girls are socialized to fear men and are confined, protected and escorted in the name of safety. (Goyal, 2009) In this study victims of rape belong to rural and urban areas in equal proportion, i.e. 50 per cent and both are illitterate but employed doing jobs. One is a social activist and another grazes animals with her parents. The figure 3:8 shows the percentage of rape victims by cross-tabulation of age. The age groups of 0 to 15 years and 45 to 60 years are the main targeted groups of rape with 50 per cent. The acts of physical and sexual assaults such as biting women’s cheeks or breasts groping their breasts, gagging them, tearing their clothing or hands, stripping off their clothes and hitting women to facilitate the rape have been described by the Dalit women who experienced atrocities. For example: A minor Dalit girl was raped by the dominant caste ‘Rajput’ boy when she was returning from the field in the early morning. Her father registered a complaint but no immediate action was taken. With the help of the community-based NGOs they protested against the police, only then medical check up of the victim was done. As a result the perpetrator’s father lodged a complaint against the victim’s father for defamation. The girl’s father is in jail but the perpetrator came out on bail.

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Attempt to Murder In most cases of the attempt to murder Dalit women have been found in the study along with public humiliation by use of filthy language, physical assault, sexual harassment and attempted rape. There were cases of attempted murder by sudden attack on them or their families as the result of their assertion for equal rights against the dominant castes. Dalit women describe their vulnerable situation that they are easy targets for any perpetrator since dominant castes consider them to be ‘sexually available’ and unprotected by the state machineries. Fifteen per cent Dalit women in this study have been attempted to be murdered. They have been beaten with lathis, axes, stones and other instruments during the attacks. For instanceGuddi Devi was attacked and beaten with lathis when she went to possess her land. Brahmins who had occupied her land did not allow her to do agricultural work and also refused to let her cut wood from it. Beating, abusing, attacking and denying access to public resources are the series of acts by the perpetrators before attempting to murder her.

The representation of category of labour work shows that women working as labourers are the easy target for attempted murder by the dominant caste perpetrators. About 63.3 per cent Dalit women have been attempted to be murdered who are dependent on the dominant castes for their livelihood or wanted to assert their rights. But in every age groups of occupation Dalit women are targeted to be murdered. The following figure shows that Dalit women who are illiterate or educated upto Class 10 have become the easy targets for atrocities such as attempt to be murdered with 70 per cent and 26.7 per cent respectively. In the context of legal remedies only one-third of Dalit women made complaints in the police station. In some of the cases compromises have been made. The few cases that reached the police station or court nothing happened. In most

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of the cases, counter-false cases have been registered against the victims or their families. Overall, it can be inferred from this study that illitterate women, aged between 20 to 40 years, economically dependent on dominant castes are the main victims of atrocities, such as, public humiliation by using abusive language, physical assault, sexual haressment including attempted rape, rape and attempt to be murdered. Their economic status which is linked to their occupation for which they are dependent on dominant castes make them more vulnerable for sexual haressments. Places of Atrocities Most Dalit women face violence in public spaces such as fields, streets, bus stands, workplaces, temples, schools and places around their villages and towns. The study reveals that about 60 per cent of the atrocities against Dalit women have taken place in public places. It is related to greater work participation of Dalit women as compared to other women. As they are mostly employed in the informal sector, daily wage labour occupation, which provides fertile grounds for atrocities against them. Moreover, given their economic dependence, Dalit women often do not report violence from employers in the workplaces; instead keep silent in order to retain their means of livelihood. Fields of dominant castes, used by Dalit women for their nature’s call, are the prime places for atrocities against them. Non-Dalits constantly harass them when they go to relieve themselves in groups and that too only early in the morning or late at night. Often acts such as showing private parts by the perpetrators lead to mental torture for Dalit women. On resisting, dominant caste men abused Dalit women in filthy language. Because of fear and shame they do not even make such acts public. The most common places for violence are homes where 20 per cent of Dalit women have faced atrocities in this study. As

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many Dalit women either work in the perpetrators’ homes or have to go there to receive their wages or ask for loans, etc., the perpetrator’s home also becomes the site for atrocities. In urban localities, most of the Dalit women work as domestic workers in the houses of dominant castes and constantly face humiliation and exploitation by the dominant caste perpetrators. More than 15 per cent Dalit women have faced atrocities in both public and private spheres. Conclusion In concluding remarks it can be inferred that Dalit women suffer large-scale violation of their human rights, including acts of atrocities such as public humiliation, physical assaults, sexual harassment, rape, and attempt to murder. These atrocities also include psychological abuse and exploitation, residential segregation, denial of access and discriminatory treatment in basic public resources and services and discriminatory restrictions on public behaviour. Sometimes they have become the victims of atrocities because of their assertion for basic rights, such as, right to speak, right to work, freedom of movement and right to equality and respect. It also has been accepted by the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, “Whenever Dalits have tried to organize themselves or assert their rights; there has been a backlash from the feudal lords resulting in mass killings of Dalits, gang rapes, looting and arsoning, etc. of Dalit bastis.” Thus atrocities prevent the overall development and enjoyment of human rights for Dalit women and their community as well. So the assertion of Dalit women for their rights to equality, dignity and identity as human beings should be encouraged positvely.

REFERENCES Ahuja, Ram. 1998, Violence Against Women, New Delhi: Rawat Publications.

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———. 2007 (January-December), Annual Report: Dalit Rights Identity and Assertion in Rajasthan, Society of Depressed People for Social Justice (SDPSJ) and Centre for Dalit Rights (CDR), p. xii. Goyal, Priti Prabha. 2009, Bharatiya Nari Vikas ki Or, Jodhpur: Rajasthani Granthagar, p. 62. Jaishree, P., Aloysis, and Joel. 2006, Dalit Women Speak Out, Violence Against Dalit Women, Delhi: India National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, National Federation of Dalit Women and Institute of Development Education, Action and Studies, January, p. 162. Malik, Bela. 1999, Untouchability and Dalit Women’s Oppression, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XXXIV, No. 6, February 6-12, p. 323. Mathur, Seema. 2013. Atrocities on Dalit Women in India: A Selected Study of Patterns and Forms, Gujarat: Eklavya Prakashan, p. 92. Mishra, Narayan. 2004, Exploitation and Atrocities on the Dalit in India, Delhi: Kalpaz Publications, p. 17. ——— June 2009. Caste Based Discrimination in South Asia: Situational Overview, Responses and Ways Forward, p. 3. European Commission to the International Dalit Solidarity Network. website-http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/ ——— 2007. Bare Act: ‘The Scheduled Castes and The Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act,’1989, Professional Book Publishers, p. 2. Pai, Sudha. 2000. Changing Socio-Economic and Political Profile of Scheduled Castes in Uttar Pradesh, Journal of Indian School of Political Economy, (Special Issue of Scheduled Castes, Vol. XII, Nos. 3 & 4 July, December), p. 419. Shah, Ghanshyam, Mandar, Harsh, Thorat, Sukhadeo, Deshpande, Satish and Baviskar, Amita. 2006, Untouchability in Rural India, New Delhi: Sage Publications. ——— 1997. National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Highlights of the Report of the National Com­ mission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes for the Years 1994-95 and 1995-96, New Delhi: Government of India, p. 2.

7

Health of Tribal Women in Bankura, West Bengal: An Interdisciplinary Study Salma Khatoon In spite of India’s notable economic performance in the post reforms period, progress in the health condition has been slow and uneven. Large inequities in health and access to health services continue to exist across states between rural and urban areas, and within communities. Of these, critical to ensuring health for all in the immediate future will be the success with which India addresses inequities in provisioning of health services and assurance of quality care. The dawn of the twentieth century witnessed extensive socio-economic transformations due to technical advancements, medical breakthroughs and increased human control over nature through technological developments. Social scientists imagine such transformations as products and processes associated with development. Developmental activities have a differential impact on different categories of region, men and women, young and old, rich and poor. In this regard the present study will focus on the health conditions of the tribal women in Bankura district of West Bengal from an interdisciplinary approach. Access to public health facilities is noticeably poor and the existing infrastructure facilities are the worst. Social evils like early marriage, illiteracy, women’s poor control over access to and use of contraceptives, husbands or mothers-in-law

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dictating women’s care-seeking behaviour, poor nutrition, poverty, lack of health education and awareness and poor access to quality healthcare, including obstetric services are deeply rooted among all the communities in rural areas. The underlying causes for illness among women are poor health and nutrition, lack of physical access to healthcare including transportation and finance, medical causes and socio-cultural factors that obstruct and underplay the importance of healthcare for women. In order to have a better understanding of the prevailing situation one needs to have a realistic health strategy for tribal women based on their requirements and financial condition. In this regard it is necessary to identify the heterogeneity of the tribes. Especially, in today’s situation, when the tribal women who migrate, who are in the occupations which are unsafe, sexually exploitative, and in the regions where there is ethnic tensions need special attention. This paper has tried to cover the micro level study on the health status of tribal women in Bankura district of West Bengal. The present paper is primarily based on secondary literature and tries to look at the status of women’s health and factors behind the high mortality and morbidity among the tribes while addressing the heterogeneity among them and their specific health needs. The paper focuses on the regional disparities specifically in the rural and urban areas at state level in India. The data sources like the National Family Health Survey (NFHS), World Bank, NSSO reports, and various government reports presents a very grim picture on women’s health. Here an attempt is made to see the structural inequalities towards women’s health condition that is driven by society as a whole. The objective of the paper is to show the rural and urban differences of women’s health based on MMR. Data confirms that while it is true that overall health indicators (outcome—IMR, U5MR, and MMR) are improving, still we find a gap at various state level

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data. Finally the paper addresses the underline issues related to women’s health in different geographical settings. Due to lack of desegregated data on the health of tribal women, this study raises issues which need to be taken into consideration for better health services to women at affordable prices. The argument in the current paper is substantiated by the primary research done among the Santhal tribes of Bankura. Medical anthropologists have built upon historical and cultural analyses that focuses on the health of the tribals over a period of time. Various studies have emphasized the relevance of the cultural foundation that gives logic and depth to meanings of how cosmology and traditions come to define the body in the state of illness and well-being (Smelser and Baltes, 2001; Marriot, 1955; Carstairs, 1955; Hasan, 1967; Gould, 1967; Khare, 1963). Health customs, is an idea introduced by Banerji (1970: 2), it is taken as a cultural perception, the cultural meaning of health problems handled by the community and health behaviour in terms of various cultural strategy available and accessible to the community. The concept is used to underline the need for understanding community health behaviour, availability and accessibility of health institutions and cultural meaning and perceptions of health problems as an integral part. It is argued that, in a community, perceptions of health problems and the state of health differs from individual to individual. The behaviour of the tribals towards the treatment of the disease from the institutions present is very uncertain. It is a sub-cultural complex which can be termed as health culture of the community. This conceptual understanding of health culture breaks the barriers of individual disciplines which not only creates a barrier to acquiring a proper understanding of problems but plays a downright negative role by giving an unclear and, at times, highly prejudiced picture of the problem (Banerji, 1970: 208). The cultural practices of the

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tribes exclude them from taking treatment from the medical institution which keeps them cut off from the modern facilities. Their mindset needs to be changed and the tribals should get education on their health conditions. Hasan (1967) mentions that the villages in India should be sensitized on their beliefs and superstitions. Writings of Gould (1967) and Khare (1963) too are in the same direction. So constant has been this trend among the people and their culture that the technology and the agency delivering it are seen with fear (Banerji, 1982: 215). Health culture was introduced as a component of medical anthropology to provide better balance to methods and concepts in medical anthropology. Sahu’s study (1991) on health culture of the Oraon in Rourkela Steel Town in Odisa, too found that the felt needs for various services remain unfulfilled because of many barriers in the path of their access to these health institutions. Studies on health, from critical medical anthropological perspectives, discusses the effects of global market, flow of commodities, information, finance, images and people in such a world (Baer, Singer and Süsser, 1997; Kleinman, 1997; Hahn, 1999; Farmer 1999; Singer, 1994).The critical medical anthropology focuses on important questions about the impact of global political and economic structures and processes on health and disease. It increases the background within which medical anthropology operates and brings it closer to the perspective of public health practice by explicitly seeking to contribute to the creation of global health systems that “serve the people” (Baer, Singer and Susser, 1997: 33). Their focus is on the healthcare system and it’s functioning at multiple levels. The anthropologists are interested in the cultural practices of health among the tribals. Background of the Study India is a home to a large variety of indigenous people with a population of more than 1.21 million in the 2011 Census.

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India has the largest tribal population in the world. In the Indian context tribals are the earliest settlers of the land if not indigenous. According to Majumdar (1958), a tribe can defined as “a community which has a name, endogamous in the nature, lives in common territory, has a common traditional culture with an unwritten language, is structurally and culturally distinctive, relatively homogeneous, largely self-governing with no specialization of function and pervasively selfsufficient, and has a shared consciousness of ethnic identity and of belonging together.” The tribal population comprising roughly eight per cent of the total population of India, i.e. about 68 million people inhabit widely in varying ecological and geo-climatic regions (hilly, forest, tarai, desert, coastal, etc.) throughout the nation. Most of the Indian tribes have diverse economies from subsistence agriculture to shifting cultivation to hunting, gathering, herding and fishing, etc. Various developmental works undertaken in the tribal terrains, owing to their rich natural resources, displaced and separated the tribes from their land by the mainlanders and have driven them further into poverty, deprivation and dependency. The tribal sub-plans provide large financial outlays but in the absence of a holistic frame and coordinated implementation, results have been less than expected. In order to address the health of the women from the tribes it is necessary to take into consideration various aspects affecting their lives their geographical locations, their position in the range of development, the literacy levels, the economic base, political participation, the levels of integration and assimilation, and the outside group and factors impacting their lives. The socio-cultural problems among the tribal women, their economic rights, participation in management, and access to employment, food and health have not been addressed. The progress in medical sciences have made the treatment of many diseases possible and simple. Nonetheless the

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benefits of modern medicine have not reached the vast majority of people in poverty groups. Nor has progress in modern medicine helped to improve the health status of the tribal communities. The reason for this and the influence of social forces on healthcare delivery system have been well analysed by Banerji (1970), Navarro (1998) and McKinlay (1984). The division that exists between the privileged sections of society and the underprivileged increases the problems of women. It is the women from economically weaker sections that are most adversely affected. Women who are the prime producers of the necessities of life, women on whom the society depends so heavily for economic support and family healthcare are the prime targets of these inequalities and injustices and inadequate healthcare. The government has a number of programmes for economic development as well as for rendering basic healthcare. Keeping this in mind the following research questions of the study are as follows:  O Are the women from disadvantaged groups aware of the government health facilities?  O Have the facilities reached them?  O Are the women in rural areas aware of the primary health centres and the services provided by them?  O Are the women aware of the maternal services rendered by Auxiliary Nurse Midwives (ANM)? If so, have they used their services?  O Are the women aware of the family planning services and do they use them? Literature Review There are only a few studies on the status of tribal women in India (Mann, 1987; Singh, Vyas and Mann, 1988; Chauhan 1990; Mehrotra, 2004) signifying the existence of gender inequity in tribal societies despite women’s active participation in social and economic life. Two decades ago, Singh (1988) too reported

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that there is a need for proper consideration of their problems explicit to time and place so that relevant development programmes can be implemented. There is a greater need for undertaking an area-specific study on the status and role of tribal women which alone can throw up data that will make planning for their welfare more meaningful and effective. Health status among the tribals have always been a neglected part. There are many issues in the present time which affects the health of tribals, the increasing price of treatment in medical accessibility, affordability and availability of health services in their area. Health services in India have not been accorded adequate priority in allocation of public funds. Health services are unevenly distributed across economic strata, location, (urban-rural), gender and regions in India. Commercialization and privatization of health services particularly after the post-liberalization, has resulted in excluding a large number of populations particularly, socially disadvantaged groups like SCs, STs, women and poor from the coverage of health services. Inadequate infrastructure, manpower and medicines adversely affect the provision and quality of health services of public organizations. Knowingly or unknowingly maternal healthcare is an important aspect of health seeking behaviour which has been neglected among the tribes. The policy makers have to take into consideration the requirements and needs of women while framing policies, their lifestyle, beliefs, cultural context, social organization and the channels of communication of the tribal people before introducing any government policies/ plan. Inclusive area-specific health-related studies are limited for most of the tribal areas, especially women-related health problems. Available studies are isolated, incomplete and did not cover the various dimensions of health affecting the status of tribal women (Basu, 1990). Early marriage, successive pregnancies accompanied with low calorie of food intake and inaccessibility, and under utilization of medical facilities lead

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to high maternal morbidity and mortality rate. Maternal health deterioration is thus the result of early marriage, frequent pregnancies and lack of health awareness among the tribal women. The inadequate diet and continuous overwork lead to increasing disorders such as anaemia, general malnutrition, premature ageing and early death (Basu, 1990). As per the National Family Health Survey the status of Scheduled Tribes women is very grim, they are backward, ignorant about their health rights and confused about their choices. According to the National Family Health Survey the status of Scheduled Tribes (STs), is worse in all the health indicators. There seems to be a strong preference in the state especially in urban areas for availing treatment from the private sector. The reason for this is the availability of medical facilities at all hours, specialized skills and technology, experience and promotional efforts. Despite the quantitative increase in health institutions the status of antenatal and post-natal cares remains inadequate. The state has a small number of institutional deliveries especially in rural areas resulting in higher still-births and infant mortality. Nutritional anaemia is a severe problem for women in India and more so in the tribal belts, with as high as 68.5 per cent with any form of anaemia. Tribal women have a heavy workload and anaemia has an intense effect on their psychological and physical health. Anaemia lowers women’s resistance to fatigue, affects working capacity under conditions of stress and increases vulnerability to other diseases. Maternal malnutrition, which is quite common among the tribal women, is also a serious health problem; especially for those having many pregnancies too closely spaced such as the Gonds, the Santhals, etc. The main causes of maternal mortality among the tribals are considered to be unhealthy and rudimentary practices of parturition, puerperal infection, anaemia, haemorrhage, obstructed labour and sometimes ruptured uterus (Basu, 1990).

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Most of the tribes are dependent on their local ecosystem, forests, mountains, rivers and streams for their daily activities which they try to protect for their use. Because of the extensive felling of the trees, the distances between the villages and the forest areas have increased forcing the tribal women to walk longer distances in search of minor forest produce and firewood. Given this, even women in advanced stages of pregnancy were required to work in the agricultural fields or walk great distances to collect fuel and minor forest produce (Dasgupta, 1988). Due to the Forest Conservation Act, tribals are left with small patches of land to till. As they cultivate the same land repeatedly, the land becomes less fertile, and due to limited technology and inputs the quantity and quality of the produce reduces. As a result of deforestation, the availability of food for the tribal families has reduced. This has serious implications particularly for those women who are responsible for the provision and distribution of food, in cases of shortage; they even deprive themselves of food in order to feed others (Ali, 1980; Reddy, 2007). Government policies on birth control and family planning have made the tribals to become unwilling and apprehensive to take an interest in the health services. However, the younger generation women intend to have fewer children because of the fear of painful birthing process and old women continue to think it is better to have more children as they are not sure of their survival till adulthood (Reddy, 2004). Tribal women face morbidity issues like acute respiratory infection and diarrhoea which are very common among all age groups. Poverty is the prime cause for ill health, constant morbidity and early death. However, lack of access to right foods, iron, protein and micro-nutrients such as iodine and vitamins, is the major cause for the very high incidence of nutritional deficiency disease. These factors combine with lack of access to basic healthcare services is the main reason for the normally adverse health indicators. Anthropometric

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measurements that look at various nutritional indices show various grades of nutritional anaemia and vitamin A deficiency. It is traditionally believed that unhygienic personal habits and adverse cultural practices relating to child rearing, breastfeeding and weaning practices are the factors behind poor health among the tribal children. There are studies which further suggest that the community needs to be educated about environmental cleanliness and personal hygienic practices. Studies on health of tribals give us an ethnographic account about their practices, perception and behavioural aspects. Most of these studies are done at micro level giving details of a single tribe or tribes of different states. The various studies done so far on tribal health of women help us to understand their problems in the given time and environment as well as the changing attitude of women towards their own health status. Very few studies try to see the socio- economic, political and ecological factors affecting the health status of women, most studies focus on their cultural aspect. It is seen that there is reduction in mortality due to protective and curative interventions by public health services. But the availability of these services is however uneven across Indian states because of differences in infrastructure, human resources, supplies and uneven distribution. Here an attempt is made to show the barriers to equity and universality in terms of availability, utilisation and affordability of healthcare. The facts for recent years shows a high (80 per cent) dependence on the private sector care, which is largely due to the weakness in the delivery of public health services (Rao 2005).* In 2004, a mere 21 per cent of people in rural and 19 per cent in urban areas utilised the public sector for services. Fortytwo per cent people in rural areas went for public services for treatment and 38 per cent people in urban areas chose to be treated in public services (NSSO 2005). For inpatient care, from * Rao, S., M. Nundy and A.S. Dua 2005. “Delivery of Health Services in the Private Sector.”

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a 60 per cent utilization of public services in the 1980s, the rural and urban utilization rate has fallen to 42 per cent and 38 per cent, respectively. With the increasing income the choice of utilisation of public services is decreasing. In the absence of the strong public sector, the poorer families are being severely affected as they have a very limited choice of treatment. Interstate variations occur in the utilisation of public services for treatment in hospitals depending on region to region and state to state. Availability of more and more private facilities, cost and quality of services account for these variations. While India has been reporting a steady decline in its maternal mortality rate, it still has the most maternal deaths worldwide, with 50,000 in 2013, the United Nations reported. One of India’s millennium development goals was to reduce its MMR by three quarters from 437 deaths per 1,00,000 live births in 1990-91 to 109 by the end of 2015. However it did not reach this goal and its MMR currently stands at 190. (The WHO term Maternal Mortality as the death of a woman who is pregnant or dies within 42 days of ending her pregnancy, with no regard to length of pregnancy or site of the pregnancy. MMR= Number of deaths from puerperal causes in a given year and population/Total number of live births in the same period and population.) According to various secondary literature it is certain that India has missed the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) for reducing maternal mortality. According to the latest report of the Registrar General of India’s Sample Registration System (RGI-SRS; the sole source of data for fertility and mortality in India), the maternal mortality ratio (MMR) in India has registered a decline from 212 per 1,00,000 live births in the period 2007-09 to 178 in 2010-12. It has declined further to 167 per 1,00,000 live births in the period 2011-13.* This means an estimated 44,000 maternal deaths (death of a woman during * http://www.downtoearth.org.in/news/maternalmortalityindia likelytomissmdgtarget.

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pregnancy or within 42 days of termination of pregnancy) occur in the country every year. There is not much to celebrate with the decline in maternal mortality as we are still far behind developed countries and even developing countries like Nepal and Bangladesh, which have surpassed us said Amit Sengupta, of Jana Swasthya Abhiyan (People’s Health Movement), a civil society organization. Accordingly the various government flagship programme for better health for all will not improve unless ills like child marriage, early marriage, nutrition of women and gender equity are not looked at in rural and backward areas. This is the reason that after so many efforts the results of improvement are marginal and women are still sufferers. India has seen a fall in the maternal mortality rate (MMR) by 59 per cent between 1990 and 2008, but the huge rural urban divide in these rates are overlooked making it home to the highest number of women dying during childbirth across the world. More than half a million women and girls die every year globally because of pregnancy, childbirth, and unsafe abortion, most of these deaths are preventable. Over 99 per cent of maternal deaths take place in developing countries which account for 86 per cent of the world’s births. Different universal and state level schemes and benefits exist such as safe motherhood programmes, National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) to improve public health systems and reduce maternal mortality in particular but the equipment and technical competence to provide services for these are very weak at the present moment. However the decline is small in relation to the scope of the problem, and hidden disparities. With the continuous effort the quality of care has become better over the years; there are more assisted deliveries by trained staff now than a few years ago. Awareness programmes through anganwadi workers and orientation on birth readiness is being undertaken.

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Another very important government initiative to reduce maternal mortality is through Janani Suraksha Yojana (JSY), it aims to reduce maternal mortality among pregnant women by encouraging them to deliver in government health facilities. Under the scheme, cash assistance is provided to eligible pregnant women for giving birth in a government health facility. The underlying causes for maternal mortality are poor health and nutrition, lack of physical access to healthcare (including transportation and finance), medical causes and socio-cultural factors that obstruct and underplay the importance of healthcare for women. Research has identified four important reasons for the continuing high maternal mortality rate, barriers to emergency care, poor referral practices, gaps in continuity of care, and improper demands for payment as a condition for delivery of healthcare services. In West Bengal the maternal mortality ratio is 117 per 100,000 live births. The high rate of maternal mortality in India are not evenly spread across the country with Uttar Pradesh reporting the maximum number of deaths and Kerala the least. While in Uttar Pradesh, a woman has one in 42 lifetime risks of maternal death, the probability is just one in 500 in Kerala. Odisha is at the top of the list with 52 deaths per 1,000 live births closely followed by Madhya Pradesh at 51 deaths. Uttar Pradesh has 46 deaths, Rajasthan has 45 and Chhattisgarh has 43 according to the Indian Express report. The average lifetime risk of a woman in a least developed country dying from complications related to pregnancy or childbirth is more than 300 times greater than for a woman living in an industrialized country.* Women who live in an industrialized area face greater health hazards because of different types of pollution which gets emitted from the factories. Factors contributing to maternal deaths were prolonged * Uttar Pradesh has the highest maternal mortality: UNICEF Agencies: New Delhi, January 20, 2009.

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neglect and unchangeable beliefs, behaviours and attitudes of the people have made maternal mortality unbeatable. Beliefs such as early marriage, illiteracy, women’s poor control over access to and use of contraceptives, husbands or mothers­ in-law dictating women’s care-seeking behaviour, overall poor health including poor nutrition, poverty, lack of health education and awareness, domestic violence, and poor access to quality healthcare, including obstetric services are deeply embedded among all the communities in rural areas. Less than half of the pregnant women seek any antenatal care, even where the care is sought it usually tends to be in the second trimester with the sole purpose to confirm pregnancy. These observations are not a surprise in the context where women’s healthcare utilization is in general low and pregnancy is not considered an event requiring any special medical attention. When the reasons are further explored, many factors that perpetuate the condition become exposed. There is no record system in place, the system fails to gather the necessary information at the district level on where, when, and why deaths and injuries are occurring. More than 90 per cent of pregnant women deliver at home attended by Dais or untrained professionals. In cases of emergency, a midwife is approached but health worker trained in midwifery can do very little to save the life of a pregnant woman unless she is supported by a functioning health system including an adequate supply of drugs for obstetric first aid, emergency obstetric care. The case is referred to an obstetrician and gynaecologist in events of complications such as haemorrhage, obstructed labour, and hypertensive disorders. Unfortunately there are no referral systems, transportation, blood storage or support in place. There are fewer community health centres than Indian public health standards require. Less than a third of existing community health centres have an obstetrician or gynaecologist and about 45 per cent do not have funds to operate even the one ambulance they have. The issue of maternal mortality has

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many facets here and needs a multipronged approach. In order to reduce maternal mortality and infant mortality, it is extremely important that all births be attended by skilled health personnel, as timely management and treatment can make the difference between life and death. The proportion of births attended by skilled health personnel is the percentage of deliveries attended by personnel trained to give the necessary supervision, care and advice to women during pregnancy, labour and the post-partum period; to conduct deliveries on their own; and to care for the new-born. Skilled health personnel include only those who are properly trained and who have appropriate equipment and drugs. Traditional birth attendants, even if they have received a short training course, are not to be included. For this indicator there is no bench mark value to be attained by 2015. However, for attaining the prescribed target for MMR, the desirable level of attainment for this indicator is taken as 100 per cent by 2015 (MDG Goals). The available information on maternal mortality in rural India is inadequate and scanty. In order to improve the maternal health outcomes in states the policy makers need to control a wide spectrum of resources, both public and private to address the health needs of the population in Figure 1: All India Level Maternal Mortality Ration

Source: Author’s Representation Based on Table 1

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need with appropriate means to deliver them. Reductions in maternal mortality would require interventions to improve service delivery as well as community mobilization. Time is the key, the availability of the emergency facilities and most important, human resources when required can prevent needless suffering. A strategic plan that considers identifying the roots of the problem, counting true numbers, improved technical skills and equipment, increase utilization of health care, provision of emergency healthcare resources and all the aspects of the health system offers the best opportunity for achieving improved health outcomes for women and children in resource-constrained settings in rural areas. The government should collaborate and cooperate and make efficient use of the opportunities available. The need of the time is to weigh the available options and stabilize a weak health infrastructure to minimize a disaster, as the road ahead is uncertain, but definitely not short. Table 1: Maternal Mortality Ratio Over Time in India Year

MMR (Per 100,000 Live Births)

1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2016 2017

556 471 374 280 215 174 130 122

Source: Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, India.

