Ga: Japanese conjunction : its functions and sociolinguistic implications

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Ga: Japanese Conjunction Its Functions and Sociolinguistic Implications

Tatsuya Fukushima

2006 LINCOM EUROPA

Published by LINCOM GmbH 2006.

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Contents

Acknowledgments .........................................................................................

1

2

3

iii

Introduction.................................................................................................

1

Historical Development of Conjunction g a ......................................... A. Earlier ga Functions .............................................................................. B. Ga in Early Heian Period (794-1086 A.D.) ........................................ C. Insei-ki Era (1086-1192 A.D.): Emergence of Conjunction ga ....... D. Ishigaki's (1955) Typology of Conjunction ga Functions in Medieval Japanese .................................................................... Conclusion ............................................................................................

6 6 9 16

Review of Previous g a Accounts ........................................................... A. Prescriptive Accounts of ga Functions ............................................. B. Descriptive Accounts of ga Functions ............................................... 1. Nagano's (1951) Study ..................................................................... 2. Chino's (1990) Study ........................................................................ 3. Katsuki-Pestemer's (2003) Study.................................................... C. Ga Accounts for Teachers/Learners of Japanese as a Second/Foreign Language ...................................... 1. Gfl Functions Identified in Alfonso (1966) .................................... 2. Merriam-Webster's (1993) ga Categorization .............................. Summary and Evaluation ...................................................................

24 25 34 34 37 41

Functions of ga — Pragmatic Analysis ................................................. A. Method ................................................................................................... B. Findings .................................................................................................. C. Discussion .............................................................................................. Summary and Evaluation...................................................................

48 49 51 51 56

17 23

42 43 44 45

II

4

5

Variation Analysis I: g a and Discourse Settings ............................. A. Variation Analysis I: Objectives, Research Design, & Data Sources ................................................................................ 1. Objectives & Research Design of Variation Analysis I ............. 2. Data Sources of Variation Analysis I ............................................. B. Clauses: Measurement Unit for this Study....................................... C. Results of Variation Analysis I ............................................................ D. Reexamining ga Functions ................................................................... 1. Conflictive/ Contrastive ga .............................................................. 2. Referential ga ..................................................................................... 3. Insertive ga ......................................................................................... 4. Implicative ga .................................................................................... 5. Continuative ga ................................................................................. E. Results: Implications for ga Frequencies and Distributions ....... 1. Asahi Shimbun Editorials .................................................................. 2. Asahi Shimbun Breaking News Stories .......................................... 3. Press Conferences with Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi ............. 4. Interviews with Japan Communist Party Chairman Tetsuzo Fuwa ............................................................... 5. Yahoo! japan Message Boards.......................................................... Summary and Evaluation ...................................................................

58 58 58 59 63 72 76 77 78 86 90 93 105 105 106 107 Ill 118 121

Variation Analysis II: ga and Addresser Characteristics.................. A. Evaluating Variation Analysis I ........................................................ B. Goals of Variation Analysis II ........................................................... C. Method ................................................................................................... D. Evaluating Validity of Variation Analysis II .................................. 1. Discourse Characteristics of Selected Press Conferences ......... 2. Ga Functions Identified in Variation Analysis I I .......................... E. Results ..................................................................................................... F. Discussion: Ga Occurrences and Profiles of Japanese Prime Ministers .............................................................. 1. Ryu taro Hashimoto .......................................................................... 2. Keizo Obuchi .................................................................................... 3. Jun'ichiro Koizumi ........................................................................... Summary and Evaluation ....................................................................

123 123 125 126 127 128 134 141

Conclusion ...................................................................................................

150

References .................................................................................................... Appendix: References to Language Sources ....................................... Index ..............................................................................................................

155 162 175

143 143 145 146 148

iii

Acknowledgments

Although it addresses various sociocultural and historical issues from different dimensions, this book essentially aims to describe pragmatic-semantic functions as well as to unveil sociolinguistic characteristics of the Japanese conjunction ga. Findings in its multifaceted approach, involving historical, pragmatic, and variation analyses extend not only to aspects of ga functions in Present-Day Japanese but to manners of their emergence in the history of the Japanese language. I will greatly appreciate insightful feedbacks from the readers. Any factual errors or data misinterpretations are solely mine. Portions of Chapter 5 in this book are based on my previously published article entitled "True Colors of Japanese Prime Ministers: A Linguistic Approach to Political Profiling" in Journal o f Language and Politics 4:3 (2005), pp. 421-442 (With kind permission by John Benjamins Publishing Company, Amsterdam/Philadelphia. www.benjamins. com). I want to express my profound appreciation to the love and support of my wife, Gek Chiang Tan. In dealing with a complex work like this, a positive atmosphere for academic endeavor at home was vital to its successful completion, and I appreciate her patience for my indulgence in hours of music on the radio and cups of coffee, just to name a few. My thanks also extend to my family and relatives as well as my wife's. This book is specially dedicated to the memory of Hyo'e Nanaura, my grandfather and one of Japan's finest in public service. In the course of this work, I was fortunate to enjoy support and encouragement from a number of colleagues at the University of Arkansas. This work would not have reached the level it did without the professional assistance by Carole Lane and Karen Clark, who read drafts of the manuscript and offered me valuable suggestions. My special thanks go to Professors Charles Adams, Shih-Shan Henry Tsai, and Janet and William Tucker for their encouragement throughout this work. Particularly, I thank Professor Janet Tucker for offering me advice on my initial proposal. Additionally, I would like to extend my appreciation to the staff at Mullins Library for their efficient service in response to my numerous Interlibrary Loan requests. There are countless

iv other colleagues to whom I extend my appreciation. I refrain from mentioning their names, but I am deeply grateful for their moral and instrumental support. Finally, I am indebted to Ulrich Ltiders at LINCOM EUROPA for his endless patience in dealing with my drafts and bringing this work to publication. Fayetteville, Arkansas June 2006

V

Abbreviations

ACC, accusative; CAUSE, causative; COMP, completive (aspect); CONJ, conjunction; COP, copula; DAT, dative; DEST, destinational; DIR, directional; EMPH, emphatic; END, sentence-ending marker; GEN, genitive; HON, honorific; HUM, humble; INST, instrumental; INTJ, interjective; LOC, locative; NEG, negation marker; NOM, nominative; PAC, place of action; PASS, passive (voice); PAST, tense marker; PL, plural; PROG, progressive (aspect); PUR, purpose; RSN, reason; Q, question marker; ST, resultant state; TAG, tag question; TEMP, temporal; TOP topic marker

Introduction

This book aims to identify functional characteristics of the Japanese conjunction ga and to reveal their situational and sociocultural implications. Although countless studies in Japanese linguistics focus on the nominative case marker ga in contrast to the topic marker wa (e.g., Mikami, 1960; Kuno, 1973; Kuno, 1976; Li & Thompson, 1976), this study investigates a dif-ferent type of ga. To illustrate this point, we will examine the following examples: (1)

(a)

Dare ga kachi-mashita who NOM win-PAST "Who won (the game)?"

(b)

Kino yesterday imasen exist-NEG

ka? Q

denwa-shimashita ga, telephone-PAST but

dare who

mo at-all

deshita. PAST

"I called yesterday, but no one was there." Ga (l)(a) is a nominative marker for the preceding word dare "who." On the other hand, ga (l)(b) is a conjunction that denotes a conflictive logical relationship between the clauses Kind denwa shimashita "\ called yesterday" and dare mo imasen deshita "no one was there." Our discussion on ga throughout this book will focus exclusively on the conjunction ga instead of the nominative marker. As is the case with many discourse markers in English and other languages, the Japanese conjunction ga mirrors various sociocultural elements. For example, the conjunction ga in some uses conveys an implicit message to addressees, as shown in the following example:

2

(2)

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

Kyo wa isogashii n desu ga. . . today TOP busy COP "Today, (I am) busy [ga] . . . " (Alfonso, 1966, p. 517)

Ga (2) is a conjunction because it comes after the clause Kyo wa isogashii n desu "Today, (I am) busy." This ga, however, is different from the one in (l)(b) because the post-go clause is omitted. According to Alfonso (1966), speakers of Japanese use ga at the end of a sentence to soften the assertive tone of the pre-go statement (p. 517). In cases like (2), where the addresser makes a remark unfavorable to the addressee, the statement without ga would sound "almost dogmatically assertive" (p. 518). By contrast, ga (2) "softens the directness, and makes the statement more acceptable to the listener" (Alfonso, 1966, p. 518). This ga use demonstrates a clear example of the well-known Japanese tendency toward indirect communication. Because of a close interrelation between a discourse marker and sociocultural characteristics of addressers, it is predictable that ga will reveal numerous other aspects of Japanese language, people, and culture. Another important aspect of the conjunction ga is its historical development. Researchers in this field contend that the conjunction ga emerged from the nominative case marker ga. The following pair of sentences in Classical Japanese will illustrate this point: (3)

(a)

Kawa ni ochi-shi ga oyogi e zu. river DEST fall-PAST NOM swim could NEG "(The person) who fell into the river [gn] couldn't swim." (Sansom, 1928, p. 278)1

(b)

Kawa ni ochi-shi mono oyogi e zu. river DEST fall-PAST person swim could NEG "The person who fell into the river couldn't swim."

The key to ga's development into a conjunction is its use in Classical Japanese as a nominative case marker for a nominalized clause with no overt head noun. In (3) (a), the head noun mono "a person" is ellipted from the relativized NP kawa ni ochi shi mono "the person who fell into the river," and the nominative case marker ga is retained. In (3)(b), on the other hand, the nominalized clause kawa ni ochishi mono retains the head noun mono, and the ga is ellipted. Sansom (1928) posits that ga in (3)(a) eventually developed a conjunctive function by virtue of its occurrence between two clauses.1 1 Sansom (1928) fails to identify the source of the sentence. However, the Classical Japanese origin of this sentence is evident from the sentence-ending verb form — zu and the past verb form -shi.

Introduction

3

Additionally, further research shows that this syntactic feature caused not only functional digression in Medieval Japanese but evolvement of various functional categories in Modern Japanese. This book employs a multifaceted and multidimentional approach to the conjunction go in an attempt to describe its functions and their common characteristics in detail. Previous studies failed to identify a number of important sociocultural implications for its occurrences due to their circumscribed approaches. As will be described in subsequent chapters, this book will employ data of various types from numerous sources in an attempt to identify ga functions and their characteristics through analysis of its occurrence patterns. Meanwhile, this book includes diachronic analysis of ga because one of its salient syntactic features played an important role in the eventual emergence of the conjunctive function in Medieval Japanese as well as other functional categories in Modem Japanese. Chapter 1 reviews the chronological development of the conjunction ga based on its occurrences in historical documents. As mentioned earlier, ga in Classical Japanese functioned as a nominative case marker for a nominalized clause with no overt head noun. As a result of its occurrences in increasingly complex sentence patterns, ga began to show signs of its functional digression during the Early Heian Period (794-1086 A.D.) and eventually developed fully into a conjunction during the Insei-ki Era (1086-1194 A.D.). By the medieval period, the conjunction ga had six different functions. After discussing the chronological development, the chapter offers a hypothesis about factors that led to the functional digression as well as to the evolvement of the conflictive and contrastive marking function. Although this hypothesis was presented from a historical perspective, detailed analysis of its functions in Modern Japanese will demonstrate the significance of these factors in developing functional categories identified in the subsequent chapters. Chapter 2 reviews previous studies of ga functions in Modern Japanese from the perspectives of a prescriptive norm about ga uses, descriptive accounts based on a variety of examples, and categorizations for teachers and learners of Japanese as a Second/Foreign Language. The prescriptive norm, proposed by nationally prominent writers, contended that ga should be used solely to indicate logical conflict or contrast between utterances. One extreme prescriptivist went so far as to denounce all forms of ga as a cause of confusion on the readers' part. On the other hand, descriptive accounts of ga functions identified their respective sets of functions based on a variety of examples. Meanwhile, JSL/JFL accounts offered concise and learner-friendly explanations of ga functions. Although descriptive and JSL/JFL accounts discussed a combined total of five ga functional categories, none of them unilaterally identified all of them due to the limited scope of their approaches. Our multifaceted approach to the conjunction ga throughout this book — consisting of one pragmatic analysis and two variation analyses — aims to accomplish the following goals: 1) To identify ga functional categories by analyzing patterns of their occurrences in a variety of settings and 2) To evaluate the relevance of ga occurrence patterns to situational and sociocultural characteristics of selected discourse settings.

4

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

The pragmatic analysis in Chapter 3 employs data primarily from a TV talk show in an attempt to identify ga functions. The select-ion of this setting is based on a prediction that spontaneous speech facilitates occurrences of ga with wide functional distribution compared to written texts wherein the prescriptive norm would inhibit them. This analysis collects all occurrences of ga in a two-hour TV program and analyzes semantic contents of pre/post-ga utterances in order to divide them into functional categories. Chapter 4 presents results of Variation Analysis I based on data from newspaper articles, public speeches by prominent elected officials, and message boards on the World Wide Web. Whereas the pragmatic analysis focuses predominantly on the identification of ga functional types, Variation Analysis I examines patterns of ga frequency and distribution by employing data of comparable length from different settings. Prior to its comparison of ga occurrences, Variation Analysis I draws a prediction that patterns of ga frequency and distribution yield a number of situational and sociocultural characteristics of selected settings. For example, in light of the prescriptive norm advocated by influential writers, it is predictable that newspaper articles yield low ga frequency with limited functional variation, whereas spoken settings yield frequent ga occurrences with wider functional variation. Variation Analysis I not only confirms these pre-dictions but demonstrates a substantial relationship between ga occurrence patterns and situational and sociocultural characteristics of selected settings. Additionally, by employing data of substantial length from each setting, Variation Analysis I reveals characteristics of ga functions in further detail. Chapter 5 presents results of Variation Analysis II based on data from press conferences with three Japanese prime ministers. In light of limitations in Variation Analysis I in its attempts to evaluate the relationship between ga occurrence patterns and addressers' sociopolitical considerations, Variation Analysis II employs data from different individuals in comparable settings. At the same time, to add dimensions to its findings, Variation Analysis II incorporates data from international and domestic press conferences. In light of Japanese prime ministers' conventional role to represent their party's consensus, this analysis reveals that ga occurrence patterns suggest their attempts in varying degrees to craft a party-friendly image in domestic press conferences (where they are subject to party members' scrutiny) and to demonstrate their "true colors" in international ones (where they would be relatively free from such scrutiny). Finally, the Conclusion summarizes findings about the conjunction ga throughout the book. This chapter first summarizes pragmatic and sociolinguistic characteristics of all ga functions based on findings in pragmatic and variation analyses. Also, this chapter evaluates the relevance of the ga historical development to the evolvement of current functional categories. Based on the hypothesis about the ga historical development, this chapter offers a theory that highlighting (i.e., denoting functional specificity) not only contributed to its functional digression in Medieval Japanese but remains operational as an instrumental vehicle to yield a functional characteristic that is common to all ga categories in Modern Japanese. Additionally,

Introduction

5

based on varying ga occurrence patterns observed in these analyses, this chapter evaluates the extent to which patterns of ga frequency and distribution demonstrate characteristics of Japanese language, people, and culture.

Chapter 1

Historical Development of Conjunction ga

Whereas ga as a nominative case marker and ga as a conjunction function as two separate lexical items in Modem Japanese, they came from the same origin. Historical research shows that ga initially functioned strictly as a nominative case marker and that the conjunctive functions later emerged in the course of the linguistic development of the Japanese language. This historical development is attributable to the syntactic and semantic characteristics of pre-ga and post-go clauses. This chapter discusses the historical development of the conjunction go based on the review of previous studies. Whereas numerous researchers (e.g., Sansom, 1928; Ishigaki, 1955; Koreshima, 1966; Shindo, 1973; Yamaguchi, 1980; etc.) offered their views about the go development, our discussion in this chapter will be based primarily on Ishigaki's (1955) diachronic pragmatic approach to go occurrences in historical documents for three reasons. First, Sansom (1928), the only ga analysis before Ishigaki (1955) among those that we encountered, offered merely a brief account of the way the conjunctive use emerged. Second, all other ga studies that we reviewed relied heavily on Ishigaki's (1955) findings. Third, and most important, Ishigaki (1955) — based on the pragmatic analysis of all occurrences in fifteen historical documents released over the period of eight hundred years — is by far the most comprehensive historical analysis of the conjunction ga. A. Earlier Ga Functions During the Nara Period (710-794 A.D.) and Early Heian Period (794-1086 A.D.), ga functioned exclusively as a case marking particle. According to Ishigaki (1955), ga functioned during that period as 1) an attributive (i.e., possessive) marker for the preceding noun, and 2) a nominative marker for the preceding nominalized clause. To illustrate this point, Ishigaki (1955) cites the following examples from Norito

Chapter 1: Historical Development

7

(Compilation of ancient Japanese ritual prayers)1 and Manydshu (Myriad Leaves; the 8th Century Anthology by Imperial Edict): tsukaematsuru serve HUM

(1A.1)

tokoro-dokoro place-place

no ie-ie GEN house-house

no Okimi-tachi maetsu-kimi-tachi o mo GEN prince-PL court-noble-PL ACC even tairakeku tranquilize

sumera emperor

tsukaematsuri, serve HUM tamae to tatae-goto please CONJ praise

ga mikado GEN court sakae prosper

ni LOC

shime CAUSE

o matsuraku ACC fulfill

to mosu. CONJ speak-humbly "Grant that the many regions, houses, princes, and court nobles Serving therein may be tranquil And that they may serve in (the Emperor [ga] court). . . And may flourish and prosper [with this prayer] I fulfill your praises. Thus I humbly speak." (English translation by Phillipi, 1990, p. 24) (1A.2)

Otagi Great-fall

o ACC

Sugite pass

Natsumi

ni LOC

1 Although the text compilation of Norito cited in this study took place in the early 10th Century, its ritual prayers were "already considered ancient" (Kitagawa, 1990, p. xxvi) at the time of compilation, with some dating back before the Nara Period (710-794 A.D.). Nevertheless, Ishigaki (1955) considers Norito and Manydshu to be comparable from the perspective of historical language analysis because of their use of archaic language and Mcmyd-gana (i.e., Manyoshu-sty\e syllabary).

8

Ga: Japanese Conjunction Soite Go-along

ite PROG

Kiyoki clear

kawase river-rapid

Miru see (INF)

ga sayakesa NOM clearness

o ACC

Lit., "I passed the great fall, and walk along the Natsumi river; to see the clear river-rapids [go] is clearness. = "Having passed the great fall, I walk along the Natsumi river, and when 1 look at the clear river-rapids, oh for its limpid clearness!" (Manydshu, Book IX, No. 1737; Literary translation by Pierson, 1956, p. 79)2 Ga (1A.1) is an attributive case marker for sumera "an emperor," which is connected with mikado "the Court." Therefore, sumera ga mikado in (1A.1) means "the Emperor's Court." Ga (1A.2) includes two syntactic characteristics that require discussion here. First, clauses surrounding ga in (1A.2) yield the following structure: (1A.3)

[NOMINALIZED CLAUSE] ga (nominalized adjective)

Ga (1A.3) may appear at first glance to function as an attributive marker. However, a sentence-final nominalized adjective in Classical Japanese pragmatically functioned as an adjective that yielded an interjective meaning. Therefore, Ishigaki (1955) claims, ga (1A.2) is a nominative marker for the preceding nominalized clauses, and sayakesa "clearness" (1A.2) is a predicative interjective adjective meaning "oh, how clear" (pp. 20-21). Second, the nominalized clause kiyoki kawase o miru "to see the clear river-rapids" does not include the overt head noun koto "the fact," which comes after the clause. Particularly in the later phases of the linguistic development, this absence of the overt head noun in the nominalized clause would become an important factor to the eventual emergence of the conjunctive function. 2 Wherever deemed necessary and appropriate, example sentences throughout this study will include their alternate English translations to facilitate comprehension. Unless otherwise specified, alternate translations are provided by the author.

Chapter 1: Historical Development

9

B. Ga in Early Heian Period (794-1086 A.D.)3 Literary works in the Early Heian Period suggest functional expansion of the nominative marker ga to a nominalized clause with practically all types of post-ga predicates. Whereas the nominative marker ga for a nominalized clause had occurred only before a nominalized adjective, it began to occur with other types of predicates. The following example illustrates this point: (1B.1)

—►

Yagate soon

makarinu depart

beki ought-to

na seems-to

meri may-be

to CONJ

omou ga kanashiku think NOM saddening

haberu nari. COP (HUM) COP

Lit., "To think that I have to leave soon [ga] is saddening." (An excerpt from Taketori Monogatari; ca. late 9th Century) Ga (1B.1) is a nominative case marker for the nominalized clause hodo naku. . . to omou "to think that I have to depart soon." Particularly noteworthy in this example is the occurrence of the nominative clause before kanashiku haberu nari "is saddening." Whereas the go-assigned nominalized clause had previously occurred before a nominalized adjective with an interjective meaning, ga in (1B.1) occurs before the predicative adjective that neither is nominalized nor conveys an interjective meaning. Although ga (1B.1) essentially does not function differently from the one in (1A.2) in terms of the role of the pre-ga clause, the functional expansion of the post-ga clause from a nominalized interjective adjective to a predicative adjective is, in Ishigaki's (1955) view, an important phenomenon that would eventually extend to practically all clause types (p. 22). Later in the Early Heian Period, three distinct types of pre-ga nominalized clauses emerged and heralded the eventual emergence of ga as a conjunction. Ishigaki (1955) analyzes examples of these nominative ga types as follows:

3 Although the Heian Period lasted until 1192 (when Minamoto-no Yoritomo won appointment as shogun to rule the Kamakura shogunate), the Late Heian Period (10861192 A.D.) is recognized by history scholars as the Insei-ki Era, when a cloistered emperor began to assume de facto Court leadership as senior imperial regent.

10

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

Nominative ga Type 1 (Functional Nominal) (1B.2)

Taketori-no-Okina sa friendly katarai talk

tsuru ga, PAST

neburi sleep

ori. PAST

bakari seemingly

sasuga ni embarrassing

oboete think

Lit., "Taketori-no Okina, who talked in friendly terms [ga], became embarrassed and closed his eyes." (An excerpt rom Taketori Monogatari) The pre-gfl clause in (1B.2) is defined by Ishigaki (1955) as functional nominal (p. 24), or a clause that as a whole constitutes a norm both syntactically and semantically. Functional nominals are characterized by the absence of a noun within a pre-ga clause that could semantically serve as the subject NP of the post-ga predicative verb or adjective. Particularly in the case of (1B.2), there is no lexical noun within the pre-gfl clause at all. Nominative ga Type 2 (Structucal Nominal) (1B.3)

Onna woman

no mada yo NOM yet experience

- ►

oboetaru thought

ga

hito person

to e zu have NEG CONJ

no on-moto ni GEN HON-place LOC

shinobite. . . . visit-secretly Lit., "A woman being thought to have had no experience (with a man) [ga] secretly visited a m an___ " (An excerpt from The Tales oflse) The pre-gfl clause in (1B.3) is defined by Ishigaki (1955) as structural nominal, or a clause whose subject NP may semantically function as the subject NP of the post-gfl clause. In (1B.3), Onna "the woman," the subject NP of the pre-gfl clause, may semantically function as the subject NP of the post-ga predicative verb shinobite "visit secretly."

