Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean (Gender, Development and Social Change) 3030734714, 9783030734718

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GENDER, DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL CHANGE SERIES EDITOR: WENDY HARCOURT

Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean

Edited by Ann Marie Bissessar Camille Huggins

Gender, Development and Social Change

Series Editor Wendy Harcourt, The International Institute of Social Studies, Erasmus University, The Hague, The Netherlands

The Gender, Development and Social Change series brings together pathbreaking writing from gender scholars and activist researchers who are engaged in development as a process of transformation and change. The series pinpoints where gender and development analysis and practice are creating major ‘change moments’. Multidisciplinary in scope, it features some of the most important and innovative gender perspectives on development knowledge, policy and social change. The distinctive feature of the series is its dual nature: to publish both scholarly research on key issues informing the gender and development agenda as well as featuring young scholars and activists’ accounts of how gender analysis and practice is shaping political and social development processes. The authors aim to capture innovative thinking on a range of hot spot gender and development debates from women’s lives on the margins to high level global politics. Each book pivots around a key ‘social change’ moment or process conceptually envisaged from an intersectional, gender and rights based approach to development.

More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14999

Ann Marie Bissessar · Camille Huggins Editors

Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean

Editors Ann Marie Bissessar Faculty of Social Sciences University of the West Indies St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago

Camille Huggins Department of Behavioural Sciences University of the West Indies St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago

ISSN 2730-7328 ISSN 2730-7336 (electronic) Gender, Development and Social Change ISBN 978-3-030-73471-8 ISBN 978-3-030-73472-5 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: Original cover design by Serena Dinelli This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

The original version of the frontmatter was revised. Godfrey A. Steele’s biography has been updated. Corrections to this chapter can be found at https://doi.org/10.1007/ 978-3-030-73472-4.

Contents

1

Introduction Ann Marie Bissessar

2

Domestic Violence in the Caribbean: Are Our Solutions Effective? Jacqueline H. Stephenson

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4

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Symbolic Violence in the Postcolonial Anglo-Caribbean Shelene Gomes and Amílcar Sanatan Exploring Domestic Violence Issues and Resolutions Through Epic Theatre and Forum Theatre: The Good, the Baddesse and the Ugly Godfrey A. Steele Phenomenology as Methodology for Narrating Gender Perceptions on “Linguistic Violence” as Domestic Violence Moyia Rowtham Literature as an Agent of Change Petronetta Pierre-Robertson

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CONTENTS

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Trinidad and Tobago’s Legal Response to Domestic Violence: Incomplete and Inadequate Without a Focus on Achieving Substantive Equality Afiya France

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Historicizing Domestic Violence: The Ills of Indenture Ship? Ann Marie Bissessar

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The Personal Is Political: Domestic Violence and Feminist Participation in Bolivarian Venezuela Sandra Angeleri and María Mercedes Cobo Echenagucia

139

Literary Evocations of Violence (Psychic and Physical) in Selected Works by Indo-Trinidadian Women Writers Victoria V. Chang

157

Understanding Domestic Violence from the Perspective of Trinidadian Men Michelle Thomas

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Why Women Stay: Understanding the Trauma Bond Between Victim and Abuser Case Studies Were Written Linda Hadeed

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The Women in Seafood Landscape: A Look at the Social and Economic Challenges of Gender-Based Violence Debra D. Joseph and Roshnie A. Doon

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Surviving Domestic and Intimate Partner Violence Sherna J. A. Alexander Benjamin

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‘Deepening the Dialogue—Strengthening Domestic Violence Policy and Charting a Way Forward’ Oscar Noel Ocho

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Accounting for Episodes of Domestic Violence in the Anglophone Caribbean: Novel Achievements in the Midst of Persistent Challenges Godfrey St. Bernard

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Through the Eyes of the Perpetrator: The Historical and Contemporary Cultural Context of Intimate Partner Violence in the Caribbean Camille Huggins

Index

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Notes on Contributors

Sherna J. A. Alexander Benjamin is majoring in Social Work at Huntington University, Indiana. USA. She is a thriving survivor, systems advocate, and Human and Social Development Practitioner with over fourteen years of experience in the areas of prevention of interpersonal violence, women, peace and security, development leadership, and conflict transformation and peacebuilding. She centers her work on power, access and control, transformative change processes, intersectionality, critical consciousness, and social justice. Her areas of interests include adult education; healthy relationship building and emotional wellness; economic and social development of women; diversity and inclusion; systems related racial disparities; child abuse and intimate partner violence; healing-centered engagements; and ways in which systemic, structural, symbolic, and political violence enable trauma at the individual, family, and community levels. Sandra Angeleri has been a Professor in Theory of Knowledge at the Anthropology Department of the Central University of Venezuela from 1997 to 2019. She approached the Geopolitics of Knowledge from a Latin American decolonial studies perspective. A number of key life experiences have shaped the direction of her scholarship, including most notably, living through the breakdown of the Welfare State in Uruguay and under the dictatorship that sent her into exile. Her ongoing efforts examine and critique the gender and ethnic contradictions of the communal Bolivarian national and continental project, while remaining steadfastly in support xi

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of the revolutionary project. Her recent publications include: “Political Function of Human Rights in the Context of National Liberation Strug´ gles” (W/R. Williams, Revista Cuestiones Politicas, 2015), “The Bolivarian Venezuelan Constitution’s Declaration of Human Rights: The Case of Barrio Adentro” (W/M. Lascano, CLACSO, 2015), “Seventh Summit of the Americas,” and “Old colonial forms and ethnogenesis of the Patria ´ Grande” (Cuadernos de Pensamiento Critico, CLACSO, 2016). Ann Marie Bissessar Professor of Public Management, Department of Political Science, The University of the West Indies, St Augustine Campus, Trinidad and Tobago. Former Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences, UWI (2015–2019), Head, Department of Behavioural Sciences (2010–2013), Deputy Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences (2001–2003), Member of the Integrity Commission of Trinidad and Tobago (2010– 2013), Vice Chancellor Award (2019) in the field of research and service to the University. Author/co-author of twenty books and over 100 articles/chapters in books. Victoria V. Chang currently holds a B.A. and an M.A. in Literatures in English from the University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago. She is currently a full-time, Ph.D.—Literatures in English candidate at that institution and works as an academic Tutor in the Literary, Cultural, and Communication Studies (LCCS) department. Her core research interests pertain to issues of gender, identity, culture, and ethnicity as well as nationhood. Presently, her thesis focuses on literary representations of female identities in the novel form, with added emphasis on the ways in which selected fictional characters are constructed in light of, and in response to, historical stereotypes of East Indian women in the Caribbean. She is also one of two Caribbean scholarship recipients of the “Other Universals” project, a supra-national project supported by the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, which seeks to develop comparative scholarship on traditions of thought that speak to universal predicaments from historically specific locations. María Mercedes Cobo Echenagucia Venezuela, Bachelor of Social Communication, mention Journalism, Bicentennial University of Aragua (UBA) (2001). Radio announcer and producer. Magister in Venezuelan, Latin American and Caribbean Sociopolitical Integration Processes. Institute of Advanced Studies (IDEA) (2017). Among her published articles are: “Walking Together. Genealogy of the Struggles of Women in

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Three Organizations of the Popular Power of the Bolivarian Revolution” in Venezuelan Magazine of Women’s Studies No. 50 Vol. 23, 2018, and “The Daughters of Eva Disobey Through the Censored Word” in “Religation,” Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, 2018. Dr. Roshnie A. Doon is a former Ph.D. candidate in Economic Development Policy at the Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Studies (SALISES), and a Research Assistant at the Department of Management Studies, at the University of the West Indies (UWI), St. Augustine, Trinidad. Dr. Doon holds a Ph.D. in Economic Development Policy, an M.Sc. in Economics, and a B.Sc. in Economics and Management Studies (with honors). She has undertaken previous research in the areas of International Trade, Trade Unionization and Militancy, Unemployment, Corporate Social Responsibility, as well as techniques of transparency and accountability used in Extractive industries. Her current research interests have focused heavily on the intersection between Labour and Educational Economics, as well as Applied Econometrics, with special concentration on the area of Education, Educational Mismatch, and Minorities in STEM. Afiya France is an Attorney-at-Law and Lecturer at the Faculty of Law, UWI, St. Augustine, and Trinidad. She teaches Family Law 1 (law related to intimate relationships), Family Law 2 (law related to children), Alternative Dispute Resolution and Discrimination in Employment. Her research and writing centers on the areas of Disability Law, Discrimination Law, and Human Rights. Afiya graduated as a Harlan Fiske Stone Scholar upon obtaining her LLM from Columbia Law School NY. Prior to joining academia, Afiya practiced law for five years in the civil litigation department of Trinidadian law firm, Fitzwilliam, Stone, Furness-Smith and Morgan. She appeared as an advocate before the courts of Trinidad and Tobago, including the Industrial Court, Magistrates’ Court, High Court, and Court of Appeal, in various matters. Now an academic, in addition to teaching and research, she utilizes her advocacy skills to promote the rights of the disenfranchised, before the Equal Opportunities Tribunal. Shelene Gomes, Ph.D. is a Sociocultural Anthropologist at The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine Campus whose research interests include the politics of gendered subjectivities, migration, cosmopolitanism, slow violence, and the transnational Caribbean. Her most recent

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work appears in African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal, The Global South and Virtual Brazilian Anthropology. Dr. Linda Hadeed is a seasoned Lecturer and Practitioner in Trinidad and Tobago from 2003 to the present. She focuses her practice on mental health issues for individuals, couples, and families with a subspeciality in trauma. She has established a reputation for proficiency in partner abuse and suicide prevention. As a full-time tenured lecturer at the University of the West Indies, St. Augustine from 2003–2017, Dr. Hadeed taught and directed the social work and mediation programs. Her experience in curriculum review and income-generating activities served to sustain the two programs. During her tenure as Deputy Dean for Graduate Studies and Research, she developed systems that ensured the timely disbursement of graduate matters including the speedy throughput of graduate students. She is frequently asked to serve on boards in Trinidad that provide social services to community members as well as awards committees. Currently, Dr. Hadeed is a contributing faculty member at Walden University and Simmons College, USA, online Social Work Master’s Programs. Dr. Camille Huggins was born and spent most of her life in New York City in the United States. She moved to Trinidad, West Indies five years ago and became a Lecturer at the University of the West Indies with the Faculty of Social Science since 2015. During her tenure at UWI she has won monetary grants from Quinnipiac University, Connecticut, USA to establish a student exchange program for post-graduate students from UWI and Quinnipiac University. As well as, from the International Association of Schools of Social Work to establish disaster preparedness programs for social work students and professionals working with clients experiencing natural or man-made disasters. Dr. Huggins obtained a Ph.D. in clinical social work from New York University; Master’s degree in Social Work from Columbia University in New York and a Bachelors’ degree in Sociology from the State University of New York at Buffalo. Prior to moving into academia, she worked in administration at various acute and long-term healthcare facilities for over 15 years. Her area of research is reactions to trauma and grief as she is currently conducting research on grieving mothers of murdered children. Debra D. Joseph, Ph.D. is a Lecturer in Social Work and Coordinator of the Social Work Graduate Program at the University of the West Indies,

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Cave Hill. Dr. Joseph holds a Bachelor of Science Degree in Social Work with a minor in Psychology with First Class Honours and a Master of Social Work (Clinical) from the University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad. She is also a Clinical Social Worker who has been working with individuals and families for over fourteen years. Her research interests have been regional, in the field of HIV/AIDS, environmental justice and sustainability, domestic violence, teaching and learning and women in fisheries. Her current publications include: HIV/AIDS, environmental justice and sustainability, and domestic violence. Dr. Joseph’s focus is primarily on research with women and girls. She recently coped the 2019 Jeremy Collymore Award for Research in Humanitarian Response and Disaster Risk Management for 2019 from CEDEMA. Oscar Noel Ocho is a Registered Nurse (RN) and was a public servant for 34 years prior to joining the University of the West Indies School of Nursing as the Director in 2015. He served in a number of departments within the Ministry of Health including Registered Nurse, Nursing Educator, Health Education Officer, Director as well as the Acting Chief Nursing Officer. Dr. Ocho is a Packard/Gates Population Leadership Fellow from the University of Washington, Seattle, USA as well as one of the first cohort of professionals in the Caribbean Health Leadership Institute scholarship program for health leaders in the Caribbean. His Doctorate is in the area of Public Health with an emphasis on Public Health and Policy, 2013. His research interest is in health systems and gender and has been published in a number of refereed journals. Petronetta Pierre-Robertson Editor, Caribbean Curriculum Documentalist/Indexer CERIS School of Education University of the West Indies St Augustine. Website: https://libraries.sta.uwi.edu/ceris/ Dr. Moyia Rowtham is a proud graduate of the Mico Teachers’ College (now Mico University College) and the University of the West Indies (Mona and St. Augustine). Dr. Rowtham considers herself a Caribbeanist and has educated students in Jamaica, Trinidad, Barbados, and St. KittsNevis. She is a knowledge enabler, whose research interests span the observation of human ecosystems and finding solutions for various interpersonal spheres. As a published author with almost twenty years within the field of education, she seeks to create relevant pathways to enhance student learning and teacher-professional practices, as well as to evaluate education systems and provide meaningful solutions for sustainable

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outcomes. Her specialized interest also focuses on the multifaceted nature of the communication process, including the use of language as a tool to engage in critical reflection in order to effectively navigate oneself through life’s experiences. As a court-trained mediator, Moyia perceives the effective use of language as a viable tool to resolve conflicts and to explore the ramifications of human experiences related to violence and other manifestations of human behavior. Dr. Rowtham currently serves as the Vice-President of Academic and Student Affairs (VPASA) at the Clarence Fitzroy Bryant College in St. Kitts-Nevis. Amílcar Sanatan is an Artist, Academic, and Activist. He is a Ph.D. candidate in Cultural Studies at The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine Campus. His research interests include men and masculinities in the Caribbean, youth and student development, and cultural geography. Sanatan serves as the Trinidad and Tobago representative for the Commonwealth Students Association and coordinator of the UWI Socialist Student Conference. Dr. Godfrey St. Bernard is a Senior Fellow in the Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Studies (SALISES), The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago. Between 1980 and 1987, he worked as a statistician in the Central Statistical Office (CSO) in Trinidad and Tobago and was responsible for the production of social and vital statistics published by the CSO. He obtained a B.A. Mathematics and Economics (1980) from The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine and an M.A. Sociology (1989) and Ph.D. Social Demography (1993) from the University of Western Ontario. He was the recipient of two prestigious fellowships that permitted him to complete his post-graduate studies at the University of Western Ontario—a CIDA/CELADE Fellowship (1987–1991) and a Population Council Fellowship during1991–1992. In 2018, he became inducted into the Trinity College Alumni Hall of Fame and also was a recipient of the 2018 Meritorious Service Award of the Trinidad and Tobago United Community Association, New York City. His current academic interests include problems akin to population and development, applied statistical analysis, research methodology, evaluation research, and social policy. His current research interests focus upon children and youth, population policy and dynamics in the CircumCaribbean, violence prevention and safety promotion, vulnerability and

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resilience in small states, return migration, and the measurement of social phenomena. Dr. St. Bernard is the Co-author of one book entitled Behind the Bridge—Power, Politics and Patronage in Laventille, Trinidad (1997) and a monograph entitled Adult Literacy in Trinidad and Tobago—A Study of the Findings of the National Literacy Survey 1995. In 1996, he authored yet another monograph 1990–1991 Population and Housing Census of the Commonwealth Caribbean—National Census Report: St. Lucia. Since 1994, Dr., St. Bernard has authored numerous scholarly studies that have appeared in peer-reviewed journals, chapters in edited books and in a variety of formats in other academic media. He has also been the author of a number of technical papers. In 2012–2013, he was the President of the Caribbean Studies Association (CSA) and continues to serve the CSA sharing his experience with its membership. Dr. St. Bernard is also a member of a number of other prestigious professional associations including the International Union for the Scientific Study of Population (IUSSP), International Sociological Association (ISA), and Population Association of America (PAA). Currently, he is the Chairperson of the SALISES Cluster on Population and Sustainable Development and continues to serve as an allied researcher in other SALISES Clusters including those on Youth Development and Sustainable Rural and Agricultural Development. Godfrey A. Steele, Ph.D. is Professor of Human Communication Studies at The University of the West Indies (The UWI), St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago. Godfrey researches communication studies education (student engagement, assessment and evaluation in social and learning contexts); health communication (doctor-patient communication pedagogy and curriculum); conflict management, culture and communication intersections (in interpersonal, legal, environmental, political and governance, organizational, health, mediated and indigenous community contexts). He has also presented and published papers in conflict management and mediation since 2002, has considerable experience as a programme innovator and coordinator at undergraduate and postgraduate levels since 1995, has served throughout The UWI at faculty, campus, and university-wide levels and contributed public service at national, regional and international levels.

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He teaches courses in human communication theory, health communication theory, organizational and corporate communications, public relations communication, communication research methods and communication research writing. Godfrey is a Premium Teaching Award winner at The UWI (2000) and has published Health communication in the Caribbean and beyond: A reader (2011) and Health communication: Principles and practices (2019) (UWI Press). Author of 51 refereed articles, book chapters, books/journals in conflict management, health communication and human communication studies and 13 non-refereed articles, he also has over 80 submitted/accepted conference papers in these areas. To learn more, visit his website https://sta.uwi.edu/FHE/dlcc/prof-god frey-steele or email [email protected]. Jacqueline H. Stephenson, Ph.D. is a Lecturer in Human Resource Management, with the Department of Management Studies, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine Campus. Dr. Stephenson read for a doctoral degree in Human Resource Management at the University of Nottingham (UK), and her research interests include fairness and equality at work, discrimination, diversity, and inclusion within organizations. To wit, she has published several articles and book chapters in these areas. Dr. Stephenson teaches several undergraduate and post-graduate courses in human resource management, organizational behavior, and human resource development. Dr. Michelle Thomas is an Associate Lecturer at Beijing Concord College of Sino-Canada in Asia. She completed her Ph.D. at Nova Southeastern University, Florida in Conflict Management and Resolution Studies, and her masters and undergraduate studies at the University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad. Dr. Thomas specializes in interpersonal conflict management and intimate partner violence. Her research interests lie in the areas of interpersonal conflict, IPV, and male perpetration in the Caribbean. Dr. Thomas is a National Scholar and a Qualitative Research Expert.

List of Figures

Fig. 4.1 Fig. 11.1 Fig. 11.2

Baddesse flyer (Courtesy DCFA) Source Thomas’s Dissertation (2018) Gender of victims of DV (2007–2012) Source Crime and Problem Analysis Branch of the TTPS (2014)

44 182 183

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List of Tables

Table 8.1 Table 11.1 Table 13.1 Table 16.1 Table 16.2

Domestic violence according to racial groups—2009–2012 Victims of domestic violence for the years 2015 and January 1–July 31 2016 Categorization of Economic costs incurred by women fishers and the state Questionnaire content by Section Key Properties and Estimates of the Prevalence of Intimate Partner Violence

135 178 225 291 292

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction Ann Marie Bissessar

Domestic violence, interpersonal violence, intimate partner violence, or gender-based violence continues to be a social problem that is rarely understood or discussed in many parts of society, worldwide. The same holds true in the Anglophone Caribbean. Most Caribbean societies are patriarchal in nature, as most men govern and create the political and economic landscape where citizens live. For the purpose of this book, we will use the term domestic violence. This edited book brings together reputable scholars of rigorous academic research from various disciplines (e.g. political science, law, linguistics, criminology, nursing, social work, and psychology) to clearly explain the conceptual definition of domestic violence within the Latin American and Caribbean region’s socio-political context. It will highlight who are the perpetrators as well as the victims of domestic violence and the consequences of allowing domestic violence to perpetuate in the region.

A. M. Bissessar (B) Department of Political Science, The University of the West Indies, St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_1

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This book is unique in the market today, as it is the only book grounded in the Caribbean providing a comprehensive overview of domestic violence with regards to the significance, victims, perpetrators, and the consequences. Presently there is only one book remotely covering domestic violence in the Caribbean. The Lazarus-Black, M. 2007 Everyday Harm: Domestic Violence Court Rites, Culture of Reconciliation. Urbana: University of Illinois, which is an in-depth ethnographic study on the relationships of intimate violence and the legislation governmental laws and policies regarding this issue. Other books related to domestic violence are not centered in the Latin American and Caribbean region nor do they touch on a broad range of topics from top scholars in the field. This book can be utilized by those persons with the remit of addressing and eradicating domestic violence. The second chapter of this book by Jacqueline H. Stephenson, Domestic Violence in the Caribbean—Are Our Solutions Effective?— explores the effect of domestic violence on the victims and she questions whether and the extent to which the recourse available has to date been effective, within the context of the English-speaking Caribbean. She examines the United Nations Women’s global database on violence against women relevant legislation with a view of advancing the research agenda as it relates to domestic violence in the Caribbean and hopes by so doing it would contribute to a clearer understanding by legislators, policymakers, and other relevant stakeholders. In her piece, Sherlene Gomes, an Anthropologist by training and Amilcar Sanatan, a specialist in Gender and Development in their piece entitled Symbolic Violence in the Postcolonial Anglo-Caribbean advocate for a broader view of domestic violence that considers the long term, institutionalized, and naturalized forms of Caribbean patriarchal capitalism that are often less than visible, but integral to what is referred to as symbolic violence. They draw upon analyses of gender-based violence, which disproportionately affect women globally. The authors argue that despite the progressive legislation adopted regarding domestic violence, it continues. They employ the case of Trinidad and Tobago to discuss the structural aspects of gender-based violence and argue that understanding domestic violence as a visible manifestation of symbolic power helps to elucidate its persistence in the postcolonial Anglo-Caribbean. In Chapter 4, Godfrey Steele, Senior Lecturer in the field of Communication takes another approach. His piece entitled Exploring Domestic Violence Issues and Resolutions Through Forum Theatre: The Good,

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the Baddesse, and the Ugly describes and interrogates the use of forum theatre. It explores the issues and implications related to using forum theatre in confronting, coping, and resolving this socially stigmatic, traumatic, and often misunderstood and mismanaged human tragedy. It confronts the good, the baddesse, and the ugly and demonstrates how communication and community participation and activism through forum theatre can contribute meaningfully and positively to understanding the many faces of domestic violence and possibilities for dialogue, intervention, and resolution. Moyia Rowtham, the author of Chapter 5, Phenomenology as Methodology for Narrating Gender Perceptions on ‘Linguistic Violence’ as Domestic Violence contends that a large number of studies related to domestic violence concentrate on its overarching psychological and physical (including sexual) articulations and ultimate manifestations. However, her study focuses on using phenomenology as a methodology for creating (a) gender narrative(s) on how “linguistic violence” is perceived in relation to domestic violence. According to Rowtham, to include the proverbial components of verbal abuse, the term linguistic violence within the study will encapsulate the hostility of silence directed towards the victim as a tactic to intimidate, control, and to take away some part of the “other”. The purpose of her chapter is to explore the realities of individual narratives of experiences and feelings, provide in-depth descriptions and arrive at the essence of participants’ lived experience of the phenomenon of domestic violence via linguistic violence. Petronetta Pierre-Robertson, a Documentalist and Indexer at the School of Education, in her piece, Chapter 6 Literature as an Agent of Change focuses on two areas in treating the issue of Domestic Violence: positive media representation and literature. Her chapter presents a gendered analysis of select media accounts of the tragic outcome of domestic violence. Additionally, the chapter explores the role of literature as an agent of change in the prevention of violence against women. Through a creative work set in Trinidad, gendered assumptions and practices surrounding abuse, especially as it relates to toxic masculinity, is examined. Bystander intervention, which seeks to end the partnership of gender inequality and gender-based violence embedded as it were in social and cultural norms is also highlighted in her chapter. Not to be left out, lecturer in law at the University of the West Indies, Afiya France, in Chapter 7 entitled Trinidad and Tobago’s Legal Response to Domestic Violence—Incomplete and Inadequate

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Without a Focus on Achieving Substantive Equality, argues that Domestic Violence, which disproportionately affects women, is a manifestation of patriarchal gender stereotypes and gender-based power imbalances. She notes that Trinidad and Tobago’s legal response to domestic violence focusses on providing remedies and punishment for sufferers and perpetrators of abuse respectively. However, she contends that while remedies and punishment are necessary aspects of a proper state response to domestic violence, without an underlying aspiration of dismantling gender inequality, the country’s legal response only superficially addresses the wound of domestic violence and omits treating the deep cultural disease of historically unequal gender power relations, which causes the wound. In my piece, Chapter 8, Historicizing Domestic Violence: The Ills of Indentureship it is argued that often, in proposing solutions to address the phenomenon of Domestic Violence or what some suggest to be Intimate Partner Violence, the solutions suggest a one-fit—all prescription. Many may argue, that violence, or intimate partner violence, across race, religions, socio-economic levels and that is true. However, this chapter argues, that often, violent behaviour may be rooted in culture, religion, or norms that are still practiced today. This chapter will take a closer look at domestic violence and perhaps the culture that may have attributed to it among East Indian families in Trinidad and Tobago. In Chapter 9, we broaden the Caribbean, for the first time, to include our closest neighbour Venezuela. Angeleri and Cobo in their chapter entitled The Personal Is Political: Domestic Violence and Feminist Participation in Bolivarian Venezuela notes that the starting point has been to think that feminism occurs in places that have historically been defined as non-political, for example, in the home. To think about the lives of the interviewed feminists introduces the following questions: How did they experience domestic violence? What experiences and emotions of domestic violence made them become feminists? What does their political experience as feminist women in the context of the Bolivarian Revolution enable us to learn? They suggest that understanding the patriarchal political order to act from an ethic which provides the basis for political action is the raison d’être of Bolivarian Venezuelan feminisms. This perspective unifies according to the writers, in the political sphere, the public and the private while focusing on the value of subjective experiences. By rescuing that “the personal is political” feminists express that relations between sexes are not immune to the power dynamics that have been typically

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understood as the distinctive face between the private and the political world. For the interviewed women of their article, male violence is located in a space where the domestic goes alongside the political. In Chapter 10, Victoria Vanessa Chang, in her Chapter entitled Literary Evocations of Violence—Both Psychic and Physical—On Indo-Trinidadian Women examines literary evocations of violence— both psychic and physical—on Indo-Trinidadian women as elucidated by female, Indian, Trinidadian novelists. She suggests that while many articles on domestic violence feature intimate partner violence, her chapter explores another important aspect of domestic abuse among the Indo Caribbean context: within the father–daughter relationship. The chapter explores selected novels which convey thematic patterns revealing how a sense of (and focus on) shame in paternal figures may be likened to an insidious contagion—passed from father to daughter, with a particularly crippling effect on the budding subjectivity of the latter. The threat and fear of shame as well as “dishonour” associated with female sexuality, she notes, often leads to external violence towards women, and further results in intrapsychic violence. In Chapter 11, Understanding Domestic Violence from the Perspective of Trinidadian Men, Michelle Thomas examines the perspectives of Trinidadian men about why men perpetrate domestic violence against women in Trinidad. The study will, she hopes, provide new information on the causal factors of IPV from the male gender and will therefore assist in informing the design of prevention intervention initiatives on the islands. In Chapter 12, Linda Hadeed, a Social Work academician and a practitioner asks the hard question in her piece entitled Why Do Women Stay After the Abuse: Notes from Private Practice. She suggests that while research has focused on the social, cultural, and economic reasons women remain with abusive partners, the psychological reasons that play a role in staying have been understudied. Applying Bowlby’s object relations theory to a sample of women in a private practice setting, her chapter will highlight how childhood experiences of abused women create and shape the personality of the individual. These childhood experiences, she argues, could lead to the development of the moral and splitting defences and the two complicated psychological defences that allow a woman to return again and again to an abusive partner. Understanding this phenomenon has serious implications for interventions with abused women.

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Chapter 13, by Debra Joseph and Roshnie A. Doon entitled The Women in Seafood Landscape: A Look at the Social and Economic Challenges of Gender-Based Violence examines Gender-Based Violence (GBV) against women in the Fisheries sector. It focuses on the social and economic detriments that women and their families are likely to face, and the erosion of their quality of life. This chapter also aims to put forward some policy solutions and training initiatives that may possibly make a difference in the prevalence of domestic violence within the fishing industry. They note that women in the seafood industry, i.e. in the specific areas of fisheries, aquaculture, fish processing, and all related services represent half of the total working population worldwide. The Book is richer for the inclusion of Chapter 14 by Sherna Alexander Benjamin, the Head of the NGO Organisation for Abused and Battered Individuals. In Chapter 14, Surviving Domestic Violence Sherna shares her experience interacting with victims of domestic violence. She contends that there is no single remedy for domestic violence, no single approach to prevent, reduce and ultimately eliminate this egregious violation of human rights, and no single root cause can be cited. She argues, however, that society has a civic duty and responsibility to address and take solution-oriented actions through strategic collaboration and community engagement to create ways to restore human dignity to victims, create cultures of peace and coexistence and rehabilitation of offenders. Oscar, Noel Ocho, Director of the School of Nursing, is welcomed as a contributor to Chapter 15, Deepening the Dialogue—Strengthening Domestic Violence Policy and Charting Way Forward. He focuses on a sociological discourse that dissects gender-based violence from a constructivist perspective. As a society, he notes, we are used to stereotypical and dichotomous language when it comes to violence which almost makes this a simplistic social dialogue without a commensurate appreciation and acknowledgement of the complexities wrapped up in such a phenomenon. According to Ocho, it is as if there is a battle of the sex the “us vs them”, the male vs female divide. In such circumstances, it is easy to see men as perpetrators and women as victims. From a sociological perspective he conceded that while we speak very glibly about violence against women we spare no thought about violence against men. His view then is that there is a need to dissect the social construction of masculinity from a Caribbean perspective to develop an appreciation and understanding of how gender-based violence is constructed and portrayed.

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Chapter 16, Accounting for Episodes of Domestic Violence in the Anglophone Caribbean: Novel Achievements in the Midst of Persistent Challenges by Godfrey St Bernard, a much respected “hard core statistician” and senior lecturer, in his chapter notes that Domestic violence has been a universal scourge with negative implications for a wide range of societal outcomes. More recently, it has been reconceptualized as intra-familial violence and in many ways intersect with other related manifestations such as intimate partner violence and genderbased violence. According to St Bernard, the paper seeks to unravel these concepts in a Caribbean context drawing on his formal scholarly engagement with philosophical, methodological, analytical, and interpretive challenges that are confronted in the course of conducting research. He argues, that such research is relevant in order to gain empirically grounded insights for the formulation, implementation, and evaluation of programmatic action geared towards perpetrators, victims, and associated stimuli. Specific reference is made, in his chapter, to such experiences in the context of Trinidad and Tobago and the Commonwealth of Dominica. More general reference, he notes, will be made to experiences in the wider Anglophone Caribbean focusing specifically on the rationale and challenges associated with data collection mechanisms such as the establishment of central registries and the conduct of sample surveys. Chapter 17, Through the Eyes of the Perpetrator: The Historical and Contemporary Cultural Context of Intimate Partner Violence in the Caribbean concludes the discussions. Authored by Camille Huggins, the co-editor of this book, examines the historical and contemporary cultural context of intimate partner relationships in the Caribbean among three predominant ethnic groups, Africans, Latinos, and Indians. It utilizes structural-functionalism to examine the social cultural functions of male and female roles separately, as well as acting together in intimate relationships from a historical and contemporary perspective. It reviews contemporary perspectives on the idealism of marriage, matrifocality, and male hegemony.

CHAPTER 2

Domestic Violence in the Caribbean: Are Our Solutions Effective? Jacqueline H. Stephenson

Introduction Domestic violence is ubiquitous, its manifestations are observed across the demographic characteristics and social categorizations, which differentiate societal groups. The acceptance of patriarchal norms is one of the primary reasons why cases of domestic violence when observed are faced with ambivalence and considered part of the normal fabric of society, rather than as egregious and an unacceptable scourge which must be eliminated. In the Caribbean, there are no annually collected statistics on the incidence of domestic violence, for example, in the decennial census exercises conducted in the Caribbean region. However, it is estimated that 1 in 3 women experience domestic violence (Pemberton & Joseph, 2018). There are several international initiatives which have been signed and ratified by the islands of the Caribbean with a view of eliminating

J. H. Stephenson (B) Department of Management Studies‚ Faculty of Social Sciences, University of the West Indies, St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_2

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violence against women. These include the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women. In addition, the Beijing Declaration and the Platform for Action on Women recognizes “violence against women is an obstacle to the achievement of the objectives of equality, development and peace and both violates and impairs, or nullifies the enjoyment by women of their human rights and fundamental freedoms ”. This is not intended to suggest that women are the only victims of domestic violence, though they are the group which is most affected by relationship violence and consequently more likely to access protections which may be afforded to them. This chapter analyses the effect of domestic violence on the victims and assesses the remedies available to victims of domestic violence in the English-speaking Caribbean region. The chapter hopefully will advance the research agenda as it relates to domestic violence in the Caribbean and will contribute to a clearer understanding by legislators, policymakers and other relevant stakeholders, as to any changes which may be required in order to ameliorate its impact on the victims and those who may be otherwise affected, including but not limited to the children or relatives within the household.

Domestic Violence in the Caribbean Domestic violence is referred to variously in the literature as family violence, intimate partner violence (Ali et al., 2016; Dowling et al., 2018; McMahon & McGorrery, 2016; Miller & McCaw, 2019; Sack, 2004; Wendt et al., 2020). These terms are used to define controlling, abusive or harmful behaviour which endangers another person’s economic, physical, sexual or psychological well-being (Bernard, 2006; WHO, 2012). Violence which occurs within intimate partner relationships is in the main, perpetrated by a dominant male partner against a female partner (Anderson, 2002; Hines & Douglas, 2009; WHO, 2012). The causes and reasons for the normality of domestic violence is the acceptance of the belief of the inferiority of the female partner in a society which is traditionally accepted as patriarchal in nature over generations and manifested in multiple areas of society, where women are perceived to be unequal and violence has been normalized as a vehicle through which men assert their dominance (Jewkes, 2002; Hines & Douglas, 2009). This has been succinctly encapsulated by Russo and Pirlott (2006: 181) who assert that

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“gender roles and expectations, male entitlement , sexual objectification, and discrepancies in power and status have legitimized, rendered invisible, sexualized, and helped to perpetuate violence against women”. This is not to negate the occurrence and impact of domestic violence which is perpetuated against men in heterosexual relationships, or partners within the LGBTQ community, though such victims are more reluctant to report abusive partner conduct, because of fear, ridicule or embarrassment. With the absence of social support, this population is no less harmed by its effects (Barber, 2008; Hogan et al., 2012; Tsui et al., 2010), which is typically manifested in terms of psychological, economic abuse (Drijber et al., 2013; Hines & Douglas, 2009). Demographic and social characteristics and societal beliefs and artefacts which have been passed down through generations and by virtue of them being oft-repeated, and their accuracy not successfully challenged, have now been largely accepted as representative of reality. Hence some of the social norms which contribute to the acceptance of domestic violence include the belief that a man is socially superior to and therefore has the right to assert power over a woman by disciplining or reprimanding, her through physical violence. The patriarchal structure of Caribbean societies, which reinforces male superiority as well as the inferiority of women, also decreases the likelihood of intervention by an external party in an observed incidence of domestic violence (Bernard, 2006; WHO, 2012). This can occur, for example, where the male partner believes or assumes that others perceive that his masculinity is being challenged. For example his female partner is more successful than him and she is no longer completely dependent on him and in fact is becoming autonomous (Jewkes, 2002; Spooner, 2009). Cultural attitudes are more influential in the likelihood of the occurrence of domestic violence, than are socio-economic factors (age, income, employment status, etc.) (Spooner, 2009). Further, domestic abuse occurs not only in low-income communities of the working class (Welch, 1993), but has also been identified in other groups. It has been found, however, that persons in higher socio-economic brackets have access to a greater range of resources to facilitate their protection and do not experience the limitations of resources (Bernard, 2006; Jewkes, 2002). In addition, perpetrators of violence and abuse in relationships have cited the copious consumption of alcohol, and/or habit-forming drugs, and the need to relieve daily pressures, as further reasons for engaging in intimate partner violence (Bernard, 2006).

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The effects of interpersonal violence can be physical (e.g. stroke, musculoskeletal disorders, heart disease, asthma), financial (e.g. lack of security, lack of independence), psychological (e.g. self-esteem, depression, anxiety) (Fahmy & Abd El Rahman, 2008; Powell & Smith, 2011); negative health behaviour (e.g. smoking, overeating, alcohol and substance abuse), reproductive health (e.g. sexually transmitted infections, miscarriage, gynecological disorders), chronic conditions (e.g. chronic pain syndromes, gastrointestinal disorders, fibromyalgia) (Heise et al., 2002; Russo & Pirlott, 2006; Lucea et al., 2013; WHO, 2012). With this in mind, the logical puzzlement would be why women would stay in such toxic situations, which are unhealthy and abusive. Persons who have never been victims of domestic abuse or directly affected by domestic violence have asked why women who are in situations of domestic violence simply don’t leave their abusive situations. Many reasons have been posited for this in the extant literature. In fact, it has been found that victims of domestic violence attempt to leave their abusers several times before eventually doing so (Sullivan et al., 1992). Their reasons for staying have nothing to do with their enjoyment of their abusive circumstances but relate to their social and economic status, namely economic dependence on the abuser for financial support for themselves and their family, limited access to housing and employment, hoping that their partner will change, fear of losing custody of children, not understanding the legal system and how it will help and not knowing where to turn for support, guilt about potentially sending their partners to jail, no access to legal assistance to ensure that they are able to get a fair settlement form the abuser (in situations for divorce, for example) and fear of retaliation from the abuse perpetrator (Gover et al., 2011; Roberts et al., 2008; Spooner, 2009; Sullivan et al., 1992; WHO, 2012). Moreover, the isolation which results from the humiliation of being a victim of violence, means that the victim’s self-esteem is adversely affected and leaving the home, without having their support, however toxic, at times seems onerous and prohibitive. This is especially applicable when the victims depend completely on their abuser for even their most basic needs and resources. Further, where victims buy into the narrative that they are the cause of the abuse or that no action will be taken to stop the abuse or fear the stigma associated with women in such circumstances, reporting will continue to be limited (Gover et al., 2011). Relatedly, prior experiences with reporting incidents of domestic violence to law enforcement officials who have not seemed interested in arresting and charging the perpetrator, or appear to

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believe that it is a private matter rather than one which requires police intervention (Bernard, 2006; Gover et al., 2011).

Staying in Abusive Relationships Theoretical perspectives on why women stay in abusive situations include learned helplessness, where women have accepted that they do not have control over their circumstances and consequently there is nothing which, they, or anyone else can do, to change their situations and therefore they choose to stay in the abusive situation, which is familiar to them (McCormick, 1999). Moreover, incidents of domestic violence can also be explained by the ecological model which suggests that violence occurs as a result of individual, relationship, community/societal factors (WHO, 2012). As it relates to the latter, such societal factors include “genderinequities; poverty; social and economic status of women; weak legal sanctions against IPV; lack of women’s civil rights, including restrictive or inequitable divorce and marriage laws; social acceptance of violence as a way to resolve conflict” (WHO, 2012). The relationship factors may be identified to include but are not limited to “conflict or dissatisfaction in the relationship; male dominance in the family; economic stress; men having multiple partners; and disparity in educational attainment where for example a woman has a higher level of education than her male partner” (WHO, 2012). Individual factors include for the male partner: “young age; low level of education; witnessing or experiencing violence as a child; harmful use of alcohol and drugs; personality disorders; acceptance of violence (e.g. feeling it is acceptable for a man to beat his partner); and past history of abusing partners” (WHO, 2012). Individual factors include for the female partner: low level of education; exposure to violence between parents; sexual abuse during childhood; acceptance of violence and exposure to other forms of prior abuse (WHO, 2012).

Remedies for Victims of Domestic Violence When vulnerable victims find themselves in such situations, the available remedies include reporting the incidents to the police with the hope of a resolution via the criminal justice system (e.g. perpetrators are arrested or issued protective orders); leaving the hostile environment for a safe shelter; accessing counselling and psycho-social services (Hosein, 2018; Myhill & Johnson, 2016; Wallace et al., 2019). When effective, these

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options may facilitate victim empowerment, to the extent that it allows for the victim’s successful exit from volatile environments. For many persons experiencing domestic violence in the Caribbean, remedies are somewhat limited when compared to those options available to victimized women in industrialized countries. Internationally, resources to support victims of domestic abuse include friends, relatives, work colleagues, health professionals, church, community, social workers, police and legal interventions, to include removal of the perpetrator and serving and reinforcing protection or other orders issued by the courts (Lucea et al., 2013; Sullivan et al., 1992). However, where available, victims may also access (private or publicly funded) medical care, counselling, community shelters, assistance with legal services, health care and housing (Fugate et al., 2005; Sullivan et al., 1992). Victims are typically hesitant to ask for help until the violence has escalated and it is clear that their situation will not improve without specific third-party intervention and where their children are being adversely affected (Lucea et al., 2013; WHO, 2012). This section is not intended to be an exhaustive examination and analysis of the extant laws in the Caribbean which prohibit domestic violence, as that will be discussed elsewhere in this text. However, it highlights some of the laws and provisions which are intended to provide support for victims of domestic abuse. Several islands of the Caribbean (Antigua and Barbuda, the Bahamas, Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, St, Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Trinidad and Tobago)1 have enacted legislation to prohibit the perpetuation of domestic violence in the region and they follow the same general legislative model (Bernard, 2006). Typical of similar laws in the Caribbean prohibiting domestic violence, Grenada’s Domestic Violence Act, 2010, defines domestic violence as “any controlling or abusive behavior that harms the health, safety or well-being of a person or any child”, and includes but is not limited to (a) physical abuse or threats of physical abuse; (b) sexual abuse or threats of sexual abuse; (c) emotional, verbal or psychological abuse; (d) economic/financial abuse; (e) intimidation; (f) harassment; (g) stalking; (h) damage to or destruction of property; or (i) entry into the applicant’s residence without consent, where the parties do not share the same residence. Thus all parties to a domestic relationship are protected under the law against this abusive conduct which falls into these categories. As indicated, in the Caribbean, the laws prohibiting domestic violence follow the same format and the tools available for victims of domestic

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abuse include protection orders, occupation orders, tenancy orders and counselling. Protection orders are intended to prevent the violent perpetrator from engaging in abuse of any kind on the identified victim, whilst occupation orders allow the applicant (victim) to occupy the household residence for a given period of time and directs the respondent to be absent from the home for that time period. The effect of a tenancy order is to transfer the occupancy of the house exclusively to the victim of domestic violence and if the abuser was responsible for paying the rent or mortgage, they would be obligated to continue to do so. Across the Caribbean region, where legislation has been enacted to prohibit domestic violence, various penalties have been established and are imposed on perpetrators of violence in domestic relationships, who are found to have breached the orders of protection issued against them, to wit: Island State

Perpetrators found guilty of an offence are liable on summary conviction to:

Antigua and Barbuda

A fine of EC$9,000 (~US$3,330) (max.) OR 3 months imprisonment (max.)—1st conviction A fine of EC$15,000 (~US$5,550) (max.) OR 1-year imprisonment (OR both) (max.)—2nd conviction A 5-year period of imprisonment (max.) (subsequent convictions) A maximum fine of BDS$2 500 (~US$1,250) OR to imprisonment for a term of 6 months (max.) OR to both A fine of EC$9,000 (max.) (~US$3,300) OR 3 months imprisonment (max.)—1st conviction A fine of EC$15,000 (~US$5,550) (max.) OR 2-years imprisonment (OR both) (max.)—2nd conviction A min. of 2 years and max. of 5-year period of imprisonment (subsequent convictions) A fine of EC$5,000 (~US$1,850) (max.) OR 18 months imprisonment (max.)—1st conviction A fine of EC$10,000 (~US$3,700) (max.) OR 2-years imprisonment (or both) (max.)—2nd conviction A 5-year period of imprisonment (max.) (subsequent convictions) A maximum fine of GUY$10, 000 (~US$47.91) OR to imprisonment for a term of 12 months (max.) OR to both

Barbados

Dominica

Grenada

Guyana

(continued)

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(continued) Island State

Perpetrators found guilty of an offence are liable on summary conviction to:

Jamaica

A maximum fine of J$10,000 (~US$71.17) OR to imprisonment for a term of 6 months (max.) OR to both A maximum fine of EC$5, 000 (~US$1,850) OR to imprisonment for a term of 6 months (max.) OR to both A maximum fine of EC$5, 000 (~US$1,850) OR to imprisonment for a term of 6 months max OR to both A fine of EC$5,000 (~US$1,850) (max.) OR 3 months imprisonment (max.)—1st conviction A fine of EC$10,000 (~US$3,700) (max.) OR 1-year imprisonment (OR both) (max.)—2nd conviction A 5-year period of imprisonment (max.) (Subsequent convictions) A fine of TT$9,000 (~US$3,330) (max.) OR 3 months imprisonment (max.)—1st conviction A fine of TT$15,000 (~US$5,550) (max.) OR 1-year imprisonment (OR both) (max.)—2nd conviction A 5-year period of imprisonment (max.) (Subsequent convictions)

St. Kitts

St. Lucia

St. Vincent and the Grenadines

Trinidad and Tobago

The inclusion within the relevant legislation of protection orders to be issued against abusive partners, as well as the imposition of fines and/or terms of imprisonment for breaches of the orders, is intended to deter actual and/or potential perpetrators from engaging in abusive acts, by the threat of punishments by fines and/or periods of imprisonment (Spooner, 2009), however, access to comprehensive statistics to analyse whether such orders have been effective is limited. Further, where the potential results of being a perpetrator of domestic abuse is directly and immediately affected, for example, by experiencing loss of employment or social standing or any other direct and personal impact (Sherman et al., 1992). The expected efficacy of protective orders in preventing abuse has been stymied by the challenges which are embedded in the legal system for victims who are likely to benefit from the issuance and enforcement of such orders, these include the lack of familiarity of the system by the victims, the heightened risk of abuse faced by the victim, when the respondent becomes aware the efforts have been initiated to obtain a

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protection order against them, the reluctance of the judicial system (prosecutors and judges) to issue such an order, the length of time it can take to apply for and be granted an order, the reluctance by police officers to arrest perpetrators who are found to be in violation of the order(s) (Artz, 2011; Bernard, 2006; Durfee, 2009; Roberts et al., 2008; Welch, 1993).

Furthering the Reduction and Elimination of Domestic Violence The current legislative and policy framework in the Caribbean, are limited in scope and efficacy and as such, it would be prudent for legislators and policymakers to explore further action, with a view of eliminating the normality and incidence of domestic violence. The deterrence theory suggests that the consistent imposition of harsh penalties and punishment for persons who are found guilty of domestic violence, is an effective deterrent (Welch, 1993). This is because it signals to society that the behaviour is wrong and will not go unpunished, thus redefining behaviour that is morally acceptable. Moreover, developing and advancing media strategies in order to change the perception of domestic violence as normative and accepted practice, is an essential step in achieving a significant reduction in the incidence of domestic violence across the Caribbean (Bernard, 2006; Kohler, 1992; WHO, 2012). Further, promoting increased awareness of the range of resources available to victims and making the process of accessing said resources as seamless as possible would be a useful starting point (Fugate et al., 2005). Further, the extant laws which prohibit abuse conduct in domestic relationships should be consistently enforced. Indeed, the limited arrests and convictions in cases of domestic abuse may deter some victims from reporting incidents of abuse, hence, improvements in this area would contribute to the decline in domestic violence, as where for example the perpetrator is arrested and the case can be purposefully advanced through the court system, and effectively prosecuted even where the victim (due to fear) is uncooperative (Bernard, 2006; McCormick, 1999). This would require police officers to attend each reported incident of domestic violence as an act of criminality and take a report which is processed and not dismiss the incidents as personal household problems which should remain private and hence not apply the same gravitas as would be the case in an incidence of common assault and battery, where the parties to the conflict are not known to each other (Bernard,

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2006; ECLAC, 2001; Gover et al., 2011; WHO, 2012). This may require retraining of law enforcement officers and a societal campaign to reorient the public to the debilitating and long-lasting impact of domestic violence on the victims and observers. In addition, the limited accessibility to statistics constrain the development of a robust body of literature based on empiricism and also limits the analysis of the statistics with a view of evaluating those policies, laws and regulations which have been successful in reducing the number of cases of domestic violence and their severity (Bernard, 2006; ECLAC, 2001; WHO, 2012). In addition to the reforms suggested here the World Health Organization (WHO, 2012), further suggests the provision of early intervention to at-risk households, coalition building between government and society institutions, with a view of developing a coordinated approach to the best strategy to eliminate domestic abuse and the strengthening of women’s rights.

Conclusion This chapter explored the effect of domestic violence on the victims and the remedies available to them. The incidence of women who are victims of intimate partner violence, needs to be addressed. Whilst cultural norms are in part responsible for the acceptance of domestic abuse as private behaviour and a normal part of the fabric of life in the Caribbean, the adverse effects of this abuse will be life lasting and manifest itself through every aspect of the life of the victims and other members of their households. The multiple reforms which may be implemented have been examined within the context of the English-speaking Caribbean, but it is clear that coordinated action is required at every level of government and society, to acknowledge the need for the improvement in the treatment of women and the acceptance of a need for change across the socio-economic class and other demographic differences (Jewkes, 2002).

Note 1. Antigua and Barbuda—Domestic Violence Act, 2015; Bahamas — Domestic Violence (Protection Orders), 1999; Barbados—Domestic Violence (Protection Orders) (Amendment) Act, 2016; Dominica—Protection against Domestic Violence Act, 2001; Grenada—Domestic Violence Act, 2010; Guyana—Domestic Violence Act, 1996; Jamaica—Domestic Violence Act, 1996; St. Kitts and Nevis —Domestic Violence Act, 2009;

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St. Lucia—Domestic Violence (Summary Proceedings) Act, 1995; St. Vincent and the Grenadines —Domestic Violence Act, 2015; Trinidad and Tobago—Domestic Violence Act, 1999.

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Welch, D. M. (1993). Mandatory arrest of domestic abusers: Panacea or perpetuation of the problem of abuse. DePaul Law Review, 43(4), 1133–1164. Wendt, S., Natalier, K., Seymour, K., King, D., & Macaitis, K. (2020). Strengthening the domestic and family violence workforce: Key questions. Australian Social Work, 73(2), 236–244. World Health Organization. (2012). Understanding and addressing violence against women: Intimate partner violence (No. WHO/RHR/12.36). World Health Organization.

CHAPTER 3

Symbolic Violence in the Postcolonial Anglo-Caribbean Shelene Gomes and Amílcar Sanatan

Introduction Domestic violence disproportionately and negatively affects women worldwide. As Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, Executive Director of UN Women, explained earlier this year: “Even before COVID-19 existed, domestic violence was already one of the greatest human rights violations. In the previous 12 months, 243 million women and girls (aged 15–49) across the world have been subjected to sexual or physical violence by an intimate partner” (2020). With this in mind, in the paper we will

S. Gomes (B) Department of Behavioural Sciences, The University of the West Indies, St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago e-mail: [email protected] A. Sanatan Department of Literary, Cultural and Communication Studies, The University of the West Indies, St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_3

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examine domestic violence in the Anglo-Caribbean as a visible manifestation of “symbolic power” (Bourdieu 1979). At the everyday level, violence is thought of as an immediate, physical attack that often leaves visible consequences. This is the violence that we see and hear about daily in which there are “two key characteristics: the presence of brutality, and the notion of intent” (Davies 2019, n.p.). There are, however, other characteristics that are equally important. It is therefore valuable to expand this understanding and consider violence beyond dramatic, instantaneous events. Doing so can help to capture the slow, durable, long term, and institutionalized antecedent aspects that are often neglected when solely focusing on the violent act itself. An expanded conceptualization such as symbolic violence can help reveal additional characteristics of domestic violence in the postcolonial AngloCaribbean, particularly those elements that are less publicly visible. This discussion also provides a useful sociological contribution to postcolonial violence. Saskia Sassen’s question, “how does complexity produce brutality” (2014, 4) is a useful framework to guide this discussion of how hierarchy and material inequalities are intertwined with violent processes in both the colonial and postcolonial Caribbean. Colonial West Indian plantation societies reproduced violence vertically and horizontally—between and among the “dominant” and the “subordinate” (Mintz 1996; Mohammed 2002; Paton 2006). These relations crosscut strata based on gender, race, and class, were systemically reproduced within asymmetrical regimes of power and therefore naturalized. Those who were subordinated replicated systems of domination in all spheres, “public” and “private,” taking on characteristics of the dominant. (We will complicate this division of subordinate/dominant and public/private in the forthcoming sections). Within this socioeconomic system where gender roles and their associated norms, expectations, and behaviors were naturalized, there was the accompanying violence that policed the boundaries of those roles. Despite sustained decolonization efforts, these patterns of domination have continued into the postcolonial period. Even changes in political leadership and legislation appear unable to alter these violent social codes. With Sassen’s question in mind, we understand that in the postcolonial Anglo-Caribbean, as elsewhere, the maintenance of social inequalities is a brutal affair. Domestic violence is but one element in a wider logic that positions and polices persons. To draw from an ecofeminist analogy, domestic violence is the tip of the iceberg with a submerged base (Mies

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1986). Accordingly, in this paper we will examine the submerged symbolic elements of the violence that stem from patriarchal Caribbean capitalism. In the following sections, we will outline the historical conditions of colonialism in the Caribbean, the theoretical relevance of symbolic power within issues of social structure and agency as well as empirical analyzes of gender-based violence with reference to Trinidad and Tobago.

The Making of Gender-Based Violence in the Caribbean Modern Caribbean violence begins with “the discovery of gold and silver in America, the extirpation, enslavement and entombment in mines of the aboriginal population,” as Marx wrote, and “the beginning of the conquest and looting of the East Indies, the turning of Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of blackskins [which] signalised the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist production” (1977, 915). These events set in motion a “culture of violence,” Bridget Brereton (2010) notes, that spans centuries of colonialism from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries in the British West Indies. Attitudes to violence were derived from mass agricultural production on the West Indian plantation. These first experiments in modernity (Mintz 1996; Patterson 1982) were founded in processes of coercion, forced labor, and systemic brutality. Marx’s analysis of capitalism that bred and depended upon “predatory violence” is therefore relevant. As Merle Hodge summarizes, “the bulk of the population in the Caribbean was brought here from Africa and India to provide labour” (2002, 474). It is within this larger imperative that women’s bodies were subordinated to production. Their capacity for manual labor as well as their capacity for reproductive labor was essential to reproduce this form of capitalism (Reddock 1994; Peake and Trotz 1999; Safa 1995). Through enslavement, women were producers of capital when they birthed children, thereby permitting a system of sexual assault because it generated wealth, production for export, and European consumption. Sexual violence was one foundation of the triangular trade that Eric Williams analyzed in Capitalism and Slavery (1944). As Diana Paton writes, “the threat of sexual violence was integrated into the totality of power relations in slave society,” and we would add that spanned this entire cross-continental system of production (2006, 247).

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Capitalism and patriarchy converged in other ways. For example, children were not deemed material burdens but seen as contributors to keep starvation at bay in a wider context in which plantation labor was either forced or underpaid. Within the political economy of the plantation, daughters were valued because they produced laborers and were a dependable source of assistance in the absence of men. The reproduction of the family was a livelihood strategy in an unfair and discriminatory market society. For example, Christine Ho argues that “the dual roles performed by Caribbean women for centuries as workers and as mothers” can be juxtaposed to a “Western feminist distinction between the public world of work and the private domain of the home” (Ho 1999, 39). While Ho may be overstating the extent to which Western feminism was invested in protecting this distinction, she nonetheless shows that in the organization of place and role in the Caribbean, this distinction is not applicable. Enslavement made that kind of boundary non-existent. Additionally, physical acts of violence were accompanied by the symbolic ordering of bodies, underscoring the spatial logics of the social hierarchy. Such spectacles reinforced the disciplining of the individual body and the society creating specific pathways for gender relations. More broadly, mid-twentieth century decolonization movements in the Anglo-Caribbean gathered momentum from the inter-war period. A core strategy was to highlight how the nineteenth century postemancipation change in legal status from slave to free for the masses, upon whose labor production depended, did not in fact change the relations of production and consumption greatly in the colonies. There was a continued “pattern of exploitation” of Afro-Caribbean peoples (Phelps 1960, 417). The universal status of “free” extended to newly imported workers from India, China, and Indonesia (particularly in the British and Dutch Caribbean) who were indentured to the plantation. But the demands of plantation production in the colonies also encouraged interethnic and interracial conflict. Following formal decolonization from the British Empire in the 1960s, a multi-ethnic middle class formed. Political power generated new upward socioeconomic mobility for this class and a set of associated ambitions. Despite the new industries (as examples, bauxite, asphalt, crude oil, and related by-products), economic inequalities persisted. A new postemancipation black middle class (after 1834 in the British colonies) and later a new post-independence (from the early 1960s) black and brown (African and Indian) middle class was formed.1 Nonetheless, this new

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class had to reconcile aspirational, entrenched, neoliberal values of individualism with consumerism and accumulation impulses in a context of unemployment and underemployment. Harking back to the nineteenth-century post-emancipation period, there were changes in status which meant that persons had achieved upward socioeconomic mobility. However, this did not lead to macroinstitutional change. Society still constituted a stratified system within a capitalist colonial economy. The composition of the elite changed but maintained land ownership while new industries (as noted) were introduced to the post-emancipation colonies, and then in the independent territories. At the time, this new middle class of merchants and professionals largely neglected labor exploitation of the masses and much of the population remained excluded from opportunities to acquire material stability. The Caribbean continues to be mired in these relations of production. Richard Wilk presented a cogent snapshot of this condition from Belize (formerly British Honduras) during this 1980s–1990s ethnographic fieldwork, There are still quite exclusive and cosmopolitan mercantile economic and bureaucrat-technocrat elites, a diverse petit-bourgeoisie and functionary middle class, and a large and partially destitute working class. This hierarchy is crosscut in complex ways by ethnicity, family ties, political alliances, regional loyalties, and rural/urban differences. (1999, 251)

To be clear, we are not suggesting that the character or intensity of violence in the postcolonial Caribbean directly mirrors the colonial plantation. Rather, that the colonial era sets in motion ways of relating as well as institutions in which violence is normalized. The legacies of “atrocious living conditions and a low quality of life” brought “violence and aggression” (Brereton 2010, 8). This is why corporal punishment is routine in schooling; wives are physically abused by husbands; children beaten by parents; incarceration presented as the primary means of solving deeply rooted social problems. Brereton adds that “while this culture was pervasive and in some respects —gender neutral, there is no doubt that women of all ethnicities were prominent among its victims—as well as being, in some situations, its active agents” (2010, 2). This view is reminiscent of bell hooks’ point that “patriarchy has no gender,” indicating that patriarchal women are very willing to defend their patriarchally derived gains

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within this social system. These scholars emphasize the influence of colonialism as an exploitative system as well as the role of capital imperatives in shaping both institutions and interpersonal conduct. In the coming sections, we will trace the applicability of symbolic power to understand the manifestation of this legacy of raw brutality as well as the more recent discursive framing of attempts to dismantle Caribbean patriarchy.

Symbolic Power We approach violence as “a material and symbolic instrument of specific relations of power” (Teixeira and Dias da Silva 2015, 4). Because “symbolic power” is also impervious and can be less visible, it legitimates other forms of violence. Symbolic violence is therefore a suitable concept for this analysis. In this case, domestic violence is rendered as a physical act confined to the domestic sphere of family and household rather than a public matter rooted in social inequalities. Women’s movements have made substantial progress in dismantling this false dichotomy of the public and private, thereby situating domestic violence and gender-based violence within a human rights discourse and significantly developing feminist theories (Reddock 2008). Our paper contributes to this body of work on theorizing violence as a social phenomenon. As such, understanding the epistemic as well as spatio-temporal logics of violence is critical. Historical, material, and ideological contexts matter in this discussion. Broadly situated within mid-twentieth-century post-structuralism, Bourdieu argued that symbolic power was institutionalized, deeply felt in the everyday and actively sustained. Bourdieu writes, “Symbols are the instruments par excellence of social integration: as instruments of knowledge and communication…they make possible the consensus on the sense of the social world which makes a fundamental contribution toward reproducing the social order” (Bourdieu 1979, 79). This functioning of power affected the lives of everyday persons—through both overt domination and habitus. In Bourdieu’s conceptualization, “habitus binds structures and practices through the agency of subjects” (Teixeira and Dias da Silva 2015, 5). In bridging the gaps between structure and agency, for instance, Bourdieu argued that subjects-as-agents reproduce this symbolic grammar. Systemic patriarchy is one example. In his words,

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Symbolic power - power to constitute the given by stating it, to show forth and gain credence, to confirm or transform the world view and, through it, action on the world, and hence the world itself, quasi-magical power which makes it possible to obtain the equivalent of what is obtained by (physical or economic) force, thanks to its specific mobilization effect - is only exerted insofar as it is recognized…This means that symbolic power…is defined in and by a determinate relationship between those who exercise power and those who undergo it. (Bourdieu 1979, 82–83)

One important point that this helps us to grapple with is the less than visible workings of symbolic power. Violence is idea, practice, and process that is systemically reproduced. An analytical distinction between perpetrators and survivors is a necessary one that points to the diffusion of several levels of power (Lukes 1974). However, such clear cut moral distinctions do not divest everyday persons, inclusive of women, from complicity with symbolic violence as they may also occupy positions of authority and actively reproduce patriarchy. The interpersonal level at which this power functions is critical to recognize: “Elementary modes of domination are… made, unmade, and remade in and by the interactions between persons” (Bourdieu 1977, 184 cited in Thapar-Björkert et al. 2016, 10). This dispersed violence is naturalized and is made to be legitimate. Such interdependent relations pivot on the role of ideology in maintaining systems of brutality, to call back to Sassen. The interests of the dominant become seemingly universal. Bourdieu writes, ‘Symbolic systems’ fulfil their political function as instruments of domination (or, more precisely, of legitimation of domination); they help to ensure the domination of one class over another (symbolic violence), adding the reinforcement of their own force to the relations of force which underlie them. (Bourdieu 1979, 80)

This is a powerful and persuasive symbolic grammar. To paraphrase early twentieth-century Marxist philosopher Antonio Gramsci (2011), the masses who provide the labor and the numbers to reproduce these unequal systems of extraction, production, and consumption are often convinced of the benefits in these systems, thinking and believing that the interests of those in power are the same of the powerless. Hence, symbolic violence seeps through institutions and interpersonal relations in material and symbolic forms. In one simple example, the social shaming

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of women who have been sexually assaulted by men pivots on the idea of the man’s uncontrollable sexual desire. In this heterosexist framing, it is the woman’s provocative dress that stimulates these “natural” urges toward the woman, thereby naturalizing men’s violence against women. Men’s domination over women exists in public and private, on the body and symbolically. Ecofeminists, for example, argue that the patriarchal idea of human mastery over nature extends to the domination of men over women. How is “the violation of nature (the forests, the food chains, the water supplies) linked to the violation and marginalisation of women,” Vandana Shiva asked decades ago (1989)? Both of these derive from a capitalist economic mode and its attendant symbolic grammar of violence that ignores existing ecological intersystems. There is an epistemic logic that has been reproduced in the colonial and postcolonial Caribbean in both visible and less than visible ways. Domestic violence is one visible, brutal form of this attitude toward mastery that is characteristic of patriarchal capitalism. Without understanding these social dynamics, eliminating violence will be near unlikely. Returning to “old” models such as ecofeminism and Marxism help to remind us of the resonance with theories like symbolic power. In the next section we will review the progress of Caribbean women’s movements in challenging patriarchal structures and values, thereby demonstrating how these less than visible symbolic and material forms of gender-based violence pervade the public and private spheres at present.

Public/Private Entanglements The significance of Caribbean feminist activism to prioritizing domestic violence within a framework of national and regional development was in demonstrating the harm of discursively constructing the public and private as separate with correspondingly separate institutions. Despite the beneficial changes in legislation for women as a group, patriarchal power has been sustained even as the public discourse on male and community control over women’s bodies have significantly shifted to women’s empowerment. A concerning development is the encroachment of masculinism and male backlash that weaponize domestic violence to contain women as they become more visible in public life. To provide a brief background of women’s rights and feminist movements, globally they achieved political gains on issues of gender

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equality and helped transform the tolerance for and lack of political and legal infrastructure that concerned violence against women. The United Nations Decade for Women (1975–1985) helped to bring into focus the policies, issues, and cultural differences among women in the Global North and Global South. Rhoda Reddock observes that in the Anglophone Caribbean, “violence against women was the one unifying theme around which women of all classes, political persuasions and ethnic groups have been able to organise collectively and collaboratively” (2008, 179). For example, women’s rights organizations such as the Working Women for Social Progress (Trinidad and Tobago), Red Thread (Guyana), Sistren Collective (Jamaica), and the regional Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action (CAFRA), engaged in community-based interventions to de-legitimize domestic violence in the Caribbean emerging out of the second-wave feminist movement in the region. To date, Caribbean governments have created legislative protections related to domestic violence. However, failures in the justice system and limited social interventions to address male perpetrators do not end women’s vulnerability and guarantee their equal participation in social, economic, and political life. Notably, mainstream Caribbean feminist scholarship has contributed to analyzing the centrality of gender and sexuality in the structuring of everyday social relations, legal systems, the political economy and nationalisms (Barriteau 2001; Mohammed 2002), though a direct challenge to capitalism is absent. Turning to Trinidad and Tobago specifically, the Domestic Violence Act was introduced in 1991. It was amended subsequently and adopted. The framing of intimate partner violence as a “private matter” by law enforcement, religious and social groups created barriers against women seeking social and judicial services. Prior to this Act, domestic violence matters were categorized as assault and battery offences. This legislation was the first of its kind in the Anglophone Caribbean to move “married people business” from the private domain into the public one (Ffolkes 1997; Hosein 2019; Lazarus-Black 2003). We will return to this point to illustrate how patriarchal values and beliefs persist in spite of the development of institutions that promote gender equality. This is of particular concern given continued instances of domestic violence. Mindie Lazarus-Black (2003) describes the conscious, collective action to implement policy for women at the end of the twentieth-century in the Caribbean as efforts to “regender” the state. In her view,

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Regendering the state refers to the process of bringing to public and legal attention categories and activities that were formerly (and formally) without name but that constituted harm to women, denied them rights, silenced them, or limited their capacity to engage in actions available to men. (2003, 980)

For the purposes of this discussion, by recognizing domestic violence as a form of symbolic violence, there ought to be corresponding symbolic responses of the state to address it. Further, state recognition of domestic violence cannot be understood only in terms of activist achievement. Rather, legislating domestic violence was and is connected to wider discourses of modernity. International pressure for poorer nations to embrace universal human rights standards and global agenda-setting and its implications for national lawmaking also played a part in the development of the Domestic Violence Act in Trinidad and Tobago. Yet, local priorities and cultural concerns fashioned the discourses in a way that was different from the global dialogue (Lazarus-Black 2003, 984). Institutional and interpersonal relations of power mutually reinforce each other. In order to understand the prevalence of violence against women for which women are disproportionately victims of domestic violence, the narratives of male perpetrators of domestic violence are a significant source of evidence. Halimah DeShong explores men’s storying of violence in the Caribbean as it relates to intimate partner violence in heterosexual relationships. She suggests that “men externalize, excuse, minimise, silence, deflect responsibility and generally distance themselves from their actions” (2017, 81). For DeShong, this social practice sustains the structural inequalities of gender-based violence in Caribbean society. The narratives of violence that men articulate are discourses that offer insight in their gendered negotiations, social action, and male subjectivity. Thus, it is important to understand the ways that domestic violence is sustained in the Caribbean by men’s narrating of violence. This does more to expose their investment of patriarchal constructs of manhood and beliefs than show contentious and contested relations between women and men in heterosexual intimate relationships. It also demonstrates how culturally valuable the reproduction of masculine behaviors such as hypermasculinity continue to be. DeShong notes,

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The complex, institutionalised, historical and systemic relations of power which produce violence at the individual level must be acknowledge[d] when working with men who continue to create narratives to excuse, externalise and deflect responsibility for the violence they perpetrate. (2017, 94)

For example, DeShong analyzes the discourses of “memory loss” for a perpetrator of intimate partner violence. The 27-year-old research participant was an incarcerated man who stabbed his partner in the stomach multiple times. In his recounting of the story, he related experiencing amnesia in light of his intoxication. However, statements to law enforcement highlight his ability to describe the attack on his partner because of her “lies and cheating.” DeShong confronts this conflicting account between what the man expressed formally with law enforcement and his reasoning in the interview. The participant’s reference to amnesia due to intoxication was used to justify his view that he became “someone else.” This idea is critiqued by DeShong who refutes men’s discursive distinction between the self and a “violent self” (2017, 87). Instead, she argues that men articulate “disembodied acts of violence” (ibid.). This disembodiment is a strategy deployed by men to construct a separate self, one without accountability to the abused and responsibility for themselves as abusers. In addition, she notes that women also rationalize the violence of their abusive male partners as a coping mechanism. This example illustrates the ways that men communicate their understandings of violence against women. More specifically, it highlights the attempts to shift responsibility from men for their violence against women. Citing women’s infidelity as a justification for their abuse is connected to a wider power relation of patriarchal control and dominance over women’s bodies and their agency. Studies of domestic violence show the empirical data to suggest the prevalence of violence and its structural nature in Caribbean society. An Inter-American Development Bank commissioned report “finds that 30 percent of ever-partnered women experienced physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner in their lifetime; and 6 percent in the 12 months prior to data collection” (https://publications.iadb.org/en/nat ional-womens-health-survey-trinidad-and-tobago-final-report). DeShong offers closer scrutiny to the subject position of male perpetrators of intimate partner violence. This form of violence is fundamentally rooted in “colonialist gendered binary ideology (one animated by race and class)”

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(2017, 89) that shows men’s control of women in public and private spaces. The emasculating effects of women’s performances and presentation outside of the ideologies that govern heterosexual relationships put them at risk by men invested in these patriarchal beliefs. It is not only men but the society that is invested in reproducing these beliefs, as symbolic power demonstrates. Throughout this section, we have framed the discussion of domestic violence in the context of intimate partner violence. However, genderbased violence is complex and not only demonstrated in heterosexual and intimate partner relationships. While the feminist and women’s rights movements have historically centered the liberation of women from violence, especially by men in the household, this is not the only type of violence that is gendered. Thus, framing the issue of domestic violence outside of intimate sexual relations is important. Tonya Haynes and DeShong (2017) note that violence against women is the most consistent topic of Caribbean feminist activism and scholarship, yet, they argue that this focus failed “to account for the multiple ways in which gender and sexuality are implicated in the violence experienced by diverse groups” (106). If, as Lazarus-Black posited, a “regendering” of the state brought greater visibility to women’s needs and issues in the articulation of state policy, men have self-consciously mobilized the language of gender equality discourse to “include men,” thereby displacing women’s rights and feminist frameworks. Gabrielle Hosein (2019) refers to this male backlash in her study of the prevalence of intimate partner violence in Trinidad and Tobago. Grounded in the empirical data of a national data set from a UN Women-funded project (Hosein et al. 2018), the study advances a conceptual framework that connects male backlash politics to women’s empowerment and domestic violence. Hosein argues that this response against women’s empowerment serves as a driver of violence against women. From her vantage, intimate partner violence is reproduced within a context of the ideological subordination of women and a male backlash to women’s empowerment in institutional and interpersonal relations. She illustrates the contradictions of women’s empowerment in the patriarchal organization of society whereby “violence against women continues because of persistent gender inequalities, on the one hand, and women’s successful challenges to those inequalities, on the other” (2019, 92). This predicament echoes hooks’ (2010) point

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about the rigid, naturalized ideals of gender behaviors and expectations that exploit as well as traumatize both men and women. Male backlash politics has served to contain the terms of gender equality (and feminist activism) as well as frame men’s “needs” as being neglected by asking, “what about men?” This has resulted in state development approaches to gender mainstreaming that diminish the feminist critique of unequal gendered power relations (Robinson 2004), instead endorsing men’s rights groups and their advocacy in being accused of excluding men—precisely one of the reasons that the poor are also vulnerable to violence, inclusive of poor men.

