From the Two Canoes: Oral Traditions of Rennell and Bellona 9780824884970

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L A N G U A G E AND C U L T U R E OF R E N N E L L AND BELLONA I S L A N D S : V O L U M E I

F R O M T H E TWO C A N O E S

FROM THE TWO CANOES Oral Traditions of Rennell and Bellona Islands SAMUEL H. ELBERT TORBEN MONBERG

P U B L I S H E D BY T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F H A W A I I P R E S S IN COOPERATION WITH THE DANISH NATIONAL M U S E U M HONOLULU

1965

COPENHAGEN

C O P Y R I G H T 1965 BY T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F H A W A I I P R E S S L I B R A R Y O F C O N G R E S S C A T A L O G C A R D NO. 6 4 - 8 9 9 4

P R I N T E D I N D E N M A R K BY L A N G K J A R S

BOGTRYKKERI

PREFACE Rennell and Bellona are two Polynesian Outlier islands in the British Solomon Islands. The people of Rennell and Bellona often refer to their islands in their rituals and poetry as two canoes. The ancestors who discovered the islands came from the east in two canoes, and the crews of these two canoes laid the foundation for the culture of Rennell and Bellona. Each island, furthermore, is canoe-shaped, with a low-lying interior and high coastal walls not unlike the sides of a canoe. This is why we have named this volume of traditions From the Two Canoes, and this use of "two" is in harmony with the Rennellese and Bellonese predilection for the dual number. A collaboration of persons possessing different academic backgrounds and inhabiting different hemispheres and speaking different languages is unusual, but to each of us it has proved beneficial. Elbert was interested primarily in language and folklore for their own sake and for the information they provided about Polynesian prehistory; Monberg was interested in what the tales and traditions revealed about the culture, particularly the religious experiences of the people before they accepted Christianity. Our collections reflect these interests to some extent. Elbert collected many secular tales concerning the vicissitudes of ordinary folk. In addition to tales in this volume, Monberg collected many ritual and ethnographic texts which are not included here. Our informants learned our interests. They sensed that Elbert, after he had collected many songs and a few rituals, despaired of the ambiguities inherent in them, and that he enjoyed stories about gods and humans that contained humor and drama. People knowing this sort of tale came to him. People knowing rituals went to Monberg. Each of us was interested in the other's speciality, but did not deliberately seek tales relating to it. Another advantage of our collaboration is that Elbert worked longer on Rennell (1957-58) and Monberg longer on Bellona (1958-59). A valuable result is that for a given story we have variants collected on different islands in different years from different persons. Problems as abstract as theory and as prosaic as the use of commas were discussed between us. Each of us suffered the stimulation and the goad of having a doubter at hand who questioned his every categorical remark and scanned (and sometimes scoffed at) every line he wrote. Each checked every text and its translation. Yet, the greatest advantage of all was the pleasure of sharing our enthusiasm about a people who delighted us. Our work would not have been possible without the cooperation and aid of many institutions and individuals. The Tri-Institutional Pacific Program, administered by the Bernice P. Bishop Museum, the University of Hawaii, and Yale University, financed Elbert's field work on Rennell and Bellona in 1957 and 1958 and Taupongi's trip from Bellona to Honolulu in 1961 to serve as consultant. Monberg is grateful to Kaj Birket-Smith, of the Danish National Museum, who with his study of the material culture of the two islands in 1951, laid a foundation for further research into the language and social culture, and who arranged for vii

Monberg to go to Rennell and Bellona. The Statens almindelige Videnskabsfond (Danish State Research Foundation) financed his expedition and the subsequent preparation of the manuscript. Sten Wilier-Andersen accompanied Monberg to the two islands and provided outstanding comradeship and unfailing help. The United States Educational Foundation in Denmark provided a government travel grant for Monberg's trip to Honolulu in 1961 to work with Elbert and Taupongi, and his stay there was financed by the Rask-0rsted Foundation. The publication was financed jointly by the Tri-Institutional Pacific Program and by the Rask-0rsted Foundation. Officials of the British Solomon Islands Protectorate provided each of us with transportation to and from Rennell and Bellona, supplied Elbert with a pedal radio, and did numerous other things to expedite our work. We wish to mention particularly the following for special courtesies and hospitality in Honiara: Sir John and Lady Gutch, John C. Grover, Derek and Vrai Cudmore, Sandy and Margaret Wilkie, C. H. Allan, Dudley Wright, P. A. Pudsey-Dawson, and V. J. Andersen. The complicated arrangements for Taupongi's trip to Honolulu were made by Sir David Trench, High Commissioner for the Western Pacific, and V. J. Andersen. M. B. Hamilton and M. A. Andrew kindly made ethnological inquires on Bellona that helped solve difficult problems. In 1962 we had the opportunity of revisiting the two islands as members of the Danish Noona Dan Expedition and we express our gratitude to Captain J0rgen Narup and his crew and to our colleagues including Torben Wolff, the leader, and Leif Christensen, Sofus Christiansen, Henry Dissing, and William Buch. We were also helped by many Solomon Islands government officials: H. E. Gass, Chief Secretary; M.A.Andrew, Secretary for Protectorate Affairs; R.Davis, Attorney General; T. Mitchell, District Commissioner; Dr. R. Thompson, Acting Chief Geologist; J. O. Tedder, District Commissioner. Many people reviewed portions of the manuscript and discussed our problems. We are grateful to them all, and wish to thank specifically, for their helpful suggestions, O. A. Bushnell, Leif Christensen, George W. Grace, Alan Howard, J. Prytz Johansen, Robert and Barbara Lane, and Katharine Luomala. For their assistance we wish also to thank Thomas Nickerson, Chairman of the University of Hawaii Press Committee, and especially Alexander Spoehr, then Chairman of the TriInstitutional Pacific Program's executive committee, who for many years has been so helpful. Gordon Macgregor kindly permitted us to print Figure 4 taken in 1933. The entire manuscript was expertly typed by Mildred Knowlton. Faith N. Fujimura prepared the excellent sketch maps of Rennell and Bellona (Plates 1 and 2). Alberta Pualani Anthony carefully supervised the exacting task of proofreading. Aldyth Morris, Managing Editor of the University of Hawaii Press, provided initial help in the determination of style. Robert Sparks, Senior Editor of the University publications office, edited the entire book with care and skill, and attended to its publication. In Chapter 2 we have attempted to express our gratitude to the Rennellese and Bellonese.

SAMUEL H . ELBF.RT

TORBEN MONBERG

University

University

of

Hawaii

of

Copenhagen

CONTENTS Chapter 1. Introduction 1. Field experiences 2. Physical description of the islands; their outside contacts 3. Social organization and culture 4. Language and orthography 5. Translation 6. Notes to the texts 7. Status and function of stories and story telling 8. Selection and arrangement of texts 2. The Tellers 3. Genealogies 4. Deities 5. Mautikitiki 6. Sina 7. Other Culture Heroes 8. Kaitu'u and Taupongi 9. The Hiti 10. Tinopaumatu'a 11. Ancestors of Mugihenua and the Lake 12. Ancestors of Kanaba 13. Ancestors of the Kaitu'u Clan, Bellona 14. Ancestors of the Iho Clan, Bellona 15. The Exterminated Clans 16. Men and Gods 17. Human Affairs 18. Wanderings 19. Christianization References Index

Page 1 1 4 6 19 22 28 29 32 35 52 62 109 137 155 173 200 219 229 247 257 281 301 320 345 369 392 420 421

FIGURES 1.

The Hangekumi lineage, Bellona The following

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

figures

are inserted

after page

9 38:

A traditional house (hata), 1933 A group of Rennellese tellers Moa, Taumata, A. Taupongi, Tegheta in 1933 A. Taupongi, Moa, Tetamogi, J. Togaka A dance, 1933 Paul Sa'engeika Temoa, Taupongi, Tango'eha, Kaipua Nose pressing Respect and humiliation

PLATES 1. Sketch map, Rennell Island 2. Sketch map, Bellona Island 3. Principal descent lines of the Kaitu'u clan, Rennell and Bellona

ix

SYMBOLS BE Brackets [ ] . . . . G N

RE SE T Taupongi 1961 . . TM

x

Bellona insertions in translations for grammatical clarity generation Notes N49:l Notes to Text 49, verse 1 N41(A):6 Notes to Text 41, variant A, verse 6 N4(II) division II of Notes to Text 4 Rennell Samuel H. Elbert Text T27:3 Text 27, verse 3 T31(B):7 Text 31, variant B, verse 7 Taupongi of Sa'aiho, Bellona, during his stay in Honolulu, June-August 1961, as consultant (see Section 1.3,Chapter 1) Torben Monberg

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION The first three chapters of this book contain matter designed to make the islanders' traditions given in later chapters more meaningful. The present chapter includes brief discussions of the following topics: the field experiences of the two authors (Section 1); a physical description of Rennell and Bellona and a resumé of their few contacts with the outside world (Section 2); the social organization, kinship system, religion, and cultural inventory of the people (Section 3); the language, orthography, and translating techniques (Sections 4 to 6); the function of stories and story tellers in the culture (Section 7); the selection and arrangement of the texts (Section 8). Chapter 2 presents brief biographies of the 49 tellers best known to the compilers, and Chapter 3 consists of genealogies of ancestors and living persons, from the first immigrants down through some 23 generations to the children of the present chiefs. In Chapters 4 through 19 the traditions of the Rennellese and Bellonese are given in their own words, with our translations into English in parallel columns. The traditions are not presented here in the haphazard order in which they were told in the field, which depended on the knowledge and moods of 72 informants, but have been rearranged in the following historical-semantic order: the gods and the semimythical early inhabitants; the immigration of the ancestors of the present-day people from a place called 'Ubea; the formation of settlements and clans and subdivisions of clans, and the nearly constant fighting and strife; the vicissitudes and doings of ordinary folk, and the arrivals of castaways from other islands; finally, the conversion to Christianity in 1938 with its traumatic events at Niupani. 1. F I E L D EXPERIENCES 1.1. Elbert's account. I was on Rennell from October 4, 1957, to April 10, 1958. The first 6 weeks were spent on a trip from Mangautu, on the northwest coast, to Labagu, on Lughu Bay, where I stayed for a time. Most of December, January, and February were spent at Niupani, on the lake, with excursions to Hutuna, Tigoa, Teaba, and Mata'aso (see Plate 1). During most of March, I was on a field trip through central Rennell to as far as Hatagua. Because of experience with other Polynesian languages I could communicate with the Rennellese from the start, but many of their common words and particles were so different that I could understand almost nothing of connected discourse. I pretended ignorance of pidgin English and spoke only Rennellese. Pidgin English would not have been of much help with abstractions and multiple meanings. Cognates in other Polynesian languages were easily recognized. The procedure was first to take a text verbatim, with some indication of junctures and allophonic variations, but without interrupting the informants with questions about meanings. Some informants, such as Samuel Tuhenua, immediately timed their speech to my writing speed. Older informants, before indoctrination, tended 1

INTRODUCTION

either to speak very fast or syllable-by-syllable. After finishing a story I read it back, asking for corrections in pronunciation and for meanings of unknown or imperfectly understood words and idioms. This was often a long process. Usually my house was crowded. Everyone wanted to help or to listen. People considered that leaving me alone even for short intervals was a breach of hospitality. Such solicitude prevented confidences, but did afford walking monolingual dictionaries, and made the informants alert to provide what they believed to be the most accurate information. After finishing a translation I read back the text three or four times and asked questions about points still obscure. In spite of frequently large and convivial crowds, the contributions were from individuals. Details sometimes were furnished by bystanders, but the story was given by the person named before each text. Between November 29 and April 10 no ships called at Rennell. No white people lived on Rennell, and there were no stores. Communication was maintained with Honiara during fine weather by a pedal radio, but I could send or receive messages only with difficulty. A beautiful new house at Niupani was put at my disposal; it had views of the lake on one side and of a coconut grove on the other. My food consisted of canned goods to a limited extent, but mostly of coconuts, papayas, taro, and fish supplied by the Rennellese, with occasional chickens, eggs, bananas, and sweet corn. I usually reciprocated with stick tobacco. When I arrived at central Rennell, Headman Tahua sternly told me that the people in his district wanted to give me food and would be offended if I gave anything in return. In every village the people came with gifts, sometimes such delicacies as string beans. I was never sick and I enjoyed the people and my work too much to be lonely. Also, the long canoe trips and hikes provided excitement and healthy exercise, as well as new informants and dialects. Through the courtesy of Derek Cudmore, Commissioner of the Central District, I was able to spend a week on Bellona. However, there was no time for translating because of the almost ceaseless work and excitement prior to the visit of Sir lohn Gutch, High Commissioner of the Western Pacific, and Lady Gutch, for whom the Bellonese staged a lavish program of dancing and singing. The visit of the High Commissioner was most fortunate as he expressly asked via my radio that dances and traditional ceremonies be performed for his welcome. Otherwise, there would have been none because both missions forbid traditional dancing and singing. On my first visit to a church I saw these words in large letters on a blackboard: SINS. UNTRUTHFULNESS. PRIDE. DANCING. CUSTOM. LYING.

1.2. Monberg's account. I arrived at Rennell on October 2, 1958, almost 6 months after Elbert had left. The purpose of my visit was to collect as much information as possible on the pre-Christian culture, especially the religious aspects, before it vanished completely from the memories of the people. I had a most excellent companion in Sten Wilier-Andersen, who took over the practical side of the expedition. He also collected animals for the Danish Zoological Museum, took pictures, and was of great help to the people of Rennell during the critical days of an epidemic of poliomyelitis. In all ways my work was facilitated by the help of others. I would have been able to accomplish little during my 4 months' stay without the help of Elbert, who generously allowed me to make use of his linguistic field notes and vocabulary cards from Rennell. With my reading knowledge of other Polynesian languages, it was thus much less arduous for me to obtain enough training in Rennellese to be able to begin collecting material in this language after only a few days' stay. This saved months of field work. 2

INTRODUCTION

The 2 months' stay on Rennell was spent in Labagu village on Lughu Bay, in Niupani village on the shores of the lake, and in Matangi village in central Rennell. My first efforts were aimed at getting basic knowledge from informants about the pre-Christian social organization. Information was gathered through interviews and discussions, and was taken down in Rennellese. The Rennellese themselves showed great interest in this work. The house was usually crowded with people who listened and talked, and very often volunteered to be informants. Everybody was anxious that I should get as much information as possible and that it should be correct. Sessions were often gay, with joking and laughter filling the house till very late at night. I admired the intellectual abilities of most informants. They patiently explained semantic nuances by giving examples of the use of a word in different contexts. They worked for hours, telling stories, listening to my rereading, and explaining difficult words and passages, and they never tired of correcting my mistakes. Even during arduous hikes through the bush, the people walking nearest me talked on subjects of common interest, or corrected something I had said the day before, or started explaining the construction of a temple site we had passed, or told a story about a battle fought in this particular area. As informants the Rennellese and Bellonese had one particular drawback. Their concept of hospitality, mentioned also by Elbert, often made it difficult to arrange a session with only a single informant. My house was nearly always full of people who listened eagerly to what was said. In the beginning I thought this was an indication of suspicion toward each other, but soon realized that it was more an eagerness to help. Sessions with a single person, therefore, usually took place at noontime, when the temptation to take a nap prevailed over most people's eagerness to serve as informants. I was especially interested in religious concepts and rituals, and in this respect my stay on Rennell was a disappointment. The Rennellese readily admitted that almost all the ritual formula had been forgotten. Only one man on the island, Paul Takiika, still remembered some of them. Unfortunately, Paul became very ill and was unable to help. I had heard people say that Paul Sa'engeika and others on Bellona still remembered a great deal about the old religious practices. Thus we decided to leave for Bellona, although I had originally planned to work only on Rennell. On December 8 we arrived there, together with one of our best Rennellese friends, Jotham Togaka, his wife Temota, and their two infant sons. We were given a very fine house in Ngotokanaba village and stayed there until January 27, 1959. These were two months of almost incessant excitement. Informants would come early in the morning and work until late at night, telling stories, reciting ritual formulas, and demonstrating ritual practices. Frequent visits to sites of old settlements and temples revived their memories and evoked important details in their accounts. We lived at the border between the two rival districts of Sa'aiho and Ghongau. By working with informants from these two different clan groups, I obtained extensive comparative material concerning social organization and religious practices. Taupongi of Sa'aiho was one of my principal Bellonese informants for tales. He was, moreover, an indefatigable teacher in all that concerned language, but he was too young to know many details of the ritual aspects of the old religion. We left Bellona on January 27, 1959, and after a few days' stopover on Rennell returned to Honiara. I thought that my collecting of material from Rennell and Bellona was over. Later, however, Taupongi and Tapuika both sent me neatly written notebooks full of stories; their frequent interlinear translations (the method I had used) into somewhat halting English were done only for the easier words. 3