Utsushite transport

ueshi plant-PAST

naku Kai mo avail even NEG Machido ni wait-eager

nomi only

Miyuru appear

hana flower

kana. INTJ

yomi tamai keru. CONJ read HON COMP Lit., "The same Chunagon (i.e., Tsutsumi no Chunagon), he had planted the cherry tree somewhat too far from the front of his mansion, which (he) replanted closer [ga], because (the tree) seemed to be withering, read (as follows):" = "Tsutsumi no Chunagon replanted the cherry tree that he previously had planted somewhat too far from the front of his mansion. Because the tree seemed to be withering, he read the following poem:"

12

Ga: Japanese Conjunction "I have transplanted the tree Closer to my mansion But to no avail; The blossoms, it would seem, Will not bloom for me." (An excerpt from Tales ofYamato; English translation of poem by Tahara, 1980, p. 43)

Nominative ga Type 3, for which Ishigaki (1955) does not provide a terminology, yields a particularly complex structure and requires clarification. In (1B.4), the pre-ga clause is chikaku uekeru "(he) replanted closer," and the post-ga clause is kare zama ni mie kereba "because (the cherry tree) seems to be withering." Therefore, as shown in the literal English translations above, the subject NP of the pre-ga clause (the Chunagon) semantically does not correspond to that of the post-ga clause (the cherry tree). At the same time, the lengthy nominalized clause onaji Chunagon . . . hori ue keru "the same Chunagon . . . replanted closer" — which extends from the beginning of the sentence to ga — comprises the subject of the verb yomi tari keru "read (the poem)." Whereas these examples do not constitute occurrences of ga as a conjunction, they do, Ishigaki (1955) claims, suggest functional diversions of the nominative marker ga from modifying a nominalized clause without an overt head noun. Functional nominals represented the most syntactically prototypical use of the nominative marker ga. However, structural nominals suggest some degree of functional diversion as evidenced by the pre-ga subject NP semantically functioning as subject NP of the post-ga predicative verb. This trend for functional diversion became particularly salient in Nominative ga Type 3 (1B.4). In this example, the immediate pre-ga and post-ga clauses appear to be semantically unrelated because neither the pre-ga clause nor the pre-ga subject NP (onaji Chunagon) functions as the subject NP of the post-ga verb phrase kare zama ni mie kereba "because (subject) seems to be withering." In particular, Ishigaki (1955) observes general increases in occurrences of Types 2 and 3 in literary works during later years of the Early Heian Period, as shown in Table 1-1. Whereas Type 2 initially occurred only once in Tales o f Ise (ca. late 9th Century) and twice in Tales o f

Table 1-1 Occurrences of Three Types of Nominative Ga in Early Heian Literary Works Title Year Type 1 Type 2 Type 3 Taketori Monogatari late 9th C. 2 Tales oflse late 9th C.? i Tales ofTosa 935 Tales ofYamato mid 10th C.? 2 2 Tale ofGenji early 11th C. 134 71 8 (based on Ishigaki, 1955, p. 53)

Chapter 1: Historical Development

13

Yamato (ca. mid 10th Century), it occurred as many as 71 times in The Tale ofGenji (ca. early 11th Century). On the other hand, Type 3 occurred only twice in Tales ofYamato but eight times in The Tale ofGenji. These functional diversions were attributable to the postpositional syntactic structure of the Japanese language. As Table 1-2 shows, Japanese places a particle after a noun (see a.) and a conjunction after a clause (see c.). Additionally, relative clauses in Classical Japanese frequently omitted head nouns such as mono "a (low-ranked) person" and hito "a (high-ranked) person," which came after the modifying clause (see b.). This absence of head norms would make a nominalized clause structurally indistinguishable from a clause of other types. Consequently, in conjunction with their monosyllabic tendency, particles and conjunctions would become structurally indistinguishable particularly in lengthy and structurally complex sentences like (1B.4), and structural diversion of ga from a case-marking particle to a conjunction would result. In addition to the increasing structural complexity, semantic subject NPs in structural nominals (as in [1B.3]) and structural patterns such as (1B.4) eventually led to the digression of ga functions. Although these ga uses suggest signs of the eventual emergence of conjunctive functions, they do not provide conclusive evidence of ga functioning as a conjunction. To illustrate this point, Ishigaki (1955) cites the following examples from The Tale o f Genji: (1B.5)

Sate now

mata Hitachi next

haberi ni keru PAST COMP

narite ni LOC become

kudari accompany

ga (a), kono toshi goro this year approximately

ni mo kikoe tamawa oto rumor LOC even hear HON kono haru noborite, this spring come-to-Kyoto

zari tsuru ga (b>, NEG PAST

kano Miya that Highness

Table 1-2 Characteristics in Basic Sentence Structures a)

«opN (P)

b)

[RELA TIV E CLAUSES 1

c)

[C L A U S I [Conj.]

(P )

= particle = mono/hito (head noun; frequently omitted)

14

Ga: Japanese Conjunction ni wa LOC TOP

tazune visit

to namu honoka ni CONJ EMPHvaguely

mairi tari keru HUM PAST COMP kiki hear

haberi shi. HUM COMP

Lit., "Next, (the senior gentlewoman named Chujo), (whose husband) became (a Court-appointed officer) at Hitachi and who accompanied him [ga] (a), whom I have not heard of for years [ga] (b), came up to Kyoto this spring and visited His Highness, so rumor has it." = "She (the senior gentlewoman named Chujo) next accompanied her husband to Hitachi, where he had been posted, and for years there was no news of her. Then, so I hear, she came up to the City this spring and went to call at His Highness's." (Alternate English translation in Murasaki, 2001, p. 958) (1B.6)

Izure no on-toki which GEN era

ni ka, TEMPQ

amata saburai-soraikeru many there-was

naka ni inside LOC

ito very

yangotonaki kiwa ni wa noble top LOC TOP

sugurete very

ari tokimeki-tamau be-attractive-HON exist

nyogo woman

ara exist

koi nobleman

nu 8a’ NEG NOM

keri. COMP

Lit., "At a certain era, among many noblemen and women that there were, there was a not highest ranked (lady) [ga] who was loved very much (by the emperor)." All three ga in these examples function as nominative markers of the preceding nominalized clauses. Ga (lB.5)(a) is a nominative marker for the nominalized clause Hitachi ni . . . haberi ni keru "(Chujo's husband) became (a Court-appointed officer) at Hitachi and (she) accompanied (him)," and ga (lB.5)(b) for the nominalized clause kono toshi goro . . . tamawa zari tsuru "whom I have not heard of for years." Similarly, ga (IB.6) is a nominative marker for the nominalized clause ito yangoto n aki. . . aranu "(the lady) was a not highest ranked (person)." Researchers (e.g., Ishigaki, 1955; Koreshima, 1966; Morino, 1969; etc.) see sentences like these as signs of the future conjunctive ga

15

Chapter 1: Historical Development

emergence on the ground that ga (lB.5)(a)4 and (1B.6) are semantically interpretable as appositive markers for two complete clauses. Originally, Classical Japanese employed no as the appositive marker since the Nara Period (710-794 A.D.).5 However, no syntactically modified a lexical noun only and did not modify a nominalized clause without an overt head norm. Consequently, Ishigaki (1955) contends, ga came to replace no as appositive marker for a nominalized clause without an overt head noun. To verify this stipulation, Ishigaki (1955) replaces ga with mono no "a person [no]" in (lB.5)(a) and (1B.6) to evaluate their grammaticality as follows: (1B.7)

Sate now

mata Hitachi next

haberi ni keru PAST COMP

ni narite LOC become

mono no, person

kono toshi goro this year approximately

mo ni oto kikoe tamawa rumor LOC even hear HON

kono haru noborite, this spring come-to-Kyoto wa ni LOC TOP

kudari accompany

zari tsuru ga, NEG PAST

kano Miya that Highness

tazunemairi tari keru visit LIUM PAST COMP

to namu honokani CONJ EMPHvaguely

kiki hear

haberi shi. HUM COMP

Lit., "Next, the senior gentlewoman named Chujo — [this person accompanied (her husband) to Hitachi where (he) became (a Court-appointed officer)) [no] {whom I have not heard of for years) — came up to Kyoto this spring and visited His Highness, so rumor has it."6 (1B.8)

Izure no on-toki which GEN era

ni ka, TEMP Q

nyogo woman

koi nobleman

4 Clauses before and after ga (lB.5)(b) semantically do not form an appositional relationship. 5 Norito and Manydshii include occurrences of the appositive marker no (Ishigaki, 1955, p. 33). 6 To facilitate explanation, this chapter parenthesizes appositional clauses in { ) where applicable.

16

Ga: Japanese Conjunction amata saburai-soraikeru many there-was ito very

yangotonaki kiwa ni wa noble top LOC TOP

mono no, person ari exist

naka ni inside LOC

sugurete very

ara exist

nu NEG

tokimeki-tamau attractive-HON

keri. COMP

Lit., "At a certain era, among many noblemen and women that there were, there was [a lady who was not highest ranked} [no] {who was loved very much by the emperor}." The norm phrases in (IB.7) and (1B.8) both include the lexical head noun mono "the person," and should therefore be assigned the appositive marker no. In (1B.5) and (1B.6), however, ga replaced no in the absence of the lexical head noun mono. In Ishigaki's (1955) view, these syntactically valid replacements provide evidence of ga including an appositive function. Additionally, parentheses { } in the (1B.7)/(1B.8) English translations suggest the appositional semantic relationship between pre-no and post-no clauses (which correspond to pre-ga and post-ga clauses in [1B.5] and [1B.6]). This appositional interpretability alone, however, does not readily lead to a simplistic conclusion that ga already began to function as a conjunction during the Early Heian Period. Without conclusive evidence to indicate the clearly conjunctive function, Ishigaki (1955) merely sees occurrences of the appositive ga as "one step before" (p. 38) the emergence of conjunctive functions. Morino (1969) echoes this view, claiming that the appositive ga "a transitional" (p. 407) phenomenon prior to the conjunctive uses. Similarly, Koreshima (1966) states that ga did not become a full-fledged conjunction during the mid-Heian Period, although examples like (1B.5) and (1B.6) could be seen as signs of the functional digression to conjunctive uses (p. 207). C. Insei-ki Era (1086-1192 A.D.): Emergence of Conjunction ga Researchers agree that the first clear instances of the conjunction ga appeared in Tales o f Times Now Past (Konjaku Monogatari; ca. late 11th Century), as shown in the following examples: (1C.1)

Ochi-iri drop-in

keru COMP

toki time

sude ni already

Chapter 1: Historical Development

17

mi no toki bakari nari keru ga, snake GEN hour only COP COMP hi sun

mo also

yoyaku finally

kure nu. set PAST

Lit., "The time (the sun) dropped was only the hour of the snake (i.e., 11 a.m.) [ga], the sun finally set." (1C.2) —i►

Danshi male

futari ari two exist

sono chichi ushinai ni their father lose

keru COMP

g “’

kere COMP

ba, because

sono futari no ko domo koi these two GEN child PL miss

kanashibu grieve

koto toshi o here dom o,. . . . experience age ACC pass although Lit., "There were two boys [go], because they had lost their father, despite years passed after the loss and grief,. . . " The critical difference between (1C.1)/(1C.2) and (1B.5)/(1B.6) is the presence and absence of overt subject nouns in pre-ga and post-ga clauses. In (1C.1), the pre-ga clause includes the subject NP ochiiri keru toki "the time (the sun) dropped" and the post-ga clause the subject noun hi "the sun." In (1C.2), the pre-ga clause includes the subject noun danshi futari "two males" and the post-ga clause the subject sono futari no ko domo "these two children." Despite intuitive appeal by virtue of the interpretability, ga in sentences like (1B.5) and (1B.6) would not be conclusively considered conjunctive in the absence of their overt subject NPs. By contrast, with the overt subject NPs and their respective predicative verbs in both pre-ga and post-ga clauses, ga in (1C.1) and (1C.2) are conclusively considered conjunctions that connect two separate clauses. Based on its initial occurrences in literary works with estimated years of completion, researchers (Ishigaki, 1955; Koreshima, 1966; Morino, 1969; etc.) agree that the conjunction ga was established during the Insei-ki Era. D. Ishigaki's (1955) Typology of Conjunction ga Functions in Medieval Japanese Since the Insei-ki Era, six types of conjunction ga functions emerged. This section will offer an explanation of each functional type of the conjunction ga in accordance with Ishigaki's (1955) accounts.

18

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

Conjunction ga Type 1: The subject NP of the post-ga clause semantically constitutes a partial component of a non-subject NP of the pre-ga clause. Ima now

wa TOP

Tsukasa governor

mukashi, past to iikeru CONJ named

futari ari keru two exist COMP hito person

Nagato

ga,

no Saki GEN former

no GEN

hito person

no musume NOM daughter

ane older-sister

wa TOP

no tsuma nite ari GEN wife LOC exist

keru. COMP

Lit., "Long ago, a person, reportedly a former Governor of Nagato, had two daughters [ga], the older one was someone's wife." (An excerpt from Tales from Uji; ca. early 13th Century) Ga (1D.1) is categorized as Type 1 because the post-ga subject NP ane "an older sister" semantically constitutes a partial component of the pre-ga non-subject NP musumefutari "two daughters." Conjunction ga Type 2: The subject NP of the pre-ga clause semantically corresponds to that of the post-ga clause. (1D.2)

-

tonari ni aru next LOC exist kao ni okinaru cheek LOC large kono okina this old-man

okina old-man

hidari no left GEN

kobu ari keru wen exist-PAST

kobu no use taru wen NOM lose-PAST

ga-

o mite ACC see

L i t . , .. the old man who lived next door had a large wen on his left cheek [ga], this old man found (his) wen was gone and . . . " (An excerpt from Tales from Uji)

Chapter 1: Historical Development

19

Ga (1D.2) is categorized as Type 2 because the pre-ga subject NP tonari ni aru okina "the old man who lived next door" and the post-ga subject NP kono okina "this old man" refer to the same individual. Conjunction ga Type 3; The object NP of the pre-ga clause semantically corresponds to the subject NP of the post-ga clause. fuji wisteria

(1D.3)

no hana imijiku GEN flower very

tsukurite make

matsu no kozue pine GEN branch

hima no spacelessly

kake rake taru hang-PASS-ST

mono wa thing TOP

susamajiki unpleasant

sora sky

no kumorite NOM cloudy

ni imijiku TEMP very

ni, TEMP ame rain

medeto nice

okashiku attractive

yori from ga,

toki naranu unseasonable kore this

wa TOP

no sobofuru NOM drizzle okashu attractive

miyu appear

Lit., , (people) made very attractive wisteria flowers and (they were) hung all over the branches of the pine trees [ga]; whereas unseasonable things are (normally) unpleasant, they (i.e., the wisteria flowers) looked very nice and attractive under the cloudy sky with the drizzling rain." (An excerpt from Tales from Uji) Ga (1D.3) is categorized as Type 3 because the pre-ga object NP fuji no hana "wisteria flowers" semantically corresponds to the post-ga subject NP kore "they (i.e., the wisteria flowers)." Whereas there is no overt subject NP in the pre-ga clause, the semantic role of fuji no hana "wisteria flowers" is recognized as object NP because the verb tsukurite "to make" takes the active voice. Conjunction ga Type 4: The subject NP of the pre-ga clause semantically corresponds to the object NP of the post-ga clause. (1D.4)

Musashi

to and

Shimotsuke no sakai ni GEN borderLOC

20

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

Tone-gawa Tone-River

to CONJ

gozaru exist

ga,

tsukutte form

toite gozaru. cross HUM

iu say sore this

daiga great-river

ga NOM

o mo uma-ikada ACC even horse-raft

o ACC

Lit., "At the border of Musashi and Shimotsuke, there was a great river called Tone River [ga], they formed a horse raft7 to cross it." (An excerpt from The Tale ofHeike; ca. early 13th Century) Ga (1D.4) is categorized as Type 4 because the pre-ga subject NP Tone-gawa to iu daiga "a great river called Tone River" semantically corresponds to the post-ga object NP sore "it," which is assigned the accusative marker o. Conjunction ga Type 5: No readily observable relation between pre-go and post-ga clauses. Kore wa this TOP

Etchu no Saki-no-Tsukasa GEN former-governor

to iu CONJ say

mono person

ja ga, COP

wa-kimi you-lord

wa TOP

so. Q

ta who

Lit., "This is the former Governor of Etchu [ga], who are you, sir?" (An excerpt from The Tale ofHeike) In (1D.5), the Conjunction ga Type 5 denotes the absence of a semantic or syntactic relationship between pre-ga and post-go clauses. In the case of ga (1D.5), this absence of a semantic/syntactic relationship is salient in three respects. First, there is no semantically corresponding lexical component between the two clauses. Second, whereas the pre-ga forms a declarative statement, the post-ga clause constitutes an interrogative statement. Third, in light of the semantic component of the pre-ga clause, 7 Uma-ikada "a horse raft" refers to a group of horses gathering in the shape of a gigantic raft for a samurai troop to cross wide rivers.

21

Chapter 1: Historical Development

the post-ga clause seems to be presented "abruptly" (Ishigaki, 1955, p. 51) or off an anticipated line of logical sequence. Conjunction ga Type 6: Conflictive or contrastive logical relationship between pre-ga and post-ga clauses. (1D.6)

Onore wa you TOP

furo bath

iuta said

kono gunshu this group

ga,

yorimo than

ni tada LOC only

oi wa more TOP

hitori one-person wa TOP

aru exist

to CONJ

tsune normal-time

nani goto zo. what event Q

Lit., "You said that there was only one in the bath [ga], this group is larger than normal; what is this (all about)?" (from Amakusa-ban Isoho Monogatari)R Finally, ga (1D.6) functions as a conflictive marker. The post-ga clause presents the semantic content that is contrary to the anticipated outcome drawn from the presence of only one individual in the bath as stated in the pre-ga clause. In this sense, as Ishigaki (1955) puts it, Type 6 demonstrated "one further step" (p. 53) of ga functional development from Type 5; as a result of semantic and syntactic separation between pre-ga and post-ga clauses, ga now emerged as a conjunction that denoted a conflictive or contrastive semantic relationship between the two clauses. Ishigaki's (1955) diachronic analysis of ga functions is illustrated in Table 1-3. Historical documents up to the Early Heian Period included no occurrences of ga as a conjunction, although a few occurrences of the nominative marker ga in The Tale ofGenji (ca. early 11th Century) (such as [1B.5] and [1B.6]) could be semantically considered conjunctions because of their interpretability as appositive markers. In the Insei-ki Era, the first conclusive instance of the conjunction ga occurred in Tales o f Times Now Past (see [1D.1]-[1D.3]). By the early years of the Kamakura Period (1192-1333 A.D.), different types of conjunctive functions emerged, including conflictive and contrastive. By the Azuchi Momoyama Period (1573-1603 A.D.), Koreshima (1966) says, the conjunction ga yielded the functional features similar to the one in Present-Day Japanese (p. 209).

8 Amakusa-ban Isoho Monogatari is the Medieval Japanese version of excerpts from Aesop's Fables. It was published in the Romanized transcription in 1593. The Romanization system in the original text is different from the one in this study. The sentence (1D.6) is transcribed according to the system for this book in the interest of consistency.

22

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

This historical development of the conjunction ga is marked by the substantial functional digression within a relatively short period of time, and by the manner in which the conflictive and contrastive function emerged. Granted the several stages of functional transitions that had occurred previously, the emergence of six different conjunctive functions during the Insei-ki Era and the early Kamakura Period is particularly noteworthy. Equally remarkable is the fact that the conflictive and contrastive function — generally considered the norm by prescriptivists today (see Chapter 2 for detailed discussion) — represented the substantial minority of the total occurrences in historical documents analyzed in Ishigaki's (1955) study. Based on these discussions, two questions are to be raised: 1) How did the conflictive and contrastive function emerge?, and 2) Why did this substantial functional digression happen to ga and not to no? Koreshima (1966) offers speculations in response to these questions. First, Koreshima (1966) attributes the emergence of the conflictive and contrastive function to "highlighting" (p. 209) as a marginal yet persistently salient element of the ga function. As discussed earlier, ga functioned as a nominative case marker from the Nara Period. However, in the course of its occurrences in a specific linguistic environment (i.e., case marking specifically for a nominalized clause without an overt head noun), highlighting — or denoting functional specificity — became a salient feature of ga functions. In

Table 1-3 Occurrences of Six Types of Conjunction Ga in Historical Documents Title Nara Period (710-794 A.D.)

Norito Shoku Nihongi

Year

Type 1

Type 2

Type 3

Type 4

Type 5

Type 6

1 2 3

1 10 3 3

2 5

(early 10th C.) 797 A.D.

Early Heian Period (794-1086 A.D.)

Taketori Monogatari Tales of Ise Tales ofTosa Tales ofYamato Tale of Gen]i

late 9th C. late 9th C.? 935 mid 10th C.? early 11th C.

Insei-ki Era (1086-1192 A.D.; Late Heian Period)

Tales of Times Now Past late 11th C.

1

6

1

Kamakura Period (1192-1333 A.D.)

Tales from Uji Tales o f Hogen Tales ofHeiji Gukansho Chomonshu

early 13th C. early 13th C. early 13th C. 1220 1254

1 3

2

2

6 1 3

15 1

29 7

3

4

5

Azuchi Momoyama Period (1573-1603 A.D.)

Amakusa Heike Amakusa Isoho

1592 1593

6 8 22 14 2 3 2 4 (based on Ishigaki, 1955, p. 53)

Chapter 1: Historical Development

23

Koreshima's (1966) hypothesis, this highlighting feature remained with ga after the functional digression from case marking to discourse connection; the conjunction ga now included the function to highlight the logical connection between pre-ga and post-ga utterances. The resulting outcome of this digression was denoting a logical conflict or contrast between pre-go and post-ga clauses, which gradually gained its prominence among the conjunctive functions since the Muromachi Period (1392-1467 A.D.) (Morino, 1969, p. 407; Uchio, 1973, p. 96). Second, the substantial functional digression solely for ga would be attributable to the original function of ga as a marker for a nominalized clause without an overt head noun. Whereas ga denoted case marking for a clause, no merely was a case marker for a lexical noun. Therefore, Koreshima (1966) speculates, the growing structural complexity of the surrounding clauses gave ga substantial room for its functional digression, while the intrinsically limited syntactic variation in a lexical noun impeded any substantial functional change for no. Conclusion The review of the ga historical development in this chapter found that the conjunction ga originated from the nominative marker ga. In the coruse of their uses in increasingly complex sentence structures, some ga functions gradually digressed from its original case marking function. Consequently, amid structural similarity to a conjunction, ga as a nominative case marker for a nominalized clause with no overt head noun was transformed into the conjunction ga during the Insei-ki Era. Based on analysis of all ga occurrences in numerous historical documents spanning over eight hundred years, Ishigaki (1955) established the prevailing theory that the initial conjunction ga occurrence took place in the Insei-ki Era. Despite this substantial functional digression, however, highlighting remained a marginal yet persistently salient element of the ga function. Because of this highlighting, Koreshima (1966) speculates, the conjunction ga gradually yielded the conflictive and contrastive feature in its function. The next chapter's review of ga functions in Modem Japanese will evaluate researchers' findings. As part of the review, we will discuss prescriptivists' claims that uses of ga in any other function than conflictive or contrastive one should be avoided in writing. As their claims show, the Conjunction ga Type 6 — which generally represented the minority of ga occurrences in the medieval period — has become a norm in Modern Japanese. At the same time, our review of descriptive accounts will reveal that the ga functions that they identified seem to be common in spoken settings.

Chapter 2

Review of Previous ga Accounts

Functions of the Japanese conjunction ga may be roughly divided into two categories: Conflictive/ Contrastive ga (which denotes a conflictive or contrastive logical relationship between a pre-go and post-go clause; C/C go hereafter),1 and non-C/C ga (which does not denote a conflictive or contrastive logical relationship). The following examples will illustrate the difference between the two: (2.1)

(a)

Hashiri-mashita go, maniai-masen-deshita. Run-PAST but be-in-time-NEG-PAST "I ran, but I didn't make it in time."

(b)

Tenki weather

desu go, COP

daijobu okay

de-sho. COP-maybe

kyo ichi-nichi today whole-day

wa TOP

"As for weather [ga], it will probably hold all day today." (c)

Kino yesterday

wa TOP

ensoku picnic

de-shita was-PAST

go,

taihen omoshiro-katta. very enjoyable-PAST

1 Conflictive and Contrastive are merged into one go functional category based on Celce-Murcia and Larsen-Freeman's (1980) claim that "the criteria for distinguishing them are (not) sufficiently clear-cut. . . to justify two separate categories" (p. 326).

Chapter 2: Review of Previous ga Accounts

25

"W e went on a picnic yesterday \ga\, (it was) very enjoyable." (Kondo & Takano, 1986, p. 263) Ga (2.1)(a) is a C/C marker since it denotes a logical conflict between the speaker's attempt and failure to be punctual. Ga (2.1)(b), on the other hand, is a non-C/C marker since it does not establish a mutually conflictive logical connection between the speaker's intention to discuss the weather and his/her prediction of good weather. Also, ga (2.1)(c) is a non-C/C marker since there is no mutually conflictive logical relationship between the fact that there was a picnic and the enjoyment that it brought to the speaker. Besides these broad categorizations, descriptive analyses of ga show that non-C/C ga would be further divided into a set of functional types. At the same time, prominent writers since the 1950s have denounced uses of non-C/C ga. This chapter will review previous accounts of ga functions in the post-WWII era. First, this chapter will review prescriptive accounts of the Japanese conjunction ga. Particularly in light of the markedly small proportion of C/C ga occurrences in Medieval Japanese (see Table 1-2, Chapter 1), professional writers' persistent attempts to prescribe C/C as the only legitimate function of ga merit extensive discussion because of their impact on written texts today (see Chapter 4 for detailed discussion on this impact). Second, this chapter will evaluate accounts of ga functions for teaching and learning Japanese as a Second/Foreign Language (JSL/JFL). Third, this chapter will review findings in descriptive accounts of ga functions. After these reviews, we will summarize identified functional categories and evaluate findings in the previous accounts. A. Prescriptive Accounts of ga Functions There have been persistent criticisms of non-conflictive ga since the 1950s. Researchers and professional writers (e.g., Shimizu, 1959; Honda, 1982; Ono, 1999) pointed out that the multi-functionality of ga poses a burden on readers of written texts to interpret the logical interrelationship carefully at each ga occurrence. As a way to minimize this burden, they recommend that one avoid uses of non-C/C ga or even any use of the conjunction ga. Shimizu (1959) makes extensive critical remarks on the Japanese conjunction ga. He points out that ga can be used "whether the logical connection of the two clauses would be positive, negative, or even neutral" (Shimizu, 1959, p. 53). Based on this observation, Shimizu (1959) contends that ga functions are "direct but undefined" (p. 54). In other words, ga helps the logical connection between the two clauses appear direct and straightforward. However, the meanings of ga are not clearly defined and the logical connection between the clauses will remain ambiguous. To illustrate this point, Shimizu (1959) uses the following pair of examples:

26

Gh: Japanese Conjunction

(2A.1) (a)

Kare wa oi ni benkyo-shita ga, gokaku shita. he TOP hard study-PAST pass-PAST "He studied hard [ga], passed (the exam)."