Conclusion This discussion of domestic violence as a visible manifestation of symbolic violence built upon Bourdieu’s concept of symbolic power to present multinodal, symbolic, and material interdependencies. As we outlined, the history of plantation production that preceded contemporary globalization has shaped these conditions, both in the past and in the postcolonial present. These systems were intimately intertwined with capitalism crosscontinentally and sustained through institutionalized inequalities. Much-needed legislative changes in the Anglo-Caribbean country of Trinidad and Tobago with the advances of feminist and women’s movements have not curbed the routinization of domestic violence perpetrated largely by men against women. We suggest that symbolic violence conceptually helps in understanding the persistence of gender-based violence into the postcolonial present. The less than visible tentacles of symbolic violence—those submerged under the visible tip of the iceberg, to use an ecofeminist analogy—are evident in everyday interactions as well as institutions. Additionally, as Bourdieu has argued, a degree of reflexivity is necessary to understand how theory and practice intersect. Contemplating this symbolic schema can only further our awareness of the less than visible, systemically embedded brutalities in the hope of aiding scholarly efforts toward the elimination of gender-based violence.

Note 1. “Black” and “brown” in the context of the Anglo-Caribbean largely refers to descendants of Africans, Asians, and Amerindians/indigenous groups.

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CHAPTER 4

Exploring Domestic Violence Issues and Resolutions Through Epic Theatre and Forum Theatre: The Good, the Baddesse and the Ugly Godfrey A. Steele

Introduction Confronting, responding to and interpreting domestic violence remain challenges, despite current efforts to mitigate and manage this problem and to understand and support victims and perpetrators. This chapter explores a creative and community-based approach to confronting the continuing challenges of domestic violence. It draws upon the theatre production of Baddesse. The UWI Department of Creative and Festival Arts presented Baddesse as its student production in April 2019 at The

G. A. Steele (B) Department of Literary, Cultural & Communication Studies, The University of the West Indies, St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_4

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University of the West Indies in St. Augustine, Trinidad.1 The production employed epic theatre (Brecht 1964) and forum theatre approaches (Boal 1979, 1993)2,3 and a critical pedagogy perspective (Freire 1970, 1993)4 to narrate and dramatize the multifaceted experiences of victims and perpetrators. The production was greatly influenced by the work of Brecht5 whose use of epic theatre or dialectical theatre for political education and social education, and its related techniques in performance are well documented and will be referenced.6 Baddesse explored what happens when a vigilante group of female activists intervenes in an effort to bring about social justice and restorative justice. It presented options for resolution and healing behaviour for the victims (including their survivors) and the sometimes unwitting and intentional perpetrators, and invited the audience to choose among these options and contemplate the consequences of those choices. This chapter describes and interrogates the use of forum theatre and epic theatre. It explores the issues and implications related to using epic theatre and forum theatre in confronting, coping and resolving this socially stigmatic, traumatic and often misunderstood and mismanaged human tragedy. It confronts the good, the baddesse and the ugly and demonstrates how communication and community participation and activism through epic theatre and forum theatre can contribute meaningfully and positively to a humanistic understanding of the many faces of domestic violence and present possibilities for dialogue, intervention and resolution. This chapter’s central thesis is to explore how an activist and creative approach through theatre can be used to confront the many faces of domestic violence and demonstrate how community participation can contribute to dialogue, intervention and resolution. This exploration is conducted by undertaking an overview of the prevalence of domestic violence in Trinidad and Tobago, followed by a synopsis of Baddesse and commentary on its performance. This is followed by a discussion of theatre theory, concepts and techniques that inform the play and how these features work together to create an activist frame for making the familiar strange, engaging the audience and addressing domestic violence in a novel way. Next, the chapter discusses the historical and social context of violence in Trinidad and Tobago as a basis for delving into the nature and prevalence of domestic violence, by referring to contemporary research. Finally, in reviewing ways of dealing with domestic violence, this chapter argues that Baddesse offers an alternative, humanistic way of viewing domestic violence to complement dominant traditional forms that

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address its issues and resolutions through statistical analysis and reporting, and social-scientific quantitative and qualitative communication research. The methodological approach that was undertaken is derived from a combination of textual analysis incorporating rhetorical criticism and content analysis. When I first saw Baddesse on its opening night in April 2019, I felt compelled to write something about what the play communicated and its meaning and impact that went beyond the typical theatre review. I was uncertain about how to proceed. After seeing the play for the second time, I became interested in the play’s theatre techniques and what I saw as a process of educating audiences and actors, oppressed and oppressor, particularly in the way that the audience was incorporated into the action, conflict and resolution, and the way in which the play’s action and the curated scene in the foyer resonated with the reality of the world of domestic violence outside the auditorium. Later, I became aware of the call for chapter proposals for this book in May 2019 and decided to write about Baddesse. I began by drafting some initial thoughts about the play and its techniques and recording my recollections about the play while consulting the programme notes. I interviewed the director in March 2020, and began to explore readings on Brechtian theatre, forum theatre and critical pedagogy, and revisit readings on theatre genres and criticism with which I was familiar. My data sources were newspaper and other reports and research studies on domestic violence as well as promotional materials and published reviews of the play. I was fortunate to obtain a copy of the final script and a video recording of the play to refresh my memory only after I had written a draft of the chapter. I used the script and video to cross-check factual matters and to represent the play as accurately as possible in conception and in performance, in addition to my interpretive response.

Prevalence of Domestic Violence in Trinidad and Tobago In viewing a memorable film about how violence re-enters the life of one apparently mild-mannered man and forces him to act and treat with consequences of his actions when the exemplary order and stability of his transformed life are threatened and his family’s welfare is at stake, the audience is drawn into the traumatic and reality-altering experience of A History of Violence.7 The audience is left to wonder, “What would I have done? How would I have coped with this situation? What were my

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options?” if they were placed in the same situation. These familiar questions are made strange, in the language of Brecht, by invoking a number of dramatic techniques. These questions, and the play’s dramatization of them, attend the minds of men and women living in today’s world, and the audience contemplating the issues explored in Baddesse. Unlike the protagonist in the celebrated poem, Five Ways to Kill a Man,8 who concludes that the simplest way to kill a man is to let him live in the twentieth century, today’s human being knows that in the twenty-first century there are many options for dealing with violence ranging from judicial process, to extra-judicial actions and vigilante justice activism. Responding to these very questions and contemplating the options and consequences are the dilemmas (or trilemmas?) that present themselves to the Baddesse vigilante group known as the Black Widows. The location and setting of this dramatic confrontation with these questions, options and consequences is in Trinidad and Tobago society, one that is often described as violent. The issue is a Caribbean one and a global one, but the tragedy of this human poignancy resonates beyond those directly involved. This tragedy resonates even more so given the nuanced biases and accounts and narratives of domestic violence that go beyond the statistics, and the protection orders and the injury and loss of life that attend not only the victims, but the several interlocking communities that are intimately affected whenever a woman and a mother and a caregiver dies.

Synopsis of Baddesse Baddesse was performed on April 5–7 and 12–14 2019 at the University of the West Indies, St Augustine by the Department of Creative and Festival Arts as the annual student theatre production. It was directed by Brendon Lacaille. The play was developed and scripted by the cast and director at a time of increasing reports of domestic violence in Trinidad and Tobago and when worldwide there was increasing focus on achieving one of the UN Sustainable Development Goals, Goal 5—Achieving gender equality and empowerment of all women and girls.9 In the foyer of the performance venue there was a set featuring a domestic interior of a home with images of persons who were victims of domestic violence and physical evidence of violence. There was also a curated message board with comments written by the audience. The audience was directed to visit the foyer during intermission and after the play.

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Baddesse explores the response of a group of young women to incidents of domestic violence in their community. Their actions are triggered by a young woman’s experience of intimate partner violence as a form of domestic violence that leads to her murder. Writing about Baddesse, Laura Dowrich-Phillips describes it as a play “working towards the eradication of Gender-based Violence (GBV) and Violence against Women and Girls (VAWG) in T&T,” noting. The play tells the story of the rise of a fictitious, women-led, vigilante organization called The Black Widows in response to the domestic violence murder of a young woman.”10 In her synopsis, Dowrich-Phillips speaks to the play’s plot and performance11 the play tells the story of the rise of a fictitious, women-led, vigilante organization called The Black Widows in response to the domestic violence murder of a young woman. Following retaliation by the sister of the murdered woman, women begin banding together to stand up for themselves and return violence for violence. The organization becomes nationally known and gets support from politicians and a local TV host. There’s a surprising twist where the real purpose of the organization is revealed in a surprising conclusion. The play utilizes an interactive dynamic where the audience is allowed and encouraged to participate in the play.

Commenting on the issues tackled by the play, Gabrielle Hosein,12 Head Institute of Gender and Development Studies at The UWI, St. Augustine remarked on the questions it posed (see Fig. 4.1). WHAT IF women, so tired of seeing other women and girls threatened, controlled, harassed, abused and killed, took vigilante justice into their own hands? Every man who harmed and killed his partner was now at risk of being violently injured by a gang of ordinary, angry women with pipes, poui, batons, broomsticks, bilnas and more. Women who couldn’t stop the partners of their daughters, sisters, mothers and friends would find this gang of women and they would enact the kind of punishment which sends a message to all that women will no longer be passive in the face of such impunity.

What if the gang of women began to grow as more joined and any violent man became vulnerable to being beaten by masked women secretly connected across the country in defence of those so failed by our justice system?

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Fig. 4.1 Baddesse flyer (Courtesy DCFA)

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Any man abusing his partner or any other woman could be found out and dealt with immediately, violently and collectively. Would those men begin to feel afraid? Would violence against women decrease as such punishment acts as prevention? Would women across communities begin to feel as if they were empowered to make such violence end?

What if women began to do this, would it really be so bad? How would they be judged in the court of public opinion, among those who resist violence of any kind as a solution, among those for whom morality is defined by law, among those who have dreamed of just this scenario many times, among those inspired by these women to pick up a pot spoon or an iron pan to stop the next lash? And, when it comes to this gang’s judgement to kill perpetrators of violence against women, what decision would you support?

Performing Baddesse In responding to the staging and impact of the play, Hosein shared her views on the resonance of its themes during performance: There were many things I appreciated about the play. The cast of young women played assertive and complex characters, showing themselves as both experiencing violence and refusing passivity to it, yet conflicted by its many contradictions. Indeed, the relationships and negotiations among the young and badass women, of different ethnicities, were some of the play’s richest material.

Yet, the production was much more, creating several settings in which violence is discussed, enacted and resisted. We are taken into the bedroom of a politician and his wife, herself a women’s rights advocate, psychologist and battered woman. We are taken on set where the glamorous host, who represents the character of a flamboyant gay man in a way stereotypical of Caribbean theatre, addresses this issue, bringing the audience into the conversation. We are shown commercials, created for the production, that show how violence becomes normalized as part of the consumption of popular culture. We are taken into the safe house of the women’s gang, whose leader is called “Black Widow,” and where we get an intimate insight into the

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difficulty of embarking on this dangerous path—out of trauma, frustration and anger. The play constantly draws in the audience through use of the theatre space and through direct engagement with audience members. You don’t know if to cry, sometimes despite yourself you want to laugh and mostly you watch the production heartbroken that this is where male violence has led women—to desperate self-defense when there seems to be nowhere else to turn. The “direct engagement with audience members” reflects a memorable feature of the performance and is supported by Laura Dowrich-Phillips’ response, “The play utilizes an interactive dynamic where the audience is allowed and encouraged to participate in the play.”13 According to another commentator, Paula Lindo, the director Brendon Lacaille revealed the play “was developed with three major aims: the telling of a story which critically considers GBV, the facilitation of an open forum for discussion, and a theatre presentation which will build a critical appreciation on the part of the audience of the concerns re the issue of GBV in T&T as it relates to VAWG [Violence Against Women and Girls].”14 Lindo noted his explanation, “The play is asking ‘What if?’ What if the unchecked issues continue to go unchecked and what if women decide to answer violence with violence? The play attempts to break certain rules regarding the audience and how they experience a theatre production. It also attempts to facilitate dialogue, which is needed in approaching these sensitive issues.” Lacaille linked the vigilante group in Baddesse to other-activist social movements, as reported by Lindo (see Fig. 4.1). He compared the formation of the Black Widow movement with the rise of Black Power and The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, who “although they engaged in and promoted non-violent social interventions in their earlier engagements, their resonances today are still seen and felt as a product of a necessary, violent radicalism. Does the unchecked suffering and death caused by GBV in T&T warrant such extreme action? There is a clear understanding that the traditional safe spaces for girls and women— the school, the church, the home—to name a few, are no longer safe. If the Caribbean society is deemed a patriarchy which endangers women, with T&T being infused with this cultural, hegemonic, DNA, then, as in the case of The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, women need to take extreme measures to defend themselves and eradicate VAWG.

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Baddesse, then, was in its creative conception, scripting and staging, an attempt to explore serious, resonant questions about gender-based violence. These questions were complex, contradictory and impactful. In addressing these questions, Baddesse was designed to engage the audience, by drawing them in and involving them in interactive participation in the action and resolution. It asks “What if?” but according to the programme note, it was unlike other work because “the audience is immediately engaged and is allowed to respond and offer their perspectives” which could result in a different resolution each night.15 In a pre-production notice, readers are informed, “It also attempts to facilitate dialogue, which is needed in approaching these sensitive issues.”16 In doing so, the play sought to “break certain rules regarding the audience and how they experience a theatre production” by utilizing certain dramatic techniques. These techniques were inspired by the work of Brecht, Boal and Freire.

Bertolt Brecht, Augusto Boal and Paulo Freire Bertolt Brecht was born in Augsburg, Germany in 1898. He studied medicine and took classes in theatre. His early work in the 1920s was episodic and dealt with fragmenting societies which he learnt as an apprentice to Max Reinhardt. He was influenced by the expressionist style of theatre of Ernst Toller and Georg Kaiser. In the late 1920s, Brecht had the experience of working with Erwin Piscator whose style incorporated political theatre designed to educate the audience and used multimedia elements. Brecht combined Piscator’s technique with elements from cabaret,17,18 preferring, however, to focus on rationality rather than using theatre as propaganda.19 He wrote “Threepenny Opera,” perhaps his most famous play, in 1928. During a period of exile from Nazi-era Germany beginning in 1933, living temporarily in Denmark, Sweden and Finland, he migrated to the United States and wrote several plays including “Mother Courage and Her Children.” During this period, he wrote formally on his theory of theatre as epic theatre, before returning to Germany to continue his work until his death in 1956. Rugnetta makes the point that Brecht’s plays were described as “hugely literary” and “staunchly political” in the sense that they were designed to “wake up the audience” and to provide “a more intense and essential vision of reality.”20 The classical Marxist philosophy of dialectical materialism which posited the individual as the product of his socio-political and

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economic conditions and as having the power to change his circumstances and environment influenced Brecht. When Brecht encountered Marxism in 1928–1929, he found a philosophy that fit well with his previously well-established approach that saw theatre as having a social function21,22 and which legitimized an interventionist form of theatre.23 His plays were known for the development and voicing of women’s characters. Some elements of Brechtian theatre include epic theatre, the alienation or distancing effect, the use of gestus, the third-person effect, and the deliberate non-suspension of disbelief. These elements had a powerful and lasting effect on post-modern theatre. The idea of “epic theatre”24 a term coined by Piscator, was explored as the opposite of traditional dramatic “naturalistic” theatre which had a psychological motivation based on Constantin Stanislavski’s method,25 in Brecht’s work. This traditional approach is seen as a dominant and persistent dinosaur tradition “in the form of the escapist musical, the safe and well-made play, and the hermetically-sealed, nondisturbing comedy, the staple fare not just of London’s West End but of many provincial theatres.”26 In contrast, Brecht was interested in a theatre that revolutionized the way theatre audiences not only viewed a play but participated in the action and felt,27 as a result, compelled to change their way of seeing the world and transform the accepted disenfranchisement of the poor, downtrodden and oppressed.28,29 Epic theatre was conceived as a way of transforming the relationship between the individual and society. The idea of epic theatre was “based on the concept of the primary importance of production in social life and it was intended to demonstrate socialism as the constant revolutionizing of the forces and relations within the processes of production. Brecht often spoke of his form of theatre as one designed to make a contribution to ‘the full unfettering of everybody’s productivity’ (Suvin 1984, p. 20).”30 This transformative approach is adopted and recreated with even more radicalism in the work of Augusto Boal. Boal’s Forum Theatre saw the transformation of the audience as “offering theatre as a ‘tool’ to ordinary people, wherever they may be, for the analysis of the political options open to them” and he explained, “The intention of this kind of theatre is to provide a theatrical experience that is able radically to change people’s lives by giving them the opportunity to try out or rehearse alternative behavior in their lives.”31 For Boal, the Theatre of the Oppressed is “a rehearsal for the revolution.”32

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Boal’s Theatre of the Oppressed created a basis for his theatrical form known as Forum Theatre which breaks down any remaining barrier between the performer and the audience, by encouraging the audience not only to respond to the performance, but to participate actively in the creative process, by becoming what Boal terms “spect-actors.” In Forum Theatre the spectactors offer their personal experiences of “oppression” for enactment on the stage by the performers and are then cajoled into joining them in exploring the scenes and situations from their lives and in discovering possible solutions to problems and challenges posed. Thus the didactic form of Brecht’s epic theatre is developed into experiential learning, and Boal takes the Brechtian notions of education through participation, on which the Lehrstücke [a series of teaching plays] are based, a radical but logical step further.33

Boal considered good Forum Theatre actors as performers who could so engage the audience that they were “seduced” into becoming part of the action with little separation between them and the actors,34 and as actors who did not fear giving up control over the action.35 Paulo Freire’s “Pedagogy of the Oppressed” is based on his experience of prior adult literacy work and reflections on the link between poverty and education, and between social class and knowledge. It presents a liberation and transformative philosophy for educating and empowering persons who are disenfranchised, lacking in social and political consciousness, and are unable to speak for themselves. It encourages them to take responsibility for their freedom and development. In his words, “No pedagogy which is truly liberating can remain distant from the oppressed by treating them as unfortunates and by presenting for their emulation models from among the oppressors. The oppressed must be their own example in the struggle for their redemption.”36 A critically conscious education is necessary because the educational, cultural and economic systems have marginalized the experience, concerns and perspectives of the oppressed by recreating and reinforcing the very structures that create oppression referred to as the banking concept of education,37 and are obstacles for change. Their voices are underrepresented and powerless in the existing political and social structures. Consequently, Freire, argues, the pedagogy of the oppressed must be different from traditional approaches, and should raise critical consciousness. It should help women and men to remake themselves.38 This philosophy bears a striking resemblance to Brecht’s ideas about theatre as an educating force underpinned by a Marxist philosophy.

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The concern in Baddesse is to explore what happens when a vigilante group of women seek to resist the oppression they have faced by taking up arms, and in doing so, seizing the means to liberate themselves, from victimhood and the abuse from perpetrators of domestic violence. This resistance comes about through developing critical consciousness, empowerment and a recognition of the possibilities for liberation or the what-if question, but not without a price. The play asks, ultimately, whether adopting a course of violence is a way to end violence. The critical pedagogy philosophy embodied in Baddesse also considers the oppressor’s responsibility in a way that Freire recommended could happen through the development of a critical consciousness for them too: “those who authentically commit themselves to the people must re-examine themselves constantly.”39 Another technique associated with Brecht’s style includes the alienation or distancing or estrangement effect (Verfremdungseffekt or V-Effekt)40 in which the actors seek to force an audience to think about the action differently: “the real point which he strives to make clear is not that an audience should not feel, but that he intends them to feel different emotions from those being experienced by the characters on stage. If, for example, a character expresses sadness, the audience might experience anger at the social causes of that sadness.”41 The effect of estrangement is to make the familiar strange and at the same time ensure disbelief will not be suspended.42 Another technique is based on the concept of gestus , in which actors do not fully embody characters but relate to an external sociological reality or gestus to inform their performance. Thus for Brecht, “the meaning beneath the text is one of social attitudes rather than of feelings, and the expression will come about through the use of Gestus . Thus, the ‘truth’ of the actor’s performance of the role is based, for Stanislavski, on a psychological understanding of character, whereas for Brecht it draws on a sociological one. As Brecht himself saw, the “success” of the first is correctable only from “inside,” but that of the second from “outside” (by reference to external reality).”43 In Baddesse, the actors draw their truths from the social reality of violence, in general, and from domestic violence, in particular, in Trinidad and Tobago. This approach incorporates a third-person model of actors commenting on the action or explaining what is happening or about to happen by pointing to the action, gesturally, through gestures or gestus. Brechtian theatre unveils what happens at the beginning, but to a lesser

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extent than Boal’s use of a joker or outside figure “whose task is to facilitate the process of revelation, discovery and enactment (by, for example, encouraging the interchanging of roles), and, as importantly, to provide social analysis.”44 In Baddesse, the gestural aspects that point to significant issues and actions are reflected and reinforced in the use of a narrator, signs and placards.45

Violence in the Society Trinidad and Tobago has been described as a violent society. The historical context for this description has been traced from the arrival of Spaniards in the fifteenth century up to independence-era 1962. Brereton noted, “By the end of the nineteenth century a culture of violence certainly had been established in the Caribbean colonies, and Trinidad and Tobago was no exception. While this culture was pervasive and in some respects —gender neutral, there is no doubt that women of all ethnicities were prominent among its victims—as well as being, in some situations, its active agents” (Brereton 2010, p. 2). The potential for females to be active agents in violence or even as subtle aggressors is also corroborated in contemporary accounts. Examples include a social account of violence among school girls in Jamaica (Lewis et al. 2019),46 a cultural rendering of the female protagonist who can spar equally with, and dominate her partner in a calypso about the reversal of traditional roles (Mohammed 2014; Ramcharitar 2014)47 and a communication studies account of female aggression in a study of the influence of animated film on primary school children in Trinidad and Tobago (Steele 2008). The Trinidad Tobago Coalition against Domestic Violence (CADV) President Roberta Clarke (Rampersad 2019) argued about the inescapable presence of violence: “So let’s not get around that. Children experience violence in particular ways. Before the violence gets outside in the community, it’s experienced in the home,” adding, “So we cannot solve the violence outside if we don’t solve the violence in the home.” The relevance of Baddesse to this volume and the role of the creative arts as dialectical theatre is supported and developed in earlier synoptic and performative accounts of the play and its techniques. Suffice it to claim for now, that the role of women as victims and as agents of their own redemption is one of the themes explored in the what-if hypothetical questions the play poses to itself, its cast, crew and director, as well as its audience

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and community. It poses these questions in the tradition of Boal’s forum theatre, Freire’s critical pedagogy of liberation from oppression, and as aspects of Brecht’s epic theatre in its gestus , narrative, third-party effect, and distancing and alienation techniques that were described earlier. The level of violence in Trinidad and Tobago society, and the commentary on its existence does not mean that the infamous descriptor is unique to that society. Data on reported murder rates are indicative. Compared to other countries, Trinidad and Tobago’s ranking for murder rates per 100,000 places it in the second-ranked group (Belize, St. Kitts Nevis, Trinidad and Tobago) after Jamaica among its English-speaking Caribbean neighbours (Seepersad 2016, 40–41, Table 3 and Fig. 23) for 2000–2010. Trinidad and Tobago’s average murder rate was 18.6% per 100,000 for 1995–201348 and 30.9 per 100,000 in 2016.49 Trinidad and Tobago are ranked third among its Latin American and Caribbean neighbours, and has the sixth-highest crime rate in the entire world50,51 in 2020. These comparative rankings neither explain nor justify the prevalence of domestic violence. They merely highlight the social context and significance of the problem of violence within which the incidence of domestic violence, characterized as a gendered form of violence, is also a significant and increasingly alarming trend. But it is more than a trend, as dire as it appears. Domestic violence is a public health, serious crime and mental health issue, as well as a particularly heinous form of oppression and dehumanization and human rights violation perpetrated by power, gender, class, social, economic and structural factors.

Domestic Violence Definitions pertaining to domestic violence are those adopted by quantitative (Pemberton and Joseph 2018) and qualitative (Gender-Based Violence 2018) studies based on data collected in 2017 in Trinidad and Tobago. Intimate Partner Violence is defined from a female perspective as “Any act or omission by a current or former intimate partner which negatively affects the well-being, physical or psychological integrity, freedom, or right to full development of a woman” (Pemberton and Joseph 2018, p. xviii). Gender-based Violence (GBV) or Violence against Women and Girls (VAWG) is defined in a quantitative study context as Any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or psychological harm or suffering to women, including

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threats of such acts, coercion, or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or private life. It encompasses but is not limited to physical, sexual, and psychological violence occurring in the family, the general community, or perpetrated or condoned by the state. (Pemberton and Joseph 2018, p. xix)

Certain terms are used interchangeably in the qualitative study context. Domestic violence, intimate partner violence and wife abuse are used interchangeably to refer to the range of sexually, psychologically and physically coercive acts used against adult and adolescent women by current or former male intimate partners. (Gender-Based Violence 2018, p. 2)

Altogether, the terminology refers, in the context of the methodological approaches adopted in these two studies, to violence exclusively perpetrated against women and girls, and does not include other less common forms of domestic violence in which men and boys may be the victims. The emphasis is on female victims, and does not include the perspectives of male perpetrators and male victims which are all incorporated in Baddesse. As we have seen, as well, Baddesse contemplates the role of women as purveyors of violence in the fight against gender-based violence. This Brechtian making of the familiar into the strange creates moral dilemmas and a distancing or alienation effect for the women and men in the cast and the women and men in the audience who are incorporated within the play. A similar definition of domestic violence exists in the qualitative study of GBV, but the emphasis is placed on the range of instances of GBV based on social, cultural and economic pressures and recognition of males as victims too. In this instance, GBV includes: Acts of physical, mental or social abuse (including sexual violence) that is attempted or threatened, with some type of force (such as violence, threats, coercion, manipulation, deception, cultural expectations, weapons or economic circumstances) and is directed against a person because of his or her gender roles and expectations in a society or culture. A person facing gender-based violence has no choice to refuse or pursue other options without severe social, physical, or psychological consequences. Forms of GBV include sexual violence, sexual abuse, sexual harassment,

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sexual exploitation, early marriage or forced marriage, gender discrimination, denial (such as education, food, freedom) and female genital mutilation. (Gender-Based Violence 2018, p. 2)

VAWG, defined as a subcategory of GBV, refers to any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life. (Gender-Based Violence 2018, p. 2)

One in three women experienced domestic violence in Trinidad and Tobago based on a survey of 1079 women. This finding is a reflection of WHO estimates for global prevalence: “30 percent of ever-partnered women experienced lifetime physical and/or sexual partner violence; and 6 percent experienced this in the 12 months prior to data collection” according to Pemberton and Joseph (2018, p. xxii). Ever-partnered refers to “any woman who had a current or previous male intimate partner, whether married, cohabitating, or dating” (p. xxii). In simple terms, according to the researchers, “in the 15 to 64 age bracket, over 100,000 women in Trinidad and Tobago are estimated to have experienced one or more acts of physical and/or sexual violence perpetrated by male partners. Significantly, approximately 11,000 are likely to still be in abusive relationships” (p. xxiii). These findings were challenged for being exaggerated and alarmist in a public letter (Exaggeration, alarmism mar 2018). So, even in the face of scientific information made public, there may not always be universal acceptance. In Baddesse, issues of denial, powerlessness, embarrassment and the failure of the legal and political system to successfully address the problem of domestic violence emerge. Significantly, the play emphasizes that it is everyone’s problem, and that inaction and silence make it worse. The qualitative study which was based on 38 interviews and 14 focus groups with 122 persons, supported the quantitative study in its finding that one in three persons experienced domestic violence (Gender-Based Violence 2018, p. 5). This qualitative study also, based on an ecological model of violence that treats domestic violence as multifaceted, identified risk factors for intimate partner violence for both men and women who had witnessed or experienced it as a child at the individual level.

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For men, a childhood risk factor was an absentee father and for women it was low educational attainment. In addition, the role of substance abuse and the implications of the normalization of violence accounted for domestic violence. In particular, this study noted this normalization occurred when “the prevailing culture tolerates physical punishment of women and children, accepts violence as a means to settle interpersonal disputes or perpetuates the notion that men ‘own’ women,” and this culture consequently, “creates an environment that fosters violence” (Gender-Based Violence 2018, p. 5). There were other ecological factors at the level of the family and relationship (males control money and power and conflicts are frequent), the community (peer pressure for the male and isolation and lack of mobility for women), and the society as a whole (rigid definitions of gender roles and the equivalence of masculinity with “toughness, male honor or dominance”) (p. 5). Thus, risk factors exist for men and women and exist at individual, family, relational, community and societal levels, which may be interrelated. These risk factors are illustrated in the lives of females and males in Baddesse at lower and higher socio-economic levels. Chantal is subjected to domestic partner abuse over a two-year period by Terrence and is strangled to death by him although she had a protection order against him. He is a victim of childhood abuse by his father and his mother was abused at the hands of his father. In the play Terrence is confronted with his actions and is made to pay the consequences at the hands of the Black Widows led by Chantal’s sister Crystal. Dianne, a self-styled “fighter” for women and an academic, reveals being abused by her politician husband Colin over a twenty-year period and admits to feeling helpless and powerless, and unable to do anything to match the “honesty” and courage of the women who take up arms against abusers during the Black Widows’ vigilante campaign. Dianne, too, confronts her situation by going public and supporting the Black Widows during a crisis.

Ways of Dealing with Domestic Violence: The Good, the Baddesse and the Ugly The play’s vigilante group of women elects to use violence as a way of dealing with domestic violence when a young woman in the community becomes the victim of abuse. They mobilize their membership to dispense their own form of justice. This position is contrary to the stance adopted by a group such as the T&T Coalition against Domestic Violence

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(CADV), which was established in 1988, and which opposes “the use of physical, emotional, psychological, sexual, financial and spiritual violence as a means of control over others” (T&T Coalition Against Domestic Violence 2012). In addition to the work of this local non-governmental organization, other supports for dealing with domestic violence exist in the form of shelters, protection in the form of legislation, and recommendations based on research and guidelines in the form of social support. All of these ways have been found to be inadequate in varying degrees in addressing the problem, reducing its incidence, and offering protection and saving lives. For example, shelters are provided but have been found to be underresourced and complex to manage (Ramdass 2020a). In Baddesse, shelter is provided by the Black Widows’ safe house. The current legislation was the first to be adopted in the English-speaking Caribbean in 1991, and replaced in 1999,52 but questions remain as to why the number of extensions of protection orders declines and why there is a lack of follow-through in the courts (Lazarus-Black 2007, 2008), and persistent non- or under-reporting of domestic violence incidents to the police (Wallace 2013; Wallace et al. 2019). In Baddesse, Chantal is strangled despite the protection order. Recommendations were made in one study to create family-based programmes based on an understanding of the role of family disorganization and socio-economic factors and a finding that among persons accessing the services of the CADV there was an increased incidence of domestic violence at an earlier age (Johnson 2017). Another study found that domestic violence existed across all socioeconomic classes, but was most prevalent among the working class, and that alcohol and/or drug abuse and lack of communication were perceived main causes (Nagassar et al. 2010). Guidelines were offered during the COVID-19 pandemic to address the increased incidence of domestic (Q&A: Violence against women during COVID-19 WHO 2020; Ramdass 2020b). These traditional ways of dealing with domestic violence include strategies and actions which have been used with varying degrees of success but, as Baddesse illustrates, the problem of GBV seems to remain, and appears to be becoming worse even after all of these innovative and continuing efforts made over the three decades since 1991. As a way of offering and exploring a different response, perhaps out of a sense of disappointment and frustration arising from analysis and reflection upon the contemporary situation, Baddesse adds to the repertoire of existing and familiar strategies by seeking to engage victims, perpetrators

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and third parties. In doing so Baddesse adopted the Brechtian (Brecht 1976; Eddershaw 1996) approach of making the familiar strange, and using techniques associated with the pedagogy of the oppressed (Freire 1970, 1993) and the theatre of the oppressed (Boal 1979, 1993) in its performance. The good that emerges from the play and during the interaction between the actors and the audience is the recognition that “necessary action,” even the vigilante, violent action undertaken by the Black Widows, highlights and brings attention and a response to the problem, and the traditional normalization of it. The vigilante action is symbolic of the message that everyone can do something and that even extreme measures are needed to address an extreme problem, and bring about radical change and liberation from oppression. But questions emerge about the humanity required to do so with fairness, and a sense of social justice and the recognition that the victims and perpetrators are not the ultimate target, but as one audience member says, it is the law. Another audience member says, “violence begets violence.” The Back Widow leader’s security service supervisor in her day job asks, “Things so bad nobody could look out for anybody now?” and affirms, “I just want to help her.” This recognition requires an objective distancing from the accepted approach to the problem, and a change in viewing and responding to the problem with political consciousness. As Brecht would say, “There is no crying in Dialectical Materialism.”53 and epic theatre or, his later preferred term, dialectical theatre,54 affords that view. Boal would insist that the required transformation can come through educative forum theatre that confronts reality and compels people to act in the way that the play’s actors and actions confront the problem in a live public spectacle in a television studio for all to see. Freire would affirm that the oppressed must be educated and empowered to develop a critical consciousness and participate in their own liberation, and in the transformation of the society. The bad and ugly aspects that the play highlights are the prevalence and continuation of violence against women and men, in asking how many more Chantals must there be. The media portrayals of domestic violence, the exploitation of domestic violence as a media commodity, and the hype and glitz associated with representation in advertisements, video clips and social media memes are illustrated in the promotion and handling of the talk show “What’s Trending,” which can be managed

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more responsibly as the play shows, and which can be subverted by the Black Widow insurgents led by Crystal and even the helpless Dianne. Baddesse confronts the good, the “baddesse,” or the worst, and the ugly and engages its audience and its wider public in communities and in the society. In doing so it relies on epic theatre, forum theatre and the development of critical consciousness as complementary, humanistic and creative ways of addressing the problem of gendered domestic violence. This approach complements the traditional ways of doing so using statistical data analysis, media and police reports and quantitative and qualitative social scientific methods of investigation and dissemination of research. Baddesse promotes dialogue, intervention and resolution to supplement the traditional ways of doing so. Acknowledgements I wish to acknowledge the generous and willing support of Mr Brendon Lacaille, Artistic Director, Arts-in-Action in the Department of Creative and Festival Arts (DCFA) who agreed to be interviewed in March 2020, and who was readily available to respond to questions and requests. With his help, and that of Mr Keon Reid, I was able to have access to the final 2019 script of Baddesse and view a recording of the play produced by the DCFA at The UWI St. Augustine in 2019.

Notes 1. Baddesse was staged April 5–7 and 12–14 in 2019 at The UWI St. Augustine. It was produced by the Theatre Arts Unit in the Department of Creative and Festival Arts (DCFA) as an annual student theatre production by the 2018/2019 Production II class (THEA 2299) in 2019 supported by Arts-in-Action. The play was directed by Brendon Lacaille. Brendon Lacaille is Artistic Director, Arts-in-Action, DCFA, The UWI. 2. Augusto Boal, Theater of the Oppressed (New York: Theatre Communications Group, 1993), 132–133. 3. Forum Theatre was developed by Boal, 1979, 1993 and inspired by the work of Freire, 1970. 4. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed [Pedagogia Do Oprimido], trans. Myra Ramos (New York: Herder and Herder, 1970, 1993), 16. 5. Bertolt Brecht 1898–1956 born, Augsburg, Germany was a prolific playwright who began his apprenticeship in Germany, developed the theory and practice of epic theatre, migrated to the United States to develop his craft, and returned to Germany to work until his death. See Mike Rugnetta, “Bertolt Brecht and Epic Theater: Crash Course Theater #44,” YouTube, January 18, 2019. https://youtu.be/c7fqMPDcKXM, accessed

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May 13, 2020 for an accessible introduction and short discussion of Brecht’s theory and techniques applied in performance. See Margaret Eddershaw, Performing Brecht (Abingdon: Taylor and Francis, 1993), Chapters 1, 4, 6 for an account of Brecht’s ideas, theories and techniques applied in performance. A History of Violence, directed by David Cronenberg (2005; Millbrook, ON: BenderSpink/New Line/Time Warner), DVD. https://www.imdb. com/title/tt0399146/. Edwin Brock, “Five Ways to Kill a Man,” New and Selected Poems (Petersfield: Enitharmon Press, 1990). https://englicist.com/notes/five-waysto-kill-a-man-summary. Brendon Lacaille and the 2018/2019 THEA 2299 Production II class produced a script which acknowledged that it was based on material from the 2017 UN Women sponsored research on GBV in Trinidad and Tobago. See “Gender-Based Violence in Trinidad and Tobago: A Qualitative Study (2018)” with research led by Gabrielle Hosein; and Pemberton, Cecilia and Joel Joseph. “National Women’s Health Survey for Trinidad and Tobago Final Report,” 2018. References to the script and any quotations are based on the final script and video recording kindly shared by Brendon Lacaille. Laura Dowrich-Phillips, “The Lounge: Baddesse Play Tackles GenderBased Violence,” April 13, 2019. https://www.looptt.com/content/lou nge-baddesse-play-tackles-gender-based-violence, accessed May 13, 2020. Dowrich-Phillips, “The Lounge.” Gabrielle Hosein, “What If? Diary of a Mothering Worker Entry 328,” April 10, 2019. Newsday, https://newsday.co.tt/2019/04/10/what-if/. Dowrich-Phillips, “The Lounge.” Paula Lindo, “BADDESSE Offers New Perspective on Gender-Based Violence,” April 6, 2019. Baddesse programme note, April, 2019. DCFA Presents BADDESSE—Annual Student Theatre Production for 2019. March 28, 2019. Student Notices. https://sta.uwi.edu/news/not ices/notice.asp?id=25257. Mike Rugnetta, “Bertolt Brecht and Epic Theater.” Based on Peter Thomson’s account, “Brecht’s Lives,” in The Cambridge Companion to Brecht. Cambridge Companions to Literature Ser., ed. Peter Thomson and Glendyr Sacks, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 22–39 of Bertolt Brecht’s, 1965, The Messingkauf Dialogues, trans. John Willett (London: Methuen, 1985), ISBN: 0–413-38,890–5. Eddershaw, Performing Brecht, 11. Mike Rugnetta, “Bertolt Brecht and Epic Theater.” Volker, 1979, p. 110 cited in Eddershaw, Performing Brecht, 2–3.

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22. Bertolt Brecht, Brecht on Theater: The Development of an Aesthetic. Ed. and trans. John Willett. British edition (London: Methuen, 1964), ISBN: 0–413-38,800-X, USA edition (New York: Hill and Wang, 1964), 23–24, ISBN: 0–8090-3100–0: “When I read Marx’s Capital,” a note by Brecht reveals, “I understood my plays.” Marx was, it continues, “the only spectator for my plays I’d ever come across.” Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Bertolt_Brecht#cite_note-FOOTNOTEBrecht196423–24-45. 23. Eddershaw, Performing Brecht, 2. 24. Eddershaw, Performing Brecht, 2–3; Eddershaw cites Volker, 1979, 110; Suvin, 1984, 20. 25. Constantin Stanislavski, An Actor Prepares (New York: Theater Arts Books, 1936). 26. Eddershaw, Performing Brecht, 151. 27. Laura Bradley, “Why Is Brecht Still Relevant Today?—An Interview with Dr Laura Bradley,” October 8, 2014. https://www.youtube.com/watch? v=t-A8mCjRu5g. 28. Eddershaw, Performing Brecht, 3 describes the influence of Marxism on Brecht’s plays “Crucially, the corollary of Brecht’s Marxism was his creation of play-texts that were based on a social, economic and historical understanding of the development of human life and behavior and its institutions, and which expressed Brecht’s passionate concern for the poor, the disempowered and the disenfranchised in society. His aim was not just to reflect the real world in his drama but to contribute to its change and improvement.” 29. Brecht, Brecht on Theater: The Development of an Aesthetic, 96. 30. Eddershaw, Performing Brecht, 2. 31. Eddershaw, Performing Brecht, 159–160. 32. Boal, The Theater of the Oppressed, 122. 33. Eddershaw, Performing Brecht, 160. 34. Augusto Boal, Games for Actors and Non-Actors (London: Routledge, 1992), 237. “In their performances there must not be the slightest trace of the narcissism so commonly found in closed theatre shows.... The actors must be dialectical, must know how to give and take, how to hold back and lead on, how to be creative. They must feel no fear (which is common with professional actors) of losing their place, of standing aside.” 35. Eddershaw, Performing Brecht, 162, “Boal’s concept of the good performer as one who is unafraid of devolving some of his/her power to the audience provides a useful perspective from which to view contemporary modes of performance in general.” 36. Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, 54. 37. Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, 77; similar to Rousseau’s concept of children as active learners, not as tabula rasa learners beginning with an empty slate.

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38. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of Indignation (Boulder, CO: Paradigm, 2004), 15 “Education makes sense because women and men learn that through learning they can make and remake themselves, because women and men are able to take responsibility for themselves as beings capable of knowing—of knowing that they know and knowing that they don’t.” 39. Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, 60. 40. Brecht, Brecht on Theater: The Development of an Aesthetic, 91. 41. Eddershaw, Performing Brecht, 16. 42. Rugnetta, “Bertolt Brecht and Epic Theater,” https://youtu.be/c7fqMP DcKXM, 4 25 –5 10 , refers to the unexpected behaviour of one character in “Threepenny Opera” that makes the audience feel a different emotion as spect-actor to the one they would normally feel in that situation because of how the character felt. In the play the sweet and virginal Polly Peachum steps out of her expected character to sing a violent revenge ballad “Pirate Jenny” and this encourages the audience to ask, “Why would she do that?” 43. Eddershaw, Performing Brecht, 19–20. 44. Eddershaw, Performing Brecht, 160. 45. Brecht, Brecht on Theater: The Development of an Aesthetic, 138. 46. Lewis et al., “‘Some Girls Are So Vicious That Even the Boys Fear Them’: Girls and Gangs in Jamaica,” In Female Child Soldiering, Gender Violence, and Feminist Theologies, edited by Susan Willhauch, 93–107. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019 explore the culture of female violence among school girls in Jamaica. 47. In the Mighty Sparrow’s (1958) calypso Stella, the voice of the young female protagonist challenges the older man persona, Sparrow seeking to protect her. She is speaking during an evening’s visit in the privacy of his quarters after attending a baby’s christening. The older man suggests that she be cautious in drinking. Stella responds: “I could take care of myself/Sparrow darling bring the whisky from the shelf/Only give me one or two and we will see who/Taking advantage of who.” https:// lyrics.fandom.com/wiki/Mighty_Sparrow:Stella, accessed May 15, 2020. See Mohammed (2014) and Ramcharitar (2014). 48. Randy Seepersad, Crime and Violence in Trinidad and Tobago (Washington, DC: IDB, 2016), 41. 49. See Trinidad and Tobago data for 2015 in UN Stats, “Intentional Homicides and Other Crimes,” 13. April 4, 2019. https://data.un.org/_ Docs/SYB/PDFs/SYB62_328_201904_Intentional%20Homicides% 20and%20Other%20Crimes.pdf, accessed July 30, 2020. 50. The Trinidad and Tobago crime rate index of 73.19 is ranked thirdhighest in Latin America and the Caribbean and sixth-highest in the world. Crime Rate by Country 2020—World Population “Crime rate is

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51.

52.

53. 54.

calculated by dividing the number of reported crimes by the total population, and then the result is multiplied by 100,000,” https://worldpopu lationreview.com/country-rankings/crime-rate-by-country, accessed July 30, 2020. The Trinidad and Tobago crime rate index of 72.43 is ranked thirdhighest in Latin America and the Caribbean and sixth-highest in the world. “Crime rate is calculated by dividing the number of reported crimes by the total population, and then the result is multiplied by 100,000,” Crime Index by Country 2020 Mid-Year https://www.numbeo.com/ crime/rankings_by_country.jsp, accessed July 30, 2020. According to Lazarus-Black (2007, 14) the 1991 Domestic Violence Act was replaced by the 1999 Domestic Violence Act which extended the powers of the police to among others, investigate all complaints; added financial abuse as a new category; proved for a peace bond for defendants; changes the fines and penalties for breaching a protection order; extended the duration of protection orders for a period of up to three years; and included visiting unions. Yet, despite these changes and an increase in the number and range of opportunities for more matters to be brought to court, Lazarus-Black argues certain legal procedures for applying for and receiving a protection order, court rites, the prolonged time for legal procedures and a culture of reconciliation persist. Rugnetta, “Bertolt Brecht and Epic Theater.” Brecht, Brecht on Theater, 276.

References Boal, Augusto. Theater of the Oppressed. London: Pluto Press, 1979. Boal, Augusto. Theater of the Oppressed. New York: Theatre Communications Group, 1993. Boal, Augusto. Games for Actors and Non-Actors. London: Routledge, 1992. Bradley, Laura. Why Is Brecht Still Relevant Today?—An Interview with Dr Laura Bradley. October 8, 2014. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t-A8m CjRu5g. Brecht, Bertolt. Brecht on Theatre: The Development of an Aesthetic. Edited and translated by John Willett. British edition. London: Methuen. ISBN: 0-41338800-X. USA edition. New York: Hill and Wang. ISBN: 0-8090-3100-0, 1964. Brecht, Bertolt. The Messingkauf Dialogues, 1965. Translated by John Willett. London: Methuen, 1976. ISBN: 0-413-38890-5. Brereton, Bridget. “Historical Background to the Culture of Violence in TT,” Caribbean Review of Gender Studies, no. 4 (2010). https://www.latam-stu dies.com/samples/02.pdf.

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“Crime Index by Country 2020 Mid-Year,” Numbeo. https://www.numbeo. com/crime/rankings_by_country.jsp. Accessed July 30, 2020. “Crime Rate by Country 2020—World Population,” World Population Review. https://worldpopulationreview.com/country-rankings/crime-rate-by-cou ntry. Accessed July 30, 2020. Cronenberg, David, dir. A History of Violence, 2005; Millbrook, Ontario: BenderSpink/New Line/Time Warner, DVD. https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0399 146/. Dowrich-Phillips, Laura. “The Lounge: Baddesse Play Tackles Gender-Based Violence,” April 13, 2019. https://www.looptt.com/content/lounge-bad desse-play-tackles-gender-based-violence. Accessed May 13, 2020. Eddershaw, Margaret. Performing Brecht. Abingdon: Taylor and Francis, 1996. “Exaggeration Alarmism Mar Women’s Health Report,” Express, May 4, 2018. https://trinidadexpress.com/opinion/letters/exaggeration-alarmism-marwomen-s-health-report/article_527b7cd0-4ffb-11e8-84b1-13e96784ba51. html. Freire, Paulo. Pedagogy of the Oppressed [Pedagogia Do Oprimido]. Translated by Myra Ramos. Herder and Herder, 1970, 1993. Freire, Paulo. Pedagogy of Indignation. Boulder: Colorado, Paradigm, 2004. Gender-Based Violence in Trinidad and Tobago: A Qualitative Study. UNDP and Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, and UN Women, 2018. https://www.undp.org/content/dam/unct/caribbean/docs/201 81011%20AF%20Trinidad%20and%20Tobago%20Health%20for%20digital. pdf. Hosein, Gabrielle. “What If? Diary of a Mothering Worker Entry 328,” Newsday, April 10, 2019. https://newsday.co.tt/2019/04/10/what-if/. Johnson, E. J. “An Exploratory Study on the Impact of Domestic Violence on the Families in Trinidad and Tobago, the West Indies,” Journal of EvidenceInformed Social Work 14, no. 1 (2017): 19–34. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 23761407.2016.1269709. Lazarus-Black, Mindie. Everyday Harm: Domestic Violence, Court Rites, and Cultures of Reconciliation. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2007. Lazarus-Black, Mindie. “Vanishing Complainants: The Place of Violence in Family, Gender, Work, and Law,” Caribbean Studies 36, no. 1 (2008): 25–51. Accessed June 5, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/25613138. Lewis, Marjorie, Dianne McIntosh, and Anna Kasafi Perkins. “‘Some Girls Are So Vicious That Even the Boys Fear Them’: Girls and Gangs in Jamaica,” In Female Child Soldiering, Gender Violence, and Feminist Theologies, edited by Susan Willhauch, 93–107. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019. Lindo, Paula. “BADDESSE Offers New Perspective on Gender-Based Violence,” April 6, 2019. https://ttpanetwork.com/2019/04/06/baddesse-offers-newperspective-on-gender-based-violence/. Accessed May 13, 2020.

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Mohammed, Patricia. “Who Taking Advantage of Who?,” In If Sparrow Say So Is So Lecture Series. Daaga Auditorium. The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad, February 2014. Nagassar, R. P., Rawlins, J. M., Sampson, N. R., Zackerali, J., Chankadyal, K., Ramasir, C., and Boodram, R. “The Prevalence of Domestic Violence Within Different Socio-Economic Classes in Central Trinidad,” The West Indian Medical Journal 59, no. 1 (2010): 20–25. Pemberton, Cecilia, and Joel Joseph. “National Women’s Health Survey for Trinidad and Tobago Final Report,” 2018. https://doi.org/10.18235/000 1006. “Q&A: Violence against Women during COVID-19,” April 15, 2020. Geneva: WHO. https://www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirus2019/question-and-answers-hub/q-a-detail/violence-against-women-duringcovid-19. Ramcharitar, Raymond. “The Mighty Sparrow: Gender Warrior,” Guardian, February 28, 2014. https://www.classifieds.guardian.co.tt/news/2014-0228/mighty-sparrow-gender-warrior. Ramdass, Anna. “Shelters for Women Full,” Express, April 23, 2020a, 3. Ramdass, Anna. “Stay-at-Home Hell: Domestic Violence Reports Skyrocket in March,” Express, April 23, 2020b, 1, 3. Rampersad, Joan. “TT a Violent Society,” Newsday, October 5, 2019. https:// newsday.co.tt/2019/10/05/tt-a-violent-society/. Rugnetta, Mike. “Bertoldt Brecht and Epic Theater: Crash Course Theater #44,” YouTube, January 18, 2019. https://youtu.be/c7fqMPDcKXM. Accessed May 13, 2020. Seepersad, Randy. Crime and Violence in Trinidad and Tobago. Washington, DC: IDB, 2016. https://publications.iadb.org/publications/english/doc ument/Crime-and-Violence-in-Trinidad-and-Tobago-IDB-Series-on-Crimeand-Violence-in-the-Caribbean.pdf. Stanislavski, Constantin. An Actor Prepares. New York: Theater Arts Books, 1936. Steele, Godfrey A. “Conflict Management and Animated Film in Elementary Schools,” In International Association for Conflict Management 21st Annual Conference, 27 pp. Chicago, USA: SSRN, November 2008. https://doi.org/ 10.2139/ssrn.1298627. Thomson, Peter. “Brecht’s Lives,” In The Cambridge Companion to Brecht. Cambridge Companions to Literature Ser., ed. Peter Thomson and Glendyr Sacks, 22–39. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. T&T Coalition Against Domestic Violence, 2012. https://www.govserv.org/ TT/Port-of-Spain/141022225998767/Coalition-Against-Domestic-Vio lence. Accessed June 4, 2020.

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UN Stats. “Intentional Homicides and Other Crimes,” 13. April 4, 2019. https://data.un.org/_Docs/SYB/PDFs/SYB62_328_201904_Intent ional%20Homicides%20and%20Other%20Crimes.pdf. Accessed July 30, 2020. Wallace, Wendell. “Girls and Gangs in Trinidad: An Exploratory Study,” In Gangs in the Caribbean, edited by Randy Seepersad and Ann Marie Bissessar, 195– 219. Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013. Wallace, Wendell C., Cherrie Gibson, Netty-Ann Gordon, Rennie Lakhan, Jinnalee Mahabir, and Cassandra Seetahal. “Intimate Partner Domestic Violence Victimization Non-reporting to Police Trinidad Tobago,” Justice Policy Journal 16, no. 1 (2019). https://www.cjcj.org/uploads/cjcj/doc uments/intimate_partner_domestic_violence_victimization_non_reporting_ to_police_trinidad_tobago.pdf.

Godfrey A. Steele is Professor of Human Communication Studies at The University of the West Indies (The UWI), St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago. Godfrey researches communication studies education (student engagement, assessment and evaluation in social and learning contexts); health communication (doctor-patient communication pedagogy and curriculum); conflict management, culture and communication intersections (in interpersonal, legal, environmental, political and governance, organizational, health, mediated and indigenous community contexts). He has also presented and published papers in conflict management and mediation since 2002, has considerable experience as a programme innovator and coordinator at undergraduate and postgraduate levels since 1995, has served throughout The UWI at faculty, campus, and universitywide levels and contributed public service at national, regional and international levels. He teaches courses in human communication theory, health communication theory, organizational and corporate communications, public relations communication, communication research methods and communication research writing. Godfrey is a Premium Teaching Award winner at The UWI (2000) and has published Health communication in the Caribbean and beyond: A reader (2011) and Health communication: Principles and practices (2019) (UWI Press). Author of 51 refereed articles, book chapters, books/journals in conflict management, health communication and human communication studies and 13 non-refereed articles, he also has over 80 submitted/accepted conference papers in these areas. To learn more, visit his website https://sta.uwi.edu/FHE/dlcc/prof-godfreysteele or email [email protected].

CHAPTER 5

Phenomenology as Methodology for Narrating Gender Perceptions on “Linguistic Violence” as Domestic Violence Moyia Rowtham

Wa a joke to de butcher a det to de animal. (Pencheon, Saint Kitts Department of Culture, as cited in Weithers 2020)

Introduction: Reconciling Language and Reality Reality may be deemed as a subjective construct especially if one considers the role of context as a means of situating and defining experiences. The lived experiences of an individual must be at the core of the interpretation and understanding of social phenomena. Whether interpreted as being negative or positive, even within the study of linguistics, credence must

M. Rowtham (B) Clarence Fitzroy Bryant College, Basseterre, Saint Kitts and Nevis © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_5

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be given to the significance of context in shaping meaning within the ambits of communication (Nouraldeen 2015). The way in which one perceives the world is often expressed in language that is often the object of a response of sorts. Renowned twentieth century philosopher, Wittgenstein, not only significantly contributed to logic and metaphysics, but presented his views on language and the manner in which humans should exist in the world. In his work Philosophical Investigations, he does not consider language as a tool for communicating thoughts and wishes but as a tool to enact the function that varying expressions carry out distinct tasks (McGinn 1997/2002). Language is a social habit that is played out in daily life through “language games” that suggest that words are a matter of how they are used and not merely what they represent as lexical items (Rayner 2014). The interwoven nature of language then highlights that “language is closely related to the world, history, culture and society” (Ismail 2017, p. 121) and so it ain’t what you say, it’s the way that you say it, and the context in which you say it. Words are how you use them (Wittgenstein as cited in Aly Ismail 2017, p. 120). This study then focuses on “the wide horizon of human linguistic activity” (McGinn 1997/2002, p. 39) and not just “particular linguistic elements in isolation from both the field of language and the actual employment of this language by speakers” (p. 39), as language becomes a force of violence because of the context of abuse in which it exists. Language then, must not just be considered in communicating one’s state of mind, but how it affects “the other” even as it relates to eliciting a response from the receiver (McGinn 1997/2002). In other words, it is not only what is said, but the how of what is said, that is paramount when the context of the interaction ensues.

Transcendental Phenomenology Unlike other types of qualitative inquiry, phenomenological research differs from other modes of qualitative inquiry because the focus is on the comprehension of the “essence of a phenomenon from the perspective of participants who have experienced it” (Christensen, Johnstone & Turner as cited in Eddles-Hirsch 2015, p. 251). One then need not centralise the participants of the research or the social ethos in which they exist, but to zoom in on the meaning or essence of the phenomenon at hand (Merriam as cited in Eddles-Hirsch 2015, p. 251).

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With its Greek etymological origin, the word “phenomenon” means to “to bring to light, to place in brightness, to show itself in itself, the totality of what lies before us in the light of day” (Heidegger as cited in Moustakas 1994, p. 26). Thus emerges the general truth of phenomenology—“To the things themselves”—which provides the basic framework for the systematic organization of understanding (Moustakas 1994). There are three basic approaches to phenomenology—transcendental, hermeneutic, and existential, but it is noteworthy that the transcendental approach is the foundation on which all the other phenomenological methods are built (Schwandt as cited in Eddles-Hirsch 2015, p. 252). German philosopher, Edmund Husserl (1859–1938) is dubbed the father of transcendental phenomenology. He embraced the view that the external world is reduced to individual awareness and because individuals can be certain about the manner in which they perceive the world, individual realities are then “pure phenomenon” and is the only valid data to be used to launch an investigation, for anything that is not within immediate experience is worthy of disregard (Eagleton 1983/2003). Transcendental phenomenology was used to frame the methodology of this study because of the emphasis on the exploration of an understanding of the meaning of the experiences of the co-researchers who are the participants sharing in the research process. Within this study as in the context of other phenomenological research, the participants will be referenced as co-researchers because of the role that they play parallel to that of the lead researcher, in understanding the various meanings and essence related to the phenomenon at hand. The researcher then perceives the coresearchers as playing a central role within the research, as the researcher has stripped preconceived ideas and relies solely on the experiences of the co-researchers as they give life to the research process.

The Investigation The purpose of the study is to explore the “gender realities” of individual narratives of experiences and feelings, provide in-depth descriptions and arrive at the essence of participants’ lived experience of the phenomenon of domestic violence (DV) via linguistic violence (LV). The investigation then seeks to understand the meaning of the experiences of DV as experienced via LV.

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The methodology which guided this process was inspired by the simplicity of the steps outlined in Moerer-Urdahl and Creswell (2004) and Eddles-Hirsch (2015) as entrenched within the basic structure put forward by Moustakas (1994) in carrying out phenomenological research. As it relates to the interviewing process, the strategy employed by Bevan (2014) was used as a framework because the interview within phenomenological research often pales in comparison to the emphasis placed on understanding phenomenological research itself. Even though it is the most popular and applicable method for gathering data in phenomenological research, historically, there are limited directives given about how interviews should be done (Bevan 2014). It was hence deemed appropriate to remain true to the phenomenological tradition and apply phenomenological structure to the interview process to enhance the phenomenological reduction as supported by the outline provided by Moerer-Urdahl and Creswell (2004). The study outlines the contextualisation of the study within the parameters of transcendental phenomenological, the use of epoche and the phenomenological reduction process as it relates to the analysis of the data. There is the formulation of meaning units or themes with the existing literature to bring clarity to the terminologies used by the coresearchers as practised by Moerer-Urdahl and Creswell (2004). From the thematic analysis, the researcher presents a description of the “what,” as it was experienced in the textural descriptions of the co-researchers and the “how.” As it was experienced in structural descriptions. The textural descriptions are then examined for “exemplifications” to clearly advance the structural descriptions of domestic violence via linguistic violence (Moustakas 1994). The structural textures then form a part of the process of imaginative variation which results in the formulation of the essential structures associated with linguistic violence and its relationship with domestic violence. Finally, the meaning of the co-researchers’ experience is showcased as the “essence” of such (experiences) as the basic structure of domestic violence via linguistic violence is described.

Research Questions Central Question: How is linguistic violence perceived in relation to domestic violence?

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i. What are the views on and feelings about domestic violence via linguistic violence? ii. In what contexts is domestic violence experienced via linguistic violence?

Collection of Data: The Phenomenological Interview The phenomenon being studied informs the method of research and even the participants to be selected (Hycner, as cited in Groenewald 2004). The nature of domestic violence warranted the use of purposive sampling of three males and three females, all of whom would have been in a marital relationship and would have lived or is living with his/her spouse for more than five years. All co-researchers are either divorced, separated, or living in an estranged relationship with his/her spouse. The lived experiences of domestic violence on the part of the participants exist on a spectrum segmented with emotional, physical, sexual, social/environmental abuse (National Center on Domestic and Sexual Abuse 2001), but all have experienced LV within the marital relationship in some form or the other. In an attempt to adhere to the ethical considerations that underscore research, the following was communicated with co-researchers: their consent to participate in the research, the purpose of the research (minus the expression of the central research question), the procedures of the research, the benefits of the research, the voluntary nature of participating in the process (including the recording of the session and clarifying expressions at later stages), the measures to safeguard confidentiality (Arksey & Knight; Bless & Higson-Smith; Kvale, Street, as cited in Groenewald 2004, p. 46). The systematic interviewing of co-researchers was considered an essential element of the phenomenological process and was executed using the structure put forward by Bevan (2014). The framework explicitly presents a structure which facilitates contextual in-depth interviews. Normally, there is a case made for more than one interview during phenomenological research. However, the systematicity provided by the composition of the interviews served to enhance the validity of the process and the outcome and to enable the application of phenomenology as a complete

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method of executing research (Bevan 2014). The structure of the interview then entailed contextualization, apprehending the phenomenon and clarifying the phenomenon. In establishing the contextualization aspect of the interview, the coresearchers were asked about their views on and feelings about DV. They were not directly asked about their experiences at first because there was the need to establish context based on the responses they provided. Keen attention was paid to the use of language, bearing in mind the use of context in the work of Wittgenstein and the importance of establishing circumstances in which to extract experiences. This facilitated the reconstruction of experiences from the perspective of the co-researcher as he/she formed narratives describing his/her experiences. Greater detail was developed by asking co-researchers to describe expressions related to the various contexts related to aspects of “place, events, actions and activities” (Spradley, as cited in Bevan 2014, p. 139). In apprehending the phenomenon, there was direct focus on understanding how the co-researchers perceived LV as DV. In exploring this, the researcher considered that there are multiple realities as supported by phenomenological thought. The language used was carefully crafted to delve into the various experiences of the co-researchers as they were asked to describe experiences mentioned in contexts (during the initial contextualization). Descriptive questions were supplemented with structural questions as the complement enhanced the data by providing depth and quality (Spradley, as cited in Bevan 2014). The researcher would then have rephrased the words of the co-researchers and asked that they describe what was meant by what they expressed. The domain of clarifying the phenomenon entailed the active use of the experience as expressed by the co-researchers. Not the easiest thing to manage but imaginative variation was inserted at this point, which meant that keen attention was required while co-researchers shared. The aim was to clarify the phenomenon but care had to be taken “not to develop a general theory of essences of a particular phenomenon” (Bevan 2014, p. 141). Variation-like questions were generated from the interview process thus far and the probability-type questions were inserted to unearth meaning. Amid a tradition that often uses the mere qualitative interview, the process described provides a structure that enables the demonstration of “consistency, dependability, credibility, and trustworthiness, which is

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essential for the quality of research” (Bevan 2014, p. 143). Though structured, it still lends a certain level of flexibility which should be practised because of the individuality of co-researchers.

Epoche: The Beginning of the Phenomenological Reduction Process Epoche is the first step in the phenomenological process and is done by the researcher at the beginning of the investigation. Moustakas (1994) explained that in the Epoche, all views are set aside as the aim is to engage oneself and thoughts and free oneself from all suppositions as put forward by Husserl. Also known as “bracketing,” the idea related to this process is that the world is bracketed and is free from thoughts and now exists as a phenomenon to be visualized through a “purified” state of consciousness (Moustakas 1994). This “bracketing” is indicative of silence as put forward by Psathas who indicated that “phenomenological inquiry begins with silence” (as cited in Bodgan and Biklen 2007, p. 25). The researcher places all cards on the table and declares his/her hand before exploring the phenomenon—researchers then assume a position of ignorance and aim to discover what is assumed to be true without questioning such (Bodgan and Biklen 2007). The essential purpose of epoche is to clear the mind, to position oneself, so as to bring clarity so that the researcher’s lens can be “phenomenon-aligned” with all intents of executing an investigation without biased interference. As a researcher, I had to uncloud my mind by engaging in the epoche process. I reflected on my own personal and interactive experiences of domestic violence, including linguistic violence. I did consider any personal experiences of domestic violence (which was not physical), because I never lived through the effects of physical violence. However, I had to examine my reality in order to evaluate what I may label as my lived experiences of linguistic violence. Three experiences came to mind—how words were used, the absence of words to facilitate effective communication and total silence. I contemplated the landscape of the effect of words, the absence thereof, and my awareness that domestic violence yields a dynamism of behavior entrenched in patterns which exert power and control attacks on the psyche of the individual. This outcome was validated by the experiences I lived in the subjective reality existing alongside the objective reality—that which is independent of any conscious awareness. (Mulder, n.d. Terminology section).

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I also considered the stories shared with me about spousal battering and even though I would not have been on the receiving end of physical blows, my subjective reality enabled me to ask questions: Did I perceive linguistic violence as domestic violence and did I equate the former with physical violence? Could I dare to say I would have walked in the shoes of victims who would have gone through (what I dubbed) “legitimate experiences of domestic violence?” I even recalled situations others would have shared with me that bore semblance to what I believed I would have experienced as it relates to the use of words and the absence of words which flowed into silence. These situations (some of which I experienced in my subjective reality) included the sharing of words with others instead of with one’s significant other, the lack of effective communication especially when such a need was shared with the significant other, and the silence which becomes synonymous with death and the finality of life in a relationship. These are the principal elements which emerged in the bracketing process which I had to put aside as a researcher and clear my mind in order to describe the lived experiences I was going to encounter. I had to repeatedly go back to my notes and process the information before me in an effort to come to a place of acceptance and finality. This was essential to launch into the stage of interviewing co-researchers (participants) so that I could hear “them” and not contaminate what I received with any preconceived ideas born out of my own experiences. I liken the epoche process to that of working through the basic stages of grief (as there are different models with varying numbers of stages) as one transitions accordingly: denial-anger-bargainingdepression-acceptance.