INTRODUCTION

This material would not have been of much value had I not been able to work it over with Taupongi in Honolulu in 1961 and with others during my revisits to Bellona. Taupongi said that he had kept sending me stories because I had paid too little attention to some of them while I was there, and had used far too much time for gathering data on ritual practices! 1.3. Work in Honolulu. We had the advantage of consulting Taupongi of Bellona in Honolulu from June 10 to August 12, 1961. All the texts in this volume (except T140) were checked with him. Many additional texts were taken down, and much material was tape recorded. Grammatical analyses were continued. Taupongi was of great help in clearing up obscurities and in supplementing our material. He talked quite freely in Honolulu and did not hesitate to use swear or obscene words. He may have felt free of the social restrictions of his island. Such freedom from local taboos is a possible advantage of working with an informant away from his home. His departure from Honolulu was as sad as our own departures from the two islands. His contributions are assessed in Chapter 2. His work in Honolulu in the summer of 1961 is referred to in the notes as "Taupongi 1961". 1.4. Noona Dan Expedition of 1962 and Monberg's 1963 visit. As members of the Danish Indo-Pacific Expedition, Elbert was on Rennell from August 16 to September 2 , and from December 9 to 13, and on Bellona from September 26 to December 9, and on December 13 and 14. In addition Elbert was at Honiara from July 16 to August 16, from September 2 to 25, and from December 15 to January 23, 1963 (save for a week on Malaita). Monberg was in Honiara for a month preceeding his time on Bellona and also from September 30 to October 9. He was on Bellona from August 15 to September 29. Much of our time in Honiara was spent with informants from Rennell and Bellona. Elbert was checking translations and grammatical and lexical notes, as well as collecting songs and making demographic studies. Monberg was checking material on religion and studying social organization with Leif Christensen. No texts secured in 1962 have been included in this volume; additional notes made in 1962 have been so labelled. Each text was again checked in 1962, most of them for the fifth time. We believe that our work in 1962 enhanced the accuracy of our translations and interpretations, but new-found intricacies left each of us with the impression that we were only beginning to understand the language and culture. Monberg was back in the Solomons from October 2 to November 30, 1963, continuing his study of social organization. He was on Bellona for 2 weeks, and during the rest of the time worked with Bellonese employed by plantations on Guadalcanal. 2. PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION OF THE ISLANDS; THEIR OUTSIDE CONTACTS Rennell and Bellona, Polynesian Outlier islands with a single language and culture, are a part of the British Solomon Islands Protectorate and lie at 11° south latitude and about 160 kilometers south of Guadalcanal. Rennell Island is nearly 80 kilometers long and, at most, 14 kilometers wide. The island is completely girded by limestone cliffs, most of them covered with dense vegetation. On the south coast, the cliff at Tuhugago, the anchorage for the Lake district, is about 120 meters high. The coastal profile is even. The north coastline is straight, but the south coast undulates, with a deep bay in its center 4

INTRODUCTION

at Lughu. Occasional patches of coconut palms and small strips of white sand are found at the bases of the coastal cliffs. At Lughu Bay, on the south coast, the cliffs in several places are low, and access to the interior is easy; but to go inland elsewhere on Rennell, one scales the outer cliff by gripping roots and branches, then descends into a depression resembling a moat, climbs another less formidable rampart, and then gradually descends through rain forests to the interior basin. A lake—the largest in the Pacific— occupies almost the entire east end of Rennell; it is 27.5 kilometers long and 9.5 kilometers wide; it lies at sea level, and is everywhere about 42 meters deep, according to soundings made in 1962 by the Noona Daji Expedition. Its brackish water is occasionally drunk. The important villages on the shores of the lake today are Niupani, Tegano, Hutuna, Tebaitahe, and Tigoa. The western end of the lake is dotted with islets. The lake fauna includes two varieties of sea snakes, reported by Danish scientists as deadly poisonous (this the natives do not believe; the snakes have never been known to bite anyone); giant eels, which in stormy times are netted in the lake estuaries; small goby fish (paghabu); an African species of Tilapia introduced about 1957 which by 1962 was so common that 9 or 10 large ones could be speared in an hour. Bird life is abundant, and includes Australian gray ducks, gray teal, reef herons, and, especially, black-and-white cormorants, which seem constantly to be diving into the lake, or posing like statues, wings outstretched, in tree tops. The east central and far-western parts of Rennell are uninhabited wildernesses where towering trees grow like weeds from land strewn with coral boulders. Between these two wastelands is the most fertile part of the island, with frequent neat villages and beautifully tended yam gardens. Most of the 1,020 Rennellese (1959 census, McArthur, 1961: 23) live here or in the lake villages. There are no streams on this porous island. Water is obtained in limestone caves. Rainfall is abundant. Elbert measured rainfall as follows: October 17-31, 1957, 485 mm. (19.09 inches); November 1-24, 173 mm. (6.82 inches); December 1-30, 191 mm. (7.52 inches); January 10-31, 1958, 54 mm. (2.13 inches); February 1-26, 359 mm. (14.13 inches); March 2-7, 24 mm. (0.95 inches); March 28 to April 10, 328 mm. (12.91 inches). At this rate the annual rainfall would be more than 170 inches. (From August 15 to September 2, 1962, it rained every day, sometimes very hard and for several hours!) Bellona Island, 11.5 kilometers long and 3 kilometers wide, resembles other Pacific islands more than does Rennell. The surrounding cliff, covered by forest, is a modest 100 feet or so in height, and in many places it is easy (rather than impossible) to climb. Bellona, with approximately 700 inhabitants, is densely populated, and its interior is very fertile. A broad trail that is level enough for a car runs through the island from east to west. Along this trail lie neat villages, gardens, and coconut plantations that give an impression of orderliness and comparative wealth. The very shape of this small island lying in the vast sea—the break of the surf heard everywhere, the cliffs visible on all sides of the low-lying interior—gives one the sensation of being on board a ship in the middle of the ocean. The inhabitants, who live in the hull of the canoe, are aware of this illusion, and in their poetry often refer to the island as te baka (the canoe). Plates 1 and 2 are based on maps prepared by the Protectorate Geological Survey. We have supplied place names and some trails, but positions are only approximate, particularly for Rennell. The map of Bellona is more detailed than that of Rennell. 5

INTRODUCTION

The people impressed us as having been self-sufficient and as having feared contact with strangers until the advent of Christianity. This generalization may be said of the people of both islands. A Rennellese informant (T232:4) reported that when European ships came the people fled in fear to the interior of the island. Perhaps for many centuries the occasional ships saw no people. Blackbirders to a large extent kept away, as did planters and traders, who were appalled by the lack of safe anchorages, the poor soil, the lack of economic products, and the supposed hostility of the people (this reputation was enhanced by the murder of missionary teachers in 1910). Rennell and Bellona apparently were discovered in 1790 by a Captain Wilkinson on the British vessel "Indispensable" (Findlay, 874, and Sharp, 162-163; Brigham, 137, and Woodford, 1916:46, had credited a Captain Butler on the "Walpole" in 1794 and 1801, respectively). The first white persons to go ashore, according to Yonge (164-165), were Bishop Selwyn and John Patteson (afterwards bishop) for a few hours in July 1856. They met about 20 people on Rennell and 13 warriors on Bellona. Later visitors included the Reverend Codrington in 1863, C.M.Woodford (Resident Commissioner of the Solomons) in 1906, Dr. Northcote Deck (a Protestant missionary) between 1908 and 1911, the Australian anthropologist Ian Hogbin in 1927, the American physician S.M.Lambert in 1928 and 1933, the American anthropologist Gordon Macgregor in 1933, and Broek d'Obrenan on the yacht "La Korrigane" for a week in 1935. Geologists have visited the two islands since World War II and have mapped phosphate deposits. Visitors have been so few that at least those since Deck are remembered. The most valuable accounts have been left by Lambert and Macgregor. In 1951 scientists from the Danish Rennell Expedition, which was part of the Galathea Deep-Sea Expedition Around the World, visited Rennell, and Kaj Birket-Smith gathered material for his study (Birket-Smith, 1956) which was of great value to us on the islands and in our subsequent research. In 1953 the British Museum Expedition visited the two islands, and Torben Wolff's work (Wolff, 1958), based on the results of the two expeditions, has been our source for English names of the fauna and for most of the statistics cited in this section.

3. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND CULTURE In this sketch of the social organization and culture, which is intended to make the texts more meaningful, only certain aspects will be discussed: the nature of kin groups, kinship terminology, social stratification, sex and marriage, fighting, sustenance, religion, and culture change since 1939 when Christianity was suddenly and unanimously embraced. The interpretation is preliminary. An exhaustive analysis of our data concerning social organization is yet to be made. It will be noted that most references in the following are to conditions on Bellona; the social organization of Rennell has not been studied in detail. 3.1. The kin groups. The Rennellese and Bellonese distinguish functionally and formally the following types of kin groups: sa'a: a large patrilineal and patrilocal descent group whose members all claim descent from the same first immigrant. Sa'a is translated as clan in this volume. kakai 'anga: a patrilineal and patrilocal descent group whose members trace descent from a common, remote ancestor of a later generation than that of the first immigrants. Male members of a kakai 'anga all reside within the same kanomanaha (district). The kakai 'anga is a subdivision of a sa'a. hanohano: a lineage or family. Persons sharing a hanohano trace descent to a 6

INTRODUCTION

common ancestor who had once broken away (babae) from his paternal settlement and established his own settlement under a new name, usually on land inherited from his father. In vague speech all members of a clan (sa'a) are said to be of the same hanohano, in that they trace descent to a common ancestral immigrant, but it is also said that a person who has founded a new settlement has started a new hanohano. Another name for lineage is manaha. This term, however, has other meanings and these are discussed below. Both hanohano and manaha (in this sense of lineage) are a subdivision of the kakai 'anga. hohonga 'anga: true matrilineal kin. tau pegea: persons of the same manaha (lineage group) as a member of an individual's matrilineal kin (hohonga 'anga). baaghaugha: remote relatives, such as persons of father's matrilineal kin (hohonga 'anga) and their offspring; offspring of male members of one's own matrilineal kin; members of wife's kin group (manaha)', members of sister's husband's kin group (manaha). The origin of the clans (sa'a), the largest kin groups on the two islands, is told in the oral traditions, especially in T66. The first immigrants are believed to have been eight married couples who settled on Bellona and became the founders of eight clans. Traditions concerning this vary and may of course be purely mytnical. Of the original eight clans only two are said to survive. The people of Bellona inhabiting the eastern (Matangi) district and the middle district (Ghongau) and all the people of Rennell trace their ancestry back to Kaitu'u, one of the immigrants, and are called the people of sa'a Kaitu'u. The small group of people inhabiting the western (Ngango) district on Bellona claim to be descendants of another immigrant, Taupongi, and are called the people of sa'a Taupongi. The sa'a are residential units, in that a man from one sa'a cannot reside permanently or own land in the territories of the other. The borderline between the lands of the two sa'a on Bellona is clearly defined, but has been a source of incessant disputes and fights. In many texts the rivalry is shown by ridicule; in others, by open fighting. The two clans are particularly dissimilar on the religious level, for they worshipped different sets of deities (Chapter 4) and their rituals were somewhat different. The very small sa'a Taupongi was an exogamous kin group, whereas marriages might take place between members of the very large sa'a Kaitu'u. According to traditions, kakai 'anga subdivisions were formed when a sa'a became overly large and land disputes had developed between its members. A number of texts in this volume describe the developments of kakai 'anga on Bellona. This will be clear if they are read with reference to the Bellona section of Plate 3. Teika'ungua (Ghongau line, G10) was said to be a prolific individual with 20 wives and 50 children (20 boys and 30 girls). Only two of this host of children are remembered: Ta'akihenua, who inherited the homestead called Ghongau from his father and carried on the line, and Teho'akimatu'a, who broke away from Ghongau and together with his son Teikangongo started a new descent group with its headquarters at Mataki'ubea at the east end of Bellona. The patrilineal descendants of Ta'akihenua constitute the kakai 'anga of Ghongau district, which was much later split into two sections (Tengutuangabangika'ango and Tengutuangabangitakungu) which are considered by most informants to be separate kakai 'anga, and by others simply separate section of the kakai 'anga of Ghongau. In contrast to other kakai 'anga these two sections, however, do not constitute local groups, as their homesteads and gardens lie intermingled within Ghongau district. On Bellona there once were a few smaller kakai 'anga located within the larger ones, such as Nguaniua in Ghongau district, started by Hu'aingupe of Rennell (T140 and Genealogy 8). Another was Temanu in Ngango (Sa'aiho) district, which 2

7

INTRODUCTION

was started by Kaitu'u of the Taupongi clan (T144 and Genealogy 9). Both kakai 'anga are now extinct. All members of a kakai 'anga thus trace their descent back to the same remote ancestor in the patriline. The kakai 'anga had its significance as a social group, especially on the religious and political levels. Each kakai' anga had its own set of gods (ngasuenga; see Introduction to Chapter 4) and was considered a religious unit in that all its temples were offshoots from one major temple in the district. It was a political unit in that its members commonly united in fights against other kakai 'anga. This was especially the case with the two small districts of Matangi and Ngango (Sa'aiho). In recent times members of the kakai 'anga of Ghongau have been fighting among themselves. As previously stated, the manaha is a subdivision of a kanomanaha (district) and the word may be used as a general term for a patrilineal descent group. The term manaha is also used for gardens or coconut groves, or for any area inhabited by a nuclear family, and is ¿so a general term for a homestead or a group of homesteads and land areas belonging to people who constitute a patrilineal descent group. In daily speech the terms manaha and hanohano are often almost synonymous. One may say that two manaha intermarry (gua manaha hetaka'aki). Manaha tends to emphasize members of the lineage as a social group; hanohano, the genealogical relationships. The islanders distinguish the various meanings of manaha (lineage, homestead, garden, owned land, group of homesteads) by context. Lineages are named for the oldest and usually largest homestead of the group, the hakanohonga. This is the homestead to which every member owes allegiance ('oea kinai). Other homesteads belonging to members of the lineage are sometimes described by qualifying terms. A manaha sokotasi (independent homestead) is a large unit with attached arable land; an anga a manaha is a smaller unit, usually without habitation, within the larger unit and is owned and administered by the same individual. In this volume the word manaha when used without qualifiers is commonly translated as settlement, although research subsequent to the setting of type for the texts suggested that "homestead" would in some instances have been a preferable translation. According to traditions each kakai 'anga consisted originally of people of a single manaha-, but with population growth the kakai 'anga became subdivided into several hanohano whose members called themselves people of (pengea o...) the manaha or hakanohonga which first branched off. This process of segmentation continued down to the acceptance of Christianity. It was a dynamic process, yet occasionally a slow one. Several of its stages might be present at any given time. When Christianity was accepted in 1938-39 there were about 430 inhabitants on Bellona and they were divided into 20 exogamous lineages. Some of these lineages consisted of two or more sublineages (manaha gua), each taking its name from one of the more prominent homesteads among the manaha sokotasi (independent homestead) of the lineage, but still recognizing affiliation to the hakanohonga. Members of sublineages considered themselves as belonging to the same hanohano. Under certain conditions, as during feuds within the lineage, or if a head of one of the sublineages was a powerful and individualistic personality, a sublineage might branch off and establish itself as a separate homestead (manaha) with its own lineage (hanohano). The genealogies in Chapter 3 give a simplified picture of the traditions regarding the branching of lineages. In stories about ancestors, the reporting of how these branchings took place, why, and through whom, play an important role. In fact, much of the traditional history can be regarded as an oral rationalization of the lineage structure of the society. 8

INTRODUCTION ?

G21

G20

G19

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_Tehaibakiu

G22

G23

A Taukamua

O ITaaika

I

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Tebaipva Ngakei

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6

Utuika Hu'altekaba

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Teika John Tengaba O

o_J

Figure 1. An example of the composition of a Bellonese lineage in 1939, that of the Hangekumi. The genealogy is skeletal and does not show marriages of female members of the lineage or births subsequent to 1939. Generations are shown in vertical columns; polygynous marriages of male and female members of the lineage by P; sequences of children by the same father are indicated by arabic numerals. Members of other lineages (wives of members) are in bold face type. Names of persons alive in 1939 are in italic type. Broken lines indicate adoptions. Origin of females married to members of Hangekumi lineage: G19: Tengaba (Rennell)j G21: Taukamua (Nuku'angoha); Kangima (Nuku'angoha)j Kaisio (Rennell); G22: Teahemako (Ghongau); Temalobe (Rennell); Kaisio (Mata'ubea); Tesaohanga (Matabaingei); Utuika (Mata'ubea); Kaisa'unga (Ghongau); Tetabake (Nuku'angoha); Temalobe (same as Temalobe above). There were only two adult male members of Hangekumi lineage in 1939, namely Topue and Hakaahemangu. Gardens and homesteads belonging to members of the lineage were either owned (hakahua) or taken charge of (ge'o) by them. A few homesteads were cared for by Teahemako, widow of Taaika. When the sons of Tangitonga, Ngakei, and Hakaahemangu grew up, they took over land that had belonged to their respective fathers.