(b)

Kare wa oi ni benkyo shita ga, rakudai shita. he TOP hard study-PAST but fail-PAST "He studied hard, but failed (the exam)." (from Shimizu, 1959, p. 53)

Ga (2A.l)(a) is non-conflictive because passing an exam does not logically contradict with a natural result of studying hard. On the other hand, ga (2A.l)(b) is conflictive because failure in an exam logically contradicts with a natural result of studying hard. Based on examples (2A.l)(a) and (b), Shimizu (1959) warns that ga would cause confusion to readers due to its multi-functionality, whereas it serves writers as a convenient tool to connect two sentences of practically any logical interrelationship. Therefore, Shimizu (1959) advises future professional writers to "watch out for this convenient ga” (pp. 53-54). Specifically, Shimizu (1959) recommends that (2A.l)(a) and (b) be revised as follows: (2A.2) (a)

Kare wa Oi-ni benkyO-shita no de, gOkaku-shita. he TOP hard study-PAST because pass-PAST "Because he studied hard, (he) passed (the exam)."

(b)

Kare wa Oi ni benkyO shita no ni, rakudai-shita. he TOP hard study-PAST although fail-PAST "Although he studied hard, (he) failed (the exam)." (Shimizu, 1959, p. 54)

Kare wa oi ni benkyo shita "he studied hard" in (2A.2)(a) describes the reason for the person's success in the exam, and no de "because" is a suitable logical connector. In (2A.2)(b), (kare wa) rakudai shita "[he] failed [the exam]" contradicts with a natural result of the person's hard work, and the use of no ni, which specifically means "although," would leave no room for ambiguity in the logical connection between the two clauses. Takahashi (1960) cites the use of ga as one factor to producing "bad sentences" (p. 99). Takahashi (1960) agrees with Shimizu (1959) on the potential confusion that ga would cause readers due to its multi-functionality. Additionally, Takahashi (1960) claims that the mono-syllabic ga would be less likely to stay in the reader's memory compared to multi-syllabic logical connectors such as no de "because," sore yue ni "for this reason," no ni "although," and sore ni mo kakawarazu "despite this." To illustrate

Chapter 2: Review of Previous ga Accounts

27

these points, Takahashi (1960) examines the following excerpt from a newspaper editorial:2 (2A.3)

mondai Kyubano Cuba GEN problem

wa, TOP

yagateKokuren soon U.N.

toriage-rare yo ga (a), kono mondai this problem raise-PASS would Kyuba-jin Cuban

jishin ga ketteisu-beki self NOM decide-ought-to

yoso elements

fukuma-rete-iru. ga NOM include-PASS-PROG

Ampo-ri Security-Council tori-agete, raise

wa TOP

kono mondai this problem

funso-kaiketsu conflict-solution

sukunakutomo, at-least hayaku quickly

jitai problem

ochitsukasete calm

ni wa LOC TOP oku no many

o ACC

no ito-guchi GEN clue

sagashi-dasu koto ga mottomo search thing NOM most

de PAC

o ACC

nozomashii ga

C/C: Used to link two clauses, the second of which is unexpected outcome or result of the first Zuibun considerably ketsuron Conclusion

hanashi-mashita speak-PAST wa TOP

ga, but

dema-sen-deshita. come-out-NEG-PAST

"W e talked a great deal but in the end came to no conclusion." (b)

Referential: Used in a non-contrastive way to link two clauses, the first of which is a preliminary to the second Sumimasen ga, sorry

*

do how

eki e stationDIR

wa TOP

ike-ba ii de sho ka. go-if good COP-maybe Q

"Excuse me [ga]; what would be the best way of going to the station?" (c)

C/C: "and also" (Used to link two clauses, the second of which supplements the first) Kanojo she

wa TOP

kiryo appearance

mo also

ii ga, good

Chapter 2: Review of Previous ga Accounts

atama mo intelligence also

45

n. good

"She is good-looking [ga]; what is more, clever." (d)

Implicative: Used at the end of an unfinished sentence to politely express modesty or reserve, or to avoid making an overly direct statement Kyo wa chotto tsugo-ga-warui today TOP little convenience-NOM-bad "Today is a bit inconvenient [ga] , . . . "

n desu COP

g a ...

("Merriam-Webster," 1993, pp. 181-2) Ga (2C.2)(a) is C/C because the second clause ketsuron wa dema sen deshita "[we] came to no conclusion" is the unexpected outcome of the first clause zuibun hanashi mashita "[we] talked a great deal." Referential ga (2C.2)(b) requires clarification because Merriam-Webster (1993) provides "but" as the English translation for it (p. 181). This ga is not C/C because the subsequent question utterance eki e wa do ikeba ii de sho ka "what is the best way of going to the station?" does not present the unexpected result of the addresser's apology sumimasen "excuse me". Instead, it is a Referential marker because the preceding clause sumimasen "excuse me" is what Schiffrin (1987) calls a discourse marker to initiate communication. Ga indicates that sumimasen draws the addressee's attention and then addresses the central question eki e wa do ikeba ii de sho ka "what is the best way of going to the station?" Ga (2C.2)(c), categorized separately by MerriamWebster (1993), would be considered C/C in light of the semantic content of pre-ga and post-ga clauses. Whereas kiryo mo ii "good-looking" and atama mo ii "smart" both present positive qualities of the woman, ga draws a contrast between her appearance and intelligence. Finally, ga (2C.2)(d) is Implicative because of the absence of the postga clause, just like in (2C.l)(c). In this example, the addresser is trying to decline the addressee's invitation to, say, watch a movie or have dinner together. Meanwhile, flatly saying that he/she cannot come with the addressee is considered blunt or even rude in Japanese society with "a tradition of avoiding unnecessary friction" (Nippon Steel Human Resources Development, 1993, p. 403). Therefore, the addresser uses ga instead to imply his/her intended conclusion that would be inferable from his/her unavailability. Summary and Evaluation Ga functions identified in our review in this chapter are summarized in Table 2-3. This summary reveals considerable discrepancies in the ga functions identified. Whereas all accounts in this chapter identified C/C, Referential ga is not identified in

46

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

Alfonso (1966), and Implicative ga is not identified in Nagano (1951). Also, MerriamWebster (1993) and Katsuki-Pestemer (2003) fail to identify Continuative ga, and all but Nagano (1951) fail to identify Insertive ga. Other observations in Table 2-3 are considerable discrepancies in sets of ga functions that they identify. Whereas Nagano (1951) and Chino (1990) identify four ga functions, Nagano fails to identify Implicative ga and Chino (1990) Insertive ga. Meanwhile, Alfonso (1966), Merriam-Webster (1993), and Katsuki-Pestemer (2003) identify only three functions. Whereas Merriam-Wesbter (1993) and Katsuki-Pestemer (2003) identify the same set of ga functions (i.e., C/C, Referential, and Implicative), Alfonso (1966) fails to identify Referential ga but includes Continuative ga. Our review of previous descriptive ga accounts suggests that their failure to identify all observable functions unilaterally would be attributable to their scopes and methods. As examples in (2B.1) show, Nagano (1951) is the only one of the three descriptive accounts that included cross-sentential data. However, his exclusive uses of written texts possibly impeded identification of Implicative ga. Chino (1990), despite her dependence on seemingly self-generated sentences in isolation from context, identified four ga functions except Insertive. However, a lack of a uniform standard prevented her eight categories from functioning as a solid and nonexpendable unit. Katsuki-Pestemer (2003) employed a uniform standard to categorize ga functions into a nonexpendable unit. However, an essentially sentence-level approach limited her identification of ga functions. Meanwhile, accounts in Alfonso (1966) and Merriam-Webster (1993) were limited in their respective identifications of ga functions due to their primary purposes of serving teachers and learners of Japanese as a Second/Foreign Language. Alfonso (1966) includes the functions that are expected to appear in both written and spoken settings, and avoids Referential and Insertive ga, which would be perceived as advanced or infrequent uses. On the other hand, Merriam-Webster (1993) covers three ga functions from the perspective of both spoken and written Japanese, but Insertive and Continuative ga are excluded presumably because they may be advanced for prospective users of this dictionary. In light of the findings and limitations in the previous accounts of ga functions, we will take two things into consideration in conducting a pragmatic analysis. First, in awareness of the lack of some ga functions in the previous accounts attributable to their

Table 2-3 Summary of Previous Accounts of the Japanese Conjunction ga C/C Insertive Referential yes Nagano (1951) yes yes yes yes Chino (1990) Katsuki-Pestemer (2003) yes yes Alfonso (1966) yes Merriam-Webster (1993) yes yes

Continuative yes yes yes

Implicative yes yes yes yes

Chapter 2: Review of Previous ga Accounts

47

dependence on written texts and self-generated examples, it is desirable to employ data from spontaneous speech. Particularly in the absence of prescriptivists' critical remarks on ga in spoken settings, its frequent occurrences in wider functional variations in these settings are readily predictable. Second, analysis of ga occurrences in a stream of linguistic exchanges would reveal functional features not observed in previous accounts. Our pragmatic analysis, which will be discussed in Chapter 3, aims to identify all observable functions of the Japanese conjunction go in an interactive spoken setting. Based on the aforementioned considerations, tire pragmatic analysis selected as its data source a nationally televised live talk show. The pragmatic analysis will gather all ga occurrences in the TV program and divide them into functional categories to evaluate the validity of five ga functions identified in the previous ga accounts reviewed in this chapter.

Chapter 3

Functions of ga — Pragmatic Analysis

While nationally prominent writers in the post-WWII era have made critical remarks about non-C/ C ga uses in writing, researchers have offered their descriptive analyses of ga functional categories. In the course of evaluating their studies, however, we found two methodological shortcomings that impeded their unilateral identification of all five functional categories. First, these reviews were based predominantly on data from written texts and self-generated examples. Second, these reviews focus almost exclusively on ga functions at the utterance level. Additionally, these methodological limitations possibly impeded their identification of some important characteristics of ga functions. Based on semantic contents of examples provided by prescriptivists and descriptive analysts, it is predictable that the prescriptive norm about non-C/C ga uses in writing, in conjunction with a lack of it in speaking, would translate into frequent ga occurrences with wider functional variation in spoken setting. Whereas examples by prescriptivists are based mostly on written texts, many of the examples by descriptive analysts yield features of spoken Japanese (e.g., uses of polite style, -n desu ending,1 etc.). Additionally, prescriptivists cited in the previous chapter make no explicit criticism about non-C/C ga uses in speaking. Based on these observations, it becomes predictable that a descriptive analysis of ga functions based on data from authentic spontaneous utterances of substantial length would reveal previously unobserved characteristics of these functions. This chapter discusses the pragmatic analysis of the Japanese conjunction g a i n s multiperson spoken setting. There are three reasons for selecting a live televised talk show on a commercial broadcasting station in this pragmatic analysis. First, this setting yields spontaneous utterances among multiple individuals. Second, speech on a

1 The -n desu ending, which does not change the sentence meaning but "add certain overtones to the statement" (Alfonso, 1966, p. 405), occurs predominantly in spoken settings (Merriam-Webster, 1993, p. 658). See Alfonso (1966), Kuno (1973), and Iguchi (1991, pp. 228-30) for detailed explanation of its functions.

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49

commercial (as opposed to government-owned) television broadcasting station would yield comparatively more unregulated utterances. Third, because of its multiperson and interactive characteristic, this spoken setting would yield discourse characteristics of ga functions. In light of these considerations and the prediction stated above, this pragmatic analysis establishes its objectives as follows: • • •

To evaluate the validity of ga functional categories identified in reviews of previous accounts of ga functions; To get a deeper insight into characteristics of ga functions; specifically, to find ga functions beyond utterance level; To find whether or not this spoken setting would yield frequent non-C/C ga occurrences relative to those of C/C ga.

A. Method This variation analysis collected all occurrences of the conjunction ga in authentic spontaneous speech. Data for this study came from the June 14, 1998, edition of the Japanese weekly television program Sekiguchi Hiroshi no shin Sande moningu (New Sunday Morning with Hiroshi Sekiguchi), a popular two-hour live talk show. Participating speakers in this episode of the talk show included famous actor Hiroshi Sekiguchi as host, one female assistant, two sports commentators, one actress-turned newscaster, one weather reporter joining by satellite, and one newscaster reporting events from France live by satellite. Unlike a typical show, where the guests mostly discuss domestic issues, this edition focused mostly on the upcoming World Cup soccer game between Japan and Argentina. At the beginning of each segment, host Sekiguchi, along with his assistant, introduced the discussion topic, provided background information using figures and videotapes, and then opened the discussion with guests. In some segments of the day's show, special guests were invited to discuss their issues. Generally, each segment began with the introductory remarks by the host or his assistant followed by the discussions by the guest participants. At the middle of the segment, the host and assistant occasionally inserted relevant video clips and/or presented statistical figures as background information. Whereas the video clips, introductory remarks, and some informational comments by the host and assistant were prepared in advance as evident from their reference to written notes, other utterances and comments by the guests were obviously spontaneous. Although analyzing patterns of ga frequency and distribution is not the primary purpose of the study in this chapter, our pragmatic analysis includes all occurrences of ga regardless of whether they occurred as part of scripted or truly spontaneous speech. The following are the contents of New Sunday Morning with Hiroshi Sekiguchi, June 14,1998, edition (There were commercial breaks between segments.):

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Ga: Japanese Conjunction

World Cup 1 (9 minutes): Reporting live from France on Japanese soccer fans lining up overnight at the stadium to get seats for the upcoming game between Japan and Argentina. World Cup 2 (6 minutes): The guests discuss practice sessions by both teams and analyze key Argentinean players. World Cup 3 (9 minutes): The segment focuses on a recent controversy involving a former Paraguayan goalkeeper who revealed Argentinean players' weaknesses. The former goalkeeper, who was then a pro player in Argentina, has since become such a controversial figure in Argentina that some people call for his immediate deportation. World Cup 4 (14 minutes): Controversy over the revelation only a few days before the World Cup opening ceremony that Japanese travel agencies failed to reserve the World Cup tickets that Japanese aficionados had already paid for. This blunder caused outrage among the fans who were informed of the blunder at the airport. Domestic news of the week 1 (10 minutes): The host reports the week's news stories that are not related to the World Cup soccer. News stories include political reforms and a serial stalker, among many others. Domestic news of the week 2 (7 minutes): The news report followed by the discussion on increasing suicides in Japan by middle-age Japanese businesspeople. Presumably as a result of the ongoing recession, as many as 24,000 people (or approximately 65 people per day) committed suicide in 1997. Local report (8 minutes): A small Japanese city with an increasing number of Brazilian immigrants. This segment focuses on the immigrants' soccer fever, and especially one former Brazilian national team player who is now coaching teenage Japanese soccer players. World Cup 5 (8 minutes): Continued discussion on the controversial Paraguayan soccer player who disclosed the Argentinean team's weaknesses. The Japanese guests say that his information is largely reliable especially from the active player's perspective. Meanwhile, the commentators agree that a tie would be Japan's best hope in the face of Argentina's world-class offense. History of World Cup (10 minutes): Videotape presentation of the history of soccer and the World Cup tournament. Weather report; wrap-up (10 minutes): The weather reporter forecasts Japan's weather of the day. He also forecasts the weather of the game day in France.

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Instances of ga used in tokoroga (however) were excluded from our data since tokoroga is recognized in language dictionaries (e.g., Kondo & Takano, 1986; "Merriam-Webster/' 1993) as an independent lexical component rather than a sequence of two components tokoro (place) and ga (but). B. Findings The two-hour talk show included 48 occurrences of the conjunction ga. The pragmatic analysis validated all five ga functions identified in the previous chapter including Conflictive/Contrastive, Referential, Insertive, Implicative, and Continuative. Findings in the pragmatic analysis are summarized in Table 3-1. In terms of the segment-by-segment distribution, there were 8 ga occurrences in the second round of the News of the Week segment, and the fourth round of the World Cup segment and the first round of the News of the Week segment each include 7 instances of ga. On the other hand, there were no ga occurrences in the History of the World Cup segment. In terms of occurrences by functional categories, Conflictive/Contrastive ga yielded the highest number with 15 occurrences (31.25%), and Insertive and Implicative ga the second highest number with 10 occurrences each (20.83% each). On the lowest side, there were only 6 occurrences of Implicative ga (12.50%) and 7 occurrences of Referential ga (14.58%). C. Discussion Whereas findings in the previous studies of the ga functions were limited to the structural functions due to their predominant focus on immediate pre-ga and post-go

Table 3-1 Ga Occurrences in the Live TV Talk Show Referential Insertive Implicative Continuative c /c Total 2 4 World Cup 1 2 2 2 World Cup 2 1 5 i 2 1 World Cup 3 1 5 World Cup 4 ii 1 7 3 3 m ■ m i 1 2 News 1 2 i 7 1 News 2 3 i 3 8 2 1 Local Report 3 6 1 World Cup 5 1 2 History 0 1 1 Weather 1 i 4 Total 7 10 10 15 6 48 % 14.58 20.83 20.83 31.25 12.50 (C/ C = Conflictive/Contrastive)

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Ga: Japanese Conjunction

clauses, our pragmatic analysis revealed some important characteristics of each ga function because of its insight into the surrounding utterances in a wider scope. We will begin our discussion of the five functions with C/C ga. The following is an example of a C/C ga occurrence in the TV talk show: (3C.1)

Make-toshu losing-pitcher nandaka somehow

ru wa DEST TOP

hakkiri-shinai outstanding-NEG

nari become debyu debut

masen deshita NEG-PAST

g a >

deshita COP (PAST)

"(New York Mets pitcher Hideo Nomo) didn't become a losing pitcher, but (this) was somehow not an impressive debut." Ga (3C.1) is C/C because it denotes a semantic contrast between New York Met pitcher Hideo Nomo's escape of a loss and his unimpressive performance for a non-losing pitcher. The C/ C ga occurrence in this TV show yielded no different pattern from those reviewed in the previous chapter in the sense that they were all used to connect two semantically conflictive contrastive clauses. Another utterance-level function identified in this analysis was Insertive ga, which is syntactically distinct from all others. We will examine the following example to illustrate the point: (3C.2)

Kono goru-kipa this goalkeeper

wa, TOP

itadaki-tai do (HON)-want

n desuga, COP

kochira o mite this-directionACC see boru o hajiku ball ACC punch

kuse ga arimasu. habit NOM have "This goalkeeper, whom 1 would like you to see (on the video screen) \ga], has a habit to punch the ball out to the field (instead of catching it)." Ga (3C.2) is Insertive because of the occurrences of the clause within another. Besides this structural characteristic, there are two other observations in Insertive ga clauses. First, the addresser of Insertive ga clauses (the female assistant) made the utterance in a lower pitch relative to the surrounding utterance. Second, and more important, the ga clause kochira o mite itadaki-tai n desu "which I would like you to see (on the video screen)" presents the addresser's intention to direct addressees' attention to a video clip as marginal information. These observations suggest that an Insertive ga clause conveys information content that is peripheral to the surrounding utterances. Whereas written

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text provides parentheses, hyphens, and other visually distinctive devices to indicate the marginality of a given utterance, Insertive ga in spoken settings becomes an important lexical item to indicate insertion of one clause with marginal information at the middle of another. On the other hand, we found one category that yields a function beyond an utterance level. We will examine the following example of Referential ga occurrence from the TV talk show: (3C.3) —>

Getsuyobi Monday kono hi, this day

ni mairimasu DEST move

renzoku serial

taiho-jo arrest-warrant

ga,

bokd-ma (sexual)-assaulter

ni against

ga dete orimasu. . . . NOM issue ST (HUM)

"We'll move to Monday [ga]: On that day, an arrest warrant has been issued to a serial sexual assault suspect-----" Ga (3C.3) is Referential because the pre-ga clause Getsuyobi ni mairimasu "We'U move to Monday" introduces a new topic of the subsequent stream of utterances (i.e., a news event that occurred on Monday). Although Referential ga is syntactically no different from C/C ga, it is semantically distinct for two reasons. First, Referential ga, unlike C/C ga, does not denote any logical interrelationship between the immediate pre-ga and post-ga clauses. Second, and more important, ga (3C.3) denotes a function beyond utterance level. In (3C.3), the Referential ga clause presents the general theme of the subsequent stream of utterances that constitutes the body of the theme. Particularly in spoken settings, in the absence of visual cues such as line breaks and indentation, Referential ga becomes a vital indicator of thematic transition in a stream of utterances like (3C.3). Implicative ga is syntactically and semantically distinct because of its occurrence at the end of an utterance and of the context-dependent implication that it conveys at each occurrence. We will examine the following utterance by host Hiroshi Sekiguchi in the talk show: (3C.4)

....

name-rare underrate-PASS

—>

to iu CONJ say

kanji feeling

cha, if

komatta troubled

shimasu ga, ga NOM there-is

na INTJ

54

Ga: Japanese Conjunction Sa, Aruzenchin wa ima yoru hachi-ji okay Argentina TOP now night 8-o’clock da so desu,.. . COP I-hear COP "I feel troubled if Argentines indeed underrate Japan (so much) [ga] . . . Okay, I understand that Argentina is now 8 o'clock in the evening . . . "

Ga (3C.4) is Implicative because of the addresser's attempt to convey a certain implicit message to the addressees in the form of an absent post-ga clause. Besides this structurally distinctive manner of occurrence, this pragmatic analysis found two ways to identify Implicative ga in spoken settings. First, Implicative ga is recognizable to addressees in spoken settings because of its occurrence followed by a brief pause. Second, it is identifiable by the subsequent change of discourse topics. In (3C.4), host Hiroshi Sekiguchi (the addresser) used Implicative ga followed by a brief pause to assess his guests' intention to comment on the Argentina national soccer team's alleged underestimation of their Japanese opponent before proceeding to the next discussion topic. After the brief pause, upon recognizing that no guests intended to add any comment, the host initiated the transition from discussion among the guests in the TV studio to live satellite coverage of streets of Argentina over the Would Cup soccer excitement. In conjunction with the previous studies reviewed in the previous chapter, this pragmatic analysis contributed to two important confirmations about Implicative ga functions. First, the subsequent omitted clause, which manifests itself in spoken settings in the form of a pause, suggests the addresser's ostensive attempt to convey an implicit message. Second, the implicit message is situationally dependent and often socioculturally conventionalized. Whereas previous studies found implication of softening intent to be among common uses of Implicative ga, the addresser in (3C.4) employed Implicative ga to convey a situationally specific message, that is, to assess addressees' intention to comment on a given topic before proceeding to the next one. Finally, Continuative ga is distinct from all other functional categories because of its occurrence between clauses with seemingly no clear semantic interrelationship. We will examine the following example from the TV talk show: (3C.5)

W arudo-Kappu, World-Cup

hajimatta began

zuibun mae desu ga, considerably before COP furikaette look-back

no fact

wa TOP

kono hen o this aspect ACC

mitai to omoimasu. want CONJ think

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"The World Cup already has begun days ago [ga]; we would like to look back the related events." Based on discussions in this chapter thus far, it is apparent that ga (3C.5) does not fit other four functional categories. Quite obviously, ga (3C.5) does not function as Insertive or Implicative marker due to its syntactic structure. At the same time, it is neither C/C nor Referential because it does neither establish a mutually conflictive/contrastive logical relationship between clauses nor introduce a discourse topic of the subsequent stream of utterances. Particularly complicating about Continuative ga is the fact that it does not establish either additive or chronological relationship between two clauses. To evaluate this point, we will substitute ga (3C.5) with the additive soshite "and" and desu ga (the verb of the pre-ga clause + ga) with de (the -te form of the copula desu; which denotes chronological transition)2 as shown in the following set of examples: (3C.6) (a)

hajimatta began

no fact

wa TOP

zuibun mae desu. considerably before COP

wa TOP

zuibun mae desu. considerably before COP

Kono hen o . . . this aspect ACC (*>)?? hajimatta began

(c)7?

no fact

Soshite, and

kono hen o . . . this aspect ACC

hajimatta began

no fact

wa TOP

zuibun mae de, considerably before COP

kono hen o . . . this aspect ACC "[The World Cup] already has begun days ago [. We / , and then we] would like to . . . " In (3C.6)(a), ending the sentence after desu is appropriate because a blank does not establish any ostensive logical relationship between the first and second clauses. On the other hand, (3C.6)(b) is odd because the conjunction soshite "and" wrongly establishes 2 See Iguchi (1991, pp. 137-46) for concise explanation of the -te form as a grammatical component to describe sequential events.