Horizontalization of the Data: Uncommon Utterances As it relates to the analysis of the data, the process of horizonalization marks the first stage in the treatment of the data as the words of the participants are evaluated and uncommon utterances which speak to experiences are highlighted. These “uncommon utterances” are statements of importance which may be dubbed “significant statements” and are perceptions that come to the fore from what Husserl calls “horizons”—points from which one views (Moustakas 1994). Moustakas (1994) recommended that in order to carry out this step the researcher

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needs to be open and “receptive to every statement of the co-researcher’s experience, granting each comment equal value” (p. 122). Uncommon utterances made by the participants considered to be horizons were extracted in the form of sentences from the interviews. They were not listed in any particular order of significance but were identified based on the sex of the co-researcher. These are the same utterances which are placed into thematic clusters in the next phase and can be viewed.

Clustering and Thematizing the Uncommon Utterances: Meaning Units The uncommon utterances were evaluated and placed in clusters of meaning units or themes as put forward by Moustakas (1994). This is a part of the process of reduction and elimination and also encapsulate the domains of apprehending the phenomenon (Bevan 2014). There is some element of clarifying the phenomenon (Bevan 2014) at this stage as well, though not to as great an extent as apprehending the phenomenon. Theme/Meaning Unit #1: Linguistic violence hurts, attacks, and destroys Evidence • “The objective of these words is to hurt the person” (Male) • “She would say a lot of things that would kinda make me feel so embarrassed, guilty, to the extent that, you know…the extent that I became, it was like ummm…. my…my…my self-esteem was being eroded” (Male) • “Sometimes the women may be…you know…. Saying a lot of things that could hurt you and basically in these cases the words…the objective of these words is to hurt the person for revenge.” (Male) • “Based on what persons say it hurt deep inside.” (Female) • “You can’t cook now….the sexual part is not like before….you ain’t got the sexy shape like what you use to got cause you get child now.” (Female) • “Wearing away of their capacity to see themselves as a valuable individual” (Female) • “Felt abused and belittled and so on because of something that was said.” (Female)

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• “If their esteem is low, hitting them with words like that can even make matters worse than how it is. So the words that he use or she use are the same words that can really do damage, mental damage and psychological damage to that person.” (Male) Theme/Meaning Unit #2: Linguistic violence is “not saying” Evidence • “It can also be something that’s not said, a praise not given” (Female) • “Not saying something could really destroy somebody.” (Female) • “She is numb towards me…she has no feelings for me. If a person shuts down on you and don’t say nutten to you means they trying to avoid you. They want no talk. Nutten. And they basically think of you as an ass…..” (Male) Theme/Meaning Unit #3: Linguistic violence isolates and silences Evidence • “…afraid to speak out” (Male) • “…sometimes the words could be used to manipulate in a lot of different ways…they use them as a weapon to inflict more pain, create more isolation.” (Female) • “…being intimidated they tend to shut up.” (Male) • “kinda isolated myself and I remove myself from the physical home.” (Male) • “I would leave to avoid me talking.” (Male) • “The hurt, the ahm…the abuse, the isolation, the ahm, the pain and the control.”(Female) • “That is a form of manipulation…. depravation of the opportunity to communicate to solve a problem.” (Male) Theme/Meaning Unit #4: Linguistic violence affects differently Evidence • “It doesn’t affect everybody the same way.” (Male) • “Everybody, different persons have difference tolerance to things more than others.” (Male)

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• “And another person it does not bother them.” (Female) • “It depends on the person.” (Female) • “You go and cry in a corner…. That’s how you were brought up. Someone else now…” (Male) • “…especially if the person is an introvert. Cause persons who internalise things a lot, words affect them more than physical things cause they don’t speak.” (Male) Theme/Meaning Unit #5: Linguistic violence is a pattern and a story Evidence • “It’s like they get away with it once and then a second time and… as it becomes a pattern and a norm.” (Female) • “That is how, I don’t look at it in the sense of being negative or taking it to heart like you know, suppose they hate me to the core. No, I look at it as something that person is really going through, something they want to say and they don’t know how to say it and they need me to listen and maybe to pay attention to words and the story behind the words.” (Male) • “I remember there were times when I used to feel like Thursday night…Monday to Wednesday is back home in the house but Thursday to Sunday he got to go. I get uncomfortable because those were pattern he was showing. …Monday to Wednesday which was less nights, he trying to be nice and dandy but coming onto the weekend, that’s when he act up…. I realise it was a pattern. I try to stay calm.” (Female)

Situating the Study Within the Literature According to Sigmund Freud, “the exercise of violence cannot be avoided when conflicting interests are at stake” (as cited in Munck 2008, p. 11). This then begs the question—Does phenomenon like DV which oftentimes occur in a space which should be considered safe, make one question the essence of violence as displayed among humans and the question of nature versus nurture? With its etymological roots in the Latin “violentia,” (meaning “vehemence, impetuosity”), the word “violence” means “physical force used to inflict injury or damage.”1

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Domestic violence or intimate partner violence as it is also called is defined as: a pattern of behavior in any relationship that is used to gain or maintain power and control over an intimate partner. Abuse is physical, sexual, emotional, economic or psychological actions or threats of actions that influence another person. This includes any behaviors that frighten, intimidate, terrorize, manipulate, hurt, humiliate, blame, injure, or wound someone. (United Nations, n.d.)

The essence of DV that bears witness to the study is not just the abuse, but the “pattern” that co-researchers identified in the LV experienced— “LV is a pattern and a story” (Theme/Meaning Unit #5). Gorsevski defined LV as an act of verbal hatred, as well as a form of physical violence (as cited in Obianika and Emeka-Nwobia 2019). Adetunji (2010) further explained linguistic violence as “a concept used to capture the psychological and social use of any instance of language to abuse, offend, or hurt somebody or people” (p. 11). Butler expressed that being injured by speech is a situation in which “one suffer[s] a loss of context, that is, not to know where you are” (as cited in Silva 2017, p. 1). This was identified in the theme “LV hurts, attacks and destroys” (Theme/Meaning Unit #1) where the mental and psychological impact was noted by co-researchers. Just like the basic element of violence and DV which both bear the overtones of “power,” so does LV carry similar weighting and can be classified into three broad types on a continuum ranging from minor intensity to major intensity—subtle, abusive, and grievous (Gay, as cited in Adetunji 2010, p. 11). Obianika and Emeka-Nwobia (2019) outlined that in Nigerian men, LV resulted in the building up of resentment and anger in them toward their wives and so they stayed away from the matrimonial home (p. 41). This is similar to the behavior of the males in the study who decided to “walk away” and leave the matrimonial space instead of retaliating verbally or physically toward their spouses. One sees the response of persons to LV as emerging from the study in the theme “LV affects differently,” as the women in Obianika and Emeka-Nwobia (2019) remain in the home and may seek the advice of friends and family when they are the victims of LV. Arenth propounded that there are subtle forms of LV like silence which serve to oppress individuals into feelings of inferiority (as cited in Adetunji

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2010, p. 11). Obianika and Emeka-Nwobia (2019) mentioned the silence of the Nigerian woman as LV, and this emerged in this study in the form of the theme “LV isolates and silences” (Theme/Meaning Unit #3). Also mentioned is the withdrawal of communication which addresses the theme “LV is ‘not saying’” (Theme/Meaning Unit #2). Ross asserted that “words can hurt, and one way they do is by conveying denigrating or demeaning attitudes” (as cited Obianika and Emeka-Nwobia 2019, p. 38). Violence affects the very production of language as it “affects meaning by either making people temporarily silent and flustered or by disrupting an entire framework of signification” (as implicated in the violence of India’s Partition) (Silva 2017, p. 7). LV being an act of violence is then viewed to reap similar outcomes as exemplified in the experiences of the co-researchers.

Textural and Structural Descriptions When the thematic analysis was carried out, there was a need to present a description of “what” was experienced in the textural descriptions and to address “how” it was experienced in the structural descriptions. The textural descriptions facilitate clarity and the drive was to delve deeper into possibilities as there is nothing called “fact” but simple exploration of the co-researcher, the experiences as lived, and the phenomenon (Moustakas 1994). What did the co-researchers experience to shape their views on and feelings about domestic violence via linguistic violence? (Textural description). In reference to the themes that were created, the co-researchers in addressing linguistic violence used words such as: “hurt deep inside,” “psychological damage,” “not saying something,” “being intimidated they tend to shut up,” “it doesn’t affect everybody the same way” and “it becomes a pattern.” These utterances encapsulate the five clusters which emerged and describe experiences that shape their perceptions of LV as a form of DV. While discussing what LV is, there was the use of verbs related to hurt, attack, and destruction. Female co-researchers alluded to what was no longer; of that which no longer existed in the relationship. One female spoke of “the relationship that is supposed to be now of love and oneness is the one that has the violence.” Another said, “Things were so good and all of a sudden, because of what he doing out there; cheating you think that ‘what wrong wid me now’?” The males were more direct in

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referencing how they felt and gave examples when asked. This reference to missing elements on the part of females was also expressed in the before and after scenarios of DV in the establishment of patterns of LV— “what never used to be a problem all of a sudden become a problem now because they want excuse to do what they want to do.” Unlike the females who said what LV is and is not in relation to the missing element of the relationship, the males only alluded to what was present in the experience of LV. So, mention was made of the “embarrassment” experienced and another male-identified “you ain’t no good” but males did not reference any transition in the state of the relationship like the females did, or presented a before and after experience. The manipulative and controlling element of LV was described by a female who shared that “the words make you think different.” She further described that “they [the words] make you do things you don’t want to do” and “it makes you angry at everything.” A male mentioned LV as “saying nothing” as “there is no cooperation,” while another did not see LV in silence, but described the lack of communication as “a form of manipulation.” This male, however, did mention LV as having the propensity to affect one to the point that physical violence may ensue. He perceived LV as DV, as he said in relation to the LV—“the domestic violence, I chose to walk away. Others may not be that mature…they may eventually get into a physical altercation.” The females spoke of those using LV having “power,” as one alluded to “using words of power, as tools, as weapons and in terms of the emotional abuse.” She like another female referenced Gary Chapman’s theory of love languages and went on to explain how LV affects persons differently based on what individuals value and hold dear. Both males and females highlighted that LV affects each individual differently. One male said it “depends on how strong the person’s mindset is.” A female also alluded to LV affecting an individual based on the strength of his/her mind. In providing textural descriptions, the females identified situations differently when compared to how the males did. So, it was not just “isolation” but systematic isolation—“he would systematically isolate me.” The females made more comparisons to LV with other life issues when describing their experiences, as one co-researcher described LV “like warfare” because “you’re in a battle.” In what context did the co-researchers experience LV? (Structural descriptions). Both males and females referenced situations which engendered hurt, pain, and embarrassment. They spoke of contexts of feelings

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which made them feel threatened and their value lessened, as well as the context of the “story.” Co-researchers spoke about silence as the absence of communication and the impact that this has on emotional well-being. One male said that the silence constitutes LV because “What going through she head? What she have planning? What she want to do? So you don’t know. So, you mind keep going up and down.” This exists in a context of “mental abuse” for the co-researcher because he is left to wonder at the intentions of his partner and this up and down in thought bespeaks DV. For him the context is one where “there is no cooperation.” The context of differences in the response to LV also emerged. Both males and females highlighted the nature of their response to LV as everyone responds differently. The males operated within the context of choice when they felt their well-being was being threatened (another context) and so they made the decision not to be the perpetrator of physical violence. This was expressed as one male alluded to the lack of words being equal to lack of communication because parties cannot see eye to eye or speak to each other. This he expressed, not only points to a form of emotional abuse, but threatens an outburst of violence as “someone is going to pop.” For him, like all the other males, he made the decision to walk away. Unlike the other males who are no longer physically in their relationships, he has remained but he has expressed that there is an emotional distancing and a remote presence in the home because of the lack of communication, which is another context of experience. On the other hand, the females highlighted the context of survival because LV “puts you to think,” “can make you trip” and can provoke thoughts of suicide (though this co-researcher says she has never thought of suicide but mentioned it as a possibility in her experience as she observed others). One male co-researcher directly presented LV existing within the context of a story because “everybody has a story behind what they are saying.” For him, even though there was suffering in the experience, he understood that the violence directed at him existed in a place of possible hurt and discomfort which affected his spouse, as well. This then means for him that there is a story behind the actions of the perpetrators of LV and DV in general. This context of the story is similar to the reference both males and females referenced about the LV and general DV being displayed because of the emotional places and experiences the perpetrators would have been and had. Even though the co-researchers expressed experiences which could be interpreted as being unpleasant, they did so by

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presenting the environments of upbringing and current situations and so the context of the story behind the acts of violence became quite evident.

The Essence of the Experience At this point, which is the final step in the phenomenological research process, the “essence” of the experience is described. According to Husserl, the essence is that which is “common or universal, the condition or quality without which a thing would not be what it is” (as cited in Moustakas 1994, p. 100). This final phase marks the composite description based on what Moustakas (1994) calls “intuitive integration” or “the essential, invariant structure of ultimate ‘essence’ which captures the meaning ascribed to the experience” (Moerer-Urdahl and Creswell 2004, p. 31). The essence of the experience of LV as DV is as follows: Linguistic violence yields hurt, pain, embarrassment, feelings of isolation and loss and puts persons in places of silence. Linguistic violence has the power to manipulate and control feelings, though persons respond differently to this phenomenon. Linguistic violence is a form of domestic violence because of the emotional and psychological ill-feeling it causes and which threatens the spheres of well-being of both males and females. Males perceive the decision of not responding to linguistic violence with linguistic or physical violence as a choice they make and so they ‘walk away’. Females perceive the need to survive linguistic violence and choose to endure amid the threatening environment. The essence of the experiences of linguistic violence is developmentally threatening and presents itself as an impetus to physical violence and to threaten losing who you are and want to become.

Reflections on Using Transcendental Phenomenology in Describing Lived Experiences In the process of executing the investigation, there were some emerging trends which are noteworthy. Almost all co-researchers alluded to some sort of “saying” to contextualise his/her experiences and there were a few challenges in the interview process. It was quite interesting to note the use of local and other sayings to support the experiences of the co-researchers. Both sexes used these socio-linguistic referent points and even the clichéd “sticks and stones may break my bones but words will never harm me.” Other expressions included “Monkey know which limb to jump on” and foreign language

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expressions with English equivalents of “ultimate betrayal” and “to bear; to persevere.” The latter emerged based on the co-researcher’s immersion in a different country at an earlier point in her life. The former expression alluded to an explanation of a co-researcher in relation to the instigator who knew he “could get away with doing certain things” but perhaps would have reconsidered if she like other potential victims was seen from a position of strength. It became clear that in apprehending and clarifying the phenomenon of DV through referencing aspects of LV, the cultural representations of language were used by the co-researchers to provide descriptive and structural modes of referencing their experiences. Even though the co-researchers volunteered to speak of their experiences with DV, a number of challenges abounded. One blatant challenge was that of the direct expression of the lived experience and this was obvious in the males. They often used third-person reference either in the singular or plural format to allude to experiences. The researcher allowed them to express their thoughts and had to confirm what experiences they had lived as opposed to those to which they were alluding in order to clarify their experiences by asking the appropriate questions. The females were more direct in describing their lived experiences, though they were not fully immune to the attitude just described in male expression. However, they were more consistent in using “I” and in directly placing themselves in the relevant contexts that alluded to their explanation of their varying realities. The use of transcendental phenomenology to provide gender narratives was a feat which required an understanding of the terminologies and practices associated with this philosophy of Husserl and refined by Moustakas (1994). However, in understanding the role of context as established by the contribution on language as espoused by Wittgenstein, this provided a supporting framework to situate the experiences of the co-researchers whose realities were expressed not only by the mere use of language, but within the myriad contexts which served to shape their recounts.

Closing Statements The variations in human perceptions can be multilayered because wa a joke to de butcher a det to de animal —the same experience is perceived differently based on context and the position from which one stands, especially from one of power.

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The very pith of phenomenology dictates that there can never be the full saturation of any experience. Within the confines of this investigation, the objective of presenting an essence of the experience of DV through LV was accomplished and it must be clear that “the essence statement can only reflect a particular time, place, and the experiences of the individuals interviewed” (Moerer-Urdahl and Creswell 2004, p. 32). The discussion surrounding the findings then becomes central in providing insight on the gender narratives of a set of people living within a particular sociocultural sphere who express multiple views on domestic violence through the specific referencing of linguistic violence.

Note 1. https://www.etymonline.com/word/violence.

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Retrieved from https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/160940 690400300202. Moustakas, Clark. (1994). Phenomenological Research Methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Mulder, Dwayne H. (n.d.). Objectivity. Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved from https://iep.utm.edu/objectiv/. Munck, R. (2008). Deconstructing Violence: Power, Force, and Social Transformation. Latin American Perspectives, 35(5), pp. 3–19. Violence: Power, Force, and Social Transformation. Retrieved from https://www2.kobeu.ac. jp/~alexroni/IPD%202019%20readings/IPD1%202019%20No.8/Monck_ Deconstructing_Violence.pdf. National Center on Domestic and Sexual Abuse. (2001). Manifestations of Violence. National Center on Domestic and Sexual Abuse. Retrieved from https://www.ncdsv.org/images/ManifestationsofViolenceUPDATED.pdf. Obianika, Chinwe, & Emeka-Nwobia, Ngozi Ugo. (2019). The Influence of Time on Linguistic Violence in Marriage: The Igbo Language Perspective. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science (IOSR-JHSS), 24(2), pp. 37– 43. https://doi.org/10.9790/0837-2402073743. Rayner, Tim. (2014). Meaning Is Use: Wittgenstein on the Limits of Language. Philosophy for Change. Retrieved from https://philosophyforchange.wor dpress.com/2014/03/11/meaning-is-use-wittgenstein-on-the-limits-of-lan guage/. Silva, Daniel. (2017). Investigating Violence in Language: An Introduction. In Daniel Silva (Ed.), In Language and Violence. Pragmatic Perspectives. https:// doi.org/10.1075/pbns.279.01sil. Nouraldeen, Abdullah. (2015). Meaning and Context-Three Different Perspectives. British Journal of English Linguistics, 3(2), pp. 13–17. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/275466050. United Nations. (n.d.). COVID-19 Response. What Is Domestic Abuse. Retrieved from https://www.un.org/en/coronavirus/what-is-domestic-abuse. Weithers, Dora. (2020). Wise Sayings from Old Folks in Saint Kitts. Retrieved from https://wanderwisdom.com/travel-destinations/Wise-Sayings-fromOld-Folks-in-Saint-Kitts.

CHAPTER 6

Literature as an Agent of Change Petronetta Pierre-Robertson

Introduction Domestic violence is a global issue, which continues to be prevalent, even though legislation against the same was enacted in local, regional, and international territories. Estimates from the World Health Organization indicate that 35% of women worldwide has experienced either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner violence in their lifetime.1 Intimate partner violence (IPV), sometimes used interchangeably with domestic violence, is the most common form of violence against women. Nearly one-third (29.8%) of women in Latin America and the Caribbean, who have been married or cohabited with a male sexual partner, have ever been physically and/or sexually abused by a partner. Put another way an estimated 1 in 3 women in the region have experienced physical and/or sexual violence by a partner with whom they lived and shared an intimate relationship.2 For the period 2000–2015, the Office of the Prime Minister Gender and Child Affairs of Trinidad and Tobago registered eleven thousand

P. Pierre-Robertson (B) The University of the West Indies, St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_6

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four hundred and forty-four reports of domestic violence, 75% of which were females, and one hundred and thirty-one deaths, 56% of which were females.3 Data further revealed one thousand five hundred reports of domestic violence incidents between 2010 and 2016. Approximately 72% of these reports were related to women. There were one hundred and eighty-one domestic violence-related deaths during the period, 58% of which were women. In the Domestic Violence Act of Trinidad & Tobago (1999) “domestic violence” includes physical, sexual, emotional or psychological or financial abuse committed by a person againt a spouse, child, any other person who is a member of the household or dependant.4 The aforementioned statistics, therefore, do not fully reflect the scope of the problem since these domestic violence-related deaths are not IPV deaths, hence the low percentage. Inclusion of IPV-related deaths would drive the percentage higher. Findings released from a 2017 survey involving one thousand and seventy-nine women from across Trinidad and Tobago, revealed that almost one-third of the women in Trinidad and Tobago have experienced IPV in their lifetime. This translates into approximately one hundred and thirty thousand women in a population of 1.4 million, having experienced some form of violence by their male partner.5 These daunting statistics indicate that domestic violence is a key development issue. It incurs social costs, for it impacts various sectors such as health, education, and business. It affects the lives of women as well as men and children, physically, socially, mentally, emotionally, and economically. An abused woman is neither healthy, productive nor free. Acts of violence promote fear and insecurity, constrain mobility, and limit women’s access to resources and participation in activities. They cause serious health consequences such as death and suicide. Twenty-seven percent of women in Trinidad and Tobago who experienced physical or sexual partner violence said they had thoughts of suicide; over onethird (31%) of IPV survivors said they suffered injuries as a result of the violence inflicted on them, and one-fifth (21%) of women had to seek medical help for these injuries.6 On a global level, the World Health Organization identified other negative reproductive health outcomes from domestic violence such as mental conditions, unwanted pregnancy, increased alcohol and drug usage, HIV/AIDS, STIs, maternal mortality, and injuries.7

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Productivity in the workplace is affected especially when one considers that 32% of women in the private sector in Trinidad and Tobago experience domestic violence.8 Domestic violence also has an impact on children, who have a greater risk of being future perpetrators, or victims, because they experienced violence. This impact on children spills into the education sector where they may display aggression, require special attention, or become dropouts. In addition to social costs, domestic violence also incurs economic costs. Theodore et al. (2008) revealed that for the year 2005, the [cost] burden of sexual abuse and domestic violence was estimated at TT$487.7 million or 0.51% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), broken down as follows: the survivor (TT$244.3 million or 50% of total cost and 0.26% of GDP), the State (TT$80.6 million or 17% of total cost and 0.08% of GDP), and society (TT$71.8 million or 15% of total cost and 0.07% of GDP). He further posited that violence incurs costs in the health system, policing, incarceration, caring for displaced children, legal services, and national security and in the workplace for days lost at work. Despite domestic violence legislation implemented in 1991, updated in 1996, further updated in 2006, and amended in 2012, during the period 1991 to present, the incidence continues unabated even though several programs and initiatives have been launched against domestic violence. These initiatives included but were not limited to: a domestic violence hotline, domestic violence units, male support programs, communitybased information centers, community policing, amendments to legal aid act, amendments to the law and increasing penalties for domestic violence offenses. As this chapter is being written, The Domestic Violence Amendment Bill 2020 is being debated in the Trinidad and Tobago Parliament. In light of the alarming statistics presented, additionally, given the societal impact on Trinidad and Tobago, the prevention of domestic violence is therefore a critical social imperative. This chapter focuses on the role of literature as an agent of change. A gendered analysis is utilized to examine select newspaper accounts of domestic violence perpetrated against a woman by her male intimate partner which resulted in her death. The importance of positive representation is emphasized. Through gendered lenses, the chapter also examines a creative work, more specifically a romance novel by the author, to highlight gendered assumptions surrounding violence against women. It stresses the importance of bystander intervention in the prevention of violence against women.

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A gendered analysis would bring to the fore issues of unequal power relations, embedded in social relationships and institutions, which have filtered down from our postcolonial past and been inimical to women especially as pertains to domestic violence. Pemberton and Joseph (2018), Barriteau (2012), Kempadoo and Taitt (2006), and Lewis (2004) maintain that gender relationships and roles are “embedded” (Kempadoo and Tait 2006) in and “coalesce around” (Barriteau 2012) relations of patriarchal power and are “primarily influenced by legacies of patriarchy, colonialism, slavery and indentureship” (Pemberton and Joseph 2018). Barriteau further maintains that an examination of domestic violence should be contextualized against a historical background. Gardner (2016) referred to the symbolic functioning of the plantation system as a sign of power currently evident in gender relations, conjugal relations, and social relations. She maintains that it served to influence hierarchal subordination in family life. Bridget Brereton (2010) also situates the violence witnessed in contemporary society in preceding centuries and violent interactions that took place from the onset of the arrival of the Europeans on the shores of the Amerindians. She posits that violence meted out during slavery and indentureship inflicted by the empowered against the disempowered, laid the foundation for what is witnessed today. Linden Lewis (2004) intersects four areas of patriarchal power and domination namely: relationships, the state, violence, and culture in the Caribbean. These are all critical intersecting components in the exploration of violence against women and domestic abuse. Also instructive is the position by Robinson (2000), that cognizance must be taken of the social context in which the problem is fermented, and the ways in which different sectors and systems may be advertently or inadvertently be contributing to the problem. Against the backdrop of these assertions in Caribbean Literature, I will now engage in a gendered analysis of a select newspaper account of a domestic violence tragedy, to show how the media may be contributing to the problem, and highlight the importance of positive representation. Thereafter I will engage in a gendered examination of a creative work to show gendered assumptions surrounding violence against women, and highlight the importance of bystander intervention in the prevention of the same. The media is an overlooked community that can play a critical role in the fight against domestic violence. It contributes to the maintenance of societal narratives. In this regard, it may inadvertently facilitate

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the normalization of discourses on love and power that are unfavorable to women; particularly in its representations of incidents of domestic violence. Positive media representation is therefore an important intervention strategy in the prevention of domestic violence. Unfortunately, very often, the representation in the media of domestic violence is inimical to women and, unfortunately, as noted by Morgan and Youssef (2006), in most media accounts, depending on who commits the violence, it is justified. In addition, the representation of the events and circumstances can be distorted by different media agencies based on their perspective.9 Ayanna Webster-Roy, Minister of State in the Office of the Prime Minister, holding the portfolio for Gender and Child Affairs, noted that the support of prevailing cultural beliefs about manhood and womanhood, love and family, by the media have contributed to the vulnerability of women who are victims of abuse. She stated that these beliefs reinforce toxic behavior and serve as the source for violent behavior toward women.10 “Daddy’s Sorry” is the Trinidad and Tobago Newsday representation of a murder/suicide, the tragic outcome of gender-based violence, in Trinidad. The murder/suicide was committed by a male police officer who shot his female partner before turning the gun on himself in 2018. The life of the newspaper “story” spanned one week during the period November 12–17, 2018. Over the course of that week, the reports evoked sympathy for the murderer and depersonalized the victim. I will explore the representation of the tragedy in the media over the seven-day life of the newspaper story, drawing on theories of citizenship, governmentality, patriarchy, masculinity, love, and power. Day One: Citizenship—Women must measure up to good citizenship Emblazoned across the front page of the daily newspapers on Monday, November 12, 2018, was “Deadly ‘Horn’”, the subtitle of a smaller title, “Police Couple in Murder/Suicide.” The sensational tabloid-style front page heading of the Trinidad and Tobago Newsday appealed to the curiosity and immediately introduces infidelity into the tragedy. Horn in the local context is the colloquial terminology for cheating on one’s partner, lover, or spouse. The headline read as follows: Police couple in murder/suicide DEADLY ‘HORN’

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The image of the couple was centered over the term DEADLY. ‘HORN’ was placed in single inverted quotes also centered below DEADLY. The syntax centralized the shame of the woman, discounted the actions of the man, and set the stage for sympathy for the murderer and the marginalization of the murdered mother. The central focus of the tragedy, a “DEADLY HORN” was responsible for her murder. Utilizing direct quotations from relatives, and informal language, the report infers that the woman was responsible for her own demise. According to the report, A (female) relative said (he) found himself with another woman and when (she) learnt of this “horn”, she took revenge by “horning” him. The relative said when (he) found out that he had been “horned”, he flew into a rage which turned into deep state of depression. She believes this set the stage for yesterday’s tragic murder/suicide.

The action of the perpetrator is minimized by attributing culpability to the woman’s infidelity. The voices of the relatives support the perspective of the reporter. In this instance, it is used to purport the view that the victim was a bad citizen. She did not measure up to what Robinson (2000) described as feminist civility and moral goodness and purity, so the violence against her is explained. Direct quotations from the brother of the murderer are also utilized to shift the blame from the murderer to the victim. “He was a quiet guy and wanted to change his life for her sake… I found out that they were having some arguments about two months ago because apparently she was seeing somebody else. That’s what caused the whole thing.” This representative discourse nurtures a negative reaction against the female and draws sympathy for the murderer. Unfortunately, as seen in the first report of the tragedy, the victim is presented as somehow being responsible for her own demise, by inciting the brutal male response and provoking the action against herself. Because the blame is shifted to the woman, the murderer, from day one, is excused as a frustrated casualty. This sets the stage for a focus on the perpetrator and not the victim in subsequent reports. Day Two: Governmentality—The state and systems have failed By the second day, the blame for the tragedy is widened to include failures in “Governmentality,”11 the state and systems set up to address the interests of individuals in society, even while encouraging them to address their own behaviors. These failures were highlighted under the caption Gun used to kill policewoman was illegal. The report in the Trinidad and

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Tobago Newsday on November 13, 2018, referred to the pistol which was used to snuff out the life of the victim, rather than the man who killed her. Who used the weapon? Who committed the act against her? The active agent is absent from the report which focuses on the gun in passive language—the gun was used. Additionally, the report went on to attribute the tragedy to the following: The prevalence of illegal firearms: “Investigators probing her murder said yesterday, the gun found on the scene of the murder/suicide…did not belong to the police service.” Lack of intervention: “…the association is aware that reports were made and some level of intervention came about.” Failure to protect even though reports of threats were made: “…she had reported threats to her life.” Lack of policies with respect to depressed officers: “The association had made proposals to the commissioner of police for policies with respect to officers considered depressed or in need of counselling…” The need for employees’ retake of the employee assistance program: “What the association is pursuing and the commissioner has agreed, to is a retake, and the need for the training of officers to see the signs.” Direct quotes from an interview with the President of the Police Social and Welfare Association are utilized to highlight gaps in the systems. No remedy was proffered other than a quote identifying the need for escalation of training to see signs and intervene before lives are lost. Day Three: On the third day, there was no report of the tragedy in the newspapers. Day Four: Masculinity—Big Men don’t cry On day four, the focus was once more on the murderer who again captured the cover story. The syntax cushioned and absolved him as a “Cop in murder/suicide.” The ongoing utilization of the passive voice caused him to be the subject acted upon rather than the perpetrator/subject who actually performed the action. The bold title, “Daddy’s Sorry” metamorphosed the murderer into a depressed victim who apologized in letters left to three women—his two daughters and his sister. In death, he blamed his action on the separation from his female partner who moved out of his home, notwithstanding that she had done so because of threats to her life and allegations of domestic

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violence. According to the report in the Trinidad and Tobago Newsday on November 15, 2018, “He profusely apologized claiming he was frustrated over the separation between himself and (his partner).” Despite this, however, masculine privilege allowed him to state how his property should be shared among his daughters. The report went on to state that “In his letter…(he) left instructions on how his assets should be shared…ensure that his daughters received an equal share of everything he owned.” He wields dominion, power, and ownership even in death; a telling indicator of patriarchy, patrilineality, and masculine privilege. The newspaper account was unclear about whether he apologized for murdering his partner. What was clear was that “he asked (his daughter) to forgive him for not being there when she needed him.” This can be interpreted as a reflection of regret for not being alive to dictate the life of other secondary citizens—his daughters. The media becomes an extension of his privileged, authoritative voice emboldened by the power inherent in notions of masculinity which combines with patriarchal power to give many men the advantage over women and reproduce social inequalities.12 Against the backdrop of a culture that preferences masculinized practices such as lack of fear, aggression, physicality, and authority,13 and imagines that big men don’t cry, the newspaper reported that the perpetrator held his daughter and cried the night before he committed the dastardly act, because of taunts from his male colleagues. The mask of masculinity that the perpetrator wore was peeled away. According to the report, “…he held on to his teen daughter and cried hysterically telling her he was frustrated and could not continue to live a normal life….” This doubtless invoked sympathy for the murderer notwithstanding that his need for control led to a tragic murder under the guise of love. Day Five: Patriarchy—The privilege On the heels of his tears, the focus on day five shifts to his funeral. The November 16, 2018 report by the Trinidad and Tobago Newsday, encouraged the country to “Pray for Police,” which is really a call to now pray for the perpetrator so that he may be venerated. “Relatives and colleagues … called on the public to extend assistance and show concern to the police, as they sometimes struggle to meet the demands of their careers and family lives.” The use of the plural noun fuses him into the entire police force and cushions his action. The pluralizing of the subject to encapsulate an entire system blurs his individual action by focusing on the struggles of a group

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(not just his), to meet the demands of their career and family life (not just him), and the challenge they (not just him) face in keeping job and personal life separate. In other words, anyone could have done this because of the circumstances, so don’t judge. A relative was reported as saying “…he understood the plight of police officers as they struggle to keep the challenges of their job and their personal lives separate.” Day Six: Silence On day six the relatives of the victim—her sister and aunt—plead for privacy even while encouraging victims of abuse to speak out and seek help other women in abusive relationships to come forward and ask for help from their co-workers, family, and friends before it is too late. The plea is enshrined in a short article with a long caption: Sister, aunt of murdered cop to abused women Seek help before its too late Is “its” a typo or deliberate. Should the subtitle be interpreted to mean, seek help before the help is too late, or seek help before it is too late to do so? In either case, the message refers to the very systems and facilities designed to assist, which on day two, were reported to have failed their relative. A common trend in cases of domestic violence is that female victims of abuse, notwithstanding the protection offered by the law, most often sought help from their personal contacts (mostly their mothers) rather than police, social services, or other entities adequately resourced to address IPV because of fear, shame, and the normalcy associated with violence.14 This only serves to contribute to a culture of silence, which the relatives alluded to even though they also requested privacy in the wake of the murder. The 6-day parade of the portrayal of a tragedy in the Trinidad and Tobago Newsday ended with a coverage of the literal parade on the streets following the funeral of the victim. After being flanked by male police officers, out in full colors and a display of strength and power which did not work to her benefit, she was buried in the churchyard cemetery, permanently silenced. Her story never gets told. She is now silent both literally and symbolically.

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Given the influence of the media and its encapsulation and mirroring of cultural norms, values, and societal narratives, positive media representation can serve as a powerful tool/intervention strategy in the fight against domestic violence. A change in the media accounts can impact the cultural norms and beliefs which fuel toxic behavior. Journalism is an influential intervention tool for the alleviation of victim blaming, slut shaming, and other representations of women that keep them silent and marginalized, and serve as obstacles in the prevention of domestic violence. Attention should also be paid to the areas highlighted from this media account, which were theorized—citizenship, governmentality, masculinity, patriarchy, love, power, and silence—for changing the narrative in the representation of female victims of abuse. In addition to the media, literary channels can be used as an intervention strategy to raise awareness, garner public support, and foster change. In literature, as in the real-life experience theorized above, awareness may be raised about the ways these discourses serve to perpetuate domestic violence. Readers can be empowered to change the narrative not just through a reading of the literature but through engagement in roundtable sessions, book clubs, and other awareness activities. The genre of romance can be used as an alternative possibility to challenge perceptions and norms with respect to love and power, intersecting components in domestic violence. As in the media discourses, representation is also significant in this regard, representation of the real experience of domestic violence in contemporary fiction. Second Chances was written as a counter narrative to traditional romance novels hinged on timid women living in a state of weakness in a patriarchal society inhabited by toxic males and governed by systems, which are disadvantageous to the female. Light discourse, very clichéd with simple vocabulary, standard syntax, pristine settings and techniques, normally present in traditional formulaic romances, were absent from Second Chances. The novel by Pierre-Robertson engages with “thorny”15 issues to lay bare the challenges of violence against women, inclusive of domestic violence, and related ills in a Caribbean context. More specifically it is a reflection of experiences of abuse some women encounter in Trinidadian society. As posited in the literature, it takes into account the social context in which violence may be provoked. Additionally, it highlights the importance of the role of the bystander as an intervention strategy through the characterization of the main protagonist. The female persona, who was a victim of abuse was able to become a survivor

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because of the intervention of a bystander. The characterization of the male hero, counters constructions of maleness disrupting particular norms reflected in the romance genre. The novel provides alternative possibilities to the aforementioned media representation, and challenges perceptions and norms related to love, romance, and power. In this postmodern society where centers are deconstructed and alternative realities are easily accepted because of the incorporation of virtual reality into daily experiences, the creation of an alternative possible future of gendered relations, free from violence and abuse through a modern-day romance fiction which transcends the boundaries of formulaic romance, is plausible, notwithstanding the fact that violence and romance appear to be diametrically opposed, and would not be expected to come together in romance. Jane Bryce (1994) supports the view that romance fiction can be appropriated, adapted, and used to respond to specific, local, and cultural needs.16 She concurs that it is an avenue for the exploration of new possibilities in sexual behavior and relationships. Second Chances, a contemporary romance, uses the light vehicle of romance to draw awareness to the heavier issue of violence against women. The plot of the story is realistic and reflective of the time. It revolves around the attempts of a young woman to flee violent abuse she encounters from a male perpetrator in her home. She keeps returning because of personal ties and financial instability. She remains in an abusive situation because she has nowhere to turn; she is trapped. “If you come back you abide by my terms…you understand that! Uncertainty settled…She turned around before following him into the house” (p. 20). A male bystander gets involved after witnessing her desperate flight from attackers. The man…was standing statute-like by the lamppost staring intently at her. He had followed her home! Oh gosh!” (Second Chances, p. 20). Second Chances evokes a socio-cultural setting that predisposes men to certain acts of violence.17 These acts of violence against women in the novel include but were not limited to: a father wanting to sexually initiate his adolescent daughter, a man relegating his wife to nothing more than his sex slave, a neighbor and gambling partner demanding a daughter as debt payment, and a powerful male sexually harassing female staff at a workplace. The characters are specific but representative. Women are commodified and relationships serve as a playing field display of power. Second Chances reveals the experiences of vulnerable defenseless women in communities where they are disrespected and dishonored. Their right

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to retain their bodily integrity is completely disregarded and undermined by powerful men.18 Theories of citizenship, governmentality, patriarchy, masculinity, love, and power are creatively portrayed as the novel swings between private spaces where abuse takes place and public spaces where it is overlooked and ignored. The female protagonist is abused at home and sexually harassed by males in her community as she walks the street, as well as by powerful men at her workplace. Additionally, she is sexually assaulted by a neighbor who is a friend of her father. When seeking shelter to escape domestic abuse, she is blamed and shamed as a promiscuous young girl who brought her troubles on herself because of her bad actions and choices. Her father, the perpetrator of abuse against her, is empowered in his masculinity to shout at her that he is tired of talking to her about the men she likes to run around with. This he does on following her to the home of the bystander who rescues her and generously provides her with a room in his spacious home. She is further described by an officer accompanying her father, as a young “indiscipline” girl who is bringing trouble on herself because of her actions: “I tired talk to you about these men you like to run around with.” “Young girls these days. I tell you. They so indiscipline. Only studying sex and relationship. Do you work? Are you at school? Why are you here?” Because I am fleeing abuse from the very man you are defending. But she did not say it. It made no difference. …the system would not protect her. She had kept silent. She never reported it. It was too late. She was on her own. “I tried my best with her but this is how she turn out.” “Your wanton actions are the cause of your … abuse.” (Second Chances, pp. 75, 76)

Unfavorable actions toward, and challenges faced by women in abusive relationships which were pointed out in the literature, were typified in the novel. These include but were not limited to victim blaming and shaming, silence and failure of systems designed to protect. The actions of the female persona rendered her a bad citizen and resulted in her being accused of being responsible for her demise. Her silence worked against her. Patriarchal privilege caused the lies of the perpetrator to be accepted over the truth of her pleas for protection, and the system failed to protect her. The bystander

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The men generally encountered in female creative writing of the late twentieth and twenty-first century are usually depicted as weak or blindly egotistic If strong then they are inclined to be vicious and cruel, or complacent authoritarian and unwilling to listen, or vain and foolish, violent and abusive both physically and sexually. This depiction of masculinity is reexamined through the characterization of the hero in Second Chances. The bystander did not just follow her out of curiosity but also got involved and was instrumental in encouraging her to leave an abusive situation when it was difficult for her to do so. The bystander as described by Jackson Katz (2005) is neither a perpetrator nor a victim of violence or harassment. Rather the bystander is a friend or family member who gets involved by speaking up and acting against abusive behavior. In Second Chances, the bystander role is assumed by a male protagonist whose character challenges and counters disturbing depictions of men, and disrupts and disputes common representations of the Caribbean male in the media and other dominant discourses.19 He departs from dominant portrayals of Caribbean masculinity, which positions men as impervious to pain, stoic, and emotionless. “If my past had been different, I probably won’t have taken much notice of the young woman and child walking the road alone that night; May not have even looked long enough to notice that they were actually fleeing from someone … would not have followed you home” (Second Chances, p. 234). Not only does the main male protagonist have a painful past which enabled him to not just sympathize but empathize with Dalere, but in his bystander role, he also echoed the situational model of bystander intervention by Latane and Darley (1970). In this model, bystanders first notice the event, identify the need for intervention, take responsibility for intervention, decide to help and intervene.20 The following dialogue between the victim and the bystander in Second Chances highlights the bystander role: “I want to help you. Let me help you.” “Why?” She choked “That night, I saw you racing desperately down the street through the abandoned buildings, running from a young boy. He detoured on seeing me. You continued running. You thought he was the one following you…I told you it was safe to come out but you didn’t believe me. So I patiently waited. When you thought I had left, you got up from your hiding place. I tried approaching you. You fled when you heard the rustle in the grass.

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I followed you…I drove … behind you, at a discreet distance. I followed you up your track. I heard you banging down the door…he was responsible for your bruises. I saw you turn around before entering the house. I pulled back behind the lamppost…I wanted you to know…that there was someone who knew about your situation… (Second Chances, p. 35).

In this scenario, the protagonist noticed the encounter, saw the need for intervention, took responsibility, and decided to help the victim. Throughout the novel, these various steps, provided in the model, are depicted in the resolution of the plot. The male protagonist intervenes and serves as a representation of how men can prevent the perpetuation of the violence meted out against the female protagonist. Although possessing his own issues, his private pain was used to contribute to a public good through the establishment of a system to help victims and survivors of abuse: “It was the plan we developed to … assist others in predicaments ” (Second Chances, p. 252). The bystander did not just help the main protagonist, but other women experiencing violence or trapped in abusive situations. Also represented in the novel is a survivor of intimate partner violence who was also able to move on due to the intervention of the male protagonist in his bystander role. Literature developed the capacity to foreground much that was wrong with society, and could suggest by contrast the values which were desirable if society was to be improved.21 Mark the bystander is male but he is also the antithesis of Mr. McNeil the abusive father, Drew the sexual harasser, O’Conner the rapist, and several other negative depictions of males in the novel. He represents a corrective to the injustices faced at the hand of masculinity. He is as gentle as the other males are violent; an attentive counsellor who helps Dalere to cope. His description contains the nurturing qualities that toxic masculinity decries. He was the avenue through which she was able to voice her pain. And in turn, she was also able to nurture him through his pain, in spite of her pain. In contrast, it was her father’s pain, which pushed him to abuse his two children. The story begins with an abusive male but ends with a bystander, an essential participant, who provided intervention and a path for her to escape her experience of domestic violence. Second Chances supports the view that domestic violence is not just a female issue but is also a male issue. It highlights the notion that men are the best advocates in the fight against domestic violence. Men should

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not only be bystanders, but should also be included in advocacy against gender-based violence and speak up against the issue. It is clear from the statistics provided that domestic violence exists around us in our spaces—work, home, community, churches; and the evidence of it may sometimes be overlooked in our interactions. Literature, and by extension “Second Chance” can assist in unseating some of the negative cultural assumptions feed into acts of violence and abuse against women by men. Second Chances was used as a subtle tool of protest against traditional ideals of romance espousing toxic masculinity and portraying women as second-class citizens, in relationships where love is twinned with power. It was used as a tool to change the narrative and bring awareness to readers through roundtable sessions, book clubs, readings, and discussions. As an agent of change, literature joins with other voices in countering cultural assumptions that predisposes men to abuse women. The impact of the novel/literature was gauged through roundtable discussions and other book discussion sessions on issues raised in the novel. Theories of citizenship, governmentality, patriarchy, masculinity, love, and power were creatively communicated in the framework of romance and discussed. These sessions heightened public awareness and bore testimony to the role that literature can play as an agent of change.

Conclusion Domestic violence is a global issue. More specifically, in Trinidad and Tobago, the statistics are daunting. The societal impact, which includes social and economic costs, warrants the intervention of the media in treating with the issue. Literature can also be used as an intervention strategy. In this regard, this chapter focused on these two areas in treating with the issue of domestic violence: positive media representation and literature. It also highlighted the importance of the bystander role through the characterization of the male persona in a literary work. We can no longer operate as silos. Domestic violence is not just a male/female issue, it spills from the private into the public and affects all sectors of society.

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Notes 1. World Health Organization. 2013. Global and regional estimates of violence against women: Prevalence and health effects ofintimate partner violence and non-partner sexual violence. World Health Organization. https://apps.who.int/iris/handle/10665/85239. 2. S. Bott, A. Guedes, A. P. Ruiz-Celis, and J. A. Mendoza. 2019. Intimate partner violence in the Americas: a systematic review and reanalysis of national prevalence estimates. Rev Panam Salud Publica 43: e26. https:// doi.org/10.26633/RPSP.2019.26. 3. “Domestic Violence in Trinidad & Tobago Lifetime Experiences—A Preliminary Enquiry”. 2019. https://www.opm-gca.gov.tt/Gender/Gen der-Initiatives/Domestic-Violence-Report-s. 4. Ibid. 5. Cecile Pemberton and Joel Joseph. 2018. National Women’s Health Survey: Final Report. Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank. 6. Ibid. 7. From the 54th Directing Council of the 67th Session of the Regional Committee of the WHO for the Americas. 2015. 8. Pemberton and Joseph. 9. Paula Morgan and Valerie Youssef. 2006. Writing Rage: Unmasking Violence Through Caribbean Discourse. Kingston, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press. 10. https://www.looptt.com/content/idb-study-1-3-women-victims-int imate-partner-violence-tt. 11. Michael Foucault. 1978. In the History of Sexuality: An Introduction. Vol. 1. 12. Linden Lewis. 2004. “Masculinity, the Political Economy of the Body, and Patriarchal Power in the Caribbean.” In Gender in the 21st Century: Caribbean Perspectives, Visions and Possibilities, by Barbara Bailey and Elsa Leo-Rhynie. 13. Michelle Rowley. 2011. Feminist Advocacy and Gender Equity in the Anglophone: Envisioning a Politics of Coalition. New York: Routledge. 14. Pemberton and Joseph. 15. From the Foreword of Second Chances by Petra Pierre-Robertson, 2017. 16. Jane Bryce. 1994. “‘A World of Caribbean Romance’: Reformulating the Legend of Love (Or: ‘Can a Caress Be Culturally Specific?’).” Caribbean Studies 27 (3/4): 346–66. 17. Paula Morgan. 2017. Conversation with Petra Pierre-Robertson, author Second Chances October, 2017. https://uwischolar.sta.uwi.edu/activity/ view/d00fb696-612a-3fe6-9f26-117ca5891233. 18. Fay White. 2018. ‘Thematic Overview of Second Chances’ at roundtable discourse on July 2018.

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19. Ibid. 20. Shawn Meghan Burn, “A Situational Model of Sexual Assault Prevention Through Bystander Intervention.” www.psychologytoday.com. 21. Glyne A. Griffitth. 1996. Deconstruction Imperialism and the West Indian Novel. Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press.

References Barriteau, Eudine. 2012. “Disruption and Dangers: Destabalizing Caribbean Discourses on Gender, Love and Power.” In Love and Power: Caribbean Discourses on Gender, edited by Eudine Barriteau, 3–37. Barbados: University of the West Indies Press. Brereton, Bridget. 2010. “The Historical Background to the Culture of Violence in Trinidad and Tobago.” Caribbean Review of Gender Studies, no. 4 (February): 1–15. Gardner, Joscelyn. 2016. Colonial Plantation Theatrics: “Staging” the Creole Body. Catalogue—White Skin, Black Kin: Speaking the Unspeakable, pp. 36– 44. Kempadoo, Kamala, and Andy Taitt. 2006. Gender, Sexuality and Implications for HIV/AIDS in the Caribbean: A Review of Literature and Programmes. Study. UNIFEM and IDRC, 2–55. Lewis, Linden. 2004. “Masculinity, the Political Economy of the Body, and Patriarchal Power in the Caribbean.” In Gender in the 21st Century: Caribbean Perspectives, Visions and Possibilities, by Barbara Bailey and Elsa Leo-Rhynie, 236–61. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle. Pemberton, Cecile, and Joel Joseph. 2018. National Women’s Health Survey: Final Report. Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank. Robinson, Tracy. 2000. “Fictions of Citizenship, Bodies Without Sex: The Production and Effacement of Gender in Law.” Small Axe (7): 1–27. Theodore, Karl, Christine Laptiste, Althea LaFoucade, Charmaine Metivier, and Kimberly-Ann Gittens-Baynes. 2008. “The Cost of Sexual Abuse and Domestic Violence: An Economic Perspective with Implications for Trinidad and Tobago.” https://sta.uwi.edu/nlc/2008/documents/papers/ KAGittens-BaynesOrs.doc.

CHAPTER 7

Trinidad and Tobago’s Legal Response to Domestic Violence: Incomplete and Inadequate Without a Focus on Achieving Substantive Equality Afiya France

Introduction Women disproportionately suffer from domestic violence.1 In Trinidad and Tobago, one in three women have been abused by their partners.2 During the period 2013–2018, women made 75% of domestic violence reports to the police, and were the victims of 54% of 183 documented domestic violence deaths.3 Domestic violence is more prevalent among women of lower socioeconomic status.4 Several homicide court matters5 and media reports confirm a trend that domestic violence often escalates to murder when women try to leave the relationship.

A. France (B) Faculty of Law, The University of the West Indies, St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_7

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Structural gender inequality lies among the root causes of domestic violence in heterosexual unions. Patriarchal gender stereotypes and gender-based power imbalances can be traced in Trinidad and Tobago’s history and are intricately woven into the existent social structures. This chapter submits that since domestic violence is a manifestation of structural gender inequality, any effective state response to domestic violence should have an aspiration of dismantling the inequality as a guiding ideology underlying all initiatives. In an ostensibly gender-neutral Domestic Violence Act (“DVA”), Trinidad and Tobago has focussed predominantly on providing remedies and punishing the perpetration of domestic violence in its response to the scourge, paying insufficient attention to the structural gender inequality at its root. The DVA, which covers many of the complexities of domestic violence, and is highly utilized by women in abusive relationships, is a laudable contribution to the fight against domestic violence. Notwithstanding the utility of the DVA, however, domestic violence remains a massive social problem and continues to occur, often even after redress is obtained under the DVA. This chapter explores Trinidad and Tobago’s legal response to domestic violence, through the lens of related theories of equality, namely formal equality and substantive equality. The former advocates that everyone, regardless of their starting point, should be treated the same. The latter takes into account the historical conditions of inequality suffered by some groups as well as present-day legal, societal and attitudinal barriers. The chapter offers a substantive equality framework as a more holistic and effective response to domestic violence. The framework, complied from relevant academic debates and human rights documents, is premised on the central logic that any meaningful response to domestic violence must address the tragedy of gender inequality at its root. It proffers that any effective state response to domestic violence should contain each of the following four elements: First, a recognition and explicit acknowledgement that domestic violence is a problem rooted in gender inequality. Second, a normative ideological commitment to substantive equality, as the pathway to the eradication of the systematic gender inequality at the root of domestic violence. Third, an interrogation of laws to detect and repair the extent to which they perpetuate gender inequality by reinforcing patriarchal cultural norms and stereotypes. Fourth, a specific interrogation and tweaking of the DVA to ensure

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that it is gender sensitive and provides real and effective relief for the persons disproportionately affected by domestic violence. This chapter briefly explores the colonial and contemporary postcolonial history of domestic violence in Trinidad and Tobago to demonstrate the structural gender inequality at its root, and the need for an aspirational focus of dismantling gender inequality in state responses to domestic violence. It then explains why a substantive equality approach is preferred over one of formal equality in addressing domestic violence, and sets out the four elements of a substantive approach to domestic violence as compiled from the existing academic literature. The last part of the chapter probes Trinidad and Tobago’s response to domestic violence through the lens of these four elements, highlighting successes achieved and areas for improvement.

Structural Gender Inequality and Domestic Violence in Heterosexual Relationships Domestic Violence in heterosexual relationships has been repeatedly recognized as a manifestation of historically unequal power relations between men and women, caused by social and cultural practices and stereotypes, which place women into positions of inferiority and men into positions of superiority.6 Hierarchical distinctions between men and women were imported into Trinidad and Tobago during the colonial period.7 These early systems were steeped in patriarchy and masculine privilege,8 giving men, over women, access to education, power and resources.9 Women were discouraged from participation in political and socio-economic life and expected to be compliant, submissive and dependent on men, with the responsibility to manage the home and nurture the children.10 Though women in Trinidad and Tobago have become more independent and self-reliant over the years due to access to education and employment,11 patriarchal stereotypes that men are breadwinners and women are homemakers still exist in the nation’s psyche, embedded within its political, legal and social structures.12 Mainstream society is organized in various ways, subtle and explicit, to reflect and perpetuate hierarchal distinctions between men and women. Scrutiny will reveal that seemingly neutral, or even pro-female, laws are not neutral or entirely pro-female in their effect, but perpetuate the sexist stereotype that women belong, in the home, taking care of the family. This informs why despite

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broad assertions of equality in the Constitution, women, compared to men, still have higher levels of unemployment, experience higher levels of poorly remunerated employment, and bear the greater burden of household work.13 Domestic violence in Trinidad and Tobago is coloured by an existent culture of violence, which is rooted in its history of enslavement of Africans and indentureship of Indians.14 This culture was imported into the homes, and both Indian and African men used violence as a means of control and ownership of their women.15 The combined cultures of patriarchy and violence made regular beatings of women in both marital and common-law relationships a socially accepted norm.16 Third-party intervention was disapproved of unless there was danger of death or serious injury,17 as domestic squabbles were deemed private affairs.18 Especially in Indian domestic relationships, beatings often escalated to homicide when women left their mates, or were believed by their partner to have been unfaithful in the relationship.19 These histories of gender inequality and violence have installed and cemented, in Caribbean men, a perceived right to control and dominate women through the use of violence.20 These histories explain documented police inaction and inappropriate responses to reports of domestic violence21 as examples of the society’s acceptance of patriarchal attitudes, and its tolerance for the subjugation of women.22 Though gender inequality is causative of domestic violence, the intersection of other complex social factors, among which are socio-economic class and race, have been known to exacerbate women’s experiences of oppression.23 Therefore, while it is important to acknowledge the integral connection between domestic violence and gender inequality, placing the problem in a solely social context, overlooking women’s personal stories, would inadequately reflect the full realities of women’s experiences with abuse. Such tunnel vision would not capture or address other social forces that contribute to domestic violence in heterosexual relationships.24

A Meaningful State Response to Domestic Violence Must also Tackle Gender Inequality Trinidad and Tobago has focussed predominantly on remedies and punishment in its response to domestic violence. This is apparent from the DVA and dicta from court judgements in numerous cases, where domestic

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violence escalated to severe wounding or murder. Remedies and punishment are necessary aspects of a proper state response to domestic violence, but without an accompanying aspirational focus of dismantling gender inequality, remedies and punishment only superficially address domestic violence. The DVA provides a measure of comprehensive cover of the complexities of domestic violence, but the problem of domestic violence still persists in high numbers. Several court cases reveal that domestic violence often escalates to murder or maiming of women, even after they utilize the DVA.25 This points to the inability of the DVA, and the current systems in place, to rectify the issue. This can of course be partly explained by third-world limitations like inadequate resources or infrastructure to hunt down breaches. But even so, investigating and punishing domestic violence after it has already been committed overlooks the duty to prevent it, and is only part of a more holistic and effective response to domestic violence. It has been debated that increasing focus on the punitive elements of a domestic violence response would incentivize perpetrators away from committing acts of abuse26 and relay society’s abhorrence of such conduct. Several Appeal Court judges have voiced their aims at achieving these goals in imposing consistently harsh sentences for domestic killings.27 However, as Clarke has noted, focussing primarily on penalizing abusers as a predominant response has limited ability to reduce domestic violence against women, places undue attention on the abuser and distracts from the task of correcting society’s acceptance of violence against women.28 The Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women (“Belem do Para”) ratified by Trinidad and Tobago on January 4, 1996, and the UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women (“DEVAW”) are both international instruments developed to describe violence against women as a human rights violation.29 They give insight into the necessary elements of an effective response to domestic violence. In addition to focussing on providing remedies and punishment, these documents relay an aspirational focus of eradicating domestic violence through challenging the biases that perpetuate structural gender inequality, with a large emphasis on education and positive strategic action. The international documents admonish states to take due diligence to prevent, investigate and punish violence against women by fulfilling

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practical duties like penalizing the commission of violence, providing women subjected to violence with effective access to justice, remedies for harm suffered, shelters, counselling services and rehabilitation.30 But these documents also impose obligations upon states, to eliminate laws and practices that promote patriarchal stereotypes permissive of violence against women31 and to ensure that laws are sensitive to gender considerations.32

A Substantive Equality Approach Over a Formal Equality as a State Response to Domestic Violence How does one dismantle the gender inequality at the root of domestic violence? Two broad approaches to achieving equality exist in legal theory. The first approach is “formal equality” which states that everyone should be subject to the same law and treated the same way regardless of their status.33 This approach overlooks the societal structural inequality, which has resulted from the historical subjugation of different groups of people because they possess the very statuses that formal equality purports to ignore. It encourages a neutral, gender-blind drafting of the law.34 However, such laws are, in actuality, often more responsive to the experiences and needs of the elite, overlooking those of subordinated groups.35 In a social context of structural, widespread gender inequality, the seemingly neutral approach of formal equality often operates to reinforce the already inherently unfair social structures that contribute to violence against women.36 The other approach to equality is “substantive equality”. This approach perceives that the disadvantage suffered by historically subordinated groups is not arbitrary, but rooted in structural inequality.37 It aims to eventually rectify the injustice suffered by subordinated groups and achieve a more just society.38 It grasps that apparently neutral laws and policies can cause unequal outcomes among groups. It scrutinizes the impact of laws and policies to assess and correct ways that they may perpetuate inequality.39 It acknowledges that differences among groups of people might require different treatment to different groups in order to achieve true equality.40 It appreciates the imperative of state actors attaining cognizance of the actual needs and experiences of subjugated groups as a first step, before launching any efforts to correct inequality. A substantive equality approach therefore is first a value or ideology of commitment to the eradication of systemic inequality41 and second,

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strategic legal and policy steps aimed at eventually attaining a truly just and equal society. Further, substantive equality does not take a broad-brush, ostensibly neutral approach, but pays attention to individual needs and experiences. This makes it capable of addressing diverse forms of inequality that arise from an array of social and economic causes,42 catering to the intersecting oppressions that may compound domestic violence. The DVA was the fruit of feminist activism that sought to raise public consciousness of the harm that domestic violence constituted to women.43 Interestingly, despite its formative history, the language of the DVA is glaringly neutral, providing no explicit protection to women. Similarly neutral, and inadequately protecting women, are local laws that negatively impact on women’s attainment of socio-economic equality, and reinforce patriarchal gender roles. These approaches are characteristic of a formal equality approach—addressing domestic violence in neutral laws, ignoring its disproportionate impact on women and ignoring the pervasiveness of gender inequality. These neutral, “head in the sand” responses are inadequate to surface and challenge the cultural, social and economic factors that perpetuate the inequality at the root of domestic violence. This chapter submits that only a substantive equality approach, which acknowledges the disproportionate effect on women of domestic violence, and considers the social conditions and cultural perspectives that cause gender inequality can galvanize state initiatives to chip away at patriarchal social structures, and in so doing more meaningfully contribute to the elimination of domestic violence. A perusal of relevant human rights documents and academic debates reveals that if one were to use a substantive equality approach to addressing domestic violence, the following steps would be evident. First, there would be a recognition and explicit acknowledgement that domestic violence is a problem rooted in gender inequality. Second, there would be a normative ideological commitment to substantive equality, as the pathway to the eradication of the systematic gender inequality at the root of domestic violence. Third, laws would be interrogated and tweaked to detect and repair the extent to which they perpetuate gender inequality by reinforcing patriarchal cultural norms and stereotypes. Fourth, the DVA would be specifically interrogated and tweaked to ensure that it is gender sensitive and provides real and effective relief for the persons disproportionately affected by domestic violence.

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The rest of this chapter applies each of the elements in the context of Trinidad and Tobago’s legal responses to domestic violence and structural gender inequality.

Recognition and Explicit Acknowledgment that Domestic Violence Is a Problem of Gender Inequality Examination and recognition of women’s oppression in a social and historical context, followed by an explicit acknowledgement of female subjugation in private and public spheres, would enable an accurate presentation of the problem of domestic violence. This would in turn lay the groundwork for transformative public dialog and effective legal and policy responses to the scourge. In 2018, in compliance with the ratified treaties which touch on women’s rights, Trinidad and Tobago adopted the National Policy on Gender and Development, which aims at gender equality and women’s empowerment.44 This document acknowledges a link between genderbased violence and unequal power relations between men and women. This link however is notably absent from the DVA. As the preeminent state response to domestic violence, the DVA should explicitly reference the disproportionate effect of domestic violence on women, and name the scourge as a problem of gender inequality. The absence of an acknowledgement of this link in the DVA is more noticeable since, in its Preamble, the act attempts to designate domestic violence as a social issue, calling it “a social ill” occurring “with alarming frequency and deadly consequences”. It also recognizes the imperative of changing the prevalence of attitudes of indifference to domestic violence, citing a need to “reflect the community’s repugnance to domestic violence, influence the community’s attitude and support social change”. In failing to reference the link between gender inequality and domestic violence, the DVA incompletely describes the social components of domestic violence. In so doing, it misses an opportunity to frame the issue in a way that could uncover and challenge, the varied ways that patriarchal gender stereotypes permeate the commission of domestic violence and the often, inappropriate responses of police officers to reports of the same.

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A Normative Commitment to Substantive Equality, as the Pathway to the Eradication of the Systematic Gender Inequality at the Root of Domestic Violence Substantive equality is first a value and second strategic response to eradicate inequality. For substantive equality to be a nation-held value, there should be an explicit normative commitment to the same in the Constitution and relevant statutes. The major laws that address discrmination, namely, the Constitution, and, the Equal Opportunity Act, both grant broad rights of equality, but both under an apparent formal equality framework, with no, or insufficient recognition of the impact of laws on disadvantaged groups. In this area, Trinidad and Tobago could take pattern from South Africa, which has a constitutional and statutory structure based on substantive equality principles. Albertyn described this structure as creating “potential for achieving meaningful social and economic change by and through courts”.45 This normative commitment to substantive equality has had positive effects on South Africa’s battle with domestic violence, in that, it has enabled the formal recognition of domestic violence as an issue of gender inequality in its Domestic Violence Act. This has laid the foundation for strategic focus on the root causes in its national response to domestic violence.46 A normative commitment to substantive equality as a pathway to eradicating domestic violence can also be achieved through a codification of ratified international treaties, which promote gender equality, and frame domestic violence as a manifestation of gender inequality. The UN Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (“CEDAW”),47 and Belem do Para remain unincorporated in Trinidad and Tobago, though they were ratified since 1989 and 1996, respectively. Elvy argues that failure by states to incorporate CEDAW betrays a lack of commitment to ensuring the equality of women.48 Unincorporated, these treaties are merely a persuasive source of interpretation, but once incorporated, they would graduate to binding law that could form the basis for striking down legislation that perpetuate inequality. Installing gender equality as a normative framework through the incorporation of these treaties would send a message to police officers, lawyers, magistrates and all persons responsible for implementing various aspects of domestic violence legislation, about the state’s repulsion for domestic violence and its connection to gender inequality. This message would impact how they

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implement the DVA at their various levels. It may even encourage them to confront any patriarchal views they may hold, and to gain insight into how these views may colour their own interpretation of, and responses to, situations of domestic violence.

Scrutiny of Laws to Detect and Repair Any Reinforcement of Patriarchal Cultural Norms and Stereotypes The integral link between domestic violence and gender inequality mandates that gender inequality is addressed as a necessary aspect of any state response to domestic violence. As explained above, gender inequality has graduated to the status of a social norm such that our very laws perpetuate biased gender roles that lodge women into spaces of socioeconomic inferiority. Substantive equality recognizes this aspect of law as being a fruit of culture, but it also perceives the power of law to change culture and contribute to the dismantling of gender stereotypes that subjugate women. Substantive equality therefore encourages an examination of existing legislation to assess and correct the extent that they limit women’s socioeconomic progression, or, trap them into subordinate gender roles, and empower men to feel authorized to dominate and control them in domestic relationships. Laws touching on employment rights provide useful examples for such considerations. A substantive law approach could address workplace sexual harassment and pay disparities between men and women in ways that a formal equality approach could not,49 because it fine-tunes its response to address the specific ways that women are disadvantaged by the existing (or non-existent) law in these areas. In the area of pay disparities, systematic discrimination results in “occupational segregation” whereby female-dominated jobs earn less than male-dominated ones.50 In Trinidad and Tobago, women are occupationally segregated into specific low paying jobs in the service and care-related sectors.51 Broad, but neutral anti-discrimination legislation, as occurring in the TT Equal Opportunity Act, mandates that employers should not discriminate between men and women in their terms of employment.52 This formal equality approach, however, cannot curb the societal designation of female-dominated jobs as low paying. It also provides no pathway for women to receive higher remuneration packages for valuable,

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skills-based, labour-intensive work, as the law currently formulated only prohibits discrimination in instances where a woman can point to a male colleague doing her same job, but receiving more pay. Women stranded in female-dominated low paying industries would often be unable to reference such a male colleague. To truly address the issues facing women in this area, legislation would have to facilitate an increase in the value of female-dominated jobs, assessing them as of equal value to applicable male-dominated jobs and deserving equal pay to this created category of male comparators. This type of social engineering is not novel and is already expressed in CEDAW, which states that women should receive equal remuneration for work of equal value.53 Despite the passage of decades since ratifying CEDAW, this concept is still entirely omitted from the landscape of Trinidad and Tobago laws. Sexual harassment is a form of male domination that drives women out of the workplace,54 potentially relegating women back to private domestic spaces and homemaker roles. The persistent failure by the state to legislate against sexual harassment, a decidedly gendered harm, betrays the state’s lack of commitment to achieving gender equality. Structural gender inequality is nuanced. Even laws that benefit women socio-economically can, at the same time, reinforce patriarchal gender roles. For example, in granting women 14 weeks maternity leave with pay under the Maternity Protection Act,55 but having no legal provisions granting paternity leave, the law provides work benefits to women while reinforcing their identities as homemakers, with greater responsibility than men for child-rearing. This duty on employed women to bear the greater burden of household responsibilities presents a practical barrier to them excelling in the workplace. A substantive equality approach would perceive this barrier56 and try to provide a practical remedy that blurs the lines that that designate male and female contributions to the home.

Interrogation of the DVA to Ensure that It Is Gender Sensitive and Provides Real and Effective Relief for the Persons Disproportionately Affected by Domestic Violence The DVA, in bringing public awareness to, and providing recourse for domestic violence has achieved some laudable feats in the fight against the scourge. The documented high utilization of the DVA has been described

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as “an index of social, cultural and political transformation in the country”.57 The high numbers of women who seek recourse under the act are evidence of an interruption in the pattern of domination and control in relationships between women and their male abusers.58 Provisions within the DVA that outline police responsibility have contributed towards shifts in former police attitudes of inaction or indifference to domestic violence. The positive effects for women, however, are often neutralized by attitudes and practices, at the level of society, that counteract the successes achieved by the DVA. Men often continue to commit domestic violence against women after court protection had been obtained, and sometimes even after suffering penalty for breaching the terms of a protection order.59 Police training is limited, restricted to brief workshops with police recruits during their Academy training.60 Though resources such as hotlines and shelters exist to assist victims of domestic violence, they are generally underfunded and limited.61 A substantive equality approach that acknowledges the gender implications of domestic violence can enable an effective tweaking of the DVA to make it more responsive to domestic violence. Despite the DVA’s express gender neutrality, it provides protection to several categories of women by addressing the complex and diverse manifestations of domestic violence through wide-ranging definitions and remedies. Domestic violence is defined broadly, to cover all forms of abuse, including physical, sexual, emotional or psychological or financial abuse.62 The categories of persons eligible to seek redress, in the form of a “protection order”, are expansive, covering the parties of a comprehensive list of intimate heterosexual relationships. Such parties include a spouse or former spouse, a cohabitant, or former cohabitant, a fiancée or ex-fiancée, a party to a visiting relationship, dating relationship and persons having a child in common.63 Though it does not specifically mention women, the DVA’s expansive categories of prohibited abuse and protected relationships in effect expand the number of women who have access to protections and remedies, since women of varied relationships are disproportionality affected by different types of domestic violence. The DVA contemplates a broad range of prohibitions and directions aimed at stopping abuse.64 It authorizes protection orders that direct the abuser to pay compensation to the applicant65 or vacate the home, even if solely owned by the abuser.66 Upon vacating the home, the abuser can be mandated to continue to make rent or mortgage payments.67 Again, women are not specifically highlighted, yet these provisions obviously aim

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to provide protection to the parties, in relationships, who depend on the economic provision of the other. Due to gender role assignments, women, over men would more likely find themselves having inadequate income and no legal interest in a family home that they may have made substantial homemaker contributions towards. Such women might be reluctant to seek protection orders due to fear of subsequent economic loss and loss of shelter.68 These provisions help such women to overcome these economic barriers to seeking relief under the DVA. Though achieving some aspects of gender sensitivity, the DVA can yet be fine-tuned to better uncover and correct the gender inequality roots of domestic violence in the areas of counselling for victims and abusers, police responses and shelters and rehabilitative services. Under the DVA, parties to domestic violence can be referred to professional counselling or therapy from state-approved entities.69 This is a worthwhile attempt at attacking domestic violence at its root, since counselling is a route towards addressing skewed gender stereotypes, and social and cultural patterns of behaviour permissive of domestic violence. The act is however silent on who must bear the cost of such counselling. Given the prohibitive cost of professional counselling, a provision directing the same can only benefit indigent persons if the sessions are state-funded. However, such assistance is not mentioned in the DVA. As described above, women are more likely to suffer poverty, plus poverty is an intersecting oppression that exacerbates domestic violence. Unless the law provides a means for the indigent to access counselling, though this provision appears progressive on paper, it is not practically attainable by the persons who need it most. A substantive approach to equality would value the transformational possibilities of counselling, and give priority to providing resources to ensure that the counselling referenced is actually attainable by the parties. Even if, due to declining revenues, the cost of state provided counselling is prohibitive, a substantive equality approach would consider other, less expensive, ways of providing parties in domestic violence circles with the knowledge that could change their perspectives and patterns of behaviour. One such option might be mandatory informational videos or documentaries. This focus aligns with state obligations under international treaties documents described above, to provide informal educational programs to modify patterns of conduct that legitimize violence against women and, appropriate counselling services and training for women who have been subjected to violence.