INTRODUCTION

Figure 1 shows the composition of a Bellonese lineage, Hangekumi. Each adult male member of a lineage owned one or more settlements or homesteads with attached garden and bush areas. The homesteads of a lineage were not grouped together in villages but lay scattered in the arable areas of a district. On Bellona the homesteads lay along the main trail which runs across the island from east to west. The land and homesteads of different lineages commonly lay intermingled within the district, but there was a tendency to form local groupings, with several gardens and homesteads of a single lineage lying in close proximity. A manaha, in the sense of a single homestead, was commonly inhabited by a nuclear family. The house lay in a clearing in the garden area surrounded by coconut trees. It was usually a so-called hata (Figure 2), a pitched gable roof thatched with pandanus leaves and extending down to about 75 centimeters above the ground. Under this roof, about 1 meter above the ground, was a ceiling-like shelf {hata) that formed an upper storeroom under the roof. The house had no walls. The floor covering consisted of coconut leaves, and on ceremonial occasions was covered with coconut-leaf mats (takapau). Under the shelf were hung ceremonial paddles, dancing sticks, spears, parcels of turmeric, fishhooks, lines, and nets. Another house type, the hage hakahuahua, was a larger, more impressive edifice with curved rafters and artistic plaitings on the ridgepole. Such houses were rare, and were usually owned by expert carpenters (mataisau) or by those who enjoyed great prestige and thereby enlisted the aid of such carpenters. Behind the house was a small kitchen shed, the hai umu, or paito, containing the stone oven. All the food was prepared here, as it was tapu (taboo) to bring fire into the dwellings. In front of the house were the ritual grounds (gotomaga'e), a clearing surrounded by coconut trees. It was the place for religious activities, dancing, and distribution of certain ceremonial offerings. From the clearing a small trail (anga singa) led to the main trail (anga tu'u) of the island, passing through the garden areas of the manaha. At the beginning of the small trail, by the ritual grounds, lay graves of ancestors. Each grave was topped with a mound of sand, surrounded by flat coral stones, and covered by a small house with curved rafters. In front of each grave was a small clearing used during ancestor rituals. Land was held individually by the male members of the lineage. As mentioned above, a man might own several manaha and sometimes also two or three houses in his various gardens and coastal areas. He might then live in one or the other, depending on which lay nearest the areas presently under cultivation, or he might live in his house at the coast during certain periods of fishing. In some cases of polygynous marriage each wife had her own house. Succession to land was usually from father to son. If a person had no male offspring, land would commonly go to his brother's sons. As a general rule, women did not own land but acted only as stewards, as for instance when a husband had died and his sons were too young to hold titles to their father's manaha. The reason given by the Bellonese for this custom is that the manaha was exogamous, and these women of the lineage always married into other lineages and resided with their husband's kin. Women were considered to belong to their paternal lineage; when a marriage was dissolved a woman returned and resided with her patrilineal kin. But as long as a marriage lasted, a woman was expected to show loyalty to her husband's lineage, even if it became engaged in hostilities with her own patrilineal kin. Any land owned by women in their paternal manaha might have accrued to members of other lineages. There are a few recorded cases of women owning land, or of persons inheriting land from a mother's brother (that is, from another lineage), but such cases are considered anomalies by the Bellonese and are generally disapproved of. 10

INTRODUCTION

With strict unilineal succession to land, and with considerable fluctuation in size of lineage groups from generation to generation, there was occasionally too much or too little available land for a lineage. This imbalance was at times met by interlineage adoption of males, and by polygynous marriage of males for the purpose of securing enough successors. In general, scarcity of land was a major source of conflict. Within the lineage, primogeniture was of importance. Theoretically, the oldest son was entitled to his father's largest manaha. The person closest to being a direct descendant in the line of first-born sons (hano 'anga) would inherit the hakanohonga of the lineage, that is, the first and oldest homestead of the group. In practice, there were exceptions. A father would often consider the individual abilities of his prospective successors when allotting land. If, for instance, the first-born son was a better fisherman than gardener, or if he lacked any of the virtues so much admired by the Bellonese (generosity, diligence, and modesty), the father was free to allot larger blocks of land to younger sons or to other members of the lineage, preferably to those of the same generation as that of his children. The land owner could normally decide when to cultivate the land, what to plant, and to whom to distribute the garden produce; he could also grant usufruct privileges to others for shorter or longer periods, or give the land to any member of his lineage without asking for consent from other members. There was, however, one particular restriction on individual ownership of land. If a person had alloted land to someone else such as a father to his son, ownership was usually considered joint as long as both parties were alive, but the original owner could, if conflicts arose, annul the conveyance and vest the land in someone else. There was considerable cooperation within the lineage with regard to cultivation of land. If a male member became sick or died, his land was guarded (ge'o) and cultivated by other male members of the lineage until it could be formally taken over by his successors. A man could always count on help in clearing and planting from the men of his manaha and from their wives and children. Also, two or more men of a lineage might sometimes pool their garden produce and hold a single ritual feast with ritual distributions. When the gardens were ready for digging, relatives might be invited to partake in the work, together with the owner's relatives in other lineages, especially members of his mother's lineage and his in-laws, and receive their shares of the produce. There was, furthermore, close cooperation among the members of a manaha in such undertakings as fishing, hunting, canoe- and housebuilding, and fights against other lineages. Rules of succession and inheritance might be set aside in favor of persons possessed of talents and virtues admired in the culture. These included special skill in gardening, fishing, canoe- and house-building, dancing, poetic composition, and ritual performance. The most important virtues included kindliness and generosity. Authority within the lineage, in theory, lay with all its male landholding members (matu'a). However, certain factors might assign one matu'a to a higher position. These included seniority in one's own generation, seniority of one's father in his generation, and possession in unusual degree of admired skills. Such persons were called hakahua, and in each of the large lineages there were one or two matu'a called the hakahua of the manaha. The word hakahua means to excercise authority, to act, to own, and to do as one pleases. Although outstanding personal attributes might, elevate any land-holding male of the senior generation to the title of hakahua, the hakahua was usually the first-born son ('ugumatu'a) of the former hakahua. An exception was Paul Sa'engeika of Bellona (see Chapter 2 and Genealogy 6), who acquired the title of hakahua because of unusual skills, even though he was of a junior sublineage. 11

INTRODUCTION

The matu'a of the lineage were not compelled to obey the hakahua. The latter had no rights over their land and could not command other matu'a to labor for him. Yet because the hakahua usually had greater land resources at his disposal than had other members of the lineage, and because he was usually the senior member in his generation (often an older brother or first cousin of the other matu'a), his status within the lineage was higher than that of the other matu'a. He could perform more elaborate harvest rituals and distribute larger amounts of food and goods, thereby confirming or heightening his personal prestige. If he had the admired skills he became the central figure of the manaha, one whom it was considered an honor to serve, and one whose counsel and help were sought by members of the lineage. Often one or more of the other matu'a of the lineage added their own garden produce to that of the hakahua, who then performed the ceremonial distribution of their bonus material along with that of his own gardens. When a hakahua became very old and his strength and abilities began to decline, he was usually no longer considered a hakahua-, the title passed quietly to another person of the lineage, normally the first-born son of the former hakahua. Whereas a man's patrilineal kin group was of importance in establishing his rights to land, his relations with members of other lineages were influenced by his matriline (hohonga 'anga). Records of the hohonga 'anga, however, were not remembered for more than a few generations, rarely further back than the grandparents' generation, that is, with the living kin of the mother. An individual had very close ties with his mother's sisters and brothers. The latter (tu'aatina) took part in the education of nephew and niece ('igaamutu); they exchanged gifts, visited one another frequently, granted each other usufruct privileges, and were expected to help in times of crisis. Whereas all persons of the same generation and manaha were not considered of the same blood, those of the same generation and hohonga 'anga were considered as sharing blood (te toto e tasi). Close ties also existed between and individual and members of the manaha of his matriline. Such persons were commonly called one's tau pegea. Persons in the mother's patriline were of particular importance. One was believed to originate (tu'u n.ai) in one's mother's lineage, whereas the father's manaha was that which a person was said to be born into. It will be seen below how this point of view is consistent with Rennellese and Bellonese views of conception and childbirth. 3. 2. Kinship terminology. Some kinship terms which frequently occur in the texts will be explained in this section. The general name for genealogy is hanohano. The lineages of first-born sons which constitute the core of the patrilineal descent groups are called hano 'anga. Persons are commonly addressed by their established name (ingoa hakama'u), which is the first name given in infancy by the parents, or by their baptismal name (members of the South Seas Evangelical Mission). Persons who stand in a restraint relationship, such as brother and sister, brothers-in-law, and sisters-in-law, use only the second name (ingoa hakapengepenge) as a term of address and reference. The only kinship terms occasionally used as terms of address are tupuna, tamau, tinau, tu'aatina (see below). Friends of the same generation and sex, lovers, and married couples often address each other by the informal term teiana. All kinship terms are o-gender (see Section 5) except hanau, tama, and tama'ahine, which are a-gender. The following abbreviations are used here: B, brother; C, child; D, daughter; F, father; GP, grandparent; H, husband; M, mother; m. s., man speaking; P, parent; Si, sister; So, son; Wi, wife; w. s., woman speaking. pegea: relative, family member, fellow islander (literally, person). 'atima'ogi: relative, close friend.

12

INTRODUCTION

'api: collateral members of speaker's generation, usually of M's lineage. nohonga, takanga: married couple. tupuna: MF, MM, FF, FM, MMM, FFF; also others of GP or earlier generation, especially of speaker's matri- or patriline. tamana: F, FB, FSiH, FFBDH, FFBSo, FMSiSo, MH, FMSiDH, MSiH, MMSiDH, HF, WiF; sometimes also other persons termed ta'okete or taina by F of speaker. Term of address: tamau. tinana: M, MSi, MBWi, FSi, FFBSoWi, FBWi, WiM, HM, MMSiSoWi, MMSiD, MFBD, FFBD, FMSiSoWi, FMSiD, FWi; sometimes also other females called ta'okete or taina by M of speaker, or tuhahine by F of speaker, and females married to persons called ta'okete or taina by speaker's F. Term of address: tinau. tu'aatina: MB, MMSiSo, MFBSo; sometimes also other males termed tunga'ane by M of speaker: tamana of Wi. maatu'a, hai maatu'a: P; also same as hungabai. Compare: matu'a: H. ta'okete: persons of same sex and born earlier than speaker and of one of the following relationships to him or her: PC, MBC, FFBSoC, FFBDC, FMSiSoC, FMSiDC, MMSiSoC, MMSiDC, MFBSoC, MFBDC; sometimes also used for more remote relationships such as sponse of ta'okete or taina older than speaker. taina: same relationships as with ta'okete, but persons younger than speaker. tuhahine: Si, FD, MD, FBD, FFBSoD, FMSiSoD, MMSiDD, MFBDD (m. s.). tunga'ane: B, FSo, MSo, FBSo, MSiSo, FFBSoSo, FMSiSoSo, MMSiDSo, MFBDSo (w. s.). ha'anga: FSiD, MBD, FFBDD, MFBSoD, MMSiSoD, FMSiDD (m. s.); FSiSo, MBSo, FFBDSo, MFBSoSo, MMSiSoSo, FMSiDSo (w. s.). uguugu: Wi. matu'a: H. ma'aa: H of tuhahine, tunga'ane of Wi (m. s.); Wi of tunga'ane, tuhahine of H (w s.). hai hanau: general term for persons called taina, ta'okete, tuhahine, tunga'ane, and ha'anga. hosa: So; also So of persons termed ta'okete, taina, and ha'anga (m. s.). tama: So; also So of persons termed ta'okete, taina, ha'anga, and tunga'ane (w. s.); children, offspring (m. s., w. s.). Plural: tamagiki. tama'ahine: D of persons termed ta'okete, taina, ha'anga (m. s., w. s.) and tunga'ane (w. s.). 'igaamutu: C of persons termed tuhahine (m. s.); also same as hunga. hanau: general term for hosa, tama, tama'ahine, and makupuna. makupuna: C of persons termed hosa, tama, tama'ahine, and 'igaamutu. hunga: DH, SoWi, BDH, BSoWi, SiSoWi, HP, WiP; hungabai: tamana, tinana of H, Wi. Qualifying terms that may follow a base include pusi, adopted child (see below); tangata, male; hahine, female. Also hakahua/hakapigi: If X is a kinship term, hakahua qualifies X as the closest possible relationship to ego, hakapigi the remoter. tau: Like the Tikopia, the Rennellese and Bellonese sometimes place the relational particle tau before certain kinship terms. Then, in Firth's terms, "the existence of the other term or terms may be inferred, and a dual or reciprocal significance given to the concept" (Firth, 1936:254). Tau tinana: tinana and tama or tama'ahine; tau tamana: tamana and hosa or tama'ahine; tau tuhahine: lineal and collateral tunga'ane and tuhahine; tau tupuna: tupuna and makupuna; tau tu'aatina: male or female and tunga'ane of tinana; tau ma'aa: male and tunga'ane of wife or husband of tuhahine, female and tuhahine of husband or wife or tunga'ane. Certain relationships required circumspect behavior. A man and the husband of 13

INTRODUCTION his tuhahine and wife's tunga'ane (tau ma'aa), and also a woman and the person to whom she was related as a ma'aa, had to observe careful decorum, solemnity, kindness, proper language, and politeness. Tunga'ane-tuhahine avoidance was carried out rigidly by persons in such relationship and of the same matri- or patrilineage for fear, people said, of marital alliance of people of the same lineage. A message for one's tuhahine might have to be relayed through another relative. It was a female's duty to keep out of sight of her tunga'ane. Adoption was common. Two types were distinguished: (1) adoption of a child who had a father; such a child was called a tama tuku (given child); (2) adoption of a child born out of wedlock; such a child was called a tama pusi (reared child). Today tama pusi is commonly used unless the "given" origin is emphasized. Another group of people of some importance to an individual were the relatives in a baaghaugha relationship. The word baaghaugha means to creep along the ground or to branch off from a main stem, as with a vine. This term indicated that the persons in question were not in one's main stem, that is, his matri- or patriline, but were more remote kin. The term had a wide range. It was used about the tau pengea mentioned above, about people of one's father's matriline, and about in-laws. The baaghaugha relationship was important in that theoretically it involved cooperation, gift exchanges, mutual invitations to feasts, and alliances in fights, but one's obligations to these relatives were lighter than to one's patri- and matrilineages. From an egocentric point of view, the term "my people" (oku pegea) referred to all living people to whom one could trace cognatic connection, and to whom one might, at least theoretically, turn for support. As in other societies, the actual social activity system on Rennell and Bellona was not guided by the ideal system of kinship alone, but also to some extent by such factors as friendship and the traditional alliances of certain lineages not otherwise related. 3.3. Social stratification. There was only limited social stratification on Rennell and Bellona. In Section 3.2 the position of the hakahua within the lineage was mentioned. There was no system of supremacy among the hakahua of an island or of a district. Hakahua of an older lineage were not considered superior to those of a younger lineage, nor was a hakahua with extraordinary personal skills considered superior to other hakahua of his district or island, at least not on Bellona. The hakahua of a lineage did not dress or live differently than other matu'a. Some of them had larger houses and were tattooed with the solid taukuka pattern, a prestige symbol, but a man could very well live in a large house and have the taukuka tattoo without being referred to as a hakahua. Also, some hakahua lived in small houses and were not tattooed with the taukuka. Among the matu'a some were considered "big matu'a, almost hakahua," and others were only "small matu'a." The criteria were partly the amount of land held by the individual, and partly his personal abilities. The lowest category of people were the tangani pegea (abortive people), or as they were also called, pegea i tu'a (subsidiary characters). The majority of these had been born out of wedlock (tama tausu'u). They resided with their mother's kin, often with a mother's brother, or they were adopted by members of a different lineage. In both cases they were considered to be of lower status than the true members of the lineage with whom they resided. They received little or no land, and often acted as servants (guani, tino) to a matu'a and labored for him in the gardens and about the houses. They received only the poorest shares at ceremonial food distributions, and only in exceptional cases officiated at rituals. A man frequently adopted illegitimate children born previously to his wife, but they rarely inherited his largest manaha, and this only if he had no true offspring of his own. Social status and the amount of land held were thus interrelated factors.