According to the available data from 1990 onwards to 2017, the data shows that there has been a consistent decline in the maternal mortality rate. Still we find from the literature and the data that from the period 2010 to 2017 the growth has been very slow and steady. The health conditions of women

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in terms of maternal mortality is improving but still there is considerable apprehension which shows that women’s health is not improving the way it should. The regional disparities give us a different kind of exposures to see the conditions of women’s health. Some states are better performers in the overall conditions of women’s health while some states are the worst performers. In such a situation when we study the health conditions of marginalized women they are more vulnerable in terms of health facilities. Table 2: Selected State-Wise Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) in 2015-2017 State Assam Bihar Jharkhand Madhya Pradesh Chhattisgarh Odisha Rajasthan Uttar Pradesh Uttarakhand Andhra Pradesh Telangana Karnataka Kerala Tamil Nadu Gujarat Haryana Maharashtra Punjab West Bengal Other States India

MMR 229 165 76 188 141 168 186 216 89 74 76 97 42 63 87 98 55 122 94 96 122

Source: Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, India.

The all India state level data shows that the performance of women’s health state-wise is not the same. Some states have shown a remarkable improvement in terms of women’s

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maternal mortality while some states are still lagging behind to achieve the target. The women’s health situation overall in the country is weak as this has always been the most neglected area of study. Figure 2: State-Wise Maternal Mortality Ratio During 2015-17

Source: Author’s Representation Based on Table 2.

Table 3: MMR in BIMARU States State Bihar Madhya Pradesh Rajasthan Uttar Pradesh All India

MMR 165 188 186 216 122

Source: Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, India.

The BIMARU states’ performance in terms of maternal mortality is not improving compared to other neighbouring states. States like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh are the most backward in terms of the health conditions of women. The reasons behind low maternal status of these states are poverty, low income level of the households, illiteracy, and poor infrastructure of government hospitals.

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Figure 3: Maternal Mortality Ratio in BIMARU States

Table 4: Maternal Mortality Ratio of 10 Poorest States

During 2015-17

State Assam Bihar Jharkhand Madhya Pradesh Chhattisgarh Odisha Rajasthan Uttar Pradesh India

MMR 229 165 76 188 141 168 186 216 122

Source: Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, India.

Table 5: Maternal Mortality Ratio in the Richest States

During 2015-17

State Maharashtra Haryana Punjab Gujarat Tamil Nadu Karnataka Kerala Andhra Pradesh West Bengal Himachal Pradesh

MMR 55 98 122 87 63 97 42 74 94 NA

Source: Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, India.

Health of Tribal Women in Bankura, West Bengal 157

The southern states are better performers in terms of health conditions of women. The government facilities and the private facilitates in these states are more accountable in providing better health facilities. The GDP of these states are better off in growth and the facilities provided by the states are also good as people can afford to buy expensive facilities.

REFERENCES Ali, A. 1980, “Health and Nutritional Status of Pauri Bhuniyas of Jaldih Village in Sundergarh District, Orissa,” The Newsletter 13 [April]. Tribal Development Division, Ministry of Home Affairs, New Delhi. Baer, H.A., M. Singer and I. Susser. 1997, Medical Anthropology and the World System: A Critical Perspective. Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey. Banerji, D. 1970, Poverty, Class and Health Culture in India, Vol. 1, New Delhi: Prachi Prakashan. Basu, S. 1990, “Anthropological Approach to Tribal Health,” in Ashish Bose, Tiplut Nongbri and Nikhlesh Kumar (eds.) Tribal Demography and Development in North East India, Delhi: Hindustan Publishing Corporation. Carstairs, G.M. 1955, “Medicine and Faith in Rural Rajasthan,” in B.D. Paul (ed.), Health Culture and Community, New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Chauhan, Abha. 1990, Tribal Women and Social Change in India, Etawah, A.C. Brothers. Dasgupta, Supriya. 1988, Understanding the Tribal Dilemma: Tribal Women and Forest Dwellers Economy, New Delhi: Indian Social Institute. Farmer, P. 1999, Infections and Inequalities: The Modern Plagues, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Gould, H.A. 1967, “Implications of Technological Change for Folk & Scientific Medicine,” American Anthropologist, 59 (3): 507. Hahn, R.A. 1999, “Anthropology and the Enhancement of Public Health Practice,” in Anthropology Ill Public Health: Bridging Differences in Culture and Society. New York: Oxford University Press. Hasan, KA. 1967, Cultural Frontiers of Health in Village India, Bombay: Manektalas. Khare, R.S. 1963, “Folk Medicine in North Indian Village,” Human Organization, 22 (1):36-40.

158ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies Kleinman, A. 1995, Writing at the Margin: Discourse between Anthropology and Medicine. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Majumdar, D.N. 1958, Caste and Communication in Indian Village, Bombay: Asia Publishing House. Mann, K. 1987, Tribal Women in a Changing Society. Delhi: Minal Publications. Marriot. M. 1955, “Western Medicine in a Village of Northern India,” in B.D. Paul (ed.), Health Culture and Community, New York: Russell Sage Foundation. McKinley, J.B. 1984, Issues in the Political Economy of Health Care, London: Tavistock. Mehrotra, N. 2004, “Situating Tribal Women,” The Eastern Anthropologist, 51 (I): 61-73. International Institute for Population Sciences (UPS) and Macro International. 2007. National Family Health Survey (NFHS-3), 2005-06: India, Volume I. Mumbai: IIPS.NFHS IIII. Navarro, V. 1998, A Historical Review (1965-1997) of Studies on Class, Health and Quality of Life: A Personel Account, International Journal of Health Services, 28(3): 389-406. Rao, V.G., Rajeev Yadav, C.K. Dolla, Surendra Kumar. 2005, “Under nutrition and childhood morbidities among tribal preschool children,” Indian Journal of Medical Research, 122 (I) July: 43-47. Reddy, Sunita. 2004, “Ecosystems Approach to Human Health: A Case of Konda Reddi Tribes and Women’s Health, Journal of Human Ecology, 16 (4): 271-282. ——. 2007. “Child birth practices among the PTG, Konda Reddis,” The Eastern Anthropologist, 60 (I): 99-108. Sahu, S.K. 1991, Health Culture in Transition: A Case Study of Oraon Tribe in Rural and Industrial Orissa, New Delhi: Khama Publishers. Singer, M. 1994, “AIDS and the Health Crisis of the U.S. Urban Poor: the Perspective of Critical Medical Anthropology,” Social Science and Medicine, 39 (7): 931-948. Singh, J.P., N.N. Vyas and R.S. Mann. 1988, Tribal Women and Development, Jaipur: Rawat Publications. Singh, K.S. 1988, “Tribal women: An Anthropological perspective,” in Tribal Women and Development (eds.) Singh, Vyas and Mann. Rawat Publications: Jaipur. Smelser, N.J. and P.B. Baltes. 2001, International Encyclopedia of Social and Behavioral Science. Vol. 10. Elsevier Science: Oxford: 10: 6495.

8

Dispossession of Land and Tribal

Women in Jharkhand: Issues and

Challenges

Amit Kumar Venkteshwar In a democratic country, the citizens trust the state and public institutions for their betterment. Especially people from the backward communities and regions rely mostly on the state. The state also integrates the backward regions into the mainstream with the help of their institutional set ups like Public Sector Enterprises (PSEs) and democratic institutions, etc. Consequently, not only does the status of backward regions improve but the growth and development of the country is also ascertained. However, reality on the ground is different. The condition of the country has improved, in terms of power generation, self-sufficiency in the extraction of mineral resources, technological advancement, increased irrigation potential, urbanization, availability of drinking water, health and education, but the people who reside in the backward regions mainly in hilly tracts and forest dwellers have not benefited from this development process. The benefits of the big projects are seen only at macro level. The positive impacts are shown at a national level while the negative impacts are borne at the local level. The developmental activities like constructing large dams, setting up capital-intensive industries, mining, construction of railway lines, roads, establishment of thermal power plants,

160ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

etc. are destroying the livelihoods of the local communities. It poses severe threats to the ecosystem and the environment and endangers the lives of those people who reside near the projects. Areeparampil and Basu argued that, since independence in India, development has been considered as a planned process. Development projects have been equated with the national identity and nation’s pride. Unfortunately, in most of the cases, the socio-economic aspects of the tribal communities have been overlooked. However, the current developmental projects have given importance to the tribal community but women as a group have been mostly ignored (Areeparampil, 1989: 20-24; Basu, 1994: 8). Since 1947, 25 million hectares of land have been acquired till 2000 for public purposes under the Land Acquisition Act 1894. According to the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), in the next 10 years, more than 1.1 million hectares of forest land will be diverted for the various developmental projects. The developmental project have a negative impact on the tribal women. It has widened the gender differences to the extent as if the tribal community got any kind of benefit (in the form of cash, kind or jobs) women got less compared to men. This paper discusses the following dimensions. (a) The development projects have led to underdevelopment in the tribal region of Jharkhand. The policies of states having a contrary character. (b) The continued dispossession has intensified their poverty and threatened their identity in their own homelands. The impact of dispossession has affected the rural tribes of Jharkhand. It is reflected in their occupational structure. Hence, the tribal women feel marginalized and live with a sense of insecurity. Methodology The present study is based on the secondary sources comprised in various articles from journals and books, Parliamentary

Dispossession of Land and Tribal Women in Jharkhand 161

debates, Reports published by the Government of India like the Ministry of Rural Development Report and Ministry of Tribal Affairs Report; and by Non-Governmental Organizations like the Centre for Science and Environment. Various used data in this study have been taken form studies conducted by independent researchers and reports published. Approach of the State Towards Tribes and Developmental Paradigm In the famous Panchaseel* statement, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru admitted that the tribal rights over land and forests should be respected. But over the period of time, the historical rights of the tribes over the land and forests were disregarded. In the decade of the 1950s, it was proposed that the impoverishment and underdevelopment would be solved by adequate investments in physical capital and infrastructure development. The concept of development, in the initial years, was invariably equated with industrialization (Munshi, 2012: 8). Moreover, the post-independence development process has several inconsistencies between the tribal policies and functioning of the state. All the developmental policies which structured around rapid industrialization and modernization, were contradicted with the provision of restricted and simple * Nehru formulated a set of five fundamental principles to draw a framework for the development of the tribal people. This is contained in his preface to the book titled A Philosophy for the North Eastern Frontier Area (NEFA) written by the renowned anthropologist Verrier Elwin. The cornerstone of the Nehruvian vision of tribal development is based on the need to respect the tribal rights in land and forests. It cautions against the imposition of the thinking and values of outsiders on the tribal people and argues that they should be allowed to ‘develop along the lines of their own genius’. These principles sketch a clear emphasis on retaining and respecting the Constitution which mandates the preservation of the tradition and culture of the Scheduled Tribes and the autonomy of the Scheduled areas.

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administration in the tribal areas. Even these policies facilitated the exploitation and alienation of the tribal communities. Over the period of time, it legitimized the policy of oppression by the state (Sen, 1992: 82). Indira Gandhi acknowledged that development projects have displaced tribal people from their habitat. Further, the project authorities did not take care to properly rehabilitate the affected population. But sometimes there is no alternative and we have to go ahead in the larger interest (Letter written from Indira Gandhi to Baba Amte, August 30, 1984)*. It shows the helplessness and lack of will power of our political leaders towards tribals’ difficulties. Most of the leaders in this period assumed that construction of heavy industries, dams and other big projects and rendering the natural resources would integrate the backward regions from mainstream India. Various reports (government’s and individuals) such as the Dhebar Commission (1961); the Shilu Ao team (1969); the Report on Industries and Allied Sectors in Tribal Areas (1978); the Bhuria Commission Report (2002-04); the B.N. Yugandhar Committee Report (2002-03); the Planning Commission Reports (2004, 2006), etc. have observed that economic opportunities created by the establishment of industrial and mining complexes in the tribal areas and the growth of large townships around them have bypassed the tribal people. The tribal hinterlands of the industrial and mining cities have become backward. Industrialization might be synonymous with prosperity in other areas, but in the tribal areas this phenomenon has not been less than a disaster. The state has endorsed several acts to protect the tribal land and forests for the capital intensive development projects in the tribal areas. Despite these acts, the state itself has acted as an agent of tribal land alienation. According to the Land Alienated Act, 1894, only the state can acquire tribal land. This * Smitu Kothari, Whose Nation? The Displaced as Victims of Development, 1996, Economic and Political Weekly, p. 1476.

Dispossession of Land and Tribal Women in Jharkhand 163

act was amended in 1984, which indiscriminately invoked to alienate tribal lands in the name of public interest (Pathy, 1996: 486). Despite several acts, Constitutional Provisions, to protect the life and livelihood of the tribal communities, but the problems of tribes were not addressed properly by the state. In Jharkhand, to protect the tribal rights over the land and forests, the Chota Nagpur Tenancy (CNT) Act 1908 and the Santhal Pargana Tenancy (SPT) Act 1949 was formed. Over the period of time, both the acts were amended to facilitate industrialization of the region. So far, the CNT Act has been amended as many as 26 times. In 2016, the government amended the Sections 21, 49(1) and (2), 71(A) of CNT Act and Section 13 of the Santhal Pargana Tenancy (SPT) Act. Through these amendments the state government gets empowered to turn agricultural land for non-agricultural uses. Hence, the previously non-transferable land can be transferred in the name of development. Exploitation of their natural resources continued unabatedly which raises questions on the functions of the state. Extent of Diversion of Forests and Land in Jharkhand The process of land acquisition for development projects was accelerated in Jharkhand after independence, because of its natural and mineral resources. It has huge reserves of coal, iron, bauxite, limestone and mica and significant deposits of chromite, copper, kainite, tungsten, china-clay, fire-clay, uranium, asbestos, manganese, dolomite, and so on. These minerals are mostly localized in their nature of distribution. Like coal is primarily found in the Gondwana rocks of the Damodar Basin. Apart from the huge deposits of coal a number of other minerals are also found in the Damodar Basin like mica, fire-clay, china-clay and limestone. The Singhbhum region of Jharkhand has non-fuel minerals with its substantial deposits of iron, copper, chromite, uranium, manganese, etc.

164ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

The Kolhan range of Singhbhum (Singhbhum-Odisha range) known as the chief iron belt of India. The Singhbhum’s copperuranium belt consists of the largest quantity of copper and uranium in the country. Thus Jharkhand is blessed with both metallic and non-metallic minerals. A study on land acquisition for development projects in Jharkhand from 1951-95 (Ekka and Asif, 2000) gives a conservative estimate of 15,45,947 acres of total land which was acquired for various development projects. This total is divided into 8,52,033.30 acres of private land, 3,48,828.39 acres of common land, and 3,45,085.35 acres of forestland, which is 7.96 per cent of the total land mass of the region. Thirty-four per cent acquired land has been used for the water resources schemes. Industries have used 11.7 per cent of the total acquired land. The industrial development in Jharkhand started much before independence. The percentage of the total land lost for industries as listed is only for those units which were established after the 1950s. The contribution of mining projects to the total land acquired is 34.4 per cent. In this table, which is noticeable that all the projects have acquired more private land compared to common land during this period. The continuous influx of outsiders and huge capital investments have also led to a fresh demand for land in the age of globalization. The given data indicate some important facets. About 55.1 per cent of all the acquired land was private, 22.16 per cent belonged to common land and the rest was forests. Private and common land are known as the primary source of livelihood. The tribal communities suffered most when their Common Property Resources (CPRs) were taken away. Consequently, their livelihood was compromised. Since most of the tribal communities depended on the CPRs, they were not compensated for the resources. The tribal people had only traditional rights on this land and not any statutory rights.

Dispossession of Land and Tribal Women in Jharkhand 165

Due to lack of legal title on this land, the tribal communities were not entitled to get any compensation for the CPRs. Table 1: Total Land Acquired for Development Schemes in Jharkhand (1951-95) (In acres) Category of Private Project Land

% Common Land

Water Resources 364646.00 71.7 94808.00 Industries 98525.59 56.1 63768.68 Thermal 2598.45 43.1 2534.38 Power Mines 184169.0 35.7156341.19 Defence Estd.

22543.61 20.1 11134.93

%

Forest Land

% Total Land %

18.7 48498.00 9.6 507952.00 34.0 36.3 13435.91 7.6 175730.18 11.7 42.1

894.04 14.8

6026.87 00.4

30.4 174614.40 33.9 515124.59 34.4 9.9 78610.57 70.0 112289.11

7.5

Misc. Schemes 152000.65 85.0 8941.21 5.0 17882.43 10.0 178824.29 12.0 Sub Total 824483.30 55.1337528.39 22.6 333935.35 22.31495947.04100.0 Missing 27550.00 55.1 11300.00 22.6 11150.00 22.3 50000.00 Schemes Grand 345085.35 1545947.04 852033.30 348828.39 Total Source: Ekka and Asif, 2000

The forest area which was diverted for the developmental projects in Jharkhand, for the period of 1980-2013, was 1,448 hectares (Rajya Sabha Unstarred Question No. 395, December 5, 2013). According to the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) Report, the dispossession of land in Jharkhand has increased due to several reasons. In the age of neoliberalism, the demand for land, owing to various developmental projects, has intensified. Most of the land diversion has occurred, as per this report, due to the operation of private mining companies which has negatively impacted on the land ownership.

166ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

Table 2: Diversion of Forest Lands (2010-13) and Implementation of Forest Rights Act, 2013 Forest Land Diverted (ha) Jharkhand

8328.45

Claims Received Under FRA 42,003

Percentage PercentPercentage of Claims age of Rejected Accepted Pending 36.4

40.3

23.2

India 1,14,877.26 35,39,793 39.7 47.2 13.0

Source: Diversion figures are taken from CAG Report No. 21, 2013, pp. 20-21, FRA calculated from Progress Report of Implementation of FRA as of September 30, 2013, Ministry of Tribal Affairs.

At the time of the enactment of the Forest Right Act (FRA), the advocates of tribal rights anticipated that this Act could be an antidote to both displacement and dispossession. But its implementation, when compared with the diversion of forest lands for other projects, presents a grim picture of the reality. The settlement of claims under the Forest Rights Act shows a poor record. Ownership and control of land, particularly possession of land, is one of the basic feature to measure vulnerability and inequalities within the tribal societies. The decadal changes in the land ownership patterns, in the different time periods, reveal increasing landlessness among the rural tribal people of Jharkhand. During 2009-10, in the rural areas of Jharkhand, the proportion of tribal (STs) households possessing land less than 0.001 hectares, was 3.9 per cent. The same group, in the earlier survey which was carried out five years ago, having less number, i.e. 0.4 per cent. Table 3 shows that percentage of marginal holdings, i.e. less than one hectare, has registered a significant rise in this state. In 2004-05 (Report No. 516), 77.4 per cent tribal households having less than one hectare of land possession. During 2009-10 (Report No. 543) this group has reached the height of 80.6 per cent. It reveals that in the period of five years, dispossession of land among tribes in the rural areas has increased sharply. Medium size of land holdings are also fragmented in this period.

Dispossession of Land and Tribal Women in Jharkhand 167

Table 3: Percentage of Land Possession by STs (Rural) in Jharkhand NSSO 0.001- 0.005- 0.41- 1.01- 2.010.000 Reports 0.004 0.400 1.00 2.00 4.00 543 (2009­ 3.9 3.2 34.9 38.6 12.6 10) 516 (2004­ 0.4 2.1 36.3 38.6 17.1 05) Source: NSSO Reports Nos. 543 and 516

HHs 4.01 All with Less and Classes Than One Above Hectare

5.7

1.1

100

80.6

4.4

1.1

100

77.4

Table 4 shows that percentage of landless cultivators has risen by 8.2 per cent (16.0 to 24.2) in a very short duration. The rate of decline of large land holdings category is much slower than the marginal and sub-marginal category. Moreover, larger land holding cultivators are able to retain their access to cultivated land, whereas marginal and sub-marginal households are being marginalized during this period. Table 4: Percentage of Access to Cultivated Land by STs (Rural) in Jharkhand NSSO Reports

0.000

0.0010.004

0.0050.400

0.41- 1.011.00 2.00

543 24.2 0.5 25.4 37.8 6.8 516 16.0 0.2 30.6 34.6 14.5 Source: NSSO Reports Nos. 543 and 516

2.01- 4.01 and All 4.00 Above Classes 100 4.5 0.8 3.6 0.5 100

Dispossession and Gender: The Issues Involved As far as the impact of dispossession of the tribal women is concerned, there are several issues. Dispossession from their natural habitats and resources, particularly for the tribal women, not only means the shift from one place to another, but entails a significant shift. It is accompanied in the changes of their socio-economic, political and cultural status as well their own identity. Tribal women have their own distinctive

168ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

lifestyle. They have close proximity with their nearby surroundings and resources, i.e. water, forests, land, etc. Land alienation and consequent displacement completely shatter their lives and means of sustainable livelihood. With the end of economic self-sufficiency, their dependency increases. Since most of the tribal women are unskilled and uneducated so, they are forced to work as daily wage labour. Hence, tribal women get marginalized in the economic and social sphere and live with a sense of insecurity (Fernandes, 1993). From the historical period, women in the tribal community have enjoyed equal opportunities and freedom compared to any other community. Tribal women were self-sufficient. In the financial condition of their family, they used to support equally with their male partner, as well as they contributed significantly in the decision-making process of the family. The development induced land alienation and dispossession have destroyed their settlements and undermined their self-determination and decision-making ability. In several instances downward mobility is noted in their socio-economic status (Fernandes, 2005: 70). After dispossession they have to adjust themselves, which is very unfamiliar, on some fronts, i.e. at a new place, with a new socio-economic system, etc. They manage the responsibilities of the household as well as outside work. In the search of employment and to get two square of meals every day, the male members of their family regularly move from place to place. In many cases such as drinking water arrangements, collection of fuel wood, caring for animals, caring for children and the aged, managing food, etc. become their new and additional responsibilities. The set pattern of their lives get uprooted. Further, in some cases, when their interaction increases with the non-tribal communities at the new places, this adversely impacts the tribal women. For example, the new type of social customs like dowry or subordinate position of women affects the tribal communities. Hence, tribal women suffer the most (Pandey and Rout, 2004: 29).