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The DVA attempts to address law enforcement’s historic neglect of domestic violence, identifying police officers as key players in implementing the DVA, with obligations to respond to and report on every complaint of domestic violence.70 They can enter premises where domestic violence is being committed or about to be committed, with or without warrant, to protect life or property.71 They can also detain and arrest a person, without a warrant, if that person breaches an existing protection order.72 Once the police have entered premises, they must “give assistance” to persons in need.73 This broad mandate to “give assistance” is too imprecise to mobilize local police officers, socialized in a culture of apathy towards domestic violence, into lending the breadth of support that a victim would need. More is needed from this portion of the DVA to encourage greater police understanding of the root causes of domestic violence and their role in responding to domestic violence reports. The Bahamas Domestic Violence Act improves on the DVA by setting out a checklist of mandatory police responses, namely: assisting the victim to a place of safety or medical assistance, accompanying the victim in removing their personal belongings from the joint home, advising the victim of the importance of preserving evidence and informing the victim of their rights, and available legal and social services.74 No doubt the DVA would be enhanced if these practical details are inserted. However, a substantive equality approach would go even beyond a mere checklist, and place emphasis on comprehensive training of law enforcement. Ideally constituted, such training would focus not only on the steps of a checklist designed to appropriately respond to calls of distress, but would aim towards correcting prejudices about gender roles and cultural impressions of domestic violence. This sort of focus, which would go to the root of how police officers perceive domestic violence, would enhance their responses to reports of the same. A DVA sensitive to a substantive equality approach to domestic violence would also place emphasis on the provision of gender-responsive social services to assist victims of abuse. Such social and rehabilitative services would first acknowledge women’s economic dependence on men as a by-product of gender inequality and be therefore distributed in such a way as to provide for gender-specific needs like child care, shelter and initiatives to propel women towards greater levels of confidence and economic independence. Though some hotlines and shelters exist

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in Trinidad and Tobago, these are inadequate, disorganized and underresourced, provided by private non-governmental agencies,75 and not even mentioned in the DVA. Such important initiatives towards a meaningful response to domestic violence should at least be referenced in the legislation that addresses the national scourge. Further, the state should play a greater role and provide adequate resources towards ensuring that rehabilitative services are properly constituted and implemented, so as to provide proper support and empowerment to the persons who most need them.

Conclusion Trinidad and Tobago has incompletely fulfilled its obligations under Belem do para, CEDAW and DEVAW. Though it has passed the DVA, which has had much positive impact, there is more to be done to attack domestic violence from the premise of it being a manifestation of historical structural gender inequality. This chapter used the conceptual elements in the debates on equality and domestic violence to first identify substantive equality as the most effective approach for addressing the historical, persistent inequalities and harms suffered by women, from domestic violence and patriarchy. Second, it collated four elements that should be present in a substantive approach to fighting domestic violence, highlighting ways that Trinidad and Tobago’s fight against domestic violence could be enhanced. The exploration revealed that remedies and punishment are necessary elements of a state’s fight against domestic violence, but that much emphasis should also be given to uprooting the patriarchal gender stereotypes and gender power imbalances that are permissive of domestic violence. This chapter has acknowledged that violence can be exacerbated by various social pressures, and that it would be simplistic to paint domestic violence solely as an issue of gender inequality. While accepting that a myriad of circumstances makes each domestic violence experience unique, this chapter also posits that a major underlying social cause of domestic violence is gender inequality. Metaphorically speaking, gender inequality is the broad norm that brushes across the issue of domestic violence, like the backdrop of a painting. Intersecting social factors that exacerbate individual experiences of domestic violence give colour, and distinctiveness to different occurrences of the scourge. Addressing gender inequality then may not necessarily eradicate all instances of domestic violence. However,

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changing the broad underlying norm or backdrop of gender inequality will have a minimizing effect on domestic violence generally.

Notes 1. Elvy, Stacy-Ann. 2015. Postcolonial Theory of Spousal Rape: The Caribbean and Beyond. Michigan Journal of Gender & Law, 22, 89–167; Goldscheid, Julie. 2011. Gender Violence and Work in the United States and South Africa: The Parallel Processes of Legal and Cultural Change. American University Journal of Gender Social Policy & the Law, 19(3), 921–958. 2. Pemberton, C., & Joseph, J. 2018. National Women’s Health Survey for Trinidad and Tobago. Inter-American Development Bank. http://dx.doi. org/10.18235/0001006. 3. Trinidad and Tobago Central Registry on Domestic Violence, Data Report. 2019. http://www.opm-gca.gov.tt/Portals/0/Documents/Rep orts/Central%20%20Registry%20Data%20Report%20%202018%20%20F inal%20Document%20%20Cabinet%20Approval%20(002).pdf?ver=GLu YlDIUwbvVsC1l76vcVQ%3d%3d. 4. Morgan, Paula. 2010. No Money No Love: Representations of the Social Impact of Poverty in Media, Popular and Literary Discourse. The Culture of Violence in Trinidad and Tobago. Caribbean Review of Gender Studies. Issue 4. 5. Including: Mohammed (also known as “Punchin”) v The State, TT Court of Appeal No. 21/2013; Cox v The State, TT Court of Appeal No. 24/2006; Peter Cadette v The State, TT Court of Appeal No. 27/2005); Keith Winter v The State, TT Court of Appeal No. 70/2005; The State v Mohammed, TT High Court No. 2476/2003; Aston Lee v The State TT Court of Appeal No 73/2001; Bimlal Ray Paria v The State TT Court of Appeal No 64/2000; Junior Nicome v The State TT Court of Appeal No. 83/1999; Marcelle Skeete v The State TT Court of Appeal No 57/1997; Torrel James v The State, TT Court of Appeal No. 71 of 1992. 6. Organization of American States. Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women. June 9 1994. G.A. 24th Sess. A-61 (hereinafter Belem do Para); United Nations. December 20, 1993. Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women. G.A. Res 48/104. U.N. GOAR, 48th Sess. U.N. Doc A/Res/48/104 (hereinafter DEDAW); MacKinnon, Catharine. 2011. Substantive Equality: A Perspective. Minnesota Law Review, 96 (1), 1–27. 7. Elvy, supra note 2; Matthews, G. 2007. Trinidad: A Model Colony for British Slave Trade Abolition. Parliamentary History. 26(S1), 86–96;

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9.

10. 11. 12. 13.

14. 15.

16. 17. 18. 19. 20.

21.

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Brereton, B. 2010. The Historical Background to the Culture of Violence in Trinidad and Tobago. Caribbean Review of Gender Studies: A Journal of Caribbean Perspectives on Gender and Feminism, 4(1–15). Barriteau, Eudine. 2003. Confronting Power, Theorizing Gender: Interdisciplinary Perspectives in the Caribbean. Requiem for the Male Marginalization Thesis in the Caribbean: Death of a Non-Theory. University of the West Indies Press, 324–355; Sukhu, Raquel. 2000. Domestic Violence and Power: A War of Words and Fists. Caribbean Journal of Criminology and Social Psychology, 5(1&2), 228–236. Plummer, David. 2001. Marginalizing the Battered Male: Is Learning Becoming Taboo for Caribbean Boys? Journal of Men’s Studies 9(2), 1–12. Brereton, supra note 8; Reddock, R. 1994. Women, Labour & Politics in Trinidad & Tobago: A History. Zed Books. London. Ian Randle. Jamaica. Reddock, supra note 11. Elvy, supra note 2. Robinson, Tracy. 2003. Confronting Power, Theorizing Gender: Interdisciplinary Perspectives in the Caribbean. Beyond the Bill of Rights: Sexing the Citizen. University of the West Indies Press, 231–261. Brereton, supra note 8. Brereton, supra note 8; Reddock, supra note 10; Mohammed, Patricia. 2002. Gender Negotiations Among Indians in Trinidad, 1917 –1947. Palgrave, New York. Brereton, supra note 11. Id. Lazarus-Black, Mindie. 2007. Everyday Harm—Domestic Violence, Court Rites and Cultures of Reconciliation. University of Illinois Press, Urbana. Brereton, supra note 11, Reddock, supra note 11, Mohammed, supra note 16. Morgan, Paula & Youssef, Valerie. 2006. Writing Rage: Unmaking Violence through Caribbean Discourse. University of the West Indies Press. Jamaica; Sukhu, supra note 8; Johnson, Michael. 1995. Patriarchal Terrorism and Common Couple Violence: Two Forms of Violence Against Women. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 57(2), 283–294. Lazarus-Black, supra note 19; Wallace et al. 2019. Domestic Violence: Intimate Partner Violence Victimization Non-Reporting to the Police in Trinidad and Tobago. Justice Policy Journal, 16(1). Lazarus-Black, supra note 19. Goldscheid, supra note 2; Pearce, Megan. 2015. Gendering the Compliance Agenda: Feminism, Human Rights and Violence against Women. Cardozo Journal of Law & Gender, 21(1), 393–441; Morgan, supra note 5.

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24. Goldscheid, Julie. 2017. Elusive Equality in Domestic and Sexual Violence Law Reform. Florida State University Law Review, 34(3) 731–778. 25. Including Mohammed (also known as “Punchin”) and The State, TT Court of Appeal, Trinidad and Tobago, No. 21 of 2013; Ramsaran v The Attorney General, TT High Court CV 1582 of 2010; The State v Bhagwandeen TT High Court No. S-045 of 2006. 26. Economic Commission for Latin America and The Caribbean (“ECLAC”). 2001. An Evaluative Study of The Implementation of Domestic Violence Legislation: Antigua And Barbuda, Saint Kitts/Nevis, Saint Lucia And Saint Vincent And The Grenadines. LC/CAR/G.659. 27. See TT Court of Appeal cases cited at note 6. 28. Clarke, Roberta. 1998. Violence Against Women in the Caribbean: State and Non-State Responses. UNIFEM. 29. Supra note 7. 30. Belem do Para, supra note 7, Art 7, 8; DEVAW, supra note 7, Art 4. 31. Id. 32. DEVAW, supra note 7, Art 4. 33. Hughes, Patricia. 1999. Recognizing Substantive Equality as a Foundational Constitutional Principle. Dalhousie Law Journal, 22(2), 5–50; Beecher-Monas, Erica. 2001. Domestic Violence: Competing Conceptions of Equality in the Law of Evidence. Loyola Law Review, 47(1) 81–135. 34. Beecher-Monas, supra note 34. 35. Id. 36. Pearce, supra note 24. 37. Albertyn, Catherine. 2007. Substantive Equality and Transformation in South Africa. South African Journal on Human Rights, 23(2), 253–276. 38. MacKinnon, supra note 6; Fredman, Sandra. 2005. Providing Equality: Substantive Equality and the Positive Duty to Provide. South African Journal on Human Rights, 21(2), 163–190. 39. Beecher-Monas, supra note 34; Hughes, supra note 34. 40. Hughes, supra note 34; Albertyn, supra note 38. 41. Id. 42. Albertyn, supra note 38. 43. Lazarus-Black, supra note 19. 44. National Policy on Gender and Development of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. 2018. http://www.opmgca.gov.tt/portals/0/Docume nts/National%20Gender%20Policy/NATIONAL%20POLICY%20ON% 20GENDER%20AND%20DEVELOPMENT.pdf?ver=2018-03-08-134 857-323. 45. Albertyn, supra note 38. 46. Goldscheid, supra note 2. 47. CEDAW. December 18, 1979, 1249 U.N.T.S.13.

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48. Elvy, supra note 2. 49. Fredman, Sandra. 2016. Substantive Equality Revisited. International Journal of Constitutional Law, 14(3), 712–738. 50. MacKinnon, supra note 7. 51. TT National Policy, supra note 45, at p. 44. 52. TT Equal Opportunity Act, Chapter 22:03, at sec. 3,5,8. 53. CEDAW, supra note 48, at Art 11(d). 54. Robinson, Tracy. 1999. Naming and Describing It- The First Steps Towards the Development of Laws Relating to Sexual Harassment in the Caribbean. Caribbean Law Review, 4, 50–66. 55. Chapter 45:57, sec 7, 9. 56. Albertyn, supra note 38. 57. Lazarus-Black, Mindie. 2001. Law and the Pragmatics of Inclusion: Governing Domestic Violence in Trinidad. American Ethnologist, 28(2), 388–416. 58. Id. 59. See note 26 supra. 60. Wallace et al., supra note 22. 61. Id. 62. Chapter 45:56, sec 3. 63. Id. 64. Sec 6(1)(ii). 65. Sec 6(1)(c)(ii). 66. Sec 6(1)(c)(iv). 67. Sec. 6(1)(c)(vi). 68. Wallace et al., supra note 22. 69. Sec. 6(c)(viii), 6(3). 70. Sec. 21A (1). 71. Sec. 22, 23. 72. Sec. 24. 73. Sec 23A(a). 74. Bahamas Domestic Violence (Protection Orders) CH 99A, sec 27. 75. Wallace et al., supra note 22.

CHAPTER 8

Historicizing Domestic Violence: The Ills of Indenture Ship? Ann Marie Bissessar

Introduction There is no dearth of literature on factors that may give rise to domestic violence or intimate partner violence. One prominent theme in the literature is “learned social behavior” for both men and women. Much, too, has been documented on the intergenerational cycle of violence. For instance, Ellsberg et al. (1999)1 as well as Abrahams et al. (1999)2 among others, suggest that the sons of women who are beaten are more likely to beat their intimate partners and in some instances have been beaten themselves as children. In addition, they contend that daughters of women who are beaten are more likely to be beaten as adults. Apart from “learned social behaviour” however, one aspect that has to a large extent been under-researched is the issue of ‘cultural violence’. Galtung (1990) defines this as those aspects of culture, the symbolic sphere of

A. M. Bissessar (B) Department of Political Science, The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_8

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our existence—exemplified by religion and ideology. Language and art, empirical science and formal science (logic, mathematics)—that can be used to justify or legitimize direct or structural violence.3 This chapter is narrow in its scope and does not have any expectations to either prove or disprove that incidents of domestic violence among East Indian descendants in Trinidad and Tobago are due to socially learned behaviors or due to culture. Rather this chapter simply examines and conjectures at this early stage that the pattern of violence and the causes that perpetuated it in India, along with the indentured experience may, perhaps, have laid the foundation for this kind of violence in East Indian households. Could this legacy have persisted for generations or is it simply the type of society, which nurtures violent behavior?

A Summary View of the Relationship Between Men and Women in India In India, the concept of power and authority was and is not confined to a relationship between the male and female but within an over-arching caste system, which determined respect, authority, and worth. Caste was inherited and could not be earned. The system was based on four groupings from the highest to the lowest: Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisyas, and Sudras, anyone outside of these four categories is considered as undesirables. Thus, while a number of historians and writers tend to look at experiences from a broad lens, it is evident, that discussions on domestic violence in East Indian families, does not really address females from differing caste systems but rather tends to examine the issue from the myopic view of those females who came to Trinidad and Tobago and the other islands as East Indian indentured laborers. The experiences of the higher castes or groups such as Brahman, Kshatriya have not been documented and therefore this chapter is limited to the experiences primarily of the East Indian women who came to the various colonies as indentured servants. There is no doubt that among some caste or religious sects in India, the Indian male occupies a place of supremacy in the household. For instance, in the case of practicing Hindus in India, according to Roopnarine (2015) the “man” is recognized as the primary upholder of the dharma, the main recipient of all ritual honors, whereas his wife participates in them as his partner and associate (saha dharma charini) to complement his efforts. He is incomplete without her. But when it comes to the comparison,

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he clearly stands above her. When he leaves the world, she loses everything, her wealth, her identity, her comforts, and her status. Thus clearly and unequivocally, the Hindu scriptures relegate women to a subordinate position in relationship with men. In terms of marriage and sexuality, upholding a sense of purity within human relationships is a fundamental standard within the caste system. For women, therefore, periodical pollution in the forms of menstruation and parturition, for instance, renders her as naturally less pure than males (Dube 2005).4 Apart from natural bodily occurrences, other forms of female impurity can be obtained through the involvement in menial occupations such as—midwifery, dirt disposal, and washing dirty clothes, as well as the marital status of widowhood. In order to maintain a certain level of purity, therefore, the caste system works to manage female sexuality by encouraging restrained sexual behavior and limited interaction with the opposite sex. As a result, arranged or negotiated marriages are positive traditions that create boundaries to maintain same caste marriage and simultaneously ensuring ritual purity for caste members. Even when marriage has been achieved, a woman’s spiritual purity is an utmost important aspect that must be maintained regardless. Therefore, the caste system operated to control female behavior and possible sexual desires, containing their sexuality at all times. Prior to their arrival to the Caribbean in 1838, according to a number of writers, nineteenth-century East Indian women experienced many struggles imposed by their male counterparts. Traditional ideology toward marriage, for example, rendered the husband vastly superior over his powerless wife, leading to many forms of injustices experienced by the female. For instance, if a woman was suspected of marital offense, even on the basis of total conjecture, she was compensated with sheer violence often leading to death. If a wife was raped, there was the high probability of her being expelled from the husband’s home. And in certain parts of India, honor killings were considered as a justifiable method of condemning disobedient women, where husbands generally received sympathy from the public. The social priority of the male gender resulted in many wives being treated as prisoners within their marriage, always experiencing fewer privileges and opportunities than their husbands. The inferior social status that a woman experienced in India was largely due to a religious caste system that governed her existence as naturally substandard to the male.5

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The Experience of Indentureship It was to be expected that these practices would be modified when indentureship was introduced in 1838 and both men and women were brought to the colonies as workers. The workers, according to one report, were mostly young and middle-aged, mostly male (which led to the sensation of “wife murders” arising from jealousy), mostly Hindu, and mostly taken from the agricultural castes, lower castes, and outcastes. The largest caste groups were the chamars, the lowly leather workers, and the ahirs, the cowherds. What was common to them was the fate they were escaping: the famines and revolts, the poverty and destitution of British India6 The first wave of emigration occurred in 1838, and 396 workers referred to as “Gladstone Coolies” were brought to British Guiana by plantation owner John Gladstone.7 It was not as some suggested, an introduction to better standards of living since testimonies from former slaves asserted that Indian workers were treated in the same way they had been treated under slavery.8 The British Government responded by advertising the following message: • There is no slavery wherever the British Flag flies; • The Law is the same to rich and poor. All Religions are tolerated and protected, and the Queen of England has appointed Special Magistrates in her West Indian Colonies, to look after and protect the strangers, who go there to seek their fortunes; • Any laborer entering into a contract for five years, and desiring to cancel it at the end of the first year, and work where he pleases, can do so on repayment of four-fifths of the passage money from China to the West Indies, estimated at $75. At the end of the second year, he can cancel it on repayment of three-fifths, and so on, one-fifth being deducted for every year’s service; • A special Law has been passed by the Parliament of England, for the feeding and protection of the emigrants during voyage.9 Ono George also suggests that despite the heavy regulations to “protect” workers from abuses, the Indentured System in British Guiana was used to keep indentured laborers “in their place” on the plantations, they were exploited in order to maintain the primacy of sugar production. She suggests, for instance, that the contracts themselves were legally binding,

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keeping them within the plantations and charging them for vagrancy if they left.10 The proportion of women indentured laborers was very low. Some estimate that of the total number of emigrants only twenty-five percent were women which had been governed by the minimum quota rule imposed by the colonial government and the government of India. After, the quota was fixed at forty women per one hundred men in each shipment in 1868. Data indicates that most of the women recruited were unaccompanied by husbands or other male relatives. Some, however, entered into relationships in the recruitment depots and on the ships during the long journey to the West Indies. A great majority of the women were widows and other destitute women abandoned by their families and a few were prostitutes drawn from the metropolises of Calcutta and Madras. There was no doubt that the post-emancipation period in the colonies was one that was could be described by Thomas Hobbes (1651—the Leviathan) as one where life was nasty brutish and short. It was a primitive society, without government, with few institutions and one where the implanted populations of both Africans and Indians had to cope in a society where the final word resided with the overseer and the landowner. Much was documented about the slave experience and to a lesser extent the experience of the indentured laborers. For instance, in the case of the latter, it is suggested that even at the inception of indentureship, many persons were forced on board the ships and some were even kidnapped. In the colonies, while it was true that employers of the indentured laborers had no legal right to flog or whip their workers, the use of incarceration or fines served as deterrents to what was considered unacceptable behavior. In some cases, too, physical violence was practiced and some workers who had served out their contracts were reportedly beaten, cuffed, or kicked by managers, overseers, sirdars (Indian foremen, the successors to the slave drivers), and, at times, African laborers or policemen. In the towns, the few Indians who lived or worked there (usually as porters, gardeners, or domestics) during the period of immigration were often the victims of casual brutality from Africans or others, including policemen. In particular, the Scottish overseers, who were largely young men of little or no formal education, took delight in what was described as “well placed bootings” and clandestine horse whippings to keep the “coolies” in line.11 The East Indian migrant was faced with numerous challenges. Firstly, because few could speak English, as a group they could not voice their complaints or object to conditions under which they were required to

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serve. There is evidence that they were treated as second-class citizenry even by the new African slaves and there was deep distrust between them and the Africans as well as the Europeans. The East Indians were constantly described as filthy and unclean. One account, for instance, suggests that in 1879, an Englishman visiting an estate in Central Trinidad (Felicity) wrote of the children of indentured immigrants resident in the barracks; “The coolie is generally a creature with little or no sense of personal hygiene, but his children are positively filthy little urchins. They reek of excrement and urine, and their oil-soaked locks are teeming with lice and ticks. Few bathe daily, and they are left uneducated although there is a coolie school in the town.” While this description sounds harsh, it is not altogether biased. While cleanliness is a big issue for higher castes , many of the Indians who came to Trinidad (1845–1917) were of low, agrarian, and sudra (untouchable) castes, a fact which was hidden with name changes when they registered at the immigrant depot on Nelson Island. The barrackrooms in which they were housed lacked even the most basic sanitary facilities with the cane piece being a toilet and a barrel of water being a bathroom for male and female alike. Children in particular were neglected. Until the coming of the Canadian Mission to the Indians in 1868 under Rev. John Morton, most did not go to school. Male children were expected to begin work as early as five years old, earning 20 cents a day during the rainy season as part of “grass gangs,” assigned tasks in weeding the cane. Girls were expected to stay at home, launder, prepare meals, and look after younger siblings. Left to their own devices, the children ignored cleanliness. Lice were a major problem, as most did not bathe with soap, and heads were doused in coconut oil to prevent them “cactham sick.” 12 It was true, of course, that shortly after the influx of Indian Indentured Coolies as a source of cheap, reliable labor, Trinidad’s Colonial Government under Lord Harris (1846–1853) realized that the new arrivals had by necessity, to be fed on foods that they were accustomed to in India otherwise they would suffer malnourishment. Thus, large quantities of Indian food began arriving in the colony. Paddy rice (Trinidad was already familiar with creole hill rice or red rice thanks to the industry of the exAmerican black soldiers of the 1816 Company Villages), split peas (dhall), ghee, curry spices, all originally imported exclusively for the Indians, began to find their way into shops and soon formed a foundational part of the national cuisine. For newly arrived indentureds, the estate commissariat was supposed to supply them with food rations and clothing for the first year of their five-year contract. This edict was often ignored, and

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some unscrupulous planters even deducted the cost of the rations from the pittance paid to the Indians. Strictly speaking, the ration allowance was as followed: For every male over 18 years of age per month: 45lbs. of rice, 9lbs. dhall, ¼ gallon ghee or coconut oil, 1 ½ lbs. salt, 6 lbs saltfish, 2lbs onions and chillies. Annual endowments: 1 small iron cooking pot, 2 cotton shirts, 2 dock trousers, 1 woolen cap, 1 felt hat, 1 woolen cloth jacket, 2 woolen blankets. Women and children received half the rations of men. A woman’s clothing allowance was also allotted, comprising cotton slips, woolen skirts, handkerchiefs, and blankets. Most estates allowed the Indians provision grounds to supplement the rations, but the mighty Woodford Lodge did not as they squeezed every stalk of cane from its lands. At the depot for incoming Indians (up to 1917) at Nelson Island, provisions for the transients (who were detained several days for medical inspection before assignment to estates) consisted of rice, pumpkin, live mutton, and chapattis.13 While these rations would certainly alleviate some of the hardships experienced by the newly arrived immigrants, the long hours in the plantations along with liberties taken by the planters and overseers would certainly have created stresses in villages where the ratio of men to women was very low. Accounts, for instance, suggest that….. Many Scots overseers kept mistresses, particularly among the Indian women under their supervision. In fact, an entire sub-ethnicity of fair-skinned, grey-eyed Indians was created from these unions which were the norm rather than the exception. These bastard offspring stood out in the short, dark throngs of their mothers’ countrymen. One way for a cuckolded Indian husband to explain how his wife had given birth to a white child was to say that one had ancestry in Kashmir where the Indians are tall and light skinned and that the color was just passing down having skipped several generations.14 By the 1860s, especially in British Guiana and Trinidad, the murder of women became a serious concern for the colonial office. It was reported that between 1859 and 1863 sixteen and eleven Indian women, respectively, had been murdered in these two colonies by their husbands. In 1864, the Secretary of State of the Colonies sent out a circular to the labor importing colonies asking for urgent steps to be taken to reduce the incidence of the murder of women. He advised measures to increase the proportion of women in the recruitment process as well as greater care should be taken in selecting a better class of women. He also advised stricter supervision of the coolies on the plantation by managers and overseers.

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But, there were other mitigating factors to take into consideration. It was suggested, for instance, that the officials were aware that the bulk of the women who came to the colonies were single and the unions within the colonies bore no resemblance to marriage. To regularize the situation, these “unions” were labelled and recorded as merely non-legal marriages, de facto if not de jure marriages and the women were referred to as “reputed wives” and their spouses as “reputed husbands.” Annual reports, recording the murders on the plantations, thus described the motive as “jealously” induced by desertion of “reputed husbands.” But even with this status, some accounts suggest that women or “reputed wives” often abandoned her husband when another was able to offer her presents of gold or silver ornaments or promises of wealth. In cases, where there was no official abandonment, there were often intrigues, which became the brunt of the village gossip. It was suggested that the jeers and ridicule of the village, was often a powerful precondition to violence.15 Another explanation offered for the “wife murders” was a culturalist one. In 1868, Henry Mitchell, the Protector of Immigrants in Trinidad argued that the scarcity of women was not the primary factor leading to high murder rates but rather was due to the extreme jealousy on the part of males who followed their religious practice by punishing adultery with death. In 1871, this was further reinforced by the Governor of British Guiana who asked the colonial office to compare the incidence of “wife” murder with that in India.16 The results of this enquiry revealed that the rate of “wife” murder in the case of British Guiana was about ninety times higher than the rate in India for the period 1859–1870.17 With the cultural thesis diminished, the next explanation offered for the high incidence of “wife” murder was the infidelity on the part of the females. For instance, Walter Gill, an Australian overseer who worked in Fiji in the early twentieth century described, according to one account the Indian indentured woman as “joyously amoral as a doe rabbit. She took her lovers as a ship takes rough seas …”18 Another issue that was flagged as leading to wife beating and murders was the housing arrangement of the indentured. In 1888 Lechmere Guppy, an Englishman who had resided in Trinidad forty years, and who was serving as mayor of San Fernando submitted a memorandum to the Royal Franchise Commission: As first in the list of evils which afflict the Colony, I look upon the system of housing the Indian Immigrants in barracks. It was not introduced until

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after Major Fagan had been dismissed and the subjugation of the coolie to five years’ indenture to a master imposed upon him by the Government had become complete. At the outset barracks were only built for the Indians who came unaccompanied by women, and free labourers were lodged as before in separate cottages. The first in Naparima was erected at Palmyra Estate, and I think that one was the first in the Island: but as the estates got fully supplied with coolies the cheapness of the barrack caused it to be adopted universally. The barrack is a long wooden building eleven or twelve feet wide, containing perhaps eight or ten small rooms divided from each other by wooden partitions not reaching to the roof. The roof is of galvanised iron, without any ceiling; and the heat of the sun by day and the cold by night take full effect upon the occupants. By standing on a box the occupant of one room can look over the partition into the adjoining one, and can easily climb over. A family has a single room in which to bring up their boys and girls if they have children. All noises and talking and smells pass through the open space from one end of the barrack to the other. There are no places for cooking, no latrines. The men and women, boys and girls, go together into the canes or bush when nature requires. Comfort, privacy and decency are Impossible under such conditions. A number of these barracks are grouped together close to the dwelling house of the overseers, in order that they may with the least trouble put them out to work before daylight in crop time, which they do by entering their room and, if necessary, pulling them off their beds where they are lying with their wives. If a man is sick he is not allowed to be nursed by his wife, he must perforce go to the hospital far away, leaving his wife, perhaps without the means of subsistence, in such a room as I have described, to her own devices, amid the temptations surrounding her. With all this, can any one wonder at the frequent wife-murders and general demoralization amongst the Indian immigrants? In fact the barrack life is one approaching to promiscuous intercourse. And the evil is not confined to the coolies. No descent black labourer can take his wife to live amongst such surroundings; the absentee proprietor is not there to witness. The absentee proprietor is not there to witness the scandals. The overseers will tell you, as I have often been told by them, that they are put there to make sugar and not to look after the morals of coolies.19

Reports indicate that the Colonial Government was challenged by the increase in the murder rates in the colonies. In Trinidad, for instance, reports indicate that Indians acquired a reputation for violence, including murder against members of their own communities. According to Brereton (2010) between 1872 and 1880, 22 Indians were murdered

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by Indians, and all the victims were women; between 1901 and 1910, 62 Indians were murdered by Indians, with 20 of the victims’ women. Between 1872 and 1900, there were 87 murders of Indian women, of which 65 were—wife-murders.20 A number of measures were introduced by the Colonial Administrators to reduce the incidence of murders in the colonies. In 1860, for instance, the Government of India Act XLVI fixed the ratio at a set number again of 25 women for every 100 men. Madras did not seem to have the same difficulty in making the quota and suggested in 1865 that it should be 35 women to 100 men but Calcutta would not agree. The Emigration Board in India suggested the ratio should be 50 women to 100 men. In January of 1868, it was fixed at this ratio and Calcutta immediately objected on the grounds that the quota would lead to the recruitment of prostitutes and other low-class women. As a result, the ratio was reduced to 33–100 by the Government of India, but the Colonial Office in London raised it again to 40 females to 100 males.21 Further to this in 1881, an attempt was made to place Hindu and Moslem marriages on a legal basis in order to induce Indians to take legal rather than overt action against a marriage partner.

Discussion/Conclusion In retrospect, a number of factors have been proposed for the incidents of wife beating (there were reports of mutilation of women during the period of indentureship as well) and murder during the period of indentureship and persisting well into the early 1900s. Some of the more relevant factors suggested included the ratio of men to women in the colonies, the brutality of indentureship, the absence of marriage laws and protections, and the infidelity of the women as well as the existing accommodation. These were in a nutshell the preconditions for wife beatings and murder. One factor raised, of course, was the basic tenets of the Hindu religion as well as the caste of the immigrants. One factor, not mentioned in the literature was the dependence on alcohol by this population. To suggest that wife beatings and murder were cultural in nature was discounted even by the colonial administrators in the late 1800s. To further propose that wife-murder among East Indian immigrants is one legacy of indentureship that persists today appears extremely far-fetched. Indeed, statistical data indicates that the incidents of domestic violence

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Table 8.1 Domestic violence according to racial groups—2009–2012 Ethnicity

2009

2010

2011

2012

Total

Percent

African Caucasian Dougla East Indian Mixed Mulatto Other Spanish Unknown Total

641 2 36 591 192 1 0 12 31 1506

545 3 26 569 204 1 1 14 34 1397

914 12 42 868 274 2 1 12 50 2175

958 10 32 959 317 3 0 10 48 2337

3058 27 136 2987 987 7 2 48 163 7415

41.2 0.4 1.8 40.3 13.3 0.1 0.0 0.6 2.2 100.0

Source Crime and Problem Analysis branch of Trinidad and Tobago Police Service

are much lower among the East Indian population when compared to their African counterparts over the period 2009–2012 (Table 8.1). As Table 8.1 indicates, however, it appears as if the gap in the number of incidents of domestic violence between the two groups, African and East Indian descended population has significantly narrowed in 2012. A number of factors can be offered to explain the increase in the number of incidents of domestic violence and murders as a result during this period. These no doubt would include economic tensions, power distribution, and the concept of rights, along with the absence of effective policies. The extent to which these factors are preconditions, however, will have to be the basis of further research.

Notes 1. Ellsberg, M.C., R. Pena, A. Herrera, J. Liljestrand, and A. Winkvist. 1999. Wife Abuse Among Women Of Childbearing Age in Nicaragua. Am J Public Health 89: 241–244. 2. Abrahams, N., R. Jewkes, and R. Laubscher. 1999. “I Don’t Believe in Democracy in the Home”: Men’s Relationships with and Abuse of Women. Cape Town: MRC Technical Report. 3. Johan Galtung. 1990. Cultural Violence. Journal of Peace Research 27(3): 291–305. 4. Dube, Leela. “Caste and Women.” 2005. Rao, Anupama. 2005. Gender & Caste. London and New York: Zed Books Ltd, 223–249.

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5. Roopnarine, Lomarsh. 2015. East Indian Women And Leadership Roles During Indentured Servitude in British Guiana 1838–1920. Journal of International Women’s Studies 16(3): 174–185. Available at: https://vc. bridgew.edu/jiws/vol16/iss3/12. 6. https://eastindiacompany1600-1857.blogspot.com/2015/01/indian-sla ves-indentured-labourers-for.html. 7. Moon-Ho. Jung. 2005. Outlawing “Coolies”: Race, Nation, and Empire in the Age of Emancipation. American Quarterly: 681. 8. Walter, Rodney. 1981. A History of the Guyanese Working People, 1881– 1905. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. 9. Much of this information was taken from an article by MELEISA ONOGEORGE Containment, and Resistance the Indentured System in British Guiana. See https://www.uvic.ca/research/centres/capi/assets/docs/stu dentessays/OnoGeorge_Coolies_Containment_and_Resistance.pdf. 10. In the 1864 Immigration Ordinance a vagrancy clause was implemented in British Guiana that restricted “immigrants” to a two mile radius of plantations. 11. https://eastindiacompany1600-1857.blogspot.com/2015/01/indian-sla ves-indentured-labourers-for.html. 12. https://eastindiacompany1600-1857.blogspot.com/2015/01/indian-sla ves-indentured-labourers-for.html. 13. https://eastindiacompany1600-1857.blogspot.com/2015/01/indian-sla ves-indentured-labourers-for.html. 14. https://eastindiacompany1600-1857.blogspot.com/2015/01/indian-sla ves-indentured-labourers-for.html. 15. Chief Justice to the Governor of British Guiana 3rd August 1882 in CO/384/130 no 320 Public Record Office, United Kingdom. 16. Report on Immigration into Trinidad for year 1868 in Home Public A, 6th August 1870 Prog. No. 68. National Achieves, United Kingdom. 17. See Files EMIG A November 1871 Prog. No. 12 and EMIG A January 1873 Prog. No.1, NAI. 18. Taken from Marina Carter, and Khal Torabully. 2002. Coolitude: An Anthology of the Indian Labour Diaspora. Anthem Press. Wimbledon Publishing Company: London. 19. Parliamentary Paper, 1910, XXVII, 5193, “Sanderson Committee Report,” 293. Public Records Office: London, England. 20. Bridget Brereton. 2010. The Historical Background to the Culture of Violence in Trinidad and Tobago. Issue 4. http://www.latam-studies. com/samples/02.pdf. 21. Parliamentary Paper, 1874, XLVII, 314, J. Geoghegan, “Report on Coolie Emigration from India,” 35.

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References Abrahams, N., Jewkes, R., and Laubscher, R. 1999. “I Don’t Believe in Democracy in the Home”: Men’s Relationships with and Abuse of Women. Cape Town: MRC Technical Report. Brereton, Bridget. 2010. The Historical Background to the Culture of Violence in Trinidad and Tobago. Issue 4. http://www.latam-studies.com/samples/02. pdf. Carter, Marina, and Khal Torabully. 2002. Coolitude: An Anthology of the Indian Labour Diaspora. London: Anthem Press. Wimbledon Publishing Company. Dube, Leela. 2005. “Caste and Women.” Ellsberg, M.C., Pena, R., Herrera, A., Liljestrand, J., and Winkvist, A. 1999. Wife Abuse Among Women of Childbearing Age in Nicaragua. Am J Public Health 89: 241–244. Galtung, Johan. 1990. Cultural Violence. Journal of Peace Research 27(3): 291– 305. Moon-Ho, Jung. 2005. Outlawing “Coolies”: Race, Nation, and Empire in the Age of Emancipation. American Quarterly: 681. Rao, Anupama. 2005. Gender & Caste. London and New York: Zed Books Ltd, 223–249. Roopnarine, Lomarsh. 2015. East Indian Women and Leadership Roles during Indentured Servitude in British Guiana 1838–1920. Journal of International Women’s Studies 16(3): 174–185. Available at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/ vol16/iss3/12. Rodney, Walter. 1981. A History of the Guyanese Working People, 1881–1905. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.

CHAPTER 9

The Personal Is Political: Domestic Violence and Feminist Participation in Bolivarian Venezuela Sandra Angeleri and María Mercedes Cobo Echenagucia

Introduction The starting point has been to think that feminism occurs in places that have historically been defined as non-political, for example, in the home. To think on the lives of the interviewed feminists introduces the following questions: How did they experience domestic violence? What experiences and emotions of domestic violence made them become feminists? What does their political experience as feminist women in the context of the Bolivarian Revolution enable us to learn?

S. Angeleri (B) Department of Anthropology, Central University of Venezuela, Caracas, Venezuela M. M. Cobo Echenagucia Caracas, Venezuela © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_9

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Alba Carosio tells us that feminism analyzes and judges what is accepted as true in the context of everyday life. Understanding the patriarchal political order to act from an ethic, which provides the basis for political action is the raison d’être of Bolivarian Venezuelan feminisms. This perspective unifies, in the political sphere, the public and the private while focusing on the value of subjective experiences. By stating that “the personal is political” feminists express that relations between sexes are not immune to the power dynamics that have been typically understood as the distinctive face between the private and the political world. For the interviewed women of this article, male violence is located in a space where the domestic goes alongside the political. For them, the argument that establishes that the personal is not political or that domestic space is outside the order of the public is a type of violence. How to be a feminist in the context of contemporary imperial wars against Venezuela? In Venezuela, feminism is necessary for what has not yet ended, as well as Bolivarianism is necessary for what has not yet ended. An important step for the feminist movement as well as for Bolivarian Venezuela is to recognize what needs to end. Domestic violence that curtails the right to live as well as unilateral coercive measures that curtail the right to development need to end. There are some feminists who consider that—for the sake of the continuity of anti-imperialist and decolonial socialism proclaimed by Chavismo— today, when the nation is at stake, it is not the political moment to fight on the streets against the Bolivarian patriarchal state. On the other hand, there are other feminists who consider that the Bolivarian government does not deserve the label of “revolutionary”, but rather to identify it as authoritarian. A third group gambles on the articulation between the different positions in order to fight together to stop male violence. In this article we refer to this third group. We often hear that women already have what they are looking for or that they can get it if they work hard enough. “Post-feminist fantasy” is the idea that a woman, in individual terms, can end what limits her, as if feminism had been so successful as not to be necessary. “Postcolonial fantasy” is the idea that colonial relations in Venezuela have ended with the birth of Venezuela as an independent republic, as if decolonization had been so successful as not to be still necessary. Domestic violence as well as unilateral coercive sanctions are here today to state that there is still much to do. That is why Bolivarian decolonial feminism is necessary. Feminism is a theory and a practice that is done at home because there

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is so much to do to be safe at home. What happens when this “home” is in a country, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, which emerged in the early twenty-first century, surprising all left-wing political parties’ theories and that today is under the attack of international disciplinary violence?

Making Interviews Under COVID-19 Contexts We analyzed the answers of four women who experienced domestic violence. Our objective was to identify how the individual but shared experiences of anger, fear, and shame became social and political activism. The 2019 interviews—prior to the quarantine of the COVID-19 pandemic—were audio recorded. We did those of 2020 via internet while being aware that email was not the best way for the required intimate dialogue. Due to technical issues inherent in the length of this article, we chose four of the twelve interviewed women whom we had known for many years through our feminist activism. We reminded them of the law that established domestic violence as “all active or erasable conduct, constant or not, of use of physical force or psychological violence, intimidation, persecution or threat against women by the spouse, ex concubine, person with whom she maintains a relationship of affection, ascendants, descendants, collateral relatives, blood and related relatives.” The questions sought to identify: (i) their perception of domestic violence, which is to say, how do they express and qualify it; (ii) what is their process of transforming suffering into activism, specifically, how and what type of feminist agency did they develop; (iii) how do they update the traditional feminist slogan that states that the personal is political in the context of the Bolivarian Revolution. The article is a narrative that registers several conversations. On the one hand, that of Yurbin, Indhira, Gioconda, or Ketsy, and Meche and Sandra, on the other. The dialogue was possible because it is supported by a shared experience: as Bolivarian women and feminists that makes surrounding violence inherent in every woman’s experience. Nonetheless, interpreting feminists’ answers to the researchers’ structured interview questions, it became clear that the stories began with our questions. Revealing Stories of Violence How to write a story of something so elusive that resembles a nightmare as indicated by the term “violence” spatially and affectively delimited by

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the “domestic”? How to write the stories of women who have experienced violence in their homes and who are active feminists without reinscribing their nightmares? Some of the interviewed women played a very active role in the women’s movement which, within the Bolivarian political process, has been able to develop a legal and institutional framework that helps women. Today, when unilateral coercive measures try to stifle the Bolivarian project, historical and new generations of feminists continue to fight from the streets as well as from the institutions they themselves created in order to make progress, which is a matter of life and death. Their experiences of domestic violence and their feminist activism illustrate the debate raised by the need to fight against gendered violence in a patriarchal society, which tries to become a community-oriented socialist country, in a context of an undeclared, amorphous, and continuous war whose targets are mostly women. There are as many stories of women telling their experience of domestic violence as there are institutional conditions, moments of speaking and listening, expectations and political limits that can be set by groups of belonging or by the general society. The examined answers to the interviews come from a repertoire of terms available for each political position. The women resort to a horizon of speech that provides the terms to describe different experiences of domestic violence. This horizon of speech allowed them to name their experiences from their different angles of participation in the Bolivarian Revolution. The difference in consciousness overlaps with the difference in experiences of domestic violence, of participation in the government as experts as well as in regard to the moment from where they speak as activists. This leads to the diverse ways in which each of them becomes a feminist and to the identification of the locus from which, at present times, they challenge the state. Though the interviews are by no means exhaustive in their intimate tellings of domestic violence and the delicacy in sharing these accounts, they are inflected with the political projects that politicize the space of the personal where it acquires new meanings. They are inflected with political projects that politicize the space of the personal where it acquires new meanings. The answers are embedded in a larger story that can either reproduce a subsidiary role with respect to the world of the intimate or promote one that questions such a hierarchy. Their testimonies challenge the experience of domestic violence from the present from which they are remembered. The public and the private are articulated in different ways according to the pasts that are remembered. Their words are anchored in the debate

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and emergence of a new political subject: The Bolivarian women who contribute to a public discussion space where women no longer want to be silenced. In this sense, the category “woman” becomes central to their condition and right to lives without violence. Yurbin Aguilar was trained as a psychologist in Central University of Venezuela and graduated in 1983. Her seriousness and perseverance is recognized both at the level of the Bolivarian and feminist movements. As I was the youngest, he said to me, “Let’s have a little shrimp.” I happily fell asleep in his arms. Then I would hear him and my older brothers and sisters laugh. “Yurbin was so dumb, he put her to sleep like a fool.” But really that violence was acceptable. The one that disturbed me the most –and to which I reacted with equal violence– was my mother’s disciplinary violence. Whatever happened, whoever started the conflict, she hit the little girls. Then I realized that she was afraid of my older brother. Mom stopped hitting me when I was 15 years old when, in one of those, I grabbed her hand in the air and threatened her: “if you hit me, I’ll hit you back.” It was effective, she never hit me again. In the face of any action that I considered unfair, I would stick to arguing and exposing the abuse. I received more hits, but I said it. I think my critical vocation was born there.

Yurbin’s ambiguity in the face of her father’s slippery affection shows the difficulties in naming the act of violence as well as both the subjects who exercise violence and those over whom it is exercised. Additionally, the violence of the mother against the little girls reveals that women, in the context of the patriarchal hierarchical order, also may be present. The horrors of hidden power asymmetries agglutinated within family love are reproduced in the master’s house. Children and women who endure domestic violence are often referred to as “abused” which, in a general sense, is the term used to expose any kind of violence in the home. Since the colonial period, the expression “domestic abuse” minimized the scope and severity of male violence, considering the family a mini-monarchy of divine right: just as the king had authority over his subjects by divine mandate, so the patriarch ruled over his wife, children, and servants. This patriarchal ideology, in force in Venezuela until well into republican history, understood women to be lesser subjects whose limited possibilities to understand the world required that they should be limited to the more banal aspects of the world: domestic space. Hence, a superior element—whether the father, the husband, the older brother, the state or its institutions—was required

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to guide them. Domestic space was, at times, a real hell for women, since it was perfectly legal for a husband to beat his spouse with moderation in order to discipline her. Hence the term “abuse” was used both in relation to women and children. The “abuse” was questionable, not the exercise of physical, psychological, or patrimonial violence in the domestic space. Yurbin chose to accompany and help women who are trapped in experiences of violence: At college I took subjects with a feminist, Elisa Jiménez. There I began to fill, with theory, that passion for questioning abuse. Three or four years before graduating, I got her in a training workshop on gender violence and she invited me to work with her in the Venezuelan Association for Alternative Sex Education, my second and greatest theoretical school. Since then I have not stopped, all my working life has been dedicated to studying and challenging patriarchy and gender violence.

She makes of her profession her social and political activism. She assists women victims of domestic violence at the Women’s Studies Center of the Central University of Venezuela, at the National Institute for Women, and in her private practice. She is a researcher, teacher, and activist. She sees herself as a “critical person of all forms of discrimination and violence” embarking from a very young age on a journey of theoretical training and personal psychotherapy. Her feminist outlook and activism emerged from her recognition of herself as a subject of domestic violence. “For me, being a feminist is a critical, rebellious practice, questioning the prevailing state of affairs.” As a recognized expert, she participated for twenty years in the activities leading to the actual legal and political framework aiding women. Her feminism draws on the creation and execution of official and private programs for combating violence against women, and on a constant psychoanalysis practice, which led her to analyze her female peers who had also endured domestic violence. She knows how to channel and transform anger and rebellion into feminist activism. Indhira Rodríguez is a recognized and beloved feminist. Always on her bicycle, with her exalted verb and ecological practice, her presence in institutional, street, and academic activities leads her to organize seminars, congresses, and workshops in support of the most impoverished women. Her journalistic publications are referents of the Chavista feminism looking for the construction of community-oriented socialism.

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The first abuse that I remember happened when I was about 17 years old. My brother, 12 years older than me, was lying with me on the bed of my parents watching TV. From the time I was very young, he had used to make me fall asleep softly scratching my back. This time suddenly I felt that the affection had another nuance when his hands reached my breasts. With a mixture of disgust, guilt, and fear, I stood up, dressed, and left the house, until it was time for someone else to arrive. That was never discussed. The second one happened like ten years later. I was trying to return to live with my family, looking for refuge after life dealt me a wallop. My parents had already separated, and my brothers and mother had moved to my grandmother’s house. I arrived on the last metro-bus, so I was late for the arrival deadline that had been set for me. I had to knock and call a lot to be opened. When they did, my mother’s second child, ten years older than me, grabbed me by the clothes on my chest, lifted me up, threw me on the floor, climbed and imprisoned me with his legs while my mother poured water on my face. When I was drowning, he stood up, picked me up with his arms, slapped me, insulted and yelled at me. My mother and my brother’s wife looked proud. My grandmother never left the room.

Her perception of her brother’s caresses on her breasts highlights the ambiguity of the body-mind distinction. Disgust, guilt, and fear lead her to flee making her an active subject, revealing the materiality that mobilized her from her private emotions to the public and political sphere. Her suffering activates her. The abuse of her brother reintroduces the question of justice showing shame and disgust in the framework of law and public life. Suffering leaves the framework of victimization and appears as a catalyst for rebellion in search of justice. Indhira’s testimony of touch questions a binary conceptualization of agency and passivity: touching is always being reached, caressing, connecting, involving other people or forces in the same process. She resignifies domestic violence and sexual abuse filtering emotions through a political theory informed by the perspective of the testimony of the person who is abused. Her emotions are not a reservoir leading to the occlusion of political change, but drawing on her experience of domestic violence, Indhira consolidates her feminist activism. Shame, fear, and disgust introduce a key discussion: the potential of fear and shame in the process of producing a non-essentialist political identity. It is the performative dimension of the structuring shared emotions of a class of leftist feminist women.

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The relational complexity of domestic violence reappears. Women— mothers, wives, sisters—are sometimes complicit in patriarchal violence. What for a long time has been a male privilege—which established the opposition “woman-victim” and “man-executioner”—hides the participation of women, although, as in the case of Indhira’s and Yurbin’s mothers, such participation does not imply any inversion of the positions of power between men and women while it opens up the question of feminists’ essentialisms. The physical abuse of her brother, who subdues Indhira with his physical strength while their mother drowns her by pouring water on her face intentionally inflicting pain has the characteristics of torture, which is an abuse of power and a crime against human dignity. In situations of domestic violence, as well as in torture, the culprit seeks to establish dominance not only by terrorizing the victim but also, as Indhira narrates, by embarrassing and degrading her in the eyes of others so that she will be despised if the crime is revealed. Women experiencing domestic violence need recognition and social support, while in court proceedings they often face public challenges to their credibility. Indhira is always on the streets and in the media landscape calling out domestic violence as reprehensible as torture while at the same time seeking public recognition for women under the attack of violence and condemnation of perpetrator violence. She reaches feminism when she wrote her undergraduate dissertation on power relations in a sewing workshop. “The answers to my experiences began to appear there, and my urgency to do something became embedded in my marrow. It was a veil removed that provided, through the feminist struggle and in face of all injustice, a further meaning to my life. A commitment that I know now, after almost 11 active years, changes according to how I assume it, but not its substance.” She is part of La Araña Feminista as well of the Gender Diversity Revolutionary Alliance. To transform pain and anger, the first step was to understand “that her experience was not an isolated but a systemic event which, like any injustice, can be transformed with organization and struggle.” Under the favorable organizing conditions of Chavismo, many members of the Araña Feminista self-identified as “a network of revolutionary socialist feminist collectives and individuals” participated in the elaboration of new Bolivarian women’s legal and institutional framework. At present times, when the adverse conditions of the continued undeclared war of the United States against Venezuela generated an increasing

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governmentality crisis, the Arañas continue supporting the government while demanding that the administration goes through with the judicial processes involving women’s denunciations of violence and murder, with special emphasis on ending impunity. Indhira’s feminisms within La Araña highlight the coincidences, conflicts, and tensions with the institutions which they themselves created and participated in and on which women draw in order to seek justice. Indhira, as well as many other women of the feminist movement, participates in the construction of Chavismo without neglecting the street activity for building public consciousness of patriarchal daily life of the society and the State. Her feminism involves understanding the intersectionality of all forms of oppression, ranging from being a poor, racialized, and sex-diverse woman. She has been formed by the Bolivarian academy looking for the construction of communities of knowledge articulating activism, theory, and research while continuing to always be in street demonstrations, media interventions, academic conversations, and social networks in order to position complaints and messages along with its own internal, spiritual, feminist, and political exploration. The marked distance and differences in experiences between feminists who have resolved all the conditions of material existence and feminists who live difficult times not only to survive but also to be able to reach women’s concentrations influenced a sector of the Venezuelan feminist movements that tries to remove feminisms from the academy and to take it to the streets to subvert the lives of violence and suffering of other women. Indhira is one of them. Gioconda Mota is a member of the La Araña Feminista; she is an audiovisual producer and teacher of Ávila TV. From her work in Barrio Adentro Mission and other governmental instances, she supported poor communities’ women. She identifies herself as a political feminist. There have been many forms or various forms of domestic violence. I cannot say that many, but several. The first, which is the bloodiest, the most complex that I have ever experienced, was the femicide of my mother who was murdered by my stepfather in front of us, of my two brothers and I, when I was seven years old.

The femicide of her mother, at hands of her stepfather, marks Gioconda. Until a few years ago, in Venezuela, the homicide included the murder of a woman. Today, in legal terms, the “he” of the homicide no longer implies the “she” of the femicide, and the 2014 reform of the Organic

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Law on the Right of Women to a Life Free of Violence defines “femicide” as “the extreme form of gender violence, caused by hatred or contempt for her condition as a woman, which degenerates into her death, produced in both the public and private spheres”, making it possible to recognize the murder of a woman by a man for reasons associated with gender. By naming the murder of her mother “femicide,” Gioconda questions the naturalization of sexist violence, but does not emphasize the circumstances and history behind the domestic violence that is hidden. Although it is a welcomed advance, today it is noticed that the word “femicide” simplifies the event, reducing it to the criminal while losing the patriarchal context that makes it possible. “Feminicide” refers to a breach of the state’s human rights obligations, illustrating that the death of women, by the mere fact of being women, has an evident political dimension. It denotes extreme forms of misogynistic violence that involves the violation of women’s human rights, threatens their safety, and puts their lives at risk. It is carried out because of authorities’ contribution to impunity by means of exercising institutional violence against women. Feminicide confronts Bolivarian feminists with the state’s lack of enforcement of the law for guaranteeing women’s lives, respecting their human rights, seeking and administering justice, and preventing and eradicating the causes of this violence. The responsibility is not only of the aggressor but also of a whole system that makes it possible: the judicial part with its sexist and misogynistic sentences, the media with its legitimizing speeches of violence against women, and the educational part that instills patriarchal values. Feminicide was introduced by the Bolivarian feminist in the 2017 reform of law on violence against women drawing on the assumption that this type of death occurs within the framework of gender oppression and that, therefore, it is avoidable. Segato proposes the term “femi-geno-cide” to help the public view to get used to perceiving all crimes against women as a problem of general scope by introducing the public character of the feminine experience in the patriarchal common sense. The “homicide-femicide-femi-geno-cide” chain of words shows the in-construction way of the terms of the legal language and tells us, in addition, that such a change is inseparable from the needed reform of the affects as we know them, which cannot be modified by decree but by an indispensable work of conscience that the denunciations of the feminists help to activate.

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I think I began to understand feminism when the responsibility of the Mission Mothers of the Neighborhood came to me, that I began to work systematically with women, to be close to feminist women and that I began to gain a feminist awareness. There I realized that my mother’s femicide, and all that rebellion that characterized me from adolescence somehow made me live alone from a young age, was a kind of latent, non-conscious thing that was in me. And with the help of other older women, with more experience, with more knowledge, I began to tie the dots and to see that I really was a feminist, just as we all are, feminists in construction, in deconstruction and in permanent construction.

Gioconda accompanied the Bolivarian process from the will to community building within the most impoverished women. Her egalitarian mindset and popular activism found her always active in the construction of women’s legal, political, and institutional framework, which has been on the agendas of Bolivarian feminisms intertwined with the national state communal project since 1999. Other older women with more knowledge and experience helped her to later identify herself as a feminist. Her feminist consciousness can name her mother’s murder as a femicide thanks to the legacy of previous feminist generations who began the path that continues to illuminate and fertilize Venezuelan feminist organizations. The first women’s organizations manifesting as a suffragette movement were part of the political struggles against Juan Vicente Gómez´s dictatorship in the 20s and 30s. In 1947, the Women’s Cultural Association, the Venezuelan Association of Women, and other spaces of articulation such as the United Associations Pro Reform of the Civil Code, the Committee for Women’s Suffrage and Women’s Action, conquered universal, direct, and secret voting allowing women to participate in political elections. These organizations promoted women’s access to politics and founded the First Venezuelan Women’s Congress in 1940. Then, in 1953, the National Union of Women emerged bringing together the Organization of Communist Women and Women’s Youth Association. A decade of armed confrontation came in the 1960s and political women were part of the national liberation struggle displacing their women’s agendas. Later, in the 70s and 80s, women’s political struggles focused on expanding civil, social, economic, sexual, and reproductive female rights resulting in the emergence of welfare state institutions for women. The unified struggles of political Venezuelan women achieved, in the 90s, the emergence of laws against different forms of patriarchal violence, highlighting the

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articulating and unifying role of the Coordinator of Non-Governmental Organizations of Women and the official National Council for Women. In 1998, Hugo Chávez is elected president and the national political landscape becomes polarized, affecting the agenda of the Venezuelan feminists. The country takes the path of building a socialist and communitarian developing project which the national and international political and economic elites—who traditionally held power—rejected, but that the impoverished sectors of the country—who had been historically marginalized—defended. Conflicts, tensions, setbacks, transformations, and advances submerged feminisms in political agendas. “There is not a socialist revolution without a feminist revolution” was the feminists´ slogan pushing political and cultural changes in the country. Gioconda’s feminism grew and became strong within these struggles of the Bolivarian process. She is a political woman, an active militant not only of feminism but also of Chavismo. A line of participation, of activism began, and it became the center of my life. At that time, I made my road in political as well as feminist activism through formal spaces by way of consulting, advising, training, researching and community organizing. That is, I made a road which became the struggling central bridge of my life. This was happening progressively and, literally, it became a non-return path.

Ketsy Medina comes from intertwined communitarianism and feminism. She mobilizes women through the internet in defense of victims of machista violence. She is one of the first to report, agitate, and denounce through the social media a missing girl, a young or adult woman. She always walks forward. She is energetic with her words and with her body. She cries and keeps walking, dances and does not hesitate. She is an audiovisual producer who integrated the Communicational Liberation Army and founded the Facebook group The Walking Midwifes which is a group made up of women from various feminist organizations seeking “to unify and articulate all initiatives taken for ending violence against women through the exchange of knowledge, painting, fabrics, music, dance, food, sowing, photography, audiovisuals and any other expressive media that, as a sounding board, allows us to amplify our message.” Right to life and political participation led them to claim midwife communal bonds as a “solidary, collaborative and loving way of relating among women as well as in regards to other identities.”

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Ketsy, like Gioconda, has in her story the murder of her mother; however, in her answers, she prefers to highlight another type of violence: We women have all of us lived –without any exception– at least some type of violence in the space that tends to be conceived as the safest of all. Our home. After the exercise of acceptance and review, it is necessary to start the not at all simple task of entering the field of recognition. In my particular case I began to ask my body if it admitted any violence, and the response was that I experienced feelings of harassment, abuse and dispossession. I think that women have been unable to admit sexist violence. We recognize it when it is very extreme or we acquire the ability to verbalize it and share it with others. It is then when we discover that it is not something that happens to one of us, but that it happens to all of us.

Ketsy found it difficult to take on male violence and for a long time, she refused to call herself a feminist. She was not comfortable with the feminist label. “I didn’t know how it feels to be in a space where only women talk, participate and agree.” And, above all, she was unaware “that time, knowledge, language and many other things –that we assume as natural– have color and gender, that patriarchy is everywhere, and that it is loaded with racism, classism and exploitation.” She didn’t feel comfortable with Euro- and academy-centric feminism. “Its face was white and middleclass.” She met “communitarian, poor, and black feminism,” when reviewing the work of Central American women who do not identify themselves as feminists but who do work from women’s organizations fighting for territory while facing extractive policies. “Women like Berta Cáceres, Silvia Riviera, and many others who won my heart.” For her “the more modern we are, the more we abandon the idea of doing-being in community. I would even dare to say that we have seized a kind of fear of everything that is common, because it makes us think of losses more than of profits (losing independence, time, space, power, etc.).” Her feminism takes the shape of doing in community, making community, twinning and accompanying their female peers, not only to denounce but also to console each other and cry together, taking care of each other and healing while being attentive to feelings from the deeply marked body and soul. Understanding others means abandoning individuality and deciding to make in community, being willing to give, to understand that time, space, power is not lost, but rather the opposite, because together we empower

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ourselves. In this exercise it is essential to learn to be silent, to listen to what others tell you. It means to look beyond the apparent, it means to be attentive to remember that the others need support, to be held, affection and tenderness. It has not been the violence which brought us closer, it has been the understanding that what we lived is not a destiny and that we can transform it, that certainty is what brought us together.

On April 22, 2020, Venezuela already had 88 femicides, of which 21 occurred during the quarantine decreed on March 16 by the National Government. They increased compared to the year 2019 according to evaluations of Zambrano Ortiz. Thirty percent of the telephone calls received by the group that Ketsy organized for quarantine emergencies correspond to girls between nine and 15 years old. Women’s work for girls’ safety in their homes emerges a priority. Walking Midwives accompany women who experienced machista violence and families of murdered women and demand justice from the authorities. They mobilize a diverse community of women in their political and juridical demands to the Bolivarian state, which feminists like Indhira, Yurbin, and Gioconda—who also participate in the raids of the Walking Midwives —created from within the Bolivarian Revolution.

The Personal and the Political To remember and narrate their experiences was a complex and painful challenge. However, the testimonial perceptions that the feminists interviewed gave about the dynamics of domestic violence—mainly those related to the legal-political categorization of child abuse, sexual abuse, femicide and feminicide, and variations in feminist militancy—became a fertile ground for reflecting on how to be a feminist in Venezuela. While there is a shared history, all of them narrated their own experience of violence from a different place, making the conceptualizations and naming of violence more complex, recounting the world of the private—and of resistance and participation—from their bodies, becoming feminists by sharing the individual with other equals. The wagers of all of them are radical and their stories from their womanhood shape testimonies of awareness. All of them become feminists by reflecting collectively on the experiences of childhood violence. Their narratives constitute different ways of negotiating women’s identity from new questions that seek to articulate feminisms with national liberation revealing a

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state of mind often marked by anger and rage. All of them, with different tones of denunciation, seek to account for a reality ignored by the state and society. They are part of the construction of a collective movement of women, of an account of a process that is hardly articulated individually and that, together, has very few cracks. The time of the experience is that of childhood and the agency of women begins through a reflection looking at the experience of male violence in a critical way. The women’s collective, with its feminist variants, is strengthened from a perspective that places, through essentialist registers, specific qualities on women. Friendship, sisterhood, and comradeship structure the class of feminist women fighting for life. Segato’s “femi-geno-cide,” which involves all gender-based violence, began to fulfill a function of erasing borders and establishing almost natural ties between those who shared the condition of potentially violated women. When political activism appears, it does so as a prelude to feminist time, questioning the Bolivarian present with women’s perspectives. The time of the personal and the private world is a time that interrupts the Chavista political narrative. In no instance is the personal a subordinate space of resistance that traditionally, corresponded to women and domestic violence in relation to the public. What all of them suggest is a dispute demanding real changes in favor of girls and women and of the right to a life free of violence with the same status as the rights to development which the Bolivarian national state claims for the nation. The suffering caused by domestic violence is an injustice as much to the women and children who endure it as it is an injustice that poses an impediment to the nation’s right to develop. Not to suffer violence becomes a woman’s as well as the nation’s right. For them, “the personal is political” and “the political is personal.” They coincide with the historical movement of Venezuelan women who always spoke from experience while participating in the elaboration of laws as well in government agencies. They participated in the elaboration of the 1999 Constitution, which in addition to the classic liberal and democratic demands, introduces universal access to food, health, education, housing and development, which were consecrated as human rights and opens a new conception of family with a vision of gender equity and equality recognizing housework as an economic activity. In the year 2000, they were part of the women who pressured the National Constituent Assembly to enact the Law Approving the Optional Protocol to the

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Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and, in 2001, the Law Approving the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Girls. Later, in 2007, they worked on the elaboration and promulgation of the Organic Law on the Right of Women to a Life Free of Violence, transcending the family vision of the repealed Law on Violence against Women and the Family. They were an active part of the 2014 reform that establishes 21 forms of violence against women, incorporating femicide and suicide induction. Yurbin and Gioconda have been part of the institutional advances that the National Institute for Women, the National Ombudsman for Women’s Rights and, in 1991, created 0800-WOMEN to receive complaints about violated women and provide them with advice. In 2001, the Women’s Development Bank was constituted to finance, train, and organize women living in poverty. In 2008, the State Ministry for Women’s Affairs created four Shelter Houses to protect women victims of violence, eighteen Comprehensive Care and Training Centers, and six units for the Comprehensive Care of Women. They worked in these facilities demanding that things be done in the best possible way. Another institution that was created, and within which Bolivarian feminists had a prominent role, was the Special Delegate Defender of Women’s Rights. In 2010, the National Gender Justice Commission of the Judicial Branch of the Supreme Court of Justice was founded with the purpose of guaranteeing non-discrimination of women in access to justice and coordinating the seventy-eight specialized Courts for the Protection of Women. In 2011, the Public Ministry initiated the Directorate for the Defense of Women and, from there, opened sixty-nine Specialized Defense Prosecutors for Women, made up of one hundred and ninety-two Prosecutors nationwide. Then, in 2013, the National Institute for Women began structuring a broad movement of community defenders with the function of eradicating and preventing violence against women from within the communities. The women’s movement makes public that machista violence continues to be carried out with high levels of impunity and emphasizes that for the laws to be fully applied, the state must intervene by providing resources, knowledge, and institutions in all these spaces and in many more adjacent to the entire institutional framework that the political revolution created. To synthesize, by feminizing the personal, these feminists politicized it, while the political acquired the dimension of personal experience. These

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worlds stopped running parallel and appeared in their multiple connections. Their words and activism show a constant search to politicize the terrain of the personal or at least to question the idea of the naturalness of violence in the conditions affecting women and girls. Their stories from childhood embody clear symptoms of the present, which are narrations of not having been able to think, speak, or discuss a path that as girls they were made to endure inexorably. Their stories and the process of narrating and naming the violence within them stand as a proposal and hopeful expression of a deep transformation, even if it has to occur through the recounting of a painful and private past.1

Note 1. Fabiola Cardozo and Víctor Fernández wrote their UCV 2019 undergraduate dissertation on domestic violence and its relation to the political under the research supervision of Angeleri. Thanks for your inspiration.

References Aguilar, Yurbin. 2020. Interview. Carosio, Alba, and Iraida Vargas. 2010. Feminismo y socialismo. El Perro y la Rana: Venezuela. Franulic, Andrea. 2016. “Prólogo.” Carol Hanisch, Lo personal es político. Ediciones Feministas: Santiago de Chile. Género con Clase. 2017. Erradicación de la violencia contra las mujeres. Trinchera: Caracas. Lagarde, Marcela. 2008. “Antropología, feminismo y política: Violencia feminicida y derechos humanos de las mujeres”. Bullen Margaret and Carmen Diez, Retos teóricos y nuevas prácticas. Ankulegi: España. Marcus, Isabel. 2014. Reframing Domestic Violence as Torture or Terrorism. State University of NY at Buffalo: USA. Medina, Ketsy. 2020. Interview. Mota, Gioconda. 2020. Interview. República Bolivariana de Venezuela. 2007. Ley Orgánica Venezolana sobre El Derecho de las Mujeres a una Vida Libre de Violencia. Imprenta Nacional: Caracas. República Bolivariana de Venezuela. 2014. Ley Orgánica sobre el derecho de las mujeres a una vida libre de violencia. Imprenta Nacional: Venezuela. Rodríguez, Indhira. 2020. Interview.