14

INTRODUCTION

Apart from children born out of wedlock, there were a few other individuals who acted as servants for the hakahua on Bellona. They were usually people who had come from Rennell, or whose fathers had come from Rennell, and they were invariably people who had a low social prestige on their home island. They were usually given small lots of land, but their garden produce was normally handed over to the hakahua for ceremonial distribution as they could not act as priestchiefs themselves. The system of guard may have been more developed on Rennell than on Bellona. Out of die Bellonese population of about 430 in 1938-39, less than 10 men served as guani. However, the Bellonese claim that about one generation before the adoption of Christianity when the population was considerably greater (this was before any contact with Europeans began and before new diseases were introduced) there were more guani on the island, than there were in 1938-39. Undoubtedly a correlation exists between availability of land and the amount of landless, or practically landless guani, at any given time. It should be mentioned that marriages between illegitimate persons and hakahua or matu'a or their offspring were disapproved of. 3.4. Sex and marriage. The Bellonese state that there are two reasons why people marry. One is that a marriage (taka) creates an alliance (hepotu'akinga) between two lineages. The other is that a man's wife, by giving birth to children, will make her husband's lineage "go on." The Rennellese and Bellonese claim that before contact with European doctors and missionaires they were ignorant of any connection between copulation and pregnancy. It is admittedly surprising to find ignorance of the function of intercourse in a patrilineal society, but several factors make the informants' statements seem plausible. Copulation was considered merely a pleasant pastime, a play, and a child was considered the fruit of the woman (te hua o te hahine). It was planted in her womb, not by her husband, but by one of her husband's deities or ancestors to whom he had prayed for a child to be born into his lineage by his wife. If an unmarried girl became pregnant, it was recognized that her ancestors had pitied her and given her a child. There is also a lack of sexual emphasis in the rituals, stories, dances, and songs. The only type of anti-conception practiced consisted of prayers to gods and ancestors to stop sending children as gifts (tonu), and this only if a woman was known to be subject to severe physical complications during the period of gestation. There was considerable sexual liberty on Rennell and Bellona. Young people experimented before deciding to live together (taka). Sexual relations before adolescence were disapproved of, as they were believed "to stop the growth" of the boy and the girl. They were, however, practiced; but if discovered, the couple involved would be reproached by their relatives. Sexual relations of two people of the same patri- or matriline were termed incestuous (getu). It was considered bad and nauseating, but no official social sanctions were applied against the offenders. The embarrassment might be set aside by parents desirous of creating or strengthening alliances between lineages, preferably as between a male and MBD (that is, between first cross-cousins). Many young people objected to such matchmaking by parents, and it was commonly agreed that parents could never force children to marry against their will. Sometimes children eloped with a spouse disapproved of by their parents. Marriages were always virilocal, and the girl moved to her husband's home. The father of the girl who had eloped might be angry, but there are no records of persons having taken action against an unwanted son-in-law. There was no immediate exchange of presents between a person and his father-inlaw. If the marriage lasted, the husband would usually, after some time had elapsed, go to the house of his father-in-law and exchange presents of mats, necklaces, and 15

INTRODUCTION

food, or he would invite him to one of his harvest feasts where the father-in-law would be given an elaborate share of the produce. By this procedure an official alliance between the two men and their manaha was established. Extramarital relationships were frequent, but they were conducted in secret for fear of arousing a spouse's jealousy. Polygyny was accepted but not very common. Out of a total of some 60 married males on Bellona in 1938 only 7 were engaged in polygynous marriages. A succession of spouses occured frequently. When a married couple separated major social problems sometimes ensued. Normally, the husband could dissolve the marriage without consequences; the wife would return to her father's home with personal belongings and her infant children. The children were still considered members of their father's lineage and they would return to his home when they were old enough to take care of themselves. If a woman suddenly left her husband, he might become angry and fight with his former wife's father and brothers. Despite the strong social ties between a man and his family-in-law, an interloper could cause the end of friendly relationships between the two lineages or districts, and could in times of hostility even break up alliances. 3.5. Fighting. It will be apparent from Chapters 10 to 15 that fights between lineage groups (manaha) and also fights between individuals were a prominent feature of the culture of Rennell and Bellona. Raids, sieges, and assasinations were said to have led to almost constant fear and distress from the day people first set foot on the two islands until they adopted Christianity in 1938-39. We shall not discuss here the details of fighting techniques (they are well documented in the texts), but a few general observations should be mentioned. The beginning of a fight involved elaborate rituals, in which the prospective victims were dedicated to the gods as sacred food. Kinship ties prevailed in the conduct of fights. In theory, a person could not fight against members of his matri- or patrilineage or against affinal relatives such as brothers-in-law. This was considered tapu. In actual fact, there are quite a few recorded cases of fights among members of the same patriline, and T137 tells of a man killing his brother-in-law and attributes this act to a god who possessed the killer. Women were very rarely killed, no matter how remote their relationship to the attacker. The two major causes of fights were land trouble and verbal insults. Scarcity of arable land was a major incentive. If all male members of a patrilineal kin group could be killed, their land could be taken. Peacemaking was an elaborate affair. Women usually conducted the preliminary talks with the opponents of their manaha. 3. 6. Sustenance. The following description is based on the pre-Christian culture, but most features persist today. Accretions to the culture are listed in Section 3.8. The economy was based on horticulture, fishing, and, to a lesser extent, on hunting and on collecting wild fruits and roots. Each large settlement was able to support itself, and there was no real specialization among the lineage groups as to cultivation, fishing, or bush collecting. The gardens lay scattered in the bush, usually near the settlement that owned them. The slash-and-burn method was applied in cultivating the land. According to informants, a garden plot lay fallow about 4 to 6 years before being used again. The most common crops were yams (Dioscorea elatal), and yams of the kind known in Solomon Islands English as pana {Dioscorea esculental), taro, bananas, and unidentified tubers such as suinamo, betape, and abubu. Coconuts were of great importance for their liquid and meat, and their leaves were used for mats and baskets. Coconut fiber was plaited into sennit. Gemugi fruits (Gnetum sp.?) were considered a delicacy, and involved elaborate rituals (see N79:2). Betel nuts were chewed. Division of labor between the sexes was approximately as follows. Women's 16

INTRODUCTION

work: cooking, gardening, fruit gathering, fishing (inshore), portage, plaiting (mats, bags, sennit), tapa making, net making, preparation of turmeric, midwifery, baby care. Men's work: gardening (heavier work), fruit gathering, hunting, fishing, portage, wood carving, canoe making, house building, thatching, tapa making, sennit plaiting, net making. Because of the scarcity of good beaches, and because on Rennell many of the villages are far from the coast, fishing was perhaps of less importance on Rennell and Bellona than on many islands in Polynesia. However, most persons visited beaches regularly, and many had beach houses and canoe sheds. Of great importance on both islands was shark fishing, and on Bellona the netting of flying fish (sasabe). Turtles and porpoises were caught only when they came ashore. On Rennell, eels were netted in the lake's estuaries when they sought shelter there from storms. The people hunted doves (gupe), flying fox (peka), and coconut crabs (akui); all three were considered delicacies. Manufactured articles included canoes, tapa (which was not painted), plaited bags and mats, nets, baskets, and, especially, war clubs. (Birket-Smith, 1956:187, after a detailed comparison of the material culture of Rennell with that of the rest of Polynesia concludes that "there is probably no single island in Polynesia where so many kinds of clubs occur as on Rennell." This accords with the emphasis on fighting that perhaps is one of the leitmotifs of the tales in this volume.) 3.7. Religion. Texts which have special bearing on the religious aspects of the culture will be found in Chapters 4 and 6. However, there is scarcely a text in this volume that has not some reference to religious concepts or ritual practices, a reflection of the culture orientations of the two islands. A description of the religion and social organization of Bellona will be given in a later volume in this series. Here, some preliminary remarks may facilitate an understanding of the more important religious aspects dealt with in the texts. As will be indicated in greater detail in the introduction to Chapter 4, rituals were centered around two groups of gods, Tehainga'atua and his family and Tehu'aigabenga and his family. This duality is found also in the religious organization. Tehu'aigabenga and his family were worshipped primarily in the settlements. Rituals were performed in the dwelling houses and on the cult grounds in front of the houses. The dwelling house of the settlement was considered the earthly manifestation of Tehu'aigabenga's abode, Nukuahea, in the western sky. The other great deity, Tehainga'atua, who was considered the classificatory grandfather of Tehu'aingabenga, was worshipped in specially constructed temples (ngaguenga), of which there were a few large ones in each district and many small ones. These extremelv sacred places were the manifestations of Tehainga'atua's abode. Manukatu'u. The duality of the pantheon displays an important aspect of Rennellese and Bellonese concepts. Tehainga'atua was a fearsome god, owner of all land and controller of nature and its phenomena. Tehu'aigabenga, a god of a milder disposition, controlled the cultural and social activities on the islands, and also the cultivated plants. The duality of the pantheon reflects the concepts of a duality of nature versus culture. A third group of supernatural beings worshipped were the sa'amaatu'a or takotonga (ancestors). They were considered intermediaries between gods and humans, and they constantly traveled between their settlements of origin and the rituals performed on the two islands. All adult males served as officials at the rituals. In each district most of the older chiefs or landowners (matu'a) held the title of tunihenua (priest-chief). The priestchiefs took turns officiating at the various rituals in their districts. Each had a second priest-chief (haihenua) as a helper, and one or more hakabaka (assistant to priests), 17

INTRODUCTION

who were young men being trained in the intricacies of the many rituals. In some of the rituals, namely those performed in the settlement, a group of adult males served as bakagoa'au (embodiments of the sons of the god Tehu'aigabenga). They sat in a row and received offerings of food and drink from secular members of the society. One of the most important religious events was the cycle of rituals connected with the harvesting and distribution of yam and pana; the pertinent rituals were conducted successively settlement-by-settlement, and they usually began in April or May. After the harvest had been consecrated, it was distributed among the members of other kin groups, with the brothers-in-law, mother's brothers, and classificatory brothers getting the largest shares of the produce. In this way, close ties to other lineage groups and other districts were secured. In death rituals the welfare of the spiritual self of a deceased person played only a minor role; the major parts of these rituals were concerned with strengthening social ties. On the whole, religious concepts seem less concerned with eschatology than they do in certain other Polynesian cultures. Concepts of the creation of the world played no direct role in the rituals. The traditions of the heavens of the gods were not very elaborate. The fate of the spiritual self after the death of an individual was not of great importance. It was believed that the deceased went down to the coast, where he danced with other deceased ancestors and then, after a certain time, went to the abode of the gods in the eastern sky, taking the same route that Kaitu'u and the other immigrants had taken when they came to Rennell and Bellona. The dead person presented the gods with the gifts that had been buried with him, such as mats and necklaces, and then returned to his grave near the settlements. Here, his survivors performed minor rituals to induce him to carry out their wishes and to persuade the gods to come to the rituals. Theoretically, the spiritual self of an individual might exist eternally, but by certain rituals, however, a person could induce the gods to annihilate an enemy's ancestors, thus depriving him of ancestral help and protection. The most sacred rituals of the islands took place near the two sacred stones, Guatupu'a and Tepoutu'uigangi (Gau'eteaki) at Ngabenga on Bellona. These rituals were only performed when invocation to other gods had failed. They took great courage and were considered extremely dangerous, as the two gods worshipped were said to be especially sacred and fierce. These rituals were performed only once or twice in each generation. Only fragments of the prayers are remembered today. Rituals were performed for every type of harvesting, such as digging taro and other tubers, and picking bananas, coconuts, gemugi, and other fruits. Rituals for fishing and hunting were of equal significance, especially those concerned with the catching of flying fish (sasabe) and shark (mangoo). Social events also called for rituals. A newborn child was dedicated to the gods and thus entered the social sphere of the society. Construction of temples, installation of religious officials, and certain types of tattooing were also accompanied by rituals. Death was followed by elaborate offerings and exchanges of gifts; the ceremonies usually lasted several months. Mediums (taauga) possessed (eke) by worshipped gods were considered very important conveyors of messages and information from the gods, and their trances were accompanied by certain rituals. Another type of possession of persons by gods who were not worshipped was manifested in madness (ugu, uguhia). Women did not participate directly in men's rituals but worshipped their own female deities, such as Kaukaugogo and Geipau. Their rituals were shorter, less 18

INTRODUCTION

complicated, and less sacred. Rather than food, women offered articles of their own making, such as mats, bags, and tapa. They had their own female mediums, who were possessed by the female deities mentioned above or by female ancestors. In general, the rituals satisfied two needs of the people: (1) They confirmed the ties between men and gods through communal offerings whereby life and fertility of soil, animals, and human beings were secured for the months to come. (2) In the elaborate feasts with their distribution of the produce of gardens, forest, and sea, a certain economic balance was maintained. 3.8. Culture change since 1939. All the texts in this volume were collected after the people on Rennell and Bellona had renounced their old religion, and after considerable change in the culture had taken place. The old settlements had been abandoned, and the people had moved together into villages where the churches were the most important centers. The two islands are still covered by the Closed Districts Regulations of the British Solomon Islands Protectorate, and no white settlers or missionaries are allowed to stay there. Visiting government and missionary vessels, however, bring small amounts of European goods, such as money, knives, axes, matches, tobacco, cloth, kerosene lanterns, stationery, Bibles, medicines, and water drums. Chickens, pigs, watermelons, sweet potatoes, tomatoes, and citrus fruits have also been introduced. Clothes replaced tapa, brother-sister avoidance is less strictly observed, and the old rituals and gods are abandoned. A strict Sunday taboo is enforced. The Seventh Day Adventists have renounced many important traditional activities, such as shark fishing, eel netting, flying-fox snaring, gathering shell fish and longicorns, and catching coconut crabs; scaleless fish, flying fox, and all crustaceans may not be eaten. Church members in good standing no longer compose or sing tangi and traditional songs, and all young people know Christian hymns in English and write letters to absent relatives and friends. Dances are rare pleasures forbidden by both missions, which incessantly struggle to make the people forget their cultural past as they adopt European ways. The opposition to singing and dancing is apparently due to a fear of revivalistic movements, such as have occurred in the Solomons, and to the belief that such activities are a waste of time. The story of the conversion to Christianity is told by the Rennellese and Bellonese themselves in Chapter 19. It will be noticed that this acceptance was extremely abrupt. The two missions that came to the islands — unlike some other missions in the South Seas — did not apparently tolerate mixture of old concepts or traditions and Christian ideas. It was either the old religion or the new, a dichotomy constantly emphasized by our informants. TTiis dichotomy appears to have had some effect which is of interest in studying the culture of the islands. The memory of the pre-Christian culture has been kept comparatively free of Christian concepts. Rennellese and Bellonese have a very clear idea of what is new and what is old. They surprised both of us by their ability to distinguish between the two cultural layers when they gave information or told stories. Very often we heard remarks such as "Before we believed so and so; today, however, we have been taught t h a t . . . " With change, there has been a considerable population increase. It is our impression that the members of deaths resulting from epidemics introduced by European ships are more than offset by medical care and by the cessation of the constant fighting and assassination of adult males. 4. LANGUAGE AND ORTHOGRAPHY The following segmental phonemes have been noted in Rennellese: /p t k ' m n ng n g g s l b h g h i e a o u / . / p t k m n n g / are stops and nasals at bilabial, dental, and 19