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Ga: Japanese Conjunction

the additive logical connection between the pre-sos/iife and post-soshite clauses. (3C.6)(c) is also odd because the verb de (the -te form of the copula desu) wrongly suggests the contextually irrelevant chronological sequence from the ongoing World Cup soccer to the upcoming review of the sporting event. Although this functional ambiguity would require further analysis in a wider scope, limited data variation impeded a tangible general theory about its functional characteristics. At an utterance level, C/C ga establishes a conflictive or contrastive logical connection between two clauses. Another type of ga that occurs between two overt clauses, Referential ga indicates that the pre-ga clause comes at the beginning of a discourse topic. In these respects, Continuative ga, which does not yield either of these functional characteristics, is different from C/C or Referential ga. However, its six occurrences within short streams of utterances were too prohibitively small to find any functional characteristic. Summary and Evaluation This pragmatic analysis based on data from a two-hour talk show accomplished all three objectives listed earlier. First, this study validated five previously identified ga functions including C/C, Referential, Insertive, Implicative, and Continuative. Second, our analysis found previously unobserved characteristics of some ga functions. For example, this study found that Insertive ga is an indicator of an embedded clause that conveys semantically marginal information. Additionally, the presence of a brief pause after Implicative ga in our data confirmed the previous finding about the addresser's ostensive attempt to convey an implicit message. This pragmatic analysis also suggests that the implicit message of this ga is often socioculturally conventionalized. Furthermore, whereas previous findings about Referential ga were limited due to their dependence on utterance-level data, this study found that a Referential ga clause introduces the topic of a stream of subsequent utterances. Third, with the data yielding frequent non-C/C ga occurrences relative to those of C/C ga, this analysis validated our prediction about C/C ga occurrences in spoken settings. Although utterances in the live TV talk show were spontaneous, their delivery in a nationally televised program would impose on all participating speakers certain behavioral restrictions including controlled forms of language. Nevertheless, our results show that C/C ga represents the minority of all ga occurrences, with 15 (31.25%) of the total 48 occurrences. In particular, our data yielded no extremely skewed degrees of ga occurrences between functional categories, with 10 Insertive ga and 10 Implicative ga occurrences each (20.83% for each), seven Referential ga occurrences (14.58%), and six Continuative ga occurrences (12.50%). Despite these accomplishments, however, three problems in our data undermined our findings in this pragmatic analysis. First, data in this pragmatic analysis did not comprise entirely of spontaneous speech. Besides pre-recorded informational video clips (as introduced by the utterance like [3C.5]), this live talk show included the host's pre-scripted narration of news stories and weather forecasts.

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Second, this pragmatic analysis was unable to conduct a comparative analysis of ga occurrence patterns by speakers because it included utterances by different individuals with one taking considerably more speaking turns than others. Third, readily observable and seemingly unobservable interruptions during the talk show prevented some discourse patterns from occurring on a full scale, thereby placing obstacles to our attempt at meaningful analysis of cross-utterance ga functions. Besides these data problems, our pragmatic analysis failed to observe some important characteristics of ga occurrences. For example, this study only partially validated the presence of the prescriptive norm about non-C/C ga uses. In conjunction with C/C ga occurrences representing the substantial minority, occurrences of all five ga functional categories would serve as a confirmation of the limited impact of the prescriptive norm in spoken settings. However, this study lacks evidence suggesting the presence of the norm due to the absence of comparable data from written text. Additionally, this pragmatic analysis offers an inconclusive account of semantic characteristics of Continuative ga. Our evaluation of an example from the talk show in (3C.1) showed that Continuative ga is distinct in its function from other ga categories and other forms of comparable discourse connectives. However, with only six occurrences in the two-hour talk show, our data included too small a number of Continuative ga occurrences to establish any tangible theory about their functional characteristics. The next chapter discusses a comparative variation analysis based on data taken systematically from individual addressers in different setting types. This variation analysis will focus on patterns of ga frequency and distribution in each addresser's utterances. Besides evaluating the validity of five ga functional categories, this analysis aims to accomplish various objectives such as evaluating the prescriptive norm about non-C/C ga uses and identifying functional characteristics of Continuative ga.

Chapter 4

Variation Analysis I: ga and Discourse Settings

This chapter discusses results of the first variation analysis of the conjunction ga. Besides validating five previously identified ga functions, the pragmatic analysis in the previous chapter confirmed the prediction that a wide variety of ga functions would occur in a spoken setting. However, a mixture of impromptu discussion with narration of prepared texts and playbacks of pre-recorded video clips undermined the validity of this study as analysis of spontaneous utterances. Additionally, this study failed to validate the presence of the actual prescriptive norm about non-C/C ga uses and to offer an extensive account of Continuative ga due to its insufficient occurrences in the talk show. Therefore, in order to overcome these shortcomings in the previous study, the variation analysis in this chapter will include data of comparable length from a variety of settings. A. Variation Analysis I: Objectives, Research Design, & Data Sources 1. Objectives & Research Design o f Variation Analysis I Data collection processes of Variation Analysis I include gathering texts of comparable length from a variety of settings, collecting all ga occurrences in each setting, and categorizing them in terms of functional categories for analyzing their frequencies and distributions. Based on the anticipated persistence of prescriptivism about nonC/C ga uses in writing and occurrences of varying ga functions in the previous chapter's talk show, we draw a general prediction that different settings yield different patterns of ga frequency and distribution that would reveal notable characteristics of ga functions. At the same time, we also anticipate that these patterns of ga frequency and distribution yield salient features of the settings and addresser-addressee relationships. Furthermore, we anticipate that abundant data from different settings include a sufficiently large number and variety of Continuative ga occurrences to conduct a meaningful analysis for identifying the function and its characteristics. Based on these premises, we summarize objectives of Variation Analysis I as follows:

Chapter 4: Variation Analysis I •

• • •

59

To validate the impact of the prescriptive norm about non-C/C ga uses by comparing patterns of ga frequency and distribution in written texts to those in spoken utterances; To find relevance between settings and ga occurrence patterns; To offer a clearer analysis of cross-utterance ga functions; To identify functional characteristics of Continuative ga.

2. Data Sources o f Variation Analysis I Based on the availability of texts and unedited transcripts in the public domain (i.e., publications in print and on the World Wide Web [WWW]), this study employed data from Asahi Shimbun editorials, Asahi Shimbun breaking news stories on the WWW, press conferences with Japanese Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi, TV interviews with Japan Communist Party chairman Tetsuzo Fuwa, and Yahoo! japan Message Boards. Among various forms of the written language, this study selected editorials and breaking news stories from Asahi Shimbun (one of the four nationally circulating newspapers in Japan). Most editorials come from hard copies released in August 1999, while the remaining ones, all of which were released September 1999, were retrieved from the Asahi Shimbun Web site (see Appendix).1 On the other hand, breaking news stories for the study were randomly retrieved from the National, International, Economy, Politics, and Sports sections (see Appendix). Both editorials and breaking news stories were collected until the total number of clauses reached close to 1,000.12 Because of our research interest in differences in ga frequency/distribution patterns between careful writing (i.e., editorials) and quick writing (i.e., breaking news stories), this study excluded Obituaries, which are frequently prepared in advance "so [media organizations are] able to publish or broadcast immediately if such an incident occurs" (Sandorfi, 1998). For example, Sony co-founder Akio Morita passed away at the time of data collection, and major news organizations released his obituaries. However, in full anticipation of their advance preparation because of his reputation in the business community, this study excluded the late Morita's obituaries from analysis. Prior to data collection, this study draws a prediction that differences in production processes translate into a higher ga frequency in the breaking news stories and a lower frequency in the editorials. As mentioned in Chapter 2, earlier prescriptivists such as Shimizu (1959) and Takahashi (1960) were critical of the use of ga in newspaper articles and editorials. Although more recent prescriptivists (e.g., Honda, 1982; Ono, 1999) make no reference to a specific setting with frequent ga occurrences, lower frequency of ga occurrences in newspaper editorials and articles is predictable given the persistent criticisms since the 1950s. At the same time, we anticipated 1 Most morning editions of Asahi Shimbun include two editorials, although a few editions have three. In the case of our variation analysis, all editions included two editorials except the one on August 14,1999, which had three. 2 Due to the importance of examining each selected text in its entirety for analysis of its semantic content, clauses in the selected settings did not total 1,000 clauses exactly.

60

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

different patterns of ga frequency and distribution between the breaking news stories and editorials due to different production processes. Whereas editorials are group products with tedious scrutiny of the contents presumably including the language quality (Editorial Board, 1998; see E. 1. in this chapter for detailed discussion), news stories are generally individual works aimed at the fastest possible release of information to the public at the potential cost of the language quality. For analysis of ga occurrences in spoken settings, this study selected press conferences and TV interviews with prominent elected officials from two opposing political parties for four reasons. First, various linguistic properties specific to conversational settings would make it virtually impossible to count clauses as measurement units for adequate comparison of ga frequencies between conversational and written settings. By contrast, similarities in linguistic characteristics between formal interviews and written texts would facilitate comparison. Second, a search of prospective informants for tape-recorded conversations turned out to be unsuccessful due to privacy concerns on the prospective informants' part and to a limited Japanese native speaker population and age variation at the venue of this study. Third, transcripts of a number of formal interviews were easily accessible in the public domain. And fourth, in addition to the physical settings, utterances by two political rivals would present the kind of contrast in linguistic properties (including ga frequencies and distributions) that would characterize their roles in Japan's political scenes. Spoken texts selected for this study came from press conferences with Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi3 and radio/TV interviews with Japan Communist Party chairman Tetsuzo Fuwa. Transcripts of their interviews were available on the Official Residency of the Prime Minister Web site and the Japan Communist Party official Web site, respectively (see Appendix). Like other texts, transcripts of the press conferences and TV interviews were selected from the most recent to oldest as of the end of September 1999 until the total clauses reached close to 1,000. Since the objective of selecting this setting was to analyze ga occurrences in the prime minister's spontaneous speech, this study excluded the prime minister's opening speech in its entirety. Also, because of the objective to analyze the utterances of the prime minister, reporters' questions were excluded from our analysis. The criteria for selecting their transcripts were 1) faithful reproductions of the actual utterances, 2) spontaneous responses to questions on different issues, and 3) potential marked differences between the interviewees' political roles, which, according to our hypothesis, would be realized in their language use. First, this study selected utterances of Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi and of Chairman Tetsuzo Fuwa of the Japan Communist Party because portions of their linguistic properties (e.g., redundant utterances, run-on sentences, nonstandard word orders, "[laughter]" notes, and

3 Keizo Obuchi served as prime minister from July 1998 until April 2000.

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61

consistent use of the polite style)4 provide evidence of their faithful reproductions of the actual conferences and interviews. By contrast, we found by examining the linguistic properties that transcripts of interviews with the chairman of the leading opposition Democratic Party of Japan were heavily edited. Also, other parties do not release unedited transcripts of media interviews with their prominent members. Second, in order to assure optimal spontaneity in the interviewees' responses, this analysis selected only the earliest of two or more conference/interviews with comparable content. For example, out of two or more separate TV interviews on Parliament's legal adaptation of the nation's flag and anthem, this study has selected only the earliest interview since utterances in the subsequent interviews would not be considered entirely spontaneous. Whereas the intrinsic nature of the settings would lead ga to occur with higher frequency and wider functional variation in spoken utterances than in written texts, varying patterns of ga frequency and distribution among the spoken settings would have implications for sociocultural characteristics of the settings and images that the addressers intend to craft. Third, there is a possibility that the prime minister — head of the national government — would demonstrate his attempts to project an image that would be agreeable to mainstream voters, while the opposition party leader — a vocal political opponent to the prime minister and his party — would exhibit characteristics of a contentious individual, a trait that normally would be received poorly in a society oriented to consensus and harmony (Nakane, 1970). In light of these differences in personal and sociocultural traits, it is possible that these differences would be realized in the form of variations in ga frequency and distribution patterns. In addition to the written and spoken texts, this study included messages on Yahoo! Japan Message Boards on various sociopolitical issues. Based on frequent responses, this study selected the following ten (10) topics: Net circles; favorite ramen

4 Polite and plain styles are the situationally specific forms of language in Japanese. The polite style in Japanese is marked by -masu/desu at the end of each sentence, which is absent in the plain style. In speaking, the plain style is used towards close friends, younger individuals, and family members. Also, the plain style is common in informational writings such as newspaper articles, essays, and government publications (Yamazaki, 2002, p. 430). Based on their use of the plain style, we concluded that transcripts of interviews with prominent members of other parties were edited by the script writers. By contrast, all texts of the press conferences and TV interviews were transcribed in the polite style.

62

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

noodle restaurants; abhorrent musicians; anti-smoking; the Toshiba scandal; 5 unemployment; politics in general; the national flag/anthem; the professional soccer league; and professional baseball (see Appendix). Members of Yahoo! Japan Message Boards will raise discussion topics on different issues and submit their messages via Common Gateway Interface (CGI), which will electronically post the messages on the WWW message boards. Membership for Yahoo! Japan Message Board is free of charge, and the registered users' messages are not edited or erased by the administrator unless viewers reported them as offensive, derogatory or defamatory ("Yahoo! Japan," 1998). From each topic, this study selected the 10 most recent messages with the minimum seven (7) sentences in anticipation of collecting roughly a total of 1,000 clauses. For our analysis for optimal variations in our data, 10 most recent messages as of September 19, 1999, by 10 different individuals6 were selected from each of the 10 topics. A growing number of empirical CMC studies have been conducted since the middle of the last decade amid rapid growth in the civilian use of the Internet. Numerous studies in the 1980s and early 1990s addressed issues of CMC in taskoriented settings (e.g., Hiltz et al., 1986; George et al., 1990; Baym, 1995) and flaming (i.e., inflammatory remarks in CMC; see Lea et al, 1992). More recently, some researchers have conducted CMC studies in Japanese and other non-English languages (e.g., Georgakopoulou, 1997; Yamazaki, 2002). Nevertheless, these studies tend to focus primarily on efficiency in specific tasks and general behavioral characteristics among the participants inferable from the message content, and few of them focus extensively on specific linguistic components used in the setting. Therefore, this variation analysis will include data from an Internet message board to evaluate similarities and differences in patterns of ga frequency and distribution between written, spoken, and CMC settings. In particular, this analysis aims to evaluate the ga patterns and their implications for the characteristics of the settings. Based on the general characteristic of CMC as yielding a hybrid of spoken and written language features (Baym, 1996; Yamazaki, 2002), we draw a prediction that CMC generally yield frequent ga occurrences with a wide functional variation. In response to earlier studies' claims that absence of social and physical contact between 5 The Toshiba scandal was among the most controversial incidents of 1999 in Japan. One middle-aged businessman became angry at a Toshiba public relations officer's verbal abuse in response to his product defect complaints, and he released the unedited recording of the telephone conversation on his personal anonymous Web site (Kojima, 1999). This site received an unprecedented 1 million daily hits. This controversy turned particularly ugly when anonymous Toshiba employees allegedly sent the Web site producer numerous obscene e-mails. This incident has drawn public attention to other controversies through the so-called kokuhatsu (accusation) Web sites (Tanji, 1999). 6 Although the true identity of message authors was unavailable due to their use of the registered alias, its automatic insertion on the top of each message enabled the selection of the 10 most recent messages by 10 different individuals.

63

Chapter 4: Variation Analysis I

addressers and addressees would increase flaming and other uninhibited forms of language (e.g., Kiesler et al., 1984; Siegel et al., 1986; Lea et al., 1992), studies in the early 1990s suggest that anticipated future interaction would lead CMC participants to yield controlled forms of utterances (e.g., Walther, 1992; Walther & Burgoon, 1992). More recently, Yamazaki's (2002) analysis of language patterns in Japanese Usenet discussion groups found that the overwhelming majority of participants consistently used the standard polite style. At the same time, however, Yamazaki (2002) states, "[T]he politeness level does not suggest intimacy or close relationship, but rather a distanced and respectful stance" (p. 430). Given the anonymity in this setting, this finding suggests that Japanese CMC provides an essentially egalitarian communicative setting with anticipations of mutual politeness. The variation analysis in this chapter selected Yahoo! Japan Message Boards on a variety of themes to evaluate general patterns of ga frequency and distribution in Japanese CMC. In light of findings in recent studies about CMC linguistic properties, it is predictable that patterns of ga frequency and distribution suggest correspondence with theories on anticipated future responses and mutual politeness. B. Clauses: Measurement Unit for Variation Analysis Based on the availability of all selected utterances in the text format, ga occurrences per number of clauses serve as a feasible unit for comparative analysis in the variation analysis.7 Despite its seemingly substantial similarities to a clause,8 a sentence as a measurement unit for this study is readily questionable because of different ways that press conferences and interviews divide streams of utterances into sentences in their respective transcripts. To illustrate this point, we will cite the following example, where Japan Communist Party chairman Tetsuzo Fuwa accuses the Liberal Democratic Party of trying to allow the national police to wiretap the media with no probable cause: Jogai-sa-reru exclude-PASS

naka among

masukomi kankei, ni, LOC mass-comm. related

hbdo journalism

kankei related

haitte ga NOM included

inai, NEG

7 Information units (Halliday, 1967), tone units (Lehiste, 1970), and other units are not suitable for comparative variation analysis involving written, spoken, and CMC because of their specificity to spoken settings. 8 As Crystal (1992) states, a clause "may be equivalent to a sentence . . . but it need not be" because both a clause and sentence "[contain] such major functional elements as subject and verb" (p. 65).

64

Ga: Japanese Conjunction issai at-all

jogai-sa-rete exclude-PASS

inai. NEG

Lit. "Media organizations, or journalism related organizations, are not exempt from wiretapping, (they are) not exempt at all." [D-2] Just as in English, run-on sentences are common in Japanese, although they are not considered desirable in writing. In (4B.1), jogai-sa reru .. . haitte inai and issai jogai sarete inai seem to be two separate sentences because the verbs haitte inai "is/are not included" and jogai sarete inai "is/are not excluded" are both sentence-final forms. However, the scriptwriter chose to transcribe them as one sentence with two run-on clauses. By contrast, sentences of this kind would normally be edited into a different form (e.g., adding a connective in between, or simply dividing them into two separate sentences). While a clause serves as a more adequate measurement unit for the frequency of gfl, defining a clause in Japanese requires a consistent rule. In English, one simple method to count clauses is to count the number of tensed verbs, as in the following sentence: (4B.2) I like reading novels for fun / but I hate having to read it for a class / (where / indicates a clause boundary.) In (4B.2), the verbs like and hate are tensed because these two main verbs for each clause are used in the present tense. On the other hand, the verb reading and auxiliary having to are nontensed because the V-zng form in itself indicates nominalization, not tense (Celce-Murcia & Larsen-Freeman, 1983). Thus, since (4B.2) includes two tensed verb/auxiliaries, this sentence consists of two clauses. Unlike English, Japanese does not make a clear distinction between tensed and nontensed VPs in terms of their physical appearance alone, and it is virtually impossible to base our tensed/nontensed distinction on the form of the verb. Instead, in light of the agglutinative structure of the Japanese language, the VP-final components would provide a more appropriate basis for such a distinction. Syntactically, a Japanese VP consists of a head verb followed by a string of the auxiliaries that describe not only tense/aspect but also voice (active/passive), adversity as a result of receiving action (Watabe et al., 1991), offer/reception of favor, causative, assumption, relative social/ sociopolitical status between the agent and patient, among many other things (Morimoto, 1996, pp. 98-155). Especially in VPs of considerable complexity, the major determinant of VP tensing is a string of auxiliaries or other postverbial components rather than the head verb itself. The following examples illustrate this point:

Chapter 4: Variation Analysis I (4B.3) (a) Watashi wa ashita eiga o I TOP tomorrow movie ACC "I will watch a movie tomorrow." (b) Watashi no shumi wa I GEN hobby TOP koto act

eiga o movie ACC

65

miru. watch

miru watch

da. COP

"My hobby is to watch movies." Both (4B.3)(a) and (b) use the verb miru "to see," which is either the dictionary (i.e., nontensed) form or nonpast (i.e., tensed) form, and the physical appearance of the verb alone does not indicate whether these verbs are tensed or nontensed. However, the postverbial -koto in (4B.3)(b) is roughly equivalent for an English infinitive that is used "to make . . . a nominalized phrase" (3A Corporation, 1998a, p. 118), and therefore miru in (4B.3)(b) is the nontensed dictionary form. On the other hand, the miru in (4B.3)(a) comes in the clause-final position and therefore a nonpast (i.e., tensed) verb form. Given the SOV structure of the Japanese language (Kuno, 1973, p. 3; Thompson, 1987, p. 216; etc.) and the aforementioned discussion on a Japanese VP, this study employs the following rule as the general definition of a clause: (4B.4) A Japanese clause ends with a tensed VP. Meanwhile, clauses with multi-verb VPs will require further examination. The following examples illustrate this point: (4B.5) (a) Sono this kawara change

kangae-kata thinking-method

wa ima TOP now

demo even

nai desu. NEG COP

"Tliis principle hasn't changed even now." (b) Kore this

ga koka ga aru koto NOM effect NOM exist fact

wa TOP

machigai nai ndesu. question NEG COP "There is no question of its effectiveness, I tell you."

66

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

(c) Kokumin yoron citizen opinion susumete-iku proceed

o haikei ACC backing

tsumori intention

n i . .. giron with debate

o ACC

desu. COP

"With popular backing,. . . we intend to proceed with the debate." The clause-final VP for each of the examples above seems to consist of two verbs. In (4B.5)(a), the verb kawara nai "not change" is followed by the copula desu. In (4B.5)(b), the compound verb machigai nai "to be unquestionable" is followed by the -n desu ending.9 (4B.5)(c) includes the verb susumete iru "to proceed" and copula desu with the noun tsumori "an intention" in between. Among the three examples, (4B.5)(c) is readily identifiable as one clause because susumete iku "to proceed" is a nontensed verb used in the V -tsumori desu "intend to V" sentence pattern where only tsumori desu is tensed. To illustrate this point, we cite the past tense counterpart to (4B.5)(c) as follows: (4B.6) Kokumin citizen

yoron opinion

susumete-iku proceed

o ACC

tsumori intention

haikei backing

n i . . . giron with debate

o ACC

deshita. COP-PAST

"With popular backing,. . . we intended to proceed with the debate." Susumete iku "to proceed" employs the same nontensed form in both (4B.5)(c) and (4B.6). On the other hand, tsumori deshita in (4B.6) is the past form, whereas tsumori desu in (4B.5)(c) is the nonpast form. (4B.5)(a) is also considered one clause because kawara nai desu and the equivalent kawari masen are recognized as two alternate forms of one clause-final VP (Morimoto, 1996, p. 225) rather than as two separate clause-final VP patterns. This recognition of the V-nai desu/V-masen patterns as alternatives is consistent with the textbook recognition of Adj.-nai desu and Adj -arimasen as two alternate forms of predicative negative adjectives (Tsukuba Language Group, 1991, pp. 139-40). Therefore, it is appropriate to recognize V-nai desu as one (instead of two) clause-final component. For (4B.5)(b), machigai nai n desu would be viewed as one unit as well because Japanese grammar textbooks recognize V -n desu as one inseparable VP unit (3A Corporation, 1998b, pp. 8-9; Tsukuba Language Group, 1991, pp. 158-60). The following examples will provide evidence of our claim: See Note 1 of Chapter 3.