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Segato, Rita. 2010. “Femi-geno-cidio como crimen en el fuero internacional de los Derechos Humanos: el derecho a nombrar el sufrimiento en el derecho.” Fregoso, Rosa-Linda and Cynthia Bejarano, Una cartografía del feminicidio en las Américas. Red de Investigadoras por la Vida y la Libertad de las Mujeres: México. Thomas, Florence. 2016. Conversaciones con Violeta. Historia de una revolución inacabada. Aguilar: Colombia. United Nations. 2019a. OHCHR’s Declaration on the Right to Development. United Nations. 2019b. Unilateral Economic Measures as a Means of Political and Economic Coercion Against Developing Countries.

CHAPTER 10

Literary Evocations of Violence (Psychic and Physical) in Selected Works by Indo-Trinidadian Women Writers Victoria V. Chang

Literary representations, sometimes overlooked in publications such as these due to their “fictional” perspective, nevertheless serve an important role in highlighting various concerns of a populace. Craig S. Womack notes that “literatures bear some kind of relationship to communities, both writing communities and the community of the primary culture, from which they originate” (242). This is particularly useful when seeking to discuss contexts and communities that suppress negative affiliations for reasons that include, but are not limited to, upholding nationalist pride, positive ethnic identity and various religious ideologies. However,

Cited: Morgan, Paula. The Terror and the Time—Banal Violence and Trauma in Caribbean Discourse. The University of the West Indies Press, 2014. V. V. Chang (B) University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_10

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fictional representations uniquely allow for nuanced critiques of institutions and systems in a powerful yet sensitive manner. In the two novels discussed in this article, the authors are Indo-Trinidadian women and feature protagonists who also belong to this ethnic community. It should be kept in mind however, that these texts speak to specific historical contexts, particularly the post-indentureship period. Therefore the manifestation of the various forms of violence discussed should be understood in light of its historical nearness to a system that constituted and perpetuated physical and emotional brutality.1 Nevertheless, various religious and cultural ideologies pertaining to female sexuality served to manifest this violence in unique ways towards women, and yet persist; these texts are useful for exploring some of its harmful manifestations. The authors creatively interrogate how harmful ideologies present severe developmental obstacles and the ways in which these gain footing during young adulthood. The respective personal histories of the protagonists and that of their relatives emphasize patriarchal religion, codes of colonial respectability and traditional gender ideologies for their role in creating shame-based subjectivities—both male and female. This oftentimes leads to physical violence, particularly violence inflicted on the female protagonist by her father as a result of a debased and downtrodden masculinity. The narrative creatively suggests a psychological scarring often overlooked in national conversations in favour of the physical manifestations of violence; it brings to fore the intrapsychic violence incurred, more insidiously, on fragile personhood. This paper considers domestic violence in the context of its broader meaning, not limited to only intimate partner violence but including violence against children and in forms that include physical cruelty, as well as verbal and emotional abuse. The father/daughter relationship is particularly significant in the novels under study. Within the context of this parent/child dynamic, shame is presented as a primary affect that has shaped these subjectivities and has therefore been central to navigations of identity. In her article, “Modern Navigations: Indo-Trinidadian Girlhood and Gender-Differential Creolization”, Gabrielle Hosein examines how suburban, adolescent Indo-Trinidadian girls engage with genderdifferential processes of modernization and creolization at the end of the twentieth century. In the article’s abstract, Hosein notes that “Overall, what emerges is that the navigations associated with modern IndoTrinidadian girlhood are framed by notions of Indian female honour and

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(white) metropolitan reputation” (1). She adds that this is an explicitly gendered frame, in which it is the responsibility of Indo-Trinidadian females “to reproduce ethnic and gender boundaries, enabling IndoTrinidadian men to retain access to the familiar identities, moralities and power relations coded as authentic and traditional”. Failure to do so, Hosein adds, “resulted in female loss of status from shame— associated with loss of community values, disobedience to patriarchal and elder control, and a move to identification with creolized masculinity” (Hosein, 9). In Hosein’s placing of the shame/honour discourse as a primary affect in the shaping of East Indian girlhood, shame can be understood as central to navigations of female Indo-Trinidadian identity. In further associating rebellion to male authority with personal loss of status, Hosein highlights that the behaviours of the Indian girl child are considered inextricably linked to fathers (and paternal figures). The novels further reflect this, hence, while the fictional female protagonists view themselves as an extension of their mothers, in many instances their behaviour is considered a reflection of their fathers and their wider cultural/religious community. An understanding of this is key to grasping the dynamics of Indo-Trinidadian girlhood as presented in the following texts. The novels—Ramabai Espinet’s The Swinging Bridge (2003) and Shani Mootoo’s Cereus Blooms at Night (1996) relay patterns which show how an unnatural sense of (and focus on) shame in paternal figures may be linked to severe acts of violence upon their daughters. Within the narrative shame can be likened to an insidious contagion—passed from father to daughter, with a particularly crippling effect on the budding subjectivity of the latter.

The Shame of Being in the Swinging Bridge More than halfway into The Swinging Bridge (SB) and previously concealed from the reader despite the first person narration of the adult protagonist, Mona, revelation is given of a key traumatic and formative event in her early life. It pertains to the violence meted out to Mona by her father, referred to as “Da-Da” in the novel. This incident is foreshadowed in the narrative by hints that Da-Da is seeing his teenage daughter through new eyes, resulting in him now becoming, in her own words, a “stranger” (174). After noticing that a male shopkeeper has been staring suggestively at Mona, Da-Da turns and glares at her with a face described

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as “livid”. He becomes “cold-eyed” and “full of hatred”, accusing her of “flaunting” herself up and down “looking for man” (174). Not only does this powerful imagery suggest an almost monstrous transformation, it further hints to the powerlessness the young girl may have felt in the face of such obvious rage. Silenced and diminished, Mona returns to the car, unaware of how to respond. There, as she recalls how the shopkeeper looked at her, she “suddenly felt a deep wave of shame” (174). Liz Constable notes that “shame is powerfully relational, all about what we see in others, and what others see in us, how we see them, and how we are seen” (6). In this scenario, Mona is forced to confront the shopkeeper’s obvious sexualization of her body, the fact that Da-Da notices this and the reality that she has clearly shamed him by the mere fact of her female form. In her paper, “Shame, Subjectivity, and Self-Expression in Cora Sandel and Jean Rhys”, Patricia Moran cites a penetrating definition of shame offered by Sandra Lee Bartkey. Bartkey states that shame is “the distressed apprehension of the self as inadequate or diminished: it requires if not an actual audience before whom my deficiencies are paraded, then an internalized audience with the capacity to judge me…. Shame requires the recognition that I am, in some important sense, as I am seen to be” (722). By this logic, the protagonist comes to understand and view herself as an object that inspires shame in others. Patricia Moran notes that researchers in infant development posit that early shame experiences “mark out the terrain wherein a sense of self will develop”. Therefore if the gaze of a parent is one of “disapproval and contempt”, shame becomes formative to the very core of one’s sense of self (725). Yet this psychic violence is later on followed up with physical violence at the hands of Da-Da, whose frustration and metaphorical transformation reaches a peak when he later sees her wearing what he considers to be a “ho dress” at home. Calling her a “bitch” and a “ho” (178), epithets which conjure images of transgressive female assertion, Da-Da rips piece of the dress off of her back, slaps her and sends her spinning to the open door of her bedroom to change her outfit. His anger is described as “a vast rage that could not be contained” (179). Physically forced to walk on her knees on the gravel path outside, Mona is made to watch her dress burn in a gasoline fire. To cement her shame, she remains kneeling in the yard, open to the curious stares of persons passing by.

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Indian Masculinity in the National Sphere Only later in the novel is the true motivation for the dress-burning revealed, when Mona’s brother, Kello, confronts their father about the incident. Kello firmly and accusingly states, “You tried to kill Mona because she had a Creole boyfriend” (207). Patricia Mohammed explains that one of the central ways in which Indian masculinity asserted its power was in the “sanctions against interracial liaisons, thus ensuring the ‘purity of the race’” (Mohammed, Gender Negotiations, 82). With respect to Da-Da’s rage, Gabrielle Hosein notes that: … Creolization continued to be associated with greater vulnerability to shame. This was because of its historical associations with African bodies, women’s sexual freedom, cultural loss and miscegenation… IndoTrinidadian female “incursion into the creole culture” particularly raised (Indo-Trinidadian male) fears of defilement of Indo-Trinidadian women’s “purity” through their participation in national culture and interaction with Afro-Trinidadian men. (Hosein, “Modern Navigations”, 4–5, emphasis mine)

Thus, the threat of shame by Mona’s growing sexuality and interest in a “Creole” boy inspires shame in her father, whose actions, in turn, create a deep-rooted internalization of inferiority in the protagonist. Looking back to the incident with guilt, the older Da-Da reveals that his actions were a result of his “racial attitude”, despite admitting that he knew such feelings to be wrong (209). His sense of morality has been coloured by the tone of the nationalist discourse at that time, which, in pushing the ideal of “one nation”, Indo-Trinidadian men saw to be a “direct attack on Indians” that sought to erase their ethnic difference (209). What Da-Da does not admit is that it was perceived by Indian men to be a direct attack on their concepts of “racial purity”—since in their minds, the “one” nation indirectly condoned and heralded a mixing of ethnicities. This is immediately constructed as African men consorting with Indo-Trinidadian women—a transgression which sees Indian men losing access to a privileged, even sacred masculine space. Mohammed explains with respect to this historical context that Indian men “now had to compete in the masculine world of wider Trinidad. While women were dubiously conferred the protection of the family and a private sphere, Indian men had to engage with the wider public domain” (Mohammed, “From Myth to Symbolism”, 93). Thus the home became an even more

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valuable space due to the sense of emasculation in the external, national sphere. Protecting this realm became a matter of safeguarding what little control and what fragment of successful masculinity remained. Part of the duties of this, mentioned earlier, entailed male guardianship and of the patriarchal control of daughters/wives. Indeed, Da-Da laments and reasons to his son, Kello, “… all I could see was if we didn’t take sufficient care, she would run wild, she would turn into some slack woman, drinking in clubs, smoking cigarettes, and hugging up all kinda man. But it wasn’t even that, it was the dress she was wearing that day, a slack kind of dress…” (SB, 206). Da-Da’s increasing frustration with race politics and the unfulfilled promises of Dr. Hector James (an obvious allusion to the first Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago—Dr. Eric Williams) is what leads to his disillusionment, unfulfilled ambitions, heavy drinking and resultant oppression for his family at home. This is a fascinating hint to the novel’s socio-political and historical setting, which reveals the feelings of some members of the Indo-Trinidadian community at the arrival of Dr. Eric Williams, so often painted in the nation’s official history in warm, even heroic terms. The novel describes how Da-Da was offered the opportunity by Dr. James for a “seat in the Legislative Council, honours, recognition throughout the land, speech-making, toasts, a chauffeur, responsibility, wealth, the good life” (70). Yet he declined, explaining later that “to survive he would have had to sell Indians down the river” and “couldn’t advance himself at the expense of his own people” (71). Yet this decision leads to little personal happiness, as he settles for a job with lifeless routine and no chance of honest success. Da-Da’s lack of power in the public domain, coupled with the once dazzling, now faded promise of what could have been, meant that any power to be gained had to be found and asserted in the private realm. Hence the novel suggests that Indian women like Muddie and Mona, despite being often excluded from nationalist movements, or not present in the workplace, were still vicariously affected through the men in their lives. Ideologically, they were still included in these discourses, but often as a pawn for asserting masculine superiority. Da-Da’s frustration leads to Mona’s and Muddie’s oppression, since, being unrecognized in his workplace or the “world of men”, he must be king at home. The portrait of Da-Da is nevertheless a sympathetic one, conveyed through Mona’s first person focalization as a man who, in his mid-thirties had “no money, a dead-end job, dreams enough to create another galaxy

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of stars and nowhere to put them”; a man both “gifted” and “haunted by God only knows what demons” (78). Yet this empathy does not permit her adult self to forgive him for the damage he inflicts on her as a girl. The reader is allowed to mourn the loss of this young Mona with the adult protagonist, who presents her younger, fictional self in Chapter 9 with deep nostalgia. Indeed, the flashback is precipitated by photos of “the young Mona” with “a thick layer of hair” on arms that are now “smooth” (SB, 133). Mona wonders, “When did my rough, tough hairiness disappear? I felt a pang of regret as I looked at the steady arms of that young girl, so sure of herself, so different from the older woman on the other side of the family wall” (133). It is as though the protagonist is mourning the lost courage and youthful vitality of her early life, before the assertion and violence of patriarchal authority renders her timid and fearful. The “before” portrait presents a fearless girlhood and creates a sobering sense of what was lost in early childhood, accompanied by a deep longing to regain this. What Espinet seems to suggest by this backward glance is that both prejudice and strong policing significantly affect the maturation process of these adolescents. Indeed, she writes in a 1989 essay that, “The traditional restrictions placed upon the adolescent girl, the unwritten but rigid codes for maintaining modesty and decorum in social gatherings, especially where males are present and, in general, the very heavily prescribed attitudes available as controls in the family environment have conditioned the Indian woman in a manner which is very different from that to which other social groups have been exposed” (Espinet, “Invisible Woman”, 116). The “danger” suggested by their sexuality leave them vulnerable, over-protected, over-curious and unable to cope fully. This is not an issue with their inherent state but with a patriarchal system which places too large a burden on them, fearing for their mistakes which reflect badly on the wider community. The fictional Mona laments the lack of guidance in these formative years—no one to help them navigate their journey into adulthood, no one to tell them that it was okay to want the things they wanted or to feel the things they felt. Instead, the potential for shame which Mona and her Indo-Trinidadian girlfriends bear on their bodies, mark them as different—and they feel this “separate sense of embarrassment sharply” (SB, 138). During girlhood, Mona grows to understand her innate proclivity to inspire paternal shame, leading to both its harmful internalization and to those deeply troubling manifestations in her father.

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Indeed, the violent punishment described earlier, without being accompanied by a valid reason, marks her with a searing sense of defectiveness that lingers well into her forties; a legacy of shame passed from father to daughter. Thus, when later prompted by her sick brother to utter “artificial words” of forgiveness (208), she does so, but Da-Da knows they are disingenuous. When they leave Kello’s sickroom, she perceives that her father is waiting for her “to really forgive him, to make the words real”, but as much as she sympathizes over “Poor, poor Da-Da”, she remembers “Poor Mona” (210). Indeed, this imperfect resolution to their relational conflicts suggests that her childhood traumas have become too rooted to simply excavate from memory by dint of words and thus, the reconciliation remains a superficial one. Perhaps this is a astute choice by Espinet, given that women—especially those “required” by their societies to be docile and passive—are often too quickly, and too easily, expected to forgive their abusers.

Cereus Blooms at Night If forgiveness is denied to Dada given his previous wrongs, then this is magnified in the character of Chandin in Shani Mootoo’s Cereus Blooms at Night. Paula Morgan describes him as both a “sensitively portrayed and nuanced father”, but nevertheless inhabiting a “space beyond community, beyond hope, beyond redemption” (Morgan, 9). Mootoo’s care in establishing the making of this monster in the narrative astutely highlights the damage inflicted to Indian masculinity by colonial patriarchy. Furthermore and for the purposes of this discussion, she connects this to the horrific violence meted out to his daughter, Mala, starting during her early years and with dire consequences later. Mootoo, with great empathy, accounts for Chandin’s violent depravity without seeking forgiveness for it. At the height of his vile, incestuous acts, it is incredible to recall that on this man once rested all of his parents’ hopes, ambitions and sacrifices. The historical backdrop of indentureship provides the early context of Cereus Blooms at Night. It is this seemingly hopeless and degraded state that motivates “Old Man Ramchandin” to hand over “the gold bead of his life”—his son, Chandin—to live with the white Presbyterian minister, Reverend Thoroughly (Cereus, 27). Mootoo skillfully invokes a setting of poverty, hardship and despair; the older man obsessing over his finances, the seeming impossibility of upward mobility due to poor wages, reference to his ownership of “two thin cows” (emphasis mine)

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and the mention of “bare feet”, all paint a grim portrait of a lowly, impoverished existence (Mootoo, 26–27). Yet characteristically, the “boy child” is viewed as a source of hope and no sacrifice is too large for Ramchandin and his wife to make for their son’s mobility. While not explicitly stated in the novel, this home environment sets the tone for the inflated selfimportance present in the young Chandin and which contributes to his downfall when this self-perception is grossly contradicted.

The Shame of Chandin Indeed, Chandin is regarded as too important to even assist his aging parents with basic tasks at home (27), and the opportunity to live with Reverend Thoroughly continues to increase this inflated sense of self. So much so, that when he discovers the conversion of his loving parents (made for his benefit) from Hinduism to Christianity to be false, he no longer visits them (30). This is not due to their pretense but rather, due to his embarrassment that they are not swayed by “the smarterlooking, smarter-acting” religion (30). The shame Chandin feels can be understood as an affect that plays a central role in uniting him to and differentiating him from certain groups (Constable, 3). It unites Chandin to his preferred and prestigious Presbyterian identity by differentiating himself from the impoverished, “lesser” status as an Indo-Trinidadian, formerly Hindu, male. Thus for him, shame “powerfully marks out the behaviors or desires which earn exclusion from such regard and recognition” (Constable, 3). Chandin makes a calculated decision which he sees as naturally falling in line with his perception of himself as one who is inherently superior. This sense of self has been conveyed to him by his parents’ innumerable sacrifices, but takes on a life of its own. He sees their actions, not as the loving deeds of good parents but rather, as what is owed to him. When the “poor” choices of these blood relations threaten to taint his identity by association, he naturally disassociates himself, having learnt to put his own needs foremost. The recognition he seeks necessitates this distancing and the acceptance he craves lies with his adopted family. Yet this choice to associate with the white, Presbyterian identity of the Thoroughlys brings with it a, deeply crippling sense of inferiority, as despite his best efforts the young Chandin remains an outsider. This is no surprise, as the novel suggests that the Reverend’s motives are suspect. In

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adopting Chandin, he is able to forge a closer tie to the Indian community he wishes to convert, position himself as a fatherly, trustworthy figure and most of all, showcase this son as a living example of the paternal benevolence of the Presbyterian Church. Indeed, Chandin is hailed a “success story” in the village and his upward mobility is “expounded as a tangible benefit of conversion” (Cereus, 30). However, the young Chandin begins to harbour doubts as to whether he truly belongs in his adopted family, being “unaware of his place in this new household” (31). Lizz Constable notes that the experience of shame offers both an “intrapsychic and intersubjective lens through which a sense of belonging is magnified or shattered, an affect intensely linked to what it means to belong, to the processes of fitting in, as well as to those of becoming a misfit” (6). Chandin shifts from the intersubjective experience of separateness from the Thoroughlys to the intrapsychic sphere of self-loathing. Constable refers to the work of American psychologist Silvan Tomkins, whom she credits with expanding the definitions of “shame-inducing situations”. Tomkins, she notes “extends the experience of shame to include the more quotidian feelings of being out-of-place, strange, a stranger, and small and unworthy, as a result of communication interrupted by the very person, people or ideals one has grown to trust and from which one expects intimacy and mutuality” (Constable, 10). Indeed, “intimacy and mutuality” are sorely lacking from the adoptive relationship, as it is a bond built on ulterior motives, not authentic parental love. Yet the shame born from this cultural and emotional displacement is nothing compared to what Chandin later comes to develop as a result of his feelings for his adopted sister, Lavinia Thoroughly. He experiences deep attraction for Lavinia, deciding that they are not truly brother and sister. Despite this discovery and decision, his feelings yet remain a source of embarrassment because of the overarching dynamic of their sibling relationship. Lavinia’s insistence on treating him like family, however, generates deeply painful emotions in Chandin as it forces an unwilling and heightened awareness of his perceived ethnic inferiority. This cemented sense of his ethnicity being an inherent lack prompts Chandin to amend his gait, clothing and speech in accordance with the preferred model of “whiteness” to which he is exposed. This however, does nothing to modify Lavinia’s feelings towards him. One can easily argue that a core component in Chandin’s early developmental narrative is the shame affect. Whereas shame can be understood as a appropriate, temporary response stemming from perceived negative

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behavior, it can present destructively in the form of a permanent sense of shame attached to one’s very identity. The historical background of indentureship and the arrival of Canadian missionaries allow for a narrative which implicitly bears witness to the subtle but traumatic encounter between colonial subjects and a white hegemony. It invites the reader to consider Chandin’s social and cultural exclusion and the insidious means by which he has come to despise the very body he inhabits. Furthermore, since he was adopted while only a boy, he was too young to fully understand the challenges that might befall him as an Indian child in a white family, or exert agency to combat these. This paints him as one who has been unjustly treated and unlike members of his community who, in their homes, escape the critical and contemptuous gaze of the missionaries, Chandin is forced to internalize this. Even more, the nurture and intimacy that his childhood lacks and the significant sense of alienation he feels from his much-desired but ill-fitting adopted identity gives place to a man who becomes defined by inner repudiation and self contempt. The many instances of abject humiliation in the child result in a damaged man who is intent upon exercising the power formerly denied to him and whose inner response to the threat and incidence of shame is a monstrously destructive one. In his desperation to restore what has been denied to him in childhood—the desired “sister”, patriarchal authority and personal property—he inflicts grievous harm to his daughters and perpetuates the cycle of paralyzing shame. Interestingly enough, even Chandin’s eventual marriage is an avenue of “saving face”, a means of showing Reverend Thoroughly that the news of Lavinia’s engagement has not affected him. Chandin pretends that his interests are elsewhere—with Lavinia’s childhood friend, Sarah, who is an Indian like himself and whom he eventually marries. They have two young daughters—Mala and Asha. When Lavinia breaks off her engagement and returns home, “Everything changed overnight” (50). Chandin’s entire point of view brightens upon hearing the news, and he immediately becomes more attentive to the natural world and his children. When Sarah relates to him that she has invited Lavinia to their home, this prompts Chandin to purchase a chandelier—a symbol of his adopted colonial identity—suggesting a renewed desire to once more become associated with this cultural space. As with the former disdain of his parents, now Sarah appears distant to Chandin and their daughters “too dark” their “manner of talking crude” (51). He returns full circle to his insecurity and desire,

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yet this time, it is a far less sympathetic scenario, coloured as it is by his present adulthood and ingratitude for the life he now has.

Shame Inherited---Mala Ramchandin Lavinia visits and continues to visit, while Chandin’s daughters, Mala and Asha grow to love her. Romantic love further develops between Sarah and Lavinia, stemming from their former intimacy as childhood companions. When they run away together, Chandin thwarts their plan to take along Mala and Asha, and hence the girls remain with him. While Lavinia and Sarah’s love is not a calculated attempt to hurt Chandin, this represents a worse betrayal on Lavinia’s part than her former rejection. This is so because in her preference for Sarah, he can no longer consider that the shared racism of her parents is the reason she refuses to love him. The lesbian relationship between Lavinia and his wife threatens him with further loss of shame in the external world, in his interactions with colonial masculinity, leaving him emasculated as a result. Lavinia’s preference for his wife over him is particularly humiliating because it positions Sarah—whom he perceives as his inferior—as competing against him for this love and emerging the victor. In addition to this, the transgressive nature of their desire threatens his hard-won Presbyterian respectability, the very foundation of any public respect he can claim to command. Brinda Mehta notes that Sarah and Lavinia’s relationship “initiates a primary fracturing of the masculinist space through an insertion of lesbian homoerotic desire that undermines the pertinence of socially legitimized categorizations of acceptable sexual partnership” (202). This results in Chandin’s further transgressing the borders of “acceptable sexual partnership” in the frequent raping of his daughters (particularly Mala), causing the narrator to question society’s coding of acceptable and unacceptable behaviour (48). For indeed, while Lavinia and Sarah are demonised, Chandin remains “Sir” within the community, his misdeeds attributed to madness. It is Sarah, who “with a devilish mind of her own, left her husband and children”, that is blamed (195). In an effort to think the best of a man who was once “the much respected teacher of the Gospel” (195) he is considered as one who has “mistaken” his daughter for his wife. Due to this feigned ignorance and trite explanation of Chandin’s incestuous acts, heteronormative sexuality and patriarchal privilege are quickly restored to their lofty place in the community.

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Mala endures years of abuse from her father on behalf of her little sister, Asha, who finally flees home. She resumes the domestic duties of her mother with competence but there is little to look forward to, until news that her best friend from childhood, Ambrose E. Mohanty, has returned from abroad as an entomologist. Their reunion quickly blossoms into a romantic relationship, with secret visits from Ambrose when Chandin is away from home. Many of these visits, and this aspect of Mala’s story, reveal her culinary skill. Indeed, upon their first meeting as older friends, Ambrose comments on the “excellent taste” of her bread. He adds that he “could eat such bread very happily for every meal for” the rest of his life (201). Food continues to play an important role in this portion of the novel as a symbol of domestic subservience, as by demanding a particular meal from his daughter, Chandin asserts his authority. Even in her seemingly more equal relationship with Ambrose, Mala remains bound to the traditional, female domestic ideal. She not only prepares meals for Ambrose, but sets them before him, the subservient role implicit but consistently present. This is in stark contrast to the bold, daring child she once was—who defends helpless animals, protects her little sister and even physically assaults the school bully (120, 67, 87). Over time Mala has been made all too aware of her own powerlessness in light of her father’s physical strength. Her meek submission to the “traditional” role of a good daughter shows that she no longer sees herself as a subject able to enact agency and influence change. Unlike her formerly successful escapades of rescued snails, the shielded little sister and the injured bully, this older Mala no longer acts but reacts, and oftentimes her duties are understandably performed in fearful hope of preventing her father’s rage. However, unbeknownst to Chandin, the obedient passivity that Mala displays hides a deep-seated rage built up over years of disempowerment, physical as well as sexual abuse and the loss of those she holds dear. Indeed, Patricia Moran speaks of the “humiliated rage” which women “often develop from the experience of unacknowledged shame in tandem with cultural norms that deny women overt expressions of unfeminine anger and hostility” (723). When Mala finally reacts, her untrammeled rage leads to the crime that is at the centre of the narrative and lingers long in the minds of the entire community. Of course, it is a society that ignores their complicity in the crime by the norms they perpetuate, norms which deny women a means of escape from abusive patriarchal strongholds of power, or even an avenue through which they can express anger over their disempowerment.

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Mala, like her father, lives a life defined by shame (for her, at Chandin’s incestuous rape), but her gender and cultural constraints prevent her from expressing this externally. Mehta notes that Chandin’s “violence and destruction are a defensive measure to restore his thwarted sense of manliness that results from his inability to consolidate his influence within the household” (203). He further finds release in alcohol, rape, physical abuse and in the power he exerts over his daughter—options not readily available to Mala. To do so would be to inhabit a space beyond the rigid boundaries of acceptable Indian femininity, and it is in this space of speechless “madness” that she finally dwells. Interestingly, the growing love between Mala and Ambrose—in which she is not yet able to confess her shameful home situation—yet begins to change Mala. Their relationship initiates a dissatisfaction with her present state and the reminder of inner agency. It is useful to consider the ways in which Mootoo utilizes a pattern of the female Bildungsroman and refashions it to Mala’s context. Abel, Hirsch and Langland note that “the novel of awakening is often a novel of adultery” (12) and Mala’s physical and emotional intimacy with Ambrose leaves her feeling as though she is being unfaithful to her father. The novel describes how “thorns of fear and treachery would prick her after Ambrose left… fear that her father would discover that her head, heart and body were betraying him” (212). Like the novel of awakening, this “affair” changes her or rather, helps her to once again feel interest in the natural world she once loved. On the very day of Ambrose’s return she fools Chandin into eating a curried pigeon that he believes to be chicken, asserting agency using the very tools of her domestic enslavement. Once a means of meek submission, they become a form of revenge, making him sick to the stomach since the animal has been dead for an entire day when cooked. Her new relationship reawakens her love of the natural world and leads to a shared interest with Ambrose in researching the “properties and potentials of spider fibre” (214). The “new” Mala makes jokes and even giggles the way she once did in “the long-ago days in the schoolyard” (215). But the “adultery” is soon discovered, which triggers an awakening of a different kind.

The Articulation of the Repressed When Chandin arrives home and surreptitiously discovers Ambrose leaving, he descends upon Mala in a jealous rage after promising to himself that “I ent go let nobody tief my woman again. No man, no

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woman, no damn body go tief my property again” (220). He rapes Mala violently in the kitchen—that “traditional” space of female domestic submission—and “three more times that night” (222–223). The next day, he patiently waits for Ambrose and when he attempts to attack him, Mala retaliates for the first time with physical force. Ambrose’s timidity and powerlessness resist any fairytale ideals of the male rescuer, as it is Mala who first moves to defend him. Astoundingly, Ambrose feels shame for Mala “and for himself - as though he had been betrayed by Mala”, all the while wrestling with the hateful possibility that she could have been “agreeable to intimacies with her father” (227–228). The searing shamefulness of the situation, already unraveling the idealized world he built in his mind with his lover, distances him from Mala. It is shame, too, which makes him hesitate to call for help, lest he “expose the shameful goings-on in the house, to which he had become connected” (228). The fear of public exposure and social ostracism render Ambrose impotent in spite of his romantic love for Mala. Thus, his inaction is even more hurtful, as he considers the communal gaze to be of greater importance than Mala’s present and pressing need of him. When he sees her metamorphosed by rage into an “unrecognizable wild creature with a blood-stained face, frothing at the mouth” (228), he abandons her in fear. She murders her father in a fury which Mehta describes as “an articulation of the repressed”, no longer confined by society’s mandating of “roles and modes of expression” (208). Indeed, Mehta explains that this rage is a recovery of sorts, whereby Mala is “finally able to vent her innermost emotions and thoughts in an unconventional manner” (208) that has formerly been denied to her by repressive societal norms. Since there is no means by which Mala can appropriately articulate the vastness of her oppression and the internal rage it generates, she retreats to a space of silence. While Abel, Hirsch and Langland speak of “an isolation that may culminate in death” (8), Mala’s much-beloved garden, where she retreats after murdering her father, is a place of life-giving restoration. In this setting, she is released from the violence of patriarchal power and free from any misled dependence on this to “rescue” her. Thus, when offered the choice between “succumbing to madness” or “grasping a repressive ‘normality’” her mind defensively escapes to the former (Abel et al., 12–13). Maite Escudero notes that by placing Mala’s recovery from her trauma “beyond the confines of the private realm, Cereus subverts the logic of patriarchal diasporic discourses for which the

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concepts of ‘home’ and ‘domestic space’ are a sacred site of purity, tradition, and authenticity, embodied by the figure of a subordinate woman” (147). Instead, it is the garden where she is able to seek healing of self and finds shelter from the society which pretended her plight did not exist, and which continues to condemn her for the manifestations of her psychic and physical abasement. Unlike her father’s shame—which senselessly and selfishly releases its pent up rage upon others—Mala’s revenge is not fueled by calculated vindictiveness but rather an instinct of self-perseveration, an instinct that has been silenced for too long and which demands the healing and restoration of personhood. Lizz Constable describes Silvan Tomkins’ observations that “in the experience of shame” lies “a future path of emotional, and relational growth processes of becoming - for the self” (10). Tomkins, she adds, “considers the experience of shame as the catalyst in an infinitely and increasingly complex, response-sensitive, analog and digital structuring process of non-teleological, non-developmental, becoming” (10). By negotiating the intrapsychic dynamics of the shame affect which has consumed her father, it becomes a component of Mala’s struggle for survival, creativity and the recovery of an autonomous identity which has for too long been denied her. While The Swinging Bridge and Cereus Blooms at Night have been written by separate authors, the common theme of shame suggests that the crisis of the characters is in fact a crisis of community, which the authors seek to reveal with the power and emphasis made possible through creative fiction. These works highlight the destructive legacies of shame, reveal ideologies damaging to female selfhood and disclose secret traumas that take myriad forms. In their work, they shed light on the many configurations of violence which seek to disrupt female development, undoubtedly taking cue from the realities to which they are/were exposed. They further imaginatively suggest new possibilities of overcoming the damage inflicted by internalized shame. For some characters, personal healing is—which serves to generate new ways of seeing and being that establish and consolidate positive selfhood. For others, however, the shame and trauma experienced in childhood is too deep-rooted for excavation; they are portrayed as inhabiting a place of bitterness, regret and even destructiveness.

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Note 1. See: Brereton, Bridget. “The Historical Background to the Culture of Violence in Trinidad and Tobago.” Caribbean Review of Gender Studies, no. 4, February 2010, pp. 1–16. sta.uwi.edu/crgs/february2010/jou rnals/BridgetBrereton.pdf.

References Abel, Elizabeth, et al. The Voyage In: Fictions of Female Development. Univ. Press of New England, 1983. Bartky, Sandra. Femininity and Domination: Studies in the Phenomenology of Oppression. Routledge, 1990. Constable, Liz. “Introduction-States of Shame.” L’Esprit Créateur, vol 39 no. 4, 1999, pp. 3–12. Project MUSE. https://doi.org/10.1353/esp.2010.0088. Escudero, Maite. “Softer than Cotton, Stronger than Steel: Metaphor and Trauma in Shani Mootoo’s Cereus Blooms at Night.” Cross / Cultures, no. 136, 2011, pp. 135–151, 247. ProQuest. https://search-proquest-com.ezp roxygateway.sastudents.uwi.tt/docview/926220209?accountid=45039. Espinet, Ramabai. “The Invisible Woman in West Indian Literature.” World Literature Written in English, vol 29 no. 2, 1989, pp. 116–126. Espinet, Ramabai. The Swinging Bridge. Toronto, Ontario, Harper Perennial Canada, 2007. Hosein, Gabrielle. Modern Negotiations: Indo-Trinidadian Girlhood and Gender Differential Creolization. CRGS, no. 6, ed. Gabrielle Hosein and Lisa Outar, 2012, pp. 1–24. Mehta, Brinda. Diasporic (Dis)locations: Indo-Caribbean Women Writers Negotiate the Kali Pani. Kingston, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press, 2004. Mohammed, Patricia. “From Myth to Symbolism: The Definitions of Indian Femininity and Masculinity in Post-Indentureship Trinidad.” Matikor: The Politics of Identity for Indo-Caribbean Women, ed. Rosanne Kanhai, University of the West Indies Press, 1999, pp. 62–99. Mohammed, Patricia. Gender Negotiations among Indians in Trinidad. 1917– 1947 . New York: Palgrave, 2002. Mootoo, Shani. Cereus Blooms at Night. Vancouver: Press Gang, 1996. Moran, Patricia. “Shame, Subjectivity, and Self-Expression in Cora Sandel and Jean Rhys.” Modernism/modernity, vol 22 no. 4, 2015, pp. 713–734. Project MUSE. https://doi.org/10.1353/mod.2015.0070.

CHAPTER 11

Understanding Domestic Violence from the Perspective of Trinidadian Men Michelle Thomas

Introduction Domestic violence, also commonly known as intimate partner violence (IPV), is a complex and pressing problem worldwide that requires a thorough understanding and multidimensional interventions. According to Jackson (2007), violence prevention requires an understanding of its roots and these roots are complex, extending into both micro and macro factors such as, but not limited to, gender socialization, human behavior, and marital inequalities to social histories, power and gender dynamics, societal and economic structures, religion, and culture. The social context in which violence plays a pivotal role includes framing perceptual understandings and viewpoints about the issue, tolerance levels, and intervention initiatives. Its occurrence is very often a mirrored consequence of the structural fabric of the society in which it is occurring. Understanding violence therefore is a complicated social issue that requires various levels of analysis of a variety of factors to adequately help shape prevention

M. Thomas (B) Beijing Concord College of Sino-Canada, Beijing, China © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_11

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initiatives. More importantly, it requires an understanding that the societal context in which it occurs is unique and therefore concerted efforts must be made to deviate from customary one size fits all research and intervention approaches to effectively address this issue. This chapter examines several areas. The chapter first sheds light on the global trends of domestic violence followed by an overview of research and reporting habits of domestic violence and statistical data in Trinidad and Tobago. Men and domestic violence is then explored. The chapter transitions to present existing literature on why men perpetrate domestic violence using collected data from research conducted in Trinidad. This chapter concludes by offering suggestions for the future direction of addressing the issue of domestic violence in Trinidad.

Global Trends Globally, research and unfolding statistics show that women are the primary victims of intimate partner violence. While there is an uneven distribution of statistical data across countries, what remains consistent is women are most frequently the victims. A report on violence against women by the World Health Organization indicated “about 1 in 3 (35%) of women worldwide have experienced either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence in their lifetime” (WHO 2017). Data from Canada in 2012 showed that 11% of women had experienced abuse by their male partners (Daoud et al. 2012) while data from Australia in the same year showed that 25% of women suffered from an abusive episode (Cox 2015). In 2010 in the USA the recorded figure was 36% (Basile et al. 2011). Data from Myhill and Allen (2002) in a 2000 British Crime Survey showed that approximately 754,000 females, or three-quarters of a million women between the ages of 16 to 59, have been victims of sexual abuse in England and Wales. Jewkes et al. (2001) found that in South Africa one in four women is a victim of domestic abuse. The abuse described by Mathews et al. (2004) is so severe that in South Africa, every six hours a woman is killed by her abuser. As a natural and appropriate response, attention is directed toward women, the primary victims. Undeniably, researching and reporting from the perspective of the victim is a popular trend worldwide. As a result, there exists a vast compilation of researched data about an array of topics primarily centered on women, for example, women’s experiences with abuse. On the global stage, while the interests and needs of women gain

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precedence with respect to domestic violence, this aids in stigmatizing the issue of IPV to be considered a woman’s or victim’s issue. (Thomas 2018).

Domestic Violence in Trinidad and Tobago There is a massive collection of research data on abuse in Trinidadian households. However, most of the published literature publicizes the views and perspectives of Trinidadian women. Researchers such as Nagassar et al. (2010), Hadeed and El-Bassel (2006, 2007), Hadeed and Lee (2010), and Johnson (2017), for example, have all conducted research in Trinidad on domestic violence and have all focused on examining women’s views and perspectives about the issue. While examining domestic violence’s impacts on its victims is crucial to understanding the overall issue, the habitual and one-sided approach to researching and reporting the issue has affected the perspectives of the Trinidadian population as socially and culturally, the issue has become a stigmatized woman’s issue. Because women’s issues and domestic violence constantly remain at the forefront, men continue to remain practically nonexistent in Trinidad and Tobago domestic violence research. Research habits like this unfortunately aid in concretizing cultural norms and justify men’s perpetration of domestic violence while contributing to the furtherance of installing public tolerance for men’s violence toward women. A lack of willingness on the part of victims to report their abuse to the police is very often the outcome. Data from the Crime and Problem Analysis Branch of the Police Service reported that during a 5-year span (2007–2012), there were 10,141 reported cases of domestic violence, of which 7,328 of the victims were female and 2,813 were male. During a span of 13 years (2000–2013), a total of 19,078 incidences of domestic violence were reported. Recently, the Inter-American Development Bank (Doodnath 2018) conducted a study on domestic violence in Trinidad and Tobago and found that as many as 100,000 women have experienced some form of physical and/or sexual violence in their lifetime. What’s more alarming is that the study found that an average of 11,000 women are currently experiencing abuse in their intimate relationships. Despite research media, and policy attention on the issue, the rate of domestic violence incidences in Trinidad and Tobago continue to increase rapidly (Seepersad 2016).

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Men and Domestic Violence Universally, men hold the perpetrator title, so much so that the role of men in the domestic violence equation has been reduced to a stigmatized view of them being violent beings. In Trinibagonian society, men are generally perceived as being more violent than women, which is believed to be partly as a result of their physical structure and strength. Data from the Crime and Problem Analysis branch of the police service in Trinidad and Tobago depicts this in Table 11.1. The data shows that for the various types of offenses committed, females were consistently the victims. This therefore means that by default men are predominantly the perpetrators. With that being the case, as a natural and popular social response, men are held accountable for their actions. Therefore, men are frequently processed and punished through legal channels and proceedings for their violent and aggressive behaviors toward women. Relatively little has been done to understand the root causes behind men’s abusive behaviors and how that new knowledge and understanding can be leveraged as prevention strategies in Trinidad. With much less attention devoted to understanding the perpetrators of abuse, or including the perspectives of men in the discussion on IPV, there is now a significant gap in our understanding of the issue on a whole. Table 11.1 Victims of domestic violence for the years 2015 and January 1–July 31 2016 Offences

Murders Sexual offences Assault & beat Branch of protection order Malicious damage Malicious wounding Psychological abuse Threats Verbal abuse Total

2015

2016

Female

Male

Total

Female

Male

Total

10 38 678 81 10 1 44 342 44 1248

6 0 165 14 5 1 26 150 18 383

16 38 843 95 15 2 70 492 62 1633

8 3 258 40 4 2 8 118 7 448

5 0 87 8 4 1 4 62 7 178

13 3 345 48 8 3 12 180 14 626

Source Crime and Problem Analysis Branch of the TTPS (2014)

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Why Do Men Perpetrate? Understanding why men perpetrate has not been an easy task and although there is existing literature on male perpetration against women, it lacks organization and consistency. In some parts of the world, it is nonexistent. Jewkes (2002) compares studying why men perpetrate domestic violence against women to being as equally difficult, or even more difficult than studying a disease. The scarcity and/or disorganization of literature on why men perpetrate, as Jewkes explained, is because of differences in the social and cultural factors from one society to another that influence male perpetration behaviors (2002). Because research trends in Trinidad and Tobago are heavily rooted in historical traditions that favor the female gender, there remains a significant literature gap on the topic of domestic violence with respect to the male gender in the region. This unfortunately limits the extent and depth of discussion on the islands about men and domestic violence. To date, as a rippling effect, discussions with men and, more so, intervention initiatives geared toward male perpetrators of domestic violence is scarce. A byproduct of this habit unfortunately is that the male gender and domestic violence aren’t viewed as a priority. An examination of the literature from outside the Trinidadian context and from research conducted by Thomas (2018) in Trinidad link men’s perpetration of domestic violence to a result of social and psychological factors. Among the most significant are substance abuse, learned behaviors, economic adversity, situational triggers, men’s diminishing power, and control over women and men’s inability to communicate their feelings and emotions.

Substance Abuse Much research on situational factors such as alcohol and drug consumption have been linked to men’s perpetration of domestic violence. In fact, the body of literature is vast and shows a clear and consistent path linking both. For example, using only men, Leonard and Roberts (1998) conducted a laboratory experiment to test and observe the change in communication behaviors between two groups of men, consumers of alcohol and nonconsumers. The study found that the behaviors of men who consumed alcohol rapidly deteriorated. They noted that there was an observed significant reduction in these participants’ ability to think and

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act rationally. This group also showed a clear sign of becoming aggressive and potentially violent. Another study using a sample of 572 court-ordered batterers found that 16.3% of this study’s sample group were consumers of alcohol, while 58.6% were consumers of other illicit drug substances (Rodríguez and Gómez 2015). The conclusion was therefore drawn that there is a direct link between substance abuse and perpetration behaviors. Scholars have also argued that perpetrators have used the consumption of alcohol and other illicit drugs conveniently as an excuse and to rationalize their violent behavior. Premeditated excuses, according to Schumacher et al. (2001), are often used by the perpetrator to legitimize their actions and to downplay the seriousness of their abuse. In some cases it is also not an uncommon excuse by the perpetrator to appear forgetful about their abusive behaviors. Researchers such as Crane and Eckhardt (2013) alleged that through the consumption of alcohol, some perpetrators gain the courage and motivation to perpetrate violence toward their female partners. This has been found to be linked to a breakdown in their ability to think rationally. MacDonald et al. (2000) mentioned that two types of breakdowns happen simultaneously when alcohol is consumed; a breakdown in one’s rational thinking and in one’s ability to engage in healthy conflict resolution. This unfortunately aggravates the problem further. What remains clear is that substance abuse does weigh heavily on creating and/or predicting and maintaining abusive behaviors in the intimate relationship.

Learned Behaviors The topic of socialization and domestic violence has long been discussed, supported, and agreed by many in the research field that there is in fact a significant link between one’s socialization experience from childhood and the behaviors they come to accept as normal, what they tolerate and eventually display themselves in adulthood. The social learning theory has been highly influential in laying the foundation for decades of research, either corroborating or refuting a link between the process of socialization and why men’s perpetration was launched. According to “learned behavior theory” as put forward by Bandura (1977), the acceptance of domestic violence and subsequent perpetration of it is largely as a result of the conditioning that occurs through repeated observations of similar behaviors in one’s environment. The

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theory explains that one’s social environment creates a tight web of influence that dictates an individual’s behavior choice, their tolerance for aggression, and who they subsequently direct their aggression toward. According to Bandura (1977), both victim and perpetrator are equally impacted by the social circumstance of the domestic relationship they are a part of. Scholars like Franklin and Kercher (2012) and Cochran et al. (2011) have argued that children’s exposure to, and frequent witnessing of violence in the home, aid in developing their tolerance for violence. When they are faced with similar conditions in adulthood, they are prompted to respond in ways that are familiar to them—with aggression and violence. A cycle is therefore set in motion. Violent behavior is learned by participating in a violent family. In the literature, it is explained that men who perpetrate domestic violence against their partners have themselves been “witnessing victims” of abusive relationships where they observed their fathers abusing their mothers (Zavala et al. 2015). Yount et al. (2016) investigated whether there was any association between social learning in boyhood with men’s likelihood to violently attack their wives later in adulthood. Using the responses of 522 married Vietnamese men, their study found that men who were witnessing victims of abuse in childhood and/or experienced physical abuse, were three times more likely to repeat similar acts of abuse toward their wives. A similar study using 834 South African men found that men’s exposure to violence in their homes of origin made them four times more likely to perpetrate domestic violence toward their intimate partners compared to those who were not exposed (Gupta et al. 2008). While a significant number of studies have reported positive findings toward men’s perpetration of domestic violence to be a result of their observational experiences with violence during childhood, others have argued against this. Sellers et al. (2005), for example explain that exposure and experience with violence does not mean an automatic acceptance/tolerance of aggression nor does it mean that all men will resort to perpetrating domestic violence in adulthood. A noteworthy contribution to the discussion as to why men appear to be more violent than women even after both genders have been exposed to the same or similar violent situational circumstances in childhood came from Gover et al. (2008) who argued that the cultural methods used to discipline boys and girls are quite different. Therefore, societies are more likely to tolerate a boy’s display of aggression while suppressing the

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same behaviors in girls. The process of learning aggression and violence is therefore a gendered process (Connell 1995). Harway and O’Neil (1999) conclude that men’s attitudes, identity, and beliefs about women and why men perpetrate against them are installed through social learning. Thomas (2018) conducted a study involving 12 Trinidadian men to understand from their perspective why men perpetrate domestic violence against women. The study was one of the first qualitative studies to be conducted on the island intended to bridge the research gap by specifically targeting men, eliciting their views on why men perpetrate. While the study’s participants spoke at length about the issue of domestic violence, when they were asked their views about why men abused women, the same chorus was echoed—socialization. For the Trinidadian male, socialization formed the bedrock of this issue. Three experiences they believe are unique to the Trinidadian context and encapsulated in the overall socialization experience of boys and men on the island, which explains why Trinidadian men perpetrate domestic violence against women (Fig. 11.1).

Fig. 11.1

Source Thomas’s Dissertation (2018)

1. Exposure to abusive role models in the home There is a large body of literature supporting the view that one’s exposure to violence in the home is a significant contributor to an individual’s acquisition of violent templates, which they eventually emulate. For the Trinidadian context, statistical data pinpointing men as the primary perpetrators of the abuse paints a polished picture of this claim. For example, data from the Crime and Problem Analysis branch of the police service,

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illustrated in Fig. 11.2, shows that for the years 2007 to 2012 the number 100% 90% 80%

381

517

790

1039

2007

2008

380

347

623

565

2813

1126

1050

1551

1772

7328

2009

2010

2011

2012

Total

70% Per cent

60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Female

Male

Fig. 11.2 Gender of victims of DV (2007–2012) Source Crime and Problem Analysis Branch of the TTPS (2014)

of men who were victims of abuse were consistently and significantly lower to that of women. Not only that, but this data also shows that in Trinidad a child’s exposure to an abusive male role model in the home is far from a rare and isolated occurrence. Direct revelations from participants of this study also unleashed a rare but valuable glimpse into men’s perceptions about why men in Trinidad perpetrate violence toward women. Men’s revelations from the study spoke volumes and further concertized the claim surrounding exposure to abusive male role models in the home as an experience that socializes men into accepting and displaying abusive behaviors. From the study, a case in point is illustrated below. Domestic violence is not just about men exercising power…the dynamics are much more…so if the person had lived with a mother who was a victim of domestic violence, chances are being hit by their spouse is the norm. So they (boys/men) would tolerate it and not see anything wrong.

This study concluded that male perpetration of domestic violence against women in Trinidad is a template installed as a result of boys observing

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abusive role models in their household who committed the same or similar acts of violence during their childhood. 2. Male absenteeism in the home Undeniably, there is a new family trend unfolding in Trinibagonian society, and in other parts of the Caribbean. There is an increase in female-headed households and a drastic decline in male headship. In the region, fatherless homes have become the new norm. This, according to St. Bernard (2003), is a result of three factors: (1) women’s personal choice, (2) when relationships dissolve, or (3) as a result of death. While there are some exceptions to this new trend, the current shift in parental gender balance in the home unfortunately robs Trinidadian boys of an opportunity to observe and model masculine roles and responsibilities from key male figures—their fathers, in particular—how they should treat and interact with women. The study found that when boys are robbed of an opportunity to be nurtured by their fathers or male role models during the delicate and early stages of their development, they lose out on the socialization experience of being guided, corrected, and molded into how to be a man. As a natural consequence, boys resort to acquiring their template of manhood from their peers and other social, less regulated or monitored sources such as social media and music, a process Thomas (2018) calls “self-socialization.” According to her, self-socialization is the process of formulating one’s own template of manhood and masculinity, male role and responsibility from their imagination or from easily available sources such as the peer group. Chevvanes (2001) states that outside of the home, the peer group for any young person is their second most influential place of learning. The peer group is a social group where most youngsters develop their sense of identity, a place where they are heavily influenced by the views and opinions of the people they are surrounded by. The study found that in the absence of male role models in the home, Trinidadian boys are more likely to learn about violence and ill ways of treating women from their secondary and most influential source of learning—the peer group. One man from the study put it this way: …boys grow up not even being aware of how to deal with their own emotions, there is nobody to talk to them about that and no example for them, why? because, no fathers.

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so that is how perpetration of domestic violence come in because some men don’t know better, they were not taught a lot of things like how to deal with frustration, women, family, or how to even be men. Ah woman can’t teach ah boy how to be ah man. She not qualified to do it, she could teach girls because she is female, but she can’t really teach ah boy how to be ah man.

3. Cultural Influence Societal culture takes many forms, for example, traditional sayings, religious teachings, and music. They all play an indirect role in teaching boys and men to accept violence (Gover et al. 2008). Calypso for example, Trinidad and Tobago’s music, has traditionally been a popular vehicle through which social, racial, and economic issues of marginalized groups are brought to the public’s attention. Over the years however, soca music, a popular genre of calypso, has interwoven and adopted the vulgar lyrical trends of dancehall and rap to portray messages of sex, violence, and abuse. Unfortunately, for the listening public, particularly young boys, this forms part of their socialization experience and therefore aids in shaping and grooming their behaviors and perspectives about women and how they should be treated. For example, the calypso “Village Ram,” sang by the popular Mighty Sparrow, boasts of his sexual prowess and being a consistent “woman pleaser,” which is encapsulated in the chorus: not a woman ever complain yet with me, I eh boasting but I sure I have true ability, and if ah women ever tell yuh I lef she dissatisfied, she lie, she lie, she lie.

Trinidad Killer, another soca artist, put a recent and popular example of this forward in his rendition, “Gunman in she hole.” Left unattended to marinade in the lyrics put forward by some of Trinidad’s soca and calypso artists, music then becomes a vehicle and direct template through which Trinidadian males accept and normalize violent behaviors toward women. It also aids in shaping their attitudes and perspectives on women, mainly leaning toward their objectification. Apart from music, traditional cultural sayings also lay a sturdy foundation from which boys and men develop their internal blueprint for how women should be viewed and treated. Kim and Motsei (2002) state that the pervasiveness of violence against women in many parts of the world is in part due to cultural values and norms, which are encapsulated in

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traditional sayings. Culture, as they put it, serves to condone and bolster abusive practices against women. For example, “Women enjoy punishment” is a common cultural saying in South Africa (Kim and Motsei 2002) but for the Trinidadian context it is common to hear, “if a man don’t beat you (woman) they don’t love you.” Popular sayings tend to prescribe for men how women should be treated. Adam Jukes (1999), in his book Men who Batter Women, states that the intensity and severity of abuse women endure at the hands of men is as a result of several variables. Among these are the intensity of their frustration, their exposure to abusive masculine models during infancy and throughout their teenage development and, “the extent of culturally approved and legitimized violence in the culture in which he is raised, especially in relation to women” (p. 159). Economic Adversity Research has found that violence is more prevalent in lower socioeconomic households (Jewkes 2002). Life threatening violence in the intimate setting has been linked to men’s high stress levels due to their inability to provide for their household. Men are socialized to be the breadwinners and head of their households. As a result, this has become a cultural expectation of men and an essential source of their masculine identity. Poverty increases stress levels. Stress that emerges in the face of economic adversity triggers men into perpetrating against their partners as they attempt to regain their masculine identity. Harway and O’Neil (1999) explained that when men fall short on upholding their breadwinner role in the family, their masculinity is viewed as questionable to the observing public; they feel embarrassed and their egos are threatened. As a consequence, they withdraw and isolate themselves from their counterparts. Moore (1994) argues that men resort to abusing women when they have arrived at a level of consciousness about their current state of being that paints a picture of them being fragile and vulnerable.

Situational Triggers There is an extensive body of literature pinpointing a number of situational events and elements that stimulate men’s propensity to perpetrate violence against women. Triggers differ from one social and cultural context to another. Harway and O’Neil (1999) define triggers to be

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“situational cues and interpersonal processes that prompt men to psychologically and physically assault women” (p. 109). They point to a number of situational triggers that cause men to act out violently toward their intimate partners, for example, relationship and family issues, unemployment, sexual problems, jealousy and flirting, substance abuse, and intense conflict-laden divorce, and separation issues among the most common. These issues trigger men into lashing out with aggression and violence toward their intimate partners. From the Trinidadian context, how Trinidadian women communicate with men served as a trigger to them acting violently toward women. The insults and demeaning words that women throw at men, according to Sukhu (2012), cause them to feel small and insignificant and less than masculine, thereby triggering them into a desperate fight to reclaim their manliness. Many times this is done through their display of violence toward the source of the attack, women. While there are common triggers to men’s perpetration of domestic violence, some triggers are in fact unique and reflect the overall social and cultural dynamics of the context in which they occur.

Diminishing Power and Control Globally, a dichotomy exists between the privileges men are afforded compared to those for women. This gap can be attributed to a combination of historical, cultural, and social constructions that are enforced and reinforced by a gendered process of socialization between both genders. It is argued that societies that are constructed on the ideology of patriarchy, for example Trinidad and Tobago, teach boys and men that they are superior and more powerful than girls and women. The outcome of this, according to some scholars (Morgan and Youssef 2006), is the installation of a man’s perceived right to dictate to and control women. Boys’ early exposure to a peculiar type of socialization process, grooms them to behave in ways that live up to the characteristics of what it means to be men. As such, they are expected to be rough, powerful, and in control, particularly with women. Dobash and Dobash (1979) contend that because of the gendered socialization process that boys are a part of, they come to view themselves as having earned the right to control and dominate women when in manhood. Deeply rooted cultural traditions further compound the issue. Sukhu (2000) sums it up by stating “men hold greater power in many spheres

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due to historical male privilege” (p. 231). Connell (1995) contends that the behavioral benchmark and expectation for men versus women is in fact different and explains that while the socialization process is different for each gender, removing or abandoning these systems of operation is difficult because of how powerful the invisible web of influence and grooming is. Feminists (Stark and Flitcraft 1996) argue that men’s perpetration of domestic violence toward their female partners is a result of the capsizing of male hegemony and their undeserving rights and privileges. This they attribute to be a result of many global shifts, particularly with women’s interest and advancement in higher education, which consequently leads to intense competition between both genders on the job market. Women’s advancement in education, pursuit of independence, equality, and financial security through their persistent search for employment has had a significant destabilizing impact on men. Men in many parts of the world now struggle to live up to the ideals of their breadwinner role as women are no longer relying on or are dependent on them for economic support. This very often spirals into relationship competition and heightens tension between both genders in the intimate relationship. Men erupt with violence against their intimate partners when they come to the realization that they are losing or have lost their power in the relationship and are unable to control the affairs of their household and relationship like they used to (Campbell 1993). The cycle of abuse is fueled when men attempt to regain their masculine power and privilege but are unsuccessful. “The central motivating factor behind the violence is a man’s desire to exercise general control over ‘his’ woman” (Johnson 1995, p. 287). Communicate Feelings and Emotions Most societies see it as important that their youngsters are socialized to embody traditional gender norms and identities. For Trinidadian society, there is a distinct but undetectable line dictating how boys are groomed and socialized compared to girls. Gender grooming and identity formation begin from as early as birth. Culture in Trinidad and elsewhere dictates that from the time parents identify the sex of their baby, gender grooming begins. For example, as a customary practice to initiate the symbolized distinction between the genders, different colors are attached to each gender, blue for boys and pink for girls, which traditionally launches the divide. From that time onward, gender differences are drilled

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into the youngsters, but differently. This is evident in the way boys and girls are dressed, mannerisms, posture, and behavior, in particular how they communicate their feelings and emotions. As customary in Trinidad, girls are taught to be dainty and polite, expected to sit with their legs closed and crossed, to roam inside the house while learning the skills of being a good mother, wife, and homemaker. Of utmost significance is that Caribbean girls are allowed to express their emotions either verbally or by crying. The occasional emotional meltdown from a female is greeted with sensitivity from their listening audience. Such behaviors fit the template and expectation of the female gender. Boys are socialized quite the opposite. Put simply, Trinidadian boys are socialized to be tough and macho. To that end, boys are not encouraged to cry nor are they supported when they cry when hurt or to express their feelings or emotions. In fact, in Trinidad it is quite common to hear the popular phrase, “boys don’t cry,” “take it like ah man,” or “yuh back have to be broad.” Cultural sayings like these dictate how boys and men behave. What is expected is that during times of emotional upsets and turmoil, boys would act in sync with the gender template they have been provided, which involves lashing out violently using physical force. The use of aggression therefore becomes a boy or man’s way of communicating. As a natural consequence, the occasional physical fights between two boys or between a man and his wife are investigated with little urgency. Not only that, but it is more likely to be viewed as a not so serious transgression in Trinibagonian society. Some scholars (Bailey et al. 1998) found that for the young Caribbean male from as early as ten years old, boys are already aware of traditional masculinity, its associated characteristics, and what they should live up to: boastful sexual prowess, toughness, physical strength as emotionless beings who under no circumstance will cry, especially in public. Differential gender grooming is deeply rooted in the fabric of society. For the Caribbean, as with other regions, homophobic fears appear to be deeply rooted in men. Caribbean men are afraid, if not terrified, of being viewed as feminine, soft, a batty man, or a sissy. The implications of different gender grooming show up in the later stages of development when in manhood, as men enter into relationships with the opposite sex. Because the socialization template for the male gender in most cases does not include boys learning how to express their feelings and emotions through verbal communication without being at risk of being viewed as a

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“panty man” (a feminine man), when faced with relationship stress, they do just as they were taught, they lash out physically toward their partners. Extrapolated from Thomas’s research are the words from one Trinidadian male who described from his perspective the root cause of men’s perpetration behaviors toward women: …men are unable to deal with how they are feeling and how to communicate that. Boys and men were not socialized to be communicable. Some men are just poor at communicating and the only way they feel they can communicate is to lash out with violence. They feel that that is the way somebody will listen to them. Remember too that here in Trinidad we don’t train our boys to express their soft emotions, that is for girls. Here we train our boys to be tough. Men expressing emotions is girl thing, people might laugh at yuh. So ah weakness among the male species is that men don’t know how to communicate their feelings, especially when they angry or frustrated.

Conclusion In Trinidad there is clear evidence that men are the primary perpetrators of domestic violence. However, historically the conversation surrounding the issue has been more about women and girls, their rights and equality, and the impact of the abuse on women and children. While there should be no discrepancy about how relevant or important these discussions are (as it is needed), work with men and boys are sorely lacking. This is in part due to a common misconception that gender-based violence is solely about women. In fact, gender-based violence encapsulates both genders, male and female. This makes it therefore a societal issue on a whole. To that end, as much as domestic violence is about researching and understanding its devastation toward victims, it is also about deconstructing cultural traditions of masculinity that preserve male hegemony and control, especially over women, and dismantling deep-rooted myths about the issue being a stigmatized woman’s issue. Globally, there is an urgent need to adopt a proactive approach to ameliorating the issue, and this can only be done by placing men, the primary perpetrators, at the forefront of research initiatives. By placing more emphasis on examining the social phenomenon from the perspective of the male gender, the gap of misunderstanding and unawareness becomes significantly reduced. Only through understanding why men perpetrate violence against women can we effectively tailor solutions to

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remedy this social ill. For this to occur, a perceptual cultural shift is necessary whereby men are not labeled as the creators of the problem but are seen as a necessary ingredient to its solution.

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Sukhu, Raquel. 2000. “Domestic violence and power: A war of words and fists.” Caribbean Journal of Criminology and Social Psychology 5 (1–2): 228–236. Thomas, Michelle A. 2018. “Balancing the domestic violence equation: Exploring Trinidadian men’s perspectives on male marginalization and why men perpetrate domestic violence.” PhD dissertation, Nova Southeastern University, USA. World Health Organization. 2017. Violence against women. Accessed January 20, 2020. https://www.who.int/en/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/violenceagainst-women. Yount, Kathryn M., Eilidh M. Higgins, Kristin E. Vanderende, Kathleen H. Krause, Tran Hung Minh, Sidney Ruth Schuler, and Hoang Tu Anh. 2016. “Men’s perpetration of intimate partner violence in Vietnam.” Men and Masculinities 19 (1): 64–84. Zavala, Egbert, Lisa A. Melander, and Don L. Kurtz. 2015. “The importance of social learning and critical incident stressors on police officers’ perpetration of intimate partner violence.” Victims & Offenders 10 (1): 51–73.

CHAPTER 12

Why Women Stay: Understanding the Trauma Bond Between Victim and Abuser Case Studies Were Written Linda Hadeed

Introduction If a woman were beaten on the streets by a stranger, she would not go with him to another place to be beaten again and again and again. Why some women stay with abusive partners continues to be a mystery for professionals, members of the judiciary and friends and families of the victims. Arguments about the reasons for staying include socioeconomics (Busch & Valentine 2000), culture (Gharaibeh and Oweis 2009; Hadeed 2006) and religion (Hadeed 2006), and other variables including love for the abuser (Borochowitz and Eisikovits 2002; Hadeed 2006), children (Pilkington 2000; Hadeed 2006; Gharaibeh and Oweis 2009) and the responses of the legal justice system (Frank and Golden 1992; Butts Stahly 1999). Yet, not all situations with these issues influence women’s decisions about staying. For some, there is a deep psychological thread

L. Hadeed (B) Walden University, Minneapolis, MN, USA © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_12

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that often goes unnoticed or considered. Object relations theory fills this gap by pointing to the personality structure of the victim and abuser that draws them to each other and plays a role in some women’s decisions about staying with her abuser. Used in other studies (Hadeed 2006; Celani 1996, 2010), it explains the development of the ego structures of both victim and abuser and the two psychological defenses that influence women’s decisions about staying. Unless this is factored into the treatment of abused women, interventions are likely to fail.

Background and Significance Trinidad and Tobago is a tiny twin-island Republic situated off the coast of South America with a population of approximately 1.3 million people—41% East Indians, 41% Afro-Trinidadians while Whites, Chinese and those of mixed origin make up the remaining 18%. Christianity is the main religion with East Indians being primarily Hindus or Moslems. As in other Caribbean countries, Trinidad and Tobago is without epidemiological data on intimate partner abuse because the criminal justice system and other establishments demean the problem resulting in a failure to report gender-based crime (Clark 1997; Ffolkes 1997). Under reporting is linked to shame, fear of the batterer, negative responses from family, cultural values (Zellerer 2000) and the notion that intimate partner abuse is a personal problem that should be managed internally (Burviniv et al. 1999; Moser and Peake 1994; Zellerer 2000). Despite laws in Trinidad and Tobago that make partner abuse a crime, the numbers continue to rise. A study conducted by the Inter-American Development Bank in 2017 shows that one in three women in Trinidad and Tobago experience partner abuse. This National Women’s Health Survey with 1,079 women between the ages of 15–65 was the first study that included a national representative sample of women in Trinidad and Tobago showing the prevalence of the problem. Further examination of the data showed that 30% of the sample had experienced physical abuse in their lifetime with the majority experiencing sexual abuse and emotional abuse and 7% being physically abused while they were pregnant. Two out of three women said they made reports to the police with most seeking help from their mothers. In a country with just over 1.3 million people, these numbers are exceptionally high. Almost daily, local newspapers are replete with stories

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about women who are beaten or killed by their partners. Alongside these stories are the commentaries by leading experts who balk at any suggestion that women ought to be more selective in their choice of partners.

Object Relations Theory Object relations theory, developed by Scottish psychoanalyst, W. R. D. Fairbairn (1940s, cited in Celani 1996, 2010), focuses on the developmental structure of the individual stemming from childhood abuse from a parent or parent figure. Fairbairn observed that children who were abused by parents continued to love and want to remain with the abusive parent. He proposed a theory of the development of the human ego structure that enabled the abused child and later adult to remain with the abuser without fear. In object relations theory, he explains the three important processes in a child’s life that provide structure to the human ego. Differentiation and introjection occur simultaneously where the developing infant internalizes, categorizes and remembers what it received from its caretakers—either love and comfort, or frustration and neglect. The third, integration, refers to the process where the infant merges the good and bad aspects of the caretake into a single view. For the creation of a healthy ego structure, children need to feel loved, cared for and connected to a primary caregiver. The expectation is a mother where the child will learn that he/she is valued and loved. Nonetheless, the involvement of a loving caring individual in the child’s life, aunt or grandmother for example, can buffer negative parental experiences (p. 43). Good attachment to the primary caregiver is important not only for the healthy development of the child but also because this primary relationship creates a template by which all other relationships are formed. As Fairbairn explained, this relationship is “gradually taken into the inner world in the course of daily relating” (Celani 2010). If a child receives adequate love and attention, from its primary caregiver, the child learns that it is loved and valued and later in adulthood, will seek a partner who is loving and caring. Conversely, if the child is abused, abandoned or neglected, or the caregiver is insensitive to the needs of the child, later in adulthood, the child will seek a partner who behaves the same way. The confusion here is that no caregiver is consistently bad or good. Unless the child can integrate both aspects of the caregiver, later in adulthood, the child seeks a partner who is both loving and abusive at different times.

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In abusive or deprived environments, the nature of the attachment to the caregiver is altered and the personality structure that emerges in adulthood after the neglectful/abusive childhood is one that permits the development of two major defenses, the splitting defense and the moral defense, and it is these two defenses that allow abused women to remain attached to their abusive partners (Celani 1996, 2010).