Dispossession of Land and Tribal Women in Jharkhand 169

The labour of women was highly valued and respected in the tribal societies. Due to this acceptance widow remarriage, bride price systems, etc. were the common practices among the tribal societies. Owing to the problem of dispossession and displacement, the dowry system has become prevalent in the tribal communities. In place of old prevailing values and the beliefs, new social norms and taboos are being imposed on the tribal women (Pandey and Rout, 2004: 29-30). Fernandes and Raj (1992) have given many examples in this context. In their book they have mentioned that the tribal women have traditionally occupied a very high position in their society. Over a period of time they assimilated the mainstream beliefs and norms. Hence, the social status of these women declined. As per Walter Fernandes (1993) and Pandey and Rout (2004), land alienation and subsequent displacement increase women’s marginalization even more. They are deprived of land and forests which was the basis of their livelihood and nutrition. The Common Property Resources (CPRs) are taken away from the tribal community which affected mostly the tribal women. Their access to Common Property Resources (CPRs) get reduced. The CPRs are considered as the substratum for the tribal women. Due to deprivation of these resources women faced difficulties in various works like collection of fuel wood and forest products, fodder, agriculture, etc. Consequently, women who were earlier self-sufficient became dependent on others. Earlier, most of the tribal women were engaged in several traditional works like making mats and toys, weaving ropes, selling leaf plates and so on. But now due to unavailability of raw materials, less demand in the markets and several other compulsions, tribal women are not very interested to do these traditional works. They do not get productive employment at the new places. They have countered with the loss of access to livelihood resources and other avenues of income. So, women are forced to stay at home, their independence is also gradually ended and economic potential is weakened. Women

170ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

are considered only eligible for unskilled or casual jobs. Hence, their status became subordinate to men and their independence is only symbolic. Dispossession and displacement have increased the workload of women with fewer resources and less outcomes. Lack of basic amenities such as drinking water, sanitation, electricity, pucca roads, no agricultural land, fear of wild animals in the new settlements, diseases that spread from garbage heaps, etc. are still major problems among the affected communities but women as a group suffer the most. In rural Jharkhand, arrangements for safe drinking water is a common problem in all the households (Jharkhand State Livelihood Promotion Society Report, 2017). There is a scarcity of ground water in Jharkhand and making personal arrangements for water is costly. So, they collect water from the common sources such as lakes, ponds or municipal supply, etc. whichever is available. Distance of water sources from their settlements is a major impediment for tribal livelihood. Going every day to collect water is not considered derogatory among the tribal communities. It is done mostly by the female members. Even the children join their mothers or elder sisters in this work as substantial time and manpower is lost in the collection of water. Collection of drinking water, cattle grazing and collection of fuel wood, are assumed as common women’s tasks among the tribal communities. Hitherto, such types of thoughts were not prevalent in the tribal communities. These are the negative effects of the dispossession and displacement on the tribal women. They face exclusion on many fronts. In several instances, due to gender-biased norms and barriers, and to their tribal identities they are always confronted with the exclusions. These women are mostly concentrated in the labour-intensive, unskilled jobs in the informal sector, with low wages and high insecurity. Their work on land and other allied activities are hardly recognized and often under-valued, both by the family and the employers. They are only considered as a helpers and

Dispossession of Land and Tribal Women in Jharkhand 171

paid lower wages than men. It may serve as disincentives for women to work. Since they are uneducated and unskilled, so they have less bargaining capacity. Hence, casualization of women’s workforce and deprivation among tribal women have also been intensified. Degradation in Occupational Structure Among Tribal Women in Jharkhand The impact of the forms and patterns of dispossession and displacement among tribes in Jharkhand are reflected in the tables which are given below. The following picture emerges, in terms of changes in the occupations primarily among the rural tribes, when we compare the census data of 2001 and 2011. Table 5 shows a steep decline in the number of main workers (workers who are getting more than 180 days of regular work in one year). This is more drastic in the rural areas of Jharkhand (14.22 per cent) as compared to the national figures (4.72 per cent). In the main rural workforce, this decline is more than three times than the national average. It shows the great vulnerability and impoverishment of the tribals in the concerned state. Table 5: Decadal Changes in Scheduled Tribal Work Participation Rates 2001-11 Total Person India -0.39 Jharkhand 0.64 India (R) -0.40 Jharkhand (R) 0.44 India (U) 2.58 Jharkhand (U) 4.77

Total Male 0.68 0.42 0.53 0.07 3.04 5.08

Female -1.31 0.98 -1.28 0.82 2.66 5.04

Total Main Workers Person Male Female -4.16 -7.33 -0.69 -13.23 -18.58 -5.95 -4.72 -8.02 -1.17 -14.22 -20.01 -6.63 -1.4 -1.97 1.83 -2.39 -2.74 0.06

Source: Data computed from Census 2001 and 2011. (R-rural and U-urban)

In contrast, there is generalized increase in main female urban workforce (0.06 per cent) and the decline in the urban male workforce (-2.74 per cent) in the same period highlights the gendered nature of the changes in the occupational

172ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

structure. The decadal changes in the industrial classification of the main workers reflect the land dispossession that has taken place among the tribes in Jharkhand. The number of tribal cultivators has declined by more than 10 per cent at the national level whereas in Jharkhand it has declined by 12.81 per cent. This shows the growing landlessness among the rural tribes in the concerned state. The decline is more visible in the rural areas of Jharkhand. The rate of decline, in the rural areas, in female cultivators (14.26 per cent) is higher than that of male cultivators (10.33 per cent). This indicates that female farmers face a greater degree of vulnerability. Table 6: Decadal Changes in Industrial Classification of

Main Tribal Workers, 2001-11

Total India Jharkhand India(R) Jharkhand(R) India(U) Jharkhand(U)

Person -10.31 -12.81 -9.92 -11.69 -0.67 -0.37

Cultivators Male -8.84 -11.64 -8.29 -10.33 -0.25 -0.45

Female -12.83 -15.19 -12.56 -14.26 -1.91 -0.05

Other Workers Person Male Female 2.89 2.74 3.40 8.99 9.27 9.04 4.04 1.05 1.75 6.86 7.12 6.85 -0.42 -1.20 2.63 -0.85 -0.78 -0.90

Data computed from Census 2001 and 2011. (R-rural and U-urban)

Changes in the occupational structure related to the category of ‘other workers’ shows the casualization of tribal workforce. The number of ‘other workers’ among tribal people in Jharkhand has increased by 8.99 per cent which is almost three times higher than the national average (2.89 per cent). In Jharkhand the sharp rise in the male (7.12 per cent) and female (6.85 per cent) rural other workers is more a result of private mining and construction works in the rural areas of Jharkhand. Conclusion At present, all the states are struggling to attract huge investments. So, they have amended their old Rules, Acts, and bypassed the interests, legal rights, and institutional

Dispossession of Land and Tribal Women in Jharkhand 173

safeguards of the tribal people which has been provided by the Constitution. The vision of Prime Minister Nehru is being undermined which was designed to protect their own genius. States are working as a facilitator of the capital’s interest. They are preparing vision documents, setting up targets for the next 10-20 years, organizing road shows, sending their delegates to other countries to elaborate their policies and creating a conducive environment for the investors. Prior to the neo­ liberal era, states used to address, the problems related to the tribals and their land, sensitively but now these days states are coming forward with very aggressive attitudes. For instance, the changes which were made in the Chota Nagpur Tenancy (CNT) and the Santhal Pargana Tenancy (SPT) Acts. The State used the ‘Ordinance’ to make amendments in the proposed acts. Then came to the legislative assembly for required formalities. Without any discussions and debates amendments were approved in the acts. The government cleared their intentions about investments despite massive protests. The process of dispossession of tribal land continues with a greater pace which has threatened the tribal people’s existence and identity. In the search of livelihood, the tribal people of Jharkhand have migrated in the last few years. In contrast, due to industrialization and urbanization, the influx of the non-tribal people in Jharkhand has also augmented. So, gradual increase of the non-tribal people in Jharkhand and the anti-tribal policies of the government have intensified and exacerbated the situation. Hence, dispossession of land has adversely affected the tribal community and women have suffered the most. Such kind of development has impoverished their lives. Their traditional way of life has been uprooted. They wander here and there for livelihood. Their economic independence was lost and they were marginalized socially and economically which resulted in downgraded social status.

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REFERENCES

Areeparampil, Mathew. 1989. Industries, Mines and Dispossession of Indigenous peoples: The Case of Chotanagpur in Development, Displacement and Rehabilitation: Issues for a National Debate, edited by Walter Feranndes and Enakshi Ganguli Thukral, New Delhi: Indian Social Institute. Basu, Sajal. 1994. Jharkhand Movement: Ethnicity and Culture of Silence, Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced Studies. Ekka, A. and Asif, M. 2000, Development Induced Displacement and Rehabilitation in Jharkhand (1951-1995): A Database on its Extent and Nature, New Delhi: Indian Social Institute. Feranades, Walter. 2005, Contemporary Society: Tribal Society: Tribal Studies, Volume 6: Tribal Situation in India, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. Fernandes, Walter and Raj, S. Anthony. 1992,Development, Displacement and Rehabilitation in the Tribal areas of Orissa, New Delhi: Indian Social Institute. Fernandes, Walter. 1993. “India’s Tribals and the Search for an Indigenous Identity”, Social Change. Kothari, S. 1996. Whose Nation? The Displaced as Victims of Development, Economic and Political Weekly. Munshi, Indira. 2012. The Adivasi Question: Issues of Land, Forest and Livelihood, Orient Black Swan: New Delhi. Pandey, Balaji and B. Rout Kumar. 2004. Development Induced Displacement in India: Impact on Women, New Delhi: National Commission for Women. Pathy, Jaganath. 1996. The End of Millennium: Liberalization and Accentuation of the Tribal Problematique, Indian Journal of Public Administration. Sen, Rahul. 1992. Tribal Policy in India, Indian Anthropologist.

Various Reports Census Reports of 2001, 2011 The Dhebar Commission Report 1961 The Shilu Ao Team Report 1969 Report on Industries and Allied Sectors in Tribal Areas, Ministry of Home Affairs, GoI (1978)

Dispossession of Land and Tribal Women in Jharkhand 175 The B.N. Yugandhar Committee Report (2002-03) The Bhuria Commission Report (2002-04) The Planning Commission Reports (2004 and 2006) Report of the High Level Committee on Socio-Economic, Health and Educational Status of Tribal Communities of India, Ministry of Tribal Affairs, GoI, 2014 NSSO Reports Number 543 (66th Round, September 2012) and 516 (61st Round, October 2006) Jharkhand State Livelihood Promotion Society Report, 2017.

9

Family in Transition: Understanding the

Issues and Concerns of Half-Widow-

Headed Families in Kashmir

Aneesa Shafi and Mohmad Saleem Jahangir The family happens to be the first and continues to be the immediate social setting for any individual. Families in India (and some eastern countries) have been of great importance, and the concept of collectivism reflecting in them (Kumar, 2011). The incidence of different forms of the household or primary living unit is determined by a combination of historical, cultural, and economic factors. Different forms may predominate at different periods. Household forms will themselves vary through time, a process which both influences and is influenced by its own strong cultural rationale, though this may or may not change at the same pace. However conspicuous any of these variations may be, their real significance lies in how they affect the ability of the household to provide for its members (Masini and Susan, 1991). Due to rapid socio-cultural changes resulting from industrialization and technology, the concept of family and other associated institutions of societies, has undergone extreme changes. While in some respects the ‘breakdown’ of the traditional patriarchal family has been a positive change for women, in other respects it has exacerbated their economic and social vulnerability. Modernization may lead to increased

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women’s labour force participation, new possibilities for autonomy and independence, and enhancement of political rights. But it has also allowed significant reductions in males’ responsibilities and narrowed their role as family protectors and providers. Female-Headed Households Although many Indians still live in joint families, others live in a nuclear family set up and in some other situations couples live with their unmarried children, as is the most common pattern in the West. However, one of the major changes is the increasing number of families headed by women. The data of Census 2011 reveals that there are 2,68,84,345 female-headed households in India accounting for 3.5 per cent of the total households. Emergence of female-headed households may apparently appear encouraging from a gender perspective which in reality is however not so. Having a woman heading a family is something that provokes many people into serious thought. In Indian society, which is patriarchal it is inconceivable for a woman to head a family. Female-headed households are usually seen as a social problem. The growth of female-headed families is, in fact, a matter of grave concern because these families tend to be poorer than other families. As their number increases, more children will grow up in poverty and be at risk for perpetuating social problems. Levels and trends in femaleheaded households are important indicators of changes in family organization and in the process of family formation. Although the evidence is somewhat controversial on this score, it is widely suspected that female-headed households are more vulnerable to risk, economically less viable, socially less connected and poorly integrated and, finally, enmeshed in a social and economic context that is less than optimum for the growth and development of mothers and children alike (Arias and Palloni, 2001).

178ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

In various accounts of the phenomenon, researchers postulate that female headedness is likely to be related to the nature of nuptiality regimes through which societies assign roles and status to males and females, to husbands and wives (Ibid.). However, the fact is that most often a female-headed family comes to the forefront under untoward situations or accidentally under such circumstances as widowhood, divorce, abandoned women and women whose husbands have migrated in search of employment. Buvinic et al (1977) classified three situations in which female heads emerge (Gandotra and Jha, 2003): O

O O

Due to absence of a resident male head i.e. widowhood, divorce, separation and desertion Migration of male members for long periods and Loss of economic function by resident males due to unemployment, severe disability or illness or reluctance of male members to accept jobs seen as status reducing.

These interpretations suggest that increased female head-ship, when and where it occurs at all, is an outcome of transfor­ mations affecting females of all ages and of all marital statuses. Widows in Jammu & Kashmir There are great variations in the life of an Indian widow depending on state, caste, economic and social level, education and whether the family is rural or urban (Giri, 2012: 135). It is an established fact that religious practices, people’s life styles and the culture of any society have a direct bearing on the treatment they have towards women. Accordingly, the approach of society towards widows also depends on such variables. Jammu & Kashmir being a Muslim-dominated state depicts a comparatively different picture regarding their treatment towards their women in general, and widows in particular. Although, Islam does not allow any kind of discrimination against widows, but in practice the situation is very different.

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Table: Number of Widows in Jammu & Kashmir Age-Group 0-9

Number 0

10-14

414

15-19

655

20-24

1,689

25-29

3,015

30-34

5,280

35-39

8,625

40-44

13,506

45-49

17,403

50-54

25,453

55-59

23,316

60-64

42,326

65-69

33,036

70-74

46,212

75-79

22,417

80+

40,061

Age not stated Total

242 2,83,650

Source: Census of India 2011.

According to the report of Census of India 2011, the total number of widows in the state of Jammu & Kashmir is 2,83,650 and are found in almost all age groups, out of which the maximum number of them is in the age group of 60-64, 70­ 74 and then of 80 years and above. It is pertinent to mention here that widows do exist within the age group of 10 to 19 years as well which signifies a quite alarming situation in the state. This also signals the prevalence of child marriage in the state of Jammu & Kashmir.

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In Kashmir, Women are the most susceptible and worst hit segment of society, particularly under situations of violence caused by armed conflict. They do not only experience forceful embarrassment and harassment but also face disturbing experiences with extended despair making them psychologically sick. However the worrying situation rampant in Jammu & Kashmir has hit the Kashmiri women hardest. Thousands of them who have become widows have to tolerate the entire responsibility of bringing up their children and running the household expenditure. (Bilal and Gul, 2015: 01) Half-Widow-Headed Households Besides the above mentioned causes, the state of Jammu & Kashmir has been host to a different and unique form of female-headed families resulting from the prevailing conflict situations, i.e. the emergence of Half-Widow-Headed families. According to the Census of India 2011, there are 1,58,673 families headed by females of which 1,500 are reported by various studies those headed by half-widows. Women are labelled ‘half widows’ when their husbands have disappeared but not yet been declared dead. Such disappearances have been carried out by government forces–police, paramilitary, or military–or by militants (APDP, 2011). As wives of men thus ‘disappeared,’ half widows and their families face various economic, social, and emotional insecurities. It should be noted that most disappearances have occurred in rural areas, where women generally enjoy less economic and social independence to begin with (Ibid.). It should be noted that a negligible amount of work has been undertaken to highlight the plight of half-widows and no work has been undertaken vis-à-vis the female-headed households, particularly in Kashmir. As such it assumes a legitimate significance to undertake such a study. This paper is based primarily on the narratives and experiences of 30 half widows and their family members particularly their children. It tries to understand the

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changing gender roles in these families besides looking into their socio-economic problems. Universe of the Study The universe of the present study is Kashmir, one of the three divisions of the state of Jammu & Kashmir. As per details from the Census of India 2011, Jammu & Kashmir has a population of 1.25 crores, an increase from the figure of 1.01 crores in the 2001 census. The total population of Jammu & Kashmir as per census of India, 2011 is 1,25,41,302 of which males and females are 66,40,662 and 59,00,640 respectively. In 2001, the total population was 1,01,43,700 in which males were 53,60,926 while females were 47,82,774. The total population of India’s division of Jammu & Kashmir is 1,25,41,302. Methodology The collection of data depends on the nature of the problem and the socio-economic environment in which the researcher is placed. The method of data collection must be related to the sort of problem on hand and to the social situation which represents itself to the sociologist (Worsely, 1970: 96). Given the nature of the proposed study, there was a certain type of information that was obtained through direct observation since observation helps in the recording of behaviour at the time of its spontaneous occurrence. It is also not uncommon that there are events in the life of the people about which people wish to maintain secrecy and which they are not willing to discuss with others. In-depth and informal interviews were also conducted with the half-widows, their relatives, and neighbours. Moreover the gender sensitive approach was adopted during the fieldwork. The data collected was supplemented with the secondary data gathered from the records of the gazetteers, books, research papers, and other relevant unpublished archival material available on this subject.

182ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

Issues and Concerns of Female-Headed Households Half-widow-headed households are neither recognized in the laws of the country or by society at large. And this lack of recognition is the primary cause of these families’ difficulties. The dominating patriarchal ideology in Kashmir focuses, like many other societies, on the husband as the provider and the head of the family. The men are responsible for the women’s economic and social welfare. When a man does not protect his woman, or when he is absent, she is looked upon as ‘needy. This term implies that a woman without a male provider is not looked upon as an adult individual with her own identity. Women are therefore not believed to be able to control their own destiny. The social setting does not give a supporting environment to half-widows of being family heads. A half-widow despite her role as a family head will not be allowed to make major decisions even if she manages the home. Instead in that particular family it is the male relatives who decide how she should run the home in the absence of the male head. The disappearances of the male heads of such families have led to economic insecurity of their families. When men who happened to be heads of their families and the primary earning members, suddenly go missing, their families face impoverishment. This results in scarcity of food, deprivation of basic necessities and uncertainty of the future (Qutab, 2012). Often the half-widow faces the major brunt and undertakes additional and even alien responsibilities to keep the fire in the hearth lit. So far she has only known household work, but now she abandons the security of her home to seek remunerative work outside (ibid.). However lack of choices endangers her health and security. The absence of any formal education or skill-based training makes half-widows rely only on their physical capacities, which are not sufficient, as any breakdown in health and vigour can spell disaster for the household (ibid.).

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Half-widow-headed families are punished with lengthy, degrading, and unyielding laws and policies should they transgress the gendered role expected of them: as submissive, silent mourners-in-waiting. The poor economic condition of the half-widow headed families gets severe by their disputed legal status. Their insecure position of being ‘single’, yet still legally married, the “half-widows” are unable to access the family estate or ration cards or transfer of a husband’s land or bank accounts—are also closed to them. This is because these processes either require death certificates, which the half-widows do not have, or involve government verification procedures (of widowhood), which mostly result in the government recording the person as ‘missing’. As there is no proof of the missing person’s death, the family is often deprived of any monetary compensation or benefits. Even the women’s rightful share in their husband’s property is denied to them. Ex-gratia relief can only be accessed by “half-widows” after a period of seven years have elapsed and only when the case is passed through a local screening committee. They remain ineligible for pensions and other governmental relief, in the face of governmental denial of the underlying ‘disappearances.’ They are also unable to receive any legal relief, thus facing severe socio-economic hardship, rendered dependent on the whims of relatives and other community members. Some half-widows and their children are forced into begging and even bonded labour as narrated by a few respondents. Besides the imminent economic and legal crisis, the half­ widow-headed family faces social repercussions as well. With her new status as a half-widow, the woman’s position changes drastically as does her family’s position. She assumes new roles and responsibilities, faces new challenges and in the process gets transformed in many ways. The prolonged and indeterminate nature of the husbands’ absence makes half-widows and their children vulnerable to several threats

184ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

against their physical and mental well-being. While social networks have been crucial to most such families for surviving their trauma, societal biases have at times further traumatized them. The society’s attitude towards them also undergoes change. Often they face asterism and social censoring in many forms, which aggravate their problems. When the husband is missing and does not return, the inlaws often alter or sever relations with the half-widows and their children. Sometimes the half-widows are forced to live alone or return to their parents’ home and as such the right to live like married woman is denied to them (Qutab, 2012). Most of the time this results in breakdown of the families with sometimes children living with in-laws and mother elsewhere or sometimes both at the maternal residence. In other cases, the half-widow’s children survive in orphanages. Their forced status as ‘single women’ coupled with gender biases results in half-widows facing social isolation, shaming, and physical vulnerability. Half-widows are at times senselessly blamed for their husbands’ disappearances. Furthermore, they are often viewed with suspicion: being ‘without a man,’ they are accused of trying to attract other men should they continue to dress as they did when married, or leave the house for work or everyday chores, or meet lawyers or government officials. Some half-widows have also reported becoming targets of sexual violence from those viewing them as defenceless without a partner (APDP, 2011). Social seclusion also comes their way from the atmosphere of persistent fear and mistrust in which the half-widows live. The neighbours, relatives, and friends hesitate in mixing with their household for fear of reprisal from the armed forces or militant groups. This further alienates them and affects their process of recovering and reconciling with the loss. The normal patterns of social support in times of loss and grief are, therefore, disrupted (Qutab, 2012). Even while facing these manifestations of stigma and

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seclusion, half-widows have assumed new and multifarious responsibilities and are changing from a ‘dependent’ to a ‘provider’ in the household. There is thus a change in their gender role, as they take on the role of a ‘man’. However, this sudden transformation in their role, as an outcome of a personal tragedy, places a heavy burden on them, especially when formal and informal means of help are lacking. The lack of education, skills, and social exposure also limits their options for survival or for making informed choices (Ibid). Facing the loss of the disappearance so suddenly and meeting the ends thereafter in fear and hostility has repercussions on the physical and mental health of the family members. The hospital records reveal that the family members of the disappeared often suffer from complicated grief, unresolved grief, sleep disorders, and post-traumatic stress disorder. The family, in order to deal with the grief and isolation, mostly cling to the memories or belongings of the missing one. The half-widow and her children are seen to have developed a strong bond of affection towards each other in order to fill the void. An APDP report reveals (APDP, 2011) that the initial trauma of the disappearance, and the resulting economic hardships and social challenges—that combine to have lasting adverse effects on the lives of half-widows—in turn deeply affect their children as well. These children either grow up in the insecurity that shrouds the lives of half-widows or away from their mothers in orphanages or in their grandparents’ homes. They carry the social stigma of being ‘fatherless’ in a society where the father’s—rather than the mother’s— name, status, and protection are crucial to a child’s identity. Many half-widows thus often lie to their children for years about their father’s fate, in an attempt to protect them from stigmatization. When they are forced away from their mothers as well, these children are rendered orphans.

186ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

After the disappearance of their father, children’s education is often suspended and they become vulnerable to exploitation. Owing to the abrupt paucity of funds, children of half-widows are often removed from schools. Given the gender biases, young girls are the first to suffer; their education is discontinued before that of their brothers. Furthermore, the economic conditions force some of these children into child labour (ibid.). Devoid of any social support, these children display a range of trauma analogous to their mothers. This trans-generational trauma frequently goes unaddressed, mainly in cases where children assume the role of guardians for their mothers and siblings. When the psychological condition of the half-widow renders her unable to perform daily tasks and care for the family, often her oldest child becomes the de facto head of the family. Such interrupted childhoods, the social isolation of being ‘fatherless,’ and the memory of the injustice against their family, result in feelings of resentment, loneliness, and anger. Like half-widows, their children are also labelled and spoken about, but nothing is done to ameliorate their condition. Conclusion To conclude, half-widow-headed families are a stark and pernicious, often unidentified, face of the insecurity in Kashmir that stands as a hindrance to broader improvement. This vulnerable population stands as a constant reminder— for not only their children and communities but for all Kashmiris—of unresolved investigations, unattended needs, and continued suffering. The half-widow-headed families, who have traditionally relied mostly on their men’s income for sustenance, are now confronted with the task of ensuring survival for themselves and their households. But, besides the economic insecurity, they face social insecurity as well. They find minimal help in the hostile and unpredictable environment. The social stigma and suspicion aggravate their

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problems. Coupled with this is the fact that many of these families are from weaker socio-economic backgrounds and are barely literate or skilled. In these circumstances, the halfwidow heads of such families mostly rely on their physical capacities for seeking paid work, capacities that deteriorate with stress, poverty, and age. These various insecurities are compounded rather than addressed by the legal and administrative remedies currently available to half-widow­ headed families. Half-widows and their children currently fail to receive due response and assistance from the government despite being an at-risk population that faces serious economic and social hardships. There are two possible sources of remedies: legal and administrative (non-legal). While most administrative remedies are unavailable to half-widows (for their widowhood status is undetermined); most legal remedies remain elusive due to the severe financial and emotional costs over multiple year timelines. Further, half-widows may face additional roadblocks from two possible sources: the perpetrators of the disappearance and the society that surrounds the half-widow. In order to address to their problems a streamlined system for compensation, without room for delays, harassment, or coercion, must be instituted for half-widows. These families are very vulnerable and exposed to many problems. In this respect, paying attention to these families and assisting them are the special duties of the government, private institutions, and other people. However, assisting these families must be beyond financial support.

REFERENCES APDP. 2011, Half-Widow, Half-Wife?, Srinagar: Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons. Arias, Elizabeth and Palloni, Alberto. 2001, Prevalence and Patterns of Female-Headed Households in Latin America, Madison: University of Wisconsin-Madison. Bilal, Showkeen and Gul, Ahmad. 2015, “Women and Violence: A

188ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies Study of Women’s Empowerment and its Challenges in Jammu and Kashmir”, Reviews of Literature, 2 (7), 1-9. Buvinic, M. and Gupta, G.R. 1997. “Female-Headed Households and Female-Maintained Families: Are They Worth Targeting to Reduce Poverty in Developing Countries?” Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. 45 (2), pp. 259-80. Gandotra, Veena and Jha, Majula Thakur. 2003. “Female-Headed Households: A Database of North Bihar”, Journal of Social Sciences, 7(4): 315-321. Giri, Mohan, 2012, Living Death: Trauma of Widowhood in India, New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House. Kumar, Ashwani. 2011, “The Changing Face of Family and Its Implications on the Mental Health Profession in Delhi”, Delhi Psychiatry Journal 14 (1): 5-8. Masini, Eleonora and Stratigos, Susan. 1991, Women, Households and Change. Japan: United Nations University Press Qutab, Soudiya. 2012, “Women Victims of Armed Conflict: HalfWidows in Jammu and Kashmir”, Sociological Bulletin, 61 (2): 255-278. Worsely, P. 1970, Introducing Sociology, London: Penguin Books.

10

Education of Girls: A Case Study of

Jammu & Kashmir*

Shaikh Shamshul Aarfin In any society, education plays a pivotal role in the socio­ economic and political reforms, positively shaping the developmental agenda. Through education people can influence various aspects of society in order to help in social development. It not only helps to get respect in the society but also provides economic opportunities to an individual to prosper in their life and at the same time contribute to in the nation’s development. The development of the society both economic and social can only happen when it has an educated and skilled workforce. With the development of society education also helps in personal development. In today’s competitive society the real wealth of the nation is vested in knowledge and not in the visible resources. The present chapter focuses on the education of girls in the state of Jammu & Kashmir. It is based on the secondary data collected from different sources. The literacy rate of Jammu & Kashmir is on the lower side compared to the national average. The literacy ratio of male and female in the state has also changed over the year which is discussed in this chapter. In the backdrop of the national education policies, Jammu and Kashmir state seems to lag behind in the field of education. The disturbing * Earlier published in Women’s Link, Vol. 25, No. 3, July-September 2019 issue.

190ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

statistics appear to be a high dropout rate, lower literacy rate, disparity in gender and lack of appropriate educational and employment opportunities. The National Education Policy is strictly followed by the state of Jammu & Kashmir, with an institutional growth and access to services through planned investment. As a result, the progress in the field of education has been visible, and is more prominent in the literacy rate of girls. To empower the women and create gender equality, education is the only source through which it can be achieved. History of Education in Kashmir In order to analytically understand the present scenario of education, particularly in the context of conflict zones, it is significant to have an historical background of the region. Apart from the enduring and long-lasting historical scenario of the Kashmir conflict, there are many other problems entangling the educational advancement in the state. The origin of the early modern education system in Jammu & Kashmir and other states can be traced back to its roots in religion as well as in colonialism (Raza, 1984). However, in Kashmir, religion and colonialism have been enmeshed with deep-rooted conflict, which adversely affected educational opportunities in the state. Educational development in Kashmir began in 1857 by the son of Maharaja Gulab Singh and the second Dogra ruler of Jammu & Kashmir, Maharaja Ranbir Singh (Chohan, 1998). He led an elaborate court that consisted of mostly elite Hindus, with some Muslims, all of whom received land, titles, and privileges to keep them loyal .The elitist court took away the rights of the peasants to buy land, thereby effectively reducing Kashmiri Muslims to being landless tenants (Rai, 2004: 114). Singh established the Vidya Vilas Press, the first press in Jammu & Kashmir, to translate books into Sanskrit for Hindu male scholars to study in the first two schools built in Jammu .A third school opened in Kashmir in 1874,

Education of Girls: A Case Study of Jammu & Kashmir 191

displaying the Hindu leader‘s priorities in educating the elite Brahmin Hindus (Chohan, 1998: 76). Yet with the majority of the population being Muslim, the Muslim minority court slowly began to include Islamic education. Soon, all three schools expanded their curriculum to include the study of Persian, English, Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Law (Mir, 2003: 33). During this period of time, majority of learning institutes were dedicated and affiliated with religious studies for males only (Biscoe, 1922: 261). The prevailing, modern education system in the state was due to the British colonization, similar to other parts of the country (Raza, 1984: 30).This education system downgraded the earlier religious educational system and promoted the new modern Western education among the masses. It had a deeper impact on the people of Kashmir (Mir, 2003: 33). Women’s Education in Kashmir It is aptly said by Brigham Young* that If you educate a man you educate an individual, but if you educate a woman you educate a family (nation). Therefore, it is extremely important to educate a woman in order to impart education to the entire family. If she is educated, she can deal with many challenges that she or her family faces in the daily activities. Not only this, she can take decisions on her own for herself as well as for the betterment of her family. To live a dignified life, education is an extremely important aspect of life without which life has no meaning. Further, it plays a pivotal role to bring any change and development in self as well as in society. In order to achieve good education and development it is necessary to strengthen the learning centres such as school education in each and every aspect. Human development and the future prospect of human beings can only be achieved through education. It can help in promoting values, ethics, * http://www.history.com/topics/brigham-young accessed on January 30, 2018

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culture, and awareness in order to remove corruption from the society. Education can develop the thinking power among the people to differentiate between good and bad (Suri, 2006). In our society both males and females have space to live together but they do not have equal opportunities to access services like education, health, employment, political participation, and culture, as women are always deprived from accessing these aspects as compared to men. This condition of women is almost similar in across the societies and across the world. Both men and women should be given equal opportunities to develop and flourish in every sphere of life in society. There should be no hindrance for women in the society to education. In Jammu & Kashmir, the education condition of women is not different from women in other parts of the world. In the rural areas women are not allowed to get education and they are confined to their households and its activities. In the urban areas most of the women are free to get education, go to work of their choice, take family decisions, and also perform daily household activities, but the same is not true for all the urban areas of the world. To understand the importance of education it is extremely important to understand the views of the writers who have done important work on women’s education (Bhat, Khurshid and Hussain, 2011). The significance of education has been grossly acknowledged all over the world. Education paved the way for women to move outside their home for work anywhere in the world and with any organizations without compromising the household responsibility (Ullah, Kakar and Khilji, 2011). Further, it allows her to take important decisions like marriage and family planning. It was also discussed in the report that education empowers women to take control of every sphere of her life and her family, (Bbaale and Mpuga, 2011). Apart from taking decisions on her own, she gains the status that she has been consulted by many including her husband to take any decisions (Acharya, 2008). Owing to lack of education

Education of Girls: A Case Study of Jammu & Kashmir 193

women get less wages as compared to men for the same work, but have more responsibility of their households. In totality, the lower status of women affects their health and education apart from their work (Mohiuddin, 1995). Women’s status and her development can be measured through three major indicators. First, participation in decision-making both at family and work, second, health and last, education (Rustogi, 2004).These are the yardsticks that are being used nowadays by the researchers to assess the condition of women in today’s society. Not just this, there are many reformers in modern Indian society who have fought for the rights of women like Swami Vivekananda, Raja Rammohan Roy, etc. As Swami Vivekananda rightly said that “There is no chance for the welfare of the world unless the condition of the women is improved. It is not possible for a bird to fly on only one wing”. Further, it is said that today, those nations who have achieved the complete literacy target are developing at a faster pace as compared to those who are lagging behind. This concept is applicable to the state of Jammu & Kashmir where women are educationally backward and are way behind that of literate and educated womenfolk in the rest of the world. Looking at this condition of the women in the state, government institutions and private organizations are working to improve their educational status in order to make them achieve a respectable position in the social, economic and political spheres in society. Due to these efforts now, many women in the state are working with various government and private organizations. They are mainly involved in the workforce as educationist, advocates, journalists, doctors, engineers and architects to name a few. The development in the education sector in the last two decades in the state, specifically in Kashmir, has become a source of empowerment for the women in the valley. Further, the developments in the backward regions, remote and hilly areas of the state were able to connect the people with education, prosperity and

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development of individuals.* Like other parts of the country the condition of the women in the Kashmiri society is not very different from their counterparts. In a traditional Kashmiri society, women are subjected to oppression, inequality and discrimination. In this society education is only limited to the males and females are confined to the daily domestic work of the household so that they should not get education (Dabla, 2007). The conservative nature of the Kashmiri society does not make them realize that education is equally important for the women as it is for men. The first effort towards educating Kashmiri women was led by missionaries at the end of the nineteenth century. They established the Church Missionary Society School for girls, though this effort was met with resistance from the society. The reason was that the common people felt that these schools run by foreigners would pollute the minds of the girls. (Bazaz, 1959). Initially very few girls attended the school, but the girls’ parents were apprehensive due to opposition of the society towards this institute (Biscoe, 1922: 257). But, the missionary ladies did not fear them and encouraged the parents to send their daughters to this school. They were able to admit more than five hundred girls in their ten schools. However, the State Council did not take any interest to create any educational institution or provide facilities for the girls’ education as it was very cautious about the people’s attitude. This attitude actually encouraged private parties to provide education for the girls. Later the State Council opened a school for the girls at Srinagar in 1904. Further, an attempt was made to provide secondary education to the girls in 1912. Similarly, in 1926, the Women’s Welfare Trust, was established and efforts were made to promote girls’ education in Kashmiri society. To achieve this objective, they opened 10 schools and admitted around * Planning Commission of India, http//:planningcommission.nic. in/plans/stateplan/sdr_jandk/sdr_Jammu and Kashmir ch3b. pdf

Education of Girls: A Case Study of Jammu & Kashmir 195

six hundred girl students. The Educational Reorganization Committee recommended that more elementary schools should be established with more scholarships and incentives to be given in order to promote education among the girls (Khan, 2005). After the accession of Kashmir into the Union of India, the state drafted its constitution under the National Conference government with more attention to education. The constitution was committed to provide education to women in accordance with the Women’s Charter (Khan, 1973). Later higher education started gaining momentum among the women with the first establishment of the women’s college at Srinagar in 1950. Another similar college was established in 1961. The women’s specific higher education caught the attention of the people that changed their attitude towards women’s education. The impact is that education for girls and women at all levels has increased sharply, not just this, people also started sending their girls for modern education (Bhat, Khurshid and Hussain, 2011: 136). Literacy Rate Literacy one of the indicators of the Human Development Index is used to measure the individual advancement towards a dignified life in society. It is an indicator for the socio-economic development of the nation. According to the Registrar General of India (census) literacy corresponds to one’s ability to read and write with an understanding of the specified language. In the modern era, literacy is defined as the capability to read, write and communicate one’s thoughts in society. As per the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization-UNESCO, literacy is “the ability to identify, understand, interpret, create, communicate and compute, using printed and written materials associated with varying contexts”. In order to achieve this goal, it is important for individuals to maintain continuity in their learning process

196ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

so as to develop the potential and knowledge that enables them to participate fully in the societal affairs (IMPA, 2008). Graph 1: Average Literacy Rate of India and

Jammu & Kashmir

Source: Census 2011, Government of India

According to the census 2011 data, the literacy rate in Jammu & Kashmir was around 69 per cent. The literacy rate of males was 78.26 per cent, whereas that of females was 58.01 per cent. Comparing the data of female literacy within the state, the literacy rate in rural areas was 53.36 per cent and in urban areas was 70.19 per cent. According to the previous Census of 2001, this rate stood at 36.7 per cent and 61.9 per cent for rural and urban areas respectively. The figures of the Census of 1961, revealed that the literacy rate for males was 16.97 per cent, while it was just 4.27 per cent for females. As per the figures, there is no doubt that the improvement of the literacy rate over ten years has shown the efforts and commitment by the government towards girls or women’s education, but, at the same time female literacy rate is comparatively lower than their male counterpart. Further, the gender disparity in the literacy rate in the state is not a new concept. Table 1 below shows the district-wise literacy rates in the state of Jammu & Kashmir (Census 2011). In the Jammu region, Jammu district had the highest literacy rate of 83.98 per cent,

Education of Girls: A Case Study of Jammu & Kashmir 197

with 89.77 per cent male literacy rate and 77.41 per cent female literacy rate. Jammu district was followed by district Samba having an overall literacy rate of 82.48 per cent. The male and female literacy rate in the district was 89.76 per cent and 74.39 per cent respectively. The lowest literacy rate was found in Ramban district, that is 56.90 per cent. Table 1: District-wise Average Literacy Rate in the State of Jammu & Kashmir in the 2011 Census Districts

Total

Male

Female

Kupwara Badgam Leh(Ladakh) Kargil Punch (J) Rajouri (J) Kathua (J) Baramula Bandipore Srinagar Ganderbal Pulwama Shupiyan Anantnag Kulgam Doda (J) Ramban (J) Kishtwar (J) Udhampur(J) Reasi (J) Jammu (J) Samba (J)

66.92 57.98 80.48 74.49 68.69 68.54 73.50 66.93 57.82 71.21 59.99 65.00 62.49 64.32 60.35 65.97 56.90 58.54 69.90 59.42 83.98 82.48

77.10 68.18 89.39 86.73 81.04 78.38 81.40 77.35 68.41 78.01 70.74 75.41 71.86 74.13 70.59 80.36 71.97 71.75 79.93 69.93 89.77 89.76

54.79 46.60 64.52 58.05 54.80 57.20 64.56 55.01 46.24 63.47 47.62 53.81 52.77 54.15 49.74 50.34 40.04 44.13 58.22 47.55 77.41 74.39

Jammu & Kashmir

68.74

78.26

58.01

India

74.04

82.14

65.46

Source: Census 2011

Unfortunately, the female literacy rate in the district was far below than that of men. There was a gender gap of more than 28 per cent points in the district. However, the male

198ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

literacy rate in this district was 71.97 per cent which was at par with other districts. In the Kashmir region, the highest literacy rate was found to be in Srinagar, the capital of the state. The literacy rate of the district was 71.21 per cent, for males it was 78.01 per cent and for females it was 63.47 per cent, according to the figures reported by Census 2011. The Bandipore and Budgam districts had one of the lowest literacy rates in the Kashmir region, at 57.82 per cent and 57.98 per cent respectively. However, Bandipore and Budgam were slightly better than each other in male and female literacy rates. The male literacy rate of Bandipore was 68.41 per cent and as against 68.18 per cent of Budgam. On the contrary, Budgam had a marginally higher female literacy rate at 46.60 per cent as compared to Bandipore whose female literacy rate was 46.24 per cent. In the Baramulla district of Kashmir region, the gender disparity in literacy rates was found to be quite stark, as per the figures of Census 2011. The overall literacy rate of the district was 66.93 per cent, with the male literacy rate at 77.35 per cent and female literacy rate of 55.01 per cent. There was a gender gap of more than 20 per cent points in this district. The Ladakh region which consists of two districts, namely Leh and Kargil, were much better than districts in the other two regions of the state. Table 2, shows a picture of urban literacy rate in the state. Overall, for the state, it can be seen that gender disparity was quite high in urban areas, with a difference of 14.91 per cent points. In the Kashmir region, the urban literacy rate was highest, with 76.01 per cent for Baramulla and 75.60 per cent for Kupwara. In Baramulla, the literacy rate for males was 84.38 per cent and for females it was 65.21 per cent. In these districts, the literacy rate for women was significantly less than the literacy rate of men. On the other hand, Bandipore district in the valley had the least number of literates in the region at 65.45 per cent, with male literacy rate of 75.94 per

Education of Girls: A Case Study of Jammu & Kashmir 199

cent and female literacy rate of 52.96 per cent. A high gender disparity in the urban areas of the districts points to the lack of either the supply side of education or not enough demand for education among women. However, during the field survey it was found that people were eager to educate their girl children but for security reasons, they were apprehensive of sending them to school. Table 2: Average Urban Literacy Rate in

Jammu & Kashmir in 2011

Districts

Total

Male

Female

Kupwara Badgam Leh(Ladakh) Kargil Punch (J) Rajouri Kathua Baramula Bandipore Srinagar Ganderbal Pulwama Shupiyan Anantnag Kulgam Doda Ramban Kishtwar Udhampur Reasi Jammu Samba Jammu & Kashmir

75.60 68.87 86.59 83.55 88.26 90.38 85.86 76.01 65.45 69.63 66.49 73.15 78.65 71.97 66.75 85.61 84.21 86.07 87.96 81.06 88.51 88.62 77.12

84.81 79.46 92.09 92.82 94.16 94.99 90.41 84.38 75.94 76.43 76.87 82.79 86.74 80.71 77.62 92.46 91.33 92.58 92.56 86.35 92.39 93.75 83.92

61.38 55.38 74.86 67.82 80.18 80.87 80.67 65.21 52.96 62.11 54.95 60.71 67.85 62.42 54.96 76.94 74.35 78.04 81.21 74.35 83.99 82.24 69.01

Source: Census 2011, Registrar General of India

Similarly, in the Jammu region, Rajouri district had the highest literacy rate at 90.38 per cent, with female literacy rate at 80.87 per cent and male literacy rate at 94.99. Only Reasi district had the lowest literacy rate at 81.06 per cent.

200ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

The remaining districts had on an average 85 per cent urban literate. In this region the gender gap in the literacy rate was much lower than the valley. The state average of female literacy in rural areas was just above 50 per cent, which clearly showed that females were not attending formal education, especially in the Kashmir valley. This becomes a major concern for the education scenario of the state and has implications for the government which needs to devise implementation strategies for improving the education of women. Table 3: Average Rural Literacy in Jammu & Kashmir in 2011 Name

Total

Male

Female

Kupwara Badgam Leh(Ladakh) Kargil Punch Rajouri Kathua Baramula Bandipore Srinagar Ganderbal Pulwama Shupiyan Anantnag Kulgam Doda Ramban Kishtwar Udhampur Reasi Jammu Samba Jammu & Kashmir

62.92 54.01 72.10 69.64 64.68 66.00 70.83 61.96 54.33 53.51 56.47 61.85 59.54 59.25 57.41 62.75 52.82 53.98 63.42 55.85 78.24 79.93 63.18

74.20 64.00 82.47 81.62 77.23 76.02 79.93 73.28 64.90 63.17 67.38 72.79 69.00 69.59 67.59 77.02 67.62 67.04 74.14 66.46 85.56 87.24 73.76

49.67 43.29 59.16 54.98 50.90 54.94 60.76 49.63 42.58 43.29 43.95 50.46 49.90 48.49 46.97 47.38 36.49 39.89 51.80 43.98 70.33 72.00 51.64

Source: Registrar General of India, Census 2011

In the section below the enrolment status of the state is discussed.

Comparisons are made for the districts and the regions.

Table 4: Gross Enrolment Ratio at the Primary and Upper Primary Stage (2008-09 to 2013-14) District’s Name

GER Primary

GER Upper Primary

2009-10

2011-12

2013-14

2008-09

2009-10

2011-12

2013-14

69.84 103.3

68.1 104.97 0 95.49 69.75 0 92.34 114.88 107.13 0 0 116.2 76.68 73.67 176.49 155.17 0 0 0 0 60.35 80.98

51.35 60.71 72.36 105.15 92.18 73.54 111.54 88.45 97.2 91.69 84.01 64.3 111.04 70.33 103.96 103.94 88.48 103.62 104.19 90.32 72.63 97.25

52.04 55.65 72.85 105.12 97.62 72.35 111.44 85.64 99.01 92.61 84.62 63.32 105.46 68.68 107.15 104.76 93.42 103.08 106.04 96.23 73.3 98.92

62.38 90.05

67.85 94.13 0 83.84 61.72 0 90.62 97.41 108.82 0 0 97.08 74.87 66.6 140.8 134.66 0 0 0 0 57.96 77.85

51.28 61.04 64.07 84.05 85.22 60.43 100.06 80.94 90.65 76.9 72.22 54.03 102.57 71.88 84.85 83.34 81.17 88.13 94.47 78.52 66.89 94.46

48.33 53.89 60.20 84.13 80.92 56.25 98.52 75.33 90.79 69.94 68.77 51.83 99.91 68.21 83.22 79.78 75.21 79.09 96.01 76.16 67.18 94.24

Source: DISE, NUEPA

95.3 70.09 90.66 115.62 110.3

117.27 78.23 73.43 167.89 155.19

59.79 80.87

80.32 58.8 85.47 91.62 101.87

89.53 69.37 64.05 131.41 126.74

55.19 72.65

Education of Girls: A Case Study of Jammu & Kashmir 201

2008-09

Anantnag Badgam Bandipora Baramula Doda (J) Ganderbal Jammu (J) Kargil Kathua (J) Kishtwar (J) Kulgam Kupwara Leh (Ladakh) Pulwama Punch (J) Rajauri (J) Ramban (J) Reasi (J) Samba (J) Shopian Srinagar Udhampur (J)

202ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

Gross Enrolment Ratio The Gross Enrolment Ratio is used to indicate or demonstrate the participation of eligible age group children in the educational system. It is very significant to see the overall participation in the school-age population, including both primary and secondary levels. Further, it can be used for comparing two or more states, countries and urban and rural areas. The analysis below, for the Gross Enrolment Ratio and Net Enrolment Ratio at Primary and Upper Primary level, has been compiled for four academic sessions over a span of six years, from 2008-09 to 2013-14. The GER and NER drawn from U-DISE (NUEPA) does not report data for the years 2010-11 and 2012-13. This was because for these two years, data could not be entered by schools in Jammu & Kashmir on behest of natural calamities and conflict. Table 4 shows the trend of Gross Enrolment Ratio at both Primary and Upper Primary level across six years. In the year 2008-09, the Gross Enrolment Ratio at Primary level was highest in district Punch at 167.89 per cent, followed by Rajouri at 155.19 per cent and Kathua at 110.30 per cent. The Gross Enrolment Ratio in all the three districts stabilized by 2013-14 at 107.15, 104.76 and 99.01 per cent respectively. It means that gradually over the years the GER came down closer to the Net Enrolment Ratio, indicating a lower participation of over age or under age children at the Primary level in these districts. In the valley, Kupwara had the highest GER at Primary level at 117.27, followed by Budgam at 103.30 per cent and Baramulla at 95.30 per cent at the Primary level. While, the GER at Primary level in Baramulla increased to 105.12 per cent by 2013-14, it decreased significantly in Kupwara by 53.95 per cent points and in Badgam by 47.65 per cent points. As a trend, it can be seen that the Gross Enrolment Ratio at Primary level had been significantly lower in the districts of Kashmir as compared to districts of Jammu in the years of reportage .However, information of most of the districts from the valley was not available due to inconsistent data.

Table 5: Net Enrolment Ratio at Primary and Upper Primary Stage, 2008-09 to 2011-12 (excluding 2010-11 and 2012-13) Districts 2008-09 54.14 72.99 93.88 55.98 73.24 111.48 89.61

94.86 74.21 57.8 129.26 121.12

54.11 66.09

Source: UDISE, NUEPA, 2016

53.38 73.9 0 94.63 55.77 0 74.48 97.31 87.27 0 0 82.87 72.98 55.84 131.48 111.27 0 0 0 0 56.4 66.57

40.4 44.8 52.48 99.91 79.51 54.89 96.05 145.21 80.98 72.09 58.81 48.92 108.13 53.66 71.84 73.01 69.11 78.87 73.01 68.18 67.06 79.58

2013-14

2008-09

40.86 38.9 54.7 94.46 80.9 51.01 94.13 70.22 82.26 74.13 61.36 48.45 88.44 53.5 79.39 76.99 73.2 95.73 86.45 84.76 69.18 82.23

43.49 63.33 74.7 43.08 63.49 80.34 74.61

64.53 58.33 44.46 93.29 89.58

48.11 51.16

NER Upper Primary 2009-10 2011-12 47.94 65.13 0 80.07 45.17 0 66.99 68.75 80.97 0 0 67.63 64.25 46.97 101.05 91.55 0 0 0 0 52.09 54.57

36.53 43.45 42.97 77.19 69.91 42.37 77.48 123.83 66.29 57.17 51.64 39.12 97.06 51.21 61.49 58.25 59.31 66.27 68.85 57.82 58.67 66.3

2013-14 34.47 39.01 41.12 71.75 63.11 40.18 74.62 57.45 68.14 49.68 47.95 38.66 70.59 48.41 58.39 56.22 56.19 71.69 74.48 63.76 61.08 67.97

Education of Girls: A Case Study of Jammu & Kashmir 203

Anantnag Badgam Bandipora Baramula Doda (J) Ganderbal Jammu (J) Kargil Kathua (J) Kishtwar (J) Kulgam Kupwara Leh (Ladakh) Pulwama Punch (J) Rajauri (J) Ramban (J) Reasi (J) Samba (J) Shopian Srinagar Udhampur (J)

NER Primary 2009-10 2011-12

204ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

The Gross Enrolment at the Upper Primary level was lower than the Gross Enrolment Ratio at Primary level for all the districts of the state, showing lower participation of children at the Upper Primary level in 2013-14. In the Jammu region, three districts had a robust GER at Upper Primary level in 2008-09; the districts being Punch (131.41 per cent), Rajouri (126.74 per cent) and Kathua (101.87 per cent), but their GER was reduced by 2013-14. In the Kashmir region, Baramulla had a GER of 80.32 per cent that went up slightly to 84.13 per cent in 2013-14 at the Upper Primary level. Though Kupwara had a higher GER at 89.53 per cent in the year 2008-09, it declined to 51.93 per cent in 2013-14 at Upper Primary level. District Anantnag had the lowest GER at the Upper Primary level in 2013-14 at 48.33 per cent. The Gross Enrolment Ratio is an indicator of internal efficiency of the elementary education system. A high GER refers to participation of over age and under age children but a low GER indicates that the participation of children is poor in any educational cycle. Overall, the districts in Kashmir had a low GER at Primary and Upper Primary level, which showed that the participation of children in elementary education was far from good. Net Enrolment Ratio According to UNICEF, the net enrolment ratio (NER) in Primary education is the ratio of the number of children of official Primary school age who are enrolled in Primary education to the total population of children of official Primary school age, expressed as a percentage. Table 5 shows the Net Enrolment Ratio of the State, district-wise. Let us first see the Kashmir region. In this region, the year-wise data for Bandipore, Ganderbal, Kulgam and Shopian districts data was not available. In the year 2011­ 12 and 2013-14, Baramulla’s NER at Primary stage was 99.91 per cent and 94.46 per cent respectively, which was far better

Education of Girls: A Case Study of Jammu & Kashmir 205

than most of the districts in the state. Districts like Shopian and Srinagar had better NER at the Primary level than other districts but still it was much lower as compared to the national average in 2013-14. Districts like Anantnag and Budgam had the worst net enrolment ratio at 40.86 and 38.90 per cent. Quite ironically, these two districts are in the neighbourhood of the state capital, Srinagar. The NER data represents that people in the valley were not very forthcoming in the education of their future generations, or perhaps it was because of fear and anxiety that the common people did not risk their children being sent to schools in unsafe zones. The Net Enrolment Ratio at Upper Primary level showed a downward trend from 2009-10 to 2013-14 in all the districts of Kashmir, based on the available data. Baramulla had the highest NER at 71.75 per cent in 2013-14 at the Upper Primary level, followed by Shopian and Srinagar. The lowest NER was found to be Anantnag and Badgam in all the districts of Kashmir at Upper Primary level in 2013-14. In the Jammu region, the net enrolment ratio was much better than in the Kashmir region. In the year 2008-09, districts like Punch (129.26 per cent) and Rajouri (121.12 per cent) had a high NER to start with in 2008-09 but dropped significantly by 2013-14. Districts like Jammu which started at 73.24 per cent of NER at Primary level in 2008-09 fared better in 2013­ 14 with an increased NER of 94.13 per cent. Kathua (82.26 per cent) and Reasi (95.73 per cent) had better net enrolment ratio in 2013-14 at Primary level. However, the net enrolment ratio at Upper Primary level of all districts of Jammu were much lower than at the Primary level. Dropout Rate at Primary stage Dropout means leaving a school, at any stage of the educational cycle, without completing the stage due to some reasons, necessities, or disillusionment with the system. Table 6 shows the three-year dropout rate in the state of

Primary Districts

Boys

2013-14 Girls

Total

Boys

2014-15 Girls

Total

Boys

2015-16 Girls

Total

Anantnag Badgam Bandipora Baramula Doda (J) Ganderbal Jammu (J) Kargil Kathua (J) Kishtwar (J) Kulgam Kupwara Leh (Ladakh) Pulwama Punch (J) Rajauri (J) Ramban (J) Reasi(J) Samba (J) Shopian Srinagar Udhampur (J) All Districts

3.82 16.71 5.46 8.64 5.66 9.55 3.22 13.63 1.94 12.36 8.55 10.53 6.3 7.27 7.16 10.36 7.12 11.71 1.9 2.86 1.37 1.81 6.8

3.38 13.94 4.72 3.49 6.63 9.75 3.34 8.94 2.55 12.71 6.03 8.6 2.67 7.78 7.43 8.49 6.57 11.97 1.54 0.75 2.75 5.75

3.61 15.39 5.1 6.18 6.13 9.64 3.28 11.29 2.22 12.53 7.33 9.59 4.58 7.52 7.29 9.47 6.86 11.83 1.74 1.07 1.07 2.24 6.3

5.5 9.77 0.98 12.42 7.88 6.51 6.03 3.28 8.17 7.16 5.57 1.48 6.94 8.42 6.9 6.58 7.88 3.3 6.55 0.16 3.21 5.53

4.31 7.26 0.56 11.89 6.81 7.67 4.58 2.49 8.8 6.3 5.93 1.18 6.29 7.51 6.43 6.68 8.94 2.88 10.77 1.39 2.43 5.37

4.92 8.55 0.78 12.16 7.36 7.07 5.3 2.92 8.47 6.74 5.74 1.34 6.62 7.98 6.68 6.63 8.38 3.12 8.64 0.76 2.85 5.46

1.25 4.2 16.31 5.27 7.07 7.26 7.67 1.83 11.71 11.33 9.02 5.87 9.41 6.45 5.06 5.63 4.78 7.02 9.2 1.92 6.98

0.64 4.06 13.88 5.91 7.63 7.02 5.35 2.48 9.63 12.08 7.8 4.73 9.65 6.31 4.79 4.72 4.08 6.3 9.08 2.12 6.59

0.95 4.13 15.12 5.58 7.34 7.15 6.51 2.12 10.74 11.7 8.42 5.32 9.53 6.38 4.94 5.21 4.47 6.67 9.14 2.01 6.79

Source: UDISE, NUEPA, 2016

206ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

Table: 6 District-wise Dropout Rate at Primary Stage in Jammu & Kashmir (2013-14 to 2015-16)

Education of Girls: A Case Study of Jammu & Kashmir 207

Jammu & Kashmir at Primary level. The overall dropout rate in the state at the Primary level was below seven per cent for all three years but with a fluctuation. In 2013-14, the dropout rate of children stood at 6.3 per cent, dropping to 5.46 per cent in 2014-15 (it was a good indication) but increased to 6.79 per cent in 2015-16, pointing to inefficiency of Primary education in the state. In the Jammu region, Kishtwar district with 12.53 per cent had the highest dropout rate, while in the Kashmir region Budgam district with 15.39 per cent had the highest dropout rate not only in the region but also in the state. In the same year Srinigar and Shopian with 1.07 per cent had the lowest dropout rate in the state. In the year 2014-15, the dropout rate had declined as compared to the previous year by more than one per cent. The dropout rate of boys was slightly higher than that of girls for the states. Though the overall dropout rate had declined but in some districts, it was found to be more than the state average. In the Kashmir region, Baramula with 12.16 per cent had the highest school leavers in the state. The dropout rate in this district had almost doubled from the previous year. Unfortunately, in the year 2015-16, the overall dropout rate in the state had increased by more than one per cent. In Kashmir region, Baramulla and Kulgam and in the Jammu region, Kishtwar district had the highest dropout rate in the state. For this year, the dropout rate of Baramulla district increased further from the previous year by three per cent points. While Kulgam district’s dropout rate had increased sharply from the previous two years. Though Kishtwar district’s dropout rate was among the highest, it had declined as compared to the previous year. Table 7: District-wise Dropout Rate at Upper Primary Stage in

Districts Anantnag Badgam Bandipora Baramula Doda (J) Ganderbal Jammu (J) Kargil Kathua (J) Kishtwar (J) Kulgam Kupwara Leh (Ladakh) Pulwama Punch (J) Rajauri (J) Ramban (J) Reasi (J) Samba (J) Shopian Srinagar Udhampur (J) All Districts