Chapter 4: Variation Analysis I

(4B.7) (a) . . . wa TOP (b) . . . wa TOP

machigai question

na katta n desu. NEG PAST COP

‘ machigai question

nai n de-shita. NEG COP-PAST

67

"There was no question th a t. . . . " According to the syntactic rule, only the head verb takes the tense marking while -n desu resists it (Tsukuba Language Group, 1991, p. 160). Therefore, (4B.7)(a) is wellformed since the copula desu correctly remains unaffected. On the other hand, (4B.7)(b) is ill-formed since the copula deshita is wrongly assigned the past tense. For this reason, it is appropriate to recognize V -n desu as one clause-final VP. In addition to the three VP patterns in (4B.5), this study recognizes the following clause-final patterns as one rather than two or more separate tensed VPs: (4B.8) (a) V-te imasu (progressive) Ima ame ga futte imasu ka. now rain NOM fall PROGQ "Is it raining now?" (3A Corporation, 1998a, p. 95) (b) V-te arimasu (state of inanimate entity) Tsukue no ue ni memoga oite arimasu. desk GEN top LOC NOM put ST "There is a memo put on the desk." (3A Corporation, 1998b, p. 32) (c)

V-te okimasu (to do V as a preparatory measure) Ryoko no mae ni kippu o katte okimasu. trip GEN prior TEMP ticket ACC buy do-in-advance

68

G«: Japanese Conjunction "I will buy a ticket before the trip."10 (3A Corporation, 1998b, p. 92) (d) V yotei desu (to be scheduled to V) Shichi-gatsu no owari ni Doitsu July GEN end TEMP Germany shutcho-suru take-a-business-trip

yotei plan

e DIR

desu. COP

"I'm scheduled to go on a business trip to Germany at the end of July." (3A Corporation, 1998b, p. 92) (e) V yd ni narimasu (to become capable of V-ing) Oyo-geru yd ni narimasu. swim-can situation LOC become "You will become able to swim." (3A Corporation, 1998b, p. 92) V-te imasu in (4B.8)(a), V-te arimasu in (4B.8)(b), and V-te okimasu in (4B.8)(c) are the VPs of one clause. These clause-final VP patterns share a fe-form verb followed by an auxiliary as their common structure. The auxiliaries imasu in (4B.8)(a), arimasu in

10 This sentence expresses more than the English translation indicates. illustrate this point, we will examine the following pair of examples: (a)

Ryoko trip

no mae ni kippu o kaimasu. GEN prior TEMP ticket ACC buy

(b)

Ryoko trip

mae ni no kippu o katte okimasu. GEN prior TEMP ticket ACC buy do-in-advance

To

"I will buy a ticket before the trip." (a) is a simple statement of the addresser's future action since it uses the ordinary nonpast verb form kaimasu "do/will buy." On the other hand, (b) implies "[cjompletion of a necessary action by a given time" (3A Corporation, 1998b, p. 32). Wlule kaimasu in (a) denotes simple action, the auxiliary okimasu in (b) implies the notion that the subject conducts the action as a form of preparation. Thus, (b) means that the addresser will buy a ticket for assurance that he/ she is prepared for the trip.

69

Chapter 4: Variation Analysis I

(4B.8)(b), and okimasu in (4B.8)(c) are all tense-marked.11 On the other hand, the fe-form (roughly equivalent to an English gerund) is inherently nontensed and therefore does not constitute a clause-final VP component in itself. (4B.8)(d) is also considered one clause despite the presence of two verbs: shutchd suru "to go on a business trip" and the copula desu. However, the VP pattern yotei desu "be scheduled to V" requires a nontensed V followed by yotei desu. To illustrate this point, we cite its past tense counterpart as follows: (4B.9) (b)Shichi-gatsu July

no owari ni Doitsu GEN end TEMP Germany

shutcho-suru take-a-business-trip

e DIR

yotei deshita. plan COP-PAST

"I was scheduled to go on a business trip to Germany at the end of July." Shutchd suru "to take a business trip" in (4B.9) employs the same form as in (4B.8)(d) because it is nontensed. On the other hand, yotei deshita in (4B.9) is the past form whereas yotei desu in (4B.8)(d) is the nonpast form. Finally, V yd ni narimasu in (4B.8)(f) functions as one clause-final VP, even though it includes two verbs: the potential verb oyogeru "to be able to swim" and narimasu "to become." (Yd ni, which comes between the two verbs, literally means "so that.") Again, the crucial point here is that oyogeru is a nontensed potential verb: (4B.10)

(a) *Oyo-geta swim-could

yo situation

ni narimasu. LOC become

(b) Oyo-geru swim-can

yo situation

ni narimashita. LOC became

"You became able to swim."

11 The VPs in (4B.7)(b)-(d) are tense-marked as follows:

(b) (c) (d)

Nonpast V-te imasu V-te arimasu V-te okimasu

Past V-te imashita V-te arimashita V-te okimashita

As shown below, only the clause-final auxiliaries are tense-marked, whereas the V-te remains unaffected for its inherent tense-free feature.

Ga\ Japanese Conjunction

70

(4B.10)(a) is ill-formed because it wrongly assigns the past tense to oyogeta "was/were able to swim." (4B.10)(b), on the other hand, is well-formed because it correctly keeps oyogeru nontensed and assigns the past tense to narimashita "became." Finally, we need to examine embedded and relative clauses to determine whether or not they constitute clauses. We cite the following examples for discussion: (4B.11)

(a) Miller-san

wa TOP

raishu next-week

Tokyo

e DIR

shutcho-suru to iimashita. go-on-business CONJ said "Mr. Miller said that he would go to Tokyo on a business trip next week." (3A Corporation, 1998a, p. 137) (b) Watashi I

ga ashita NOM tomorrow

au tomodachi meet friend

wa TOP

Miller-san

desu. COP "The friend whom I will meet tomorrow is Mr. Miller." (3A Corporation, 1998a, p. 142) In (4B.ll)(a), raishu Tokyo e shutchd-suru is an embedded clause, which is a quotation from Mr. Miller's statement. In (4B.ll)(b), watashi ga ashita au is a relative clause that modifies the noun Miller-san.'12 These examples in themselves would not determine the status of embedded/relative clauses because the verbs shutcho suru "go on a business trip" and au "meet" may be either the dictionary (i.e., nontensed) or nonpast (i.e., tensed) form. However, the following examples provide evidence that these verbs are tensed: (4B.12)

(a) Miller-san

wa TOP

senshu last-week

Tokyo

e DIR

12 There are two major differences between Japanese relative clauses and their English counterparts. First, a Japanese relative clause comes before the norm it modifies (Kuno, 1973, p. 234; Celce-Murcia & Larsen-Freeman, 1983, p. 361; Odlin, 1989, p. 97). Second, Japanese has no equivalent for English relative pronouns such as who, which, that (Kuno, 1973, p. 234; Thompson, 1987, p. 219).

Chapter 4: Variation Analysis I shutcho-shita went-on-business

to CONJ

71

iimashita. said

"He went to Tokyo on a business trip last week, Mr. Miller said." (b) Watashi I

ga kino atta NOM yesterday met

Miller-san

tomodachi friend

wa TOP

desu. COP

"The friend whom I met yesterday is Mr. Miller." (3A Corporation, 1998a, p. 142) (4B.12)(a) is well-formed because the verb shutcho-shita "went on a business trip" is correctly assigned the past tense in accordance with the time expression senshu "last week." (4B.12)(b) is also well-formed because the verb atta "met" is correctly assigned the past tense according to the time expression kind "yesterday." Another important issue here is the potential co-occurrence of ga with embedded and relative clauses. For embedded clauses, we cite the following pair of examples: (4B.13)

(a) Miller-san

wa TOP

—>

shutcho-shita went-on-business

senshu last-week

e DIR

Tokyo

to iimashita CONJ said

ga.

"He went to Tokyo on a business trip last week, Mr. Miller said [ga]." (b) Miller-san

wa TOP

shutcho-shita ga went-on-business

senshu last-week

Tokyo

e DIR

to iimashita. CONJ said

"He went to Tokyo on a business trip last week [ga], Mr. Miller said." Ga (4B.13)(a) is Implicative because it occurs at the end of the sentence as a marker to suggest the presence of an implicit context-specific message about Mr. Miller's statement, such as, say, ", . . but I didn't know he's still in Tokyo," or ", . . but I don't know if he told you the truth." Ga (4B.13)(b) is also Implicative because it occurs at the end of the embedded clause. In the case of (4B.13)(b), however, ga suggests the presence of an implicit message about Mr. Miller's business trip, such as, say, " . . . but I

72

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

understand the meeting went poorly/' or . and Mr. Miller wants to file for reimbursement for necessary expenses during the trip." For relative clauses, we examine the following pair of examples: (4B.14)

(a) Watashi I

ga kino NOM yesterday

—>

Miller-san

desu ga. COP

atta met

tomodachi friend

"The friend whom I met yesterday is Mr. Miller [ga]." (b) Sono hito this person ->

aimashita ga, met

wa TOP

Miller-san

watashi I

mo also

kind yesterday

desu. COP

"This person, whom I met yesterday \ga], is Mr. Miller." Ga (4B.14)(a) is Implicative because it occurs at the end of the sentence as a marker to suggest the presence of an implicit context-specific message about Mr. Miller, such as " . . . so you thought I met someone else?" or ", .. so you know Mr. Miller as well?" On the other hand, ga (4B.14)(b) is Insertive because the embedded clause watashi mo kind aimashita ga "whom I met yesterday [ga]" provides supplementary information about Mr. Miller. Although the idea of counting a relative clause — which roughly corresponds to a nominal modifier in English and other languages — would not be intuitively appealing to normative speakers of Japanese, both embedded and relative clauses should be considered clauses in this study for two reasons. First, both clauses can be independently tensed in compliance with the rule stipulated in (4B.4). Second, as evidenced in (4B.14)(b), a relative clause can syntactically co-occur with Insertive ga. C. Results of Variation Analysis I As mentioned earlier, the variation analysis anticipates that varying patterns of ga frequency and distribution reveal salient features of each ga function and of each selected setting. This section will first provide numerical results of ga analysis from selected settings including newspaper editorials, breaking news stories, press conferences with a Japanese prime minister, TV interviews with an opposition party leader, and WWW message boards. After providing the data, the subsequent section will discuss actual occurrences of each ga function. In particular, this section will unveil

Chapter 4; Variation Analysis I

73

the functional characteristic of Continuative ga by examining the semantic content of pre-ga and post-go utterances extensively. This variation analysis collected 21 Asahi Shimbun editorials with the number of clauses totaling 989. These editorials yielded the lowest overall ga frequency of all discourse settings in this study, with 5 out of 989 clauses (0.51%). Also, Asahi Shimbun editorials used ga exclusively as C/C markers. Table 4-1 shows that C/C ga was used in 2 out of 43 clauses in editorial [A-10], 1 out of 42 clauses in [A-12], and 2 out of 54 clauses in [A-20], In all other editorials, there was absolutely no occurrence of the conjunction ga. Clauses collected from 44 breaking news stories in the Asahi Shimbun Web site totaled 993. Compared to the editorials, the overall ga frequency in the breaking news stories is considerably higher, with a total of 46 out of 993 clauses (4.63%; see Table 4-2). Another noteworthy difference in the breaking news stories is their occasional use of non-conflictive ga. As Table 4-2 shows, 38 ga function as C/C markers while the remaining 8 ga function as Continuative markers. 15 stories include no ga occurrences, while there was one ga occurrence in 17 stories and two ga occurrences in eight stories.

Table 4-1 Ga Occurrences in Asahi Shimbun Editorials

C/C [A-l] [A-2] [A-3] [A-4] IA-51 [A-6] [A-7] [A-8] [A-9] [A-10] [A-ll] [A-12] [A-13] [A-14] [A-15] [A-16] [A-17] [A-18] [A-19] [A-20] _ [A-211 _ Total _ %

Referential

Insertive

Implicative

Continuative

Clauses

Total 0

48

0

43

0

45

0

41

0 0

2

f t ,

i

a

...

.

m

1

2

S :i|'......

;.

n is i

42 55

0

66

0

63

0

59

2

43

0

48

1

42

0

31

0

34

0 0

27 51

0

46

0

54

0

53

2

54

0

44

5

5

989

100 .0

o v e ra ll

0.51

74

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

Table 4-2 Ga Occurrences in Asahi Shimbun Breaking News Stories C/C [B-l] [B-2] [B-3] [B-4] [B-5] [B-6] [B-7] [B-8] [B-9] [B-10J LB-11] [B-12] [B-13] [B-14] LB-15] [B-l 6] LB-17] LB-18] IB-19] [B-20] |B-21] [B-22] [B-23] [B-24] [B-25] fB-26] [B-27] [B-28] LB-29] [B-30] [B-31] [B-32] [B-33] [B-34| [B-35] [B-36] LB-37] [B-38] [B-39] [B-40] [B-41] [B-42] [B-43] [B-44] Total

%

Referential

Insertive

Implicative

Continuative

i i

Total i i 0

Clauses ii

0

1 i i

i

2

i

1

3 1

- '5

2

0 3 3 1 0

2

:I| p

i

1 0

i

3

0 1

i

2

1 1

1 1

1

11 0 0 1

2

S ill-1'

0 1 M i 0

f

2

2 1

1

2 1 2

2

I llillilB 2

4

4 0

II S R #

■

0 1

S ®

l

l i i i l

i i

1 1 1 1 0 2 2 0

2 38 82.61

8 17.39

2 46 overall

10 47 16 25 24 49 43 20

25 16 12 13 23 24 12 13 27 21

17 13 18 19 26 36 15 19 15 33 14

33 34 22 22 16

28 13 19 20 31 15 29 9 46 993 4.63

Chapter 4: Variation Analysis I

75

Among the remaining articles, ga occurs three times in three stories and four times in one story. Six selected press conferences with Japanese Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi included 953 clauses (see Table 4-3). Among the five discourse settings in this study, the press conferences yielded the highest overall ga frequency, with 98 ga in 953 clauses (10.28%). Another noteworthy finding is Obuchi's use of four different ga functions. In addition to C/C and Continuative ga, Obuchi used Referential and Insertive ga. 34 of the total 98 ga (34.69%) in the prime minister's press conferences function as C/C markers, 24 (24.49%) as Continuative markers, 17 (17.35%) as Referential markers, and 23 (23.47%) as Insertive markers. Clauses in the four TV interviews with Japan Communist Party chairman Tetsuzo Fuwa totaled 999 (see Table 4-4). The TV interviews with Japan Communist Party chairman Tetsuzo Fuwa yield similarities to, as well as differences from, press conferences with Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi. Fuwa's utterances are similar to those of the prime minister in the sense that both of them use the same four functions, including C/C, Continuative, Referential, and Insertive ga. On the other hand, there are two noteworthy differences between the interviews and press conferences. First, the overall ga frequency in Fuwa's utterances (25 in 999 clauses [2.50%]) is considerably lower than that in Obuchi's (98 in 953 clauses [10.28%]). Second, approximately half of

Table 4-3 Ga Occurrences in Press Conferences with Japanese Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi

C/C [C-l] [C-2] [C-3] [C^J [C-5] fC-61 Total %

Referential

Insertive

5 4

2 3

9

6

5 4 7 34 34.69

1 2 3 17 17.35

6 3 5 2 3

Implicative

Continuative 2 2 7 3

4

4 24 24.49

6

23 23.47

Total

Clauses 188 103 189 99 132 242 953 10.28

15 12 27 11 15 18 98 overall

Table 4-4 Ga Occurrences in TV Interviews with Japan Communist Party Chairman Tetsuzo Fuwa eye

-

[D-l] [D-2] [D-3] [D-41 Total %

5 1 2 5 13 52.00

Referential 1 1

2 8.00

Insertive 2 1 4 7 28.00

Implicative

Continuative 1 1 1 3 12.00

Total 6 5 4 10 25 overall

Clauses 185 257 305 252 999 2.50

76

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

all ga in Fuwa's utterances functioned as C/C markers, compared to approximately one-third in Obuchi's. The interviews with the JCP chairman included 13 (52.00%) C/C ga, 3 (12.00%) Continuative ga, 2 (8.00%) Referential ga, and 7 (28.00%) Insertive ga. Finally, the total clauses in Yahoo! Japan Message Boards rose to 1,213, considerably more than the anticipation prior to collecting the messages. However, in the interest of avoiding any possibility of subjective data deletion, this study employed all collected data for analysis of ga frequency and distribution. Yahoo! Japan Message Boards showed a unique pattern of ga occurrences in the sense that they were the only setting with Implicative ga occurrences of all selected for this variation analysis. As Table 4-5 shows, the message boards included a total of 83 occurrences of ga out of 1,213 clauses (6.84%). Out of the total 83 ga, 40 (48.19%) of them functioned as C/C markers, 9 (10.84%) of them as Referential markers, 5 (6.02%) as Insertive markers, 16 (19.28%) as Continuative markers, and 13 (15.66%) Implicative markers. D. Reexamining ga Functions This variation analysis validated results of the pragmatic analysis of the Japanese conjunction ga in Chapter 3 in the sense that all ga occurrences in the selected discourse settings fell into the previously identified functional categories. Particularly due to the limited length in the addressers' utterances per speaking turn, the pragmatic analysis examined the semantic content of immediate pre/post-ga clauses, thereby failing to identify otherwise functional features. This section analyzes a few actual occurrences of each ga function by examining the semantic content of pre-ga and post-ga utterance streams. Particularly for Continuative ga, its successful analysis lies in an examination of the semantic content on a wider scope. Therefore, this study applies Schiffrin's (1987) analysis of "propositions with linguistic content" (Schiffrin, 1987, p. 26) to its holistic examination of pre/post-ga utterances.

Table 4-5 Ga Occurrences in Yahoo! Japan Message Boards

[E-l] [E-2] [E-3] PE-4]

IE-5] [E-6] [E-7] [E-8] [E-9] [E-l 0] Total %

C/C 2 2 3 3 4 5 5 5 8 3 40 48.19

Referential 1 2

Insertive

Implicative

1 3

3 1 1

1 5 6.02

1 1 4 2 13 15.66

2

1 2 2 1 9 10.84

Continuative

1 2 5 5 1 16 19.28

Total 3 6 7 5 8 8 13 11 14 8 83 overall

Clauses 119 123 128 76 114 126 98 126 155 148 1213 6.84

77

Chapter 4: Variation Analysis I

1. Conflictive/Contrastive ga As mentioned earlier, C/C ga is recognized as the prescriptive norm. Because of its essentially basic function as conflictive or contrastive connective between two clauses, we will briefly discuss two examples of C/C ga in Asahi Shimbun editorials: (4D.1) (a) Nihon Japan ->

de wa PAC TOP

o'oni shite, often

sokumen en-daka no yen-high GEN aspect medaru medal

no ura-gawa GEN other-side

kara sawagi-tateru from clamor wa TOP

doru-yasu dollar-low

"In Japan, people often clamor for strong yen, [ga (but)] on the other side of the medal is a weak U.S. dollar." [A-20] no (b) 98-nen kokumin-futan-ritsu wa (19)98-yr. GEN per-capita-spending-ratio TOP kinrosha-setai working-family

da COP

ga. but

hosho welfare

futan-ritsu spending

shimeshita point

ue, and

wa TOP

no zei GEN tax

16%, to iu CONJ say

37%

shakai social suji o figure ACC

'Kokumin-futan-ritsu no per-capita-spending-ratio GEN

takai high

keizai kuni 8a nation NOM economic

hikui low

wa wake de fact COP TOP

seicho growth

ritsu ga ratio NOM

nobeteiru. nai/ to NEG CONJ state PROG

78

Ga: Japanese Conjunction "(This year7s edition of the Welfare Ministry White Book) points out that the 1998 overall per capita Social Welfare Spending13 was 37%, [ga (but)] the per capita spending for working families was 16%; it further states, 'Nations with high welfare spending do not necessarily have low economic growth."' [A-12]

Ga (4D.la) is C/C since it draws a contrast between the public clamoring for strong Japanese yen and the weak U.S. dollars as a reverse side of the same coin. Similarly, ga (4D.lb) functions as a C/C marker as well since it draws a contrast between the per capita Social Welfare Spending in 1998 and the per capita Social Welfare Spending by working families. In both examples, the contrast is straightforward by virtue of reference to two currency units in (4D.la) and two percentage figures in (4D.lb). 2. Referential ga Unlike that of C/ C ga, analysis of Referential ga requires examining the semantic content of surrounding utterances in a more holistic manner. To illustrate this point, we will examine the following examples of Referential ga from Prime Minister Obuchi's utterances: (4D.2) (a) . . . kano-na possible

kagiri as-long-as

goi agreement

o ete ACC obtain

atarashii Kokkai new session

ni nozomi-tai to DEST tackle-want CONJ

kb iu this

ni kangaete LOC think

fu manner

Ozawa-toshu Ozawa-chairman kako past

san-kai 3-times

orimasu. PROG

no koto ni tsukimashite GEN issue regarding toshu-kaidan chairman-mtg.

desu ga, COP

o itashi ACC do (HUM)

mashite, COP

13 The per capita Social Welfare Spending refers to the percentage of taxes and social welfare in the so-called Gross Domestic Revenues, which excludes indirect taxes and other spending from the GDP. This article accuses the national government by pointing out that the ministry uses the internationally unrecognized form of statistical formula with a smaller denominator figure in an attempt to make the welfare spending appear large as a justification for welfare spending cut.

79

Chapter 4: Variation Analysis I kihon-teki-ni basically shuhan P.M.

wa TOP

naikaku Cabinet

taru watashi COP 1

chodai obtainment

no mondai GEN issue

wa TOP

ni go-ichi-nin o DAT entrustment ACC

o itashite ACC do (HUM)

orimasu. PROG

. it is our hope to obtain the best possible form of agreement (on the twoparty cooperation) and then to proceed to the new (Parliamentary) session. Regarding (Liberal Party) chairman (Ichiro) Ozawa \ga], we have reached a general agreement through our three meetings that he will entrust me as Prime Minister with the selection of Cabinet members." [C-3] (b)

Mazu, akemashite-omedeto-gozaimasu. Mata, first A-Happy-New-Year also hodo-kankei no minasan ni mo media-affiliation GEN everyone for also yoki good

toshi de arimasu year COP

oinori pray

moshiage say (HUM)

Sate, INTJ

koto fact

Heisei-10-nen H-10-year

ga NOM

o ACC

masu. COP

otazune inquiry

no shuto-kino GEN Capital-function

iten transfer

no mondai GEN issue

de gozaimasu COP (HUM)

ga,

kono this

mondai problem

nani yori mo what than

Tokyo ikkyoku one-place

shuchu concentration

wa TOP

o zesei-shi ACC correct

nakereba naranai. have-to

80

Ga: Japanese Conjunction "First of all, I wish you a Happy New Year. Also, I hope that the 10th year of Heisei (i.e., 1999)14 will be a good year for everyone in the media as well. Now, regarding the proposed transfer of the national capital that you just inquired about [ga], the Tokyo-only centralization must be corrected, more than anything else." [C-3]

The key to identifying the Referential ga function lies in the manner of occurrences and semantic content of pre-ga clauses. Both Referential ga clauses in (4D.2) introduce the general theme of the subsequent stream of utterances. The utterances before the ga clause in (4D.2b) discuss general cooperation between Prime Minister Obuchi's Liberal Democratic Party and its Cabinet coalition ally Liberal Party while the subsequent utterances refer to Obuchi's talks with Liberal Party chairman Ichiro Ozawa. In (4D.2b), this Referential ga function becomes more salient with sate "now," which is a discourse marker rather than a time expression that its literal English translation might imply.15 Just like the English now, sate in (4D.2b) is an indication that "the speaker is shifting orientation and through (it) a speaker is inviting a hearer to adjust the participation framework" (Schiffrin, 1987, p. 244). The prime minister's previous utterances are New Year's greetings to the media and the presumptive audience of the press conference, while the subsequent utterances address his view on the issue of the proposed transfer of some government ministries out of Tokyo as a way to ease excessive centralization. Therefore, in conjunction with sate, the ga clause in (4D.2b) functions as an introduction to the new discourse topic. We will examine two more Referential ga occurrences in the following excerpts from press conferences with Prime Minister Obuchi (see Appendix):16 (4D.3) Reporter: ....

Raigetsu, Ko Takumin Chugoku next-month Jiang Zemin China

ho-nichi visit-Jpn.

sareru do (HON)

wake desu fact COP

kokka shuseki president

ga NOM

ga,

14 Japan is the only nation in the world at the present time that still names years by era according to the constitutional monarch's throne (Inoue, 1984, p. 45). Since 1868, one emperor's throne constitutes one era. The current era of Heisei began in 1989, when Emperor Akihito ascended to the throne (Nippon Steel Human Resources Development, 1993, p. 99). 15 The Japanese equivalent for the English now as time expression is ima ("Merriam-Webster," 1993, p. 310). 16 Ga occurrences in interviewers' questions are not indicated with arrows since they are not Prime Minister Obuchi's utterances.

81

Chapter 4: Variation Analysis I

sono sai this moment owabi apology

ni mo TEMP also

kotoba no GEN word

morikoma reru include-HON

onaji yo same manner

ni DEST

o bunsho ACC document

ni LOC

okangae idea

wa TOP

mo itten. more one-pt.