INTRODUCTION

velar positions. /'/ is a glottal stop, /g/ is a voiced prenasalized velar stop, somewhat like ng in English finger, /s/ is a voiceless dental sibilant. W is a voiceless alveopalatal lateral, with allophones suggesting English / and d and the voiced th in that. /b/ is a voiced bilabial fricative, something like b in Spanish abogado; an uncommon allophone is prenasalized. fhj is a glottal aspirate; after /u/ it is commonly labialized, /gh/ is a voiced velar fricative, something like g in Spanish abogado, but with more friction. All consonants occur initially and medially and in native words in slow speech, never at the end of a syllable or next to another consonant. A few common Bellonese words with /si/ are /hi/ on Rennell, as tasi, tahi (one). The five vowels contrast in relative degrees of tongue position and lip-rounding. Double vowels are common as are double consonants in fast Bellonese speech in which vowels are lost. Vowels may be lengthened in emphatic speech, as inhu'aaigaoi (veiy, very good) contrasting with hu'aigaoi (very good). Final vowels may be lengthened or changed, as Teikoo!, a call to attract the attention of Teika when he is at a distance. Single vowels before terminal junctures are quite commonly voiceless, as they sometimes are within the utterance in fast speech. Vowels after terminal junctures are preceded by glottal stops; this predictable component of vowels is not the /'/. Rennellese /g/ and /ng/ are both /ng/ in Bellonese. Another distinction in the two dialects is that many words with /gh-gh/ on Rennell are on Bellona /ng-gh/ or /gh-ng/. Examples include maghighape and mangighape (fantail), ghoghughoghu and ngoghungonghu (intestines), and ighabogha and ighabonga (parrot fish). In this volume the following system of transcribing the two dialects has been used: In texts, bylines, translations of texts, and notes after texts, the language of the text itself has been used. In discussions elsewhere (as in Chapters 1, 2, and 3, and in the introduction to each of the remaining chapters), spelling is in Rennellese except in names of Bellonese persons and places. Thus, the names of the great gods Guatupu'a and Tehu'aingabenga are spelled in Rennellese fashion in the first three chapters, in the chapter introductions, and in Rennellese texts and notes. In Bellonese texts and notes these names will be written Nguatupu'a and Tehu'aingabenga. It might have been preferable to have written always in Rennellese. Rennell is considerably more populous, and the Rennellese /g/ and /ng/ phonemes correspond to Proto-Polynesian III and /r/, and /i)/ (see page 23). Also, the two peoples would have had a uniform spelling, and the Bellonese would merely pronounce every /g/ as [ng]. This has not been done for three reasons: (1) We wanted to write a closer approximation to the actual speech of the tellers. (2) Bellonese speakers are sometimes not sure of the Rennellese form of rare words. (3) We have not wanted to suggest to the Bellonese that they burden themselves by attempting to write a distinction not made in their dialect. The Four Gospels and the Book of Acts were translated into Rennellese and published in 1950 as Tokagima Puka Esiesi. The Renellese quickly became literate and used the Bible daily; but in spite of an extremely meager knowledge of English they prefer the English Bible, perhaps because it is, they think, in the language of Jehovah rather than that of Tehainga'atua. The people also have not accepted the spelling in their own Bible, and most writers use ng, gh and b for the Bible's italicized n and g and "v." We have observed ng and gh in dozens of letters and manuscripts, and have decided to accept the people's ng and gh. In two ways we break with custom, both that of the people and of the Bible. We write the glottal stop with an apostrophe and we show vowel length by means of double vowels (we may have 20

INTRODUCTION

failed in some instances to do so). We always write b (some persons write this phoneme with both b and v). Punctuation marks in this volume do not, in general, correspond to juncture and pitch phonemes; much of the material was coUected before analysis of suprasegmentals was completed. In this volume, for example, all questions are followed by a question mark. (Actually, not all questions end with rising pitch.) Both suspension and falling terminals are indicated usually by commas and periods. (Elbert has indicated more of such junctures than has Monberg.) In spans bordered by any of the terminal junctures, there is one unpredictable primary stress, with or without one or more secondary stresses and commonly alternating weak stresses. Bases (the smallest elements that may be heard alone) do not appear to exhibit stress contrast when they occur alone; the stress is on the penultimate syllable; geminate vowels constitute a single syllable and thus receive primary stress only in penultimate position: [taangata] (men), [mdngbo] (shark), [baato] (canoe connective). Geminates before pauses are not voiceless. Final vowels before suspension junctures are frequently lengthened and sometimes stressed (N2[B]:5). Factors influencing our choice of orthography included the wish to indicate most of the segmental phonemic oppositions, but to omit nonsegmental oppositions, the indication of which might confuse the islanders. It is our hope that the Rennellese and Bellonese themselves may find the spelling used in this volume acceptable for their own use. A few English words have been completely assimilated into Rennellese. One of these is gahumanu (government). Contact with Europeans is so recent, however, that a great many English words are used that are not yet assimilated, and for which many pronunciations are heard. In a long story, not included in this volume, Elbert recorded four pronunciations for "Japan." One approximated the English pronunciation; another used Rennellese sounds except for the "j" sound of English, plus a final vowel (japarii). The other two used Rennellese sounds exclusively (tiapani, tipani). The common word "school," which has come to mean "Christianity" and sometimes "school," is heard as sikulu, skulu, sakulu, and about as in English. Informants said they would prefer that such names be written in standard English orthography. Proper names are commonly written in conventional orthography, but are pronounced in various ways. The common name pronounced "Polo" is written Paul. We have decided, for the reasons given above, to write proper names and unassimilated loans from English in standard English orthography. We have usually written contractions as heard. Some are so common that the full form is never heard, as in hinake (hina ake, come, come up), hinatu (hina atu, go away), to'ake (to'o ake, bring, bring up), to'iho (to'o iho, bring down), na'anga (na'a 'anga, knowledge [to know, plus a nominalizing article]). A preliminary analysis shows the following levels: phonemes, bound morphemes (those uniting to form pronouns, possessives, and demonstratives, and such affixes as -ina, -nga and haka- that unite with bases to form derived words), particles (not said alone, not closely bound to heads, usually with grammatical meaning), bases (single morphemes that may be said alone and have lexical meanings), words (bases with or without bound affixes, and pronouns, possessives, and demonstratives), lexemes (dictionary entries: words or sequences of words commonly heard, as tangata susugu [white man] and baka gege [airplane]), phrases (words or sequences of words with or without modifying particles), sentences (phrase or phrases bounded by terminal junctures). Spaces separate words and particles in the texts. 21

INTRODUCTION

As an aid to the reader familiar with other Polynesian languages, a table is given (p. 23) of the consonant correspondents of various languages, according to present knowledge. (In Bellonese, /g/ of Rennellese is replaced by /ng/.) It will be noted that Rennellese /gh/ and III have no correspondences. These phonemes have been discussed elsewhere (Elbert, 1962). Some 340 words have been noted with /gh/ or IV or both, exclusive of names of places and persons. None of these appear definitely to be of Polynesian origin. Although only 4 are included in the original Swadesh list of 215 basic words (claw, lango; clothing, laoa; dry, mcanala; sew, lapui), many of them are of common occurrence. One theory suggests that these words may have been a legacy of the hid, the original inhabitants of the two islands (Chapter 9). In Section 5 a few structural differences between Rennellese and English are listed. A discussion of the grammar, however, is deferred to a later volume, and the position taken here is provisional. 5. T R A N S L A T I O N Four types of translation have been recognized: linguistic, aesthetic-poetic, pragmatic, and ethnographic (Casagrande, 1954: 335). The linguistic translation is morpheme-by-morpheme, and is necessary in linguistic analysis, but has no meaning unless accompanied by one of the other types of translation. A free or aesthetic-poetic translation gives a literary flavor, perhaps of the translator rather than of the original; in Casagrande's words, it "is all too frequently sacrificed to the prevailing literary mode." This type of translation is rarely a safe guide for the student of a culture. A pragmatic translation (such as multilingual instructions on a bottle of medicine) is concerned with presenting a message and is unconcerned with aesthetics or fidelity. An ethnographic translation is not rendered morpheme-by-morpheme but ordinarily does attempt to translate with glosses or by grammar every morpheme as long as there is no loss of clarity and smoothness. There is no one-to-one correlation of grammatical elements: a passive in one language is not necessarily translated by a passive in another. The word order is switched. This kind of translation differs, then, from the linguistic translation in that it has meaning. This meaning is closer to the original than are the meanings in either aesthetic or pragmatic translations. Fidelity of message and of style is a goal, but not at a sacrifice of smoothness and clarity. Hence, there are no such terms in our translations as "we two inclusive" or "they three" or "subject marker." At the same time, information usually carried in English but not present in Rennellese has been supplied, such as the he/she and his/her distinctions, forms of the verbs "to be" and "to have," a possessive with body parts or kinship terms, and pronoun subjects and objects of verbs. To summarize, we have had to resort to two compromises: (1) We have omitted in translation certain grammatical features common or obligatory in Rennellese but absent or rare in English. (2) We have supplied in translation the equivalents for features common or obligatory in English but sometimes or always absent in Rennellese. A few points of structural differences in the two languages are listed below. An analysis of the grammar will be published later. Meanwhile, this brief section may clarify our translating methods, especially for those who have had experience with Polynesian languages. Grammatical and lexical oppositions obligatory or common in Rennellese but absent or usually absent in English: 22

INTRODUCTION

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55


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Genealogy 7. Nuku'angoha descent lines, Bellona.

Mata'ubea is not the same line as that in Genealogy 5. Variant names: G20 Puipuihenua, Namona; Mangakenga, Teikanoa.

5* 57

GENEALOGIES Hu'aingupe

I

Puka

I

Tohi'eha

I Sumungi ! Taangungu

I

Tesengu

I

Ngongotaka

I

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I Ngongotaka Teika'ota

I

Teniae

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Maukumi

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Tebaghibaghi O

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Mausonga

Genealogy 8. Hu'aingupe clan, Bellona.

Hu'aingupe came from the district Hakatu'uigoto (Taungagoto), Rennell, as a refugee during a war. The name of his settlement on Rennell was Tongabu. On Bellona he founded a new settlement, Nguaniua, which was considered a kanomanaha (district) in itself. The generations of this clan are uncertain, but the following information may serve to establish a relative chronology for the later generations. It was given TM as a running commentary by the informants of the genealogy, Paul Sa'engeika and Daniel Tuhanuku, on December 19, 1958. Tongonga, the son of Ngaimono, gave most of his gardens and fishing grounds to Utahenua (Genealogy 5, Tongaba line, G19). (The reason was unknown to the informants.) Maukumi, the son of Tongonga, lived in Nguaniua, but had very little land left. Huei, the son of Maukumi, was killed by Tangaibasa (Genealogy 5, Nuku'angoha line, G18). Tebaghibaghi, the daughter of Maukumi, went to the Lake on Rennell and married. With Maukumi, the Hu'aingupe clan was considered extinct (hiti). Tebaghibaghi had one daughter, Temalobe, who died in the 1950's. Temalobe had a daughter, Kamungoba, and a son, Mausonga (Taiake), who was an adopted son (hosa pusi) of Takiika (Genealogy 7, Nuku'angoha line, G21). 58

GENEALOGIES

59

GENEALOGIES

Members of the Iho clan trace their origin back to Taupongi, one of the chiefs traveling with Kaitu'u to Rennell and Bellona (see T66). The Iho clan is a minority when compared to the clan tracing its ancestry back to Kaitu'u—in 1939 there were approximately 30 male members of the Iho clan on Bellona, as contrasted with approximately 200 male members of the Kaitu'u clan. The Taupongi clan occupies the western (ngango) end of Bellona. G2, G3: The names of the two ancestors, Ngiungata'a and Soamangongenga, were said to have been forgotten by members of the Taupongi clan, but were Revealed in recent times by mediums possessed by deities [see T140 and T141:12). Iho, G4, founded the settlement Sa'aiho. The clan often calls itself the Iho clan after this ancestor. Tu'ataa, G10, had five sons, four of whom founded new settlements, the basis of the present-day organization of the Taupongi clan. Kaitu'u, G13, founded his own district, Temanu, within the Sa'aiho district (see N144). Baiango, G17, was adopted by Tehatubii. Haikiu and Sauhonu, G19, were of the Tongomainge line, but as Ngimamua, G19, had no sons he adopted them so that the Matabaingei line might go on. Haikiu and Sauhonu are shown in parentheses in the Matabaingei line. Tebuni, G20, was adopted by Ma'itaki, G19, to continue the Tongomainge line. Variant names: G i l Tu'utihenua, Baiango; G13 Tangokcwia, Taaikangongo; G21 Tuhenua, Puku'uhi. For Taupongi, G21, see Chapter 2.

Togo Clan

Puka Clan

Goha Clan

Togo

I

Puka • • I

Goha

SaVangaba

Kaiahato

TakitaW

Nikomatu'a

I I

Ho'imata

..I

I

I Natiu

I

I I

Pootua

Tekape

Tengeihonu

Ngangiaseu

I

Teao

'Angiki'angaba

Tongiki

Tematangi

Sangatango

(line ends)

I

Maumau

Tengongo'angiki

Ngepekiu

(line ends)

Pome Nge'ongi (line ends)

Genealogy 10. The extinct clans. Data were furnished by Temoa of Sa'aiho, Bellona, on January 10, 1959; spelling is in Bellonese, except for the clan names.

60

GENEALOGIES

Only fragments of the genealogies of three of the six extinct clans are known. Generations cannot be given, as, according to several informants, there are gaps in the lines, here indicated by dotted lines. Pootua of the Puka clan, who is the fourth in the line of Puka ancestors, lived at the same time as Ngiuika of generation 12 of the Iho clan (see T154). Togo clan: Tongo founded the settlement 'Utumaaua near Ngongona. Ho'imata lived at the same time as Iho (Genealogy 9, G4). 'Angiki'angaba lived in 'Utumaaua as well as in Baimangasi. Puka clan: Puka and his successors lived in Tesungu, opposite the modern village of Ngotokanaba, Sa'aiho, Bellona. Goha clan: Ngoha founded the settlement Hangebakatapu. Its land and fishing grounds were later annexed by the Iho clan. Natiu founded the settlement Sa'amoa, between Angaiho and Kapata.

61

CHAPTER 4. DEITIES The gods of Rennell and Bellona constitute a group of supernatural beings stated to be entirely different from humans. (For references to each god, see Index.) They are not considered ancestors of men. They are invisible except to mediums, who in their trances may see them approaching from afar to embody themselves in the medium. The gods may embody themselves also in birds, fireflies, lizards, stones, various utensils, and in humans other than mediums, such as priests officiating in rituals. The general name for gods is 'atua. This term includes the most powerful gods (1 and 2 below), as well as gods not worshipped (3 and 4 below), sometimes also deified ancestors, ghosts, and a host of lesser spirits. Traditions concerning the genealogies of gods are dissimilar on Rennell and Bellona and they seem to have been of a loose and somewhat fluctuating structure on both islands, subject to changes according to the latest sacred relevations by mediums who frequently communicated with gods and ancestors. The more important groups are listed below in the approximate order of their sanctity. The texts in this chapter are arranged in this same order. For a further understanding of the gods, this chapter may be read in conjunction with Chapter 15. 1. Guatupu'a, Tepoutu'uigangi (Gau'eteaki), and Tehainga'atua and his family. This is a group of deities who are man-eating and mischief-creating, but also are gracious enough to bestow upon their successful worshippers food from land and sea, health, and children, and to bring death to a foe. The chief centers for the worship of these deities are the temples, earthly manifestations of their heavenly abodes. They are, however, also worshipped in the settlements. This group of gods is also called the 'atua gangi (heavenly deities). (T66:ll-13.) 2. Tehu'aigabenga and his offspring. Tehu'aigabenga and his offspring are often termed 'aitu or ngasuenga. They are gods of a somewhat milder disposition than those listed in paragraph 1, with whom they are constantly fighting. Tehu'aigabenga is the adopted grandson of Tehainga'atua. He is worshipped in the settlements that are considered the earthly manifestations of his heavenly abode. He is also worshipped in the temples. It is believed that, during rituals, he owns the house in each settlement and that he does not permit Tehainga'atua to enter the house. He is accordingly called 'atua i hage (god in the house), and Tehainga'atua is called 'atua i haho (god outside). 3. 'Apai, the offspring of Tehainga'atua and Tehu'aigabenga, and not worshipped. These 'apai are often termed haagiki, tama'auge, 'apai, or haka'apai. Of these terms, tama'auge (child-of-penis) is the name most commonly heard today. It is a deprecatory term. Although it contains the word uge (penis) which is not used in public, the word tama'auge is said even in the presence of women. We have translated it child-of-a-member to show that the literal meaning of uge is not closely associated with the term. Haagiki, 'apai, and haka'apai are names not frequently used and may be considered more or less technical terms. The 'apai are implacable gods, causing mischief and possessing people, thus making them mad or sick. 62

DEITIES 4. 'Apai not related to gods in 1, 2, and 3. This is a group of gods whose relationship t o the three groups mentioned above is not known or not recognized. These gods are also called haka'apai, haagiki, and tama'auge, and are also implacable and mischief-making. Genealogies 1 1 - 1 5 below contain information obtained from various informants on Rennell and Bellona. Some of the principal informants were Aaron Taupongi, Niupani, Rennell; James Puipuia, Matangi, Rennell; Jotham Togaka, Lughu, Rennell; Puka, Lughu, Rennell; Takiika, Ghongau, Bellona; Paul Sa'engeika, Ghongau, Bellona; Naiham Tamua, Sa'aiho, Bellona; Sanga'eha, Sa'aiho, Bellona.

Legend for Genealogies 11-15

Q5

Mauloko

O Female god, not worshipped _ A 10 Teangaitaku

A Male god, not worshipped A Male god, worshipped •

_ A 1 1 Sau

Female god, worshipped _ A 1 2 Tahakigangi

Broken lines indicate relationship through adoption or classification _A6 Tehainga'atua =

,#14Titigau'agaba — 9 2 Guatupu'a-.