Splitting Defense The splitting defense is profound in that it alters the personality structure of individuals and facilitates staying attached to the abusers (Celani 1996, 2010; Hadeed 2006). Splitting fractures the ego into two separate ego states (abused or hopeful) with one state being dominant at any given time while the other is repressed. When repressed, it is not remembered and the information in the repressed ego state is not available to the person using the defense. As Fairbairn explained, because of a child’s extreme dependency on its caregiver, it is necessary for the child not to know how badly it is being treated. “If a child’s parents are bad objects, he cannot reject them, even if they do not force themselves upon him; for he cannot do without them. Even if they neglect him, he cannot reject them; for if they neglect him, his need for them is increased” (Celani 2010, p. 44). Splitting prevents integration where the individual sees both the good and bad at the same time. If this happens during childhood, the child would see that the caregiver is worse than good and shatter the illusion of a loving family (Celani 2010). To simplify, in a well-cared for emotionally supported environment, these processes unfold and result in a person with a well-integrated human ego. Of course, the degree of integration will be determined by a multitude of factors, but highly determinant is the degree of connectedness to a caring adult. The child who is neglected and/or abused is highly compromised. The neglected child has difficulty differentiating internal feeling states without a consistent response to them and their needs. The neglected and abused child has few gratifying, comforting, warm feelings to introject, and instead winds up internalizing frustrating objects, at best, and in the worst scenario, abusive objects. When the nature of the attachment is altered in deprived or abusive environments, the child seeks attachments, but the quality of the attachment cannot be a healthy, nurturing attachments unless the caring object (caregiver) is caring and nurturing. As a result, children who are neglected or abused by

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their caregivers form unhealthy and weak attachments later in adulthood. To be clear, Celani (1996) does not suggest, nor does this researcher, that the child/adult invites abuse. This is not his point. What he does suggest, and the cases here as well as previous data show (Hadeed 2006), is that the personality structure that emerges in adulthood after the neglectful/abusive childhood is one that permits the development of the splitting and moral defenses. Women without these defenses would leave the relationship. According to Celani (1996), key characteristics of the splitting mechanism are (a) inability to draw conclusions even though the data is provided, (b) verbally and mentally erasing information, (c) minimizing danger even though extremely dangerous behaviour is described. Adults who split are unable to integrate the good and bad aspects of their intimate partners into a single object/person (Celani 1996, 2010). The “splitting defense is the single most important defense used by the battered women” (2010, p. 117). Since these women are living with potentially life-threatening partners, they must split off in order to stay with them (Hadeed 2006). As Celani (1996) wrote, It also reverses the individual’s view of reality and violates prior understandings and meanings that have been set up between people. (p. 117)

That is, before splitting, my clients had established with me, their partners’ and mothers’ abusive behaviours. By splitting, they were blind to their stated realities of the previous sessions and were convinced that there was hope for a better tomorrow. Splitting is crucial for abused women because it allows them to stay with life-threatening partners without fear. Depending on when the sessions occur in relationship to the abuse, clients in these cases presented in one of the two ego states, abused or hopeful self, and used the splitting defense in my presence in relation to my comments. Splitting also occurred in relation to the mother–child relationship if my comments appeared as criticism.

Moral Defense The moral defense, which Celani (2010) interprets as the first step in splitting, rears its head in the relationship between child and caregiver and plays a role in women remaining with abusive partners. For the child

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to remain attached to an abusive caregiver, it needs to assign blame away from the caregiver. To do this, the child assumes “that its own badness is a moral one in that it must have done something wrong to warrant the caregiver’s abuse” (p. 38). As Fairbairn explains, the child blames itself for parental abuse because it defines itself through the eyes of the caregiver. If the caregiver is rejecting or abusive, then to the child, it is somehow not good enough to deserve better treatment. This early management of the relationship with an abusive parent continues into adulthood where the adult assumes blame for often severe abuse because it is the only way to manage the adult abusive relationship. Fairbairn (p. 6) describes the moral defense as the child’s profound need to believe that they live in a loving, caring environment that their parents are good, and they are “bad”. This illusion allows the child to maintain the hope of receiving love and support from the parent at some future date. Developed during childhood, the adult/child translates the behaviour on to the abuser, blaming herself for the abuse and in so doing, maintains the hope that in the future, she can receive love and care from the abuser. This assumption of blame both in her early relationship with her mother and current relationship with her abusive husband was most evident in the cases presented here.

Methodology This qualitative study uses case studies from a private practice setting to understand the specific phenomenon of women’s decisions about staying in abusive relationships. Case study methodology is particularly useful when the researcher attempts to explain behaviours through a single observation or several observations (Gerring 2009). According to the author, in case study methodology, sample size is unimportant; the intent is to explore a sequence of events that occur over time focusing either on a single case or a series of cases. In case study methodology, the units of analyses are not representative of the larger population. In qualitative research, the focus is to link the findings with the theoretical underpinnings of existing literature (Hjelmeland and Knizek 2010). To address sample and bias, only cases that met the criteria for inclusion were selected for the study. Women here were between 30 and 45 years old and had experienced intimate partner abuse in the past year with someone she described as a spouse, a regular sexual partner or the father of her child or children. Data analysis incorporated a sequence of procedures, first

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using the CTS2 (Straus et al. 1996), to categorize partner abuse followed by the application of object relations theory to observed behaviours and checking and re-checking client notes.

Types of Abuse All the clients in these cases had experienced physical abuse in the past year. All were pushed, slapped and shoved and one was cuffed and kicked. One client described a backhanded slap to her face that sent her flying across the room. Insults were a regular feature of their abuse with clients told they were stupid, didn’t know anything or “didn’t have a brain” in their heads. All were well employed and able to support themselves financially. Two had full access to their earnings and could spend freely with one earning more than her partner. This client deposited her salary directly into her partner’s account for management of the household. Control of their activities was a common thread that ran through their stories. Women either asked permission to engage in social activities or had these curtailed altogether or socialized only at the dictates of the abuser.

Childhood Experiences of Abused Women According to Celani (2010), for Fairbairn, “the root of psychopathology and human suffering is maternal deprivation” (p. 28). A mother who is present yet emotionally unavailable or insensitive to the child’s needs, or possessive can lead to the child’s regression and psychopathology. Physical abuse is easily identified, and neglect and abandonment are often defined as extreme situations where the parent leaves completely and the child is left to fend for itself or left in the care of other adults or not provided the basics of care. Clients in these cases shared stories with a common thread—mother was present in the home and either physically and emotionally abused them, put them down or were insensitive to their needs. Case 1 My client was a 45-year-old female with higher earnings than her husband of ten years and experienced major physical, verbal, emotional and financial abuse. The couple had a six-year-old daughter. My client was an extremely attractive and bright woman whose mother was overly disciplined and cold and set up academic expectations for her that were vastly

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different from her sisters. During childhood, mother compared her with her two sisters that they were prettier and brighter. In one of our sessions, she showed me some photographs and I was struck by the differences among them. While the sisters were lovely, the one sitting across from me was quite stunning. When I remarked on my observation, my client’s shoulders caved in. She was incapable of receiving the compliment. This client spent most of her sessions questioning her role in her husband’s abusive behaviour. Her comments were often predicated by “if only.” This was most glaring in a major abusive episode that occurred one night when my client made dinner plans with friends. Her husband flew into a rage and issued what she termed a “drop kick,” that sent her flying across the room as he berated her about making plans without his approval. My client apologized profusely and stayed at home. During the session, she was unable to place responsibility for the abuse on his shoulders. Using the moral dense, she blamed herself for the incident. For the first 10 sessions, my client presented in her abused self, recalling his excessive cruelty, and questioning her value about being lovable. Her splitting however took place when I commented on the severe abuse and risks to her life. Her split was remarkable. She immediately defended his behaviour, citing all that was good and within weeks stopped coming to sessions. My client’s splitting was also about her mother. During one session, I asked about her childhood and it was then I learned about mother’s cold and critical nature. Through tears, she recalled episode after episode of mother’s criticism since she was a little girl. My comment that was construed as criticism of mother brought about an immediate split where she defended her mother, that she was good, did her best and was always caring for the family. Case 1.2 In her mid-30s and married for 10 years with no children, this client earned a good income and had family support and a place to go. When I met her, she was separated from her husband whom she described as unloving and unsupportive. My client developed a relationship with another male who was emotionally and verbally abusive with periodic episodes of minor physical abuse. It was this relationship that brought her to my office though her attendance was irregular. This was a particularly complicated case with three key people from whom the splitting and moral defences emerged, cycling rapidly in relation to husband, boyfriend and mother.

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For most sessions, my client remained in her abused state, citing her husband’s emotionally abusive behaviour as the reason for the separation and current relationship. When her husband asked for a divorce, my client split back to the hopeful state and talked about reconciliation. Splitting episodes were more frequent with the other male where my client related his physical and emotional abuse only to return to the relationship when he distanced himself, sending her into an abandonment panic. This was perhaps one of the worst cases of childhood physical abuse I have heard. As the second child to two older male siblings, my client was physically abused between the ages of 3 and 10 years. On one occasion, mother flew into a rage and beat her till her foreskin was broken. During recall of the episode, my client exhibited a sense of shame that was palpable. My comment that no child should have experienced this kind of abuse brought about an immediate split where she turned against me and listed her mother’s good qualities. Case 1.3 This client was 35 years old, married for 7 years with two young children and experienced emotional and verbal abuse that often escalated into violent language and on two occasions, physical abuse. Interestingly, it was control of her money that propelled her to seek help. A highincome earner, she was forced to deposit her earnings into an account that her husband controlled. Each month, he gave her small amount of cash and demanded receipts for even the smallest of items. She recalled that his abusive behaviour began during courtship and increased after marriage. My client vacillated between wanting to leave the marriage and questioning whether she was causing the abuse. During general discussion, she mentioned that her mother wondered about her behaviour in the marriage, saying that she was a difficult child, “clingy and needy”. My client speculated that perhaps both mother and husband were correct in their assumption that she was the problem. Despite my efforts at reality checking, my client continuously blamed herself, that if she changed her behaviour, her husband would treat her better.

Discussion Using case study methodology with clients in a private practice setting, this study applied object relations theory to explain the psychological factors that kept the clients in abusive relationships. Clients in these cases

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ranged between thirty to forty-five years old, were employed and able to maintain themselves financially. All were married and had experienced abuse within one year of seeking treatment. Only one had a young child and all had family support and a place to go. Clients in these cases experienced abuse ranging from minor to major. They were pushed, shoved, slapped, kicked, ridiculed, called names and even had their movements and earnings controlled or taken away. None of the clients abused alcohol or other drugs. All clients in these cases experienced variations and combinations of abuse and neglect ranging from severe physical abuse, emotional abuse and insensitivity to their needs and neglect. My client in case 1.2 described horrendous physical abuse as a child. Her mother flew into a rage, beat here with an instrument, ripped her clothes off and shoved her out into full visibility of neighbours and other passers-by. My client described deep shame that continued into the present. Although she eventually moved away from home, the memory lingers as do other memories of neglect, insults and lack of nurturing. The two other clients described more neglect and lack of emotional nurturing coupled with criticism and insults. Nonetheless, these experiences shamed them as children which they carried into adulthood. Clients also questioned their part in their partners’ abuse. After describing several major abusive episodes ranging from being backhanded and sent flying against a wall, to silent treatment for a week as well as being banished to a separate bedroom and deprived of contact with her small child, one client wondered whether she was so bad to warrant this treatment. The more I remarked that this was not her fault, the more my client was convinced of her badness, split off and excused her abuser. This was the same with the other two clients who recalled minor abusive episodes. Both wondered what they could have done differently to avoid the abuse, that perhaps they could have used a different tone of voice or not said anything at all and that their partners were really good men. Clients in these three cases exhibited the moral defense often blaming themselves for both childhood abuse by parents and intimate partner abuse. Even in the face of what can be only be termed extreme cruelty, one client questioned her role in the abuse, excusing mother. What could a five-year-old do to propel a caregiver, a mother no less, to whip her child, rip her clothes off her body and shove her to stand naked for hours in full visibility of the public? Yet, when I remarked that this should not have happened, my client excused mother saying that she (child) should

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have known better, behave better and that mother was exhausted and had a hard life. The other two clients who were either told to do better in school or stop being so difficult defended their mothers citing their own “badness” that perhaps mother was right.

Treatment The role of the therapist in working with clients in abusive relationships is critical as I learned from these experiences. As Celani (2010) explained, the therapist who attempts to separate clients “tightly bound” to the bad object (abuser) or identifies him as the focus of the client’s problem too soon in the therapeutic relationship risks the client ending therapy (p. 44). The attempt to separate the client from the abuser or child (adult) from the mother triggers an abandonment panic and leaving treatment might be logical and only avenue for the client. Fairbairn “truly understood the power of attachment (both of love and hate) as a source of resistance” (p. 63). A skilled therapist who understands the dynamics at play here would manage the therapeutic relationship differently. The therapist must be willing to tolerate the client turning against him or her, engage in the dance as it were, hold firm in the hope that it would facilitate the client’s development. Therapists who are aware of the twists and turns of the client’s stories, remain steadfast in holding the clients’ stories without moving the client to leave the relationship could facilitate the client’s growth. Awareness is key here. It smoothens the transition from the client’s sometimes angry and often sad recall of severe abuse to a calmer place where the client feels heard without being pushed to act. The findings presented in this article focus on three cases in a practice setting and are insufficient to be generalizable. While it is important to note the limitations of this study, the information provides a springboard for additional research with a larger representative sample of Trinidadian women. The findings in this study suggest that there are measurable psychological factors that keep the relationship between victim and abuser alive. Additional research is needed to build and further refine these findings and to utilize them in developing a quantitative assessment instrument for use with a large random sample. Since several authors (Celani 1996, 2010; Hadeed 2006; Shainess 1997) have stressed the importance of childhood experiences in shaping the personality of both victim and abuser, and since those observations were supported by the data in this study, well-conducted research will provide new paths for the

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prevention and treatment of intimate partner violence and the revision of current policies to protect abused women.

References Borochowitz, Dalit Yassour & Eisikovits, Zvi. (2002). To love violently: Strategies for reconciling love and violence. Violence Against Women, 8(4), 476–494. Busch, N. B. & Valentine, D. (2000). Empowerment practice: A focus on battered women. Affilia, 15(1), 82–95. Butts Stahly, Geraldine. (1999). Women with children in violent relationships: The choice of leaving may bring the consequence of custodial challenge. Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma 2(2), 239–251. Celani, David P. (1996). The illusion of love: What the battered woman returns to her abuser. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. Celani, David, P. (2010). Fairbairn’s object relations theory in the clinical setting. New York Chichester, West Sussex: Columbia University Press. Clark, Roberta. (1997). Combatting violence in the Caribbean. In A. M. Brasileiro (Ed.), Women against violence: Breaking the silence. New York: UNIFEM. Ffolkes, Suzanne. (1997). Violence against women: Some legal responses. In B. B. E. Leo-Rhynie, & C. Barrow (Ed.). Gender: A multi-disciplinary perspective. Kingston, UK: Ian Randle Publishers. Frank P. B., & Golden, G. K. (1992). Blaming by naming: Battered women and the epidemic of codependence. National Association of Social Workers, Inc., 37 (1), 5–6. Gerring, John. (2009). Case study research: Principles and practices. New York: Cambridge University Press. Gharaibeh, Muntaha, & Arwa Oweis. (2009). Why do Jordanian women stay in an abusive relationship: Implications for health and social well-being. Journal of Nursing Scholarship, 41(4), 376–384. Hadeed, Linda. (2006). Contributing factors to staying in abusive relationships: Afro-Trinidadian women in Trinidad and Tobago. The Caribbean Journal of Social Work, 5, 106–121. Hjelmeland, Heidi, & Knizek, Birthe. (2010). Why we need qualitative research in suicidology. Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior, 40(1), 74–80. Pilkington, Beryl F. (2000). Persisting while wanting to change: Women’s lived experiences. Health Care for Women International, 21(6), 501–516. Morrison, Andrew, Burvinic, Mayra, & Michael, Shifter. (1999). Violence in Latin America and the Caribbean: A framework for action (technical study): Sustainable Development Department. Inter-American Development Bank.

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Moser, Linda., & Peake, Caroline. (1994). Seeing the invisible: Women, gender and urban development. Paper prepared for the project “Urban research in the developing world,” Toronto: York University. Shainess, Natalie. (1997). Masochism revisited: Reflections on masochism and its childhood antecedents. American Journal of Psychotherapy, 51(4), 552–568. Straus, Murray A., Hamby, Sherry, L, Boney-McCoy, Sue, & Sugarman, David B. (1996). The revised conflict tactics scale (CTS2): Development and preliminary psychometric data. Journal of Family Issues, 17 (3), 283–316. Zellerer, Evelyn. (2000). Domestic violence in Trinidad and Tobago: Some comments. Caribbean Journal of Criminology and Social Psychology, 51(1&2), 209–227.

CHAPTER 13

The Women in Seafood Landscape: A Look at the Social and Economic Challenges of Gender-Based Violence Debra D. Joseph and Roshnie A. Doon

Introduction The United Nations (1993) defines violence as any act of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or psychological harm or suffering to women. Breiding et al. (2015) add that domestic violence includes physical violence, sexual violence, stalking, and psychological aggression (including coercive tactics) by a current or former partner, i.e., spouse, boyfriend/girlfriend, dating partner, or ongoing sexual partner. Gender plays an integral role as to who gives and who is on the receiving end of the Intimate Partner Violence (IPV),

D. D. Joseph (B) The University of the West Indies, Cave Hill, St. Michael, Barbados e-mail: [email protected] R. A. Doon The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_13

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where traditionally it is the male who engages in the acts of violence and the female receives. Gender refers to the socially constructed attributes and opportunities associated with being male and female. It can be a source of power (or powerlessness) in society or culture. When it interacts or intersects with other sources of power, such as class, race, religion, or sexuality, the power associated with gender may increase or decrease. This can create complex variability between men and women in terms of their privileges and responsibilities. Within the fishing community women generally have fewer privileges, fewer rights, more domestic responsibilities, and less of a voice in socio-economic and political decision-making than that of their male counterparts (Biswas 2017; FAO 2012). The gender division of labour in small-scale fisheries is based on the perception that women are largely caregivers who undertake domestic tasks within the home environment, while the act of fishing is done by men. This has come to be recognized and valued as work, as the fisheries sector has been deemed to be a male-dominated domain. While most of the tasks done by women within the fishing industries’ value chain are considered an extension of domestic work and are likely to be undervalued from an economic perspective. In 2000, 189 countries of the world came together to face the future and the daunting aspects of famines, drought, wars, plagues, poverty, and gender equality. This led to the creation of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), where a set of eight goals reimagined a future with reduced risks, with respect to hunger, poverty, child mortality, maternal health, and HIV/AIDS, while most importantly achieving universal primary education; promoting gender equality, the empowerment of women and global partnership, as well as creating environmental sustainability. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has been a leader in working with countries to achieve these goals, and 15 years after the introduction of the MDGs, came a new set of goals which formed the building blocks to achieve the MDGs, i.e., the Sustainable Developmental Goals (SDGs), which is total of 17 goals compiled to address social, economic, and environmental issues connected to areas such as poverty, hunger, education, gender equality and inequalities, by 2030 (UNDP 2015). The SDGs act as a guide by which countries can identify issues and work assiduously towards their elimination through their design and development of economic and social development plans. There is,

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however, an interplay between these goals and the presence of GBV, as high and persistent acts of violence are a threat to achieving gender equality and reduced inequalities, as SDG 5 and 10 refers. Where on one hand, countries with a pronounced presence of gender inequality tend to be characterized by higher levels of interpersonal violence against women, including lethal violence. While on the other hand, the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of women, i.e., MDG 3, has shown to be associated with a decrease in IPV. It is important to note that greater autonomy and independence coupled with improved social status can help to protect women from the risk of homicide (Homicide Report 2019). Bearing this in mind, this paper will examine the social and economic cost of domestic violence experienced by women in the fishing industry. To date there is limited research being done in this area, however, one must be proactive and bring greater awareness of the issue for all stakeholders involved. It also sends a potent message that the act of domestic violence is not acceptable in any way, shape, or form in the world in which we live. Some policy recommendations designed specifically for the fishing industry is also put forward to ensure the act of domestic violence in this sector is eradicated and the appropriate programmes are put in place to minimize its presence.

Overview of Women in Small-Scale Fisheries It is estimated that 98% of all fishers and fish farmers live in developing countries. Out of this, women make up an estimated 47% of workers contributing to 56 million jobs, primarily in post-harvest activities like processing and trading (World Bank 2012). When one looks at the seafood industry, with fisheries, aquaculture, seafood processing, and all related services, women represent half of the total population worldwide (World Bank 2012; OECD 2016). This implies that women are indeed crucial contributors to this industry and are critical agents of change. What stands out however, is that there are few women in industrial fishing and in leadership positions. Women are traditionally not welcomed at sea, as her presence is viewed as culturally taboo in the fishing industries all over the world concerns this sphere. In many developed and developing countries, women are believed to bring bad luck on a fishing boat and to be responsible for a limited harvest.

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Fisheries in the Caribbean A 2012 Diagnostic Study to determine poverty levels in CARCOM fishing communities done in Barbados, Belize, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, Montserrat, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Trinidad and Tobago, and The Bahamas, aimed at assessing poverty levels in fishing communities and its effects on their quality of life, in order to introduce poverty alleviation programmes to improve the livelihoods of those in the fishing community. The Caribbean Regional Fisheries Mechanisms (CRFM) (2004) reports that the structure of the fishing industry within CARICOM is characterized by large artisanal fisheries where the majority of fisherfolk operate on a small-scale concentration on mostly primary production with the use of small boats and limited technology. There is the compliment of the processing, distribution, and marketing sector. Employment Within the Fishing Industry The fishing sector within CARICOM employs over 142,000 persons— directly or indirectly—mostly from remote communities with lack of income-earning opportunities (CARICOM 2012). Specifically, in the case of Barbados, Joseph (2018) found that almost all the women involved in the processing of flying fish derived a great deal of satisfaction and enjoyment from the tasks involved, as many have been employed in the fishing industry for more than 20 years. This outcome is not surprising as Pena and Mc Conney (2018), similarly found that most women associated their livelihoods as ‘motivating’, with an improved level of self-confidence when they enjoy their job. These findings then help to reveal women’s engagement in fisheries and the capacity to strengthen gender outcomes. For this reason, focusing on the role and well-being of women in fishing communities must be recognized as it gives credence to their input in raising and shaping future generations of fishers (Gustavsson and Riley 2018). Despite this, men are still seen as connected to fishing spaces mainly at sea, i.e., male capital, cultural capital, and fishing capital. While women are viewed as connected to land-based activities in the form of caring, homemaking, and general support to facilitate men’s fishing. A gendered lens has had greater influence in agriculture as compared to fisheries research where gender and gender-related topics have taken

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a long time to be recognized, regardless of the significant participation of women in sea-related activities, because the topic of gender is not poignant. As a result, there is very limited research focusing on women and gender in fisheries being undertaken in the Caribbean and the wider world, which is further compounded by low publication of articles in high impact fishing journals to bring greater focus on the region. There has been however, some change based on international conventions supported by international agencies such as the European Union and United Nations bodies, which aims to bring greater focus to women employed in the fishing industry. In the case of Trinidad and Tobago, the Labour Force Survey for the period 1991–2015, reveals that there are more men (1,800) than women (316) employed within agricultural, hunting, forestry, and fishing industries within both public and private sector enterprises on a full-time basis, i.e., working more than 33 hours per week, who are considered economically active portion of the industry (person ages 16–65). Most of these persons in this sector appear to be concentrated in the counties of St. Andrew, St. David, St. George and Caroni. While the ethnic composition of the sample highlights that those employed by the industry are primarily dominated by persons of an Indian descent, and African and Mixed descent to a lesser extent. When examining the educational composition of the workers in this sector there are three major findings. First, at one extreme most persons appear to hold primary and vocational level qualifications, while second and at the other extreme persons have acquired secondary level education, but no secondary level examination passes. Third, while most workers’ education level seems to match the educational requirements of the jobs within the industry, the intensity of undereducation is higher than that of overeducation. Further information provided by the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service Crime and Problem Analysis Branch (CAPA) reveals that during the period 2015–2019 there were 12 recorded victims, and 21 offenders of domestic violence-related offences whose occupation falls within the fishing industry. The situation in Trinidad and Tobago, reveals that the presence of women although small in the fishing industry paired with the existence of domestic violence as indicated by the data, is one that calls for great concern particularly from the educational perspective and those persons with lower socio-economic status. According to Frangoudes and Gerrard (2018), the lack of attention to women may be related to the poor recognition of the importance of

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small-scale fisheries, an area populated by women. This lack of attention has inevitably led to women’s marginalization and invisibility. The advent of the Small-Scale Fisheries (SSF) Guidelines by the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) can contribute to and inform around the issue of the improvement of gender and women’s equality, equity, and the general situation of women in fisheries inclusive of GBV. This is of great importance as the SSF recognizes women’s participation along the value chain as well as the centrality of gender and other intersecting issues, such as human rights, well-being, food security, and climate change. Coulthard et al (2020) explain that the first five aspects of life deemed most important to women for living well in two fishing villages were having an income, health, education of children and grandchildren, good marital relations, and having a house within which to live. This highlights the importance of social relationships for women’s well-being with good marital relationships, and relationships with her broader family. Research is done by White and Blackmore (2016) on ‘Relational well-being’, emphasizes the social and cultural construction of well-being. Coulthard et al (2020) found that 45% of interviewees reported exposure to alcoholism and 30% had experienced the physical aspect of domestic violence. Looking outwards from CARICOM, research in South Asia have proven to be difficult and limiting as violence is commonly normalized as an ‘expected’ part of life and its presence does not deter women from referring to their husbands as ‘good men’, ‘kind’, and ‘dependable’ (Busby 2000). For this reason, domestic violence creates significant barriers to the well-being of not only women, but also men. Although these issues are not limited to the fishing industry, it is a pertinent issue that cannot be ignored by marine resource personnel in developing interventions and engaging fishers in governance policies within the CARICOM region. As, GBV is not unique to fishing, but studies were done by Bennett (2005) and Weeratunge et al. (2010), points to the vulnerabilities that fishing-related livelihoods bring to women and girls. Given that there is a limited provision of current research data on domestic violence and fisheries in the Caribbean, information was sourced from different countries, where there still a dearth of knowledge. However, having scarce concrete data does imply the non-existence of GBV, as the presence of poverty in Small Island Developmental States (SIDS) is a direct indicator of the adverse socio-economic conditions that may contribute to domestic violence. Thus, this paper can shed some light and help with the existing lacuna in the literature on the subject.

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Social Aspects and Consequences of GBV in the Fishing Industry Cultural and Societal Constraints Limited opportunities for income diversification, decline of fish stocks, food insecurity, poverty, and migration for work are some social factors that increase the vulnerability of women to violence and abuse (Ratner et al. 2014; USAID and PACT 2015). The victims of GBV can face physical harm, rape, physical trauma, while survivors can experience severe psychological and social impacts such as depression, isolation, and fear. In Pakistan, it was found that when women and girls in coastal communities experienced domestic violence, it tends to have a negative impact on their self-esteem, thus reducing their ability to advocate for their needs and participate meaningfully in social and economic activities (MFF et al. 2018). Lack of Access to Fisheries Resources GBV also impacts the ability of survivors to achieve their full potential and contribute to the economy (Vyas and Watts 2009). Studies in Tanzania show that women experiencing IPV earned 29% less than those who did not, and this increased to 43% less when there was severe violence. This situation eventually affects children, workplaces, communities, and national Gross Domestic Product (GDP) (World Bank 2014). In that as GBV persists due to social and structural inequalities, it continues to create vulnerable conditions (Siles et al. 2019). Thus, the social aspect of GBV inevitably impacts on the economic and vice versa. As explained by Siles et al. (2019) in the USAID article, ‘Advancing Gender in the environment: Gender in fisheries-A Sea of Opportunities’, the lack of access to fisheries resources is often linked to increased GBV. Bene and Merten (2007) supports this point, as poor unmarried or widowed women fish processors and traders in Sub-Saharan Africa are sometimes forced into sex in order to have access or sell fish products. Social and Power Dynamics Often, the characteristics of the fishing sector can reinforce toxic masculinity. These can be negative peer pressure associated with strong

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group identity, social isolation, or marginalization as a result from strong gender divisions of labour Pravalprukskul and Resurreccion (2018). As a result, many women are reluctant to leave abusive husbands due to cultural pressures and the presence of children. Coulthard et al. (2020), explain that there are certain types of social characteristics or stresses that make the fishing industry more vulnerable to high levels of alcoholism and domestic violence than others. These include: (1) The physical and mental demands of the job of fishing work, (2) The nature of social relations among fishermen, (3) Household and marital strains, and (4) Adverse socio-economic conditions.

Social Characteristics-Stresses Within the Fishing Industry The Physical and Mental Demands The physical and mental demanding nature of the work and the unpredictability of the ‘catch’ puts a lot of stress on fishers. According to Roberts (2010), fishing is known to be one of the highest risk peace-time occupations. Occupational characteristics might contribute to Intimate Partner Violence against women. This indicates that men with ‘dangerous occupations’ are more likely to exhibit violence and violence towards women (Melzer 2002) and alcoholism (Pougnet et al. 2014). Social Relations, Household, and Marital Strains Strained Marital Relationships can be exacerbated by the very nature of fishing and can contribute to violence (Pandey et al. 2009). Fishing is strongly associated to masculinity and a healthy self-concept. Long periods out at sea can impinge on healthy relationships. Many active fishers said that they struggle to balance work life and family relations. Economic and social stresses are worsening in many fishing villages all over the world, as such, the relationships within the fishing household deserve greater attention. Physical Tension The latest report was done by Bott et al. (2012) on violence against women in Latin America and the Caribbean reveals that the physical

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consequences of GBV can range from minor to severe. In the minor category there were bruises, aches, pain in the body or head, cuts, punctures, bites, scratches, abrasions, some became physically ill. Severe injuries were characterized by sexual violence, dislocated limbs, sprains, burns, deep penetrating stab or knife wounds or punctures, wounds or injuries to the body, broken eardrums, eye injuries, fractured or broken bones or teeth, lost function of organ or body part, permanently disabled and miscarriages. Emotional Well-Being and Work Some feelings experienced by women were anxiety, depression, or feelings of worthlessness. At times the anxiety and depression can be so severe that women cannot complete their work and obligations. Many who stopped money-earning activities, feared additional violence, lived in constant fear, and exhibited suicidal ideation. These feelings can render women immobile, due to feelings of helplessness and hopelessness (Bott et al. 2012). Apart from the social and cultural aspects of domestic violence previously discussed, there is also linked to its economic challenges and costs.

The Economic Challenges of GBV The maritime industries across the Caribbean region provide a great deal of employment for persons living in rural coastal regions. It is here that many women, earn a living within the fishing industry by engaging in either harvesting, post-harvesting, or artisanal activities (Burroughs et al. 2018; FAO, n.d.). Notwithstanding the fact that the economic activities within the fishing industry are primarily male-dominated, the FAO (Burroughs et al. 2018, p. 4) estimates that there are, ‘millions of women around the world work, paid or unpaid, in the fisheries sector. Although women are mainly involved in the tasks that come before and after the fish are hauled out of the water, they may also be there for the catch or the harvest’. With the rise of the role of women in the fishing industry, it is more likely that her earnings are absorbed faster into the expenses needed to run their individual households. For this reason, the additional contributions made by women fishers to their household revenues may enhance the sustainability of their own family, as their children may now be able to acquire a formal education, while their dependents may be afforded better

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care. Regardless of the role that women occupy within the industry, there are several concerns that may arise within the fishing arena, such as gender discrimination, gender inequality, gender stereotyping, insufficient trade union/labour market representation, human trafficking, and the presence of GBV (Burroughs et al. 2018). Although each of the above concerns is important, that which addresses the presence of GBV will remain the focal point of this study. The main reason for this is because even though the labour market participation of women in the fishing industry have improved, and created a greater sense of empowerment for women, it has inadvertently led to a rise in the oppression and exploitation of women fishers (Biswas 2011). The presence of GBV, i.e., violence in the form of emotional abuse, denial of resources, forced marriages, physical and sexual assault and rape, as well as the trading of sex for fish, within coastal households in the Caribbean, poses a significant economic challenge to this segment of workers (GBVIMS 2020; Nathenson et al. 2017). From an economic perspective, seven of the most common challenges that women fishers are likely to encounter as a result of their exposure to GBV include changes in their employment, sexual harassment at the fish market, restricted finances and access to education, insecurity, physical health risks, and intergenerational losses. Bearing in mind the prominent positions that women in the fishing industry now hold in the twentieth century, it is expected that if she experiences GBV in any of the forms mentioned above, then it can impact not only her current employment and level of productivity, but also her performance in the future. Doyle (2016) explains that GBV impacts women’s performance on the job negatively because it is likely to have made them feel as though their efforts were inadequate. Thus, leading to lower levels of productivity. In addition to this, the fear ingrained within the woman’s fishers’ psyche from such violence may lead to not only higher rates of absenteeism during harvesting and post-harvesting activities, tardiness, and poorer attendance at the fish markets, but also low levels of productivity and processing of the seafood (Ridley et al. 2005). This all results from the perception that they may be violated again either through threatening phone calls to, and in person at the fish market, or after work at home, which may make retaining their job at the fish market difficult to retain. Which may therefore lead to the only form of employment for these women fishers being terminated (Hess and Del Rosario 2018).

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Further to this, such GBV may also influence how co-workers such as other male and female fishers, view the woman’s fishers’ position within the retail seafood market, where most of their daily business activities take place. These advances which take the form of unwelcomed gestures, checking up using co-workers and coercion made towards the woman with the goal of attaining sexual gratification, as well as crude language, may both compound the presence of GBV and IPV that women fishers experience (Hess and Del Rosario 2018; Ridley et al. 2005). In the end, this also has a marked effect on the economic welfare of the woman fisher, as such changes in the fishing/working environment may make them feel anxious in the fishing market. This is especially important as the individual management of seafood markets, may not have guidelines to prevent harassment and to protect women from such abuse. For these reasons, the inability to effectively sell their harvest, together with the fear of an abusive partner, may encourage women fishers to change their jobs (Germano 2019; Mc Lean 2017). Which worsens the ability of women fishers to establish greater financial security and economic stability for her family. Moreover, with the absence of men from the household during fishing expeditions, women fishers are often left with the financial burden of caring for the household and members (Thompson 1985, p. 16), explains that, ‘very often household and fishing finances continued to be inextricably mixed- “mother Chancellor of the Exchequer and everything went from her hand purse, everything came out into this boat’. However, while men traditionally dominated the financing of his fishing business, Thompson (1985, p. 16) reveals that it is often the female head of the household who, ‘owns a boat and employs her husband’, and holds, ‘the real position of power in the society’. A similar outcome is discussed by Monfort (2015, p. 10), who finds that, “Along the coast of West Africa that women finance fishing operations run by men. Some women own boats or gears which they give to fishermen in exchange for privileged access and privilege price of the fish captured.” Comparable is the situation in Barbados, where women according to Mc Conney, Nicholls and Simmons (2012, p. 1), “play a critical role in most fisheries if postharvest (e.g. fish processing and trade) and ancillary activities (e.g. fishing inputs and financing).”

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However, with the rise of GBV within fishing households, women fishers who suffer from the effects of such violence often find that they now have less control of household finances, due to restrictions imposed by their abuser (Mc Lean 2017). Such monopolized access to finances, is more likely to create a great deal of financial instability and insecurity within the home, while putting the woman at risk to become a victim of Coerced Debt, i.e., simply debt created by the abuser which is borne by the victim. As a result, women fishers may experience even more economic setbacks, as such debt can impede their ability to access insurance, open bank accounts, and access credit card facilities. During such financial hardship and abuse, women fishers are often faced with the need for safety. Due to the strict control over finance and assets, women who flee from the abuse commonly become homeless. This is frequently due to high housing costs, and damaged credit due to their abuser’s unauthorized debt (Mc Lean 2017). The individual economic costs of GBV however, is not only limited to women fishers but are also passed on to her children as long-term second-generation costs. These costs refer to the long-term effects on the finance, health, social development, and the education of the children living in homes where domestic violence thrives. Often, fishing markets, may not provide childcare facilities for toddlers, while teenagers who do not attend school are left to run errands for their parents, and wander beaches unsupervised, which makes them a target for child prostitution and child labour (FAO 2012). Women as noted by Pepper (2015) are regularly pressured into maintaining intergenerational farms and fishing property, to ensure that their child receives their ‘inheritance’, as a result they are more unlikely to report cases of violence. According to Mc Conney et al. (2012) and Grant (2006), many fishers in Barbados and Grenada, who have elementary level education, were encouraged to enter the seafood industry by their family members. Although most fishers began their career as fish cleaners and retailers, some large-scale fishers later acquired training in fishery-specific education and Seafood Technology. Given that the access to training and education in the fishing industry has been traditionally dominated by men, there is very little information as to the advancement of women’s careers in the area, and the education of small-scale fishers (FAO 2012; Thorpe et al. 2014). The presence of GBV is likely to have a negative impact on women fishers’ education and careers in the areas of fishing, agriculture, and

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maritime industry, through the disruptive behaviour of their partner (Germano 2019). Such behaviour, which includes the abuser’s control over the resources needed to pay tuition and transportation, as well as derogatory remarks concerning their academic competency, may prevent women fishers from not only completing higher education opportunities in the areas of Fishing and Fisheries Sciences, but also accessing training in the fishing industry. Their inability to complete and access such education may inhibit their ability to support their families and limits their choices of higher paying jobs within the industry (Hess and Del Rosario 2018). Thus, leading the female victims of IPV and GBV to incur significant losses to their daily income (Mc Lean 2017). The final economic cost borne by women fishers as a result of GBV and IPV is linked to their physical, emotional, and mental health needs. Generally speaking victims of such violence often fail to show up to work, due to the physical and emotional signs of abuse such as broken bones, bruises on their bodies, reproductive coercion, and the contracting of Sexually Transmitted Diseases (STDs) as well as instances of depression, anxiety, substance abuse, and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), which all may require some degree of hospitalization and treatment (Doyle 2016; Germano 2019). Although public health facilities may offer services to deal with the issues mentioned above, often abused women fishers may not seek help through these institutions only due to the culture of silence that the Caribbean has towards GBV and IPV, but because it may be mandatory that medical officers report all cases of abuse (UNW 2020; Sachs 2007). Such silence when compounded by fear, leads many women fishers into bearing the cost of her treatment, which may be higher than non-abused women due to the lack of health insurance coverage (Hess and Del Rosario 2018; WHO 2004).

The Economic Cost and Categorization of GBV in Caribbean Economies Economic Cost Apart from the individual challenges and costs faced by women fishers discussed above, there are three categories of economic costs incurred by the state in response to the presence of GBV. These include the costs associated with the anticipation (prevention or defensive expenditure), consequence, and response of GBV (CE 2014; Oliver et al.

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2019). Examining each cost in turn, Oliver et al. (2019) explain that the first anticipatory costs are those preventative measures put in place just in case there is an incidence of GVB. These costs are incurred by the state whether the victim, i.e., either women fishers or women in general, come forward or not, and includes domestic abuse training, social service programmes, and public education programmes to build awareness. In doing so, it is hoped that women fishers who may be victims of such violence will be proactive in seeking early and effective intervention. The second cost, i.e., the expenses incurred because of GBV. This group of consequences, as discussed by Oliver et al. (2019) adapted from Heeks et al. (2018), can fall into one of four types, i.e., (1) Physical and emotional harm to the women fisher, which includes bodily and psychological/emotional injuries, and the likelihood of multiple injuries taking place, that may diminish her overall well-being. (2) Output is forgone due to changes in productivity. This can either be the result of reduced productivity resulting from the physical and emotional effects of domestic abuse experienced by women fishers, or the time taken off from working at fish markets, i.e., hours lost. These losses not only affect the average wage of women fishers, but also impacts the overall Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth rate of the fishing industry. (3) Health services cost refers to the medical treatment needed to deal with the injuries sustained by women fishers following episodes of domestic violence attacks, as well as the costs for medical procedures and transportation. (4) Victim services cost refers to persons and organizations to whom women fishers are likely to disclose their domestic violence experience and to seek help. These include victim support groups, members of the protective and health services, domestic violence, sexual assault, and refugee centres, who are more likely to be owned and operated by Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) or funded by the state. The third and final group of costs are those in response to GBV, i.e., either the women fisher (abused) or their abuser, and includes expenditure in the areas of security, as well as the criminal justice and civil legal system (CJS) (CLS) (CE 2014; Oliver et al. 2019). In terms of security costs, this includes the police cost, i.e., resources spent during investigating and dealing with domestic violence based on the number of cases reported by women fishers (Heeks et al. 2018). This can also include auxiliary expenses of activities undertaken by the police service to reduce domestic

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violence, such as public education campaigns within rural fishing communities, and public safety programmes, as well as the handling of abusers, custody duties, and family liaisons. From the perspective of GBV, the protection of women fishers also constitutes a cost to the criminal and legal justice system (Reed et al. 2018). Thus, some of the costs incurred by the CJS regarding domestic abuse includes the cost of the abuser’s probation, custody, prosecution, jury service, magistrate court, and prison service (Heeks et al. 2018). However, Oliver et al. (2019) note that these and other costs incurred by the CJS are often difficult to quantify because of the limited data captured for domestic violence cases. For this reason, in the costing of these cases they often use the average cost associated with court cases, opportunity cost of jurors, and that of accessing legal aid/non-legal aid. This practice however is not done without caution as the use of averages can produce misleading and inaccurate results (Reed et al. 2018). The final aspect of response costs is that borne by the CLS. The CLS is essential to domestic violence cases as it is here that women fishers are provided with legal protection against abusers through the placement of protective injunctions and legal restrictions to restrain abusers from the beginning or continuing an activity which threatens women fishers’ wellbeing (Oliver et al. 2019). This often includes the cost associated with the provision of legal aid, private family proceedings such as divorce, and where children are involved in domestic violence cases, child visitation rights, and child protective services. Categorization of Economic Costs Based on the individual economic challenges that abused women fishers are likely to face, and the economic cost of domestic violence accrued by the state, it is essential to categorize these costs. By doing so, resources can be better allocated to deal with incidences of domestic violence cases. Throughout the literature, several cost categories are adopted, and these range from separate costs each group of economic area discussed previously, to costs per sector, to the use of a more generalized categorization of direct and indirect costs (CE 2014; Chan and Cho 2010). Focusing on the latter two broader groups, according to Theodore et al. (2008) the first group, i.e., Direct Costs, are the costs incurred directly by women fishers as a result of the abuse experienced. As explained by Hartman et al. (1997, p. 11), these direct costs are the,

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‘value of goods and services used in treating or preventing domestic violence’. In the second group of indirect costs, Theodore et al. (2008) explain that this is the time and earnings foregone, the loss in productivity and influence on external investment that are borne by women fishers. Supported by Hartman et al. (1997, p. 11), these indirect costs refer to the, ‘value of goods and services lost because of domestic violence’. Based on these definitions, and the discussions undertaken in sections (a) and (b), these economic costs of GBV, as shown in Table 13.1, were filtered into direct and indirect costs incurred by both women fishers and the state. Further to these broad cost categories associated with GBV illustrated above, the individual cost to women fishers can be further broken down into either direct and indirect tangible costs, or direct and indirect intangible costs, as shown by Table 13.1. In the first group direct tangible costs are those sustained by women fishers as a result of GBV, with has an actual monetary cost (Day et al. 2005; Chan and Cho 2010). These include the cost to seek legal aid against domestic violence, medical treatment for physical, emotional, and mental issues that may arise, transportation costs to and from medical facilities, etc. Indirect tangible costs are those which women fishers incur that have monetary value, but is measured in terms of losses, i.e., loss of productivity, profit, working hours, etc. In comparison, the second group of costs include direct intangible costs, which are the costs incurred by women fishers as a direct result of GBV but has no monetary value (Chan and Cho 2010). These costs include the pain and suffering that women are likely to face, as well as changes in her treatment by other workers at the fish market where she conducts her daily trade. Further to this, women fishers are also likely to incur indirect intangible costs which occur as an indirect result of GBV, but have no monetary value such as child abuse, child labour, second-generation costs, etc.

Techniques Used in Assessing the Economic Costs of GBV The presence of GBV, in Caribbean forms a barrier to sustainable economic development of coastal fishing villages and for women fishers. It is, important to categorize, measure, and estimate the costs of GBV experienced by women fishers because putting an actual dollar value to GBV helps one to understand the impact that it has on women fishers

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Table 13.1 Categorization of Economic costs incurred by women fishers and the state Recipient of economic cost

Type of cost

Examples of costs incurred

Individual women fishers

Direct tangible

• Legal, physical, emotional, and mental health treatment costs • Job losses/changes • Housing costs • Security costs • Transportation costs • Monopolized finances • Trading of Sex for fish • Loss in daily profit from selling seafood • Job absenteeism • Productivity/hours worked at the fishing market • Damaged Credit/Unauthorized debt • Education and Training Costs • Forced Marriages • Psychological Costs • Sexual Harassment at the fish market • Child abuse and neglect • Second-Generation Costs • Domestic abuse training, social service programmes, and public education programmes • Protective and Health services • Transfer Payments • CJS: The cost to handle abusers, custody duties, and family liaison. Cost of the abuser’s probation, custody, prosecution, jury service, and magistrate court and prison service • CLS: protective injunctions, legal restrictions, provision of legal aid, private family proceedings, and child protective services

Indirect tangible

Direct intangible

Indirect intangible State

Direct

(continued)

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Table 13.1 (continued) Recipient of economic cost

Type of cost

Examples of costs incurred

Indirect

• Diminished growth of the fishing industry • Victim support groups, domestic violence, sexual assault, and refugee centres

Source Compilation by authors

and their household (Bowlus et al. 2003). Its use establishes a foundation upon which DV programmes can be created, evaluated, improved, and their costs estimated in the long run. Bearing in mind that the availability of data and the period under investigation, tends to influence the method implemented, from a methodological standpoint, there are 14 techniques used throughout the literature to measure the economic costs of DV. These techniques as shown in the parentheses can be drawn from different areas such as Accounting (Bottom-Up Approach, Top-Down Approach, Cost Accounting Method, Social Accounting Matrix, Economic Multipliers), Business (Least Cost Approach, Benefit–Cost Ratio), Economics (Econometric Techniques, Propensity Score Matching, Human Capital Method), and Sociology/Psychology (Quality of Life Losses, Population Attributable Fractions, Willingness to Pay, Gender Responsive Budgeting). The accounting technique such as the Bottom-up Approach aims to calculate the average unit cost for each type of cost associated with the abuse of women fishers. This is then increased based on the number of abused women, to derive the total cost (Theodore et al. 2008; Access Economics Pty Ltd. 2004). However, for this costing method to provide an accurate representation DV cost, a detailed list of the expenditures is needed, even though the costs tend to vary within each category (Bowlus et al. 2003). The Top-down Approach considers the departmental costs and the cost to set up DV initiatives (Theodore et al. 2008; Access Economics Pty Ltd. 2004). The only drawback is that costs are often assumed to be evenly distributed, when in fact some abused women fishers may pay more per unit for medical treatment than others (Bowlus et al. 2003).

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Another popular approach is the Cost Accounting Method/Model, which calculates the total sum of all the DV costs sustained by women fishers in an economy or by categories such as healthcare. According to Day et al. (2005, p. 27), Each consequence of violence translates into goods or services used by the victims, their family, friends or co-workers, or the perpetrator. The quantity of the service used is multiplied by the cost of the service for each consequence, in every category of costs. After calculating all the separate costs, they are added together to produce a total cost.

The Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) method can be used to estimate the costs of DV within the context of the circular flow of income throughout the economy (Ashe et al., n.d.). Doing so provides a more realistic picture of the economic costs of GBV as it considers economic activities such as consumption, distribution, and production and income transfers. In addition, the indirect losses foregone by each sector can be calculated using an economic multiplier, to give the loss to economic growth as a result of DV. Such a calculation is important because it may enable one to determine the impact that GBV against women fishers, is likely to have not only on the fishing industry, but also the tourist industry. This reveals that there are losses made at both the individual micro, and economic macro levels. In the second group of business costing techniques, the least cost approach uses the smallest cost in its derivation of DV expenses of women fishers, to produce a conservative estimate when there is no clear per unit cost (Theodore et al. 2008; Bowlus et al. 2003). However, this method often underestimates the cost that women may face. Another technique, i.e., the Benefit–Cost Ratio (BCR), can be used to summarize the costs associated with a DV initiatives implemented by the state, after which they give a rating based on the growth in the years of schooling attained by women, her level financial freedom/independence, and her ability to improve her reproductive health (Ashe et al., n.d.). In the third group of economic techniques to estimate the cost of DV, the first way, i.e., the Human Capital method uses the women fishers wage as an indicator of her human value (Day et al. 2005). Here the Present Value (PV) of her future income is estimated based on her biological and labour market characteristics that may influence her wage. In a similar manner, her loss in productivity is also estimated. Depending on when

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instances of DV occurred, the future earnings of women fishers can be forecasted for the remaining of her working life, and then discounted using a long-run interest rate, to determine the PV of her earnings. Although the method is somewhat straightforward to calculate, the earnings of abused women fishers may not measure the full value of her life. Econometric techniques can also be applied to determine the impact that DV may have on the earnings, labour participation, physical health, mental health, and education, of women fishers (Ashe et al., n.d.). In order to do so, several econometric replicas of logistic regressions, instrumental variables, multivariate logistic regression, probit regressions, and two-step regression models can be applied. However, these methods encounter several problems such as weak instruments, correlation but not causation between variables, and the simultaneity between the instances of DV, and the earnings of women fishers. To get pass these econometric weaknesses, the Propensity Score Matching (PSM) technique is often used. In this technique, the control group in PSM is defined based on the probability of women fishers encountering GBV (Ashe et al., n.d.). Treatment and the control unit, i.e., women fishers who experience and do not experience DV, are matched based on their propensity scores. Therefore, if women fishers who do and do not experience DV have similar estimates on the propensity score and covariates, they are said to be in the region of common support and are paired. Otherwise, all other units are rejected from the analysis. Since the propensity score is a probability, it ranges in value from 0 to 1. A popular technique used to reduce sampling bias, there are three main matching techniques used, i.e., radius, kernel, and nearest neighbour options. In the fourth group of techniques used in Sociology/Psychology to examine the cost of DV includes Population Attributable Fractions, which basically looks at the different usage rates of services between DV and Non DV victims (Day et al. 2005). While the Willingness to pay methodology, which is based on the concept of Cost–Benefit Analysis (CBA), simply examines the instances where women fishers would pay for their safety against DV. There are three pay methodologies that help women fishers to determine how much she would be willing to pay for her safety against DV, i.e., value of life, hedonic, and contingent valuation. These costs when aggregated for the entire economy become the proxy cost for the value that they are willing to assign to a life. While this method

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apart from the human capital aspect, may capture the value of human behaviour, it is often difficult to implement because of limited data. The Quality of Life Losses technique comprises of two methods, first the Disability Adjusted Life Years (DALY) and the Years of Life Lost (YLL) (Ashe et al., n.d.). In the first case, the burden of women fishers’ exposure to DV such as her injuries, illnesses, and premature death is estimated. It is often calculated at the PV of the future years of a life free from GBV. However, the main weakness of the techniques is that it is time consuming and data intensive. In the second case, the premature mortality of women fishers is estimated. It is the years of potential life lost due to premature death resulting from DV. The Final method, i.e., Gender Responsive Budgeting is one which uses state budgets and reports to determine the impact that policy decisions may have on the presence of DV (Ashe et al., n.d.). By using this technique, it allows for the identification of financial gaps in the allocation of resources to treat with DV, absence of referral systems and the need for better procedures for survivors. However, this method requires that one has a thorough knowledge of the services offered to the victims of DV, as it focuses on the entire budget targeted towards DV services, rather than unit costs.

Limitations in the Economic Costing of GBV in the Caribbean The economic costing of DV/GBV in the fishing industry and by extension the Caribbean is an important exercise not only because it allows for an efficient allocation of funds to address certain issues to derive a better outcome, but because by measuring the dollar value of GBV it may reduce the social acceptability of violence against women. Therefore, estimating the economic cost of GBV may be viewed as a proactive and preventative measure against such violence. However, there are several challenges facing the economic estimation of DV in the fishing industry, which are implications to the development of economic policy which targets DV and GBV. The first issue concerns the limited number of applied studies done on the economic costs of DV in the Caribbean, which also captures the impact of GBV in the fishing industry. As far as the author is aware, there are only two studies done which attempt to estimate the economic costs of DV, these are David (2015) and Theodore et al. (2008). In

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the first, David (2015) partially examined the economic cost of DV in Guyana, it does not make any mention of the prevalence of DV against women by industry of employment. In the second case, Theodore et al. (2008) looked at the economic cost of sexual abuse and domestic violence in Trinidad and Tobago. However, like David (2015), although some insights are provided into the quantitative economic cost and impact of such abuse on economy, there is again an absence of information on abuse by industry. The second issue faced is the lack of coherence in methods used across studies. As previously described, there are many different techniques used to determine the economic cost of DV. However, having many techniques can become a challenge due to definitional issues surrounding what items are included in the specific type or groups of costs. For this reason, the economic outcomes of studies may vary. This then influences not only the economic valuation of DV in the Caribbean, but also the accuracy and representativeness of DV in the Caribbean. The third issue faced is not only the lack of data on DV cases in the Caribbean, but also that for the fishing industry. According to Theodore et al. (2008) although primary data is often used in the calculation of economic costs, there is a general lack of specific information on the victims, their abusers, and the severity of the injuries sustained. This can be brought down to three reasons. First, information on DV may be recorded differently across state agencies. As a result, there may be problems in harmonizing the data recorded. Second, there may be a high non-response rate to questions by the various state agencies concerning the victims and abusers, industry of occupation, type of occupation, marital status and employment status, due to fear and lack of trust. Third, there may not be any mechanisms in place to such as DV hotlines, or frequent adjustments made to these mechanisms, to accurately collect the previously mentioned information over a long period of time. As a result, there is both a loss in historical data and data concerning specific avenues of DV such as the victim’s industry of employment. The fourth and final issue encountered is the inability to apply economic costing techniques to the study of DV in the Caribbean and the fishing industry. One of the main reasons for this is due to the lack of data, and where available, the data may be insufficient to derive an accurate economic representation. The accessibility and reliability of the data collected are therefore essential to providing a representative cost of the economic expenses incurred resulting from DV to the state.

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Economic Policy Implication and Prescriptions for GBV in the Caribbean Seafood Landscape Many studies such as Day et al. (2005), which look at the cost and challenges associated with DV explains that the costs associated with preventative measures, are much less than the consequences of DV. Therefore, investing in the prevention of DV and GBV against women and women fishers alike at the first signs of abuse is likely to result in a great deal of economic savings. Based on the limitations/implications to the development of economic policy aimed at DV, there are a few economic policy prescriptions that can be made to address these issues. The first concerns the limited array of applied studies targeting the DV in the fishing industry. In this aspect, as discussed previously very limited research has been done that can be generalized for the entire Caribbean region. For this reason, one suggests that greater emphasis be placed on what can be learned from developing country studies where the fishing industry is the main source of income. In doing so, Caribbean nations can now study how the low-cost DV policies implemented by these countries, such as Sierra Leone, Senegal, Indonesia, and the Solomon Islands, can be adapted to the region to meet the needs of women fishers, while effectively dealing with GBV in the sector. The second prescription concerns the need for harmonization of the measures used to measure the cost of DV. Given that the technique used by researchers is heavily influenced by both the availability of the data and the time when the information is collected, it is suggested that the collection of data on the presence of DV in the fishing industry be aligned to the changes in the fishing season. In addition to this, when examining the economic cost of DV in the fishing industry, multiple measures should be used to estimate the costs. By doing so, it allows for greater comparisons to be made across the fishing industries throughout the Caribbean, which can be used to take a holistic approach to dealing with DV in the industry. The third prescription addresses the limited and lack of DV data for the fishing industries across the Caribbean. To treat such an issue, it is suggested that avenues for greater confidence and trust be created so that women fishers feel a sense of safety in disclosing their DV status. These DV mechanisms should be available and monitored, not only for the entire country on a whole, but industry-specific measures and evaluations should be provided, as the economic role of women tend to vary by

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their industry of employment. This difference in employment status and roles by industry may influence the intensity to which women are exposed to DV and GBV, and how well these issues are addressed. The fourth and final economic policy prescription concerns the formalization of labour market policies and guidelines for self-employed and uninsured workers. Often women fishers are found to be in the minority group of workers in the fishing industry. This is often the case as the labour market tends to view the contribution and participation of men and women differently. Where in the case of the latter, the participation rate of women tends to be disjointed due to her role as a mother and caregiver. For this reason, many women fishers may not have access to insurance and educational/training opportunities within the industry or may not be aware that these services are in place. Bearing this in mind, mandatory education and training programmes should be done at the level of the local government to ensure that women fishers can access the information and services with greater ease.

Conclusion The presence of GBV in Caribbean households is not a new phenomenon, but one which has silently persisted over time, becoming integrated within social and economic fabric of society. In the case of the Caribbean region, the dependence on the fishing industry has often viewed as a source of food and income security for many tourism-based economies, and rural coastal communities. Unlike many industries, the fishing industry is often the career choice of women in these communities, where their highest level of education is likely to at the most primary level, and their degree of social as well as economic vulnerability is at its highest. It is this vulnerability that makes women fishers the victims and survivors of GBV. The aim of this chapter was to highlight the women in the seafood landscape of the Caribbean, by discussing the social and economic challenges resulting from GBV that these women are likely to face. From the social standpoint, there are many costs women fishers experience such as physical and mental abuse, stigmatization, and the erosion of social status, which are linked to cultural and societal norms, limited resource allocation, and the uneven social and power dynamics, within the industry. Often these social costs are tied to the stresses which both male and female fishers are likely to be exposed to while working within the fishing industry. These stresses can manifest itself into GBV, due to the physical

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and mental demands of the industry, the creation of physical tension, the strains which it puts on the social relations within the household, and the toll that it takes on the emotional well-being of women fishers. The social costs of GBV experienced by women fishers, unfortunately has economic challenges and costs attached to its consequences, and is borne by either the individual female fisher, or the state. From an economic perspective, seven of the most common challenges that women fishers are likely to encounter as a result of their exposure to GBV include changes in their employment, sexual harassment at the fish market, restricted finances and access to education, insecurity, physical health risks, and intergenerational losses. While there are three categories of economic costs, i.e., the costs associated with the anticipation (prevention or defensive expenditure), consequence, and response of GBV. These costs can either take the form of direct and indirect costs, which can be further down into direct and indirect tangible or intangible costs. Although this chapter does not provide a quantitative estimation of the economic costs of GBV due to the lack of data available for domestic violence in the fishing industry within the Caribbean, it is essential to note that there are many techniques used in the literature adapted from the areas of Accounting, Economics, and Sociology/Psychology. This chapter, also acknowledges the limitations faced by this study, particularly where the economic costing of GBV is concerned such as the lack of applied empirical Caribbean studies, the lack of coherence in the methods used to estimate the cost of GBV, limited access to and collection of data on domestic violence. Notwithstanding these limitations, several specific economic policy prescriptions are put forward to treat with the issue of GBV within the seafood landscape. These include the need for more empirical-based studies for the Caribbean which builds on the strategies of other developing countries fishing communities within Indonesia, Senegal, and Sierra Leone. The need for the harmonization of techniques used to measure the costs of domestic violence in the fishing industry, as well as the development of data collection mechanisms which allow women to feel comfortable and safe enough to disclose their domestic violence status, and finally the formalization of labour market policies for self-employed and uninsured women fishers.

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CHAPTER 14

Surviving Domestic and Intimate Partner Violence Sherna J. A. Alexander Benjamin

Introduction Traumatic events destroy the sustaining bonds between individual and community. Those who have survived learn that their sense of self, of worth, of humanity, depends upon a feeling of connection with others… Trauma shames and stigmatizes; the group bears witness and affirms. Trauma degrades the victim; the group exalts her. Trauma dehumanizes the victim; the group restores her humanity.—Judith Lewis Herman1

During the 1960s a gruesome crime occurred in the beautiful twin-island Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, which rocked the very foundation of the country. A series of calculated atrocities were perpetrated against sisters Lucieann and Dulcie Ramirez that sent residents of the Biche community and country into shock and disarray. The sisters were held

S. J. A. Alexander Benjamin (B) Huntington University, Huntington, IN, USA © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_14

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captive, repeatedly raped, beaten, sexually mutilated, and physically disfigured. Committed by a man who was well known to the community and consistently manifested various types and degrees of violence using his power, physical built, and strengths to instill fear, coerce, intimidate, and control. Through his nefarious activities, he was immortalized and named the “Beast of Biche.” News of his arrest, heinous crimes, trial, and 20-year sentencing went viral. Some would say the wind carried the news faster than any modern-day tweet ever could. Citizens came face-to-face with the presence of violence the like of which they have never seen before and the front row seats from which they viewed the debilitating effects of this type of violence was beyond their human comprehension, forcing many to question, “how did ‘good’ people looked on at the progression of this man’s grotesque behaviors and do nothing?” And for a moment society grappled with the thought that each person who saw this man’s previous expressions of violence and did nothing were complicit in the horrendous violent events that traumatized and destroyed the lives of two women. Two women who survived the attacks and were brave enough to speak their truth even in the presence of fear. Two women that the country soon forgot. Two women whose experiences are still spoken about and lived out today. However, the country did not learn any valuable lessons to take proactive steps to prevent violence and over time the perpetrator became a sick type of immortalized hero while Lucieann and Dulcie Ramirez were ignored, their names forgotten so much so that succeeding generations only remember the name of the perpetrator. Soon Lucieann and Dulcie Ramirez became invisible as they lived through a lifetime of psychological torment, trauma, and shame receiving little or no help to live fulfilled and abundant lives in “thriving recovery.” When citizens, communities, religious, and political actors chose to engage in forgetting the names, faces, and experiences of victims they inadvertently uphold the hands and agendas of perpetrators while vilifying victims. When we forget victims we devalue their experiences, shifting collective responsibility for the prevention of domestic and intimate partner violence from society as a whole to individual victims. This exacerbates victim blaming and shaming, enabling a lack of adequate response and support while simultaneously restricting substantive investments to facilitate the empowerment of victims, the establishment and maintenance of programs, and services to support prevention, intervention, and recovery. Through forgetting, the state engages in dissociation and premeditated brutalization of victims as a result of their inaction, political violence, discrimination, and inequity.

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Part of the process of holding perpetrators to account for is remembrance. Violence is not inanimate, it is both tangible and intangible (mental constructs that manifest tangibly). It breaths, lives, speaks, and walks among us. One of the most pernicious types of violence that can be perpetrated against any individual or group of people is domestic and intimate partner violence. According to the United Nations Domestic abuse, also called “domestic violence” or “intimate partner violence”, can be defined as a pattern of behavior in any relationship that is used to gain or maintain power and control over an intimate partner. Abuse is physical, sexual, emotional, economic or psychological actions or threats of actions that influence another person. This includes any behaviors that frighten, intimidate, terrorize, manipulate, hurt, humiliate, blame, injure, or wound someone. Domestic abuse can happen to anyone of any race, age, sexual orientation, religion, or gender. It can occur within a range of relationships including couples who are married, living together or dating. Domestic violence affects people of all socioeconomic backgrounds and education levels.

Many advocates refer to domestic and intimate partner violence as “domestic terrorism” to draw attention to the pervasiveness of the problem and the many adverse social, psychological, health, economic, and societal impacts connected with it while centering the voices of victims and communities in the process. This type of interpersonal violence strips victims of their human rights and dignity through a series of violent events that occur within different types of interpersonal relationships at the family and intimate partner levels. These events do not occur in a vacuum, they are not isolated incidents, nor are they independent of other socioeconomic and political factors. They are insidious and occur on a “continuum of violence”2 manifesting in various frequencies at different moments and within private and public spheres. These events interconnect, overlap, and intersect with social, gender, racial, ethnic, sexual orientation, status, religious, economic, and political issues converging to create barriers that significantly restrict the agency of victims. No matter where in the Caribbean domestic and intimate partner violence occurs human beings are at the center as victims or perpetrators, active or passive bystanders, systemic enablers, or preventionists.

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Surviving Domestic and Intimate Partner Violence and Thriving Early Years During the early 1970s up until the late 80s, a young Afro-Caribbean girl child experienced approximately 10-years of severe violence and abuse, such violence that is unthinkable, unconscionably, and left scars that would last ten lifetimes over. She grew up having no name on her birth certificate, no knowledge of who her parents were, and lived without the comfort of a family. Society labeled her a “bastard and outside child” and from birth, she was categorized as being “born to fail,” and in many ways, she did fail and did so miserably. The psychological, emotional, physical, and sexual violence which her tiny body and mind experienced from six and a half to fifteen years skewed her mental view of herself, others, and issues around sex, love, family, which placed her on a self-destructive path. The perpetrators were not strangers, they were guardians. They did not have a sign advertising their violent acts. They were the well-loved community actors. They were not uneducated unemployed members of a ghettoized community, but rather members of a thriving middle-class community in St. James who worked in the public service. They were considered “good people”! Good people who consistently perpetrated varying degrees of violence against innocent children. She was not the only child in the house who faced the sting of the fan belt soaked in urine. She was not the only child deprived of food, resorting to stealing bread and milk on her trips to the bathroom to pacify her pangs of hunger. Nor was she the only child in the house to be groomed for the stealing of her innocence. Yet she lived with “good people.” No child should have the mental ordeal of developing an unhygienic plan of suspending baths as a tactic to turn off their sexual predator and rapist. And no child should have to experience isolation from their class peers because of the stench. She spoke about her ordeal to a female Sunday school teacher who made her feel as though those violent events were imaginary thoughts and advised her to pray more because the “devil” was playing with her mind and she could get “good people” in trouble. Bystanders often guilt victims into silence because they do not know how to act, do not want to act, and or fear to act. Many child victims of abuse walk around with energy that perpetrators can detect from miles away. Part of that energy

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is the desire to be rescued, to experience authentic love, to fill the deep psychological gaps that consistent abuse within the home has drilled into their souls. They often seek the ability to enjoy measures of internal peace. Apart from experiencing abuse at home this Afro-Caribbean girl child also felt the once caring hands of a primary school teacher stealthily walking up her legs making its way to her vagina. This was one of the added academic lessons and soon she would join a few other girls in the school through an act of rebellion of not attending Wednesday morning church services which were sometimes conducted by said teacher. This act of individual rebellion brought a few female students together who had one thing in common, they were victims of this teacher’s sinister behaviors. They created an unpleasant bond of silence and protection, masked internal confusion and fear as they shared stories among themselves. One can only try to imagine the stories these girls shared through their childlike lens about a problem society failed to address. Children are expected to go to school and learn, however, when violence and abuse at home intersect with violence and abuse at school the learning environment becomes a horror story. Expressions of deviant behaviors within the environment may be a sounding alarm for speedy interventions tailored to the student’s context. Yet, this teacher was a “good man.”

Adolescent and Adulthood Those violent events contributed to a flood of suicidal ideations and three failed suicidal attempts. The psychological torture tore down every sense of self-confidence leaving her emotionally exposed. Grappling with thoughts of identity, unworthiness, shame, fear and trust, and questioning sex and sexuality. She engaged in self-harm and accepted that nothing good would ever come her way that she was not deserving of love because she was flawed and utterly imperfect. She experienced challenges forming healthy relationships and pulled away from developing new relationships. She believed everyone she met knew about her abuse and this brought on feelings of shame and self-isolation. It was also difficult for individuals to penetrate the walls she established and the masks she wore. She disdained her body and always felt complements about her face or skin tone were deceptive because she did not see herself as beautiful. At age 14 she was introduced to her “biological mother.” Sadly it was like leaving the frying pan and diving headlong into the fire. There was no emotional attachment. It was like her mother was devoid of the ability to establish

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a healthy mother–daughter relationship yet, she yearned for a mother’s love and requesting it was met with rage. Her mother would act like a cornered lion, unleashing acts of verbal, psychological, and physical abuse. It appeared as if her “mother” found some inexplicable pleasure in those moments. Yet this “mother” was a good woman. Her “mother” lived with a man who seemed to have his share of demons to contend with, inappropriate touching was one of them. An action her “mother” justified as “he was just joking with you.” When the report was laid, this attitude of indifference created space for his son to approach her with sexually inappropriate behaviors. Her rejection of this behavior resulted in a physical struggle which drew the attention of her “mother.” She felt a sense of relief when she saw her “mother” entering the room, however, what occurred would forever leave a scar on her mind. Her “mother” did not come to protect her, she came with the emboldened mindset of most Caribbean mothers to curse, beat, and shame. With calculated venom, her mother called out to her intimate partner advising him to spread apart the legs of her daughter while she viciously pulled off her underwear, which he did with great delight. To everyone’s surprise, her mother left the room and quickly returned with an uncovered bottle of hot sauce. With unthinkable rage began pouring the hot sauce on her daughter’s vagina while yelling “is man you want! I will damage you so you will never take a man…if you think you will take a man on top of me and bring belly here you lie, I will kill you before that happens.” The screams for help or maybe an angel moved neighbors to intervene, pulling the “mother” away as they wondered if the mother was human or beast. Hate began to remove the yearning for a mother’s love. Dislike for the God of “love” she was taught about increased. She learned to professionalize mask wearing, bleeding through the masks she wore unknown to herself.