Roshia Russia

to with

no mondai GEN issue

desu keredomo, COP although

itta to, so CONJ such said

oari nano desho ka. have (HON) COP Q Sore this

to and

Heiwa Joyaku peace-treaty ....

Nihon gawa to shite Japan side as

bunsho document

wa, TOP

moriko mareru ni LOC include-PASS

akumade mo kodawa rareru persistently insist-HON

sono nengen this time-limit

no GEN

ga

NOM

yo in-order-to

no ka, COP Q

sono hen this situation

no sori GEN P.M.

no gokenkai GEN view

otazune shitai ask (HUM)-want

to CONJ

omoimasu. think

o ACC

. . . next month, during Chinese president Jiang Zemin's visit to Japan, are you considering including word of apology in the same way (you did in a meeting with Korean president Kim Dae Jung)? Also, one more question. Regarding the issue of a peace treaty with Russia, are you still persistently discussing (with Boris Yeltsin) the time limit for the formal peace treaty. Please give us your thoughts on this matter."

Ga: Japanese Conjunction Prime Minister: Mazu okotae suru mae ni, Kin Daichu first answer-do before TEMP Kim Dae Jun daitoryo to no Kyodo Sengen president with GEN joint-declaration mondai issue

ga gozaimashita. . . . NOM there-was

Atarashii new

21-seiki wa 21th-CenturyTOP

Nikkan Jpn-Korea

no patonashippu GEN partnership

to iu CONJ say

shuno doshi leader among

kono sengen this declaration Sokode then kokka shuseki president aratamete again do how

lu say

otagai mutually

no GEN

subarashii excellent

0 tsukuri-age nai ka ACC establish shall-we-Q

no shinrai GEN trust

no moto ni GEN basis LOC

ni shomei LOC signature

o itashimashita. ACC did (HUM)

otazune your-question

no Ko Takumin GEN Jiang Zemin

no Ho-nichi GEN visit-Jpn.

no sai GEN occasion

doyona same

toriatsukau handle

shomei signing

ka Q

made mo extent also

ni, TEMP

mono ni tsuite thing LOC regarding to iu CONJ say

koto de gozaimasu. . . . issue COP (HUM)

arimasen NEG

gfl COP kae masen. Sono hoka, change-NEG this other

" at this moment, I can only say that I have no intention to dissolve (Parliament) this year. And (regarding) Cabinet reshuffling [ga], I will not replace any Cabinet member or top three officials of our party. Also,. . . . " In analyzing the ga (5D.4) function, it is necessary to examine the context of utterances before and after the ga clause Sore to Naikaku kaizo desu ga "And (regarding) Cabinet reshuffling." Prior to the ga clause, Koizumi discusses his intention not to dissolve the Lower House in that year (i.e., 2002) whereas the subject of his discussion changes after the ga clause to personnel in his Cabinet. Ga (5D.4) is Referential because its semantic content indicates a thematic transition to Cabinet reshuffling. Third, the following excerpt from the August 9, 2001, press conference with Koizumi includes an Insertive ga occurrence: (5D.5) Toku ni watashi particularly I

wa TOP

senkyo-go no election-after GEN

no GEN

rinji-kokkai special-Diet-session

kisha-kaiken de mo press-conf. PAC also

aki fall

mae ni dekiru before TEMP can-do

koto, aki thing fall

no rinji-kokkai ni GEN special-Diet-session TEMP

137

Chapter 5: Variation Analysis II nen-matsu year-end

yarn beki koto, soshite do-ought-to thing and

no GEN

yosan-hensei budget-proposal

ni mukatte DEST direct

koto, subeki do-ought-to thing

kono san-dankai this three-steps

no kbteihyo GEN itinerary

sotte gutai-an ni LOC base practical-plan

o kangaete ACC think

iko let's-go

iu to CONJ say

yatte orimasu do (HUM)

node, because

ima now

aki fall

no, itsu kokkai GEN when Diet-mtg.

mada kimatte imasen yet decided NEG

ga,

dekiru madeni nani ga no-later-than what NOM can-do ima now

tomen moment

kangaete think

koto matte:

tokorci, no GEN moment

de INST mazu first

kaikai sareru ka NOM open PASS Q ga

aki fall

no rinji-kokkai GEN special-Diet-session ka Q

iu to CONJ say

koto o( , matter.

iki tai. proceed-want

Lit., " . . . Particularly, (as I stated) in a press conference after the (latest) election, I am acting based on a three-step plan including things we can do prior to the fall special Diet session, things we ought to do dining the fall special Diet session, and things we ought to do during the year-end budget proposal, so at this moment, first, until the fall, when the Diet session will take place has not been decided \ga\, fall Diet meeting, what can be done, I would like to consider at this moment." . Particularly, as I stated in a press conference after the latest election, I am acting based on a three-step plan including things we can do prior to the fall special Diet session, things we ought to do during the fall special Diet session, and things we ought to do during the year-end budget proposal. So at this moment, I would first like to consider what can be accomplished until the fall special Diet session, whose dates have not been decided."

138

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

Ga (5D.5) is Insertive because the ga-clause occurs within the NP aki no rinji-kokkai "the fall special Diet session" (with aki no "of fall" repeated after the ga-clause), as shown in Figure 4-2. Fourth, the following excerpt from the 1998 New Year's Day press conference with Hashimoto includes Continuative ga: (5D.6) Hashimoto: Kb this

shita did

koto o fukumete matterACC include

Nichi-Ro-kan de yotei sarete iru Jpn-Russia-between PAC plan-PASS-PAST —>

koryu exchange

mo also

o tsujite ACC through taiwa, dialogue

ikutsuka several

hai-reberu high-level

arimasu exist

samazama na varying

kyoryoku to iu cooperation CONJ say

kakudai-kyoka-shite expand-strengthen-do

hon-nen this-year

iku proceed

no GEN

sono koryu this exchange

bun'ya ni okeru field DEST range mono 0 isso thing ACC further to with

doji ni, simultaneously

masa ni exactly

Tokyo-sengen T.-statement

ni motozuite, LOC based

goi agreement

no yo ni, GEN fashion

heiwa-joyaku o teiketsu shi, LOC peace-treaty ACC sign

Krasnoyarsk no GEN

kanzen na seijoka full-fledged normalization

to iu CONJ say

ryo-koku no aida both-nations GEN between

ni jitsugen suru LOC realize

hikitsuzuki continuously

o tsukushimasu. ACC exercise

zenryoku full-effort

mono o thing ACC tame ni in-order-to

139

Chapter 5: Variation Analysis II Sono sai this moment

daijina important

koto w a ,......... thing TOP

"And including these things, several high-level Japan-Russia exchange activities are scheduled (to take place) this year [ga], we continue to make our full effort to further expand and solidify our dialogue and cooperation in various fields through these activities and at the same time to sign a peace treaty based exactly on the Tokyo statement just like (the way we did) the Krasnoyarsk agreement for the full-fledged normalization (of diplomatic ties) between the two countries." Ga in Hashimoto's utterances (5D.6) occurs between background information about a series of diplomatic exchanges between Japan and Russia and his intention to make major improvements in Japan's diplomatic relation with Russia. Therefore, ga (5D.6) is a Continuative marker yielding the BACKGROUND ga POSITION idea structure (see [4D.17] in Chapter 4). Fifth, and finally, the following excerpt from the August 8,1997, press conference with Ryutaro Hashimoto includes the only Implicative ga occurrence: (5D.7) Reporter: Nichi-Bei Jpn-U.S. shishin, guideline

Boei defense

iwayuru so-called

kono minaoshi this revision

Guideline

ni karande, regarding

Nihon Shuhen Yuji Jpn-surrounding-emergency do how

kangaeru think

ka Q

tame Kyoryoku no cooperation GEN purpose

iwayuru so-called

to iu CONJ say

ni tsuite regarding

sori P.M.

gv

Nihon Shuhen Jitai, Jpn-surrounding-incident

no han'i GEN definition

moriagatte ichibu de some-group PAC become-vibrant sore this

nan desu COP

no GEN

giron discussion

ni tsuite regarding ga NOM

imasu keredomo, PROG

no go-iken GEN HON-opinion

o ACC

140

Ga: Japanese Conjunction o-hanashi HON-talk

itadaki tai give-want

to omoimasu. CONJ think

"Regarding the Guidelines, or guidelines for the Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation, its revisions, particularly concerning the definition of the incidents around Japan and emergencies around Japan, are drawing vibrant discussions among some (of the Diet members), and I would like to have your opinions on this matter." Hashimoto: Shuhen jitai to zoku ni surrounding emergency CONJ popularly Nihon no heiwa to Japan GEN peace and eikyo impact ue top

o ataeru to iu ACC give CONJ say

ni sen LOC line

mono daro ka. matter COP Q to iu CONJ say

anzen security

o hlte sore ACC draw that Watashi I

no wa thing TOP

wa TOP

okoranai occur-NEG

ni judai na PUR serious kesu case

chizu no ga NOM map GEN

de with

zenbu osamaru all resolve

so so

iu say

koto fact

ichiban ga NOM most

nozomashii keredomo, desirable

SO

okoru to kangaeru occur CONJ think

to sureba, CONJ assume-if

so

iu say

iwareru, said (PASS)

jitai incident sore this

jitai incident

ga moshi NOM if wa TOP

chizu no ue map GEN top

ni sen LOC line

hiite koko kara 0 ACC draw here from

koko made wa here until TOP

mondai problem

nai to iu ga NOM NEG CONJ say

fu na fashion

ii-kata no dekirumono de wa say-manner GEN can-do thing COP

141

Chapter 5: Variation Analysis II

—>

nai to omoimasu. NEG CONJ think

Mushiro on-the-contrary

so so

to iu CONJ say

ho fashion

ga seikaku NOM accurate

de atte, COP

chizu-jo map-top

no sen-hiki no hanashi GEN line-drawing GEN discussion

de wa nai COP NEG

to, so CONJ so

watashi I

ga.

wa omou n desu TOP think COP

shita bai condition did

"Regarding the matter of what is popularly known as the surrounding emergencies, which would have a serious impact on Japan's peace and security, is this just a matter of drawing a line on a map for a complete solution? It is most desirable that such an incident never take place, but just in case we assume it might, I don't think we can simply draw a line on the map and say things like, 'From here to here is no problem.' Actually, it would be more accurate to say in the event. (Anyway,) it is not just a matter of line drawing on the map, I think [ga]." Ga (5D.7) is Implicative because it occurs at the end of an utterance. This Implicative ga merits attention because of its sole occurrence in a press conference with Ryutaro Hashimoto. Particularly noteworthy in this Implicative ga is its contextually inferable meaning (e.g., . . despite your view of defining it as a simple matter of drawing a line on a map."), which suggests Hashimoto's sarcasm toward the reporter's supposedly simplistic request to define the threat to Japan's security. This interpretation of Implicative ga (5D.7) is valid in light of Hashimoto's role in the press conference as interviewee. As mentioned in Chapter 4, situational pre-assignment of the role of topic shift to the interviewer (i.e., media reporter) would normally limit interviewees' uses of Implicative ga in press conferences. In this press conference, however, Hashimoto superceded this norm by using it. This ga occurrence has two implications about Hashimoto's character. First, its inferable meaning suggests Hashimoto's scornful attitude toward the reporter and possibly his critics in general. Second, self-assigning the role of topic shift suggests his self-identification as a high status individual, effectively reinforcing his reputation as an arrogant individual (see F. 1. for detailed discussion). E. Results Two features distinguish ga occurrence patterns in this study from those in Variation Analysis I. First, despite their affiliation with the same political party, three

142

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

selected prime ministers yielded different ga occurrence patterns in the press conferences. Second, and more important, this study found that selected prime ministers' personal attributes inferable from their ga uses were consistent with their publicly known profiles. Results in this analysis verify our prediction that patterns of ga frequency and distribution suggest degrees of addressers' sociopolitical considerations. This section will discuss data from Variation Analysis II and evaluate the relationship between ga occurrence patterns in each prime minister's utterances and his character as well as sociopolitical considerations. Press conferences with Ryutaro Hashimoto yield the lowest ga frequency of the three prime ministers in this study (see Table 5-1). Overall, Hashimoto used 23 ga in 564 clauses (4.08% of the clauses). In international and domestic press conferences, Hashimoto's ga frequency is consistently at the 3-5% level. In the January 13, 1997, international press conference, Hashimoto used 7 ga in 143 clauses (4.90% of the clauses). In domestic press conferences, Hashimoto used 5 ga in 145 clauses (3.45%) in the August 6,1996, conference, 3 ga in 80 clauses (3.75%) in the August 6,1997, conference, and 8 ga in 196 clauses (4.08%) in the January 1,1998, conference. Press conferences with Keizo Obuchi consistently yield the highest ga frequency of the three prime ministers (see Table 5-2). In the six domestic press conferences, Obuchi used 98 ga in 953 clauses (10.28% of the clauses), and the ga frequency in each domestic press conference is consistently at the 7.5-14.5% level. The [C-3] press conference yielded the highest frequency of ga occurrences with 27 ga in 189 clauses

Table 5-1 Ryutaro Hashimoto's Uses of Ga C/C Ref. Int'l 1997/01/13 6 Domestic 1996/08/06 1 1997/08/06 1 1998/01/01 2 1 Total 10 1

Table 5-2 Keizo Obuchi's Uses of Ga C/C Int'l 1998/09/22 3 Domestic Total 34 Total 37

Insert.

1 1 1 3

Ref.

Insert.

1

1

17 18

23 24

Impl.

Cont.

Total

Clauses

%

1

7

143

4.90

3

5 3 8 23

145 80 196 564

3.45 3.75 4.08 4.08

1 1

Impl.

0

4 8

Cont.

Total

Clauses

°/o

4

9

63

14.29

24 28

98 107

953 1,016

10.23 10.53

143

Chapter 5: Variation Analysis II

(14.28%), and [C-6] press conference the lowest ga frequency with 18 in 242 clauses (7.44%). In the September 22,1998, international press conference, Obuchi used 9 ga in 63 clauses (14.29%). In terms solely of overall percentage, press conferences with Jun'ichiro Koizumi seem to have yielded moderate ga frequency with a total of 32 ga in 467 clauses (6.85% of the clauses). However, there is one readily observable difference between the ga frequency in an international press conference and that in domestic press conferences. In domestic press conferences, Koizumi used 10 ga in 93 clauses (10.75%) in the August 6, 2001, press conference, 9 ga in 98 clauses (9.18%) in the August 9, 2001, pressconference, and 13 ga in 185 clauses (7.03%) in the January 4, 2002, press conference. In the November 6, 2001, international press conference, however, Koizumi used no ga at all out of 91 clauses (see Table 5-3). F. Discussion: Ga Occurrences and Profiles of Japanese Prime Ministers Press conferences with selected prime ministers yield three distinct pairs of ga occurrence patterns between international and domestic settings. By comparing our data with the sociopolitical circumstances in which they were elected as well as the general reputation that they developed in their respective careers, it becomes evident that ga occurrence patterns observed in this study have a number of implications for each prime minister's sociopolitical considerations in delivering his utterances. This section analyzes each selected Japanese prime minister's uses of the Japanese conjunction ga in an attempt to evaluate their relevance to his political profile. 1. Ryutaro Hashimoto Despite conventional expectations of a Japanese leader to represent his party's consensus (Nakane, 1970, pp. 65-6), Ryutaro Hashimoto developed a reputation as an arrogant (Sakamaki, 1995, p. 18) and short-tempered (Moffett, 1996, p. 22; "Japan's," 1995, p. 25) straight talker. As a result, Hashimoto made enemies with a number of Parliamentary members inside as well as outside of his party (Sakamaki, 1995, p. 18). These traits would be normally detrimental to one's candidacy for a Japanese prime

Table 5-3 Jun'ichiro Koizumi's Uses of Ga

C/C Int'l 2001/11/06 Domestic 2001/08/06 2001/08/09 2002/01/04 Total

5 6 4 15

Ref.

1 3 4

Insert.

2 2 1 5

Impl.

0

Cont.

2 1 5 8

Total

Clauses

%

0

91

0.00

10 9 13 32

93 98 185 467

10.75 9.18 7.03 6.85

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Ga: Japanese Conjunction

minister. However, after a few years as a minority party following nearly 40 years of majority control of Parliament,4 "[ejven the traditionally probureaucracy Liberal Democratic Party . . . felt compelled to embrace the rhetoric of sweeping deregulation" (Schlesinger, 1999, p. 280). At that time, Hashimoto, who served as Trade and Industry Minister in Tomi'ichi Murayama's cabinet, established a reputation as a tough negotiator amid a series of trade talks with then U.S. Trade Representative Mickey Kantor (Sakamaki, 1995, p. 18). Also, when he declared candidacy for premiership, Hashimoto included "a major overhaul of the ministries" (Schlesinger, 1999, p. 280) in his platforms. These circumstances made Hashimoto a suitable choice for prime minister despite some key LDP members' reservations. There are two observable patterns of ga occurrences that characterize Hashimoto's utterances. First, Hashimoto used non-C/C ga with considerably low frequency overall. In particular, his utterances include only one instance each of Referential and Insertive ga. As mentioned earlier, Insertive ga has the effect of demonstrating the addresser's sensitivity to marginal as well as central concerns of a given issue. Second, there is a marked difference in non-C/ C ga distribution between international and domestic press conferences. As shown in Table 5-1, the majority of ga that Hashimoto used was non-C/C in each of the three domestic press conferences. In the January 13,1997, international press conference, however, Hashimoto used only one Continuative ga compared to six C/C ga. The key in these patterns lies partly in Hashimoto's character and partly in his sociopolitical surroundings. These ga occurrence patterns in Hashimoto's utterances are attributable to his confrontational style and precarious political standing. In domestic press conferences, a prime minister is constantly under his fellow party members' scrutiny, and his need to project a favorable image toward his colleagues tends to override his desire for selfassertion to the public. In international press conferences, on the other hand, the prime minister exhibits his "true color." The use of only one Continuative ga in the January 13, 1997, international press conference is consistent with Hashimoto's reputation as a confrontational individual. Although this style may appeal to the international media and the general public at home, it would be deemed offensive to key LDP members. In domestic press conferences, Hashimoto's moderate non-C/C ga uses suggest his conscious attempts to soften his image as an individualist. However, Hashimoto's confrontational demeanor and arrogance are evident from essentially low non-C/C ga frequency and the use of Implicative ga that conveys a scornful message to the addressees. 4 In July 1993, the LDP lost its Parliamentary majority in the lower house for first time since 1955 due mainly to the defections by some of its prominent members (Schlesinger, 1999, pp. 268-273). Between July 1993 and June 1994, a coalition of opposition parties held a Parliamentary majority that was led by two prime ministers. This coalition rule ended in June 1994, when the Social Democratic Party of Japan (a.k.a., Japan Socialist Party) and Sakigake Party broke away from the coalition and joined the LDP to form a three-party alliance led by SDPJ leader Tomi'ichi Murayama.

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2. Keizo Obuchi Although he was the least popular of all candidates for LDP president5 according to public polls (Hoshi, 1998, p. 6), then Foreign Minister Keizo Obuchi was the most popular choice among LDP members for Hashimoto's successor. Dubbed "bonjin" (a mediocre man) by a popular Parliament member (Hoshi, 1998, p. 6) and "cold pizza" by the Western media (Ogden, 1998), Obuchi lacked charisma and strong personality. However, his well-known consensus-building skills gave Obuchi the edge in the LDP nomination race and the ensuing Parliamentary election for prime minister (Hoshi, 1998, p. 7; Khergamvala, 1998). Particularly in the midst of Hashimoto's resignation as prime minister to take responsibility for the LDP's loss in the July 1998 Parliamentary elections, powerful LDP members, who were unhappy with Hashimoto, looked for a consensus builder who had long befriended them. Ga occurrences in Keizo Obuchi's utterances are characterized by a high proportion of non-C/C ga occurrences in both international and domestic press conferences. Obuchi's uses of ten Referential ga, ten Insertive ga, and twelve Continuative ga in domestic press conferences suggest his conscious attempts to project a traditionally favorable sociopolitical image. At the same time, the use of six non-C/C ga in 63 clauses in the September 22, 1998, international press conference distinguishes Obuchi's style of speech delivery from that of Hashimoto and Koizumi in the sense that his style remains practically unchanged regardless of settings. As we suggested in Chapter 4, Obuchi's frequent non-C/C ga uses in domestic press conferences are attributable to his nonconfrontational demeanor throughout his political career. His frequent uses of Referential ga, a device to draw addressees' attention to thematic transition, suggest his attempts to soften the inherently abrupt tone of topic shift. Frequent occurrences of Insertive ga as a device to demonstrate sensitivity to marginal issues reinforce Obuchi's reputation as a socioculturally acceptable leader. Furthermore, Obuchi's frequent Continuative ga uses as a discourse marker to indicate his sensitivity to addressees' reactions suggest his attempts to craft a favorable image toward his fellow party members. Obuchi's equally frequent non-C/C ga uses in the September 22, 1998, international press conference — a feature that distinguishes his ga uses from those of Hashimoto and Koizumi — would be attributable to his fully internalized principle of conformism in conducting diplomacy as well as domestic politics. Since first elected to Parliament in 1963, Obuchi served in a wide range of positions including Vice-Minister of Posts and Telecommunications, Vice-Minister of Construction, and Chief Cabinet Secretary ("Meet," 2000, p. 15). At a diplomatic level, Obuchi led Parliamentary delegations to Eastern Europe and the Middle East ("Meet," 2000, p. 14). Additionally, 5 Because the LDP's coalition held the Parliamentary majority, the LDP president assumed the prime minister's post. Other candidates for LDP president were former Chief Cabinet Secretary Seiroku Kajiyama and Welfare Minister Jun'ichiro Koizumi, who would be elected LDP president and prime minister in 2001.

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before becoming prime minister, Obuchi served as Foreign Minister for ten months (September 1997-July 1998). Throughout his relatively brief diplomatic assignments, Obuchi, who conducted his missions under the principle of "getting along with other countries" ("Meet," 2000, p. 14), was never involved in contentious negotiations. Obuchi's tours to Eastern Europe and the Middle East were essentially nothing more than goodwill visits, and his brief appointment as Foreign Minister took place during diplomatically uneventful times. 3. Jun'ichiro Koizumi The deep recession of a historic scale and a series of blunders by Yoshiro Mori (Keizo Obuchi's successor) ignited an unusually intense anti-LDP sentiment among the public, and left the party with no other choice but to select a different personality for new prime minister. Mori took office in April 2000, when Obuchi suffered a massive stroke that incapacitated him until his death about a month later. In the midst of this chaos, Mori was selected as Obuchi's successor in "a backroom deal" (Iwao, 2001, p. 2) by LDP executives rather than through an open process. Also, Mori made pro­ imperialist remarks (i.e., remarks that suggested his sentiment for the repressive military regime during World War II) that damaged Japan's diplomatic relations with other Asian nations, particularly China and Korea. Besides suffering scandals that involved his aides, Mori faced fierce public criticism in January 2001 for "his decision not to interrupt the game of golf he was engaged in at the time of collision between the Ehime Maru fisheries training vessel and an American nuclear submarine" (Iwao, 2001, p. 2). Simultaneously, Japan's unemployment rate rose to the highest level in postwar history, and "international opinion . . . forecast [the] country's imminent decline" (Schoppa, 2001, p. 76). These developments brought Mori's approval ratings down to a single-digit percentage, and forced him to resign in disgrace in April 2001. In sharp contrast to the demonized predecessor, Jun'ichiro Koizumi, who has long established himself as a reformist, emerged as the nation's all-time most popular prime minister. Unlike his predecessors, "Koizumi has scored points by criticizing his party's habit of funneling subsidies to inefficient but well-connected sectors of the economy" (Schoppa, 2001, p. 77). Particularly with the party suffering from Mori's unprecedented notoriety, Koizumi capitalized on the public outcry for reforms to turn the nation's economy around and successfully won LDP's nomination for prime minister. National newspaper polls approximately one month after his inauguration showed record approval ratings at mid-80% (Kawachi, 2001, p. 7). Besides the reformist stance, there are two features that distinguish Koizumi from other postwar Japanese prime ministers. First, unlike most other prominent LDP members in recent years, Koizumi was born and raised in a large city. Particularly in the past 30 years, powerful LDP members were typically born and raised in small rural areas where they were reelected almost effortlessly by generally conservative

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constituents who benefited from their "bottomless barrel of pork" (Smith, 1998, p. 176).6 Koizumi, however, was born and raised in Yokosuka, a major port city near Tokyo where voters have tendencies to reject conservative candidates in national and regional elections:7 "[T]he sheer density and variety of population (in urban districts) makes it difficult to build up personal allegiances of the kind found in rural and provincial areas" (Hendry, 1995, p. 198). Despite these challenging circumstances, Koizumi has been successfully reelected since December 1972 (Kawachi, 2001, p. 12) in his urban district thanks to his reputation as an independent-minded politician who frequently criticizes his own party's policies. In addition to these political trends, residents in Yokosuka and the neighboring city of Yokohama are, unlike those in rural areas, comfortable with Westerners' daily presence on the street because of U.S. naval bases stationed nearby. These surroundings have, at least superficially, developed a Western­ leaning outlook among the residents. In apparent awareness of this sociocultural feature in his district, Koizumi repeatedly reinforces his popular appeal by portraying himself as a fan of opera and heavy metal music and by expressing his pride in sharing the same birthday as Elvis Presley.8 Second, Koizumi ran for prime minister with reform platforms that made him exceptionally popular to the public but unfavorable to the party authorities (Iwao, 2001, p. 2): "[Koizumi's] core pledges — breaking up the party's traditional faction-based structure, limiting government's spending and privatizing the vast postal savings system — strike at the heart of the LDP power structure, and if implemented would undermine its traditional support base" (Kruger, 2001, p. 16). However, so overwhelming was the public rejection of the LDP-style faction politics that it forced the party members to choose Koizumi, an advocate for sweeping economic and political reforms. Upon taking office, Koizumi gave the public a strong impression by rejecting "the usual practice of apportioning [Cabinet] posts from lists provided by faction leaders" (Iwao, 2001, p. 2). Although these actions made him the most popular prime minister in postwar Japan, they left him seriously at odds with key LDP members who would "use every opportunity to delay and sabotage his initiatives" (Schoppa, 2001, p. 90). 6 See Chapter 6 of Smith (1998) for detailed accounts of Japan's pork-barrel politics by LDP power brokers from rural districts since the 1970s. 7 In the 1998 lower house election, one incumbent Cabinet member (LDP) was defeated in Kanagawa Prefecture, where Yokosuka and Yokohama are located. In this district, he was outvoted by opposition candidate Marutei Tsurunen (born Martii Tumen), a naturalized Japanese citizen of Finnish descent. Prior to this election, Tsurunen had been elected to his city's council to be the nation's first Japanese elected official of European descent. In 2002, Tsurunen became the nation's first Europeanborn Parliamentary member. 8 Jun'ichiro Koizumi was born on January 8,1942, and Elvis Presley on January 8, 1935. In July 2001, one Japanese record company released an Elvis Presley best CD album, which Koizumi personally compiled.