A 7 Ekeitehua — # 1 3 Baabenga.

„ £ 5 4 Tupegusu__|_ _ 0 8 Teu'uhi

O l Sinakibi_ _ A 3 Gau'eteaki.

. # 9 Sikingimoemoer

—A 17 Sa'opunuasee

-A ? -A ? O l 5 Ha'usanga

A16 Tehu'aigabenga

Genealogy 11. Tehainga'atua and his family (Rennell version).

NOTES 1. Sinakibi: not to be confused with Sina, the culture hero, or with Sinageitataki, an unrelated deity not worshipped. 2. Guatupu'a: Guatupu'a and her brother were the most sacred deities of all Bellona and Rennell. Their embodiments were the two stones in Ngabenga, Bellona. Guatupu'a's stone was of black volcanic rock. 3. Gau'eteaki: also called Tepotuigangi or Tepoutu'uigangi. T1(C) has Tepoutapu. Brother and husband of 2. This deity embodied himself in a stalactite in Ngabenga, Bellona. Some informants called Gau'eteaki the tamana hakapigi (classificatory father) of 6. 4. Tupegusu: a snake god. Probably only the classificatory mother of 6, 7, and 8; informants were uncertain. 5. Mauloko: Some informants said that Mauloko was the tuhahine hakahua (real sister) of 6 6. Tehainga'atua: the most important of all deities in this group. Other names: Tetupu'a, Tupu'a, Semoana, Te'agiki'eha, Ahegangi, Tetonusanga, Nika'eha, Tikitikiaguagangi. 63

DEITIES 7. Ekeitehua: not worshipped on Rennell, but principal district god of the Iho (Taupongi) clan on Bellona. 9. Sikingimoemoe: Some informants said that Sikingimoemoe was a real sister of 6, whereas others considered her a classificatory sister but did not know the exact relationship. Married to 6. Other names: Tahakuga, Tehanetautai, Tehahinetaugangi, Tehahinetautai. 10. Teangaitaku: other names: Honomu'a, Tangaitaku. 12. Tahakigangi: other name: Manabasia. 13. Baabenga: a deity that sometimes transforms herself into a male; she was married to Tehainga'atua. Some informants considered Tehainga'atua her real father, others said that he had only adopted her. 14. Titigau'agaba: sometimes considered a daughter of Baabenga, sometimes a sister; classificatory mother of Tehu'aigabenga. Other names: Tehahine'agiki, Titikasokaso. In T 17(B) called 'igaamutu (SiD) of Tehainga'atua. 15. Ha'usanga: Informants disagreed on whether Ha'usanga was a goddess, culture hero, or human. One source said that Tehainga'atua married her. Others do not mention any relationship between the two. 16. Tehu'aigabenga: See Genealogy 13. O

1

O

3

6

Mauloko

Nguatupu'a.

Sinakibi -A

2

Ngau'eteaki

7

_0

4

SikingingangL

O

5

'Ifi'iti

Ekeitehua

9

Teu'uhi u uhi__

?

10

11

Baabenga

A

12

Teangaitaku

P

13

Tehahine'angiki

)_0

14

Tesikubai

15

Sa'opunuasee ?

«

Tehainga'atua:

8

A A

—•

r

Sikingimoemoe."

[..A I II A I

Genealogy 12. Tehainga'atua and his family (Bellona version in Bellonese spelling). NOTES 1. Nguatupu'a: See 2 in Genealogy 11. Other name: Tanakingabenga. 2. Ngau'eteaki: See 3 in Genealogy 11. 3. Sinakibi: Some informants said that she was married to 4. 4. Sikingingangi: Informants were uncertain whether he was married to 3, 5, or both. 7. Tehainga'atua: See 6 in Genealogy 11. Other Bellonese names: Tetupu'a, Tupu'a, Semoana, Te'angiki'eha, Ahengangi, Tetonusanga, Nika'eha, Tikitikianguangangi, 'Angikio'atuahano, 'Angikio'atuahena, Tetupu'atemate, Tupu'atengemate. 8. Ekeitehua: only worshipped by the Iho clan; sometimes called 'aitu, being the father of the neasuenga (district gods). Other names: Singanotu'umoa, Singano. See NS. 9. Teu'uhi: adopted daughter of Sikingingangi and 'Iti'iti.

64

DEITIES 11. Baabenga: See 13 in Genealogy 11. Other Bellonese names: Haaimoana, Tehu'aisa'apai, Sinuiakau, Sinuitu'unga, Titikabangeba. 12. Teangaitaku: other name: Honomu'a. 13. Tehahine'angiki: other names: Titigau'angaba, Titikasokaso, Titimangotea. A few informants considered Tehahine'angiki the 'ingaamutu (SiD) of Tehainga'atua.

, j. •

1

Tehainga'atua

O 2

Ha'usanga

A 3

Tehu'aigabenga:_A

I

6

Tuhaite'agaba

7

Tupuimatangi

_A

8

Putuitekaba

_A

9

Masahuitekaba

_A

10

Ghibaumoana

_A

11

Peaitesua

_A

12

Gangi'usi

_A

13

Tuhaitema'ugi

14

Tonusia

15

Temagutonu

16

Hakahuakai

17

Tupu'agohage

L

I

t

•

_A

O 4

Koginuku.

® 5

Kaukaugogo_

—A. 18

Sagama'ugi

—A 19

Tu'ukiteika

Genealogy 13. Tehu'aigabenga and his family (Rennell version). NOTES 3. Tehu'aigabenga: the chief and father of all district gods. Other names: Hakamagukai, Tehu'aitonga, Tupuitegenga, Tupuimanukatu'u, Tetamaha'usanga. 4. Koginuku: wife (or mistress?) of 3. Other name: Hakakamu'eha. 5. Kaukaugogo: wife of 3, mother of all sons of 3. 6. Tuhaite'agaba: one of the more important sons of 3. Principal district god of Kanaba district. 7. Tupuimatangi: principal district god of Mugihenua. Other names: Te'aitubabe, Te'aitugeba, Tabihakagau. In T179 he marries a mortal, Kamugoba, and has three sons, Tupuitenuku, Hakasaohenua, and Temagokaiba. 8. Putuitekaba: an important god of Bellona, but also worshipped on Rennell. Other name: Gualunihenua. 9. Masahuitekaba: principal district god of Lughu, Bagika'ago, and Tetu'aakoi. Other names: No'aitekaba, Ghibauitenuku. 10. Ghibaumoana: principal district god of Tepotuhage district. 13. Tuhaitema'ugi: district god of the Lake. Other name: Tonga'aitu. 14. Tonusia: district god of the Lake. 18. Sagama'ugi: district god of the Lake. 19. Tu ukiteika: god worshipped in all districts. Other name: Tu'uiteika. 11. 12, 15, 16, 17: gods probably worshipped in all districts.

65

DEITIES Somewhat more is known on Bellona about the offspring of Tehu'aigabenga. Each of the two districts (Ghongau and Matangi) that worship Tehu'aigabenga has its own list of his sons and his grandsons.

oo B o o.

_L

O

i

«u

II oE

8 e

z £ z x

1°1111111 1 n •o c vo

™ 4> MlS OC o c x> v =1) b •SPg. ea 3.S •C H S3 Tf 8 ~>•,« E tD B 5 s § B'C o cd o>

II - — i — i a. — i — i

111111111

i .t:

i

6 f

0 ¡> 1 I

= 3o 0) J- - - E = m

o

1

E

°111°1111

DEITIES Traditions concerning the genealogy of Tehu'aigabenga and his offspring differ considerably, not only among the Rennellese and Bellonese but also among the different kanomanaha (districts) on the two islands. Each district had its own set of gods ('aitu or ngasuenga), descendants of Tehu'aigabenga worshipped at the important rituals. It is confusing that some gods had more than one name; in Genealogy 14 Tehu'aigabenga has 14 names! Many names of district gods have apparently vanished from the memories of people, especially on Rennell. NOTES Variant names of Tehu'aingabenga: Tehu'aitonga, Hu'aiteahengengamatangi, Hu'aitepukengengamatangi, Tetama'angiki, Te'aitutunihenua, Tetamaha'usanga, Hakamangukaiba, Temanguona'aamonga, Temanguekenga, Te'aituongatonga, Hu'aitekabangea, Temata'aitu'oti, Tesasatongahiti. Unlike all other districts on Rennell and Bellona, the small Iho (Taupongi) clan did not worship Tehu'aigabenga but Ekeitehua, the younger brother of Tehainga'atua. Ekeitehua's offspring were the district gods of this clan, and their functions parallelled those of the district gods of all other districts on Rennell and Bellona.

O

Teabaikatapu _A

Ekeitehua

Moeanga

A ~

O—

A

Sa'o'angaba

A

Baeika

A

Ngiuitetonu

A

Tonusia

•

Mangupea

o

Ngeipau

Tu'ukiteika

• Teungitaka

0_

A

Taha'uinga

Genealogy 15. District gods of the Iho clan, Bellona, in Bellonese spelling. NOTES Teabaikatapu: considered a male god by Tamua (N5). Baeika: considered the father of Tu'ukiteika by Taupongi 1961. Nguatunihenua: also called Nguatinihenua. Tu'ukiteika: considered a son of Ekeitehua by Tamua (N5).

All gods classified as not worshipped (O, A ) in the above lists are termed 'apai, haka'apai, haagiki, or tama'auge. This huge class contains, however, other beings whose relationship to the two great groups of deities is not known or not recognized. The names of some of these follow; variant names are given in parentheses. Male: 'Amokese, Gata (sometimes called a kakai [culture hero]), Hu'aitekongo (deity of the extinct Tongo clan). Hu'aitemanatapu, 'Isoso (Soso), Kaitago, Kaitahitahi, Mahuike, Mata'u, Moesabegubegu, Manongitegautago, Taha'uinga, Tangagoa, Tangiteaga, Tehanonga, Tepou (deity of the extinct Tongo clan), Tetaganga, Tinotonu, Titikanohimata, Tongagegeba, Togomatangi, Tu'utagaba. Female: Gaumata, Gaumataki'one, Manusekeitapu (Sekeitapu), Matabilongo (Nge'obiongo), Patikoge, Sinageitataki, Tekie (sister of Tangagoa), Tugi'one. Sex not known: 'Inatimu'a, Manupopoa, Matagoa'au, Tebaghoghu, Tegosinga, Tekokona, Tugiahanga, Tugimagokuna, Tukiakau. 67

TEXT 1 (A)

1. Nguatupu'a ma Tona Tunga'ane ma Sinakibi

Nguatupu'a and Her Brother and Sinakibi

(A) Taupongi of Sa'aiho, BE. January 27, 1959.

1. Ko Sinakibi, te hahine kibi; na hai ai aano a ngu ana tama, a Nguatupu'a ma tona tunga'ane ma te haingata'a kinai. Nimaa i teengaa 'aso, boo a Nguatupu'a ma tona tunga'ane o to'o mai te ma'ungi o Moesabengubengu, te matu'a o Manusekeitapu. 2. Sasanga aano ai a Manusekeitapu, nimaa sopo atu ki Ngabenga, manga iai a Sinakibi. Manga poghipoghi tena kaukauniatango, ka manga kongaa na to'o a Sinakibi: "Taku me'a noko tuku e ngu aku tama. Kai e katoa, toe iba." 3. 'Oso ake ma'u o poghipoghi teengaa, kae kongaa na to'o ma'u: "Taku me'a noko tuku e ngu'aku tama, kai e iba, toe bangu." 4. Hai atu ma'u: "Taku me'a na tuku e ngu 'aku tama, kai e bangu, toe hitu." Hai atu ma'u: "Taku me'a na tuku e ngu aku tama, kai e hitu, toe ono." Hai atu ma'u: "Taku me'a noko tuku e ngu aku tama, kai e ono, toe ngima." 5. Hai atu ma'u: "Taku me'a noko tuku e ngu aku tama, kai e ngima, toe haa." Hai atu ma'u: "Taku me'a noko tuku e ngu aku tama, kai e haa, toe tongu." 6. Hai atu ma'u: "Taku me'a noko tuku e ngu aku tama, kai e tongu, toe ngua." Hai atu ma'u: "Taku me'a noko tuku e ngu aku tama, kai e ngua, toe tasi." 7. Ma te poo atu a Sinakibi, poo ki te ngima o Manusekeitapu. Ma te hai atu a Sinakibi: "Ko ai?" Hai atu a Manusekeitapu: "Ko au." Ma te hai atu a Sinakibi: "Kau pipiki'ia ngaa koe. Kau hitangi ia ngu aku tama." 8. Ma te hai atu a Manusekeitapu: "Mau'i ange, ka kau hai ia tou sanga tamakina ke noka." Ma te hai atu a Sinakibi: "Toku sanga tamaki kua hai aano ngu 'aku tama. Kua hakapau, kae hai ke kohea na hakanoka e koe?" Hai atu a Manusekeitapu: "Mau'i ange." 68

1. Sinakibi was a blind woman; her two children, Nguatupu'a and her brother, treated her and had difficulties doing so. Then one day, Nguatupu'a and her brother went and brought in the life principle of Moesabengubengu, the husband of Manusekeitapu. 2. Manusekeitapu looked for it and so [she] went to Ngabenga where Sinakibi stayed. [Sinakibi] just broke off [the fingers of] her kaukauniatango yam, and Sinakibi said [to herself]: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left; [I] eat the tenth, nine are left." 3. [Sina] grabbed again and broke another off and said again: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left; eat the ninth, eight are left." 4. [She] said again: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left; eat the eighth, seven are left." [She] said again: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left; eat the seventh, six are left." [She] said again: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left; eat the sixth, five are left." 5. [She] said again: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left; eat the fifth, four are left." '[She] said again: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left; eat the fourth, three are left." 6. [She] said again: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left; eat the third, two are left." [She] said again: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left; eat the second, one is left." 7. And Sinakibi grabbed [for the last piece of yam], grabbed Manusekeitapu's hand. Sinakibi said: "Who is it?" Manusekeitapu said: "It's me!" Sinakibi said: "I'm going to keep you. I'm waiting for my two children." 8. And Manusekeitapu said: "Let go, and I shall treat your grave malady to make [it] end." Sinakibi said: "My two children have been treating my grave malady. It is permanent, and how are you going to put an end [to it]?" Manusekeitapu said: "Let go!"

TEXT 1 (A)

9. Ma te mau'i a Sinakibi. Hano a Manusekeitapu o hai te ngau tongo o sengesenge ai e ia te mata. 10. Kae hai e ia te kati o hakamatinga e ia ki te mata ma te ina. Hai ma'u e ia ki teengaa mata o ina ma'u. Ma te ailauee a Sinakibi o hai atu: "Toku sanga tamaki kua hai aano ai ngu aku tama, hakapau, ka te hai nei e koe ia te au o ina." 11. Ma te 'abange kinai e Sinakibi te ma'ungi o tona matu'a, a Moesabengubengu. 'Abange ma'u kinai e Sinakibi ngua kongoa, kae hai atu: "To'atu o hano. Nimaa tatae koe ki ngua anga, e bebenga teengaa, kae ngongohi teengaa. Hohonga atu ngua kongoa i te anga e ngongohi o hakaanga 'ango ki te anga e bebenga." 12. Ma te to'o a Manusekeitapu te ma'ungi o tona matu'a ma ngua kongoa o hano.

9. And Sinakibi released her. Manusekeitapu went and took a sugar-cane leaf and she operated on the eye with it. 10. And she took a long ant and she touched the eye lightly with it and [the eye] could see. She treated the other eye too and [it] could see too. And Sinakibi cried oh! oh! and said: "My two children treated my grave malady, and [it was] permanent, but you treated me and [I can] see." 11. And Sinakibi gave her the life principle of her husband, Moesabengubengu. And Sinakibi also gave her two tapas and said: "Take [them] away and go. Then you will arrive at two roads, one is hot and one is cold. Spread out there the two pieces of tapa on the cold road facing the hot road." 12. And Manusekeitapu took the life principle of her husband and the two tapas and went away.