Boys 2.16 10.63 5.45 12.28 0.9 8.89 3.99 11.44 1.71 2.98 3.37 4.93 7.21 3.66 4.09 5.04 5.59 11.27 4.51 6.13 5.69 5.51

Source: UDISE, NUEPA, 2016

2013-14 Girls 4.9 10.27 6.44 6.08 3.97 7.99 3.75 7.52 1.08 6.49 4.01 8.66 3.9 3.5 6.84 6.12 3.42 12.96 1.55 4.75 6.54 5.52

Total 3.48 10.46 5.93 9.34 2.34 8.47 3.88 9.41 1.43 4.64 3.68 6.75 5.55 3.58 5.41 5.54 4.64 12.05 3.05 5.45 6.07 5.52

Boys 6 6.26 11.83 4.46 3.52 4.39 2.78 1.1 5.07 4.87 3.39 5.27 1.95 2.23 5.49 1.61 4.6 4.93 6.83 3.86

2014-15 Girls 8.18 2.14 0.15 12.29 4.34 4.35 7.52 4.11 1.24 1.01 7.56 1.7 3.42 6.29 6.82 4.19 7.39 1.96 6.94 3.29 6.81 4.8

Total 7.06 4.26 12.06 4.41 3.92 6.07 3.37 1.06 6.28 3.28 3.41 5.76 4.26 3.11 6.37 1.76 5.78 4.12 6.82 4.3

Boys 2.19 3.23 12.13 2.56 5.76 3.79 4.89 2.21 3.67 10.19 4.71 5.4 3.1 3.26 1.31 4.04 2.9 2.95 5.24 12.3 4.84 4.98

2015-16 Girls 3.08 5.2 1.39 12.49 2.63 4.65 6.53 7.24 3.14 2.89 9.76 6.11 4 6.63 1.39 3.23 4.96 3.56 4.86 10.97 5.34 5.95

Total 2.63

4.21

0.5

12.31

2.59

5.24

5.03

6.13

2.63

3.31

9.98

5.39

2.63

3.55

4.87

1.35

3.68

3.86

3.22

5.05

11.65

5.06

5.44

208ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

Jammu & Kashmir (2013-14 to 2015-16)

Education of Girls: A Case Study of Jammu & Kashmir 209

Looking at the gender disparity in dropout rates at the Primary level in the state, it was found that the dropout rate among girls was higher in 8 districts in 2013-14, in 7 districts in 2014-15 and in 6 districts in 2015-16, thus, showing an increase in the number of districts which were able to effectively arrest a high dropout rate among girls. However, in Ganderbal district where the dropout rate was consistently high for girls at the Primary level, for all three years in the Kashmir region. Other districts that faltered in dropout rates for girls were Doda, Kishtwar, Reasi, Udhampur and Kathua (Jammu region) for at least two of the three years under study. Dropout Rate at Upper Primary This section discusses the dropout rate at the Upper Primary level in the state of Jammu & Kashmir. Table 7 shows that the dropout rate of the state for three consecutive years was lower at the Upper Primary level as compared to the Primary level. The dropout rate stood at 5.52 per cent in 2013-14, dropped to 4.3 per cent in 2014-15 and then once again increased to 5.44 per cent in 2015-16. A significantly higher dropout rate also affects the enrolment of the children as the child leaves the school without graduating to the next stage. For the Upper Primary level, in the year 2013-14, Reasi (Jammu) with 12. 05 per cent, Budgam (Kashmir) at 10.46 per cent and Baramula (Kashmir) at 9.34 per cent had the highest dropout rates in the state. While Kathua and Doda districts, both in the Jammu region, accounted for the least dropout rate at 1.43 per cent and 2.34 per cent, respectively. In the year 2014-15, Baramula district, had the highest dropout rate in the state with 12.06 per cent, out of which the dropout rate for girls was 12.25 per cent and for boys it was 11.83 per cent. In 2014-15, the least dropout rate was found in the district of Kulgam (Kashmir) with just over one per cent. But in 2015­ 16, the dropout rate of district Kulgam rose phenomenally at 9.98 per cent. Other districts which reported a high dropout

210ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

rate at the Upper Primary level were Baramula with 12.31 per cent and Srinagar at 11.65 per cent in the same year. It is to be noted that all these districts with a high dropout rate were from the Kashmir region. At the Upper Primary level, district Baramula was the district which reported the highest dropout rates in all three consecutive years. As far as gender disparity is concerned, at Upper Primary level, the overall dropout rate for girls in the state was higher than that of boys, both in 2014-15 and in 2015-16. The districts which faltered in all three consecutive years and showed a high dropout rate for girls at Upper Primary level were Anantnag and Kupwara in the Kashmir region, and Punch, Rajauri and Reasi in the Jammu region. All these 5 districts had a high dropout rate for girls and perhaps did not initiate any strategy to offset the attrition of girls from schools at the Upper Primary level in all three years. Dropout Rate at Secondary Stage Table 8 shows the dropout rate at the secondary level of the state of Jammu & Kashmir from 2013-14 to 2015-16. The figures indicate the rate at which children studying at the secondary level leave the school. As compared to the Primary and Upper Primary stage it can be seen that the overall dropout rate was very high in all three consecutive years for the state. The average dropout rate for the state stood at 7.33 per cent in 2013-14, 15.36 per cent in 2014-15 and 17.28 per cent in 2015-16. The dropout rate of girls at the secondary level was found to be higher than boys across the years. It can also be seen that for both the regions, i.e. Kashmir and Jammu the dropout rate was concomitant. However, the dropout rate of girls was more than that of boys in the Kashmir region. During the field research the parents responded saying that they allowed their girls to study as much as they wanted, but the school must be within their vicinity. Since access to secondary schools in the neighbourhood was largely missing,

Table 8: District-wise Dropout Rate at Secondary Stage in Jammu & Kashmir (2013-14 to 2015-16) Districts

Source: UDISE, NUEPA

2013-14 Girls 24.17 32.25 24.88 22.06 25.81 28.04 10.72 18.81 8.81 20.94 26.21 24.5 17.23 15.32 12.65 13.27 25.63 27.38 8.19 23.26 7.38 15.36 17.96

Total 21.05 28.69 23.05 20.4 24.97 24.16 10.84 17.43 8.84 19.7 21.49 20.46 24.73 18.27 13.5 15.04 23.43 30.02 9.74 18.74 8.52 16.53 17.33

Boys 18.94 26.28 20.7 21.33 10.85 31.22 6.46 11.61 1.48 23.89 21.02 18.57 16.71 3.44 15.34 15.47 18.24 13.54 24.35 7.39 16.7 14.7

2014-15 Girls 20.3 29.1 31.8 24.01 14.39 27.79 5.52 12.45 4.75 25.91 27.27 7.07 22.64 14.14 12 19.44 18.37 10.52 30.85 3.63 18.29 16.14

Total 19.56 27.61 25.92 22.59 12.5 29.68 6.03 11.98 2.97 24.85 23.84 12.45 19.57 8.35 13.84 17.2 18.3 12.25 27.5 5.51 17.42 15.36

Boys 11.93 11.55 23.62 19.15 9.76 22.81 14.52 5.2 12.44 20.71 15.73 13.08 23.38 12.79 31.93 25.19 21.15 29.95 12.99 14.17 12.5 20 16.97

2015-16 Girls 14.62 21.76 24.01 19.17 15.5 25.53 10.93 12.37 24.03 19.67 19.25 13.4 12.91 33.48 24.2 19.89 32.11 10.55 17.21 13.53 17.3 17.65

Total 13.18

16.62

23.8

19.16

12.46

24.13

12.92

0.76

12.41

22.22

17.64

15.94

18.15

12.85

32.64

24.74

20.61

30.95

11.94

15.66

13.02

18.78

17.28

Education of Girls: A Case Study of Jammu & Kashmir 211

Anantnag Badgam Bandipora Baramula Doda Ganderbal Jammu Kargil Kathua Kishtwar Kulgam Kupwara Leh (Ladakh) Pulwama Punch Rajauri Ramban Reasi Samba Shopian Srinagar Udhampur All Districts

Boys 18.35 25.47 21.58 19 24.27 20.89 10.94 16.03 8.87 18.69 17.28 17.08 32.76 20.79 14.16 16.44 21.73 32.12 10.92 14.29 9.65 17.46 16.79

212ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

most of the girls were not able to go for further studies after completing their basic education, as their parents were more concerned about their safety and security. Higher Education in Kashmir The higher education status in the State of Jammu & Kashmir is not very different as seen in the case of school education. The overall enrolment suggests that the male enrolment (23.47 per cent) is more than the female enrolment (22.22 per cent) in higher education ranging from undergraduate courses to doctorate courses in proportion to their age group population. However, the enrolment of females in many courses is more than their male counterparts, which is discussed below. Table 9: Enrolment of Students at Various Levels of Higher Education in Jammu & Kashmir (2015-16) Courses

Male

Female

PhD MPhil Postgraduate Undergraduate PG Diploma Diploma Certificate Integrated

985 170 37819 114189 900 7346 10 1129

854 196 39758 124641 674 2567 4 1314

Total

162548

170008

Source: AISHE, 2015-16, MHRD.

The above data suggests that the overall enrolment of females in various courses is around 51.12 per cent, while the male enrolment is around 48.88 per cent, which looks better from the gender perspective. Overall the enrolment status at the higher education level is in favour of the female as compared to the school education, which also needs to be promoted at school level. Furthermore, the GER in higher education for females is 26.2 which is 2.7 ratio more than the

Education of Girls: A Case Study of Jammu & Kashmir 213

males. The Gender Parity Index is 1.12 in higher education. This definitely shows that the women’s participation in higher education has increased as compared to their male counterparts. But when we have analysed the communitywise enrolment it was found that the Muslims’ enrolment at the higher education level is just above 38 per cent. Table 10: Community Enrolment in Jammu & Kashmir (2015-16) Community

Male

Female

Total

Overall Muslim Muslim %

162548 67932 41.79

170008 59893 35.23

332556 127825 38.44

Source: AISHE, 2015-16, MHRD.

Further, the report also revealed that the share of Muslim males in the enrolment is close to 42 per cent, whereas it is just over 35 per cent for the Muslim females. This data reveals that the women of the Muslim community, especially from the Kashmir region are not just lagging behind from their counterparts within the region but also from the state. Conclusion This data indicates that there is a tangible gap between males and females in access to education in the state especially for the rural areas and Muslim women in the state. Low enrolment and high dropout rate is an area of concern for the school education. Whereas, the lower Muslim women’s participation in higher education is also a major area of concern in the state. It has been found in the present study that the overall educational status of the state has not changed much. The level of education, gender disparity, gross enrolment and net enrolment seems to be fluctuating around a static point over the years and has not brought any significant change. To improve the literacy rate among women, the state government has from time to time announced several schemes, such as

214ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

free textbooks to all girls up to Class VIII, bridge courses for older girls, back to school camps for out-of-school girls along with various centrally sponsored schemes such as the National Programme for Education of Girls at Elementary Level (NPEGEL), Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), and Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya (KGBV). Looking at these data it appears that all the government efforts to develop the educational status of children in Jammu & Kashmir has somewhat failed. It is very important that the educated population is the backbone of the state’s economic growth. There are various obstacles that are attached to the state of Jammu & Kashmir. Some of these are prolonged armed conflict, lack of proper infrastructure, difficult topography, security of the children, traditional mindset of the people towards girls’ education, etc. After independence, Kashmir became the land of turmoil. The children and their education in the state is bearing the cost of the land dispute between India and Pakistan. This has ruined many children’s lives, especially the girls. This land dispute should be resolved through dialogue for the betterment of the state and its people. This conflict has created fear in the mind and hearts of the people. They are sceptical about the security of their children which leads to discontinuation of the education of children. Many parents do not want to send their daughters to school or higher education after they become 10 to 12 years old. The security of the girls is the major concern among the parents which stops the parents who wanted to impart higher education to their girls. Further, the traditional mindset of the people in the rural areas does not allow the girls to aspire for better and higher education. Apart from these concerns, the poor infrastructure available for education in the state is also one of the prime reasons for the dismal figure of education in the state. There is a need to generate awareness among the parents about

Education of Girls: A Case Study of Jammu & Kashmir 215

education. Without this initiative everything will not work. The government should provide a special policy which encourage students, especially girls to aspire for higher education. It is also important to mention that the existing government schemes are not implemented properly in the state, particularly in the rural areas. The focus should be on the implementation of the scheme with a specific target, i.e. girls.

REFERENCES Acharya, Y. 2008, “Women’s Education and Intra-Household Autonomy: Evidence from Nepal”, Journal of Development and Social Transformation, Vol. 5. Bazaz, P.N. 1959, Daughters of the Vitasta: A History of Kashmiri Women from Early Times to the Present Day, New Delhi: Pamposh Publications, pp. 211, 219. Bbaale, E. and Mpuga, P. 2011, “Female Education, Contraceptive Use, and Fertility Evidence from Uganda”, The Journal of Sustainable Development, Vol. 6, No. 1, pp. 20-47. Bhat, F.A., Khurshid, F. and Hussain, N. 2011, “Gender Disparity and Policies of Inclusion: A Case Study of Women’s Education in Jammu and Kashmir”, Researchers World, Vol. II, Issue 3, July, pp. 135-150. Biscoe, C.E.T. 1922, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, London: Seeley Service, p. 261. Chohan, A. 1998, Development of Education in Jammu and Kashmir State, 1846-1947, New Delhi: Atlantic, p. 75. Dabla, B.A. 2007, Multi-Dimensional Problems of Women in Kashmir, New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, pp. 43-44. Khan, F.A. 2005, “Other Communities, Other Histories: A Study of Women and Education in Kashmir”, in Zoya Hasan and Ritu Menon (eds.), In a Minority: Essays on Muslim Women in India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 150-168. Khan, G.H. 1973, The Kashmiri Musulman, Srinagar: Falah-e-aam Press, pp. 13-14. Mir, Imraan, 2003. A New Kashmir: Religion, Education and the Roots of Social Disintegration, New York: Valley House Books, p. 32.

216ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies Mohiuddin, Yasmeen. 1995, “Country Rankings of Women’s Status: An Alternative Index,” Pakistan Development Review (Winter). Rai, Mridu. 2004, Hindu Rulers, Muslim Subjects: Islam, Rights, and the History of Kashmir, Princeton: Princeton University Press, p. 114. Raza, Moonis. 1984, School Accessibility in India: The Regional Dimension, New Delhi: NIEPA (Unpublished), p. 29. Rustogi, Preet. 2004, “Significance of Gender-related Development Indicators: An Analysis of Indian States,” Indian Journal of Gender Studies, Vol. 11, No. 3, pp. 291-343. Suri, Kavita. 2006, Impact of Violence on Women’s Education in Kashmir, New Delhi: WISCOMP, pp. 38-39. Ullah, Z., Kakar, K.Z. and Khilji, A.B. 2011, “Effect of Female Education on Family Size in Pakistan: A Case Study of Quetta City”, Journal of International Academic Research, Vol. 11, No. 2. pp. 231-239.

http://www.unsiap.or.jp/e-learning/el_material/PSS/pcd_fiji/ PCD_M2_4_P2.pdf http://www.history.com/topics/brigham-young accessed on 30th January 2018 http://www.researchersworld.com/vol2/issue3/Paper_16.pdf IMPA, 2008http://voresearch.org/documents/2013/1.2/1216.pdf Planning Commission of India, http://planningcommission.nic.in/ plans/stateplan/sdr_jandk/sdr_Jammu and Kashmir ch3b.pdf

11

Women in Higher Education in Kashmir: Understanding the Trend in the Post-Independence Period Shazia Malik Admission of women to institutions of higher education began in most countries towards the end of the last century. In general, women experience severe declines in participation rates in each educational system. According to Moore, it is virtually a truism for the education worldwide, that the higher the level, the fewer the women (Moore, 1987: 23). In India, higher education has seen an impressive growth since independence. As of now, India’s higher education system is the third largest in the world, in terms of enrolment after, China and the United States (Gupta and Gupta, 2012). As per the Ministry of Human Resources Department the number of universities in India has increased 34 times from 20 in 1950 to 677 in 2014. Although introduction of women’s education has its roots in British rule, however since independence there has been a phenomenal growth in the number of women students’ enrolment in higher education. On the eve of independence women’s enrolment was less than 10 per cent of the total enrolment but in the academic year 2010-11 women’s enrolment increased up to 41.5 per cent (Chanana, 2000, 2012). As per the All India Survey on Higher Education 2017-18, the total enrolment in higher education has been estimated to

218ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

be 36.6 million with 19.2 million boys and 17.4 million girls. Girls constitute 47.6 per cent of the total enrolment. Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) in higher education in India is 25.8 per cent, which is calculated for the 18-23 year age group. GER for the male population is 26.3 per cent and for females, it is 25.4 per cent (AISHE, 2018). Kashmir has suffered the century’s long oppression by different foreign rulers and the Brtitish colnial government also had almost no direct influence on Kashmir. As a result, Kashmiris were far backward in terms of literacy on the eve of independence. In 1947, the first democratic rule just helped them to start recovering from age-old backwardness. This chapter presents a descriptive analysis of women’s representation in the higher education system in Kashmir. It seeks to demonstrate the latest trends in the enrolment of women. The data collected from secondary sources such as the statistics provided by government bodies on higher education, newspapers, and research papers have been examined to explain the shifts in the trends since 1947. Since 1989 Kashmir has witnessed a political turmoil that resulted in continuing cycles of violence in the valley thereby disrupting the day-to-day lives. This paper tries to demonstrate the latest trends on the enrolment of women in higher education. Women and Higher Education in Kashmir The State of Jammu & Kashmir comprises three natural regions: Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. The total population of the state is 1,25,48,926 persons. At the time of independence, the population was largely illiterate. As noted by Farida Abdullah, the miserable conditions of the people, the educational backwardness of the state and its people, and the absence of prominent centres of learning were attributed at this time much more directly to Dogra rulers rather than to community practices. The demand for education in the state was inextricably tied up with the struggle against oppressive feudal policies by which the state was governed. Much like the

Women in Higher Education in Kashmir

219

rest of the country, the first effort to provide modern education to women came from the missionaries. It was only around 1893-95 that a missionary school for girls was started by the Church Missionary Society (Khan, 2005: 141-155). Higher education was introduced in Kashmir when the missionaries established the first college in 1905 in Srinagar. By 1925, there were six middle schools and thirty-four primary schools for girls with an enrolment of 1019. Since the majority of Muslims were poverty-stricken and living under debt under the Dogra rule, the Muslim community remained largely illiterate. With the partition of the country, the Jammu & Kashmir National Conference formed the first elected government in the state. As noted by Shahzada Akhter, ‘the government of Jammu & Kashmir led by the National Conference did a tremendous job in spreading education among the masses in the State. Initially under a System of Compulsory Education Jabritaleim was introduced for women in Srinagar at a widow’s place. (Akhter, 2011: 119). Later it prepared the draft of the future constitution in which education in the State of Jammu & Kashmir was a major and important demand. The Draft provided special arrangements for women’s education in accordance with the provision of the Women’s Charter. The directive principles of the state policy with regard to the rights of women in the constitution of Jammu & Kashmir are based on the same charter. One of the revolutionary steps taken by the National Conference to empower women in the education sector was 50 per cent reservation for women in professional courses under SRO 26 (1988) of the Government of Jammu & Kashmir (Ibid.: 120). As a result, the first women’s college on Maulana Azad Road was established in Srinagar as early as 1950. While for men a limited access to higher education was provided to them as early as 1905, the same opportunity took around 45 years for Kashmiri women to knock at their doors. Expectedly, the later decades saw a phenomenal increase in the number of women in schools and colleges. The number of

220ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

colleges providing education in 1950-51 was just 7 out of which 1 college was for female students. Up to 1999-2000, the number of colleges increased to 33 including 7 women’s colleges. By the year 2013-14, the number of colleges has increased to 95 including 12 women’s degree colleges (Economic Survey, 2016). In the whole of Jammu & Kashmir, two Central Universities, one each at Jammu and Srinagar, are functional in the state. Besides, six universities, i.e. two state universities, and the other 4 are government aided universities with intake capacity of 11,400 students are also functional in the state. (Ibid.). There is no private university in Jammu & Kashmir. Enrolment Share of Women in Higher Education in J&K There is a wider consensus among the scholars that women represent a valuable human resource, and play an important role in the development of the community and the nation. Education helps in generating awareness among women about their legal, social, political and economic rights, provisions and privileges to fight against all sorts of social discrimination. It also helps women in opposing the tradition of ignorance and strict seclusion within the home, and equips them with the expertise and knowledge required to play modern roles, in widening their horizons and in raising their general status in society. In Kashmir while going through the enrolment figures, one can safely assume that women’s development along the index of education has been remarkable. Even though the continuing cycles of violence since the last three decades have disrupted the socio-political and economic structures, women have come out in large numbers to join the higher educational institutions to make a difference. Whereas enrolment figures for women in general colleges for the whole state of Jammu & Kashmir were 6,069 in 1971, the enrolment figures in three colleges in Srinagar was 5,276 for the year 2001. The University of Kashmir remained only an examining body till 1961. While in 1951 the male-female ratio at the college level was 10:1,

Women in Higher Education in Kashmir

221

in 1981 it was 2:1 at both graduate and postgraduate level (Khan: 2005). The percentage of enrolment of girls in higher education was as low as 267 in the year 1950-51 as per the figures provided by the Government of Jammu & Kashmir in the Digest of Statistics 2016-17, which rose to 2080 in the first ten years (percentage increase of 12 per cent) and then to 5,439 in the next ten years (Table 1.1 and 1.2). Table 1.1 Year

General Education Boys

Girls

Total

Professional Education

Special Education

Boys Girls Total Boys Girls Total

1950-51

2417

252

2669

50

10

60 109

5

114

1960-61

6423

1741

8164

423

155

578 140

184

324

1980-81

9857

5971 15828

3815

658

4473 411

969

1380

1990-91 14844

9080 23924

2578

1252

3830 520

229

746

2000-01 23189 19050 42239

672

462

1134 NA

NA

NA

2010-11 70576 65211 135787 31728 31452 63180 2016-17

2989

4218

7207

1262

1138

69

43

112

2400 NA

NA

NA

Source: Digest of Statistics, 2016-17.

Table 1.2 Enrolment in General and Professional Education at University level in Jammu & Kashmir during the year 2001­ 02 to 2012-13 As shown in the Tables (1.1 and 1.2) the increasing number of women joining higher educational institutions is indicative of the change in the social constructions that dictate women’s lives. While one would have expected a sharp decline in the percentage increase in enrolment in the 1990s, the figures however reveal a rise by 12 per cent during the years that were marked by huge political upheavals and violence. It means then, that through all the upheavals that militancy and the military presence in the valley have inflicted upon them has not diminished the desire of women for higher education. While as the census figures show that the percentage increase

222ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

in the overall literacy rate among females had fallen during the most turbulent phases in J&K, the trend followed at higher levels reveals a different picture. Although as elsewhere in India, the enrolment of women at higher levels lagged behind men. It is interesting to note in Table 1.3 the figures for enrolment at various levels through the regular mode in 2016-17. Table 1.3 clearly shows that except in the case of PhD, more females than males, were enrolled in all courses including MPhil and postgraduation courses. However it is also important to keep in mind that the percentage of students taking higher education in India is hardly about 13 per cent whereas it varies between 28 to 90 per cent around the world. Contextualizing the Trends in Kashmir Jammu & Kashmir is the only state in India where education is free up to the University stage. The state made gender sensitive efforts to boost the women’s development in Kashmir much ahead of time than many states in India. It appears as per various scholarly works on Kashmiri women that the issue of purdah was not a major issue among Muslim women. The present data shows a remarkable progress in terms of women’s access to higher education. However, J&K lags behind the national average in terms of both Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) and the gender disparities in the gross enrolment ratio. As per the 2011 Census, the Government of India has identified 11 districts of Jammu & Kashmir which include Anantnag, Budgam, Baramulla, Kupara, Doda, Kargil, Kathua and Kupwara, as higher educationally backward districts (Sharma, 2014). Moreover GER in urban areas is higher as compared to rural parts of Jammu & Kashmir and the same is the case with male-female disparities in enrolment. From the above discussion and the official statistics, the following patterns can be drawn; Farida Abdullah, notes that in spite of the late advent

Table 1.2 Year

General Education Boys

AGR

Girls

AGR

Professional Education Total

AGR

44707

Boys

AGR

990

Girls

23847

20860

650

2002-03

20320

-14.79 15100

-27.61

35420 -20.77

6199

526.16

2003-04

40948

101.51 38827

157.13

79775 125.23

10814

74.45

13573

2004-05

39482

-3.58 33190

-14.52

72672

-8.9

15778

45.9

2005-06

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

2006-07

30815

-21.95 21183

-36.18

51998 -28.45

2007-08

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

2008-09

NA

NA

NA

NA

2009-10

47574

54.39 37268

75.94

2010-11

70576

2011-12 2012-13

Total

AGR

1640 13971

751.89

74.63

24387

74.55

21096

55.43

36874

51.2

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

8764

-44.45

5222

-75.24

13896

-62.31

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

84842

63.16

3551

-59.48

2492

-52.28

6043

-56.51

48.35 65211

74.98 135787

60.05

31728

793.49

31452 1162.12

63180

945.51

74731

5.89 69616

6.75 144347

6.3

29509

-6.99

30830

-1.98

60339

-4.5

48542

-35.04 47063

95605 -33.77

38963

32.04

29494

-4.33

68457

13.45

NA

Source: Digest of Statistics, 2012-13

-32.4

7772 1095.69

Women in Higher Education in Kashmir

2001-02

AGR

223

PhD

MPhil

Postgraduate

Undergraduate

PG Diploma

Diploma

Certificate

Integrated

Total

Female

854

196

7704

109074

101

2245

2

1314

121490

Male

985

170

7621

91462

107

7203

6

1129

108683

Source: Annual Status of Higher Education of States and UTs in India, Deloitte, 2017, p. 102.

224ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

Table 1.3 Enrollment

at Various

Levels Through Regular Mode (2016-17)

Women in Higher Education in Kashmir

225

of education for women in Kashmir and many hurdles, it took root and spread rapidly. She also held that the idea of higher education, both at the college level and later university education, was seldom projected as training better ‘wives and mothers’ which is unlike their counterparts in the other parts of the country when they began to venture out for pursing higher education. It is clear from the data that women in Jammu & Kashmir and more specifically in the Kashmir Valley which has a majority of Muslim population have made progress with regard to the access in higher education. In a limited or short span of time they were able to break the social and cultural barriers. Many studies have shown that due to the armed conflict the loss of human lives was also accompanied with the destruction of state resources and institutions which included schools upto the level of 10 +2 and the road connectivety between rural and urban areas. Also a study conducted by WISCOMP* has shown that the insecurity from both militants and huge army deployment in the residential sect of rural areas forced many girls to drop out from schools very early. Furthermore the destruction of schools and the damage caused to road connectivities, severely affected girls’ basic school education (Suri, 2006). Besides, as per the 2011 Census the districts that were identified as higher educationally backward areas and has the lowest female GER, are not just rural areas but most of them are conflict hit areas. They incude, Baramulla, Anantnag Kupwara, Budgam belong to the Kashmir Valley and school education got severely affected in these districts during the turmoil years. Thus it is clear that basic eductaion has not reached the maximum number of children (in particular, girls) from different strata of the society so that they are eligible to pursue higher education. Scholarly works on gender relations in armed conflict in Kashmir have unequivocally argued that Kashmiri women * Women in Security and Conflict Management

226ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies

are seen as the markers of ‘Kashmiri Identity’. It has been observed that situations of conflict restricts women’s freedom of movement and the extent of it depends on factors like stage of conflict, whether women are directly or indirectly affected by the conflict, and the cultural norms of the conflictaffected area. Recent studies have shown that such cultural restrictions have not barred Kashmiri women from exerting their agencies and they have actively participated in militant exercises such as protests, demonstrations and anti-state campaigns. In this context, increased women’s participation in terms of enrolment (Table 1.3) in a limited period of time and amid turmoil also signifies that the wider community consciousness has a positive role in promoting women’s education. Although in colleges and universities they may be held responsible for protecting the Kashmiri identity being its cultural marker. Paradoxically, as the conflict increases the rate of fatality among men, women are likely to assume roles which were traditionaly permitted for men only. Education being one important tool to keep them ‘community conscious’ for their anticipatory roles. Conclusion The present study is based on secondary data collected by government agencies and does only a preliminary investigation on the hypothesis that wishes to establish a link between the situation of armed conflict and its impact on access of women to higher education. While it is difficult to work on such hypothesis in the absence of seggregated data such as state specific, community specific, district-wise, area-wise, caste and class distribution, etc. the present paper has only attempted to develop certain assumptions which are extremly important to understand the context specifications regarding women’s development in the Kashmir region. The paper has shown that women have exercised their limited choices remarkably and made full use of them to change their tradtional status.

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The percentage increase in women’s enrolment in higher education since the 1950s till 2017 shows that unlike women in the rest of the country they were able to break both structural and cultural barriers to excel in the field of higher education very soon. This has been possible by both government policies framed during peace times after independence and by the support of the Kashmiri community as a whole which has not prevented or stopped them for the purposes of achieving eduactional advancements, amid continuing cycles of death and destruction. Unlike the stereotypical hindrances which women from some Hindu and most Mulsim communities in the rest of the country face, there is no evidence of such oppression in J&K. Particularly, regarding Muslim women the issue of purdah in colleges and universities is hardly an issue. Unfortunatly there are fewer accessible universities in J&K and most of them are located in urban areas. There is not a single women’s university in the whole of J&K and moreover some districts are even deviod of a women’s college. Thus the government needs to immediately invest in the higher education sector to provide women better chances in life. Being among the most affected group in times of conflicts, women would be better placed to propose solutions for the victims of violence.

REFERENCES Akhter, Shahzada. 2011, Women's Empowerment and National Conference, Jay Kay Publications, Srinagar. Chanana, Karuna. 2000, ‘Treading the Hallowed Halls; Women in Higher Education in India’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 35, No. 12, pp. 1012-1022 Accessed from https://www.jstor. org/stable/4409055 on 24-10-2018 Confederation of Indian Industry, Annual Status of Higher Education of States and UTs in India, 2017, Deloitte, India, 2017, p. 102. Government of India, Ministry of Human Resource Development, Department of Higher Education, 2018, All India Survey on Higher Education (2017-18), New Delhi.

228ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies Government of Jammu & Kashmir, Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Digest of Statistics 2016-17, DOS (42)/18, 2018. Government of Jammu & Kashmir, Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Economic Survey, 2016, Srinagar. Gupta, Deepti and Gupta, Navneet. 2012, ‘Higher Education in India: Structure, Statistics and Challenges’, Journal of Education and Practice, Vol. 3, No. 2. Khan, Farida Abdullah. 2005, Other Communities, Other Histories; A Study of Muslim Women and Education in Kashmir, In Zoya Hasan and Ritu Menon (eds.), In a Minority; Essays on Muslim Women in India, Oxford University Press, pp. 149-181. Moore, Kathryn M. 1987, ‘Women’s Access and Opportunity in Higher Education: Towards the Twenty-First Century’, Comparative Education, Vol. 23, No. 1, Special Number (10): Sex Differences in Education, Taylor & Francis, pp. 23-34 Accessed from https:// www.jstor.org/stable/3099443 on October 10, 2018. Sharma, Sheetal. 2014, ‘Status of Higher Education in rural areas of Jammu and Kashmir’, International Journal of Research, Vol. 1 Issue 4. Suri, Kavita. 2006, Impact of Violence on Women’s Education in Kashmir, WISCOMP, India.

12

Reflections on Islamic Feminist

Methodology and Gender Equality

Sabiha Hussain Before talking about Islamic methodology as a tool to gender equality and empowerment, we need to know about Islamic feminism. First of all, we need to know as to why there was a need for the emergence of Islamic feminism, how is it different from Western feminism, what are the major discourses in Islamic feminism and how can we use Islamic tools to empower women. These are the four major issues that I will be arguing in this article. In general, feminism is an analytical discourse about the experiences of women in a patriarchal society. Largely, feminism includes women’s issues, discrimination against women at the workplace and at home due to their being women and action aimed at improving their lives by changing the situations. Besides analytical discourse, feminism also has an epistemological dimension as it is a knowledge project that reflects upon how and what we know about women’s rights in religious law. It also enables us to challenge religious patriarchy from within the society. Similarly, Marium Cooke, observes that feminism is a combination of three elements, namely: the awareness that something is wrong in how women expect to be treated, the rejection of that expectation, and finally, activism to bring about change (‘Islamic Feminism: Method and Strategy’ http:/en.qantara.de/content/Islamic

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feminism-method-and-strategy). According to Mir-Hosseini, “…a gender discourse that was and is feminist in its aspiration and demands, yet Islamic in its language and sources of legitimacy”. As far as the emergence of Islamic feminism is concerned, the author of the 1899 pioneering book Women’s Liberation (Tahrir al-Mar’a), Qasim Ameen is often described as the father of the Egyptian feminist movement. He was the first one in Egypt to write about the rights of women. He spoke and criticized the un-Islamic practices made in the name of religion. There are other less known women who preceded Amin in their feminist critique of their societies. The women’s press in Egypt started voicing such concerns since its very first issues in 1892. So the feminist movement emerged much before the apparent emergence in Iran during the Shah period and Khomeni era. As far as the component and discourse of Islamic feminism is concerned, it is important to mention that the fundamental component of Islamic feminism is gender justice and equality. Islamic feminism is a feminist discourse and practice that focuses on the Islamic paradigm and eventually reflects upon as to how patriarchal ideology has undermined the equality of all human beings. Hence, Muslim scholars have been trying to unravel patriarchal influences by focusing on egalitarianism, which is the inner spirit of Islam for all those who believe in Islam irrespective of gender. It is not just a feminism that is borne out from Muslim cultures, but one that engages Islamic theology through the text and canonical traditions. Its focus is on the Qur’anic concept of equality of all human beings, and assert on the application of this theology to everyday life. In this context, Islamic feminism looks for rights and justice for women, and for men, in the totality of their existence and not by dividing them. But at the same time they are challenging the legitimacy of structural inequities and cultural discrimination. Further, their emphasis is also on explaining

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how Muslim patriarchies have been grounded on the premise of sex (biology) with its social constructions (gender) that ultimately leads to gender hierarchies and inequalities. Besides, Islamic feminists also recognize the Qur’an as the main source of its development and argue that according to the Qur’an, there is no gender differentiation in a Muslim’s relationship with God and the revealed message (the pillars of Islam) that is directed to men and women equally. Islamic feminists believe that the Qur’an makes no distinction of gender or roles for men and women, rather it provides a way of life. The Qur’anic revelation encourages consistent ethical principles aimed at achieving just and cohesive societies, in which equality is important. Therefore, the major argument put forth by the Islamic feminists is the Qur’anic patriarchal inaccuracies or interpretations which are mainly derived from faulty methods resulting in committing conceptual mistakes. They add that instead of reading the Qur’an in a thematic or holistic manner, the patriarchal interpretations, to a large extent, have led methodological approaches that interpret central conflicting verses independent of other verses, even within the same sura. This is problematic and leads to gender inequality. The major discourse is that the Qur’an affirms the principle of equality of all human being and also argues that the practice of equality between the two genders has been obstructed by patriarchal ideology and practices and not by the Qur’anic Text. Equally important is the Islamic jurisprudence (Fiqh) which is consolidated in its classical form in the ninth century and itself is saturated with patriarchal thought and practices of the day. Hence, the Islamic feminist discourse has also been confronted with the confusion between the shar‘iah (the divinely-guided path inspired by the Qur’an) and fiqh, or Islamic jurisprudence (manmade and profane and thus subject to change). For instance, Muslim family laws, which are enacted by the state on the basis of readings of fiqh, have

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been commonly referred to as Shar‘iah law. This confusion as explained by Mir-Hossenie, often seems to be intentional and hinders the efforts to modify family law for fear of tampering with the divine. In addition, she also tries to address another instance of conflation. Islamic jurisprudence, as is widely known, makes a distinction between ibadat—that is, unchanging, prescribed ritual or religious duties such as prayer, fasting, and so on— and mu’amalat, or social practices subject to change. She draws attention to the widespread notion that marriage which is considered a contract in jurisprudence as a religious duty. By sacralizing marriage in as religious duty, any attempt to change fiqh-based family law would be considered as irreligious. Nevertheless, Islamic feminists have been trying to challenge the misogynist Islamic doctrines that underlie discriminatory attitudes and policies through feminist ijtihad (independent reasoning) and religious interpretations of the rights of women. According to Islamic feminists, Islam has evolved in ways that are detrimental to women’s rights not because Islam in its essence is incompatible with gender equality, but because of the hegemony of patriarchal interpretations that warped Islamic law. So, one can say that, male clergy and conservative scholars turned Islam into a misogynist discourse clinging to medieval jurisprudence that promotes gendered hierarchy and inequality. In the name of Islam and state-sanctioned patriarchy, Muslim women face a wide range of abominable practices and unjust laws that not only ensure their subjugation but also brand them as second class citizens. Thus, it is clear that the Islamic feminists are not trying to avoid religion but are challenging the argument in favour of male superiority as divinely mandated by de-mystifying the narrow interpretations of Islamic texts. Fatima Mernissi, Amina Wadud, Murgot Badran and Moghadam are some of the important names when we talk about Islamic feminism.

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For instance, Wadud, in her women-centric interpretation of the Qur’an argues on retaining a firm and central grounding for Islamic thought by combining Islamic methodologies with new social science tools and secular discourses of rights and justice. Thus, the priority of the Islamic feminists is to go straight to the fundamental text of Islam, i.e. the Qur’an. Others like Hybrid, Shaheed Sirdar Ali are more concerned with scrutinizing the formulations of Shariah-backed laws and some focus on re-examining the Hadith. Nevertheless, all opine that there is scope to re-interpret the text, mainly the Qur’an by re-reading, re-interpreting of Qur’anic verses, especially those in which women’s rights are mentioned. Islamic feminism can be discussed at four levels; Islamic feminism as a discourse, Islamic feminism as gender analysis, Islamic feminism as an identity and Islamic feminism as an ideology. To understand these levels are important in analysing the discourse. In explaining Islamic feminism as a discourse, it is imperative to know what constitutes Islamic feminist discourse. This mainly includes Islamic feminist theology (Hosni Abboud). The basic argument of Islamic feminism is that the Qur’an is based on the principle of equality of all human beings but that the practice of equality of women and men (and other categories of people) has been obstructed by patriarchal ideas (ideology) and practices. Islamic jurisprudence, fiqh, consolidated in its classical form in the ninth century, was itself heavily tilted towards the patriarchal thought and practices. It is this patriarchal-inflected jurisprudence that has informed the various contemporary formulations of the Shari’a. The Hadith, which is not always authentic, are questionable or unreliable, and sometimes used out of context. As far as the sayings and deeds of the Prophet Muhammad are concerned, these have also been often used to establish patriarchal ideas and practices. Hence, it is important to distinguish between Islamic feminism as an analytical term—and Islamic

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feminism as a term of identity. Some Muslim women feel that Islamic feminism articulates and advocates the practice of Qur’anically-mandated gender equality and social justice, while others are more concerned about rereading the Qur’an, readings of religious texts related to women, which is referred as “scholarship-activism”. Second is the gender analysis. At the level of gender analysis, it is important to discuss how equality of human beings is very well described in the holy book. First of all, we are human beings and then we are men and women. Hence, a distinction between the male and female and men and women is essential for gender analysis because one is a biologically constructed category and another is socially constructed ideology. One has to see the rights and empowerment of any human being in the context of gender. Most verses of the Qur’an talk about the rights of women and duties of men. One must read Sura An-Nisa and Sura Talaq of the Qur’an. The Islamic feminists are reinterpreting these suras to give a more gender just analysis of the Qur’anic verses. At the ideological level, Islamic feminists believe and assert that the Qur’an uses the expression “believing men and believing women” to emphasize the equality of men and women with regard to their responsibilities, duties and rights towards Allah. By the very nature and implication of this Ayat, both men and women have been declared equal before Allah, hence before the Islamic law. For instance, Sura Al Nur verse 26 which says that as a pious man is accountable to Allah and rewardable from Allah, a devout and righteous woman is also entitled to divine blessings and fruits of heaven. This command of the Qur’an, by creating a parity of gender, indicates the egalitarian structure. Further, this particular verse also indicates an equal number of religious duties from all true believers, irrespective of gender. However, the question of Islamic feminists as an identity label has been more debatable than the term Islamic

Reflections on Islamic Feminist Methodology and Gender Equality 235

feminism. Those engaged in the articulation and practice of Islamic feminism, assert an Islamic feminist identity from the beginning, e.g. contributors to the Iranian journal Zanan, South African exegetes and activists, as well as women belonging to the group “Sisters in Islam” in Malaysia. Others have been reluctant to identify themselves as Islamic feminists, e.g. the key producers of Islamic feminist discourse or new gendersensitive Qur’anic interpretation. Most authors of texts of Islamic feminism do not wish to be called Islamic feminists for reasons that reduce them to a single identity, for political or professional reasons. Basic Methodologies of Islamic Feminists It is to be noted that Islamic feminism advocates women’s rights, gender equality, and social justice by using Islamic discourse as its dominant discourse, yet not the only discourse. For instance, Islamic feminist discourse in Iran draws upon secular discourses and methodologies for strengthening and extending its claims of Islamic feminism. Wadud, as stated earlier, in her women sensitive interpretation of the Qur’an combines classical Islamic methodologies combining it with new social science tools and secular discourses of rights and justice while retaining a firm and central grounding in Islamic thought. The contention is that religious attitudes and practices that contribute to gender discrimination are really not inherent within Islam as religion. These practices, to a large extent, are the outcome of religious knowledge that has been constructed by individuals using methodologies in a specific historical context. So, the Islamic feminists emphasize reinterpreting Islamic sacred texts to eliminate false religious knowledge resulting from wrong methodology and contextual influences. Keeping in mind these errors, Islamic feminists are concentrating more on using the classic Islamic methodologies of ijtihad (independent investigation of religious sources), and tafsir (interpretation of the Qur’an). In other words, Islamic

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feminists focus on reinterpreting the Qur’an by employing ijtihad and tafsir to the following: contextualize verses revelation; search for the best meaning as charged to by the Qur’an; compare specific words or ayats with the syntactical composition elsewhere in the sacred text and to read ayat and suras in a holistic manner with the broader thematic message of the Qur’an. By doing so their reinterpretations, as they believe, would set the foundation for Islamic feminists’ activism in the society that would certainly help in eliminating social discrimination and would ultimately promote social justice, and progress, human equality and dignity. Besides, these methodologies, they also use the methods and tools of linguistics, history, literary criticism, sociology, anthropology, etc. It is important to mention that historically, socially and politically some women contextualize verses from the Qur’an and quotes from the Hadith to break androcentric interpretations and suggesting that Muslims should not focus on literal reading of the Qur’an. At the same time it is suggested by the feminists to use the tools of linguistics and anthropology for re-establishing the already inscribed principles of gender justice which have, intentionally or unintentionally, largely been ignored. Nevertheless, by using the basic methodologies of classical ijtihad and tafsir, the feminists try to reclaim the basic egalitarian message of Islam by bringing their own experiences and questions as women into their readings of the various formulations of Sharia law. Islamic Feminists in the Indian Context In this section I will would be discussing a few issues related to matrimonial rights and how fiqh-based interpretations overrode the textual religion. I will also be discussing how by using Islamic methodology the persisting deprivation of women of their Islamic rights can be restored, especially in matrimonial matters.

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Marriage and Divorce There are four schools of Islamic jurisprudence and accordingly there is variation in the interpretations related to women’s rights. For instance, the Hanafi school of thought followed by 95 per cent of Muslims in India, has different interpretations and practices related to marriage and divorce. The pronouncement of triple Talaq in one go is widely practised which is not in accordance with the Qur’anic text. Women are being divorced without any witness and reason. Khula is hardly practised and if women accept Khula it has to be conditional. With regard to marriage and women’s right to Mehr, to an appreciable extent, women are not being consulted for their marriages, consent of the girls are taken at the time of Nikah, hardly any contract (Nikahnama) is signed, Mehr is generally not given at the time of Nikah and is largely linked with divorce or generally given at a later stage of a woman’s life or women are asked to forgive. Property and Inheritance As far as inheritance and property rights are concerned, as per Islamic rule a woman has a share in property as mother, daughter and wife and there is no financial liability on women. The verses of the Qur’an clearly mention the rights of women’s share in property. But in practice it is hardly practised. Women are not given their share on the pretext of spending money on their marriage. Women do not ask for their share too or are told not to ask for their share on the pretext of creating bad relations with the brothers. As far as the maintenance right of the divorced women is concerned, here also one finds that in practice maintenance for the divorced women is hardly given even during the Iddat period (Hussain, 2003). Remarriage of widows and divorced women is mentioned in the text but hardly practised in Muslim society.

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Knowledge and Education Education or acquiring knowledge is mandatory for every man and woman in Islam. To seek knowledge is a sacred duty; it is obligatory on every Muslim, male and female. “Iqra Bismi Rabbika Allazi Khalq”, Read! In the name of your Lord who created (all that exists), Surah Al’Alaq 96:1. The first word revealed to our Prophet Muhammad (Peace Be upon Him) from Allah SWT was “Iqra” which means to Read! To seek knowledge! Educate yourselves! Be Educated. As our Prophet (PBuH) said, “Talab ul Ilmu Farizatun Ala Kulli Muslim”. Acquiring knowledge is obligatory on every Muslim, the Knowledge of Truth and Wisdom. However, when we look at the education of women in India, the reality is different. The figure related to education of Muslim women reveals that less than 41 per cent of the country’s Muslim females are literate, versus 46 per cent of India’s 430 million non-Muslim women (Census 2001). The purpose of mentioning all these issues is that Islam has given ample rights to women in all spheres but the normative Islam overrides the textual Islam. This could be one of the reasons for the pathetic condition of Muslim women. Hence, we need to adopt Islamic methodology of rereading and re­ interpreting of the Qur’anic verses, and expedite the provision of Ijtihad and other tools for educating the community about the rights which would further help in restoring the Islamic rights of women. For instance, before passing of the Muslim Marriage Dissolution Act of 1939*, the status of Muslim married women was pathetic. They were not allowed to remarry even if the whereabouts of their husbands was not known. Through the provision of Ijtihad the waiting period was shortened from ninety years to five years. With regard to the practice of triple Talaq, depriving women from inheritance, linking Mehr with divorce, conditional Khula, practising endogamy, depriving women from acquiring knowledge, etc. Muslim women activists must adopt Islamic

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methodology along with other tools of contemporary times for raising awareness amongst women about their rights. Women, individually or collectively, take the initiative to spread the Islamic knowledge in the community about the rights given to them in Islam through their writings and translating the verses in the local languages, start a campaign to encourage women to re-read, understand the in-depth meanings and reinterpret the Qur’anic verses in a holistic manner as Islamic feminists are doing. The fundamental discourse behind this Act, the Hanafi school of thought believed that if a husband’s whereabouts is not known, the woman has to wait for ninety years to remarry. Women started changing their religion and hence there was Ijtihad, a consultation of all four schools of Islamic jurisprudence gathered and a consensus was built to reduce the woman’s waiting for her husband to five years. Limitations of Islmaic Methodology Having explained Islamic methodology used or to be used by the Islamic feminists for advocating equality and justice, the pertinent question that comes to my mind is can we use this method to overcome other socio-economic and political problems? Can this methodology be applied in Muslim minority states? So, what are the major limitations of Islamic feminists’ methodology used by the Islamic feminists for restoring and advocating the rights of women? First of all it seems that the whole concentration of Islamic feminists is on one particular aspect, i.e. re-reading and re­ interpretations of Qur’anic verses. In doing so, largely they leave the other major issues of economics, politics and society. As we all know that women’s rights cannot be dealt in isolation rather it has to be seen in totality of the socio-political and economic situation of the particular region. Hence, Islamic feminism ignores the macro issues from their analysis and discourse which is equally important. So we need to consider

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the larger discourse to deal with the issue of rights. Further, Islamic scholarship, Islamic feminists along with Islamic methodology need to use socio-cultural analytical tools in order to formulate their reformist gender discourse. Another point that is not considered by the Islamic feminists is the inclusion of the male perspective in favour of the female rights discourse. The argument of Muslim and Islamic feminists that women have been oppressed for so long and that women’s rights can only be obtained by a radical change of perspective seems to be problematic. Hence, inclusion of contemporary Islamic male scholars’ views into consideration is equally important in the process of interpreting Islamic sources. Similarly, the method adopted by the Islamic feminists mainly concentrates on textual analysis and thus works methodologically in search of evidences to establish laws and regulations suitable for modern society (Anne Sofie Roald, 2001). Islamic feminists’ discourse also does not take into account the political and economic issues for instance, the analysis of poverty, of economic policy, of governance, etc. have got no place in the discourse of Islamic feminism. Similarly, the alternative positions on democracy (even an Islamic democracy), civil society, and citizens’ rights are also missing from the Islamic feminists’ analysis of women’s rights. Their position on political and economic issues remains unclear and undeveloped which seems to be a major drawback of Islamic feminism. Despite these limitations, undoubtedly, Islamic feminist discourse and the methodologies adopted by them has definitely contributed to the Islamic scholarship on broadening the understanding of women’s rights.

REFERENCES Badran, Margot. 2005, “Between Secular and Islamic Feminism/s. Reflections on the Middle East and Beyond”, Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies (JMEWS), 1:1, 6–28.

Reflections on Islamic Feminist Methodology and Gender Equality 241 Cooke, Miriam. 2000, “Women, Religion, and the Postcolonial Arab World”, Cultural Critique, No. 45 (Spring 2000), 150–184. Hussain, Sabiha, 2003, “Male Privilege, Female Anguish: Divorce and Remarriage among Muslims of Bihar”, in Divorce and Remarriage among Muslims in India, ed. by Ahmad, Imtiaz, Delhi, Manohar Publisher. Mernissi, Fatima. 1991, The Veil and the Male Elite. A Feminist Interpretation of Women’s Rights in Islam, trans. Mary Jo Lakeland, New York: Basic Books. Mir-Hosseini, Ziba. 2011, “Contestations, Whose Islam? Whose Feminism?” In Islam and Feminism edited by Hania Sholkamy, Issue 1, p. 8. Mir-Hosseini, Ziba. 2006, “Muslim Women’s Quest for Equality Between Islamic Law and Feminism”, Critical Inquiry, 32:4, 629-45. Moghadam, Valentine, ed. 1994a, Gender and National Identity: Women and Politics in Muslim Societies, London: Zed Books. Moghadam, Valentine. 2002, “Islamic Feminism and its Discontents: Toward a Resolution of the Debate”, Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 27:4 (Summer 2002), 1135–1171. Roald, Anne Sofie. 2001, Women in Islam: The Western Experience, London: Routledge. Wadud, Amina. 2006, “Aisha’s Legacy: The Struggle for Women’s Rights within Islam”, in The New Voices of Islam: Reforming Politics and Modernity—A Reader ed. by Kamrava, Mehran, 201–204, London and New York: I.B. Tauris. Originally published in New Internationalist, No. 345 (May 2002), 16–17.

13

The Expatriate Glass Ceiling:

A Stumbling Block to Women’s Career

Advancement

Monika Khemani The world is undergoing a swift transformation in the liberalization, privatization and globalization regime. Women today are moving towards a circumstance where they are expected to play different roles in both the public and private domain. Though women’s education and employment has reduced the patriarchal control to some extent but in our society women have been assigned secondary positions as compared to men. Women’s partial commitment to the employment reflects their domestic obligations. Male dominance and traditional gender roles in the patriarchal society are the critical barriers to women achieving the top positions. To understand the limited movement of women into the top level positions of managerial hierarchy, the concept of glass ceiling has emerged. The glass ceiling is an impediment which is artificially shaped by the top management that restricts women to be placed at more prominent levels of the organization despite their qualifications or capabilities. In spite of a growing number of expatriate assignments, women do not get their fair share because organizations repeatedly perceive that women do not want such international assignments. International appointments are fundamental for

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career development but the gender imbalance continues to be overlooked. This organizational perception multiplies the impact of the glass ceiling in curtailing women’s opportunities at top level managerial positions. In this chapter, we will discuss why the glass ceiling still exists in expatriate assignment opportunities. Then we will recommend the strategies to shrink the barriers to expatriate assignments for women. Objectives of the Study The following objectives are formulated for the present study: O To conceptualize glass ceiling practices in the organizations and its associated impact on women. O To state the reasons why women fail to pursue their careers as seriously as men. O To develop an understanding of the female expatriate career move in order to appreciate more fully the barriers that may limit women’s expatriate career opportunities. O To suggest the guidelines for a working environment that ensures equal expatriate position opportunities for female employees. Glass Ceiling The glass ceiling is an idea that refers to obstacles faced by women who attempt to accomplish topmost positions at the workplace. Female employees experience impediments in their careers and frequently find a taboo that obstructs their approach to growth and development. The glass ceiling as a concept initially appeared in 1986 in the Wall Street Journal entitled ‘The Glass Ceiling: Why Women Can’t Break the Invisible Barrier that Blocks Them from Top Jobs’ (Hymowitz and Schellhardt, 1986). It means the presence of obstacles that blocks the upward mobility of women. Below this barricade, women do get a rise and beyond this there is no advancement. Crampton and Mishra (1999) indicated that the glass ceiling is the presence of a negative attitude that keeps

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women from moving beyond a specific level in the corporate hierarchy. They revealed that the glass ceiling effect can result because of corporate discrimination and dual family and career roles. Baxter and Wright (2000) stated that the glass ceiling is more troublesome for women than for men to get career advancement within workplaces. Also the hindrances women face relative to men become greater as they ascend the corporate hierarchy. Women are not treated at par with the men and they are additionally viewed as secondary wage earners. Wage differentials further encourage the subordination of women in their workplace, family, community and public life and therefore ascend in the glass ceiling practices. Barriers to Women’s Career Advancement in Employment There are numerous factors which encumber the professional growth of women such as biased promotion policies, absence of legitimate policies to assure women’s participation, insufficient training and opportunities for career development growth for women, lack of motivation to accept challenges to go up the ladder. Furthermore women have restricted exposure to the informal networks that exist in organizations and therefore experience constrained access to topmost positions. Vlado, Miha and Man (2007) indicated that the women managers lack the networking and mentoring opportunities that are necessary for career advancement. Fassinger (2008) affirms that women are excluded from social networks that improve promotion opportunities. Eagly and Carli (2007) indicated that women are hindered from taking topmost positions at the workplaces because of obstacles such as prejudice against women, resistance to women’s leadership, issues of leadership style and demands of family life. Afza and Newaz (2008) demonstrated five elements which restricts women’s career progression, viz. management perception, work environment, work life balance, sexual harassment and organizational policy.