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In light of this complex background, we propose that two vastly different patterns of ga occurrences in Koizumi's press conferences are attributable to his attempts to strike an intricate balance between two conflicting images: one of an LDP leader sensitive to his fellow party members' concerns and another of a national leader facing the public's intense calls for reforms. As Table 5-3 shows, Koizumi used nonC/C ga in domestic press conferences with consistently higher frequency than Hashimoto did, and with lower frequency than Obuchi. In light of key LDP members' reluctance to support Koizumi's premiership, these figures suggest his awareness of the LDP members' scrutiny of his remarks in the domestic settings. By contrast, the complete absence of ga in the November 6, 2001, international press conference suggests Koizumi's "true color" in his articulate delivery of remarks in the international setting. Although the image of a self-assertive leader would normally limit the addresser's popularity to the LDP members, the unique political trends worked in his favor in his attempts to appeal to the general public in Japan. Additionally, this image would appeal to the non-Japanese reporters in the international press conference. Summary and Evaluation Variation Analysis II confirmed findings in the previous variation analysis in Chapter 4 thanks to two important methodological adjustments. First, this study collected data from individuals' utterances in the same occupation in comparable settings and revealed the pertinence of non-C/C ga frequencies to the addressers' intentions. Second, by comparing data from each individual in two settings with parallel situational characteristics, this study revealed prime ministers' attempts (or ability) in varying degrees to project a party-friendly image in one setting and a "true color" in another. Although the scope of this variation analysis is comparatively limited by virtue of employing data from a pair of highly specific situations, its findings, based on comparative analysis with comparable data, complement those in previous analysis and effectively substantiate their validity. The variation analysis in this chapter confirmed the presence of five previously identified ga functions and substantiated our previous findings about their functional characteristics. Besides the obvious use of C/C ga to denote a conflictive and/or contrastive logical relationship between the preceding and subsequent clauses, analysis of ga occurrences in press conferences with three Japanese prime ministers confirmed characteristics of four non-C/C ga functional categories. Referential ga denotes an introduction to the theme of a new discourse paragraph, and Insertive ga reference to peripheral information within a stream of utterances conveying central information. Continuative ga suggests the presence of a semantic boundary between local idea units within a global thematic unit. Finally, Implicative ga at the end of an utterance conveys an implicit message by means of an ellipted post-ga clause. In light of the semantic content of surrounding utterances and Hashimoto's situationally prescribed role in this setting, Variation Analysis II found that his use of Implicative ga conveys a scornful message to the reporter, reinforcing his propensity toward confrontational demeanor.

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Additionally, this analysis established a substantial relationship between ga occurrence patterns and selected prime ministers' profiles. Generally low Continuative ga occurrences conform to Ryutaro Hashimoto's reputation as a confrontational individual. In particular, his situationally inept Implicative ga use — although only one — would further reinforce this view. On the other hand, Keizo Obuchi, who had established a reputation as a consummate consensus builder in his political career, consistently projected a party-friendly image as evidenced in frequent non-C/C ga occurrences. In these ga occurrences, his attempts to soften the tone of topic shift, to demonstrate his awareness of marginal as well as central issues, and to indicate his sensitivity to anticipated addressee reactions become salient. Jun'ichiro Koizumi demonstrated complex patterns of ga occurrences in different settings. Although he publicly portrayed himself as an independent-minded reformist, frequent non-C/C ga occurrences in his domestic press conferences suggest his attempts to cling to LDP members who object to Koizumi's reform plans. Furthermore, this study found that three distinct ga occurrence patterns among three prime ministers would be attributable to varying degrees of their attempts to project a socioculturally agreeable image and to demonstrate their "true colors." Although somewhat overshadowed by his Implicative ga use, Ryutaro Hashimoto's attempts to craft a party-friendly image in his domestic press conferences is observable in moderately frequent non-C/C ga occurrences. Nevertheless, his "true color" as an essentially confrontational individual becomes evident in his international press conference, which yields only one non-C/C ga occurrence out of 143 clauses. Meanwhile, Keizo Obuchi consistently demonstrated his conformism in domestic and international press conferences in the form of frequent non-C/C ga occurrences. Frequent non-C/C ga occurrences in his domestic press conferences suggest his considerable attempts to project a party-friendly and socioculturally agreeable image for a Japanese prime minister. Variation Analysis II, on the other hand, found that these attempts are equally observable in his international press conference, which yields equally frequent non-C/C ga occurrences. Finally, two vastly different patterns of ga occurrences in domestic and international press conferences with Jun'ichiro Koizumi suggest his attempts to appeal to two different groups of individuals. Frequent nonC/C ga occurrences in his domestic press conferences suggest his attempts to reach out to mainstream LDP members. On the other hand, complete ga absence in his international press conference unveiled the "true color" of a politician who actually relies heavily on the popular appeal of his unique background and reform platforms.

Conclusion

Analyses in this book identified five functions of the Japanese conjunction ga. After the historical analysis and the subsequent review of previous studies, the pragmatic analysis confirmed the presence of these ga functions based on data from a TV talk show. Variation Analysis I examined ga occurrences in newspaper articles, public speeches by prominent elected officials, and message boards on the World Wide Web, and confirmed these functions. Press conferences with three Japanese prime ministers in Variation Analysis II yielded the same set of five ga functions. Meanwhile, detailed insights into pre/post-ga idea structures in Variation Analysis I led to the identification of the Continuative ga function as a device to indicate a local semantic boundary within a global thematic unit. Whereas the pragmatic analysis unveiled a few functional characteristics of ga categories, two variation analyses revealed a number of sociocultural implications forga frequency and distribution. For example, extremely sporadic non-C/C ga occurrences in breaking news stories and complete non-C/C ga absence in newspaper editorials suggest substantial influence of the prescriptive norm about non-C/C ga uses in expository writing. Additionally, moderate non-C/C ga frequency in Yahoo! Japan Message Boards illustrates correspondents' sensitivity to anticipated responses from readers. Furthermore, prominent elected officials' uses of ga demonstrate the relationship between ga frequency/distribution patterns and degrees of addressees' sociopolitical considerations. On the other hand, three prime ministers' uses of ga suggest their attempts in varying degrees to craft a party-friendly image in domestic press conferences and to demonstrate their "true colors" in international ones. Based on these findings throughout this book, we summarize characteristics of each ga function as follows: Conflictive/Contrastive ga Conflictive/ Contrastive ga is the prescribed form of ga that denotes a conflictive or contrastive logical relationship between two clauses. Although prescriptivists generally consider C/C ga to be the only acceptable function, some of them discourage

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all forms of ga including C/C in professional writing to avoid any room for confusion on the readers' part. Findings in this book show that this prescriptive norm, advocated by prominent writers, has substantial influence on expository writing but limited influence on spoken utterances. This influence becomes particularly salient in newspaper editorials. As shown in Variation Analysis I, ga is almost completely absent in Asahi Shimbun editorials, with all occurrences functioning exclusively as C/C markers. On the other hand, C/C ga occurs with markedly higher frequency in spoken and CMC settings and breaking news stories due to spontaneous delivery. Referential ga Referential ga indicates a topic shift at the end of a paragraph-initial clause (see Figure 4-1). Referential ga serves the following discourse functions: 1) To signal transition into a new topic originally introduced by the addressee(s), and 2) To initiate transition into a new topic. Referential ga frequency is determined by situationally anticipated length and complexity of a speaking turn. Press conferences with Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi yield frequent Referential ga occurrences because of the substantial length and informational multiplicity of his speaking turns. On the other hand, one-to-one TV interviews yield few Referential ga occurrences because frequent exchange of short turns limited the length and informational complexity of speaking turns. In some cases, addressers use a Referential ga clause to prepare addressees for a thematic transition or elaboration on the given theme. Yahoo! Japan Message Boards, for example, yield moderately frequent ga occurrences as a result of addressers' self-initiated elaboration on a given topic. lnsertive ga Unlike all other types of ga clauses, an lnsertive ga clause is embedded in another clause (see Figure 4-2). lnsertive ga is used 1) To make reference to, or assessment of, a statement that is relevant to a given topic, and 2) To provide peripheral information that is relevant to a stream of surrounding utterances. lnsertive ga frequency is determined by situational characteristics of a given setting. Our variation analysis found that Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi uses lnsertive ga in his long speaking turns partly as a means of justifying his claims by offering supporting marginal details, and partly as a device for assessing addressees' knowledge of different aspects of a given topic. On the other hand, one-to-one TV interviews yield low lnsertive ga frequency because of their general situational tendency toward frequent exchanges of short speaking turns. Yahoo! Japan Message Boards include few lnsertive ga clauses because participants' anticipated familiarity with information on the assigned topic would minimize the need to assess the mutuality of knowledge by providing marginal information. Implicative ga Implicative ga illustrates a salient characteristic of CMC by virtue of its exclusive occurrences in Yahoo! Japan Message Boards in Variation Analysis I. Our analysis confirmed previous findings that Implicative ga denotes the presence of an implicit

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message whose meanings are situationally determined or conventionalized. Although the implicit message frequently intends to soften the potentially blunt or assertive tone of pre-ga clauses, Implicative ga may be used to convey a scornful message toward addressees, as evidenced in its situationally inept occurrence in Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto's utterances in Variation Analysis D. On the other hand, further examination in Variation Analysis I revealed that Implicative ga frequently occurs at the end of a discourse paragraph (see Figure 4-3) as an implicit approval request for topic change. Frequency of Implicative ga at the end of a discourse paragraph is determined by situational characteristics of given settings. TV interviews and press conferences in Variation Analysis I yield no Implicative ga occurrences because these settings situationally pre-assign the role of topic shifting to interviewers. By contrast, Yahoo! Japan Message Boards yielded frequent Implicative ga occurrences in the absence of the situational pre-assignment of the topic-shifting role. Particularly without sociocultural cues, such as age and professional titles, CMC provides an egalitarian communicative setting that sets participants practically free from socioculturally prescribed role assignments, thereby granting all participants the right to topic shifting. This situational characteristic facilitates Implicative ga occurrences in utterances of Yahoo! Japan Message Board correspondents. Continuative ga Continuative ga functions as a semantic boundary marker. Analysis of pre/post-go idea structures revealed that Continuative ga occurs between two streams of utterances conveying different idea types such as background, position, statement, question, and request. Moreover, its multiple occurrences in a lengthy stream of utterances provide evidence that Continuative ga denotes the presence of a boundary between local idea structures within a global thematic unit. Additionally, further examination found that Continuative ga frequencies generally correspond to degrees of addressers' sensitivity to addressees' potential reactions. Our examination of Continuative ga occurrences in utterances of prominent elected officials show that Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi's efforts to craft a socioculturally favorable image become evident in his frequent Continuative ga uses, whereas Japan Communist Party Chairman Tetsuzo Fuwa's self-assertive style becomes salient in his infrequent Continuative ga uses. Moreover, Continuative ga frequency in press conferences suggests Japanese prime ministers' attempts in varying degrees to craft a party-friendly image in domestic settings and to demonstrate their "true colors" in international settings. Whereas highlighting (see Chapter 1 for detailed discussion) was historically an instrumental vehicle for functional digression of ga, it yields the property of a common functional characteristic in Modern Japanese. In the Early Heian Period and Insei-ki Era, highlighting caused the digression of ga functions from nominative case marking for nominalized clauses to a logical connection between two streams of utterances. In medieval times, when ga became fully established as a conjunction, highlighting came to play a key role in developing the function to denote a conflictive or contrastive logical

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relationship between utterances. In Modem Japanese, highlighting is operational as a salient functional characteristic common to all five ga categories. More specifically, all ga types in Modem Japanese commonly highlight the presence of a semantic endpoint as a prelude to the subsequent idea unit. C/C ga denotes the end of one idea unit as a prelude to presenting a semantically conflictive or contrastive one. Referential ga denotes the end of discourse paragraph introduction prior to discussing its details in the subsequent stream of utterances. Insertive ga denotes the end of marginal information prior to resumption of central discussion. Implicative ga denotes the end of an utterance prior to conveying an implicit message in the form of post-gfl omission. Finally, Continuative ga denotes the end of one idea structure prior to presenting another of a different type. The conjunction ga crystallizes various aspects of Japanese language, people, and culture in one syllable. Analyses throughout this book illustrated that ga mirrors the situational orientation of Japanese behavior, the prescriptive norm in language use, and addressers' socioculturally anticipated sensitivity to addressees' potential reactions. For example, situational tendencies toward informational multiplicity of utterances within a speaking turn facilitate or limit occurrences of Referential and Insertive ga in different discourse settings. Moreover, the influence of the prescriptive norm about non-C/C ga uses is substantial in expository writing but limited in spoken settings. Furthermore, ga frequencies suggest degrees of addressers' tendency toward indirectness, one of the well-known sociocultural attributes of Japanese people. Besides these sociocultural characteristics, patterns of ga frequency and distribution illustrate prominent elected officials' political motives in their public speeches. Specifically, frequent Continuative ga occurrences generally correspond with addressers' consideration of addressees' potential reactions and infrequent occurrences with their self-assertive delivery of utterances. Additionally, ga occurrences in Japanese prime ministers' utterances suggest their attempts to craft a party-friendly image at home and to articulate their stance to the public abroad. Analyses throughout this book demonstrate benefits of multifaceted and multidimensional approaches to a discourse marker. Previous ga accounts in Modem Japanese failed to identify all five ga functions unilaterally because of the limited scope of their approaches. By contrast, our pragmatic analysis, whose data were based on spontaneous utterances in a live talk show, successfully identified all five ga functions. Additionally, our variation analyses revealed their discourse characteristics based on data collected systematically from numerous sources. Furthermore, these analyses found a number of sociocultural implications for ga occurrences by taking various sociocultural dimensions into consideration, such as prescriptive norms about language use, anticipated sociocultural sensitivity to addressees, and situational orientation of Japanese behavior. As is evident from findings throughout this book, functions of discourse connectives are so closely intertwined with sociocultural phenomena that any study of the former ultimately requires analysis of the latter for an adequate understanding. Because of its uses among the speakers with a general sociocultural

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tendency toward indirect communication and situational orientation, it is particularly the case with the Japanese conjunction ga.

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Appendix: References to Language Sources

The following is a list of sources for the language materials used in this study. Newspaper articles are listed in the chronological and then alphabetical order to indicate the dates during which the data were collected. To avoid confusion between citations of research and those of the language materials, this study indicates sources of the language materials with the serial numbers shown below. Unlike many newspaper Web sites, Asahi Shimbun (1999) does not archive its articles on the World Wide Web, and therefore the editorials and breaking news stories became unavailable a few days after their release. CHAPTER 3 Live T V T alk Show Sekiguchi Hiroshi no shin Sande moningu [New Sunday Morning with Hiroshi Sekiguchi], (1998, June 14). Tokyo: Tokyo Broadcasting System, Inc.

CHAPTER 4 A. A sahi Shimbun Editorials Main:

Asahi Shimbun. (1999). Asahi newspaper \ Morning edition. Retrieved September 29,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/paper/editorial.html

[A-l]

Sanka o motto hiroge tai [Women's participation encouraged], (1999, August 6) Asahi shimbun, 5.

Appendix

163

[A-2]

Shimatte wa naranu kioku [The past one must not forget], (1999, August 6). Asahi shimbun, 5.

[A-3]

Nobinobi to tanoshiku [Enjoy the game], (1999, August 7), Asahi shimbun, 5.

[A-4]

Tsugi wa seijika no ban da [It's politicians' turn], (1999, August 7). Asahi shimbun, 5.

[A-5]

Higata o tori modosb [We must get the tideland back], (1999, August 9). Asahi shimbun, 5.

[A-6]

Honto ni shimpai subeki wa [What one should really worry about], (1999, August 9). Asahi shimbun, 5.

[A-7]

Sentaku no jiyu o ubau mai [Government must not deprive people of freedom to choose], (1999, August 10). Asahi shimbun, 5.

[A-8]

Shuppatsu-ten ni muri ga aru [Nonaka's ideas don't make sense from the beginning], (1999, August 10). Asahi shimbun, 5.

[A-9]

Kyoko saiketsu ga fukameta kenen [Deepended worries over LD P s railroading], (1999, August 11). Asahi shimbun, 5.

[A-10]

Matamata shusho kotetsu to wa [Yeltsin did it again],(1999, August 11). Asahi shimbun, 5.

[A -ll]

Dochira no chbryu o erabu ka [Government powerplay or people's freedom], (1999, August 13). Asahi shimbun, 5.

[A-12]

Honto no 'kokumin futan' to wa [What 'people's due' really means], (1999, August 13). Asahi shimbun, 5.

[A-13]

Mazu gakko kara kaeyo [School ought to change first], (1999, August 14). Asahi shimbun, 5.

[A-14]

'Shinku' no genkai ga mieta [Limitations to 'vacuum packed' Cabinet], (1999, August 14). Asahi shimbun, 5.

[A-15]

Hi-kokai wa gensoku ni hansuru [Sealing information is against principles], (1999, August 14). Asahi shimbun, 5.

[A-16]

3-seku shori - Sekinin no shozai o meikaku ni [3rd sector bankruptcy Clarify where responsibility rests], (1999, September 25). Asahi Shimbun.

164

Ga: Japanese Conjunction Retrieved September 25,1999 from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/paper/editorial.html

[A-17]

Obuchi shin-taisei - Ozawa, Kanzaki ryo-shi wa nyu-kaku o [Obuchi's new Cabinet - Ozawa and Kanzaki ought to be in]. (1999, September 25). Asahi Shimbun. Retrieved September 25,1999 from the World Wide Web: http: //www.asahi.com/paper/editorial.html

[A-18]

Daiei yusho - Kazu-kazu no omoi o nosete [Daiei wins league - Fans with past memories], (1999, September 26). Asahi Shimbun. Retrieved September 26,1999 from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/paper/editorial.html

[A-19]

Hatoyama Minshu-to - Ji-ji-ko to taiketsu dekiru ka [Hatoyama's Democratic Party - Can it compete with the coalition?]. (1999, September 26). Asahi Shimbun. Retrieved September 26,1999 from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/paper/editorial.html

[A-20]

En-daka to G7 - Daiji na no wa ashi-moto gatame da [Strong yen and G7 Importance of solid foundation], (1999, September 27). Asahi Shimbun. Retrieved September 27,1999 from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/paper/editorial.html

[A-21]

Kokuren-sokai - Kino-kyoka no omoi kadai [U.N. General Assembly Burden of a strong organization]. (1999, September 27). Asahi Shimbun. Retrieved September 27,1999 from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/paper/editorial.html

B. A sahi Shimbun Breaking News Stories Main:

Asahi Shimbun. (1999). Asahi.com top. Retrieved September 29,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/

[B-l]

Chunichi Magic 1, 30-nichi ni mo do-age: Puro yakyu Se-rigu [Chunichi magic 1, may clinch the Central League title as early as 30th.]. (1999, September 29). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved September 29,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/0929/news/sports29016.html

[B-2]

Indonesia kambo chokan, Kokusai chosa in secchi o kyohi [Indonesian official refuses human rights inquiry.]. (1999, September 29). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved September 29, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/0929/news/intemational29025.html

Appendix

165

[B-3]

JR Shimonoseki eki de torima: 3-nin shibo, 1-ri jutai, 11-nin keisho [Random attacker in Shimonoseki: 3 dead, 1 seriously injured and 11 slightly injured.]. (1999, September 29). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved September 29,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/0929/news/national29048.html

[B-4]

Toyota, NY Shoken Torihiki-jo ni jojo [Toyota listed in NYSE.]. (1999, September 29). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved September 29,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/0929/news/business29042.html

[B-5]

Aum Shinrikyo, Tokyo Adachi no chusu shisetsu kara tettai e [Aum members to vacate main office in Adachi, Tokyo.]. (1999, September 30). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved September 29, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/0930/news/national30002.html

[B-6]

Aum Yokoyama hikoku ni shikei-hanketsu: Matsumoto Chizuo hikoku no shiji nintei [Aum suspect Yokoyama sentenced to death: Yokoyama acted on Asahara's order.]. (1999, September 30). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved September 29,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.eom/0930/news/national30014.html

[B-7]

Chiji ga hartkei 10 kilo inai ni taihi meirei: Hdsha-no more jiko [Governor order residents to stay indoors for Tokaimura accident.]. (1999, September 30). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved September 30,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/0930/news/national30042.html

[B-8]

Chikatetsu sarin jiken no Yokoyama hikoku ni hanketsu: Gozen 10-ji kara kohan [Subway sarin suspect Yokoyama to be sentenced today at 10:00a.m.]. (1999, September 30). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved September 29,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/0930/news/national30001.html

[B-9]

Genshi-ryoku jigyo zenpan ni eikyo mo: Tokaimura no hosha-no more de denryoku gyokai [Electric power conpanies concerned about Tokaimura incident's impact on other nuclear power plant projects.]. (1999, September 30). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved September 29,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/0930/ news/business30035.html

[B-10]

Joban-sen ichibu futsu, Jobando Tokai PA heisa: Hdsha-no more jiko [Tokaimura accident stops part of Joban Line, closes Jobando Tokai

166

Ga: Japanese Conjunction parking areas.]. (1999, September 30). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved September 29,1999, from die World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/0930/news/national30038.html

[B -ll]

Gaisho ni Kono shi, Tsusan-sho ni Fukaya shi ga naitei: Naikaku kaizo jinji [Kono foreign to be appointed minister and Fukaya MITI in reshuffled Obuchi Cabinet.]. (1999, September 30). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved September 30,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/0930/news/politics30019.html

[B-12]

Naikaku kaizo shu-ake ni enki: Hosha-no more jiko de [Tokaimura accident forces Obuchi to postpone Cabinet reshuffling until next week.]. (1999, September 30). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved September 30,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.eom/0930/news/politics30009.html

[B-13]

Roshia gun ga Chechen ryonai ni shinko: Interfax tsushin [Russian army invades Chechnya: Interfax reports.]. (1999, September 30). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved September 29,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/0930/news/international30001.html

[B-14]

Kanagawa kenkei, 1-nichi ni mo fushoji moto shoin o taiho no hoshin [Kanagawa Prefectural Police to arrest former officers as early as October 1.]. (1999, October 1). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved September 30,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1001 /news/national01044.html

[B-15]

Kimigayo seisho kyohi: Tokyo-to koro-sha hybsho de sanretsusha no hitori ga taiseki [Tokyo distinguished citizens' honoree leaves ceremony to protest anthem.]. (1999, October 1). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 1, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1001/news/politics01003.html