God, Marriage, Violence, and Pathways to Healing With a man 10-years her senior, she became a mother before she was 18. She soon learnt he too was a product of domestic violence and abuse. If an early intervention does not occur in the life of children who experience sexual and other types of childhood abuses, children will find comfort in chaos, mistrust, pain, and will see life and people through a skewed lens. Growing into hurting adults who unleash hurt, accept hurt, and leave collateral damages in their path. Early intervention provides

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children with greater chances of healing, reduced trauma, and reduces self-destructive behaviors. Someone once told her “if you put victims of abuse in a room filled with thousands of strangers they would gravitate to each other.” Even though victims want to experience different emotions, want a better life where the pain ceases, they also want to hold to unhealthy attachments, toxic emotions, and “home” because “home” framed their identity. It taught them all they know and keeps before them all the things they want to let go of. The victim’s intrapersonal and interpersonal relationships are deeply dynamic and troubling, especially when healing is prolonged. Demons from her childhood manifested themselves in her adult life, and her skewed internalization of herself kept reminding her that she was unworthy and some of her behaviors verified those false assumptions. Her intimate relationships often began with grand hopes of each relationship being better than the last. She sought love, something she never experienced and she got lost along the way as every act of “love” took something from her and left her more broken and bruised. However, she always felt as though something or someone was preserving her for a purpose. At the tender age of 25, she married a man 21-years her senior. She thought an older man would show more compassion, or maybe she was seeking the father she never had. On the first night of her marriage she was sexually assaulted. Her marriage became a prison where a possessive “gifted” evangelist used the scripture to dominate, control, and cancel her academic pursuits. Yet, he was seen as a “good” husband through external eyes. As time went on it was revealed that her husband and all his siblings endured physical and verbal abuse at the hands of their father while growing up in Tobago. Once again, two broken people found each other on this journey called life. After every violent episode, her husband would list all the reasons he abused her: “you make me do it because you are too stubborn…you do not listen to me…the bible says wives must submit themselves unto their own husbands in the Lord.” Victims of domestic and intimate partner violence are trapped in a rollercoaster of psychological and emotional turmoil, hate-love, stay-flee, wanting to tell and seeking ways to protect the perpetrator, shame and fear. Just wanting to belong to someone, be accepted, fit in somewhere, have a place to call home, wishing the pain ceases, and ultimately wanting to be loved unconditionally. In seeking to create new emotional states many victims try to save their abusers as they see a reflection of their brokenness in their abusers. They

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see a savior, however, in the process of fighting for something better, they believe they can engage and stand up to their former abusers through their present partners. Not understanding that their unhealed oppressed self keeps them in a childlike traumatic state while in an adult body. They fight to save their abuser(s), believing they will be saved in the process. However, the process of saving the abuser(s) facilitates spaces to empower abusers making victims more invisible, further losing themselves and their power. There is another extreme where victims lash out at nonabusing partners who express healthy attitudes, emotions, and authentic love. When a victim has not begun the process of healing, such emotions may not be fully appreciated as it may feel foreign. At times, the victim may manifest the violence which was despised. When a victim comes faceto-face with self and makes an intentional decision to begin stripping away the layers of trauma and pain, speak their truth and begin their healing journey of “thriving recovery” then they learn to re-wire their brains, change their patterns, and embrace healthy relationships, and authentic love. By 2006 although she was still in a marriage where acts of aggression and violence were manifested, she began to secretly advocate for providing support to women and girls online. The National Library of Port-of-Spain became a safe space, and many of the women she supported online would meet weekly to encourage and support each other. With the support of some staff members they were exposed to online learning. She often felt like a hypocrite because she encouraged women to get educated yet she could not grace the halls of academia. She encouraged women to be bold, and tap into their agency, however, when she left the library to return home her knees buckled as she could never anticipate what mood her husband would be in. As a result of being exposed to online learning and supporting women, she began to tap into her agency. She became a bit bolder to the point of speaking her truth. After a severe beating she summed up the courage to scream at her husband “you should kill me because I am already dead…you say you love me, but every time you beat me you hurt me.” Those words did something to him that night. He released his grip and began to weep like a baby, promising to never hit her again. The violence which many perpetrators express also works against them in more ways than one and the protection that society provides acts as a covering for them to remain invisible. What remains invisible cannot be addressed and what is not addressed remains the same, and that thing which remains the same

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enables innumerable atrocities during times of “peace.” Perpetrators are tormented by their own demons, dying slowly, as they wear too many masks to mention. As a result of her process of internal conscientization, transformative change processes, and external support systems she began to tap into her agency, enabling healing and liberation. Through this process she began to empower herself, amplifying her voice to advocate for marginalized women and children, and women living on the margins of the margins. Women and children are overrepresented as victims and survivors and the impact of domestic and intimate partner violence, sexual assault, and child abuse can be devastating creating many life-altering pathways for the victim, including pipelines to prison, housing and financial insecurity, social exclusion, and invisibility, areas that continue to be under-researched. She became stronger with time as she embarked on her healing journey of intentional growth and learning to love herself by gaining an understanding of the principles of love. This conscious journey is not an easy path as it calls for consistent effort, appreciating and finding her authentic self, falling but being intentional to rise-up because she affirmed that her vision is greater than her fear and suffering. Her purposeful journey has opened many doors for her to speak her truth, encourage other victims and survivors, pursue her academic path, and experience the cruel sting of society as an advocate for women, peace, and security, conflict transformation and peacebuilding, social and human development. In 2013, sixteen and a half years after her marriage, her husband transitioned from this life. Three years before his transition he began his journey of facing his demons through this process. He reimagined and practiced healthy masculinities, created new identities for himself, became emotionally calm, responsive to change, and supportive of his wife’s vision to advocate for the prevention of childhood abuse, trauma, and domestic violence. He understood how violence negatively affected his life and relationships, how he gravitated to the church as a source of survival. Unless the traumas perpetrators endured is not addressed, unless they are carried through a process of conscientization and critical self-reflection to challenge the assumptions which guide their attitudes and behaviors, unless acts of violence are seen as reprehensible and dehumanizing leading to death, then conscious behavior change cannot occur. Faith gave him time and provided space for internal healing so he could transition in peace. Time and grace allowed her to walk with

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him through this process. She saw the torment perpetrators endure, and their transformation once space is provided and they are willing to challenge themselves, acknowledge their unhealthy and toxic behaviors, and how those behaviors hurt and destroy lives. Grace provided her with the opportunity to see the restoration of human dignity and restorative justice in action. It is strange that in most cases, the oppressed through their process of conscientization and healing must also open the eyes of their oppressors. Through her advocacy and prevention work, she has touched and transformed the lives of many women, young adults, and men. She has inspired victims to tap into their agency. She works to build the capacity of individuals and communities of people and those who serve them to prevent domestic, intimate partner and, child violence. Reduce service disparities; raise awareness about trauma-informed approaches; advocate for women, peace, and security; and conflict transformation and peacebuilding. While centering her work on the voices of victims and communities using transformative change approaches, inquiry-based learning, and intersectionality. She has been honored locally and internationally for her work. She is a leader, change-maker, encourager, and collaborator. Her name is Sherna J.A Alexander Benjamin. She continues her “thriving recovery” process being purpose-driven and service-oriented. Though she continues to face various barriers her “vision is greater than her fears” and suffering, and her faith and ignited spiritual connection with God has taught her the meaning of service to self and humanity. In order for this struggle to have meaning, the oppressed must not, in seeking to regain their humanity (which is a way to create it), become in turn oppressors of the oppressors, but rather restorers of the humanity of both. This, then, is the great humanistic and historical task of the oppressed: to liberate themselves and their oppressors as well. The oppressors, who oppress, exploit, and rape by virtue of their power, cannot find in this power the strength to liberate either the oppressed or themselves. Only power that springs from the weakness of the oppressed will be sufficiently strong to free both. Any attempt to “soften” the power of the oppressor in deference to the weakness of the oppressed almost always manifests itself in the form of false generosity; indeed, the attempt never goes beyond this. In order to have the continued opportunity to express their “generosity,” the oppressors must perpetuate injustice as well. An unjust social order is the permanent fount of this “generosity,” which is nourished by death, despair, and poverty. (Freire 2005)

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The Normalization of Violence Impacts the Victim and Perpetrator The history of violence in the Caribbean is rooted in colonialism, patriarchy, slavery, oppression, historical, and generational trauma. The colonial ricochet effects of violence and oppression continue to bleed on many if not all small island developing states in the Caribbean and no institution is more impacted than that of the family which forms the core of our societies. Yet, Black and Brown individuals, families, and communities continue to be disproportionately affected in the victim-perpetrator categories so much so that a high percentage of Afro-Caribbean families have normalized the use of violence, socializing children to accept and perpetrate varying degrees and types of violence as a standard form of communication within and outside of the family unit “The resort to physical violence is an alternative to productive communication by parents…” (Bailey et al. 1998). Socialization through violence contributes to the normalization of violent events in our society and significantly affects how people view, internalize, and intervene when violent episodes occur. Prevention of domestic and intimate partner violence is not seen as a priority because in most families and communities it is accepted as part of the dominant norms and forms part of the subculture. Going against this would be seen as an act of betrayal. Thus enabling generational cycles of violence and trauma that are manifested in multifarious ways, shrouded by a perception of “privacy” because of the terms “domestic and intimate partner.” These terms solidify the societal norm that violence in the home and intimate relationships must remain private, unseen, unheard, and forgotten. According to the Inter-American Development Bank’s 2019 National Women’s Health Survey for Trinidad and Tobago, “21 percent of women agreed that violence between a husband and wife is a private matter…” The same study reports that 1 in 3 women have been victims of intimate partner violence at some point in their lifetime. For years the global community has been presented with the estimates of 1 in 3. And while 1 in 3 remains associated with violence against women every year, domestic violence increases base on regional and global reports. Is 1 in 3 still statistically accurate and truly representative of women and girls affected by violence? Is the repetition of this estimate contributing to desensitization and normalization of this public health pandemic, and is it reducing the urgency to establish proactive preventive programs? One may argue that it may be having the reverse effect or that the estimate of 1 in 3 is driving

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change, preventing violence, and holding perpetrators to account while motivating all actors to invest in the recovery of women and children. Domestic and intimate partner violence and child abuse are not isolated to Trinidad and Tobago. The Caribbean and Latin America remain the most violent region in the world for women outside of a conflict context even though many countries have established legal frameworks in place to address violence against women (UNDP 2017). The normalization of violence spills over into the wider society and protecting perpetrators places the entire communities at risk. Normalization silences the victim, encourages feelings of shame and mistrust, and promotes national brutalization of women and girls at the state level. This places victims in a space to believe they are deserving of the violence. Domestic and intimate partner violence is connected to larger aspects of violence (such as systemic, political, and symbolic) that must be addressed and deconstructed to build violent-free cultures. Yet the question remains, why does domestic and intimate partner violence exist? There is no single sure-fire response, however, deconstructing the normalization of violence and addressing the larger aspects of violence, oppression, and trauma, and the systems and beliefs that enable them can be a great starting point to investigate why this type of interpersonal violence exist and why families continue to normalize violence within the home and community. According to Bailey et al. (1998) Strategies to control the activities and behaviour of children often resort to a great deal of physical punishment. Physical punishment is a technique that is indeed seen as natural in efforts to keep children on the straight and narrow, and warranted in cases where repeated warnings do not succeed. Even the young participants saw whipping as a necessary element in the breaking in process. (p. 23)

This normalization of family and community violence overflows into the public domains, ultimately directing how political actors and social influencers work to address and prevent it. Choosing rather to forget and blame victims than holding themselves and perpetrators to account. “In the absence of strong political movements for human rights, the active process of bearing witness inevitably gives way to the active process of forgetting” (Herman 2020). This forgetting enables human rights violations and undermines the fabric of society slowing sustainable and human development. When this occurs, state actors become the upholders of

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grave atrocities further victimizing people, viewing them as enemies of national progress, seeking undue attention, and burdens to the national purse. In those moments the state becomes the greatest perpetrator of violence against victims of domestic and intimate partner violence. Both victims and perpetrators are adversely affected by the presence of violence, contributing to the undermining of families, communities, and countries. The presence of domestic and intimate partner violence adds excessive strain to service providing agencies, contributing to direct and indirect economic costs to victims and perpetrators, public, private, and non-governmental agencies. This cost can run into billions “Intimate partner violence costs the USA economy $12.6 billion on an annual basis” (WHO 2004). The economic costs of domestic and intimate partner violence can contribute to homelessness and financial insecurity as victim’s mental health and well-being can be adversely affected, their decisionmaking processes can be impaired, systems are not designed to support them, and building healthy relationships can be overwhelming. Employee absenteeism may arise as a result of forced isolation, physical bruises and disfigurement, hospitalization, legal processes, and mental health challenges, contributing to low workplace productivity and conflict, loss of income, or termination. A high percentage of victims do not have any informal or formal education and financial lack limits the pursuance of the same even when victims leave their abusers. This lack of finances contributes to food insecurity and further impacts victim’s health and well-being as they are unable to seek specialized medical and mental health care, acquire medications, fulfill legal obligations, and adequately care for self and children. These are some of the multiple issues that add to victim’s existing and preexisting traumas, inclusive of systemic barriers which act as hindrances to their advancement, limiting opportunities to change their lived realities to live fulfilled and abundant lives. While perpetrators are also impacted, the weightier costs are carried by victims. However, perpetrators may experience job loss, discrimination, and loss of freedoms as a result of incarceration, be issued with restraining and judicial orders to keep the peace. The latter three may not be effective deterrents nor do they reduce recidivism. If a perpetrator is the sole breadwinner, his removal from the home may place the family in a financially unstable situation and the standard of living which family members once enjoyed will be disrupted. Financial security is one of the main reasons victims remain, among keeping the family together, pressure from family members not to report, death threats from abusers, personal uncertainty

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about the future, lack of adequate support systems, diminished trust in law enforcement and judicial processes, public officials and agencies, societal shaming, mental health and physical challenges including many other internal and external factors. The Way Forward Incorporating a Multidimensional Coordinated Approach There is no single remedy for the prevention of intimate partner and domestic violence. No single approach to prevent, reduce, and ultimately eliminate this egregious violation of human rights, and no single root cause can be cited. However, society has a civic duty and responsibility to take solution-oriented actions through strategic collaboration and community engagement, to create ways to restore human dignity to victims, create cultures of peace and coexistence, and work toward the rehabilitation of victims and offenders. Incorporating a multidimensional coordinated approach that is family and healing centered, trauma-informed , and data and evidence-driven is necessary for prevention, to provide adequate and responsive interventions, and working toward elimination. This approach calls for public, private, and non-governmental agencies to reconceptualize their programs and services. This is especially true in light of the COVID-19 health pandemic which has drastically disrupted lives, changing lived realities daily, exacerbated socioeconomic issues, and amplified intimate partner and domestic violence. Forcing discussions around collaboration, moral leadership, reimagining a better world and understanding, why discrimination, oppression, interpersonal violence, inequity, and inequality exist, and what are their root causes and drivers seeking out ways to prevent and eliminate them so they are not carried over into the creation of this “new world” being spoken of. This approach calls for a Central-Level Coordinated Response, Local Government–Level Coordinated Response, and a Community-Level Coordinated Response that feeds into each other. Centering budgets, policies and legislation, advocacy, programs, services, support, and research on the safety and voices of victims, families, and communities. Especially vulnerable and marginalized populations and populations living on the margins of the margins. While creating transformative spaces for restorative justice for the rehabilitation of perpetrators. This approach utilizes collaborative, asset-based and, community-led components. Local

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government is a key stakeholder in this process as they are responsible for boroughs and towns and represent the same at the central government level as such their autonomy is crucial for this process. Systemic change is built into this approach as it reveals service disparities and inequity, fosters a culture of challenging individual and group assumptions and attitudes that drive behaviors around the perpetration of domestic and intimate partner violence and unhealthy dominate norms that enable inequality, restricts access limiting victims agency as a result of systemic barriers. For change to occur root causes must be addressed. Investigating root causes of violence include, facilitating spaces where stakeholders can engage in conversations to unpack systemic violence and injustice. A multidimensional and coordinated approach allows for the: • Development of healing-centered engagements; trauma-informed approaches; and culturally specific services and programs; • Collective development of robust people and family-centered prevention and intervention strategies and programs; • Development of community-specific educational programs; • Monitoring and evaluation of processes; • Agility, responsiveness, and adaptability to processes; • Reduction of resource wastage; • Driving and tracking social impact; • Creation of clear pathways for communication between communities, government, private and non-governmental agencies; • Addressing duplication of programs and services; • Promotion of data aggregation and the development and amendment of data-driven and evidence-based public policy and legislation; • Creation and maintenance of interagency and interinstitutional cooperation, multidisciplinary teams, and interdisciplinary approaches; • Incorporation of technology-driven tools; • Creation of a Domestic Violence, Peace, and Human Development National Consortium to address critical and emerging needs of victims; • Creation of innovative and creative processes to develop bystander intervention models and note evolving practices and acts of violence.

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Violence within the home is used as a weapon of destruction and the escalation of this violence contributes to family, community, and national insecurity and decay. For many, the home is not a sanctuary, especially for vulnerable inhabitants. Rather it is a place of violence, trauma, and death. Domestic and intimate partner violence has found a place of abode within homes and the perpetration of the same is enabled by a multiplicity of factors. Preventing this type of interpersonal violence calls for moral leadership at all levels and demands collective societal responsibility to make the invisible visible. What is not seen cannot be named, defined, demystified, nor addressed. Visibility forces society to remember, take responsibility and act. It keeps the names of victims alive. It enables substantive support establishing processes for rehabilitation, holding perpetrators accountable, and reduces generational cycles of trauma and abuse. Visibility provides endless opportunities for liberation, healing, and co-creating pathways to build a violent-free, inclusive, equitable, and equal world for all where humanity in all its forms and colors is celebrated, and a world where victims can shout “I Can Breathe.”

Notes 1. Judith Lewis Herman, MD, is Professor of Psychiatry (part-time) at Harvard Medical School. 2. A connected and interconnected sequence of violent acts that enable unhealthy social and cultural norms about domestic and intimate partner violence and the actual perpetration of varying degrees of violence which main purpose is to cause harm.

References Bailey, W., Branche, C., & Franc, E. L. (1998). Parenting and Socialisation in Caribbean Family Systems. Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Studies, 28. Freire, P. (2005). Pedagogy of the Oppressed. In P. Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (pp. 44–45). New York: The Continuum International Publishing Group Inc. Herman, J. L. (2020, March 25). Trauma and Recovery. Retrieved from Goodreads: https://www.goodreads.com/work/quotes/530025-traumaand-recovery?page=2#:~:text=%E2%80%9CIn%20the%20absence%20of%20s trong,as%20well%20as%20individual%20consciousness.%E2%80%9D.

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Nations, U. (2020, June 23). What Is Domestic Abuse? Retrieved from United Nations: https://www.un.org/en/coronavirus/what-is-domestic-abuse. Pemberton, C., & Joseph, J. (2018, February). National Women’s Health Survey for Trinidad and Tobago: Final Report. Retrieved May 18, 2020, from Inter-American Development Bank: https://publications.iadb.org/en/ national-womens-health-survey-trinidad-and-tobago-final-report. UNDP, U. W. (2017). From Commitment to Action: Policies to End Violence Against Women in Latin America and the Caribbean. City of Knowledge: UNDP, UN WOMEN. Retrieved March 12, 2020, from https://www.latina merica.undp.org/content/rblac/en/home/library/womens_empowerment/ del-compromiso-a-la-accion–politicas-para-erradicar-la-violenci.html. WHO, W. H. (2004). The Economic Dimensions of Interpersonal Violence. Geneva: World Health Organization.

CHAPTER 15

‘Deepening the Dialogue—Strengthening Domestic Violence Policy and Charting a Way Forward’ Oscar Noel Ocho

Introduction Domestic violence is not a new phenomenon, but a sociocultural issue that has affected individuals across ethic divides, socioeconomic groups, and cultural beliefs systems. Within recent times, this phenomenon has caused an increase in awareness among policy makers as well as social activist groups as a result of the increasing incidence of homicide among women in intimate partner relationships. With the increased level of homicide, domestic violence has taken on a worldwide emphasis bearing in mind the sociocultural nuances associated with the problem. For the most part, authors, activists, and policy makers have focused on the issue of domestic violence as a behavioural action targeted against

O. N. Ocho (B) Faculty of Medical Sciences, School of Nursing, UWI, St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_15

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females by men. There is a tacit, as well as, an overt sociocultural discourse that expects and facilitates the dialogue that is stereotypical in nature. Such a dialogue facilitates the discourse that males are perpetrators while women are the victims of the most heinous acts associated with domestic violence. However, this dialogue fails to take into consideration the multifaceted nature of domestic violence. While domestic violence extends beyond the physical abuse, it is the experience of physical assault that is perpetrated by the male towards the female that allows the issue to take on such a potent reaction. This perspective continues to position the argument from a very simplistic perspective as it is focused on the epidemiology of domestic violence and not the antecedent factors that contribute to the phenomenon. The focus on the antecedent factors could unearth perspectives that may be uncomfortable to deal with from a socialization perspective. This argument is posited within the context that domestic violence is not as dichotomous as the average person would like to believe but a real and nuanced sociocultural phenomenon. As a consequence, consideration should be given to the multifaceted nature of domestic violence since both men and women are victims as well as perpetrators.

Gender Based Violence Affects Males and Females From a global perspective, domestic violence is a phenomenon that affects women more than men (World Health Organization 2013; Stöckl et al. 2013; Smith et al. 2017). The World Health Organization (2013) in its global estimates of domestic violence against women indicate at least one third of women who are in intimate partner relationships have experienced domestic violence that is either physical or sexual in nature. The report suggests that the problem of violence against women is a globally pervasive and requires decided action among all stakeholders since a violence free environment is a fundamental right for all genders. It has been normative to accept that gender based violence or intimate partner violence is usually synonymous with violence against women with little consideration or thought being given to violence against men. Considerable data are available that shows that 33% of women experience domestic violence at some time during their lifetime (WHO 2013). By extension, there has been little acknowledgement of the existence of gender based or intimate partner violence that is perpetrated by women. This may be as a result of the sociocultural nuances that makes it easier

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to identify with the existence of such a problem from the perspective of females as victims rather than perpetrators. Intimate partner homicide is more likely to be perpetrated by men although it is perpetrated by women less frequently (Stöckl et al. 2013; Smith et al. 2017). This phenomenon is not associated with any specific country since it is a global epidemic that is evident across continents with the statistics showing similar incidence among women and men with women more likely to be killed by an intimate partner (Stöckl et al. 2013; Smith et al. 2011, 2017; Abrahams et al. 2013). A National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey Report from the United States showed that women are more than twice likely to experience sexual violence than men, in that 1:3 women and 1:6 men experience intimate partner violence (Smith et al. 2017). The report stated further that approximately 6 in 10 females and 4 in 10 males were stalked by a current or former intimate partner or 1 in 4 women and 1 in 9 men have experienced contact sexual violence, physical violence, and/or stalking by an intimate partner in their lifetime and reported an IPV-related impact. An important observation from the national report was that most cases of rape among men were perpetrated by another male however, those who reported being coerced to perform sexual penetration was facilitated by females. In a systematic review on intimate partner homicide, Stöckl et al. (2013) concluded that women are six times more likely than men to be victims of homicide and this is more evident among high income countries and Southeast Asia. Data from the Caribbean, as well as Trinidad and Tobago, support the evidence that intimate partner violence is generally perpetrated by males on females (Pembreton and Joseph 2018). While the evidence supports physical violence and homicide as the major facets of domestic and intimate partner violence, men also suffer violence from women, albeit differently, in that it is usually emotional. When one considers the homicide statistics in Trinidad and Tobago for 2018, women represented 47/516 or 9% of the homicides yet the response from the women’s groups was centred on women being murdered with little to no consideration that men are dying violently, albeit under the hands of other men.

Complexity of Domestic Violence The World Health Organization (2013) also argues that some of the factors that contribute to the continuation of violence against women

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relate to sociocultural, as well as, economic factors. These include low academic achievement among males and females, unequal gender status, and lower socioeconomic status. While these may be so from a global perspective, oftentimes analysis fails to take into consideration the unique sociocultural nuances associated with socialization and relationships. This chapter is not advocating the excusing of male domestic violence on women but is posited within a context that challenges the stereotypical norms and narratives that continue to inform the dialogue on domestic violence as a phenomenon. Societies, including the Caribbean, use stereotypical and dichotomous language for domestic violence which makes this a simplistic social dialogue. In the absence of a commensurate appreciation and acknowledgement of the complexities associated with such a phenomenon, the arguments may continue to be one sided. In such contexts, the arguments are presented as if there is a battle of the sexes from the ‘us vs. them’, and ‘male vs. female’ divide. In such circumstances, it is easy to see men as perpetrators and women as victims which does not allow for greater levels of interrogation of sociocultural complexities associated with the phenomenon. Cook (2009) offers insightful perspectives on the epidemiology of domestic violence that is not rooted in mainstream literature from a sociological perspective. His book is centred on the experiences of both men and women who have been affected by domestic violence. However, there is a deliberate attempt to broaden the dialogue by arguing the domestic violence against men is a silent epidemic. Such a discourse is not only welcomed but a needed response to deliberately change the narrative in an attempt to examine the sociocultural imperatives that affect the continuation of this phenomenon. In doing so, it does not negate the reality that women are more likely to be affected by domestic violence but offers a pragmatic attempt to broaden the dialogue in examining this phenomenon from a holistic perspective. From a global perspective when the reporting of domestic violence experiences are considered, women are by far more likely to report having experienced intimate partner violence than men. On an average, women are more than ten times more likely to report their experiences than men (Cook 2009). This may be associated with the availability of social and legal supportive frameworks and services that are sensitive to women. By extension, men may be more unlikely to report having been a ‘victim’ of domestic violence since they are not expected to be a ‘victim’ or allow

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themselves to be victims of such abuse. While domestic violence is not the major factor that contributes to male admissions in the emergency room, Cook (2009) contends, an average of one-fifth of male admissions is as a result of having experienced a domestic violence episode. However, this is more likely to occur in a heterosexual than same gender relationship.

Sociocultural Construction of Masculinity How men project themselves within a society has its roots and identity in slavery. Some Caribbean researchers are of the view that Caribbean masculinity has its antecedents in slavery and colonization since pleasure, power, economic, and domestic domination are core elements in the development of masculine identity (Lewis 2003, 2004; Beckles 1996). Men are expected to be powerful and in control of their environment, which includes their relationships. Any shift in this level of control could be the basis of how the notion of masculine identity is questioned. Masculine identity assumes centrality in this discourse since it is the meanings that are associated with ‘being a man’ rather than just ‘being male’ that acts as the pendulum upon which men negotiate their notions of manhood and masculinity. Lewis (2003, p. 103) argues that the ‘European male domination of the social relations within Caribbean society laid the foundation for institutionalization of gender inequality in the region’ thus allowing the privileging of masculinity. He further propositioned that the institutionalization of patriarchy, as an extension of slavery, not only allows for the domination of women but the domination of men who are considered as representing masculine identities that are inconsistent with hegemony. In this regard, there is little acceptance for any representation of masculinity that is inconsistent with ‘ideal’ masculine behaviour. Beckles (1996, p. 3) contends that Caribbean masculinity developed consistent with “(P)olitical authority, economic power, and domestic dominance held together the values of white elite masculinity that was culturally familiar to black men”. He also argues that Caribbean men ‘were relegated and negated to otherness’; however they understood that ‘(T)he possession of power, profits, glory and pleasure was specified as a core element in the articulation of masculine ideologies’ (p. 3). This complexity is further exacerbated by Barriteau (2000) who postulated that masculinity is easy to define but difficult to achieve. This is intensified by the notion of masculinity as a fluid concept supported

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by the seminal work by Connell (2005) when he posited the concept of masculinities. However, within recent times, this representation of masculinity as a fluid concept has been challenged from a practical perspective (Jewkes et al. 2015). The concept of masculinity in the Caribbean may be similar to other societies, in that it is not a fluid but more of a static concept. Nevertheless; there may be some unique characteristics of masculinity in the Caribbean which is facilitated and nuanced by socialization. Lewis (2003) noted that masculinity has had a limited focus by social scientists in the Caribbean region since gender issues have been synonymous with women’s issues. He contends that, in the Caribbean, hegemonic masculinity is predominant and provided with higher social acceptability which contributes to the high level of homophobia experienced by men who do not subscribe to the notion of a hegemonic sexual identity. It could be argued that the small population sizes of the Caribbean islands place psychological pressure on men to conform to the hegemonic construct of masculinity since they all function in social environments that do not allow for anonymity. Lewis (2004, p. 262) also argues that masculinity ‘is not merely about how men relate to women, but about how men relate to other men, how they seek approval, honor and respect of other men, and how they weigh and ponder the sanctions of other men’. Other Caribbean social scientists argue that masculinity is a multilayered phenomenon (Lewis 2003), practiced differently by different men (Lewis 2006), is rarely static or unchanging (Parker 2003) and not a homogenous construct (Lewis 2004). The heterogeneous construct of Caribbean masculinity is a source of ideological contention since masculinity is viewed as a privileged ideology over femininity (Lewis 2003). Beckles (2004) argues that not all men espouse hegemonic masculinity hence this ideological position is contested across ethnic, cultural, and social classes. Lewis (2003, p. 122) also notes that the ‘multilayered phenomenon’ of Caribbean masculinity transcends sociocultural boundaries. While this ‘multilayered phenomenon’ may be explained from a theoretical perspective, in real life experiences it presents challenges for men in the Caribbean since hegemonic masculinity is considered the culturally ‘ideal’ representation of masculinity. One of the contentious factors that exacerbates the tension associated with masculinity as fluid as opposed to fixed relates to the policing of masculine behaviour. In this regard, men who do not subscribe to

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an identity that is associated with hegemony are often ridiculed and called ‘disparaging names’ in an attempt to register their disaffection and demand for compliance with the masculine ‘ideal’. In exploring the social construction of masculinity from a Trinidad and Tobago perspective, findings showed that masculinity was not a fluid but more of a static and illusionary concept among men (Ocho unpublished). According to Lewis (2003, p. 107), unique characteristics of Caribbean males including being ‘powerful, exceeding promiscuous, derelict in his parental duties, often absent from the household and, if present, unwilling to undertake his share of domestic responsibilities … possessing a propensity for female battering and a demonstrated valorization of alcohol consumption’. They are also expected to provide physical protection for their families, be fearless, the breadwinner of the family as well as sexually virile and competent (Lewis 2006). ‘Trinbagonian’ calypsonians also encourage men who are not as sexually virile or do not have the economic wherewithal ascribed to the hegemonic form of masculinity to avail themselves of aphrodisiacs to ensure optimal sexual functioning with their female partners (Lewis 2006). Lewis (2003, p. 95) also observes that ‘(F)ew acts are more threatening to men than a public interrogation or ridicule of their masculinity by a woman’. To be sexually virile is an important part of the social construction of Caribbean masculine identity since it assists in defining masculine behaviour. Nevertheless, there are tensions about masculinity as a construct as opposed to what is experienced. Barriteau (2000, p. 24) highlights this tension by stating that ‘(M)anhood is clearly defined but increasingly difficult to achieve and comprised almost exclusively on three elements sexuality/sexual identity, man’s primary role as economic provider and scriptural authority for man as family head’. The perpetuation of negative stereotypes about Caribbean men as being sexually irresponsible may be more perception than reality. Chevannes (2001) studied male socialization in five Caribbean communities and reported Caribbean males were assuming responsibility in nurturing their children as well as their commitment to their families. This suggests that Caribbean men may be more proactive in redefining masculine identity based on performance than is readily admitted. However, men may find it difficult to break commonly held negative characterizations in the absence of a supportive environment that challenges stereotypes as normative. From a theoretical perspective, masculinity in the Caribbean has been identified as a plural concept; in reality, it has been described as

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almost ‘fixed’. The almost ‘fixed’ notion of masculinity contributes to the negative response to subordinated forms of masculinity throughout the Caribbean. While some islands including Trinidad and Tobago and Barbados have been identified as less homophobic than Jamaica, St. Lucia, and Guyana (Lewis 2003, 2006), cultural art forms have been used to express homophobic sanctions against individuals who adopt subordinated masculinity. This includes overt calls among Jamaican reggae artists to coalesce and express the wrath of men from the hegemonic masculine community to physically destroy and annihilate homosexuals (Lewis 2003). By extension, the policing of masculine behaviours also acts as a sociocultural buffer in having men redirect and renegotiate notions of masculine identity (Ocho unpublished). One of the critical observations associated with males as perpetrators of intimate partner homicide relate to the sociocultural nuances including lower literacy and income as well as multiple relationships and the level of discord within the primary relationship (Abrahams et al. 2013). This argument resonates with individuals at all levels of society since there is an attempt to not only continue the projection of the stereotype of men as perpetrators but to rationalize the antecedents to male abusive behaviours. However, a similar level of emphasis on profiling or conducting similar socio-demographic analyses on women who are perpetrators of intimate partner violence and homicide could not be found. There is general consensus that intimate partner violence is rooted in gender inequity especially in situations where male domination over women is the dominant narrative (Abrahams et al. 2013). By extension, women who subscribe to the sociocultural narrative that justifies female subservience and males who accept their hierarchical position of superiority over females act as a framework for the perpetuation of domestic violence. From a Caribbean perspective, intimate partner violence is almost always expected to be exclusively male perpetrated since this is the projection that resonates more readily from a sociocultural context. However, it does not negate the fact that men also experience intimate partner violence that is perpetrated by females. Erikson et al. (2017) argues that while men experience violence that is perpetrated by women, this is generally not treated with the same level of disaffection as if it was perpetrated by other men. In fact, such an experience can be construed as being justified since it may have been facilitated as a response to some kind of emotional or physical pressure. This may be exacerbated by a perception that women are not as strong

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as men and it may not be possible for them to have the same effect on men should they perpetrate any act of violence. This may be attributed to the position that it is more likely to excuse the behaviour of women since men may have been more likely to have behaved in such a way that justifies their behaviour (Erikson et al. 2017). The ‘#Me Too’ movement has done much to reposition the argument that women are the victims of domestic and intimate partner violence. It has empowered women to assume a position of resilience in getting their message of abuse in the forefront so that they could receive the necessary social, political, and legal support in confronting this socially unacceptable practice. Little attention has been given to addressing this challenge from a gender neutral perspective since the underlying assumption is that it is not perpetrated by women against men. While there is sensitivity of the need to involve men and boys in the movement, the focus remains more on their resocialization about being better able to respect women without a commensurate level of sensitivity that such a level of respect should be mutual. When consideration is given to a woman who murders a man, there is some sociological explanation or justification she may have been a victim of ‘battered wife syndrome’ or may have suffered ‘temporary insanity’. However, there is no such support for men in similar situations although they may have been victims of gender based violence, albeit emotional/psychological. Such violence acts may not leave any physical marks but the psychological wounds may have left indelible marks that may be extremely difficult to erase. While such behaviours should never be excused, a need exists to dissect the social construction of masculinity from a Caribbean perspective to develop an appreciation and understanding of how gender based violence is constructed and portrayed.

Complexity of Men as Victims While women clamour for equal rights and equity, the social structures are geared towards women and their needs. For a man to reach out for help is to be considered less than manly. Inherent in this analysis is the power differential which is consistent with Barriteau’s (2000) contention about masculinity as defined may be different from masculinity as experienced. This is a complex perspective since men are not defined based on their biological but the sociological imperatives that are evident by

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their behaviours or their alignment to sociocultural norms. Since men are expected to demonstrate control and dominance in matters related to sexual roles which exacerbates the notion that women are subservient, any indication that men are victims of gender based violence is diametrically opposed to such a notion. What is even more challenging that intensifies such a level of complexity is the notion that men should not acknowledge that women, who are supposed to be the weaker sex, do perpetrate gender based or intimate partner violence. To do so may be construed as an acknowledgement that as a man, he is the weaker sex and does not ascribe to the sociocultural expectation of masculinity. In an environment where masculinity is policed to ensure that men align to the sociocultural nuances associated with masculinity as performative, this further compounds the dilemma. In such circumstances, men may be forced to be constantly negotiating, renegotiating, and redefining notions of masculinity to determine some level of comfort with their masculine identity. In this regard, men may be more inclined to adopt behaviours that are socially acceptable by showing restraint and self-control since both are what is expected of him. In so doing, he may be able to demonstrate a position of feeling that he is in charge of his environment. Demonstrating constraint or control, could be extremely challenging especially if, in his estimation, his manhood is not respected. This can be exacerbated by the expectation of his peers that any woman who is disrespectful of his masculine identity deserves to feel the extent of his ire. In such circumstances, he may experience some measure of cognitive dissonance in satisfying the expectation of his peers to demand that his female companion subjects herself to his authority or respect his partner as someone whom he loves. Masculine identity is central to men’s understanding of themselves in relation to other men as well as women. Within the Caribbean context, men’s identity is also intricately linked to their sexual identity which supports the notion that men are not the weaker sex. To ignore emotional pressure is a complex issue since it is rooted in a level of cognitive dissonance that is supported, but not validated by his peers and the wider society. The very notion of walking away from conflicts could be construed as strength in one context and as weakness in another. This constant renegotiation of his masculine identity often forms the basis for his actions in an attempt to align him to masculine normative behaviours or demonstrating control.

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The complexity of gender based violence must therefore be examined within the context of men’s reaction to emotional pressure. For the most part, men perpetrate sexual and physical violence within intimate partner relationships; however, women are more likely to perpetrate emotional and verbal violence against men. Part of this reasoning may be attributed to the notion of women’s understanding and acceptance of the notion that they are ‘weaker’ than men from a physiological perspective. Women may be more potent with the use of language. It is the potency of language that provides a basis for women to assume a position of power since words that are used at appropriate time could prove more debilitating to a man’s ego than any act of physical violence. What is even more complex in this context is the difference in perspectives of men as opposed to women perpetrating violence on each other. In the case of women, evidence of the perpetration of abuse may not be as serious or warrant action if it was done from the other perspective.

Social Support Systems Female Rather Than Gender Sensitive In reviewing the literature on women as perpetrators of intimate partner violence, Camey et al. (2007) argue that in spite of the evidence which shows that women perpetrate intimate partner violence there is not a commensurate level of seriousness with which men, as victims, is addressed. Part of the challenge with being able to develop an appreciation for the epidemiology of the problem from a male perspective relates to how data are collected and whether men are asked the appropriate questions during emergency room interventions (Camey et al. 2007). There is a likelihood that the way questions are framed creates opportunities to solicit information that could be considered as intrusive for identifying whether the woman’s presentation was related to an intimate partner, violence related incident. On the contrary, even when there may be attempts to solicit information from men in this regard, it may be more likely to be skewed towards a non-intimate partner violent encounter. This, in and of itself, poses some measure of cognitive dissonance for men, especially if the predisposing encounter and evidence of trauma were perpetrated by a female partner. It is this apparent sensitivity to the needs of women that continues to facilitate the perpetuation of the social system being skewed towards female rather than gender neutral.

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In this regard, social support services available to men as separate and apart from women are not gender sensitive, especially in the way men are catered for whenever they encounter a violent experience. A case in point relates to the level of support that a man can expect to receive from the protective services if he chooses to make a formal report. There are countless stories that have been told anecdotally about men who felt emasculated and dehumanized whenever they presented themselves for protection and support after encountering a domestic or intimate partner violence experience. The central theme of their stories has been about how their masculine identity was perceived by those who should have been there to provide some level of protection and validation about their masculine identity. Further, there is a tacit view that to restrain oneself from being violent and abusive to one’s partner could be construed as evidence of strength to be men with the capacity to control their responses to unwanted and unwarranted attacks by female partners. Rather than leaving with a sense of validation for their almost heroic efforts to confront the sociocultural imperatives of hegemonic masculinity, they are further emasculated for not living up to the norms that exacerbates the perpetuation of violence, as a response, as normative. One of the greatest challenges experienced by some men within the context of the Caribbean is the perceived sensitivity of the legal system towards females rather than males. In many instances, it is much easier to receive protective orders against men than it is against women. Further, this often results in men having to either remove themselves or having to be forcibly removed from their homes in an attempt to provide some measure of physical and emotional protection for the women. This could be extremely challenging in situations where he may still be required to continue payments as a result of loan arrangements or may have lost his investment, especially in situations where he may have invested his earnings after retirement. The emotional trauma associated with this seemingly unfair treatment before the law can be viewed as a gender sensitive response rather than equity before the law.

Strengthening Domestic Violence Policy and Charting the Way Forward It is clear that there are no easy answers as to the proactive response of national systems to address the issues associated with gender based or intimate partner violence from a gender neutral perspective. This is particularly challenging as a consequence of greater emphasis being placed on

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protecting women as vulnerable species. Even the involvement of men in the lives and experiences of women that was conceptualized by the International Conference of Population and Development (ICPD) focused on greater responsibility among men while calling for greater empowerment of women (United Nations Population Fund 2014). This is of particular concern bearing in mind that from an international perspective, gender equity is almost always associated with women empowerment with little or no attention being placed on equity in relationships and reciprocity. In a global environment where women are being exposed to empowerment opportunities from an academic as well as socioeconomic perspective there could be greater levels of challenge in ensuring that there is common ground and respect in relationships. This could be exacerbated by the global economic situation where women may be able to achieve greater economic viability which can act as a framework for repositioning them with the power differentials within relationships that hitherto was the domain of men. While this should not be construed as a negative social reality there are inherent challenges that, as a society, calls for policy action to address this reality from a policy perspective. As a consequence, there must be a redefinition of gender equity that is truly sensitive to the repositioning of gender relations that challenges social norms and prescriptions. In so doing, gender equity will not be addressed from the perspective of power differentials but complementarity and reciprocal responsibility. By extension, this may be one of the most challenging gender normative perspectives held by men within a sociocultural context that accentuates male domination over women. Such a perspective will necessitate a change in the communication strategy where men continue to be portrayed as perpetrators of violence with little sense of sensitivity to the needs of women. This may result in greater levels of cognitive dissonance within communities as they grapple with changing stereotypical images of men within the context of family and social relationships. This will require more than the use of ‘role models’ to present social messages as a public relations strategy. It must encompass a deliberate attempt to change conversations and a resocialization of both men and women about the imperatives of gender based empowerment within relationships. There is a likelihood that can result in relationship building that will encompass validation of men and women without having to resort to determining the bases for power differentials.

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Governments, as well as social organizations must play their part in changing the agenda with a view to developing more neutral and sensitive gender based policies. In an environment where there are strong social networks that facilitate interactions among women, there should be attempts to encourage greater levels of male engagement that is not construed as superficial but deliberate. By extension, international organizations must commit to a change in policy recommendations that goes beyond female empowerment at the expense of male involvement. The socialization of males must also entail a deliberate attempt to re-socialize men that is inconsistent with gender norms and beliefs. No longer could societies be content to facilitate the dialogue of male power and domination over women but accentuate the importance of complementarity and functionality within social spheres. However, this will result in a renegotiation of perspectives that have been accepted as normative for generations. While there are no prescriptions that will satisfy all societies, there must be a commensurate level of sensitivity that it may take generations to recalibrate the imperative of gender normative relations. Nevertheless, we cannot afford to lose hope and succumb to the negative perceptions that continue to exacerbate the notion that through dialogue we can create a new normative perspective of gender equity in relationships. This is not the responsibility of an individual but the society as a collective.

References Abrahams Naeemah, Mathews Shanaaz, Martin Lorna J, Lombard Carl, Jewkes Rachel. 2013. Intimate Partner Femicide in South Africa in 1999 and 2009. PLOS Medicine 10(4): e1001412. Published online 2013 Apr 2. https://doi. org/10.1371/journal.pmed.1001412. Barriteau Violet Eudine. 2000. Re-Examining issues of “male marginalization” and “masculinity” in the Caribbean: The need for a new policy approach. Working Paper 4, Center for Gender and Development Studies. Barbados. Beckles H. 1996. Black masculinity in Caribbean Slavery. WAND Occasional Paper 2: 1–14. Beckles, H. 2004. Black masculinity in caribbean slavery. In: Reddock, R. (ed.) Interrogating Caribbean Masciulinities Theoretical and Emperical Analyses. Mona Jamaica: The University of the West Indies. Camey Michelle, Buttell Fred and Dutton Don. 2007. Women who perpetrate intimate partner violence: A review of the literature with recommendations for treatment. Aggression and Violent Behaviour 12: 108–115.

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Chevannes B. 2001. Learning to be a man: Culture, socialization and gender identity of five Caribbean communities. Mona, The University of the West Indies. Connell RW. 2005. Masculinities. Cambridge, Polity Press. Cook Phillip W. 2009. Abused men: The hidden side of domestic violence. Westport, CT, Praeger Publishers. Erickson KA, Jonnson M, Langille JI, Walsh Z. 2017. Victim gender, rater attitudes, and rater violence history influence perceptions of intimate partner violence. Violence & Victims 32(3): 533–544. https://doi.org/10.1891/ 0886-6708.vv-d-15-00086. Jewkes Rachel, Robert Morrell, Jeff Hearn, Emma Lundqvist, David Blackbeard, Graham Lindegger, Michael Quayle, Yandisa Sikweyiya & Lucas Gottzén. 2015. Hegemonic masculinity: Combining theory and practice in gender interventions. Culture, Health & Sexuality 17(sup2): 96–111. https://doi. org/10.1080/13691058.2015.1085094. Lewis L. 2003. Caribbean Masculinity, Unpacking the narrative In: Lewis, L. (ed.) The Culture of Gender and Sexuality in the Caribbean. Gainsville, FL, University Press of Florida. Lewis L. 2004. Caribbean masculinity at the Fin de Siecle. In: Rheddock, R. (ed.) Interrogating Caribbean masculinities: Theoretical and empirical analyses. Kingston, The UWI Press. Lewis L. 2006. Unsettling masculinity in the Caribbean: Facing a future without guarantees [Online]. The International Working Group on Gender, Macroeconomics, and International Economics, 2012. Ocho Oscar Noel. 2013. Masculinity, health beliefs and implications for health policy among men in Trinidad and Tobago (Doctorate in Public Health Thesis, unpublished). Parker, R. 2003. Culture, political economy, and sex gender systems: Masculinity in Latin America and the Caribbean In: Ramirez, R., Garcia-Toro, V., I & Cunningham, I. (eds.) Caribbean Masculinities, Working paper. San Juan: HIV/AIDS Research and Education Center (CIEVS). Pembreton Cecile and Joseph Joel. 2018. National Women’s health survey for Trinidad and Tobago: Final report. Inter-American Development Bank. Smith Kevin, Coleman Kathryn, Eder Simon and Hall Philip. 2011. Homicides, Firearm Offences and Intimate Violence 2009/10. Supplementary Volume 2 to Crime in England and Wales 2009/10 (2nd Edition). Crown Copyright. http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/opengovernmentlicence/. Smith Sharon G, Chen Jieru, Basile Kathleen C, Gilbert Leah K, Merrick Melissa T, Patel Nimesh, Walling Margie and Jain Anurag. 2017. The National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey (NISVS): 2010–2012 State Report. National Center for Injury Prevention and Control Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Atlanta, Georgia.

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Stöckl Heidi, Devries Karen, Rotstein Alexandra, Abrahams Naeemah, Campbell Jacquelyn, Watts Charlotte, Garcia Moreno Claudia. 2013. The global prevalence of intimate partner homicide: A systematic review. The Lancet 382(9895): 859–865. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(13)61030-2. United Nations Population Fund. 2014. Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population Development, 20th Anniversary Edition. ISBN 978-0-89714-022-5. World Health Organization. 2013. Global and regional estimates of violence against women: Prevalence and health effects of intimate partner violence and non-partner sexual violence. https://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/ publications/violence/9789241564625/en/. ISBN 978 92 4 156462 5.

CHAPTER 16

Accounting for Episodes of Domestic Violence in the Anglophone Caribbean: Novel Achievements in the Midst of Persistent Challenges Godfrey St. Bernard

Introduction Domestic violence is a concept that reflects a real construct that persists in contemporary society. The construct constitutes a phenomenon that becomes manifest in spatial contexts and is often elusive. It constitutes an episode that is classified as “violence” and involving human subjects within a social setting classified as “domestic”. Accounting for episodes of domestic violence hinges upon grasping two critical concepts, the first being “domestic” and the second being “violence”. But violence as a concept hinges upon grasping the notion of an “episode” which is an event or an occurrence with a specific start time and end time.

G. St. Bernard (B) SALISES, UWI, St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_16

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In essence, every episode has a duration-time and there can be countless numbers of episodes involving the same actors repeatedly, the same actors in combination with other actors and obviously, different actors. Each episode involves at least one victim and at least one perpetrator collectively contributing towards a complex array of events that are often counted or enumerated within specified time periods and within spatial contexts to determine prevalence rates of domestic violence. These are critical concepts in the quest for truth and draw upon ontological insights that inform methodological inputs for approximating truth. In the context of domestic violence, measuring prevalence is contingent upon being able to count episodes of events classified as domestic violence. These episodes become the unit of analysis and hinge upon nominal definitions regarding what constitutes “domestic violence”. But accounting for episodes of domestic violence is simply accounting for one unit of analysis, principally the episode or incident that is bounded temporally within a temporal interval predicated upon a “start time” and an “end time”. In addition to the episode, other units of analysis are often the targets of interest and ought to be counted; these include victims, perpetrators and social units such as families, households and communities. Each of these units has its intrinsic set of attributes that can be observed by means of data collection activities. An episode, for instance, may consist of attributes pertaining to the episode itself, the victim(s), the perpetrator(s) and the myriad forms that characterize social contexts. Clearly, each unit may draw upon data pertaining to at least one of the other units of analysis. Altogether, accounting for episodes and other characteristic features of domestic violence require critical sensibilities that reflect philosophically on the construct and its constituent parts. This is an essential requirement if policy-makers, development specialists and allied professionals are to plausibly approximate truth in their quest to gain knowledge about the intricacies of domestic violence based on methodologies that produce measures of prevalence. On a global scale, Goal #5 among the 17 Sustainable Development Goals seeks to “Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls”. To this end, one of its targets is to “Eliminate all forms of violence against all women and girls in the public and private spheres, including trafficking and sexual and other types of exploitation”. Moreover, public health interventions and national gender policies have engaged violence prevention and safety promotion initiatives directed specifically towards women who are often the primary victims in episodes

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classified as “domestic violence”. These thrusts have been informed by notions of “domestic violence” as primarily intimate partner violence characterized principally by upheavals involving a male perpetrator and a female victim. They also recognize the fact that women have also been victimized as a result of violent episodes perpetrated by persons classified as strangers and those classified as acquaintances who fall outside of the realm of a spouse, partner or ex-partner. Violence has been a real phenomenon characterizing the history of humankind. History is replete of human experiences reflecting barbarism, strife, war and the wanton disrespect for the physical wellbeing of humankind and human life in general. There are noteworthy accounts that domestic violence has defied spatial and temporal contexts. In most instances, reference has been to the sub-ordination of women and children to male figures in a variety of domestic configurations that persisted across the history of humankind. In ancient civilization, women and children had no rights (Walsh et al. 2015; Erez 2002). They were considered to be the property of husbands and fathers who often inflicted violence as a means of reinforcing discipline and establishing authority and control. Such actions were legitimized in accordance with traditional authority in the Weberian sense and deemed to be private familial matters outside of the remit of external entities. For countless centuries, such an ethos prevailed albeit with slight variation dating back to the time of King Hammurabi in ancient civilization and continuing through the middle ages and the early years of Christianity. In accordance with religious philosophies and their rules of marriage, husbands were deemed to have jurisdiction over their wives and in many cases, resorted to beating their wives as a means of reinforcing discipline (Dutton 2006). Throughout the vast majority of human history, laws within a variety of jurisdictions and the actions of religious authorities ignored the human rights of women and children and by such actions, directly and indirectly permitted the scourge of domestic violence to flourish across space and time. This historical account is necessary in order to reflect on the origins of domestic violence as a concept in development discourses and especially its principal focus on women and children as the primary victims of domestic violence. Despite the principal focus on women and children as victims, it should be mentioned that girls more than boys have been the targets among children in the context of victimization especially in cultural settings

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where female infanticide has been prevalent and girls are devalued relative to boys. From the standpoint of domestic violence as intra-familial violence, the prospect of boys, men and elders as victims is worth noting. Moreover, the perpetrator–victim nexus is real in the context of intrafamilial violence and is worth considering such that one can speak of the following: one-to-one, one-to-many, many-to-one and of course, many-to-many with reference to any given episode. The perpetrator– victim nexus has implications for data collection and thus, is of critical importance in developing and considering data collection frameworks that permit policy-makers, development specialists and other allied professionals to account for episodes of intra-familial violence. For the purposes of this chapter, emphasis will be upon domestic violence targeting women as victims; essentially a one-to-one relationship.

Background, Scope and Purpose In the quest to obtain measures of prevalence relating to domestic violence in the Anglophone Caribbean, a number of countries have embraced data collection initiatives that have dated back to the onset of the twenty-first century. While almost every Anglophone Caribbean territory has demonstrated some measure of interest in accounting for the scourge of domestic violence within its territorial boundaries, this chapter will draw upon my professional experiences working with a few of these territories, principally Trinidad and Tobago and the Commonwealth of Dominica. Through my engagement in these two countries, I have had the good fortune of working with regional and international agencies, interacting with a range of non-government organizations, and sharing thoughts with regional and international gender specialists and development policy analysts. On several occasions over sustained periods, I have been involved in advising high-level professionals and technocrats allied to public sector departments responsible for Gender Affairs and have facilitated the training of technical officers in data collection, data preparation, data analysis and data management. Whether in an advisory capacity or as a primary instructor, I have functioned in several multi-sectoral forums in the Anglophone Caribbean and been privy to activities geared towards promoting systemic frameworks intended to positively treat with the scourge of domestic violence within several CARICOM Member States. During the early 2000s, several of these states had established formal mechanisms for reporting episodes of

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domestic violence on a national scale. Such mechanisms were rudimentary and primarily reliant on victims and informants reporting episodes of domestic violence in a variety of administrative settings. In order to account for the dynamics associated with episodes of domestic violence, participating member states had always been cognizant of the need to enhance their capacities and capabilities to facilitate the reporting and recording of such episodes. Not surprisingly, data collection activities had been initiated in several arms of the public sector including gender affairs bureaus, women’s bureaus, law enforcement, Legal Aid and national statistical offices. Similar activities were also evident in a host of nongovernment organizations such as shelters and faith-based organizations. In all instances the focus was on the collection of data based upon reported and known cases of domestic violence. Collectively, these sources constitute pillars for the establishment of administrative data collection systems that seemed attractive to stakeholders in several CARICOM Member States. The development of such systems was considered to be a means of accounting for reported cases insofar as administrative data permit efforts directed towards quantifying episodes of domestic violence in ways that were not possible during most, if not all of the twentieth century. During the first decade of the new millennium, regional forums were convened under the auspices of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (UNECLAC) to assist a number of Caribbean nations interested in developing administrative data systems for capturing reported cases of domestic violence. Although the establishment of such data systems appeared to be a giant step in learning about the intricacies of domestic violence as a national phenomenon, there were limitations that overwhelmingly threatened their utility as platforms for yielding reliable and valid accounts of domestic violence in national settings. With reference to the first two decades of the new millennium, the main purpose of this chapter is to showcase regional efforts that have sought to account for the dynamic character of domestic violence as a phenomenon in Caribbean societies. Such pursuits often hinged upon determining the prevalence of episodes of domestic violence and whether they can be characterized in accordance with violence that is physical, sexual, emotional or as deprivation that is often economic or reflective of some form of neglect. Prevalence can also be pegged to victimization implying that the victim is the unit of analysis and that the focus is upon a human subject. Thus, a distinction has to be made between

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the episode (incident) and the victim (human subject). Prevalence is a temporal measure that relates to the total number of events within a given period such as a month, a quarter or a calendar year. Given that an individual human subject can be the victim in different episodes of domestic violence during any given period (i.e. monthly, quarterly, annually and even biennially), care and attention has to be placed in determining prevalence as the focus ought to be on the unit of analysis (i.e. episode or victim). In accounting for episodes of domestic violence, the episode itself and other characteristic elements of the episode such as the victim(s), the perpetrator(s) or the social construct (i.e. family, household and community) could be the central unit for which data are to be obtained for analytical purposes. Drawing upon my professional experience, it is not uncommon to encounter laypersons, social commentators and even highlevel professionals such as policy analysts and development specialists who do not sufficiently engage critical philosophical and methodological sensibilities in their claims to knowledge about different manifestations of domestic violence. They often seem oblivious to the complex underlying philosophical and methodological tenets that inform the epistemological requirements that reduce threats to validity in accounting for episodes of domestic violence. The aim of this chapter is threefold. First, it highlights main threats to the validity of systemic procedures that produce the data required to determine the nature and scope of problems associated with domestic violence. Second, it provides insights deemed to be instructive and instrumental in obtaining evidence to achieve desirable outcomes with respect to the national outlook on domestic violence. Third, the chapter addresses the value of emergent data systems as means that facilitate thrusts towards monitoring and systematically evaluating interventions. The latter is critical in justifying the effectiveness and efficiency dimensions associated with the host of institutional arrangements often been pursued to facilitate more favourable outcomes when there are social problems such as domestic violence. The three aims are satisfied drawing upon the merits and demerits associated with administrative data systems and national sample surveys; the two main data collection strategies that have been employed to learn about domestic violence in the Anglophone Caribbean.

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Contextualizing Domestic Violence Violence has always been pervasive in the Caribbean socio-geographic space. This was evident from as early as the late sixteenth century during periods of conquest and continued through periods of slavery, indentureship, pre-independence, early post-independence and well into the first half of the twenty-first century. Brereton (2010) has linked current crises associated with crime and violence in Trinidad and Tobago to a host of tragic experiential circumstances that prevailed across different historical epochs. In Trinidad and Tobago, such tragic historical encounters have also been documented in discourses traversing disciplinary boundaries and reflecting violent episodes and sentiments indicative of a history of wife battery and other forms of domestic violence (Brereton 1979; Trotman 1986; Reddock 1994; Cummings 2009; Mohammed 2002). In Jamaica, patriarchy and associated historical and cultural forces have facilitated the persistence of intimate partner violence across time resulting in outcomes that threaten processes established to promote and sustain the wellbeing of women (Haniff 1998; Bott et al. 2012; Royes et al. 2006; IACHR 2012; Smith 2016). Domestic violence is a complex phenomenon. It is manifest in situations predicated on power differentials that are gendered with women being principally the victims and men being principally the perpetrators (Hegarty et al. 2000). Apart from women, it is important to note that children can also be victims due to power differentials that place other children and adults in positions where they act as perpetrators. Men have been characterized as victims in episodes of domestic violence perpetrated by women and there may also be instances in which victims and perpetrators can be classified as belonging to the same-sex group, this being especially evident in same-sex relationships. Apart from classifying domestic violence as a one-to-one perpetrator–victim relationship, one can also conceive of one-to-many, many-to-one and many-to-many relationships. Realistically, domestic violence episodes are characterized by a variety of perpetrator–victim relationships though one-to-one relationships involving adult female victims and adult male perpetrators have overwhelmingly dominated interest in domestic violence discourses. In this chapter, the main thrust in operationalizing domestic violence is to focus on violence against women taking into account those women who are currently in intimate relationships and those who would have

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been in previous relationships with intimate partners. Children constitute an additional set of victims in domestic settings when their parents, siblings or other relatives assume roles as perpetrators. This chapter will be restricted to violence targeting women and in particular, those who have ever had a spouse or partner. This, however, does not de-emphasize the fact that girls and elderly women deserve special attention. It should be noted that “gender-based violence” refers to violence that is either directed against a person because of that person’s gender or that affects persons of a particular gender disproportionately. Specifically, gender-based violence does include violence against women and girls who are overwhelmingly victims of violence mainly perpetrated by men. For the purpose of this chapter, domestic violence will focus on gender-based violence that assumes the form of violence against women in domestic settings. Though men are indeed victims of domestic violence, accounting for such episodes poses its own set of challenges that are to be addressed in a different study. The same applies to domestic violence targeting children as victims and the phenomenon of elder abuse. Having emphasized that this chapter is focusing upon women as victims of violence in domestic settings, there is a need to establish boundaries defining such domestic settings. Interpretively, the nature and scope of the domestic group is variable and thus dependent upon whether such groups are determined in accordance with spatial contexts, kinship or affinity. Several definitions of domestic violence have been proffered, each providing some means of configuring the “domestic group”. According to Sagot (2002), as cited in Espinoza et al. (2008), domestic violence is defined as “violence involving every act or omission committed by any member of the family in a position of power or trust – regardless of the physical space where it occurs – which harms the well-being, the physical or psychological integrity or freedom, and the right to full development of another family member”. On the other hand, Kapoor (2000, 2) classifies “domestic violence” as “violence against women and girls by an intimate partner including a cohabiting partner, and by other family members, whether this violence occurs within or beyond the confines of the home”. For both definitions, physical space has no boundaries. Some definitions also make reference to interpersonal relationships that extend beyond the immediate family and the household to include intimate partners from relationships that have since been dissolved. With reference

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to legal definitions, all members of families and households are potential victims and perpetrators in acts classified as domestic violence. In the context of Antigua and Barbuda and St. Lucia, Clarke (2001) provides a definition of domestic violence as “Any act of violence whether physical or verbal abuse perpetrated by a member of a household upon a member of a household which causes or is likely to cause physical, mental or emotional injury or harm to the abused party or other members of the household”. Clarke (2001) also cited the 1999 Domestic Violence Act in Trinidad and Tobago which defined domestic violence as “Physical, sexual, emotional or psychological or financial abuse committed by a person against a spouse, child, any other person who is a member of the household or dependent ”. These definitions reinforce the social context of domestic violence as intra-familial (intra-household) in nature. In 1996, a resolution of the World Health Assembly declared violence to be a leading public health problem. According to Krug et al. (2002, 5), the World Health Organization defines violence as “The intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, or against a group or community, that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment or deprivation”. Conceptually, violence can be classified at primary and secondary stages. The primary stage decomposes violence into three broad categories—self-directed violence, interpersonal violence and collective violence. In this chapter, the principal focus is upon interpersonal violence within domestic settings. At the secondary stage, violence is classified as physical, sexual and psychological including deprivation or neglect, the latter often realized in the form of financial deprivation and neglect. Physical violence assumes the form of physical abuse, which is reflected in behaviour such as pushing, shoving, hitting, beating, torture and murder. Sexual violence, on the other hand, assumes the form of sexual abuse, which refers to any form of non-consensual sexual activity such as unwanted sexual fondling, rape and incest. Finally, emotional violence assumes the form of abuse which is indicative of a range of tactics used to deflate an individual’s self-confidence including insults, jeers and abusive language. It includes threats of physical violence or isolation, the deliberate withholding of emotional support and the control over all of the social relationships of the victim. Suicidal behaviour could be an indirect manifestation of women’s encounters with domestic violence in their lives. Additionally, self-abuse including self-mutilation constitutes critical

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elements of self-directed violence that could also be consequences of violence against women in domestic settings. According to the United Nations 1993 Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, violence against women is defined as “Any act of gender–based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats to such acts, coercion and arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life”. There have been a number of international forums directed towards engaging issues akin to violence against women. Such forums include the following: (a) 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Violence against Women, (b) 1993 United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, (c) 1993 Conference on Human Rights, (d) 1994 International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo, Egypt, (e) 1994 Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women—Convention Belem do Para and (f) 1995 Women and Development Conference in Beijing, China. Altogether, these forums have reinforced the crisis that has emerged in the context of violence against women around the world. Understandably, violence against women threatens development processes by having a negative impact on the achievement of global development agendas such as the SDGs, and in particular those goals associated with the wellbeing of women and children. For more than two decades now, academics and practitioners have been collaborating to combat the social and economic ills associated with violence against women including domestic violence featuring women as victims. In seeking to combat the social and economic ills associated with domestic violence against women, there is a need to embark upon strategies that provide reliable means for gaining knowledge and accounting for outcomes and associated changes that characterize domestic violence. Domestic violence has been a real phenomenon in different Anglophone Caribbean jurisdictions. In 2008, the United Nations Secretary-General launched a campaign entitled “UNiTE to End Violence against Women”

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which promulgated action that was expected to yield five key outcomes. One of these outcomes was the establishment of data collection systems permitting the collection of data on violence against women and by extension, domestic violence against women in all countries by 2015. This suggests that all countries have a primary responsibility for building institutional capacities and especially, strengthening the capabilities of technical officers who will have direct responsibilities for collecting, collating, producing, analyzing and managing the requisite data deemed necessary in efforts to gauge the prevalence of domestic violence.

Investigating Domestic Violence and Its Impact Anglophone Caribbean countries have been collecting data drawing on a variety of sources to shed light on the characteristic features of domestic violence. Such activities differ across the region and impact differentially upon the availability of data, the range of interests that can be captured statistically, the validity of the data, the media through which data are released, periodicities associated with released data and stakeholders’ use of data. Notwithstanding the status of these outcomes in the different countries, several have embarked upon a definite thrust to participate in collaborative ventures. Such ventures were expected to yield a standardized medium to fulfill the various agendas associated with obtaining and sustaining high quality systems for the production of statistical data on the scourge of domestic violence against women. In most cases, a number of reasons underlie the need to facilitate the requisite statistical data systems, the first being the need to measure the magnitude and impact of domestic violence against women. Having access to these data is also critical in understanding the factors that increase the risk of violent victimization and perpetration. On a third level, dependent upon the sophistication associated with data collection initiatives, knowledge about the effectiveness and efficiency of domestic violence prevention programmes can be generated and evaluated. This would require tremendous effort, not only in expanding the range of relevant items to be captured in the data but also in reconciling periodicities and reinforcing consistency as they relate to the range of data items of interest. The achievement of favourable outcomes for measurable targets associated with domestic violence against women is contingent upon the extent to which countries within the Anglophone Caribbean establish successful data systems including administrative data and sample surveys.

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Having established such systems, it is even more important to embrace practices consistent with the promotion of sustainable action plans to collect, collate, analyze, manage, store, secure and disseminate such data. These important virtues must be upheld, this being accomplished through a financial commitment on the part of respective governments to strengthen data collection and data processing activities undertaken in public arenas especially within departments that are most likely to produce administrative data for public consumption. Insofar as data on violent episodes often raise concerns about breaches of confidentiality and invasion of privacy, legislative and institutional arrangements will have to be explored and entertained in order to overcome or at least reduce the burden associated with such concerns. Sources of Data on Domestic Violence Data about domestic violence are obtained from a variety of primary and secondary sources. The secondary sources yield administrative data that originate from a variety of data systems including vital statistics, medical records, police records, hot lines, service providers’ records and justice systems. While the vital statistics system permits the capture of violent episodes that result in death, medical records permit the capture of violent episodes that result in injury and/or disability requiring treatment by the health authorities. Police records permit the capture of domestic violence episodes characterized by death, a set of possible outcomes ranging from serious injury to absolutely no injury and in some cases, the threat of violence. This is also the case with respect to the data originating from the other data sources. Primary data are collected through sample surveys. Sample surveys, for example, victimization surveys and self-reporting surveys provide periodic assessments of the prevalence of violent victimization within domestic spheres. In virtually every instance, micro-level data records permit data analyses disaggregated according to the sex and age of victims. Large scale victimization surveys and those targeting violence against women in domestic settings do capture data on the personal relationship between perpetrators and victims in order to classify such violence as cases of domestic violence.