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Table 1: Barriers to Shattering the Glass Ceiling 1. L ack of genuine commitment to gender equality and advancement of women on the part of employers. 2. Inhospitable and demoralizing corporate cultures that obstructs women’s career development. 3. Higher expectations of performance and effort from women as compared to men. 4. Perceptions that women ought not to be in a position of power over men. 5. Perceptions that women’s careers are not as essential as men since they are not primary earners. 6. Perceptions that women are emotionally not suitable for topmost positions. 7. Women perceive that they have to make too many bargains to gain topmost positions. 8. Good old boy networks and their grip on powerful positions. 9. Women’s lack of enthusiasm in taking on high-stake and challenging assignments. 10. Having a non-supportive family. 11. Women’s reluctance to relocate if the job requires it. 12. Many men feel uncomfortable dealing with women and doubt that women can balance a career and family. 13. Sexual harassment in organizations still exists. 14. Inadequacy of company programmes like crèche facilities, flexi time that make it easier for women to balance their work and home obligations. 15. Human Resource Managers believe that women are less dedicated to their professions and are less willing to take risks. Source: Khemani and Hussain (2017)

Glass Ceiling and Expatriate Assignments Expatriate assignments are fundamental for women’s career advancement. These jobs are imperative for multinational organizations and for women who are applying for top positions in the management hierarchy. Women managers already face a glass ceiling that appears to prevent their

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promotion to top level corporate positions. This is due to the absence of expatriate experience that keeps women away from reaching the top echelons of the corporate hierarchy. Izraeli and Zeira (1993) indicated that though women desired international assignments the mobilization of women was still slow since expatriates were selected from amongst the ranks of senior management and there were too few women at this level to choose from due to the glass ceiling effect. Jelinek and Adler (1988) estimated that women occupied less than three per cent of expatriate positions. Florkowski and Fogel’s (1999) study of 225 expatriates revealed that only eleven per cent of the respondents were women. Tung (1998) in their study of 409 US expatriates found that only 13.9 per cent of respondents were female, whereas 15.7 per cent of corporate officers in Fortune 500 companies were women (Catalyst, 2002). Regardless of these minute improvements in the number of women occupying expatriate positions, there still exists a significant lack of female managers overseas. This in turn only aggravates the current under representation of female managers in top corporate positions in the domestic arena. Clearly, it is important that all qualified employees have equal opportunities to participate in expatriate assignments, as these assignments often serve as a stepping stone to higher levels of authority in the home organization (Black, Gregersen, Mendenhall, and Stroh, 1999). However, research on expatriate assignments continues to show that females are disproportionately under-represented in expatriate assignments (Tung, 2004; Vance, Paik, and Semos, 1999). Gary et. al. (2008), found that for advancement to the managerial position it is necessary for an employee to get international experience. Since performing domestic obligations is the primary responsibility for women they choose not to take international assignments for their career advancement (Cansu Akpinar­

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Sposito, 2012; Linehan and Scullion, 2004). Research also indicated that the lack of women’s participation in expatriate assignments is due to female managers’ greater passivity in the workplace (Fischlmayr, 2002). Insch, McIntyre and Napier (2008) stated the reasons as to why women do not take expatriate assignments. These were the male dominance of our patriarchal society, domestic obligations of women and sexual harassment at the workplace. Table 2: Top 3 Barriers for Women in Getting Global

Business Experience

1. Getting selected—the biggest hurdle to enter the global business arena. 2. Being perceived as less internationally mobile than men owing to work and personal responsibilities. 3. Lack of mentors and networks on international assignments. Source: Adapted from Passport to Opportunity: US Women in Global Business. (2000). New York: Catalyst.

Linehan and Scullion (2001) identified both overt and covert barriers preventing women managers from progressing to senior managerial positions in domestic and international management. These barriers include the obligation to balance primary and secondary responsibilities, isolation and loneliness, constantly being aware of being a woman in a man’s world, having to prove themselves to others, and having to work harder than their male counterparts. They also found that the lack of mentoring and networking relationships were among the most important obstacles facing women managers in their pursuit of careers in management. Linehan and Scullion (2004) in their study found that many female managers do not actively engage in the self-promotion and development of social network need to be considered for expatriate assignments as the same degree of their male counterparts do in the organizations. Many organizational level causes for the expatriate glass ceiling have been identified.

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These include gender discrimination in both the home and host countries, gender discrimination in organizations, a lack of female mentors to prepare women for foreign assignments, and women’s back of access to the “good-old boy” network that may lead to and support foreign assignments (Elmuti et al., 2003; Tai and Sims, 2005). Women were held back from assignments due to safety and security concerns, potential negative interactions with foreign subordinates (Varma et al., 2006). Hence, organizations often inadvertently end up excluding women in the formal and informal social networks from which the pool of potential expatriate managers is selected. Although significant improvements have taken place in the organizational status of women, gender discrimination still exists, especially in expatriate assignments, which are generally considered critical for career advancement. International experience is considered to be as a prerequisite for eventually gaining positions in corporate senior management, but are seldom given to women. Reasons cited for not giving expatriate positions to women employees of multinational corporations are summarized below: A. Women are not encouraged to pursue top level positions due to their primary domestic obligations. B. As compared to men, women are incompetent in terms of rank or specialization. C. Physical safety of women managers is also a great issue. D. Inability of women to cope with isolation and loneliness in a foreign country. E. Spousal career issues may also arise which hinders women’s posting in international assignments. F. Gender discrimination and prejudices against women employees.

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Recommendations There are a number of ways that Human Resource professionals can adopt to break the glass ceiling barrier at the expatriate positions level and at the same time there should be legislative support through government policies and involvement to dispense with this practice. A. Commitment of the organization’s top management to treat women employees at par with their male counterparts for expatriate positions. B. Identify elements in the organizational culture which may contribute to lower participation by female employees in international assignments, and then create action plans to address these elements. C. Review policies and practices to determine if they are fair and inclusive in terms of pay differences, hiring practices and history of promotions to senior positions. D. Acknowledge successful senior level women expatriates as role models and implement leadership development programmes for women. E. Organizations should create career development support groups and networks for women. F. A separate quota for female employees should be fixed for trainings and expatriate positions in each organization. G. Government s hould make it compulsory for all organizations to submit annual reports covering various activities like trainings imparted to men and women employees, percentage of women employees given expatriate assignments and promotions. H. It is the responsibility of women to seek mentors who can advise and guide them. Increased self and social awareness may lead to the development of mentoring and networking relationships which are necessary for securing foreign assignments. I. MNCs may also need to evaluate and change policies

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and procedures related to the selection, training, and repatriation of female expatriates. J. Organizations must seek information about the career aspirations of women managers who may be interested in a career in international management. The breaking of the expatriate glass ceiling lies in the hands of the two principal participants, i.e. women managers and the multinational corporations. Both need to be aware of the biases and limitations that exist against women managers regarding expatriate assignments and must also develop strategies to overcome these limitations. Conclusion This chapter explains the presence of the glass ceiling effect and its evil impacts on women’s entry in expatriate positions. It also examines the effects of corporate practices on the existence of a glass ceiling from the viewpoint of women employees seeking higher positions in the management hierarchy. Both domestically and internationally, women represent a comparatively untapped source of talent for leadership in the workplace. In addition, gender disparity in organizations and family responsibilities often prevents women employees from reaching senior managerial positions. A study conducted by M. Khemani and S. Hussain (2017) shows that women managers believe that they are often forced to choose between an expatriate career and family, and their choices are more difficult as compared to their male counterparts because of the linkages that exist between their career and family roles. Our findings also suggest that female managers miss out on international appointments because they lack mentors, role models, sponsorship, or access to networks all of which are commonly available to their male counterparts. Today is the era of competition and companies can survive only if they are proactive and favour gender diversity at the workplace. There must be equal international opportunities

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for employees to help minimize the concept of the glass ceiling. Women must develop a professional style with which male managers are comfortable so as to achieve career success. In this way we can achieve the gender equality which is one of the seventeen global goals that make up the ‘2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development’.

REFERENCES Afza, S. and Newaz, M. 2008, “Factors Determining the Presence of Glass Ceiling and Influencing Women's Career Advancement in Bangladesh,” BRAC University Journal, Vol. V, No. 1: 85-92. Baxter, J. and Wright, E.O. 2000, “The Glass Ceiling Hypothesis: A Comparative Study of the United States, Sweden and Australia,” Gender and Society, 14: 275-294. Black, J.S., Gregersen, H.B., Mendenhall, M., and Stroh, L.K. 1999, “Globalizing People Through International Assignments,” MA: Addison-Wesley. Cansu Akpinar-Sposito. 2012, “Career Barriers for Women Executives and the Glass Ceiling Syndrome: The Case Study Comparison Between French and Turkish Women Executives.” Second International Conference on Leadership, Technology and Innovation Management Doctoral School of Economics and Management Jean Moulin University Lyon 3, Lyon, 69008 France. Catalyst. 2002, “Catalyst Census Marks Gains in Numbers of Women Corporate Officers in America’s Largest 500 Companies.” [press release]. Crampton, S.M. and Mishra, J.M. 1999, “Women in Management,” Public Personnel Management, 28: 87-106. Eagly, A.H. and Carli, L.L. 2007, “Women and the Labyrinth of Leadership”, Harvard Business Review. Elmuti, D., J. Lehman, B. Harmon, X. Lu, A. Pape, R. Zhang and T. Zimmerle. 2003, “Inequality Between Genders in the Executive Suite in Corporate America: Moral and Ethical Issues,” Equal Opportunities International, 22(8): 1-19. Fassinger, R.E. 2008, “Workplace Diversity and Public Policy: Challenges and Opportunities for Psychology,” American Psychologist, 63: 252-268. Fischlmayr, I.C. 2002, “Female Self-Perception as Barrier to

252ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies International Careers?” The International Journal of Human Resource Management, 13: 773-783. Florkowski, G.W. and Fogel, D.S. 1999, “Expatriate Adjustment and Commitment: The Role of Host-Unit Treatment,” International Journal of Human Resource Management, 10(5): 783-807. Gary et. al. 2008, “The Expatriate Glass Ceiling: The Second Layer of Glass”, Journal of Business Ethics, Vol. 83, No. 1, pp. 19-28. Hymowitz, C. and Schellhardt, T.D. 1986, “The Glass-Ceiling: Why Women Can’t Seem to Break the Invisible Barrier that Blocks Them from Top Jobs,” The Wall Street Journal, 57, D1, D4-D5. Insch, G., McIntyre, N. and Napier, N. 2008, “The Expatriate Glass Ceiling: The Second Layer of Glass,” Journal of Business Ethics, 83 (1): 19-28. Izraeli, D. and Zeira, Y. 1993, “Women Managers in International Business: A Research Review and Appraisal,” Business and the Contemporary World, 5: 35–46. Jelinek, M. and Adler, N.J. 1988, “Women: World Class Managers for Global Competition,” The Academy of Management Executive, II (1): 11-19. Khemani, M. and Hussain, S. 2017, “Glass Ceiling: An Offspring of Gender Discrimination; A Study of Barriers to Career Advancement Experienced by Women,” SS International Journal of Business and Management Research, 7(4): 26-40. Linehan, M. and Scullion, H. 2001, “Challenges for Female International Managers: Evidence from Europe,” Journal of Managerial Psychology, 16(3): 215-228. Linehan, M. and Scullion, H. 2004, “Towards an Understanding of the Female Expatriate Experience in Europe,” Human Resource Management Review 14(4): 433-448. Tai, A.R. and Sims, R.L. 2005, “The Perception of the Glass Ceiling in High Technology Companies,” Journal of Leadership & Organizational Studies, 12(1): 16-23. Tung, R.L. 1998, “American Expatriates Abroad: From Neophytes to Cosmopolitans,” Journal of World Business, 33(2): 125-144. Tung, R.L. 2004, “Female Expatriates: The Model Global Manager?” Organizational Dynamics, 33(3): 243-253. Varma, A., Toh, S.M. and Budhwar, P. 2006, “A New Perspective on the Female Expatriate Experience: The Role of Host Country

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National Categorization,” Journal of World Business 41(2): 112­ 120. Vance, C.M., Paik, Y., and Semos, W. 1999, “Biggest Obstacles to Career Success of Female American Expatriates: Selection Bias at Home?” Paper Presented at the Conference of the Academy of Management, Chicago, IL. Vlado, D., Miha, S. and Man, M. 2007, “Is There a ‘Glass Ceiling’ Female Managers in Singapore Organizations?” Management, 5(4): 307-329.

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Gender Inclusion and Higher Education Institutions in Delhi Shafia Jalal The first Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru considered the importance of women’s education in the following words. ‘If you educate a man you educate an individual, however, if you educate a woman you educate a whole family. Women empowered means mother India empowered’. Women’s education plays an important role in the growth and progress of any country. It is deeply linked to the development of the country. No country can attain progress if half of its population is marginalized. Education provides the individual among other skills with an ability to differentiate between good and evil. It also modifies the individual behaviour. In this context, primary and secondary school education caters to mass development of life skills amongst the general populace. However, tertiary education or university education after completion of schooling paves the way for social mobility, career opportunities and more critically escape from the limitation of tradition and patriarchy. The importance of university education is that it acts as the foundation of the future of any society. The main functions of higher education and universities are considered to be multi dimensional. First, they act as the pivots that generate new knowledge and technology that change paradigms and aid in the development of the society in meeting new challenges.

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Second, it trains individuals to become able, self-confident learners who are independent. These individuals also develop the society through their leadership and actions. As it is clear from the above discussion, the role that universities play is very critical for the development of society. Hence the need for gender inclusiveness in universities is crucial. Gender inclusion in higher education extends beyond access to women, it must include policy intervention and strategies to inform aspiration and engage and support women students during their interaction with universities. This effort should begin even before the student considers to apply to such institutions and continue till they complete their education and move on in life in terms of placement services. There is an imperative need to understand the various polices related to gender inclusiveness. According to Gidley and others social inclusive policies including gender-related policies can be understood theoretically in the following manner. ‘Inclusion policy and practice is underpinned by differing ideological frameworks that relate to the degree of social inclusion, ranging from neoliberal access to social justice participation to human potential empowerment’. (Gidley et al., 2010a) The neoliberal approach to providing access and inclusion considers that with the growth and increased opportunities to access education and employment are sufficient to address the needs of gender inclusion. This understanding is based on neoliberal theories of economic growth through investment in human capital to address skills shortages will in due course provide ample opportunities to women aspirants and thereby attain aims of inclusiveness through the trickledown effect. These theories propose that inclusion is facilitated by access to the social capital of the dominant culture. The impact of societal power imbalances on access need not be addressed. On the other hand the social justice approach for inclusion viewed in terms of increased participation and engagement is based on social justice theories that focus on historical

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marginalization, human rights, dignity, egalitarianism and fairness. The main aim of this approach is to enable full participation and engagement in society of women in a community sustainability and building appropriate cultural capital. (Reay et al., 2005) In India such inclusion interventions are based primarily on reservation or quota system. However such an approach to inclusion has been proble­ matic and resulted in social resistance and protests. There is a need to go beyond this and consider inclusiveness as empowerment of human potential. This transformation and empowerment is based on human potential empowerment theories. These theories move beyond participation and engagement as a human right, to focus on maximizing individual potential by addressing issues of power and dominant cultural discourses. The neoliberal theories focus on trickledown and deficiency models of disadvantage while empowerment theories focus on strengths, value difference and diversity as an important resource or source of social transformation and development. The emphasis is on the transformative role of education. (Gidley et al., 2010b: 26). This article takes into consideration two central universities in Delhi, namely Delhi University and Jamia Millia Islamia to assess the implementation of gender inclusiveness. However before evaluating these universities, a brief description of higher education in India along with the adoption of different policy intervention in this regard has been carried out. Higher Education in India In India, over the past two decades there is a tremendous expansion of higher educational institutions to meet the demands of the society. Higher education plays a key role in shaping the people and society as a whole. It provides the people with an opportunity and ability to tackle various issues facing humanity in day-to-day circumstances. The Government

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of India has been working constantly on the growth progress of higher education by introducing policies, reservations and scholarships to women, under privileged, weaker sections and differently-abled people in the society. The Twelfth Five Year Plan was concerned with the higher education access. Equity and governance have gained momentum and have been propelled centre-stage in the development of the country. Types of Universities in India: In India Universities are established either by an Act of Parliament or by the State Legislatures. Central Universities are those which are established by the Act of Parliament and the ones which are set up by the State Legislatures are State Universities. Private Universities are those universities which are established either through a State/Central Act or by a sponsoring body. Some higher education institutions are granted the “Deemed to be University” status by the Central Government through gazette notifications while a few institutions are established by the Parliament/State Legislatures as Institutions of National Importance. The universities could be of unitary type with single or even multiple colleges under it or of affiliating in nature. Some Universities are catered to a particular area of specialization like agriculture, medicine, law, etc. There are Open Universities under distance educational council to offer a wide variety of distance education programmes. Status of Higher Education: Higher education plays an important role in the overall development of a country. “All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE) provides a database to assess the correct picture of Higher Education in the country. The report based on data collected up to September 2019 estimated the students’ enrolment in India to be 3.76 crore and Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) at All India level is 26.3 per cent (Male–26.3 per cent, Female–26.4 per cent)” (AISHE, MHRD 2018-19). The expansion of higher education can be seen from the fact that in India there are about 993 Universities. Of these

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there are 16 universities exclusively for women (3 Rajasthan, 2 Tamil Nadu, 1 each in Andhra, Assam, Bihar, Delhi, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Odisha, Uttarakhand and West Bengal). There are about 39,931 colleges which are affiliated to 298 Central and State Universities. There are about 10,725 standalone Institutions which include polytechnics, DIETs, Diploma level nursing institutions, postgraduate diploma in management institutions and institutes under the direct control of various ministries. These universities and colleges provide education to 3,73,99,388 students with around 14,16,299 teachers (AISHE, MHRD 2018-19). This expansion has been accompanied by the diversification of the socio-cultural composition of the students and teachers. There is diversification of students and teachers with regard to different religions, lower socio-economic status, different castes, and different languages and from different regions. The National Institutional Ranking Framework (NIRF) by the Ministry of Human Resource Development adopts a methodology to rank institutions across the country. The methodology draws to identify the broad parameters for ranking of various Universities and Institutions. MHRD examined the parameters and marks are assigned and the Universities or Institutions were ranked according to their marks. The parameters broadly cover Teaching, Learning and Resources, Research and Professional Practices Graduation Outcomes, Outreach and Inclusivity, and Perception. The sub areas used in outreach and inclusivity parameters were percentage of women (students, faculties and administrative positions), economically and socially challenged students, percentage of students from other states/ countries (Region Diversity) and facilities for physically challenged students (NIRF, MHRD, 2015). Central Universities in India: In India, Central Universities are administered by the Department of Higher

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Education, which is under the Union Human Resource Development Ministry. The Central Universities are funded by the Government and are governed by UGC (University Grants Commission), which is a statutory organization established by the Union Government in the year 1956. As of September 2019, there are 50 Central Universities across India. Uttar Pradesh has the maximum of six Central Universities, while Delhi has 5 such universities. The Congress government had set up one Central University in each state to provide access to higher education. The President of India is the Visitor for all the Central Universities. The admission policies were made in the context of attracting more students from rural backgrounds and other demographic profiles. The equity initiatives by the government were taken to provide opportunities for quality education, expanding institutional capacity, enhancement of infrastructure and enrichment of faculty, improvement in governance and academic and institutional restructuring. Government Initiative and Plans to Increase Access to Education: The efforts of the Government of India in amending Article 21 A, which states that, “The State shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age of six to fourteen years in such a manner as the State may, by law, determine” (GOI, 2015: 11). This was crucial in increasing the enrolment ratio in higher education. This in turn created the demand for higher education. The diversity of the student population enrolled in higher education is acquired due to the continuous efforts of the Union and Federal States of India. In the Constitution of India, there is a strong legal base on diversity. These include “equality before law, equal protection, equality of opportunity and prohibition on discrimination.” Article 14 states that, “The State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India” (GOI, 2015: 6). It also further states in Article 15(1) that, “The State shall not discriminate

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against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them” (GOI, 2015: 7). The Article 15 of the Constitution new clause (4), “Nothing in this article or in clause (2) of Article 29 shall prevent the State from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes” (Ibid.) was added to empower the weaker sections. In Article 15(5) it clearly shows to increase the access of students from weaker and disadvantaged sections, “Nothing in this article or in sub-clause (g) of clause (1) of Article 19 shall prevent the State from making any special provision, by law, for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes in so far as such special provisions relate to their admission to educational institutions including private educational institutions, whether aided or unaided by the State, other than the minority educational institutions referred to in clause (1) of Article 30” (Ibid.) was included. In Article 16 of the Indian Constitution, it has been stated that, (1) “There shall be equality of opportunity for all citizens in matters relating to employment or appointment to any office under the State. (2) No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, descent, place of birth, residence or any of them, be ineligible for, or discriminated against in respect of, any employment or office under the State” (Ibid.). Article 46 of the Directive Principles of the State Policy enjoins that, “The State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation” (Ibid., 23). The access to higher education of marginalized and weaker sections of students was increased. The Constitution of India, in its Reservation Policy guaranteed a “reservation

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to the tune of 15 per cent for the SCs and 7.5 per cent for the STs in education and employment, and 27 per cent for the OBCs (while recently, 5 per cent reservation was announced for people with disabilities)”. ‘Apart from this there is ten per cent reservation for economically weaker sections from among the general category will be implemented across all colleges and universities from the 2019-20 academic year’. (The Hindu dated January 16, 2019) To support and safeguard the students in general and women students in particular from discrimination, the Government of India has set forth certain regulations and implemented legal methods to be followed by the Institutions of Higher Learning. The Equal Opportunity Cells (EOC) were set up in all Universities to support and safeguard the disabled, weaker sections and other disadvantaged students including women. The Equal Opportunity Office takes care of all academic and non-academic matters pertaining to students belonging to the marginalized communities. The University Grants Commission (UGC) in their notification dated June 6, 2017 requested the “Universities/ Colleges to constitute an Internal Complaint Committee (lCC), a Special Cell in their respective institutions to deal with the issues of gender-based violence and to conduct gender sensitization programmes”. This is in accordance with the rules and regulations “UGC (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal of Sexual Harassment of Women Employees and Students in Higher Educational Institutions) Regulations, 2015”. The regulations in their notification dated December 9, 2013, “defined sexual harassment, and the responsibility of Higher Educational Institutions to act decisively under all gender-based violence against employees and students of all sexes”. The regulation also talks about the responsibilities of Internal Complaints Committee [ICC] members and the process of enquiring, punishments and compensations. The Government of India concentration changed from

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equality to equity in the expansion of the higher education systems. The National Policy on Education (1986) laid emphasis on equity and it states: “To promote equality, it will be necessary to provide for equal opportunity to all not only in access, but also in the conditions for success. Besides, awareness of the inherent equality of all will be created through the core curriculum. The purpose is to remove prejudices and complexes transmitted through the social environment and the accident of birth”. (GOI, 1986: 4) Status of Special Cells in Institutions of Higher Learning In this study two Central Universities located in Delhi were taken as sample to access the gender inclusiveness prevalent in Institutes of Higher Learning. The investigator conducted semi-structured interviews with the members of the Special Cells, namely Internal Complaint Cell and Equal Opportunity Cell. First, the investigator checked on the available Special Cells in the Universities. One member from each Cell was taken from different Universities. The Respondents’ views and opinions were analysed to study the efficacy of policy initiative in fostering equality and inclusivity in the institutions. The Special Cells act as a medium to create an inclusive environment in the institutions. The views of the respondents have provided insights into the issues and challenges faced in reducing the discrimination among the stakeholders. In Jamia Millia Islamia, the various facilities offered by the Equal Opportunity Cell were done by the Dean of Students Welfare (DSW). In ICC, there were eight members, in which three members were students and two members are faculties, two members are from Administration and the remaining one member is an external member. Among the eight members, one of the members is the Chairperson of the Committee. The members were constituted by the Administration with the approval of the Vice-Chancellor. The respondent’s role is to analyse the cases and prepare a report and submit it to

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the University Administration. The members have a good relationship and decisions are taken collectively. In ICC, 7 to 8 cases per year, in that 2 to 3 were students. The respondents mentioned that the University follows the guidelines given by the Ministry and UGC in case of complaints. The complainant gives a written complaint and the members request the complainant to meet in person and provide all the documents and other proofs related to the complaint. The charged party was also given an opportunity to express their views on the complaint. The members analyse the severity and the genuinity of the case in detail and witnesses were called depending upon the nature of the complaint. It takes around 90 days to suggest actions for the complaint. The University Administration strictly follows the actions prescribed by the Cell and punishment is given to the charged party depending on the nature of the crime. The University Administration supports and accepts the actions prescribed by the Cell. If the complainant and the charged party are not satisfied with the action, they can file a case in the police station and further it can take legal course of action. In Delhi University, in ICC, there were seven members, out of whom, four members were faculties, one from administration and the remaining two members were external, in which one of the members was a retired Professor and had been the Presiding Officer of the Committee since its inception. Among the seven members, one of the members is the Presiding Officer of the Committee. The members were constituted by the Administration through nomination. The decision is unanimous and all the members are good and committed in analysing the cases. In ICC, there are 10 to 13 cases per year. The member of the Internal Complaint Cell mentioned that the University follows the guidelines given by the Ministry and UGC in case of complaints. The complainant gives 6 copies of the complaint and the members request the complainant for personal hearings and ask to provide all

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the documents and other proofs related to the complaint. Based on the responses of the complainant and the charged party, the report is prepared with concluding remarks and recommendations. It takes three months to prepare a report on the complaint. Then the report is submitted to the registrar for further action. The University Executive Council decides on the course of action for the charged party. No follow up mechanism is available. The complainant sometimes calls or sends a mail about the course of action taken by the Administration. If the complainant and the charged party are not satisfied with the action, they can file a case at the police station and can take legal course of action. While the Equal Opportunity Cell was constituted in 2006, it provides benefits and opportunities to the marginalized, disabled students in the University. The Cell has two officers, who work as Nodal Officers as additional charge. They were nominated by the Vice-Chancellor. The investigator asked about the role of this cell and the respondent said that the Cell provides intensive support facilities for the differently abled students like reading equipments, computers, transport facilities, e-text, Braille and sports. Coaching classes are provided for weaker and marginalized disadvantaged sections of students. The Nodal Officers monitor the various activities of the Cell and also implement the policies prescribed by the University and UGC in creating an inclusive and friendly environment. Issues and Challenges Faced by These Cells in Fostering an Inclusive Environment The main problem faced by the Internal Complaint Committee in Jamia Millia Islamia, is the vague name of the Cell, as it creates a lot of confusion among students and other stakeholders. As, the students call the Cell members for attendance issues and other petty problems, which were not related to sexual harassment. It may be because of its less awareness among

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the stakeholders in the institution. The challenge was to create awareness among the stakeholders and improve the communication channel as to reach the stakeholders in the University. The respondent also added that once the awareness is created, it instils fear in the minds of the offender in committing the crime and face humiliation and afraid of the consequences of the various sexual harassment issues. The investigator asked about any measures to be taken to increase its awareness; the respondent suggested some suggestions to create the awareness by placing banners and hoardings in important places and sensitize the role of this Cell by awareness programmes. The various issues faced in Delhi University according to the respondent was that there was initial hesitation in filing the complaint but now people are coming out to file a complaint in case of sexual harassment. This can be due to the awareness and workshops conducted to gender sensitize and extensive media coverage. The main challenge is to overcome the initial hesitation and attempt to change the attitudes of people. The Cell has created increased consciousness among the stakeholders so that it acts as a preventive to curb the incidents of sexual harassment. The respondent said that the name of the Cell needs to be changed as it creates confusion among the stakeholders. The name does not indicate that the Cell handles sexual harassment cases. The main problem is anything on gender is redirected to the Cell to sort things out. The investigator asked about any measures to be taken to increase its awareness; the respondent suggested that posters about the Cell and its activities were available in all places to create more awareness and men also need to be involved in gender sensitization. The respondent replied that conscious efforts need to be taken for creating zero tolerance towards women. This in turn creates a free and fair inclusive environment.