[B-16]

Myanmar taishikan ni buso gurupu: Nihon-jin mo hitojichi ni [Armed group raids Myanmar embassy: One Japanese taken hostage.]. (1999, October 1). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 1, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1001/news/international01024.html

[B-17]

Indonesia kokumin kyogi kai, chiho daihyo ra ketsuin de kaikai [People's Consultative Assembly opens with local members absent.]. (1999, October 2). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 2, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1002/news/politics02019.html

Appendix

167

[B-18]

Naikaku kaizo wa shu-ake ni: Hoso ni Fujimoto shi, Boei ni Kawara shi [Cabinet reshuffling next week: Fujimoto to be justice minister and Kawara to head Defense Agency.]. (1999, October 2). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 2,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1002/news/politics02011.html

[B-19]

Niigata chub ginko o hatan nintei: Kin'yu saisei in [Financial Institutions Reforms Committee approves Niigata Central Bank's Chapter 8 request.]. (1999, October 2). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 2,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1002/news/business02013.html

[B-20]

Shizenkai hatsu no hosha-sei genso o kakunin: Kobe no minka ni rakka no inseki [Meteorite that dropped on Kobe house the first radioactive element on earth.]. (1999, October 2). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 2, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1002/ news/national02032.html

[B-21]

Austria kyoku-u dai-yakushin: Renritsu hokai mo [Austria's ultra right-wing party gains big: Coalition cabinet may collapse.]. (1999, October 3). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 3, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1003/news/international03017.html

[B-22]

Indo renritsu yoto, zokuto no ikioi: So-senkyo deguchi chosa [Coalition to retain majority in India, exit polls show.]. (1999, October 3). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 3,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1003/news/ intemational03016.html

[B-23]

Buso-seiryoku, joken tsuki hitojichi kaiho o teian: Kirugisu kokkai giin ni [Armed group proposes release of Japanese hostages on conditions, Kirghistani parliament member says.]. (1999, October 4). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 4,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1004/news/international04018.html

[B-24]

Honda Giken, keishiki shinsei de ukkari misu, 4.5 oku yen no futan zb [False application for auto classification costs Honda 450 million yen.]. (1999, October 4). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 4, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1004/news/business04015.html

[B-25]

IOC Kaicho Bei kocho-kai shusseki o joken tsuki de judaku: Go-rin mondai [IOC chairman to testify with conditions at House Commerce Oversight and Investigations Subcommittee hearing.]. (1999, October 4). Asahi.com

168

Ga: Japanese Conjunction News Update. Retrieved October 4,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1004/news/sports04005.html

[B-26]

Ji-ji-ko renritsu ni seishiki goi: 5-ka ni Dai 2 ji kaizo naikaku hossoku [Coalition of 3 parties reaches agreement on 2nd reshuffling of Obuchi Cabinet.]. (1999, October 4). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 1, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1004/news/politics04008.html

[B-27]

Kankoku seifu, Kankoku-shi shacho no taiho de kokusaiteki genron kikan nado ni hanron [Seoul speaks out against international press amid arrest of major newspaper's arrest.]. (1999, October 4). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 4,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1004/news/intemational04014.html

[B-28]

Ogata Sadako shi Kosovo funso no jindo enjo de kakkoku nado kibishiku hihan [UNHCR's Ogata criticizes various nations on Kosovo humanitarian aid.]. (1999, October 4). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 4,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1004/news/intemational04008.html

[B-29]

Seifu, jinteki koken saku no kento ni chakushu Higashi Timor mondai [Tokyo considers sending people to East Timor.]. (1999, October 4). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 4,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1004/news/intemational04015.html

[B-30]

2 shinso jiken - Takahashi Harunori hikoku ni choeki 4 nen 6 tsuki hanketsu [Tokyo Court convicts misappropriation suspect Harunori Takahashi, sentences him to 4V2 years.]. (1999, October 5). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 5,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1005/news/national05006.html

[B-31]

2000-nen mondai de Kamakura no chonai-kai ga yunlku na kokoromi [Kamakura residents tackle Y2K in unique way.]. (1999, October 5). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 5, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1005/news/national05011.html

[B-32]

2000-yen satsu shihei, rainen 7-gatsu no Okinawa Summit made ni hakko e [2000 yen bill to be issued by next year's Okinawa Summit.]. (1999, October 5). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 5, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1005/news/national05034.html

Appendix

169

[B-33]

Bei MCI, Sprint o 1290-oku doru de baishu [MCI buys Sprint at US$129 billion.]. (1999, October 5). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 5, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http: // www.asahi.com/1005/ news/business05022.html

[B-34]

'Bengoshi no inemuri' de shikei-shu no saiban yarinaoshi Bei Tekisasu [Texas death row prisoner to be retried amid attorney dozing.]. (1999, October 5). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 5, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1005/news/international05006.html

[B-35]

Chugoku gaisho ga Kita-chosen homon gaisho kaidan okonau [Chinese and North Korean foreign ministers meet.]. (1999, October 5). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 5,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1005/news/international05021.html

[B-36]

JCO ura manyuaru honsha shuno mo mokunin no utagai [JCO executive allegedly ignored use of unapproved manual.]. (1999, October 5). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 5, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1005/news/national05018.html

[B-37]

Kabushiki no netto torihiki de toraburu aitsugu Nomura, Matsui Shoken nado [Nomura, Matsui Securities suffer troubles in Internet trading.]. (1999, October 5). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 5,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1005/news/business05019.html

[B-38]

'Kankoku no gempatsu de jusui more 22-nin ga hibaku [22 exposed to radiation in heavy water leak at Korean power plant.]. (1999, October 5). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 5, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1005/news/international05020.html

[B-39]

Knock chiji, 'seken sawagase moshi wake nai' to fu-gikai de chinsha [Osaka governor apologizes for 'troubles' by alleged sexual harassment scandal.]. (1999, October 5). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 5, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1005/news/national05029.html

[B-40]

London de tsukin-densha ga shomen-shototsu 8-nin shibo 20-nin ga jusho [London commuter trains collide, 8 killed and 20 injured.]. (1999, October 5). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 5, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1005/news/intemational05014.html

170

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

[B-41]

Mets Yoshii ga playoff dai 1-sen ni sempatsu Bei Dai Rigu [U.S. major leaguer Yoshii starts in Playoff Game 1.]. (1999, October 5). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 5,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1005/ news/sports05004.html

[B-42]

Nichi-gin 'koguchi kessai ni wa benri' to kangei 2000-yen satsu hakko [Bank of Japan says 2000 yen bill 'convenient for small settlement'.]. (1999, October 5). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 5, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1005/news/business05023.html

[B-43]

Osaka Gorin Shochi-in ni seifu mo seishiki sanka kettei [Tokyo backs 2008 Osaka Olympic Committee.]. (1999, October 5). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 5,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1005/news/sports05014.html

[B-44]

Zetsumetsu kigu shu ga seisoku suru Edo-gawa ni kako-zeki keikaku: Chiba, Ichikawa [Construction Ministry plans to build a dam at Edo River, which endangered species inhabit.]. (1999, October 5). Asahi.com News Update. Retrieved October 4,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.asahi.com/1005/news/national05047.html

C. Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi's Press Conferences Main:

Official Residency of the Prime Minister. (1999). Naikaku son daijin enzetsu nado. [Prime Minister Obuchi's speeches.]. Retrieved September 24, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/souri-dex.html

[C-l]

Official Residency of the Prime Minister (1998, October 16). Dai 143 Kai Kokkai shuryo go no Obuchi Naikaku Sdri-daijin kisha kaiken roku [Prime Minister Obuchi's press conference at the end o f the 143rd Parliament], Retrieved September 24,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/souri/9801016kokai.html

[C-2]

Official Residency of the Prime Minister (1998, November 4). Obuchi Naikaku Sdri-daijin kisha kaiken roku [Prime Minister Obuchi's press conference]. Retrieved September 24,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/souri/981104osaka.html

[C-3]

Official Residency of the Prime Minister (1999, January 6). Obuchi Naikaku Sdri-daijin kisha kaiken[Prime Minister Obuchi's press conference]. Retrieved September 24,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/souri/990106ise.html

Appendix

171

[C-4]

Official Residency of the Prime Minister (1999, January 14). Obuchi kaizo Naikaku hossoku go no Obuchi Naikaku Sdri-daijin kisha kaiken [Prime Minister Obuchi's press conference upon reshuffling his Cabinet], Retrieved September 24,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/souri/990114kaizou.html

[C-5]

Official Residency of the Prime Minister (1999, March 18). Heisei 11 nendo yosan seiritsu ni tomonau Obuchi Naikaku Sdri-daijin kisha kaiken [Prime Minister Obuchi's press conference upon passage o f the 1999 Budget], Retrieved September 24,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/souri/ 990318yosan.html

[C-6]

Official Residency of the Prime Minister (1999, August 13). Dai 145 Kai Kokkai shiiryd go no Obuchi Naikaku Sdri-daijin kisha kaiken [Prime Minister Obuchi's press conference at the end o f the 145th Parliament], Retrieved September 24, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/souri/ 990813kokkai.html

D. Japan Communist Party Chairman Tetsuzo Fuwa's TV Interviews Main:

Japanese Communist Party (1999). Nihon Kyosan To no omona seisaku, kenkai, shucho. [Major policies, opinions, and o f the Japan Communist Party], Retrieved September 28,1999 from the World Wide Web: http://www.jcp.or.jp/Kenkai/kenkai.htm

[D-l]

Japanese Communist Party (1999, May 7). Kotoshi no May Day, Guideline=sens6-hoan, issei chiho-senkyo ni tsuite [This year's May Day, the war-inciting Guidelines, simultaneous local elections]. Retrieved September 28, 1999 from the World Wide Web: http: //www.jcp.or.jp /Day-akahat/ 9905/ 990507_cs_fuwa.html

[D-2]

Japanese Communist Party (1999, June 9). Tochd-hoan, Yugo mondai, Bei-Chii kankei to Nihon ni tsuite [Issues on the wiretapping legislation, Yugoslavia, U.S.-China relation and Japan], Retrieved September 28, 1999 from the World Wide Web: http: //www.jcp.or.jp /Day-akahat/ 9906/ 990609_cs_fuwa.html

[D-3]

Japanese Communist Party (1999, June 25). Kokkai kaiki encho, kokki-kokka mondai, Ji-Ji-Ko taisei nado ni tsuite [On extended Parliamentary meetings, the flag-anthem issue, the 3-party coalition, and other issues]. Retrieved September 28,1999 from the World Wide Web: http://www.jcp.or.jp/Day-akahat/9906/990625_cs_fuwa.html

172

[D-4]

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

Japanese Communist Party (1999, July 19). Ji-Ji-Kd taisci, shuban kokkai ni waga to wa ko yomu [U.N. General Assembly - Burden o f a strong organization]. Retrieved September 28,1999 from the World Wide Web: http://www.jcp.or.jp/Day-akahat/9907/990719_nhk_fuwa.html

E. Yahoo! Japan Message Boards Main:

Yahoo! Japan Message Boards. (1999). Yahoo! Japan. Retrieved September 19, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://messages.yahoo.co.jp/yahoo/index.html

[E-l]

Daikirai na artist wa? [Who are the artists you hate most?]. (1999). Yahoo! Japan Message Boards. Retrieved September 19,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://messages.yahoo.co.jp/bbs?action=m&board=yahoo.c6.11.834579& [email protected]&type=date&fir st=l

[E-2]

Deai no peji desu!! Koko e kite suteki na deai o mitsukeyo J\ [This page is for first meeting!! Welcome to the gate to a wonderful encounter J\], (1999). Yahoo! Japan Pager. Retrieved September 19, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://messages.yahoo.co.jp/bbs?action=m&board=yahoo.35.01.834575& [email protected]&type=date&fir st=l

[E-3]

Do yattara J-League no ninki ga agaru no kane?. [How can J-League be popular again?]. (1999). Yahoo! Japan Sports. Retrieved September 19,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://messages.yahoo.co.jp/bbs?action=m&board=yahoo.d6.11. [email protected]&type =date&first=l

[E-4]

Kokka-kokki. [National anthem and flag.]. (1999). Yahoo! Japan News. Retrieved September 19,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://messages.yahoo.co.jp/bbs?action=m&board=yahoo.40.11. [email protected]&type=da te&first=l

[E-5]

Kokunai seiji ippan. [General domestic politics.]. (1999). Yahoo! Japan News. Retrieved September 19,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://messages.yahoo.co.jp/bbs?action=m&board=yahoo.40.11.

Appendix

173

[email protected]&type=d ate&first=l [E-6]

Kore kiita Toshiba seihin wa kaenai. [Once you hear it, you can't feel like buying Toshiba products.]. (1999). Yahoo! Japan Message Boards. Retrieved September 19,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://messages.yahoo.co.jp/bbs?action=m&board=y ahoo.eb.il.75193 [email protected]&type=date&fi rst=l

[E-7]

Ramen no suki na hito! [Ramen connoisseurs!]. (1999). Yahoo! Japan Gourmet. Retrieved September 19,1999, from the World Wide Web: http: //messages.yahoo.co.jp /bbs?action=m&board=yahoo.46.11.834739 [email protected]&type=date&fir st=l

[E-8]

Shitsugyo. [Losing a job.]. (1999). Yahoo! Japan Employment. Retrieved September 19,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://messages.yahoo.co.jp/bbs?action=m&board=yahoo.fb.0e.59890&t [email protected]&type=date&first =1

[E-9]

Tabako wa zemmen kinshi subeki da! [We must ban all forms of smoking!]. (1999). Yahoo! Japan Message Boards. Retrieved September 19, 1999, from the World Wide Web: http://messages.yahoo.co.jp/bbs?action=m&board=yahoo.ec.09.834763& [email protected]&type=date&first =1

[E-10]

Yakyu no nazo, fushigi. [Mysteries in baseball.]. (1999). Yahoo! Japan Sports. Retrieved September 19,1999, from the World Wide Web: http://messages.yahoo.co.jp/bbs?action=m&board=yahoo.a0.09.834695 [email protected]&type=date&fir st=l

CHAPTER 5 Press Conferences with Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto International January 14,1997 http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/hasimotosouri/speech/1997/0114ase-kisya.html

174

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

Domestic August 6,1996 http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/hasimotosouri/ speech/1996/heiwa96.html August 6,1997 http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/hasimotosouri/speech/1997/0808sorihiro.html January 1,1998 http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/hasimotosouri/speech/1998/0101sourinento.html International Press Conference with Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi September 22,1998 http://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/kaidan/kiroku/s_obuchi/ arc_98/us98/ kisha.html Press Conferences with Prime Minister Jun'ichiro Koizumi International November 6, 2001 http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/koizumispeech/2001/1106asean.html Domestic August 6, 2001 http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/koizumispeech/2001/0806hirosima.html August 9,2001 http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/koizumispeech/2001/0809nagasaki.html January 4,2002 http://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/koizumispeech/2002/01/04kisya.html

Index

A

Alfonso, Anthony, 2, 48 ga functions identified by, 43-44,46 anticipated future (or ongoing) interactions, see CMC Asahi Shimbun, Editorial, 59, 60, 72, 73, 77,103,105106.107.121.150.151 Breaking News Stories, 59,60, 72, 73, 74, 95,105,106-107,121,150,151 Tensei Jingo, 107 Azuchi Momoyama Period (1573-1603 A.D.), 21,22 B BACKGROUND, see idea structure Bush, George W., see President, U.S. C Chino, Naoko, ga functions identified by, 37-41, 42,46 Chomonshu, 22 Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC), 62-63,105,118,119,120, 121.122.123.151.152 anticipated future (or ongoing) interactions, 63,119,120,123 flaming, 62, 63,120 consensus, 61,119,125,143,145,149

leadership based on, 108-110 Constitution of Japan, 110,124 D daga ("however"), 34,106 E embedded clause, 13,32, 56, 70, 71,72, 86, 88,151 F

Face-to-Face (FTF), 119,120 flaming, see CMC Fuwa, Tetsuzo, 59,60, 63, 75, 76, 88,98, 103,105,107,111-117,122,124, 152 TV interviews with, 59, 60, 61,72,75, 86, 111, 113,117,118,151,152 G ga, appositive marker in Classical Japanese, 15,16, 21, 22 ga, conjunction in Classical Japanese, 6, 1 0 ,12,13,16,17,21, 22, 23 Type 1,18,22 Type 2,18-19,22 Type 3,19,22 Type 4,19-20, 22 Type 5,20-21,22 Type 6,21, 22, 23

176

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

ga, conjunction in Modem Japanese Conflictive/Contrastive (C/C), 3,24, 25,28,29,32, 33, 34,36,37,38,39, 40,41,42,43,44,45,46,49,51-52, 53,55,56,57, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77-78, 93,105,106,107, 111, 121,134-135, 142,143,144,148,150-151,153 prescriptive norm about, 48,57,58, 59.150.153 Continuative, 34, 35, 37,41, 43, 46, 51, 54-56,57,58,59, 73, 74, 75, 76, 93105,106,107,108,110, 111, 117, 118,120,121,122,138-139,144, 145.148.149.150.152.153 Implicative, 3 4 ,39,41,42,43,44, 45, 46,51,53-54,55,56, 71-72,73, 74, 75, 76, 90-93,106,107,118,119, 120,122,139-141,144,148,149, 151-152,153 Insertive, 34,36,37,46,51,52-53,55, 56, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 86-90,106, 107,108, 111, 116,117,118,119, 121,122,124,136-138,144,145, 148.151.153 non-C/C, 24-25, 28, 29, 32, 49, 56,107, 111, 121,125,144,145,148,149, 150 criticisms of, 25,26-28,31,32, 34,48 Referential, 34,35,37, 41,42,43, 44, 4 5 ,4 6 ,51,5 3 ,5 5 ,5 6 ,7 3 , 74, 75,76, 78-86,106,107,108, 111, 113,116, 118-119,121,122,124,135-136, 144.145.148.151.153 ga, nominative in Classical Japanese, 2-3, 6,8, 9,1 2 ,1 4 ,2 1 ,2 2 ,2 3 ,3 8 ,1 5 2 Type 1,10,12 Type 2,10,12 Type 3,11-13 ga, nominative in Modem Japanese, 1, Genji, Tale of(Genji Monogatari), 12,13, 21,22 Gukansho, 22

H Hashimoto, Ryutaro, 126,128,134,138, 139,141,142,144,145,148,149, 152 profile of, 143-144 Heian Period, Early (794-1086 A.D.), 3, 6, 9 .1 2 .1 6 .2 1 .2 2 .1 5 2 Heian Period, Late (1086-1192 A.D.), see Insei-ki Era Heiji, Tales o f (Heiji Monogatari), 22 Heike, Amakusa (Amakusa-ban Heike Monogatari), 20,22 highlighting, 4,22-23,152-153 Hogen, Tales o f (Hogen Monogatari), 22 I idea structure BACKGROUND, 95, 96,102,103,104, 110.122.139.152 POSITION, 94, 95, 96,102,103,104, 110.122.139.152 QUESTION, 93,94,95,103,120,152 REQUEST, 94, 95,103,120,152 STATEMENT, 93, 94,96, 98,103,152 indirectness, Japanese tendency toward, 2,104-105,107,153 Insei-ki Era (1086-1192 A.D.), 3,9,16-17, 21, 22,23,152 Ise, Tales of(Ise Monogatari), 10,12,22 Isoho, Amakusa (Amakusa-ban Isoho Monogatari, Aesop's Fables), 21,22

J Japan Communist Party (JCP), 59, 60,63, 75, 76,86, 98,105,107, 111, 117, 122.152 Japan Socialist Party, see Social Democratic Party of Japan Japanese (language) as a Second/Foreign Language (JSL/JFL), 3,25,44 Classical, 2,3 , 8,13,15 Modern, 6,23,38,152,153

177

Index Medieval, 17,21,25,152 K Kajiyama, Seiroku, 145 Kamakura Period (1192-1333 A.D.), 9, 21, 22 Kantor, Mickey, 144 Katsuki-Pestemer, Noriko, ga functions identified by, 41-42,46 Kishi, Nobusuke, 29 ki-shoo-ten-ketsu, 107 Koizumi, Jun'ichiro, 125,126,127,128, 134.135.136.143.145.148.149 profile of, 146-147 Komeito, 102 L leadership, 9,108,109,110,125, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), 63, 80, 102,110,117,125,126,132,144, 145.146.147.148.149 Liberal Party, 80,90,102 M MacArthur, General Douglas, 124 Mainichi Shimbun, 29,106 Manydshu (Myriad Leaves), 7-8,15 Manyo-gana, 7 Merriam-Webster's Japanese English Learner's Dictionary, 48,51, 80 ga functions identified by, 33,44-45, 46 mono ("person," Classical Japanese), 2, 13,15,16 Mori, Yoshiro, 126,146 Murayama, Tomi'ichi, 126,144 N Nagano, Ken, ga functions identified by, 30, 34-37, 39,41, 46 nanoni ("despite this"), 106 Nara Period (710-794 A.D.), 6, 7,15,22 -n desu, 48,66-67

ni (Chinese 2nd person singular pronoun), 124 Nixon, Richard M., see President, U.S. no appositive marker in Classical Japanese, 15,16 nominalizer, 38 nominative case marker, 22,23 Norito, 7,15,22 O Obuchi, Keizo, 59,60, 75,76,78,80, 85, 86,90, 98,102,103,105,107-116, 121.122.124.125.126.128.134, 142,143,145,146,148,149,151, 152 profile of, 110,145-146 P Parliament, Japanese, 61,110,117,125, 127,143,144,145,147 POSITION, see idea structure President, U.S., 110 Bush, George W., 126 Nixon, Richard M„ 123 press conference, 4, 63,116,119,127 domestic, 59, 60,61, 72,75, 80, 98, 105,107,113,118,121,123,125, 126,127,128,134,135,136,138, 139,141,142,143,144,145,148, 149.150.152 international, 125,126,127,142,143, 144.145.148.149.150.152 situational characteristics of, 107-108, 113.116.120.122.124.125.134, 151 with U.S. President, 107,123-124,126 Q

QUESTION, see idea structure R relative clause, see embedded clause Relevance Theory, 104

178

Ga: Japanese Conjunction

REQUEST, see idea structure ® Sekiguchi Hiroshi no shin SandeMoningu (New Sunday Morning with Hiroshi Sekiguchi), 4,49,150 contents of, 47, 50 pragmatic analysis of, 51-56 sensitivity, cultural, 105,110,117,120, 122,125,144,145,148,149,150, 153 shikashi ("but"), 29, 30,32,33,34,106 Social Democratic Party of Japan (a.k.a. Japan Socialist Party), 126,144, soshite ("and"), 55-56 STATEMENT, see idea structure T Taketori Monogatari, 9-10,12,22 Tanaka, Makiko, 127 -te form, 55-56,67-69 Tensei Jingo, see Asahi Shimbun Times Now Past, Tales of(Konjaku Monogatari), 16,21,22 tokoroga ("however"), 51,106 Tosa, Tales of(Tosa Nikki), 12,22 TV interview, situational characteristics of, 113-117,120,151,152 TV talk show, see Sekiguchi Hiroshi no shin Sande Moningu U Uji, Tales of(Uji Shui Monogatari), 18-19, 22 W World Wide Web (WWW), 4, 59,62, 72, 126,150 Y Yahoo! Japan, 59, 61-62, 63, 76, 90, 93, 96, 102,103,105,107,118-120,122, 150,151,152

Yamato, Tales o f (Yamato Monogatari), 12, 13,22 Yeltsin, Boris, 134

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A Grammar of Athpare

02 Stefan Georg

Marphatan Thakali

03 Tsutomu Akamatsu

Japanese Phonetics. Theory and Practice

04 D.N.S. Bhat & M.S. Ningomba

Manipuri Grammar

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Learning to Read Pinyin Romanization and its Equivalent in Wade-Giles: A Practical Course for Students of Chinese

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Korean Phonology. A Principle-based Approach

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A Grammar of Iranian Azari Including Comparisons with Persian

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Shanghai Tonetics

33 Nikolai Vakhtin

The Old Sirinek Language

38 Tsutomu Akamatsu

Japanese Phonology. A Functional Approach

39 Ago Kunnap

Contact-induced Perspectives in Uralic Languages

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The Decline of the General Hakka Accent in Hong Kong

44 Shengli Feng

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Main Language Shifts In the Uralic Language Group

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Grammaticalization of Verbs in Mandarin Chinese

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An Academic Reference Grammar of Modern Literary Uzbek. Vol. I

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An Academic Reference Grammar of Modern Literary Uzbek. Vol. II

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60 Andras J. E. Bodrogligeti

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62 Sizhi Ding

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