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Administrative Data Sources Vital Registration: Vital registration constitutes a formal mechanism for recording vital events such as births, deaths, marriages and divorces. Such records are also captured in national vital statistics compiled by some of the national statistical offices in the Anglophone Caribbean. The production of mortality statistics relies upon access to records on each death that occurred and was registered in accordance with a given period under review. Such deaths include those resulting from violent episodes implying that data records on such violent deaths can be captured in separate period-specific data files. Though mortality statistics are published by many of the national statistical offices in the Anglophone Caribbean, the consistency of publication in terms of their timeliness is often compromised by the tardy submission of data records from primary sources and limited technical capacity among available human resources. In some countries in the Anglophone Caribbean, the processing and analysis of statistical records are conducted by the Ministry of Health while in the remainder it is conducted by the national statistical office. For each country in the region, it is necessary to determine the principal agency responsible for processing and analyzing statistical records on mortality whether or not such statistics are ultimately tabulated and published by the national statistical office. Medical Records: Medical records are usually captured and stored in medical records units in major hospitals and other health care institutions. For any given period, medical records capture individual cases of injury and disease based upon reports made by informants at health institutions within any given country. A principal property of such data is the preservation of confidentiality, which poses a major challenge with regard to data availability. While the data do permit the production of morbidity statistics that are tabulated and published primarily by the Ministry of Health in some countries, there is very little evidence of the establishment of injury and disease surveillance systems at national levels. To this end, the experience of Belize with regard to initiatives to gauge the prevalence of domestic violence is exceptional and indeed a model for the rest of the sub-region. Belize has established and operationalized a national surveillance system within its Ministry of Health drawing upon a public health model and permitting the capture of micro-level data on a wide cross-section of violent episodes including those classified as domestic violence. This enhances the prospect of observing episodes of domestic violence against women. The Ministry of Health in Jamaica is known

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to have established a national surveillance system within its Ministry of Health while Trinidad and Tobago piloted such a system in its South-West Regional Health Authority and is yet to establish a national health surveillance system. In the final analysis, such data are important in providing greater knowledge on the characteristics of victims and the frequency, nature and gravity of violence-related injuries due to domestic violence. Police Records: Police records are usually captured and stored in police stations in various jurisdictions across countries within the Anglophone Caribbean. Domestic violence against women is a complex phenomenon constituting a broad range of victim-experiences, which may not necessarily be defined as criminal from the lenses of victims or informants and therefore not reported to the police. While police records have been deemed a critical source of data pertaining to domestic violence, it is a known fact that police records are somewhat handicapped by interpretive nuances that limit the reporting and recording of domestic violence episodes. Women’s definitions of the nature and gravity of episodes and their reflections upon the consequences of reporting such episodes often militate against reporting cases of domestic violence in which they had been victims. Additionally, cynical responses of police officers receiving reports have often deterred women and other informants from reporting domestic violence to the police. It is mandatory that the police records from the various police stations be eventually submitted to a central repository as is the case in Dominica and Trinidad and Tobago. While the storage and retrieval of such data have often relied on manual processes, which handicap efforts to modernize administrative data systems, there is evidence of practices that demonstrate potential for embracing electronic processes. In Trinidad and Tobago, for example, micro-level data are stored and retrieved in the Crime and Problem Analysis Unit (CAPA) and have provided a medium for obtaining and statistically analyzing micro-level data on all reported cases of domestic violence targeting women. Altogether, having access to police records can potentially provide data on the characteristics of victims, perpetrators, informants and violent episodes. Hot Line Records: In some countries, including Dominica and Trinidad and Tobago, there is a Hot Line service that provides victims and informants with opportunities for reporting cases of domestic violence 24 hours per day, 7 days per week. In Trinidad and Tobago, this facility is provided under the auspices of the Gender Affairs Unit, a public sector department within the Office of the Prime Minister. The Unit has

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been extremely useful in providing some amount of coverage of cases of domestic violence at the national level and has been the principal source of the data that were used to test the feasibility of establishing a Central Registry for Domestic Violence in Trinidad and Tobago. The Hot Line has the potential to capture data that do not only pertain to the social and demographic characteristics of victims and perpetrators but also the nature of violent episodes. Such data are available electronically for further processing. Though useful, the full potential of the Hot Line is compromised by recording procedures that can yield errors requiring timeconsuming strategies to detect and correct. The configuration of the Hot Line also places limitations on the extent to which informants could provide complete accounts of violent episodes especially when victims are reporting under duress or other informants lack complete knowledge about the characteristics of violent episodes and of the actors. The inability to detect and reject prank calls also poses an additional challenge towards enhancing data quality. These factors threaten the reliability of observations that are relevant in providing information about domestic violence against women. Nonetheless, Hot Lines can become a worthy source of data about domestic violence by complementing data obtained from other disparate sources. This can be accomplished through adherence to systematic procedures associated with data processing and data management on one hand, and formal training on the other. Service Providers: In some countries of the Anglophone Caribbean, there is a cross-section of entities that provide a range of services catering specifically to women who are victims of domestic violence. While some operate within the public domain and include public sector departments such as Family Services Departments, Child Welfare Departments and Legal Aid Units, a number of them are non-government organizations (NGOs) including shelters and other establishments such as the Rape Crisis Centre and Coalition for Domestic Violence in Trinidad and Tobago and the Dominica National Women’s Council in Dominica. These entities are worthy sources of complementary data but may be limited in their capacity to furnish high quality data due to limited technical capabilities among support staff. Additionally, there are likely to be challenges associated with sharing their data given considerations regarding the need to preserve the confidentiality of their clients’ records. In the pilot study focusing on the establishment of a Central Registry for

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Domestic Violence in Trinidad and Tobago, recommendations had been proffered to overcome these challenges. Justice Systems: In principle, criminal outcomes associated with episodes of domestic violence are often contested in the courts. In the quest to obtain a more comprehensive understanding about domestic violence against women, relevant data items include the characteristics of victims, the accused, the episodes and legal outcomes. Records yielding such data are in the custody of Magistrates’ Courts and Family Courts. Notwithstanding efforts to process and retrieve electronic data, the respective justice systems have been handicapped by problems that emerge insofar as they lack the technical capabilities to collate, process and manage micro-level data. Indeed, the capacity to effectively produce and manage useful micro-level data is important and has tremendous utility in the establishment of administrative data systems that complement those originating from other sources. Access to data from the courts is further compromised by the need to preserve the confidentiality of clients’ records and likely penalties associated with breaches of confidentiality. Sample Surveys While administrative data constitute a principal means of tracking episodes of domestic violence on the basis of reports made by informants, such data are compromised with regard to providing a valid representation of spatial and temporal variations in episodes of domestic violence, victimization profiles and perpetration profiles. Meanwhile, sample surveys are not amenable to obtaining data accounting for different episodes of domestic violence but constitute more useful means of obtaining estimates of victimization that can be linked to perpetrator profiles at given time points. The scientific criteria that are implicit in the conduct of sample survey research have the benefit of enhancing the reliability and reducing threats to validity in estimating magnitudes and the nature of patterned associations between victimization and perpetration with regard to violent behaviour. Despite the cross-sectional design that characterizes these sample surveys, the insertion of question-items permitting the collection of retrospective data provides a basis for the interrogation of hypothesized causal connections. With reference to domestic violence against women, these virtues render sample surveys to be more valuable than administrative data in yielding more robust estimates of victimization and its patterned association with perpetrator attributes.

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Despite early thrusts favouring the use of administrative data, there are obvious advantages associated with the prospect of undertaking sample surveys to learn about domestic violence against women and to complement any gains obtained through a reliance on administrative data. During the second quarter of 2014, a workshop was convened under the auspices of UN Women and CARICOM to support the Piloting of a Model for conducting National Prevalence Surveys on Gender-Based and Intimate Partner Violence in the Caribbean. This workshop engaged statisticians, gender specialist and other allied development analysts from several Anglophone Caribbean countries, notably Jamaica, Grenada, Belize, St. Lucia, Dominica, Trinidad and Tobago, among others. Importantly, the workshop was the catalyst of a major paradigm shift in the collection of data pertaining to violence against women. The workshop promoted the value and merit of sample surveys in reliably accounting for prevalence and variations in outcomes reflecting different aspects of violence against women. In the context of violence against women, Ellsberg and Heise (2005) have recognized and supported the need for rigourous research as a means of guiding the formulation and implementation of effective preventive interventions. They note that in many countries, such research inputs have usually been drawn from anecdotal accounts based on data from administrative sources and non-representative samples of women seeking a range of services for battered women. In response to the growing need to improve the quantity, quality and comparability of international data on violence against women, Ellsberg and Heise (2005) showcase methodological and ethical challenges plaguing the conduct of research on violence against women and provide technical remedies for overcoming them using survey research, other related quantitative approaches and qualitative research designs. Given the need for established operational definitions for key research concepts and a desire for harmonized survey instruments in the Anglophone Caribbean, the WHO Multi-Country Study on Women’s Health and Domestic Violence against Women constituted an important framework for mobilizing survey research techniques to learn about a variety of aspects pertaining to domestic violence against women. Women’s Health Survey1 : The 2014 Workshop convened by UN Women in partnership with CARICOM facilitated the establishment2 of the Women’s Health Survey. Between 2016 and 2018, this survey was conducted in each of five CARICOM Member States—Jamaica

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(2016), Trinidad and Tobago (2017), Guyana (2018), Suriname (2018) and Grenada (2018). The main aim of the survey was to collect data about women’s health and their experiences with violence in the five (5) CARICOM Member States. The principal objectives of the survey were as follows: (a) To obtain reliable estimates of the prevalence of intimate partner and non-partner violence against women; (b) To determine the association between intimate partner violence against women and a range of health outcomes and (c) To identify factors that may protect or place women at risk of intimate partner violence. The target population consisted of women aged 15–64 years living in private households during the period when the survey was conducted in each of the five countries. A multistage sampling design deemed representative of the target population was employed in each of the countries. The core survey instrument used to facilitate data collection was the “WHO Multi-Country Study Questionnaire on Women’s Health and Life Experiences”. Each country developed its own adaptation of the instrument while maintaining key elements of the core instrument in order to facilitate harmonization efforts from one CARICOM Member State to the other. Table 16.1 illustrates the contents of the various sections of the questionnaire. In order to assure data quality, female interviewers and supervisors were exposed to a rigid training programme spread across periods ranging between two and three weeks. The training was specific to attaining the objectives of the survey and covered all aspects of ethical challenges to be encountered, concepts and definitions, fieldwork activities and challenges, and the use of tablets for handling data collection and data preparation. The mode of data collection was based on the use of the Computer Assisted Personal Interview (CAPI) Method. Strict ethical standards were observed in accordance with the WHO Model. After interviewers collected data from eligible respondents, rigid quality control standards were observed with the trained supervisors having a key role in that regard. In essence, the highest quality of methodological and technical inputs was embraced to reinforce the validity of the data and findings

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Table 16.1 Questionnaire content by Section Section

Content

Administration Household Selection Household Questionnaire

Identification, Interviewer’s Visits Selection of eligible woman for an interview Household facilities and durable goods found in the household Respondent and Her Community Respondent’s General Health Respondent’s Reproductive Health Respondent’s Children Current or Most Recent Husband/Partner Attitudes Towards Gender Roles Respondent and Her Husband/Partner Injuries Impact and Coping Respondent’s Childhood Experiences Other Experiences Completion of Interview

Section Section Section Section Section Section Section Section Section Section Section Section

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

emanating from the surveys conducted in each of the five CARICOM Member States. Table 16.2 illustrates key properties and estimates pertaining to the surveys conducted in each of the five CARICOM Member States between 2016 and 2018. In comparison with other forms of intimate partner violence, the estimates in each of the five CARICOM Member States point towards a relatively greater prevalence of emotional violence and experiences characterizing both physical and sexual violence, this being the case for both lifetime and current exposure. The Women’s Health Survey permits the collection of data pertaining to a range of items that can never be efficiently captured based upon relying only on administrative data systems. Whether in the context of victims or perpetrators, attitudes, behaviour and experiences do impact variations in the prevalence of intimate partner violence among women. Moreover, such patterns of association and hypothesized causal connections may yield more interesting observational features upon controlling for a host of other victim, perpetrator and circumstantial attributes that are also captured in the survey. In essence, the Women’ Health Survey realizes prospects for the use of

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Table 16.2 Key Properties and Estimates of the Prevalence of Intimate Partner Violence Jamaica 20161 Study Sample—All Women 15–64 Study Sample—Ever Partnered Women Lifetime Economic IPV Lifetime Emotional IPV Lifetime Physical IPV Lifetime Sexual IPV Lifetime Physical/Sexual Violence Current Economic IPV Current Emotional IPV Current Physical IPV Current Sexual IPV Current Physical/Sexual Violence

Trinidad and Tobago 20172

Guyana Suriname 20184 20183

Grenada 20185

1,069

1,079

1,498

1,527

1,078

976

1,017

1,391

1,376

1,020

8.5%

10.8%

22%

16.0%

6.0%

28.8%

35.4%

40%

35.0%

30.3%

25.2%

28.3%

35%

27.3%

26.9%

7.7% 27.8%

10.5% 30.2%

14% 38%

13.2% 32.0%

9.5% 29.0%

11%

2.4%

11.1%

10.9%

17%

9.2%

9.6%

5.9%

5.1%

9%

4.2%

5.1%

1.9% 7.0%

0.9% 5.7%

4% 11%

2.5% 6.0%

2.2% 6.3%

Five CARICOM Member States Source Watson Williams (2018)1 , Pemberton and Joseph (2018)2 , Contreras-Urbina et al. (2019)3 , Joseph et al. (2019)4 , and Nicholson and Deshong (2020)5

multivariate statistics to elaborate the complex array of systemic relationships involving the host of factors impacting intimate partner violence against women.

Concluding Remarks and Future Considerations Violence against women has become an important agenda item in development discourses that gained momentum in the quest to remove the silence that characterized the scourge of violence and its negative impact upon the lives of women. This silence was especially marked in the cases

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of women who were victims of domestic violence; a silence that was the result of historical and cultural forces that fostered the persistence of patriarchal orientations on a global scale. It was not until the last quarter of the twentieth century and especially the last decade when women’s movements and other progressive forces began to embark on agendas to redress such atrocities in the lives of womenfolk. Throughout the 1990s, there were a number of international forums recognizing the need to redress the plight of women as victims of gender-based violence especially given that such cases have overwhelmingly been that of women being victimized by their male partners in intimate relationships. In 2008, the United Nations Secretary-General launched a campaign entitled “UNiTE to End Violence against Women”. A main recommendation associated with this initiative was the establishment of data collection systems enabling countries to mobilize stakeholder interests with the aim of building capacities and strengthening capabilities to collect data on violence against women and by extension, domestic violence. In the Anglophone Caribbean, several countries had recognized the importance of examining prospects of collecting such data through administrative sources. Notwithstanding modest though commendable gains in this regard, the challenges associated with relying on administrative sources were evident. Not only did such challenges defy any robust determination of the prevalence of victimization; they also defied attempts to systematically explore linkages between prevalence linked to the different forms of violence and a host of causal factors including perpetrator characteristics. At the beginning of the third decade of the twenty-first century, five CARICOM Member States have had the distinction of conducting and completing Women’s Health Surveys that were administered in accordance with the highest international standards regarding methodological and technical inputs. Each of these surveys has enabled the respective countries to complement the gains associated with administrative data systems and more importantly, fulfill objectives predicated upon scientific rigour and hinged upon the need for the following: (a) To obtain reliable estimates of prevalence with regard to violence; (b) To contest evidence consistent with patterned associations between women’s exposure to violence and a host of social, behavioural and attitudinal outcomes and (c) To identify factors that may protect or place women at risk of intimate partner violence.

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Interestingly, social change is often slow and will facilitate periodicities associated with the conduct of these surveys. Certainly, they ought not to be annual or even biennial surveys. Rather, they can be conducted across five-year to ten-year intervals making sufficient provision to detect whether or not, there were worthwhile changes resulting in desired outcomes and at the same time, being mindful of the overwhelming need for human and financial resources that are required to efficiently expedite such data collection efforts. Violence against women continues to be a real phenomenon in Anglophone Caribbean societies. It is a public health issue that negatively impacts the physical, mental and social wellbeing of women directly and their children indirectly. Needless to say, the problems associated with violence against women transcend generational boundaries and will likely intensify or at best, remain unchanged if the evidence for diagnosing such problems remains elusive. It is therefore imperative that the appropriate state entities, principally the gender affairs bureaus and national statistical offices, collaborate with regional and international organizations to strengthen human and financial capabilities. Such co-operation will be necessary in order to sustain all aspects relating to the production and consumption of data pertaining to the conduct of Women’s Health Surveys in the future. Within the Anglophone Caribbean, the CARICOM Adaptation of the WHO Multi-Country Study on Women’s Health and Domestic Violence against Women provides a template for other CARICOM Member States to embark upon similar data collection initiatives during the decade of the 2020s. With reference to the Sustainable Development Goals, in particular, Goal #5—“Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls”, one of the main targets is to “Eliminate all forms of violence against all women and girls in the public and private spheres”. To this end, all CARICOM Member States ought to be committed to meeting this goal and embarking upon legislative and/or other arrangements fostering compliance and promoting the progressive interests of women, their children and the future of the nation as a whole. Given the importance of reliable and valid data in the establishment of prevention remedies to curb the prevalence of domestic violence, Yoshihama et al. (2002) note that there is no “gold standard” approach to obtaining data on lifetime domestic violence victimization and on sequential episodes characterizing the experience of domestic violence. Traditionally, sample surveys based on self-reporting are used though they

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are often compromised due to recall errors that are positively correlated with the length of the recall period. As such, Yoshihama et al. (2002) had cited the life history calendar (LHC) method used by Freedman et al. (1988) to enhance prospects for increasing recall associated with lifetime domestic violence victimization. This illuminates the notion of domestic violence as a complex sequence of episodes that involve multiple perpetrators over victims’ life-courses and re-emphasizes the importance of the episode as a unit of analysis in survey research.

Notes 1. This survey was referred to as follows: Women’s Health and Life Experiences in Guyana; National Women’s Health Survey in Suriname; Women’s Health and Life Experiences Study in Grenada; National Women’s Health Survey in Trinidad and Tobago and Women’s Health Survey in Jamaica. 2. The following organization partnered with the Inter-American Development Bank and UN Women to administer these surveys and bring the results into fruition. They include: The Statistical Institute of Jamaica (STATIN), UNDP, USAID, The University of Guyana, Caribbean Development Bank, The Global Women’s Institute and The Government of Grenada.

References Bott, S., M. Godwin & J. Mendoza. (2012). Violence against women in Latin America and the Caribbean: A comparative analysis of population-based data from 12 countries. Washington, DC: Pan American Health Organization. Brereton, B. (1979). Race relations in colonial Trinidad, 1870–1900. Cambridge: University Press. Brereton, B. (2010). The historical background to the culture of violence in Trinidad and Tobago. Caribbean review of gender studies—A journal of Caribbean perspectives on gender and feminism, Issue #4. St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago: The Institute of Gender and Development Studies, The University of the West Indies. Contreras-Urbina, M., A. Bourassa, R. Myers, J. Ovince, R. Rodney & S. Bobbili. (2019). Guyana Women’s Health and Life Experiences Study 2018 Report. UN Women. Clarke, R. (2001). An evaluative study of the implementation of domestic violence legislation: Antigua and Barbuda, St. Kitts/Nevis, Saint Lucia and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Paper prepared for the Family Law and

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Domestic Violence Legislative Reform Project, Eastern Caribbean Supreme Court. Cummings, J. (2009). Christina Lewis, her life and times. St. Augustine: The UWI Open Campus. Dutton, D. G. (2006). Rethinking Domestic Violence. UBC Press. Ellsberg, M. & L. Heise. (2005). Researching violence against women: A practical guide for researchers and activists. Washington, DC: World Health Organization, PATH. Erez, E. (2002). Domestic violence and the criminal justice system: An overview. Online Journal of Issues in Nursing, Vol. 7, No. 1, Manuscript 3. www.nursin gworld.org/ojin/MainMenuCategories/ANAMarketplace/ANAPeriodicals. Espinoza, R., M. I. Guttierez, J. Humberto Mena-Munoz & P. Cordoba. (2008). Domestic violence surveillance system: a model. Salud Publica de Mexico, Vol. 50, Sup. 1. Freedman, D., A. Thornton, D. Camburn, D. Alwin & L. Young-DeMarco. (1988). The life history calendar. A technique for collecting retrospective data. Sociological Methodology, Vol. 18, pp. 37–68. Haniff, N. Z. (1998). Male violence against men and women in the Caribbean: The case of Jamaica. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 29, No. 2, pp. 361–369. Hegarty, K., E. D. Hindsmarsh & M. T. Gilles. (2000). Domestic violence in Australia: Definition, prevalence and nature of presentation in clinical trials. The Medical Journal of Australia, Vol, 173, No. 7, pp. 363–367. Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. (2012). Report on the situation of human rights in Jamaica (OEA/Ser.L/V/II.144 Doc.12). Retrieved from: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/docs/pdf/Jamaica2012eng.pdf. Joseph, J., C. Pemberton & U. Phillip. (2019). National Women’s Health Survey. Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank. Kapoor, S. (2000). Domestic violence against women and girls. Innocenti Digest , No. 6. Florence, Italy: UNICEF, Innocenti Research Centre. Krug, E. G., L. L. Dahlberg, J. A. Mercy, A. B. Zwi & R. Lozano (Eds.). (2002). World report on violence and health. Geneva: World Health Organization. Mohammed, P. (2002). Gender negotiations among Indians in Trinidad, 1917– 1947. New York: Palgrave. Nicholson, C. & H. Deshong. (2020). Grenada Women’s Health and Life Experiences Study 2018 Report. UN Women. Pemberton, C. & J. Joseph. (2018). National Women’s Health Survey for Trinidad and Tobago: Final Report. Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank. Reddock, R. (1994). Women, labour and politics in Trinidad and Tobago: A history. Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers.

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Royes, H., S. Samiel, V. Tate & K. Fox. (2006). Evaluation of the impact of gender-based interventions in Jamaica: Final report. Retrieved from: http://198.170.76.2/jamspred/Impact_of_Gender_Based_ Interventions_Jamaica.pdf. Sagot, M. (2002). Research protocol: social response to family violence at the local level. Gender and Public Health Series. Washington DC: Pan American Health Organization. Smith, D. E. (2016). Prevalence of intimate partner violence in Jamaica: Implications for prevention and intervention. International Journal of Child, Youth and Family Studies, Vol. 7, Nos. 3/4, pp. 343–363. Trotman, D. V. (1986). Crime in Trinidad—Conflict and control in a plantation society, 1838–1900. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press. Walsh, J. (2015). Global understandings of domestic violence. Nursing & Health Sciences, Vol. 17, pp. 1–4. Watson Williams, C. (2018). Women’s Health Survey 2016 Jamaica. UN Women. Yoshihama, M., K. Clum, A. Crampton & B. Gillespie. (2002). Measuring the lifetime experience of domestic violence: Application of the life history calendar method. Violence and Victims, Vol. 17, No. 3, pp. 297–317.

CHAPTER 17

Through the Eyes of the Perpetrator: The Historical and Contemporary Cultural Context of Intimate Partner Violence in the Caribbean Camille Huggins

Introduction During the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, there was an enforced selfquarantine order. As a result, I had the unique opportunity to watch an inordinate amount of television. A movie on Netflix (i.e., a movie streaming channel) caught mine as well as millions of viewers’ attention worldwide. It was a Polish film about a beautiful young woman who was kidnapped by an Italian mafia boss. Throughout the movie he manhandled her, handcuffed her to a bed and made her watch him receive fellatio from a woman, to coerce her to have sex with him. As most of these stories go, she quickly fell in love with him. When asked what she loved

C. Huggins (B) Department of Behavioural Sciences, UWI, St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5_17

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about him, she said, he was an alpha male who treated her like a child, takes care of all her needs, fulfills all her sexual fantasies, and had no body fat. From a scholarly feminist perspective, the highpoints of this steamy mega hit were thinly veiled signs of domestic violence, according to the Power and Control wheel of violence (NCDSV 2010). Indicators such as using isolation and economic abuse, the lead male kidnapped a professional woman away from her life, family, and job to make her fall in love with him. He confiscated her wallet, computer, and phone until he was sure that she would not run away. He used coercion and emotional abuse by making her watch him have oral sex as well as, blamed her disobedience as provocation of his aggressive behavior. The one time she tried to run away, he used his white male privilege with the police so they would listen to him instead of her pleas of distress. Although this movie is a work of fiction and a part of ‘pop’ culture, which one can view as an inaccurate reflection of current heterosexual intimate relationships. I hesitate to agree. Considering the current global #MeToo movement, which is to make men accountable for their heinous sexual actions and women empowerment. Only 70,000 people signed a petition urging Netflix to remove this film because of its portrayal of sexual and intimate partner violence (Morris 2020). In comparison to the millions who saw the film, and the lead male actors increase of Instagram (i.e., social media platform) followers by 9 million (@Instagram). A year ago, he was a recently divorced gardener trying to become an actor (Morris 2020). His portrayal of a machismo dominant male has clearly been glorified. This movie was adapted from a book written out of the imagination of a woman. You may ask what this has to do with domestic violence in the Caribbean. I contest the answer lies within the historical and cultural context of transactional sexual patterns within intimate relationships. Most scholarship on intimate partner violence among heterosexual couples is written outside of the context of the relationship (Flood and Pease 2009; Pool et al. 2014; Aldridge and Browne 2003). It is elucidated as an act that stands alone, as if it is spontaneous and there is no lead up to, nor precipitating events. In fact, if you were to discuss the precipitating events it would be considered in some instances victim blaming. This chapter is not to blame anyone but to examine intimate relationships in which intimate partner violence emanates from. What about the historical and contemporary cultural context of these relationships that leads to violence?

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Intimate partner violence research tends to discuss perpetrator’s characteristics (e.g., mental illness, aggression, attachment styles, substance abuse; (Aldridge and Browne 2003; Flood and Pease 2009; Owusu Adjah and Agbermafle 2016) or psychosocial factors that impact the perpetrator (trauma, poverty; Hadeed and Lee 2010). This chapter will review the historical and contemporary cultural social context of heterosexual intimate relationships in the Caribbean. In Christine Barrow (1996) book titled Family in the Caribbean, she highlighted the theoretical framework of structural functionalism (Parsons 1967), to investigate the history and culture of contemporary family structures in the Caribbean. Structural functionalism examines the interrelated parts of a system and its functions to meet the needs of the total structure in order to maintain cohesion and stability in society (Parsons 1967; Parsons and Smelser 2012). This is an appropriate theoretical framework to systematically examine the social cultural functions of male and female roles separately, as well as acting together in intimate relationships. This theory frames the environmental context of the relationship, the roles and functions of the women and men as a means to maintain cohesion in society (Parsons and Smelser 2012).

Background of the Caribbean The Caribbean consists of thirty (30) territories including, thirteen (13) sovereign states located in the Caribbean Sea with a combined population of approximately 46 million people (World Population Review 2019). The ethnicities, races, religions, and cultures of the Caribbean represent most of the developed nations of the world because every one of these nations has at one point in history transverse the Caribbean, leaving their imprint. Each island has its own specific history, dialectic, and cultural manifestations. Most Caribbean societies were created by a European (i.e., England, France, Spain, Portugal, Dutch) invasion and colonization of the Americas and, the displacement of indigenous people (Brereton 2007). The Caribbean is diverse with cultural practices and ethnicities. However, many people living on these Caribbean islands are of African, Indian, and Latino descent (Premdas 1996). These ethnicities were forcibly migrated to these islands, oppressed through colonization and enslavement. This chapter will concentrate on the intimate partner relationships among these three ethnicities.

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Sexual Relationships During Slavery Chattel slavery is the transporting of captured Africans to the Americas to buy and sell. It was a part of the plantation-based system to farm the land and produce crops that was quite lucrative for European economies (Beckles 2016). The plantation-based system was a form of slavery that endured for 246 years from 1619 to 1865 (Beckles 2016). The objectification and exploitation of Africans as property took different forms for women. For African women there was no regard if these women were married or single. The African family was dismembered and sold separately. Colonizers considered African women to be more flexible and versatile investment (Beckles 2016). Women were less likely to attack overseers violently or plan bloody revolts. White male colonizers often raped African women and flaunted the excuse that African women were sexually promiscuous women and must be managed (Beckles 2016). White women reacted jealously to white male sexual attraction to African and colored women but was culpable in the abuse. Initially, there was open hostility to African breeding due to the reliance on the importation of slaves (Beckles 2016). As chattel slavery became expensive and with the abolition of Britain’s slave trade in 1807, colonizers had to encourage breeding to reproduce more slaves (Rodman 1966; Beckles 2016). Systems and policies were enacted to stimulate African female fertility. The breeding policies focus was to minimize the degree of female resistance to childrearing and improve the conditions for childbirth (Beckles 2016). African women were now called ‘breeders’ and African males could have as many wives as possible, polygamous patterns for the males were encouraged (Beckles 2016). However, to stimulate African women to commit to childbirth, young women were encouraged to engage in Christian-style monogamous marriages because such relationships were more conducive to high fertility for women. White women also participated in the facilitation of sexual relationships and the reproduction of slaves (Beckles 2016). They were the primary owner and manager of taverns, sex houses, and slave rental services. There was a thriving business of the rental of enslaved black and colored women for sexual services (Beckles 2016). As a financial bonus, the infants of African women were often sold by these white women. When white women produced children with an enslaved black man, the infants were legally free. As the offspring of white women, they were not considered

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slaves. The linking of white womanhood to the reproduction of freedom meant that the entire ideological fabric of the slave society was in jeopardy if it continued (Beasley 2009; Beckles 2016). Consequently, it became necessary for white male colonizers to limit white women conjugal relations with African men. Simultaneously enforcing and normalizing sexual exploitation of enslaved African women, as a benefit to ownership (Beasley 2009; Beckles 2016). African men faced punishments such as castration and execution for having sexual relations with white women and the sexual freedom of white women was suppressed. The sexual relationships during slavery in the Caribbean was brutal and non-consensual for women regardless of race. It was restrictive for women at the benefit of white men and the plantation-based slave economy. Although it could be said these relationships would not be considered intimate for African enslaved women this was their indoctrination and prevailing understanding of sexual relationships. It was what they understood to be procreation and the relationship between a man and woman. The African enslaved woman living in the Caribbean, sexual relationships were manipulated and controlled by the dominant person and there was no room for opposition of what was demanded. This is the historical trauma that permeates the psyche of African women living in the Caribbean.

Indian Sexual Relationships During Indentureship The word ‘coolie’ is an ethnic epithet that comes from the Tamil word ‘kuli’, meaning wages or hire (Roopnarine 2018). It was first used in the beginning in the late sixteenth century, by Portuguese captains and merchants along the Coromandel Coast in India, who passed it on to the other Europeans (Roopnarine 2018). This word ‘coolie’ describes Indian men who worked for them, carrying loads at the docks (Hangloo 2012). Gradually the word took on the broader meaning of someone paid to do menial work. When Africans were emancipated in the 1830s, the British still needed laborers to work the plantation economy. For eight decades, the British, French, and Dutch brought over a million ‘coolies’ to more than a dozen colonies across the globe, including Guadalupe, Trinidad, and Jamaica (Hangloo 2012). It was called the indentureship program where Indians were provided a contract and migrated to work on the plantation for a specific tenure (i.e., usually five years) for wages (Hangloo 2012).

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East Indians (also referred to as ‘Indians) first came to the Caribbean in 1838 but by 1920, due to the changing conditions in the Caribbean colonies, nationalist opposition in India and reformist governments in Europe, indentured contracts ended (Bahadur 1975). Indians were free to return to India or stay in the Caribbean after completing their obligations. Initially, Indians were hesitant to go to the Caribbean because of fear of crossing the ‘kala prani’ or the black water which was a bad omen (Roopnarine 2018). They often felt duped into signing contracts because of obligations to the recruiters and a promise of better life away (Roopnarine 2018). Others volunteered to migrate because of devastating famines, to avoid law enforcement, family problems, or being an outcast. The Indians who came to the Caribbean through the indentureship program were of Hindu, Muslim, and Christian religions (Roopnarine 2018). They were also of different caste systems, which is a form of social stratification characterized by endogamy, hereditary transmission of a lifestyle including occupation, and exclusion of others based on cultural notions of purity and pollution. Only 16% came from one of the highest caste, Brahman caste which is priest and academics; 7.6% came from the Artisan castes, which were craftsman; 35.1% was of the Agricultural caste, farmers; and 40.5% were of the lowest castes such as garbage collectors (Roopnarine 2018). Apart from the caste and religious differences, there was also a major disparity between the number of men to women a 3 to 1 ratio, contracted as indentured laborers (Roopnarine 2018). The leaders of the indentureship program housed everyone regardless of religion or caste in the same depot, shipping all Indian indentured laborers under the same conditions. There was no respect for their socio-religious norms and pattern of family life and traditions (Hangloo 2012). This bought the identities and cultural traits of the different villages, castes, districts, and religions together and dissolved differentiation (Hangloo 2012). Due to the lessons learned during slavery, the cultural practices of the Indian indentured laborers were never openly repressed unless they were perceived as anti-colonial (Hangloo 2012). Indians reconstructed cultural traditions which was a diluted form of the culture in the ‘mother country’, India (Hangloo 2012). Most Indian men who landed in the Caribbean did not come with their original wives, husbands, or other family members. The scarcity of Indian women in the British Caribbean was impactful on the indentured immigrant community and on the status and role of women in the Indian-Caribbean society (Bahadur 1975). Inter-caste relationships significantly changed to a large extent as there

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was a conspicuous breakdown in caste endogamy (Bahadur 1975). Due to the majority male to female ratio, within caste groups inter-caste marriages were tolerated. Instead of the traditional, dowry system, which was prevalent in part of India, where the females’ family pays the males’ family for marriage. There was a ‘bride price’ where parents of the female demanded a ‘price’ for their daughter (Bahadur 1975). As with traditional Indian wedding practices women were in a submissive position, as she must abdicate her control to her parents then to her husband (Bahadur 1975). A formal wedding and a monogamous marriage were permissive during indentureship. However due to the scarcity of women alternative sexual relationships occurred (Bahadur 1975). The competition for scarce women destabilized relationships. Young girls as young as 12 years old were married off to men due to the scarcity (Bahadur 1975). Indentured women could leave their husbands, partner across caste, they could marry up in caste (Bahadur 1975). Women were often forced to service the needs of many men, including sexual services. As a result of these conditions, there was a high incidence of venereal diseases which caused a low birth rate (Bahadur 1975). During indentureship women were either living alone with their children; women were passing from one man to another; polygamous and some combination of three or more men and women living together without marriage (Bahadur 1975). Polyandry was also a widespread strategy that was adopted by indentured Indian men to cope with the shortage of women (Bahadur 1975). There was also the mixing of Indian men with African women (Bahadur 1975). The scarcity of women justified the vying for women by men to be their partner yet, women were still relegated to a submissive role. In their roles as a women regardless of the partner, they were subjected to cook, clean, wash, raise children, tend to cows, gardens, sell milk, and do casual labor for the plantations in which they were poorly paid (Bahadur 1975). For women, switching partners was used as a survival mechanism in an exploitive environment. Amid these relationships were assaults and abuse by the male on the women negotiating for a new relationship. There were arguments over returning the bride price and the status of children rearing (Bahadur 1975). The institution of indentureship did not promote traditional stable families and intimate relationships. It was based on the power dynamics of survivorship and desperation for both men and women.

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Sexual Relationships During Spanish Conquest of the Islands When Christopher Columbus arrived at the islands of the Caribbean, he thought he landed in China and Japan. He claimed the territory for Spain and announced to the unaware inhabitants as subjects of the Spanish regime (Williamson 1991). He called the tiny islands ‘la Indies’ and the people who were naked with painted faces and short coarse hair, ‘Indians’, which is a term that represents the nomenclature, today (Williamson 1991). These indigenous people lived on these islands for several millennia before Christopher Columbus arrived in the Americas (Williamson 1991). The entire population in the Americas of these indigenous people was over 57 million (Williamson 1991). There were several distinct clans including the Arawak, Taino, and the Carib (Rivers 2000). Most of the groups were organized in clans that were ruled by chiefdoms (Rivers 2000). On the larger Caribbean islands like, Hispaniola, Cuba, and Puerto Rico, the first peoples the Spanish met were the Tainos (Rivers 2000). The Taino had a strong cohesive social identity and a culturally distinct language. The Arawak was another distinct group located in Trinidad and Jamaica with a distinct language, and complex social structures. Both the Taino and Arawak peoples had a sedentary lifestyle, which was relaxed and passive (Rivers 2000). The Carib population which was found in Guyana were one of the more aggressive peoples who were known to be warriors and human flesh eaters. They were also known for their guerilla warfare tactics (Rivers 2000). Marriage laws within these clans were non-existent. Men and women saw their nakedness as casual and not as taboo. Both men and women alike chose their mates and left them as they please, without offense, jealousy, or anger (Rivers 2000). They multiplied in great abundance. If women were tired of their men, they give themselves an abortion with herbs which force a stillbirth (Rivers 2000). Polygamy was also practiced with most men having two to three wives (Rivers 2000). The Spanish invasion as well as, the subsequent European countries bought a radically new and more developed ideas and values such as agricultural methods, including new crops, animals, technology, iron, guns, ships, and profit making ideas (Rivers 2000; Williamson 1991). European settlers’ mission was conquest and acquisitions of natural resources, land, and lordship over men (Williamson 1991). An enterprise that was developed to have dominion and access to indigenous people as labor was an

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Encomienda system (Williamson 1991). The encomienda system allowed each Spanish settler to have a fixed number of indigenous laborers which they provided wages while they indoctrinated them to the Christian faith. Until 1540 only 6% of the Spanish settlers were women, so Spanish males had sexual relations with Indian women (Williamson 1991). The men found the Indian women attractive and the women gained status in these relations. As a result, the rate of miscegenation was rapid, thus the birth of the Latin ethnic population which is composed of indigenous Indian, Spanish white, Portuguese, and part African (Williamson 1991). In rare instances, Christian leaders encouraged the legitimacy of some of the relationships by marriage. In rural communities, Spaniard had harems, fathering large numbers of illegitimate offspring (Williamson 1991). Although some indigenous people tried to assimilate to the Christian religion. The Encomienda system was harsh and exploitative, many women suffered torture and rape at the hands of the Spanish (Williamson 1991). The long-term effect of the conquest was an excessive burden for food and labor on indigenous communities. Social demoralization caused suicides, apathy and abortions, or loss of the will to procreate. By the 1500s, through pandemics, famine, conquests and interbreeding with the Spanish most of the Taino, Arawak and Carib nearly became extinct in the Caribbean (Williamson 1991).

The Functionalism of Sexual Relationships Perhaps in more evolved societies or equalitarian ones, intimate sexual relationships were based on mutual respect, loyalty, and trust. There was some equanimity. However, in societies birthed out of conquest, enslavement, and domination, the foundation of sexual relationships is based on roles and functions and its stability to ensure the growth of the plantationbased economy and Spanish conquests. There is no consensus about the roles and their function among women but duress from the colonizers to continue these patterned relationships. Women’s roles were to provide sexual and domestic services and labor, which were their status defining functions. White men governed to ensure everyone (e.g., Europe, himself, and laborers) were economically supported. African, Indian, and Indigenous men provided labor, and procreation when allowed. Original societal roles such as provider and protection were confiscated. African, Indian, and indigenous women served a purpose whether it was sexual, childbirth and, domestic services at the behest of men.

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The dominant and subordinate role paradigm was survivor-based. The white strangers in a foreign land whose purpose was to pillage and extract, sexual relationships were important for survival in this harsh and lonely land. White men used force and propaganda to make enslaved, indentured, indigenous women yield to their will. For these women it was important for survival amid the decimation of their way of life. There is clear power dynamics, man demanded, and women were coerced. Abortions provided an opportunity of freedom for women, but sexual activity was an obligation. These parameters were clearly delineated and it captures the simultaneous romanization of oppression and exploitation of African, Indian, and indigenous women (Barriteau 2003). So how do early sexual relationships in the Caribbean translate into the contemporary cultural social practices in intimate relationships?

The Idealism of Marriage The cultural vacuum left by the destruction of the African, Indian, and Indigenous family customs and beliefs was filled by the colonizers ideologies of religion, sex, and marriage (Barriteau 2003). Christianity ensured social cohesion, the basis upon which a stable society can be built and a source of cultural identity (Williamson 1991). Marriage is the respectable conjugal union between a man and women and when formally entered there are prescribed spousal rights and responsibilities (Barrow 1996; Williamson 1991). The ideal conjugal union is the Christian marriage, it is a legal marriage ordained by the Christian church and government (Williamson 1991). The Christian ideology of monogamy during marriage as a sacrament which emphasizes values such as premarital chastity, the nuclear family, fidelity, motherhood, and care of children and elders. Although similar in its sacrament, Hindu and Muslim religions (primarily Indian forms of marriage) were not legal for many years in the Caribbean (Bahadur 1975) so some Indians converted to Christianity which was further signs of acculturation. Marriage was a sign of conformity to the Christian religion and the colonizers’ homeland (Barrow 1996). In Caribbean colonies where there is high interbreeding, and strong Christian principles integrated into colonial practices, marriage is a societal relationship that dictates, males are to select and initiate intimate relationships (Barrow 1996). The criteria used to select a mate included skin complexion which is considered when thinking about the women worthy

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of marriage (Barriteau 2003). The skin complexion that is near to whiteness is the ethnic ideal, therefore mulattos who were of mixed race and darker skin or African are less favorable for marriage (Williamson 1991). Marriage also represents respectability and an elevation in social status (Barrow 1996; Williamson 1991). This is based on the wealth and reputation of the spouse’s extended family as well as, the spouse’s profession and prospective earning power. Post colonialism marriage was initially relegated for the upper and middle classes and rare in lower class people (Barrow 1996; Williamson 1991). In current economic climates in the Caribbean, a dual earner household regardless of class is more beneficial than a one wage earner household (Barrow 1996; Bahadur 1975; Parad 1999). A reason for discord in marriage are the values it dictates; which is respect for male authority and subservience of his wife and children. The female deference is underlined by Christian, Hindu, and Muslim religions and traditions (Barrow 1996; Bahadur 1975). This sustains the dominant and subordinate role paradigm. Wives must understand their subordinate position and powerlessness as god given (Bahadur 1975; Barrow 1996; Parad 1999; Williamson 1991). The wife that is financially dependent on her husband, understands marriage as a kind of lottery (Barrow 1996). She will place her loyalties at the service of their husbands, children, and households. These values are rooted mainly in tradition and religion, and it legitimates male dominance in the marriage. When there is an ideal monogamous union and the male is the primary or sole earner and protector of his family and he fulfills his responsibilities. However, in the Caribbean, it is expected that husbands will have extra marital affairs (Barrow 1996; Rodman 1966; Williamson 1991). Males are to be promiscuous while females are to be faithful and chaste. Male infidelity may be a remnant of slavery and colonialism or sexual prowess (Barrow 1996). Some may have a separate family. Infidelity is rampant, a wife may be aware of the affairs and rationalize her husband’s behaviour as male authority or prerogative (Barriteau 2003; Barrow 1996). The wife may take solace that she is legally married and is the primary household which should be the priority for the husband. In some marriages, violence may erupt if the wife questions her husbands’ actions or he has not fulfilled his prescribed roles (Barrow 1996; Bahadur 1975). To negotiate her husband’s infidelities, women must strike a balance of rationalizing his actions and acceptance.

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If the household is a dual earner couple, however the economic and cultural power of the husband is less than what is socially and religiously expected. This tension between cultural and religious values and economic reality may partly explain the prevalence of marital violence (Barriteau 2003; Bahadur 1975; Barrow 1996). Although wives may want to keep with patriarchal conformist culture, western influences and independence gained from employment makes it difficult to tolerate violence or infidelity (Bahadur 1975; Barriteau 2003; Barrow 1996). Abuse may be tolerated not because of power and control dynamics but the threat of the erosion of their social status due to divorce. Although women may have the power, she must be careful not to shift the control too much. It is the failure to shift in the established power distribution within the relationship that provides the groundwork for conflict and violence in the marriage.

Other Relationship Types When the ideal union cannot be achieved because females do not meet the criteria worthy of marriage and males cannot perform the roles of father and husband because African and mulatto males are often unemployed, underemployed, or poorly paid employment (Barrow 1996; Reddock 2004). Men are unable to fulfill the economic responsibility and often did not accept any of the obligations and duties of parenthood (Barrow 1996). Less ideal alternative relationships were adapted. Both men and women must adapt to the environment of economic uncertainty and suspicions of infidelity therefore, less committed relationship types emerged. To combat the male infrequent presence, women sexual relationships are based on the functions of the men in her life. Polygamy and polyandry are practiced for economic reasons (Barrow 1996; Reddock 2004). In common-law relationships, where the couple are not legally or religiously married but share a common household (Barrow 1996). In Common-law relationships the couple moves in together for a finite period and once one person cannot fulfill a function, they are quickly replaced by someone else (Barrow 1996). Another type of relationship is a visiting relationship, which is the couple do not live together but visit each other’s home on occasion. This relationship type is usually short lived and concerned mainly with sexual gratification (Barrow 1996). Women who enter several relationships are motivated to have children within each new

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relationship, to encourage the male to become a provider for her family (Barrow 1996). Roles are not as important as the function that is provided. The dominant and submissive paradigm is shifted with women’s adaptation to the environment and making decisions for the family. Men abdicate their responsibility and opt for an absent or submissive role. Women understand their functions therefore, conflict in these relationships veer away from physical abuse in the direction of emotional and psychological abuse. Although women are free to make her own decisions, the unreliability of the men limits their decision-making capacity (Hadeed and Lee 2010). Men often do not accept any of the obligations and duties of parenthood nor economic responsibility (Barrow 1996; Barriteau 2003). As a result, there is a persistence of high illegitimacy rates, unstable unions, and anomalous forms of domestic groups in the Caribbean.

Matrifocality Stereotypes of white women as frail and weak, Latino women as sexual objects, Indian women as passive and subservient, and black women argumentative and harsh has been challenged and in some regards, eliminated due to the great strides women have made globally and in the Caribbean. To date there have been twelve female Heads of state in the Caribbean states (Caribbean Elections 2019). More women than men are pursuing university education and are more financially independent as professional women. There are more female-headed households and women’s involvement in economic activities to support their families. Unfortunately, there are even more reported cases of women as the perpetrator of intimate partner violence (Ventura et al. 2007). Empowered Caribbean women have a more nuanced understanding of themselves, that is inclusive in the definition of a global feminist theory which includes their race, ethnicity, and lived experience (St Hill 2003). It considers where they have evolved to and the competencies possessed. Caribbean women have shown a juxtaposition of power, strength with an allegiance to the cultural past with respect to religion and the traditional sanctity of marriage and family (Barrow 1996; Roopnarine 2018). Women in general, struggle to protect the sanctity of marriage for a myriad of reasons. For successful women it is an elevation of their social status with the, ‘you can have it all’ mantra, which consists of a husband, children, and a successful career, an attribute to their ideals of

312

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strength and talents. For these women who try to conform to traditional marital values, it is a balancing act; that might erupt into violence; of allowing the man to be the head of the household, even if he is not the primary breadwinner (Hangloo 2012; Mailes 2018). Successful women may experience prolonged periods of emotional and psychological abuse such as gaslighting where psychological means are used to question your own sanity (Mailes 2018). In some instances, physical abuse may go unreported due to their social status (Mailes 2018). Women living in poverty, however, are single earner households, working in low wage domestic type jobs (Barrow 1996). They are more susceptible to being human trafficked or exploited as they live in the margins. For the low earner women, marriage is an avenue for economic support, which makes them susceptible for abuse (Flood and Pease 2009). The dichotomy of a woman’s status in society speaks to why intimate partner violence persists and why the dominant submissive dynamic is preserved in intimate partner relationships.

Male Hegemony Masculism from a Caribbean perspective, is an ideology that justifies and naturalizes male domination and power, it accepts heterosexuality and the existing division of labor as normal, and is resistant to change in the hierarchy of power (Reddock 2004). This belief is so intransient that men are pugnacious in changing their views or the world narrative. Publicly men will protest in support of gender equality and look remorsefully on past gender inequality and mistreatment, while simultaneously oppose women growing equality and empowerment, because it is seen as threatening and emasculating (Hosein 2019). This is particularly evident in the home. Regardless of their ethnic or racial stereotype, males are coercive in their dominance whether it is a white male who is powerful and dominant, a historical archetype (Beckles 2016), or the black male as promiscuous and irresponsible, which leaves the female abandoned emotionally and physically (Barrow 1996; Clarke 1970). The Indian and Latino male as violent and quick tempered and excessively patriarchal which leaves women living in fear (Bahadur 1975). Male privileging perseveres, it reinforces a sexual division of labor in the home, which currently permeates the socialization of young females to become docile and young males to become aggressive (Hosein 2019). Women also play an important role in continuing to keep these historical and cultural traditions alive. Negotiations within the

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home, between a man and woman is and may be always tenuous, one is always struggling for dominance whether it is overtly or passively. In the era of COVID-19, globally due to the self-isolation lockdown measures couples are forced to have 24 hours interaction and as a result there is a spike in incidents of domestic violence. Some even coin the term the silent pandemic. The consequences of the pandemic have unearthed vulnerabilities in the roles and functions within intimate relationships. The uncertainty of survival is untenable. Unless both genders make copious efforts to promote positive ego strengths in each gender and move away from tradition, the dominant-submissive paradigm will continue.

References Aldridge, M., and K Browne. 2003. “Perpetrators of Spousal Homicide: A Review.” Trauma, Violence & Abuse 4 (3): 265–276. Bahadur, Gaiutra. 1975. Coolie Woman: The Odyssey of Indenture. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Barriteau, Eudine. 2003. “Requiem for the Male Marginalization Thesis in the Caribbean: Death of a Non-theory.” In Confronting Power, Theorizing Gender: Interdisciplinary Perspectives in the Caribbean, by Eudine Barriteau, 324–355. Kingston: University of the West Indies Press. Barrow, Christine. 1996. Family in the Caribbean: Themes and Perspectives. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers. Beasley, N. M. 2009. Christian Ritual and the Creation of British Plantation Colonies. University of Georgia Press. Retrieved http://www.jstor.org. Beckles, Hilary McD. 2016. The First Black Slave Society: Britain’s Barbarity Time in Barbados 1636–1876. Kingston: The University of the West Indies Press. Brereton, B. 2007. Emancipation in Trinidad. Trinidad and Tobago: University of the West Indies, St. Augustine Campus. Clarke, E. 1970. My Mother Who Fathered Me. London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd. Flood, M., and B. Pease. 2009. “Factors Influencing Attitudes to Violence Against Women.” Trauma, Violence and Abuse 10 (2): 25–42. Hadeed, Linda, and Y. Lee. 2010. “Intimate partner Abuse and Women’s Employment: A Study of Afro-Trinidadian Women.” Journal of Poverty 14 (3): 285–307. Hangloo, Rattan Lal. 2012. “Introduction.” In Indian Diaspora in the Caribbean, by Rattan Lal Hangloo, 1–20. Delhi: Primus Books.

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Hosein, Gabrielle Jamela. 2019. “Masculinism, Male Marginalisation and Intimate Partner Backlash in Trinidad and Tobago.” Caribbean Journal of Criminology 1 (4): 90–122. Institute, Knowledge Walk. 2019. Women in Politics in the Caribbean. Website, Kingston: Caribbean Elections. http://www.caribbeanelections.com/educat ion/politics/women. Mailes, A. 2018. Smart, Successful and Abused: The Unspoken Problem of Domestic Violence and High Achieving Women. Chicago: Sutherland House, Inc. Morris, Lauren. 2020. “Petition to Have 365 Days Pulled from Netflix Gets Almost 70,000 Signatures.” Radio Times, July 11: 1. https://www.radiot imes.com/news/on-demand/2020-07-08/365-days-petition-netflix/. National Center on Domestic and Sexual. 2010. Power and Control Wheel. Diagram, Austin: National Center on Domestic and Sexual Violence. Owusu Adjah, Ebenezer, and Isaac Agbermafle. 2016. “Determinants of Domestic Violence Against Women in Ghana.” BMC Public Health 1–9. http://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-01603941. Parad, Basmat Shiw. 1999. “Marital Violence Within East Indian Households in Guyana.” In Matikor: The Politics of Identity for Indo-Caribbean Women, by Rosanne Kanhai, 40–62. St. Augustine: The University of the West Indies. Parsons, Talcott. 1967. The Structure of Social Action: Marshal, Pareto, Durkheim. Vol. I. 2 vols. Washington, DC: The Free Press. Parsons, T., and N. Smelser. 2012. The Social System. New Orleans: Quid Pro LLC. Premdas, R. (Spring, 1996). Ethnicity and Development: The Caribbean and Oceania. Working Paper #221. Kellogg Institute. Pool, M., E. Otupiri, E. Owusu-Dabo, A. DeJonge, and C. Agyemang. 2014. “Physical Violence During Pregnancy and Pregnancy Outcomes in Ghana.” BMC Pregnancy Childbirth 14 (1): 71–80. Reddock, R. 2004. “Interrogating Caribbean Masculinities: An Introduction.” In Interrogating Caribbean Masculinities: Theoretical and Empirical Analyses, by R. Reddock, 8–31. Mona: University of the West Indies. Rivers, Charles. 2000. The Arawak. Charles Rivers Editors. Rodman, H. 1966. “Illegitimacy in Caribbean Social Structure: A Reconsideration.” American Sociological Review 31: 673–683. Roopnarine, Lomarsh. 2018. The Indian Caribbean: Migration and Identity in the Diaspora. Mississippi: The University Press of Mississippi. St Hill, D. 2003. “Women and Difference in Caribbean Gender Theory.” In Confronting Power Theorizing Gender: Interdisciplinary Perspectives in the Caribbean, by Barriteau, 46–74. Mona: University of the West Indies. Ventura, Lola, Eric Lambert, Tricia White, and Kimberly Skinner. 2007. “Women and Men in Jail: Attitudes Towards and Experiences of Domestic Violence.” American Journal of Criminal Justice 31: 37–48.

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Williamson, Edwin. 1991. The Penguin History of Latin America. Edinburgh: Penguin Books. World Population Review. (2019). World Population Review.com//countries/Trinidad & Tobago Population. https://wor ldpopulationreview.com/countries/trinidad-andtobago-population/Author.

Index

A Abortions, 306–308 Abuse, 11–18 Abusive, 10–13, 16 Abusive role models, 182, 184 Administrative data, 277, 278, 283–286, 288, 289, 291, 293 Africans, 301–303, 305, 307–310 Aguilar, Yurbin, 143 Alienation, 48, 50, 52, 53 Anglophone Caribbean states, 276, 278, 282, 283, 285–287, 289, 293, 294 Assessment and evaluation, 231 Attachment to abusive parent, 197, 200 Attachment to the abuser, 198

B Baddesse activism, 40, 42 activist, 40, 46

black widows, 42, 43, 45, 55–57 performance, 40, 42, 43, 45, 49, 50, 57 play, 40–43, 47, 50, 51, 53, 55 synopsis, 40, 42, 43 techniques, 40–42, 47, 51, 57 vigilante, 40, 42, 43, 46, 50, 55, 57 Barrio Adentro Mission, 147 Barriteau, Violet Eudine (2000), 261, 263, 265 Battered wife syndrome, 265 Beast of Biche, 240 Beckles, H. (1996), 261, 262 Boal, Augusto, 47–49, 51, 52, 57, 58, 60 forum theatre, 40, 49, 52, 57 Theatre of the Oppressed, 48, 49, 57 Bracketing, 73, 74 Brecht, Bertolt alienation effect, 53 Brechtian, 48–50, 57 dialectical materialism, 47, 57

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. M. Bissessar and C. Huggins (eds.), Gender and Domestic Violence in the Caribbean, Gender, Development and Social Change, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73472-5

317

318

INDEX

distancing. See Alienation education, 40, 49 epic theatre, 40, 48, 49, 52, 57, 58 estrangement. See Alienation gestus, 48, 50, 52 Karl Marx, 60 Marxist, 47, 49 marxist, 60 Verfremdungseffekt or V-Effekt. See Estrangement Brutality, 24, 25, 28, 29 Bystander intervention, 89, 90, 99, 103 Bystander intervention models, 253 C Camey Michelle, Buttell Fred and Dutton Don (2007), 267 Capitalism, 25, 26, 30, 31, 35 Caribbean, 241, 242, 244, 249, 250, 300, 301, 303, 304, 306, 308, 309, 311, 312 Caribbean fisheries, 212–214, 217, 221, 224, 229–231, 233 CARICOM Member States, 276, 277, 289–294 Case study methodology, 200, 203 Caste, 126–128, 130, 134 Central government, 253 Central Registry for Domestic Violence, 287, 288 Chavismo, 140, 146, 147, 150 Chevannes, B. (2001), 263 Childhood abuse, 197, 204 Child sexual abuse, 244, 247 Child Welfare Departments, 287 Christian principles, 308 Coalition for Domestic Violence in Trinidad and Tobago, 287 Coercion, 25 Colonial/colonialism, 24, 25, 27, 28, 30, 249

Colonizers, 302, 303, 307, 308 Common-law relationships, 310 Commonwealth of Dominica, 276 Community, 239, 240, 242, 249, 250, 252–254 Computer Assisted Personal Interview (CAPI) Method, 290 Conference of Population and Development, 269 Conflict, 41, 45, 55 Conflict transformation, 247, 248 Conformity, 308 Controlling, 10 Cook, Phillip W. (2009), 260, 261 Crime and Problem Analysis Branch of the TTPS, 177, 178, 182 Crime and Problem Analysis (CAPA) Unit, 286 Criminality, 17 Cultural attitudes, 11 Cultural influence, 185 Culture, 157, 161, 210, 221 Current prevalence, 274, 276–278, 283–285, 289–291, 293, 294 D Decolonization, 140 Demographic, 9, 11, 18 Deterrent, 17 Development, 160, 172 Development of personality structure, 196, 198, 199 Dharma, 126 Diminishing power and control, 179, 187 Disempowerment, 169 Domestic, 158, 169–172 Domestic abuse, 143 Domestic services, 307 Domestic violence (DV), 9–15, 17, 18, 69–74, 77–84, 87–91, 94–96, 100, 101, 273–289, 293–295

INDEX

abuse, types of mental, 53 physical, 53, 55, 56 social, 53 approaches, 40, 49, 53 challenges, 39, 54 courts, 56 data, 41, 52, 54, 58 dealing with services, 56 strategies, 56 support, 39, 43, 54, 56 ways, 40, 55, 56, 58 definitions, 52, 53 faces, 40 incidence, 52, 56 Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). See Gender based violence (GBV) justice restorative justice, 40 social justice, 40, 57 law, 57 legislation. See Law perpetrator(s), 39, 40, 50, 53 prevalence. See Incidence programs and initiatives, 89 protagonist, 42, 51 protection orders, 42, 55, 56 reports, 41, 42, 56, 58 research qualitative, 41, 52–54, 58 quantitative, 41, 52, 54, 58 statistics, 88, 89, 101 third parties, 52, 57 types, emotional physical, 56 psychological, 56 sexual, 56 victim(s), 39, 42, 53, 55 vigilante, 40, 42, 43, 50, 55

319

Domestic violence act of Trinidad and Tobago, 31, 32, 34, 35 Domestic violence cost, 88 social and economic, 89, 101 Domestic violence/domestic terrorism, 241, 244, 247, 249, 252, 253 Domestic violence in Trinidad and Tobago, 175–183, 185, 187, 188, 190 Domestic violence legislation, 89 Domestic violence perpetrator, 178, 179, 190 Dominant, 303, 308, 309, 311–313 Dominant male partner, 10 Domination, 24, 28–30 Dominica National Women’s Council, 287 Dual income, 309, 310 Dube, Leela (2005), 127 E Ecofeminism/ecofeminist, 24, 30, 35 Economic adversity, 179, 186 Economic challenges, 217, 218, 223, 232, 233 Economic cost, 211, 220, 221, 223–227, 229–231, 233 Economic implications, 229, 231 Economic prescriptions, 231–233 Economic status, 12, 13 Efficacy, 16, 17 Emotional violence, 281, 291 Employment, 212, 217, 218, 230, 232, 233 Entitlement, 11 Episode, 273, 274, 276–280, 284–288, 294, 295 Epoche, 70, 73, 74 Erikson and others (2017), 264, 265 Espinet, Ramabai, 159, 163, 164 Essence, 68–70, 72, 77, 78, 82, 84

320

INDEX

Estrangement, 50 Experience, 67–75, 78–84

F Faith-based organizations, 277 Family, 214, 216, 217, 219, 220, 223, 225, 227, 241, 242, 249–254 Family Services Departments, 287 Female infanticide, 276 Female partner, 10, 11, 13 Females, 40, 51–55, 61 Femicide, 147–149, 152, 154 Femi-geno-cide, 148, 153 Feminicide, 148, 152 Feminism/feminist movements, 26 Financial, 12 Fisheries resources, 215 Food and food security, 214, 232 Formal equality, 106, 107, 110, 111, 113, 114 Freire, Paulo critical pedagogy, 40, 50, 52 education, 40, 49 empowerment, 50 literacy, 49 pedagogy of the oppressed, 49, 57, 58

G Galtung, Johan (1990), 125, 135 Gender gendered, 52, 58 Violence against Women and Girls (VAWG), 43, 46, 52, 54 Gender affairs bureaus, 277, 294 Gender based stereotypes, 106, 112, 114, 117, 119 Gender based violence (GBV), 25, 28, 30, 32, 35, 43, 46, 52–54, 56, 91, 101, 209, 211, 214, 215,

217–224, 227–229, 231–233, 280, 293 Gender Diversity Revolutionary Alliance of Venezuela, 146 Gendered lens, 212 Gender inequality, 90, 106–115, 117–120 Gender-inequities, 13 Gender roles, 11 Gender sensitive laws, 110, 111 Gladstone coolies, 128 Global trends, 176 God and spirituality, 248 Governmentality, 91, 92, 96, 98, 101 Grenada, 289, 290, 292, 295 Guppy, Lechmere, 132 H Habitus, 28 Healing-centered engagement, 253 Heterosexism, 30, 32, 34 History, 35 Hobbes, Thomas (1651), 129 Honour, 158, 159, 162 Horizontalization, 74 Hosein, Gabrielle, 158, 159, 161 Hot Line, 284, 286, 287 Human rights, 241, 250, 252 Human rights obligations, 109, 111 Humiliation, 167 Husserl, Edmund, 69, 73, 74, 82, 83 I Idealism, 308 Implications for policy, 229, 231 Imprisonment, 15, 16 Inability to communicate, 179 Incidence, 52, 56 Indentured people, 126, 128–130, 132 Indentureship, 303–305

INDEX

Indhira, Rodríguez, 141, 144–147, 152 Indian, 158, 159, 161–164, 166, 167, 170, 303, 304, 306, 308 Indigenous people, 301, 306, 307 Indirect and direct costs, 223, 224, 233 The Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women (Belem do Para), 109, 120 Inter-American Development Bank, 249 Inter-American Development Bank (2018), 177 Internal conscientisation, 247 Interpersonal violence, 12, 281 Intersectionality, 210, 214 Intervention, 196 Intimate partner abuse, 196, 200, 204 Intimate partner violence (IPV), 10, 11, 18, 87, 88, 95, 100, 102, 125, 209, 211, 215, 216, 219, 221, 240–242, 245, 247, 249–251, 253, 254, 275, 279, 289–293 Intra-familial violence, 276 Intrapsychic, 158, 166, 172 J Jackson, Nicky A. (2007), 175 Jamaica, 279, 285, 289, 292, 295 Jiménez, Elisa, 144 Justice systems, 284, 288 L La Araña Feminista, 146, 147 Lacaille, Brendon, 42, 46, 58, 59 Latinos, 301, 311, 312 Law, 45, 57

321

Law enforcement, 12, 18, 277 Learned behaviors, 179, 180 Learned social behavior, 125 Learning environments, 243 Legal aid, 277, 287 Legislation, 14–16, 24, 30, 31 Lewis, L. (2003), 261–264 LGBTQ, 11 Library, 246 Life history calendar (LHC), 295 Lifetime prevalence, 274 Linguistic violence (LV), 69–84 Literature, 89, 90, 96, 98, 100, 101 Lived experiences, 67, 69, 71, 73, 74, 82, 83 Livelihoods, 212, 214 Local government, 252, 253 Love and power, 91, 96, 98, 101

M Madness, 168, 170, 171 Male absenteeism, 184 Male hegemony, 312 Male perpetration, 179, 183 Males, 53, 55 masculinity, 55 Marginalized populations, 252 Marriage, 302, 305–312 Masculinity, 91, 93, 94, 96, 98–101 Masculism, 312 Media representation, 91, 96, 97, 101 Media strategies, 17 Medical records, 284, 285 Medina, Ketsy, 150 Men and domestic violence, 176, 178, 179 Men and masculinities, 247 Mental health, 251, 252 Mission Mothers of the Neighborhood, 149 Mootoo, Shani, 159, 164, 170

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INDEX

Moral defense, 198–200, 204 Moran, Patricia, 160, 169 Mota, Gioconda, 147 Mother-child relationship, 199 Moustakas, Clark (1994), 69, 70, 73–75, 79, 82, 83 Multidimensional coordinated approach, 252

N National health surveillance system, 286 National Institute for Women of Venezuela, 144, 154 National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey Report, 259 National statistical, 277, 285, 294 National women’s health survey, 249 Naturalization, 24, 29, 30, 35 Newspaper representation, 90 Non-government organizations (NGOs), 276, 277, 287 Normative, 17 Norms, 232

O Objectification, 11 Object relations theory, 196, 197, 201, 203 Occupation orders, 15

P Paradigm, 308, 309, 311, 313 Patriarchal norms, 9 Patriarchy, 26–29, 90, 91, 94, 96, 98, 101, 107, 108, 119, 158, 159, 162–164, 167, 169, 171 Pemberton, Cecile and Joseph, Joel (2018), 259 Penalties, 15, 17

Perpetrators, 11–17, 240–242, 245–252, 254 Perpetrator-victim nexus, 276 Phenomenology, 69, 71, 82–84 Phenomenon, 68, 69, 71–73, 75, 77, 79, 82, 83 Physical violence, 281 Police records, 284, 286 Policies, 211, 214, 229, 231–233 Politics, 240, 241, 250 Polyandry, 305, 310 Polygamy, 306, 310 Postcolonial, 24, 27, 30, 35 Power, 24–26, 28–30, 32–35 Pre-conditions, 135 Presbyterian, 164–166, 168 Prevalence, 274, 277, 283–285, 289–294 Protection orders, 15–18 The Protector of Immigrants, 132 Psychological reasons women stay, 195 Public/private, 24, 26, 28, 30–32, 34 Punishment, 16, 17 Purity, 161, 172

R Race, 241 Rage, 160, 161, 169–172 Rape Crisis Centre, 287 Recall errors, 295 Regender/regendering the state, 31, 34 Remedies, 106, 108–110, 115, 116, 119 Repression, 171 Reproductive labor, 25 Romance fiction, 97 Roopnarine, Lomarsh (2015), 126, 136 Rural coastal communities, 217, 232

INDEX

S Safety promotion, 274 Seafood landscape, 231–233 Segato, Rita, 148, 153 Self-socialization, 184 Sexual assault, 247 Sexuality, 158, 161, 163 Sexual relationships, 302, 303, 305–308, 310 Sexual violence, 281, 291, 292 Shame, 158–161, 163–172 Shelters, 277, 287 Situational triggers, 179, 186, 187 Slavery, 302–304, 309 Slow violence, 24 Small scale fisheries, 211 Stöckl et al., 258, 259 Social challenges, 232 Social characteristic stresses, 216 Socialization, 175, 180, 182, 184, 185, 187–189 Societal beliefs, 11 Societal factors, 13 Spaniards, 307 Spanish conquest, 306, 307 Splitting defense, 198, 199 State Ministry for Women’s Affairs of Venezuela, 154 State responses, 106, 107, 109, 110, 112, 114 Staying, 12, 13 Staying in treatment, 196, 200, 204–206 Stigma, 12 Strategies for therapist, 205 Structural description, 70, 79, 80 Structural functionalism, 301 Subordinate, 308, 309 Substance abuse, 179, 180, 187 Substantive equality, 106, 107, 110, 111, 113–119 Suicide, 243

323

Support for women fishers, 217–224, 228, 231–233 Suriname, 290, 292, 295 Survivor-based, 308 Sustainable Development Goals(s), 42 Symbolic power, 24, 25, 28–30, 34, 35 Systemic violence, 253

T Tangible and intangible costs, 224, 233 Tenancy orders, 15 Textual analysis content analysis, 41 rhetorical criticism, 41 Textural description, 70, 79, 80 Theatre audience, 40–42, 45–49, 51, 53, 58 engagement, 46 techniques, 40, 41, 47, 51, 52, 57 theory, 40, 47, 58 Threats, 16 Transcendental phenomenology, 68, 69, 82, 83 Transformative change processes, 247 Trauma informed, 252, 253 Trinidad and Tobago, 176–179, 185, 187, 239, 249, 250, 276, 279, 281, 286–290, 292, 295 Trinidad and Tobago Domestic Violence Act Chapter 45:56, 106, 113, 118, 123 Trinidad and Tobago Equal Opportunity Act Chapter 22:03, 114, 123 Trinidad and Tobago Maternity Protection Act Chapter 45:57, 115, 123

324

INDEX

U The UN Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), 113, 115, 119, 122, 123 The UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women (DEVAW), 109, 119, 122 Unequal, 10 Unequal citizenship, 94 United Associations Pro Reform of the Civil Code of Venezuela, 149 United Nations (UN), 42, 59, 241 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), 210, 295 United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (UNECLAC), 277 United Nations Population Fund, 269 Un women, 289, 295 V Venezuelan Association for Alternative Sex Education, 144 Venezuelan Communicational Liberation Army, 150 Venezuelan Coordinator of NonGovernmental Organizations of Women, 150 Verbal abuse, 78 Victim, 239–243, 245–254 Victimization, 275, 277, 283, 284, 288, 293–295 Violence, 68–71, 73, 74, 76–82, 84, 300, 301, 309–313 Gender-based violence (GBV), forms. See Violence against Women and Girls(VAWG) historical context, 51

nature, 40 prevalence, 40, 41, 52, 54, 57 Social context, 40, 52 Trinidad and Tobago, 40–42, 50–52, 54, 59, 61, 62 Violence against Women and Girls (VAWG), 43, 46, 52, 54 Violence against women, 89, 90, 96, 97, 279, 280, 282, 284, 285, 288–290, 292–294 Violence against Women and Girls (VAWG), 39, 43, 46, 52, 54 Violence prevention, 274, 283 ViolenceViolence, 75, 76 Visiting relationships, 310 Vital registration, 285

W The Walking Midwifes, 150 WHO Multi-Country Study Questionnaire, 290 Women advancement, 188 Women fishers, 217–229, 231–233 Women’s bureaus, 277 Women’s Development Bank of Venezuela, 154 Women’s Health and Life Experiences, 290, 295 Women’s rights, 30, 31, 34 Women’s Studies Center of the Central University of Venezuela, 144 World health organization (WHO), 251

Z Zambrano Ortiz, Aimée, 152