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In the Equal Opportunity Cell, the respondent said that there is more awareness among the stakeholders about this Cell. Since the Cell was in existence from 2006. There is enough publicity about the various activities conducted by the Cell. All the University departments and their affiliating colleges knew about its existence. There is no need for special promotional campaigns. When the investigator asked about the challenges ahead of the Cell in creating an inclusive environment, the respondent affirmed that it caters to more than 2,000 students. The Cell requires more volunteers to do the various activities of the Cell. There is a need for more human resources to perform and monitor these activities. The respondent said that they get support from UGC but still more support and funding are required. The University Administration is very sensitive and supportive in creating an inclusive environment in the University. Conclusion and Recommendations From the study it was found that the major issues faced by the Internal Complaint Cell were the variation in awareness and the confusing nomenclature of the cell. Another issue was that the Internal Complaint Committee caters to women-specific cases rather than larger gender relations. The Equal Opportunity Committee is well established in Delhi University and has been instrumental in providing accessibility to physically challenged and marginalized weaker sections. The challenge is to encourage freedom of speech and critical thinking which can help in solving many problems that arise. The policies need to be laid and based on the democratic principles and B.R. Ambedkar policies regarding discrimination and inclusion. It is further recommended that as: O

Awareness campaign is a never ending process and the Special Cell needs to formulate their own way to

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O

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publicize the functions of the cell amongst different stakeholders. The Cell also needs to coordinate and collaborate with Women’s Studies and Gender Studies and NSS to develop gender sensitization programmes. There is a need to conduct outreach and self-defensive programmes to create awareness about the Cell. The Cell has to select volunteers to campaign with plays and provide handouts on the law, policies regarding sexual harassment and Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs), myths and realities in public places like canteen, library and even in hostels.

The study can be extended to other central universities, state universities and private universities to assess the inclusivity of the institutions. It also became clear that there is a need to move beyond the social justice approach to one based on empowerment so that humans especially women can attain their rightful place in society.

REFERENCES All India Survey on Higher Education, MHRD, New Delhi, 2018-19. Constitution of India, GOI, 2015. Gidley, J., Hampson, G., Wheeler, L. and Bereded-Samuel, E. 2010a. “From Access to Success: An Integrated Approach to Quality Higher Education Informed by Social Inclusion Theory and Practice”, Higher Education Policy, 23, 1: 123-147. —— . 2010b, “Social Inclusion: Context, Theory and Practice”, The Australasian Journal of University-Community Engagement, 5, 1: 6-36. National Policy of Education, Programme of Action, New Delhi: GOI, 1986. National Institutional Ranking Framework (NIRF), MHRD, New Delhi, 2015. Reay, D., David, M. and Ball, S. 2005. Degrees of Choice: Social Class, Race and Gender in Higher Education, Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham. The Hindu, dated January 16, 2019.

15

Role of Media in Fostering Women’s

Empowerment: A Gender Analysis

Shah Alam Women’s empowerment is a widely used term across the globe. The progress of any country also depends on how the women of that particular country are empowered. Though the concept of empowerment is very complex, every citizen must make women’s empowerment a reality. Empowerment is a collection of economic, social, and political activities that are done towards the common goal of empowering the powerless. Women’s empowerment presupposes that it should elicit the broadest possible community participation, current trends, and future possibilities. Though one of the key factors in determining the success of the development is the status of women in society, there is no denying that the social status of women in India needs dynamic changes as women are being exploited in many respects. Economic, social, cultural, and political discrimination against women is still prevalent everywhere. Because of their less or no control over actions, material assets, intellectual resources, and ideologies, they have to be dependent on their male counterparts. It is our moral, social, and constitutional responsibility to ensure women’s progress by providing them equal rights and opportunities. According to the United Nations, “Women’s empowerment has five components: women’s sense of self-worth; their right to have and to

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determine choices; their right to have access to opportunities and resources; their right to have the power to control their own lives, both within and outside the home; and their ability to influence the direction of social change to create a more just social and economic order, nationally and internationally.” The Constitution of India provides equal status for women and suggests that the states should adopt measures of positive discrimination in favour of women. The Constitution also prohibits discrimination against any citizen on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth, and guarantees equal opportunities to all citizens in matters related to employment. Despite all the legal provisions, women are still deprived and submissive to men. Many organizations work positively for women empower­ ment. Government and non-government organizations are taking significant steps in the direction of eradicating gender inequality. In most of the cases, these steps could not reach the masses. Sometimes people are not aware of the schemes, and initiatives taken for women’s empowerment. It is the need of the hour to educate the masses about the problems and their solutions. Here lies the responsibility with media. Media, being the potent medium of educating the masses, has the power of moulding public opinion. It teaches the way of adopting the best method of social change. Media, with its well-defined objectives and roles, can mobilize women to develop their economic activity in an organized manner by ensuring access to critical development inputs and to strengthen women’s voices in development decisions and the political process. Media is considered as the most potent instrument of communication. It helps to promote the right things at the right time and gives real as well as influential aspects of the world about what is right and what is wrong. It also expresses how we can store and distribute views. Media has the power to influence society in many ways. It helps the masses get information about day-to-day happenings,

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form opinions, and make judgments regarding various issues. It is an essential source of information through its news segments and entertainment and allows for the exchange of ideas, suggestions, and views for related matters. It is an indispensable agent of development in any nation that can positively contribute to good governance as a watchdog and partner in progress. It plays the role of a mediator between the people and the state. It creates awareness about government policies and programmes. It also helps in motivating them to be active partners in nation-building. Status of Women in India Although India’s Constitution guarantees equal status to women, they are still struggling to achieve equality in the real sense. The patriarchal mindset has deprived them of enjoying their life with dignity. They have to suffer immensely. Because of male dominance over resources, most Indian women are uneducated. They have been doing domestic work since childhood. Starting from birth, girls do not receive as much care and commitments from their parents as boys do. Because of being less educated, women have not succeeded in getting prestigious jobs and undertake the most physically challenging and undesirable tasks. Women’s equal participation in political life plays a pivotal role in the general process of their advancement. It is not only a demand for simple justice or democracy but can also be seen as a necessary condition for women’s interests to be taken into account. The term status includes not only personal and proprietary rights but also includes duties, liabilities, and disabilities. The status of women in India has been subject to many significant changes over the past few millennia. From equal status with men in ancient times through the low points of the medieval period, to the promotion of equal rights by many reformers, the history of women in India has been eventful. In modern India, women have adorned high offices

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in India, including the President, Prime Minister, Speaker of the Lok Sabha, Leader of the Opposition, etc. To bridge the gap between both the sexes, the Government of India took significant initiatives. The National Commission for Women was set up in 1992 with a mandate to review the constitutional and legal safeguards for women, recommend remedial legislative measures, facilitate redressal of grievances and advise the government on all policy matters affecting women. The 72nd and 73rd Constitutional Amendment Acts were passed in the same year, ensuring one-third of the total seats for women in all elected offices in all rural and urban local bodies. The National Plan of Action for the Girl Child for 1991-2000, is a specially formulated action plan by the Government of India to protect and promote the girl child with its aim to prevent female foeticide and infanticide, eliminate gender discrimination, provide safe drinking water and fodder near homes, rehabilitate and protect girls from exploitation, assaults, and abuses. The Department of Women and Child Development in the Ministry of Human Resources Development prepared a National Policy for Empowerment of Women in 2001 intending to bring about the advancement, development, and empowerment of women. The Government of India started ‘Integrated Child Development Services’ (ICDS) in 1975 to tackle malnutrition and health problems in children below six years of age and their mothers. The Rajiv Gandhi Scheme for Empowerment of Adolescent Girls (RGSEAG), commonly known as Sabla, was started on April 1, 2011, under the Ministry of Women and Child Development to enable the adolescent girls to focus on self-development and empowerment and to improve their nutrition and health status. Starting in 2006, the Rajiv Gandhi National Crèche Scheme for Children of Working Mothers has the objective of providing daycare services to children (0-6 years) of working mothers, holistic care for the physical, mental and emotional development of these children. In 2009

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the central government started the Integrated Child Protection Scheme (ICPS) to provide children with the protection and safe environment to develop and flourish. The Support to Training & Employment Programme for Women (STEP) was launched as a Central Sector Scheme in 1986 to make a significant impact on women by upgrading skills for self and wage employment. The Scheme advocates an integrated package of inputs aiming at self-reliance and empowerment of women by enhancing their productivity and enabling them to take up income-generating activities. The Ministry of Women and Child Development established the Rashtriya Mahila Kosh (RMK) in 1993 to provide micro-credit facilities and capacity building of IMOs and women beneficiaries. Many more initiatives have been taken which are working to empower women like Swadhar, Ujjawala, Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana (IGMSY), Working Women’s Hostel, Short Stay Home for Women and Girls (SSH), Dhanalakshmi, Kishori Shakti Yojana (KSY), Nutrition Programme for Adolescent Girls (NPAG), Scheme for the Welfare of Working Children in Need of Care and Protection, etc. There are many women’s organizations that have created a sense of consciousness for gender equality. Despite all the measures of creating awareness, the cases related to rape, dowry deaths, humiliations, molestation, sexual harassment, acid attacks, murder, honour killings, domestic violence, and other atrocities against women have become common in our society. The low representation of women in Parliament is a clear cut example of gender inequality. Men counterparts do not want to see women sitting in Parliament together. This male-dominated society does not want women to be involved in decision-making bodies. Empowerment of women creates a way of bringing about equality in the society hinges, among other things, on their right to hold and inherit property. Since independence in India, several legal reforms have taken place, including an

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equal share of daughters to property. Yet the same status remains elusive. Establishment of laws and bringing practices in conformity to it is necessarily a long, drawn-out process. The government, the legislature, the judiciary, the media, and civil society have to perform their roles, each in their areas of competence and a concerted manner for the process to be speedy and effective. These amendments can empower women both economically and socially and have far-reaching benefits for the family and society. Independent access to agricultural land can reduce a woman and her family’s risk of poverty, improve her livelihood options, and enhance prospects of child survival, education, and health. Women owning land or a house also face less risk of spousal violence. And the property in women’s names can increase productivity by improving credit and input access for numerous de facto female household heads. Making all daughters coparceners, likewise has far-reaching implications. It gives women birthrights in the joint family property that cannot be willed away. Rights in coparcenary property and the dwelling house will also provide social protection to women facing spousal violence or marital breakdown by giving them a potential shelter. Millions of women—like widows and daughters—and their families thus stand to gain by these amendments. Challenges to Women‘ s Empowerment Societal and cultural norms imposed on women restrict them from getting empowered. Women have to accept the dictates imposed on them. They have to mentally admit their deprivation and undermining status thinking of it as part of the culture of our society. Our society is full of prejudices and a victim of inadequacy and reduced awareness. The traditionally male-dominated patriarchal Indian society is yet to fully recognize the hard-boiled truth that the development of the nation depends on the all-round progress of its women

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members. The awareness regarding gender equality is far from being realized. Lack of participation of women in community-based activities is one of the significant constraints in women’s empowerment. The male counterparts control almost all the resources. Women do not have any say in the support. Women also do not have income-generating opportunities. Continuing preference for a son over the birth of a girl child is also prevalent in the society. This preference leads to inequality in the sex ratio, education, nutrition, and other opportunities. Poverty is also a significant challenge in realizing women’s empowerment. The girl child in a low-income family is the primary victim and has to face many problems. The rate of school dropouts is also found to be comparatively higher in the case of women. The need of the hour to identify those limitations obstructs the realization of women’s empowerment, and this initiative must be started from the womenfolk itself. Because of the social and cultural norms, women’s mindset is developed in a sense to accept that they are of a lower class than men because this has been the point of view of many in the society. On the one hand, women’s literacy rate is improving. But on the other, rare women are found in higher studies because they are made to leave the schools immediately after completing their primary education. The caste system or class structure prevalent in society is also a major hurdle in women’s empowerment. Women of lower caste cannot attend schools because of the low level of income of their families. These women got themselves indulged in less paying work to take care of their families. Most women in India do not own lands and properties. They hardly get any share in their parents’ property. Women lack not only awareness about their rights enshrined in the Indian Constitution but also the lack of political will. Their low representation in the political arena is also one of the main reasons for less empowerment. The policies are

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generally made as gender blind because of male dominance over policy framing. Keeping women away from the public sphere brings a lack of political will amongst themselves. Because of the patriarchal setup and male dominance over political parties, women get chances of contesting elections. The policy makers do not engage women while framing any policy for women. Men make these gender-blind policies because of their stronghold and higher representation in the political sphere. If any woman coming from a less privileged background, without any political cleavage by birth, marriage or other close relative political division makes the mind to enter politics, then she has to face molestation and sexual harassment like situations. Because of the fear of harassment or violence, they do not show their enthusiasm for political activities. Women’s low health status in the country is also a significant constraint in women’s empowerment. There is a bias in access to healthcare facilities in the country. Gender discrimination in the case of healthcare facilities also begins before birth. Most of the girl children are aborted because of son preference in the family. Once born, daughters are deprived of getting those feeding services as boys do. Women are also viewed as less privileged due to marriage obligations and dowry systems. Hospitals are also termed to be genderbiased as a greater number of men are found visiting hospitals more frequently than women. Role of Media and the Empowerment of Women Media is the backbone of a democracy that not only informs us about social, political, and economical activities happening around the world but also teaches us how to live a healthy life. It can spread a message to a broad audience in a short time because of its wide reach. It informs the masses about government policies and programmes and tells them how these programmes can be useful to them. It has the power to change the mindset of the public. As an agent of social change,

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media is a tremendous source of information for individuals as well as in society. Media highlights the people’s problems and brings them before the policy and decision-makers. By shaping the public opinion, media can be an instrument of effective mobilization of national progress. This is the only way for a democracy to survive, which not only draws attention to the government’s misguided policies but also draws support for positive initiatives. The media’s autonomy has been reflected in its fast-growing diversified content. In this rapidly-growing world, it is also necessary to have a diverse range of media channels and groups. Along with mainstream media, alternative media also has a significant impact on our audiences for acquiring information. Mass audiences receive a broad spectrum of information from varying sources. Because of the availability of different sources of information, people can make their judgments and form their own opinions. The shortcomings of the mainstream media can be overcome by supporting alternative media, both print and electronic, like citizens’ journalism, which gives ample individual opportunities to produce and disseminate information and opinions marginalized by the mainstream media. The media must be free from persons with vested interests like politicians and advertisers. One of the most significant breakthroughs in the last century was the globalization of the feminist agenda. In this connection, the event that caught the maximum world attention was the “Fourth World Conference on Women” held in Beijing in 1995. The Conference established a strong international consensus to promote women’s and girls’ rights as the key to development everywhere. In many ways, it forced several government leaders to revisit their national landscape for women’s concerns. It also recognized the critical role that the media plays in the portrayal of women’s image in society. The “Beijing Platform for Action (BPFA)” specified plans and strategies that would make it possible for the advances

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in information technology to facilitate the empowerment and development of women worldwide. It noted the continuous projecting of negative and degrading images of women in media–electronic, print, visual, and audio–and called for action so that the media would be a part of the scenario of change. Thus, the women’s movement and the use of media got further impetus after the Beijing Conference in 1995. Many women’s organizations began to voice their concerns against the negative portrayal of women as a commodity and as second-class citizens through both individual- and government-controlled print and electronic media, and the need for encouraging women to join the profession. To some extent, media has played a vital role in creating awareness among women and empowering them. Media helps women in identifying and adopting the ways of selfactualization. Women are also becoming very active in the journalism profession. Previously, they were rarely seen in journalism. But now, they are seen sitting with policymakers as well. To make a change anywhere, one has to be part of that group to change the stereotype. The media’s role is sometimes criticized for not addressing severe issues about exploitation and unequal treatment of women in different spheres. Its function is also criticized for sensationalizing the problems and using women as commodities for viewers’ attention. Women’s image is seen as submissive to men. Women’s issues are rarely highlighted in the leading stories of front-page stories. With increased voices and protests from active women’s groups, some of the media’s negative portrayal and representation of women have become quite subtle in the last few years. However, it is still rare that the media presents women as contributors to the development process or as professionals in their field. The patriarchal culture of societies is prominently reflected in various media reports and presentations. The lack of a genuinely gender-sensitive appreciation and analysis of women’s issues by both men and

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women in media has allowed exploitative and derogatory images of women in media to continue. These women’s models are deeply rooted in traditional social practices and interpretations that help the media in constructing these representations. Conclusion The role of media is significant in fostering women’s empowerment, which will lead to their economic empowerment. The mass media are a good and practical means to sensitize the masses, through the dissemination of healthy concepts of being a woman, of what is the role of women in modern society, of good examples that women give us every day, of the results they have achieved and continue to reach out to women in many fields of economics and beyond, the social consideration of women, giving to young women good ideas and examples for their economic empowerment. Mass media could also make a substantial contribution, with the implementation of media campaigns, to the dissemination of the concept of gender equality. If people see in the media, overcoming the differences between men and women will bring them back into everyday life. Mass media has always unconsciously affected and influenced the thinking and behaviour of society. Media should focus on success stories of established, successful and renowned women despite the indecent representation of women. As an essential agent of socialization shaping of gender roles, its mechanisms for checks and balances concerning gender need to be strengthened. In a developing country like India, mass media acts as a mirror of society. It has the power to bring issues and problems before the policymakers and decision-makers. Most of the time, any aspect or question becomes worthy only after being highlighted by the media. So, it is the need of the hour to use media in a proactive way for the common goal of women’s empowerment. However, every issue requires

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a citizen’s participation. Media can only be the medium for spreading awareness. Citizens should also come forth to promote women’s empowerment. Communication is equally essential, like food, shelter, and health for people. The media is privileged to democratize communication by providing a platform for public debate and reconstituting citizens as a public body in the form of public opinion. For more impact, open communication should also be made an integral part of democracy. It is high time that media should highlight women’s achievements with serious concern so that more women can get inspiration to be a part of social change and democratic process. It should also bring women’s problems before the civil society organizations for taking positive action. The media’s responsibility also lies in treating these issues with extremely factual and empirical interpretations.

REFERENCES Ahmad, Shamshad. 2007, “Women’s Empowerment in India.” In From Patriarchy to Empowerment, edited by Moghadam, Valentine M., New York: Syracuse University Press, pp. 139-159. Atton, Chris. 2002, Alternative Media. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Christabell, P.J. 2009, Women's Empowerment Through Capacity Building: The Role of Microfinance, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. Dev, Manish. 2008, “Gender Equality: An Analysis of Status of Women in India.” In Gender Empowerment and Development edited by Thakur, A. Kumar and Dalip Kumar, New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, pp. 56-61. Ganesamurthy, V.S. 2008, Empowerment of Women in India: Social, Economic and Political, New Delhi: New Century Publications. Ghadially, Rehana, ed. 1988, Women in Indian Society: A Reader, New Delhi: Sage Publications. Gorman, Lyn and McLea, David. 2009, Media and Society into the 21st Century: A Historical Introduction, New Delhi: Wiley-Blackwell. Gupta, N.L. 2003, Women’s Education Through the Ages, New Delhi: Concept Publications Company.

280ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies Iyengar, A.S. 2001, Role of Press and Indian Freedom Struggle: All Through the Gandhian Era, New Delhi: APH Publishing Corporation. Kadam, R.N. 2012, “Empowerment of Women in India: An Attempt to Fill the Gender Gap,” International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications 2, No. 6: 11-13. Kumar, Hajira and Varghese, Jaimon. 2005, Women’s Empowerment, Issues, Challenges, and Strategies: A Source Book, New Delhi: Regency Publications. Parida, Subhas C. and Nayak, Sasmita. 2009, Empowerment of Women in India, New Delhi: Northern Book Centre. Singh, A.K. 2010, Role of Media in Indian Democracy, New Delhi: Pinnacle Technology. Siune, Karen. 2003, “Changing Media and Changing Society,” In Media Policy: Convergence, Concentration & Commerce, edited by Denis McQuail and Siune Karen, New Delhi: Sage, pp. 1-6. Sivaramakrishnan, K.C. 2000, Power to the People: The Politics and Progress of Decentralization, New Delhi: Konark Publishers. Srampicka, Jacob. 1998, Communication and Media in India Today, New Delhi: Media House. Varghese, Jaimon. 2012, Women's Empowerment Through Literacy Campaign: Role of Social Work, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company.

Notes on Contributors

Amit Kumar Venkteshwar, a PhD scholar at SNCWS, Jamia Millia Islamia, is working on ‘Land Alienation and Issue of Livelihood: A Study of Tribes in Jharkhand’. His research interests include marginalized and excluded communities. He has MPhil in Development Studies and has qualified for the UGC NET-JRF in History and has written research papers in peer reviewed journals. Aneesa Shafi is a Professor in the Department of Sociology, University of Kashmir. She has authored several research articles and books and has been a recipient of prestigious fellowships. She has also been associated with Indian Sociological Society, North West Indian Sociological Society, National Resource Centre, UGC-HRDC, University of Kashmir and North-West Indian Sociological Association. Maya John, a labour historian, is teaching in the University of Delhi. Apart from her publications and research on the labour movement, labour market dynamics and labour laws, she has published on recent anti-rape agitations in India and genderspecific laws at the workplace. Some of her research interests include social movements, caste and the history of affirmative action, women’s participation in the colonial and post-colonial labour market, emerging laws in the era of deregulation, and state formation in India. She actively works with trade unions and helping to organize domestic workers, nurses, teachers and other sections of the urban workforce. Meher Fatima Hussain is an Associate Professor, Sarojini Naidu Centre for Women’s Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia. Her areas of specialization are Modern Indian History, Gender Studies and

282ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies Minorities Studies. She has authored books and monographs on eminent personalities, Indian Muslims and Sufism in India. She is an Associate Editor of Women’s Link, a journal published from SNCWS, Jamia Millia Islamia. Mohmad Saleem Jahangir is a Senior Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology, University of Kashmir. He has been a recipient of prestigious fellowships and has authored books on important issues such as AIDS, diversity, democracy and development. Monika Khemani, an Assistant Professor in Shyam Lal College, University of Delhi, has received her doctorate from Sarojini Naidu Centre for Women’s Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia. Her areas of interest include gender issues and human resource management. She has many publications in refereed journals. Apart from academic interests, she loves music and singing. Nivedita Giri is an Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Kalindi College, University of Delhi. She has received the British Council’s Charles Wallace India Trust Fellowship and writes on issues pertaining to national and international concerns. She has authored and edited books on Parliamentary Committees in India and Britain, Indian Government and Politics and Indian Administration, Inclusive Governance and Human Rights, etc. She has undertaken projects and evaluation studies with UNDP, Westminster Foundation, UK; CARE India; British High Commission and IFAD. Sabiha Hussain, is working as Professor and Director, at Sarojini Naidu Centre for Women’s Studies, Jamia Milliai Islamia, New Delhi. Before joining (SNCWS), she worked as Associate Professor and Professor/Director in the Centre for Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy under K.R. Narayanan Centre for Dalit and Minorities Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia. She was the Fellow at the Centre for Women’s Development Studies, New Delhi for more than a decade before coming to Jamia Millia Islamia. Salma Khatoon, a PhD Scholar in Development Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, is pursuing research on the Changing Health Conditions of Tribal Women in Bankura District of West Bengal. Her MPhil in Developmental Studies was on the changing

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livelihood patterns of tribal women in Bankura District of West Bengal. In her research she has studied the Social Division of Women Labourers and the Condition of Work of Women in the Bankura Region and documented the resistance of the women and their problems and grievances assessing the ground level situation. While pursuing her research she is also engaged as an associate fellow in the Delhi Legislative Assembly. Saman Eram M. Ahmed is a UGC Post-Doctoral Fellow at the Sarojini Naidu Centre for Women’s Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia since 2017. Apart from mainstream research, her interest also lies in interrogating hijab vis a vis Muslim women’s identity, ideology of Islam and Muslim women. She has also edited books. Seema Mathur is an Assistant Professor of Political Science in Kalindi College, University of Delhi. She has been a recipient of academic fellowships and awards. In the current year she has received the Naree Shakti Excellence Award for Empowering Dalit Women. She has authored books primarily on Dalit women’s issues, contributed chapters in edited books and research papers in reputed online journals. She is also associated with a number of human rights organizations. Shafia Jalal has done her Doctorate in Educational Management from Jamia Millia Islamia on Diversity Management and Organizational Climate. She did her MBA from Bharatidasan University. She has published articles in reputed journals and presented papers in international as well as national conferences. Her areas of academic interests include diversity management, organizational climate and gender issues. Shah Alam is currently working as Assistant Professor of Women’s Studies at Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. His doctorate is on Women’s Studies. He has previously served Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi and Banasthali Vidyapith, Rajasthan. His research interests include strands of feminism, feminist thoughts and media studies. An active scholar in his areas of interest, he regularly writes for mainstream dailies and has a number of publications to his credit including research papers and books. Shaikh Shamshul Aarfin has more than seven years experience

284ȳGender Inclusion in India: Challenges and Strategies in the field of research and evaluation in education. He is presently working with the Piramal Foundation for Education Leadership (PFEL) as Programme Leader based in Odisha. Besides PFEL he has worked with institutions like Jamia Millia Islamia, National University of Educational Planning and Administration (NEUPA), Save the Children, etc. During all these years he has worked in different roles involving research studies, government scheme evaluations, restructuring school education and recommending policy change to the government. Shazia Malik is as an Assistant Professor at the Centre for Women’s Studies and Research, University of Kashmir. Earlier she has worked as Research Officer at the State Resource Centre for Women. She has a doctorate in Women’s Studies from Aligarh Muslim University. She is the author of Women’s Development Amid Conflict in Kashmir: A Socio-Cultural Study. Suraiya Tabassum is a researcher, trainer, teacher and writer on women and human rights’ issues. Since receiving her Doctorate from Jawaharlal Nehru University in 2001, she has been working on the issues of women, gender and human rights through research and advocacy. She has written four books, one of which, Waiting for the New Dawn: Muslim Women’s Perceptions of Muslim Personal Law and its Practices was received to particular acclaim. She has participated in the Asia Foundation’s South Asian Muslim Leader Exchange Program (Malaysia and Indonesia, 2006), and the International Visitor for Leadership Program on Women’s Rights Initiatives (United States, 2008). Her recent book titled Seher, A New Dawn Breaks in co-authorship was published in 2016. Currently Dr. Tabassum is employed at Sarojini Naidu Centre for Women’s Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia as an Assistant Professor.