13. Nimaa tatae ki ngua anga, hohonga e ia i te anga e ngongohi 0 hakaanga 'ango ki te anga bebenga. Nimaa sosopo mai a Nguatupu'a ma tona tunga'ane, ngua kongoa manga ma honga; heha'ao'aki kinai; taka ma Nguatupu'a te hu'aime'a, kae taka ma Tepoutu'uingangi te mi'ihoto. 14. Ma te noho aano a Sinakibi 1 Ngabenga. Hungihungi iho e Nguatupu'a ma tona tunga'ane ngua pengea taukuka mai Siba. Ko Sinakibi manga ina mai, ma te hai atu a Nguatupu'a ma tona tunga'ane: "Po ko ia manga ina i te aa?" Ma te hai atu a Sinakibi: 15. "Kae aa ngaa! Ka toku maatenga, kua hai aano ai koungua, hakapau; ka kua a'u teenei ta'ahine o hai e ia, ka kua 'abange kinai e au te ma'ungi o tona matu'a o to'o." 16. Ma te hai atu a Ngutupu'a: "He'e ngongo mai kia te kimaaua, ka manga mangie hakasabangau i temaa me'a." Ma te hai atu ma'u: "A'u! Ke boo o to'o mai." 17. Nimaa boo atu a Nguatupu'a ma tona tunga'ane o sisinga ake i te man aha o Moesabengubengu; ma-

13. When arriving at the two roads, she spread out [the tapa] on the cold road facing the hot road. Then Nguatupu'a and her brother came as the two tapas had just been spread out; [they] snatched them away; Nguatupu'a took the large one and Tepoutu'uingangi the small one. 14. And Sinakibi stayed in Ngabenga. Nguatupu'a and her brother hurled down two people from Siba having the taukuka tattoo. Sinakibi just looked on, and Nguatupu'a and her brother said: "How is it that she sees?" Sinakibi said: 15. "Well, what! My deadly sickness, you two treated it, [but it] was permanent; but this fine lady came and she treated it, and I gave her the life principle of her husband and [she] took [it]." 16. And Nguatupu'a said: "[You] didn't tell us, but were just generous with our thing without permission." And [Nguatupu'a] also said: "Come! Let [us] go and bring [the life principle] here." 17. Then Nguatupu'a and her brother went and turned off at the settlement of Moesabengubengu; [he] and his wife were 69

TEXT 1 (A)

nga hai 'ungu ai ma tona unguungu. 18. Ma te hakakite'aki ia Nguatupu'a ma tona tunga'ane e maakango ake ma te teka iho a Moesabengubengu o langa hakasinga e ia o kongaa na langa hakasinga: "Taumaha, Nguatupu'a ma tou tunga'ane! Ta'aki mai he kai, ke ngo hungu ai toungua ngenga ma tau hanau, kae 'ango mai ai he kai ke mei angatonu ai koungua ma tou tunga'ane." 19. Ma te mi'ihinake Tepoutu'uingangi, kae ghali ake a Nguatupu'a. Ma te hai atu a Tepoutu'uingangi: "Noho mai! Kitaaua kua boo mai, sasa'o ki ngua kongoa. Takama koe te hu'aime'a, nimaa boo mai ma'u, haa mu'a nei iho ma'u ia te koe. Ka ke ngiu." 20. Ma te ngengema'ungi a Nguatupu'a o hai atu: "Ke ngiu." Ma te ngiu.

delousing each other. 18. And [they] showed each other that Nguatupu'a and her brother were approaching quickly, and Moesabengubengu crept [out of the house] and recited the langa hakasinga formula, and this is what the langa hakasinga formula is like: "A dedication, Nguatupu'a and your brother! Bring some food here, so that [we] can anoint [ourselves] with the turmeric belonging to you and your offspring, and face here the food so that [we] can present you and your brother with an angatonu share from it." 19. And Tepoutu'uingangi came slowly, and Nguatupu'a came quickly. Tepoutu'uingangi said [to Nguatupu'a]: "Stop! We two came and found two tapas. You took the big one, and also when [we] came here, [Moesabengubengu] falls down first to you too [praying to you first]. Let [us] return." 20. Nguatupu'a was shocked and said: "Let [us] return." And [they] returned.

NOTES On the evening of January 26 I discussed Sina with a group of people outside Headman Haikiu's house in Ngotokanaba. Present were Paul Sa'engeika, Tapuika, Tamua, Taupongi, and others. I remarked that Sau'eha from Bellona had given me the story of Sina and Hetu'u'amo'amo (T50) while we were both staying in Labagu on Rennell. Sa'engeika then said that this was "another Sina," the kakai (culture hero). The 'atua haahine (goddesses) called Sina were Sinakibi and Sinageitataki. Taupongi asked Sa'engeika if he knew the tale of Sinakibi, Nguatupu'a, and Tepoutu'uigangi. He said he did not remember it. The next morning the session was resumed; Taupongi dictated this long story, which he had written down during the night. Everybody present seemed satisfied with this version, which gives a revealing picture of the two extremely sacred gods, Nguatupu'a and her brother Ngau'eteaki (or Tepoutu'uingangi). Sinakibi: literally, blind Sina. 1. te ma'ungi o Moesabengubengu: I asked whether ma'ungi here meant skull, as it did in the Tapuika-Timothy version of the Kaitu'u story (N66:59). Taupongi said that here it meant 'ata (spiritual self), which was invisible to humans but not to the gods. (See T149:8.) Moesabengubengu and his wife, Manusekeitapu, were gods not worshipped. The story concerns Manusekeitapu's search for her husband's life principle (ma'ugi). 2. Ngabenga: See notes to Genealogy 11. kaukauniatango: said to be a type of yam with branching {manga) tubers; formerly cultivated, now only growing wild in the forest. Kai e katoa, toe iba: Informants said that Sina always counted backwards, saying "ten" for "one," "nine" for "two," etc. 4. ngu 'aku, ngu aku: both forms are heard. 8. sanga tamakina: grave malady or misfortune, referring here to Sina's blindness, -na is a demonstrative clitic. 10. kati: long black ant which lives in rotten tree trunks. 11. kongoa: here, the bego (sacred tapa of the temple). ngua anga: Taupongi 1961 explained that the two roads were forked branches of a single road. The mat was spread out so that its wider edge was turned toward the hot road; similarly during rituals the mat faced in the direction from which the gods were to arrive at the cult grounds. One of the roads was hot because Nguatupu'a and her brother had walked along it. The other was cold because it was the road on which human beings walked. (See N50 [B]: 11.)

70

TEXTS 1(A), 1(B) 14. ngua pengea taukuka mai Siba: Siba is a (mythical?) island from which came the taukuka, a solid black tattoo covering the entire chest. Nobody knew where Siba was. Some kakai (culture heroes) were said to have learned the art of tattooing there. 15. ta'ahine: hahine. Used in complimentary speech. 16. mangie hakasabangau i temaa me'a: The life principle of Moesabengubengu had been stolen by Nguatupu'a and her brother, who were about to eat it when Sinakibi without their permission gave it to Moesabengubengu's wife, Manusekeitapu. 18. langa hakasinga: ritual formula used in all major rites when dedicating an offering of food to Nguatupu'a and Tepoutu'uingangi. angatonu: name of the part of the food offering given to Tehainga'atua and his family or to Nguatupu'a and Tepoutu'uingangi. rj^ (B) Nathaniel Kaihuei, BE. April 14, 1958.

1. Te tautupu'a kia Manongitengautongo ma tona unguungu, a Moesabengubengu. Ko kingaaua noko noho'aki i tongaa manaha, Timotiimoana. 2. Sisinga ake gu 'atua ko Nguatupu'a ma tona tunga'ane, a Tepoutu'ingangi, boo ake o to'o te ma'ungi o Manongitengautongo. Ma te sehu a Moesabengubengu o sasanga e ia. Hano a Moesabengubengu o sasa'o ki te pengea, tona ingoa ko Tekeuta'ane, ma te hakaene kinai, kongaa te hakaanu a Moesabengubengu: "Te ingi e tibua i te anga nei, Moesabengubengu?" 3. Hakatau Tekeuta'ane, o kongaa na to'o: "Ma tangi ai koe o huhunga ou mu'a ngutu, ka manga te singi ange ngoa i te taha'ata." 4. Singi a Moesabengubengu o kite i Tekeuhakahahine. Hai ake a Moesabengubengu: "Te ingi e tibua i te anga nei, Moesabengubengu?" Ma te hai mai a Tekeuhakahahine: "Manga tangi ai koe o huhunga ou mata, kae ma te singi ngoa ange i te taha'ata."

1. The story of Manongitengautongo (Manongi-the-sugar-cane-leaf) and his wife, Moesabengubengu. The two lived in their settlement, Timotiimoana. 2. The two gods passed by, Nguatupu'a and her brother Tepoutu'ingangi, going along and taking the life principle of Manongitengautongo. Moesabengubengu walked away and she searched. Moesabengubengu went on and met a person whose name was Tekeuta'ane and asked him a favor, Moesabengubengu questioning as follows: "Did Moesabengubengu pick up the fan on this pathway?" 3. Tekeuta'ane answered, saying as follows: "You may weep about it until the front of your mouth swells, but [Nguatupu'a and her brother with the life principle] passed by long before in the morning." 4. Moesabengubengu went on and saw Tekeuhakahahine. Moesabengubengu said: "Did Moesabengubengu pick up the fan on this pathway?" Tekeuhakahahine said: "You may weep until your eyes swell, but [they] passed by long before in the morning."

5. Singi ai a Moesabengubengu, hano aano sopo atu ki teengaa kunga, manga iai a Sinakibi, te tinana o Nguatupu'a ma tena tunga'ane. E hai tena ahi o tunu ai tena kaukauniatango, noko katoa ona manga. Tunu aano a Sinakibi, nimaa moso, ase ki taha o bangubangu, sa'u ake o popoghi te manga. 6. Hai atu a Sinakibi: "Taku me'a e tuku e ngu 'aku tama. Kai e tasi kae noho e iba." Popoghi ma'u ia, manga hai ake: "Taku me'a tuku e ngu 'aku tama. Kai e ngua, noho e bangu." Popo-

5. Moesabengubengu passed by, on and on, and came to that place where Sinakibi was, the mother of Nguatupu'a and her brother. She was making her fire and cooking her kaukauniatango yam, which had ten fingers. Sinakibi cooked, and when [the yams] were cooked, took [them] out and scraped, took [them] out and broke off a finger. 6. Sinakibi said: "This is my tuber that my two children left. [I] eat the first and nine are left." She broke [this] too, and then said: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left. Eat the second and eight are left." She broke 71

TEXT 1(B)

ghi ma'u ia, manga hai ake: "Taku me'a e tuku e ngu 'aku tama. Kai e tongu, noho e hitu." Popoghi ma'u ia, manga hai ake: "Taku me'a e tuku e ngu 'aku tama. Kai e haa, noho e ono." Popoghi ma'u ia, manga hai ake: "Taku me'a e tuku e ngu 'aku tama. Kai e ngima, noho e ngima." Popoghi ma'u ia, manga hai ake: "Taku me'a e tuku e ngu 'aku tama. Kai e ono, noho e haa." Popoghi ma'u ia, manga hai ake: "Taku me'a e tuku e ngu 'aku tama. Kai e hitu noho e tongu." Popoghi ma'u ia, manga hai ake: "Taku me'a e tuku e ngu 'aku tama. Kai e bangu, noho e ngua." Popoghi ma'u ia, manga hai ake: "Taku me'a e tuku e ngu 'aku tama. Kai e iba, noho e tahi." 7. 'Oso atu a Sinakibi, 'oso ake a Moesabengubengu, 'oso a Sinakibi ki te ngima o Moesabengubengu. Hai atu a Sinakibi: "Taku me'a e tuku e ngu 'aku tama. 'Ai kua kai e koe, kae hai kau pipiki'ia koe ke hetangi ngu 'aku tama." Hai atu a Moesabengubengu: "Mau'i ange i toku ngima, ka kau hai'ia ngu 'ou mata ke ina."

[this] too, and then said: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left. Eat the third and seven are left." She broke [this] too, and then said: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left. Eat the fourth and six are left." She broke [this] too, and then said: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left. Eat the fifth and five are left." She broke [this] too, and then said: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left. Eat the sixth and four are left." She broke [this] too, and then said: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left. Eat the seventh and three are left." She broke [this] too, and then said: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left. Eat the eighth and two are left." She broke [this] too, and then said: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left. Eat the ninth and one is left." 7. Sinakibi reached out, Moesabengubengu reached up, Sinakibi grabbed Moesabengubengu's hand. Sinakibi said: "[This] is my tuber that my two children left. And you have eaten [it], and I'm going to grab you and wait for my two children." Moesabengubengu said: "Let go of my hand, and I'll make your two eyes see."

8. Hai atu a Sinakibi: "Toku sanga tamaki kua hai aano ai a ngu 'aku tama, hakapau, ka kohea ona hai e koe!" Hai atu a Moesabengubengu: "E hai kau hai'ia mo'ona he hai 'anga." Mau'i a Sinakibi i te ngima o Moesabengubengu. 9. Hano a Moesabengubengu o totohi e ia te matu'aa tongo, o labu kinai te kati, to'o mai e ia te matu'aa tongo, hakaeke e ia i ngua mata o Sinakibi, kae hakamatinga e ia te mungi kati ki te mata, ma te ina mata tasi. 10. Hakamatinga atu ki teengaa mata, ina ma'u; o tasi ona noho ngu mata. Siasia a Sinakibi i te kua ina; hai atu kia Moesabengubengu: "Hinatu o to'o te ma'ungi o tou matu'a e i te bai. Ngu a'a ngu 'aku tama, te ku toka, ka teengaa te ma'ungi o tou matu'a te manga koi poponge."

8. Sinakibi said: "[This] is my grave malady that my two children took care of [but it] was permanent, and how can you do anything!" Moesabengubengu said: "I'll have to do something for her!" Sinakibi let go of Moesabengubengu's hand. 9. Moesabengubengu then went and broke off the mature sugar-cane stalk and caught there a long ant, and she took the mature stalk and she put [it] on Sinakibi's two eyes and she touched the butt end of the ant on the eye and one eye saw. 10. [She] touched the other eye and [it] saw; the two eyes were the same. Sinakibi was happy because of having become able to see and said to Moesabengubengu: "Go and get your husband's life principle that's in the pool. Two of my children's [things] are lying quiet, but one, the life principle of your husband, is still quivering."

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11. Hano a Moesabengubengu o to'o mai e ia, sa'u ake e Sinakibi te tokangua kongoa, te hu'aikongoa ma te mi'ikongoa. Hai atu a Sinakibi kia Moesabengubengu: "To'akengua kongoa neiohano. Nimaa sopo koe ki te masanga ngua, hohonga ngu kongoa nei o 'ungu epa i te hu'aikongoa, kae ma'ai atu i te mi'ikongoa." 12. To'o e Moesabengubengu ngu kongoa, hano tatae ki masanga ngua, hohonga e ia ngu kongoa i te masanga ngua, o 'ungu epa i te hu'aime'a, kae singi ki tona manaha, o hakama'ungi'ia tena matu'a. 13. Hepu'i mai a Nguatupu'a ma Tepoutu'ingangi, hiina'i mai ki ngua kongoa, heha'ao mai kinai. Hai ake a Nguatupu'a: "Toku hu'aikongoa!" Hai mai a Tepoutu'ingangi: "Toku hu'aikongoa!" He'engiko mai kinai, samu e Nguatupu'a te hu'aikongoa, kae hai e Tepoutu'ingangi te mi'ikongoa. To'o e kingaaua o singi o tatae atu, ki tongaa manaha. 14. Ko Sinakibi manga ina mai. Hai atu a Nguatupu'a: "Ko te 'angiki ku ina!" He'engiko kinai, hakaanuanu atu a Nguatupu'a ma tena tunga'ane kia Sinakibi: "Ko ai e hai ia te koe o ina?" 15. Hai mai a Sinakibi: "Toku sanga tamaki na hai aano ai koungua, hakapau, ka ku a'u a Moesabengubengu o hai e ia i te au o ina, ka ku 'abange e au te ma'ungi o tena matu'a o to'o." Hai atu a Nguatupu'a ma tena tunga'ane: "He'e ngongo ange kia ti kimaaua ka manga mangie hakasabangau i tamaa me'a! Ke ngiu o to'o mai!" 16. Boo mai a Nguatupu'a ma tena tunga'ane, o tatae mai ki te manaha o Moesabengubengu ma tena matu'a. Ko Moesabengubengu ma tena matu'a Manongitengautongo manga hai 'ungu. He'engiko ake kinai a Nguatupu'a ma tona tunga'ane. Hai atu a Moesabengu6*

11. Moesabengubengu came and she took [the life principle], and Sinakibi brought out two tapas, a large tapa and a small tapa. Sinakibi said to Moesabengubengu: "Take these two tapas and go away. When you come to the road fork, spread out the two tapas and make the large tapa an 'ungu epa mat, and [?] with the small tapa." 12. Moesabengubengu took the two tapas, going on and reaching the road fork, where she spread out the two tapas on the road fork, and made an 'ungu epa mat of the large tapa, and went on to her home and thus restored her husband to life. 13. Nguatupu'a and Tepoutu'ingangi came, saw the two tapas and snatched them. Nguatupu'a said: "The big tapa is mine!" Tepoutu'ingangi said: "The big tapa is mine!" They rushed for them, and Nguatupu'a grabbed the large tapa and Tepoutu'ingangi had the small tapa. They took [them] and went on to reach their settlement. 14. Sinakibi was watching. Nguatupu'a said: "The chiefess now sees!" [They] ran to her and Nguatupu'a and her brother asked Sinakibi: "Who made you see?" 15. Sinakibi said: "My grave malady and you two did what [you] could (hakapau), and then Moesabengubengu came and she made me see, and I gave her her husband's life principle to take away." Nguatupu'a and her brother said: "[You] didn't tell us and just gave our thing away without permission! Let [us] go back and bring [it] here!" 16. Nguatupu'a and her brother came and got to the settlement of Moesabengubengu and her husband. Moesabengubengu and her husband, Manongitengautongo, were then delousing each other. Nguatupu'a and her brother rushed upon them. Moesabengubengu said to Mano-

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TEXTS 1(B), 1(C)

bengu kia Manongitengautongo: "Langa atu!" 17. Tu'u a Manongitengautongo o kongaa na to'o: "Taumaha, Nguatupu'a ma tou tunga'ane." Ka manga he'engiko ake. 18. Tu'u a Tepoutu'ingangi kae manga tenge ake a Nguatupu'a. Hai atu a Tepoutu'ingangi kia Nguatupu'a: " 'Ai noho mai! Ka ko kitaaua kua boo mai, kite e kitaaua ngu kongoa. Hai e koe te hu'aikongoa, hai e au te mi'ikongoa. Ka ko kitaaua te boo mai nei. Langa iho e Manongitengautongo a haamu'a iho ia te koe, Nguatupu'a, kae mungi ake ia te au. Kae manga hengotungotu'aki atu ke aa?" Ma te ngiu iho a Nguatupu'a ma tona tunga'ane. E 'oti.

ngitengautongo: "Recite the langa formula!" 17. Manongitengautongo stood and said the following: "A dedication, Nguatupu'a and your brother." Then [they] ran away. 18. Tepoutu'ingangi got up, and Nguatupu'a then ran away. Tepoutu'ingangi said to Nguatupu'a: "Stop! We came and we saw two tapas. You took the large tapa and I took the small tapa. Then we both came here. Manongitengautongo chanted the langa formula first to you, Nguatupu'a, and afterwards to me. Why do you want so much?" Nguatupu'a and her brother went down again. Now finished.

NOTES Taupongi 1961 explained that the informant was of the Kaitu'u clan, and that his father, Tausia, had been killed by his (Taupongi's) uncle, who was of the Iho clan. Kaihuei was not tattooed, hence he was probably under 40. I admired his skill in dictating so clearly this long, difficult story; I rarely needed to ask him to repeat individual words. 1. Taupongi 1961 suggested that Temotiimoana may be in poo'ugi (the underworld). 2, 3. The wife is searching for her husband's life principle. Tekeuta'ane and Tekeuhakahahine: ferocious Tekeu and calm or loving Tekeu; ta'ane, perhaps cognate with East Polynesian taane (male), contrasts with hahine (female); the antithesis is typically Polynesian, but not common in Rennellese. Moesabengubengu did not use the language of mortals. She spoke of herself in the third person, and said "fan" instead of the obvious ma'ungi. 5. Sinakibi: blind Sina. 11. 'ungu epa: the first and most westerly mat or tapa in a row of mats or tapas spread out on the floor of the house during certain rituals; considered the seat of the most important deity worshipped, usually Tehu'aingabenga. 16. langa: See N 1(A): 18. SE (C) Tetamogi of Tigoa, RE. January 8, 1958.

1. Te tautupu'a kia Moesabegubegu ma tona uguugu, ko Sekeitapu. Ko Moesabegubegu na kai e Guatupu'a (na gua 'atua o Togo, i Mugiki), to'o o kai o 'oti. Teegaa te kunga noko ma noho, te 'ugu. 2. Hano a Sekeitapu o sasaga ia tona matu'a ia Moesabegubegu, he'e kitea. Sehu aano, sopo ki te manaha. Teegaa te 'atua ma i te manaha, ko Sinakibi, te 'atua noko moe, teegaa te me'a noko ma kai e Sinakibi, te kaukauniatago. 3. 'Oso a Sinakibi ki teegaa ga'a o popoghi o kai. Sui a Sekeitapu o popoghi ta'ana ga'a o kai. 'Oso hoki a Sina74

1. The story of Moesabegubegu and his wife, Sekeitapu. Moesabegubegu was eaten by Guatupu'a (the two gods of Togo at Bellona), who took and ate everything. The part still left, that was the head. 2. Sekeitapu went and looked for her husband, Moesabegubegu, but did not find [him]. [She] walked on and came to a settlement. That was its deity at the settlement, Sinakibi, a goddess who slept, and that was what Sinakibi was eating, the kaukauniatago yam. 3. Sinakibi grabbed one shoot and pulled [it] off and ate. So Sekeitapu pulled off her shoot and ate. Sinakibi then grabbed another shoot, pulled it off and ate. Sekeitapu grabbed the

TEXT 1(C)

kibi ki teegaa ga'a o popoghi o kai. 'Oso a Sekeitapu ki te ga'a noko toe, 'oso atu ma'u a Sinakibi o manga bilaabei ngatahi ogaa gima ki te ga'a noko toe. 4. Tutahi a Sinakibi o 'oso kia Sekeitapu o pipiki. Hai atu a Sekeitapu ke mau'i, ka ke hai ke 'aga; o he'emaka Sinakibi, manga hai atu ia Sekeitapu: "He'e po ko gu 'aku tama?" 5. Hai atu ma'u a Sekeitapu ke mau'i he gima. Ma'ogi o mau'i a Sinakibi i teegaa gima o Sekeitapu. 6. O bubulu e Sekeitapu te gau togo, sa'u mai o sege ai te mata o Sinakibi noko moe, kae sa'u mai te kati o haau'u ai te mata o Sinakibi, u'u o gege te kati, haka'agahia te mata; te sege atu te mata noko toe, haau'u ma'u te kati. O u'u e te kati o gege te kati o haka'agahia ma'u te mata noko toe. 7. Kae haka'atu'atu a Sinakibi kia Sekeitapu, hai atu kinai: "Ko koe te kua hai nei ia te au o ma'ugi, kae hinatu o to'o te 'ugu o tou matu'a." 8. Ma'ogi o hano o 'oso ki te 'ugu o tona matu'a, a Moesabegubegu. Hakaanu atu a Sekeitapu kia Sinakibi: "Po kaa to'o kohea ona hakama'ugi?" Hai atu a Sinakibi kia Sekeitapu: "To'atu te 'ugu o tou matu'a o tupe ki te bai." 9. Ma'ogi 0 to'o te 'ugu o Moesabegubegu e tona uguugu o tupe ki te bai, kae noho a Sekeitapu o tangi, tangi aano, hakagongo ki te bai e ngatata te tai i te e'ake a Moesabegubegu i te kua ma'ugi a Moesabegubegu. 10. Hinake ki tona manaha o gosigosi ai, hinake i te bai o noho 1 tona hage o gosigosi ai. 11. Tosi gu 'ana siapo, gosigosi, o noko ma noho, kae a'aki giu a Guatupu'a ma tona matu'a Tepoutapu ia togaa tinana kua 'aga, o hakaanuanu'aki i tegaa utunga, i te 'ugu o Moesabegubegu. 12. Manga hai atu a togaa tinana, Sinakibi, kia gu 'ana tama: "Kua tuku e au o to'o hakahoki e Sekeitapu i te kua a'u o hai ia te au o ma'ugi." Manga haiteteke

shoot that was left, and Sinakibi also grabbed it, and their hands came together on the remaining shoot. 4. Sinakibi then grabbed Sekeitapu and held on; Sekeitapu said to let go and [she] would make [her] wake up; Sinakibi did not consent and just said to Sekeitapu: "What of my two children?" 5. Sekeitapu said again to let a hand go. So Sina let go of one of Sekeitapu's hands. 6. Sekeitapu stripped off a sugar-cane leaf, brought [it] and cut the eye of Sinakibi who was lying down and took a long ant and made it bite Sinakibi's eye; the ant bit and jumped and the eye woke up; then [she] cut the remaining eye, made the long ant bite again. The long ant bit, the long ant jumped, and the remaining eye opened.

7. Sinakibi greeted Sekeitapu, saying to her: "Since you have cured me I'm going to go and get your husband's head." 8. So [she] went and got the head of her husband, Moesabegubegu. Sekeitapu asked Sinakibi: "How can his life be restored?" Sinakibi said to Sekeitapu: "Take the head of your husband and throw it into a pool." 9. So the wife took Moesabegubegu's head and threw [it] into a pool, and Sekeitapu stayed weeping, weeping, listening to the pool, and the sea rustled at the appearance of Moesabegubegu because Moesabegubegu was restored to life. 10. [She] returned to her settlement and got [things] ready, and went from the pool and stayed in her house and got [things] ready. 11. She stripped her two tapas and got [them] ready and stayed, and Guatupu'a and her husband, Tepoutapu, came back to their mother, [whose eyes] were awakened, and they asked for their food, for the head of Moesabegubegu. 12. But their mother, Sinakibi, just said to her two children: "I have permitted Sekeitapu to take [it] back because [she] came and treated and cured me." 75

TEXTS 1(C), 2(A)

a gu 'ana tama. Manga he'agiko mai ke to'o hakahoki te 'ugu o Moesabegubegu e Guatupu'a ke kai haka'oti. 13. Manga boo mai aano gua 'atua a Guatupu'a ma Tepoutapu, sosopo mai i te manaha ma iai a Moesabegubegu, manga he'agiko ake kinai ke taa, ke kai ma'u, ghali a Moesabegubegu o 'oso ki gu 'ana siapo, tohu iho, pipiki gua siapo i na gima kae laga iho aano 'oti, he'agiko ake a Guatupu'a ma Tepoutapu. 14. Boo atu o he'osohi ki na siapo o to'o giu i togaa manaha, kae ma ma'ugi a Moesabegubegu. Kua 'oti.

Her two children became angry. Guatupu'a rushed to get the head of Moesabegubegu back to devour completely. 13. The two gods, Guatupu'a and Tepoutapu, came along [and] arrived at the settlement where Moesabegubegu was, rushed up at him to strike and eat again, but Moesabegubegu quickly picked up his two small tapas, went out, holding the two small tapas in his hands, and prayed the laga formula and then Guatupu'a and Tepoutapu ran away. 14. They went and took the small tapas, took them and went back to their own settlement and Moesabegubegu lived. Finished. NOTES

For the initial difficulties of working with Tetamogi, see his sketch in Chapter 2. This story was written on my fourth day at remote Tigoa, and by this time Tetamogi had become accustomed to dictating. He apparently on this occasion had thought out his material ahead of time, or had consulted others, as he didn't stop to ask questions. He assumed, however, that his listeners already knew the story. For example, the quotation in 4 (He'e po ko gu 'aku tama?) would be meaningless to anyone not familiar with versions A and B. For this session I sat on a cot before a plank table on which I wrote. Tetamogi sat on the floor. Tegheta lay on a baghu mat reading his English Bible, a Rennellese mission teacher sat inside the door, and two women sat outside looking at the Birket-Smith book (Birket-Smith, 1956). Taumoana appeared after we had begun, and, hearing the name Sina, stopped Tetamogi to say that I had already written the story. Tetamogi explained in such fast Rennellese that I could not follow, and Taumoana recanted. He had probably mixed Sinakibi of this story with the story of the culture hero Sina and the mouse. Taumoana, like others, did not want me to take a story twice. 1. Tetamogi did not mention Guatupu'a's brother, who is nearly always mentioned immediately following the name Guatupu'a. 2. kaukauniatago: No one knew much of this except that is was branching (ga'aga'a), which Tetamogi illustrated with spread fingers. Taupongi 1961 suggested kibi (blind) instead of moe (sleep) in 2 and 6. 6. Taupongi 1961 suggested suki ai te mata (pierce the eye) instead of haau'u ai te mata.

SE 2. Patikoge

Patikoge

(A) Tetamogi of Tigoa, RE. January 7, 1958.

1. Te tagatupu'a ki gua 'atua a Togo (tu'aatina o Kaitu'u) noko kai pegea, hakagonga'a i te kai pegea, kai pegea aano, kai e kigaaua te tinana o Patikoge, ma te haka'igo'igo i te kai namutaahangahanga i te hai tama. 2. Magepe a Patikoge ia te tinana, sui o hai tena pake, o to'o tona kupenga o hohoga i te bai, kae tohitohi na tiagetaha, o to'o kake i na ga'akau, o gii kinai, o tege ona 'ata ki te bai, kae hoki iho o tohitohi o sugusugu ki na 76

1. The story of the two gods of Togo (uncle of Kaitu'u) who ate people, often ate people, eating people and they ate the mother of Patikoge, even though they realized while eating that she had the unpleasant odor of pregnancy. 2. Patikoge mourned her mother, and in revenge [she] did this trick, taking her net, and opening it in the pool, and cut some tiagetaha flowers and took them and climbed trees and tied [them] there so their reflection showed in the water, and came down again and cut [more flowers]

TEXT 2(A)

gima, o to'o o hano o e'a kia Guatupu'a ma tona matu'a Tepoutapu. 3. Sia hai ki na sugusugu o Patikoge; o gotu kinai mo'ogaaua, he'emaka Patikoge i ona sugusugu, manga kaunaki atu ia Guatupu'a ma tona matu'a Tepoutapu, o boo ki te kunga e iai te bai. 4. Boo kae tata'o ai, boo aano gua 'atua sosopo atu ki te bai, na lakaa tiagetaha noko ha'u ki 'agunga o hakatege 'ata i te bai. 5. Manga boo hetoki kinai, 'oso a Patikoge ki te tunibugu o te kupenga, o tata e ia o hepootaki e'a'aki giu ake a Guatupu'a ma tona matu'a Tepoutapu. 6. Kua ma'u te gosinga Patikoge i gua 'atua, gii e ia o to'o hano, hetae ki te manaha o hai baakai kinai. Iho, hai tena ahi o baalau. O kaa tena ahi, tu'u o nekeneke kinai gua 'atua o tunu e ia. 7. Ko ma eke i te ahi, kae ma hakapata kinai, hakapapata aano kinai, moso nekeneke ki taha, tena tunubolu i gua 'atua, huhuke e ia gua 'atua. 8. Hano te hainga hasi ke to'o mai ke sege ai gu 'ana 'atua noko tunu. Manga ina mai ki gua 'atua o sui o hegegei ake ai gua tagaighali, kae ma taahoga gu 'ona lango, ka kua hegegei gua tagaighali o boo. Kua 'oti.

and placed on her arms as armlets, and went and showed herself to Guatupu'a and her husband Tepoutapu. 3. [They] wanted Patikoge's armlets, desired them for themselves, but Patikoge refused [to give] her armlets and just told Guatupu'a and her husband Tepoutapu to go to the place where the water was. 4. [They] went there together, the two gods went and jumped into the water for the tiagetaha flowers that had been tied up above and cast the reflection in the water. 5. [They] went and jumped in, and Patikoge took the upper cord of the net and she pulled, bringing [the gods] together, and Guatupu'a and her husband Tepoutapu came up again. 6. Patikoge secured the two gods firmly and she tied [them] and took [them] along, arriving at the settlement and gathering firewood for them. She came down and made a fire, piled on wood. And as her fire burned, she stood up and put the two gods into it and cooked them. 7. [She] put [them] on the fire, and kept [them] there, just keeping [them] there, [and when] cooked, took out her package with the two gods and she took out the two gods. 8. [She] then went to get pearl shell to bring so as to carve her two gods with that had been cooked. [She] glanced at the two gods, and then two tagaighali birds flew up from there, and lying there were their two shells, and the two tagaighali birds flew away and left. Finished.

NOTES Tegheta felt he no longer needed to repeat for Tetamogi, and lay on the floor reading an English Bible by lantern light. (He asked the meanings of the English words "prove," "heir," and "problems of Abraham.") A woman with three children sat outside the door looking at the photographs in the Birket-Smith book (Birket-Smith, 1956) and identifying the people and naming the types of war clubs. I asked her to come in to the light, and she came about a foot closer. Everyone was fascinated by Birket-Smith's book except Taupongi, Tegheta, and Tetamogi who didn't so much as glance at the book when it was proffered. Tetamogi had sent over a lengalenga pudding of pounded kape and coconut cream in the afternoon; I gave him a little rice and a can of beef. 1. Taupongi 1961 was amused and baffled by the term namutaahangahanga. 2. Patikoge: a goddess not worshipped and not related to other gods. Guatupu'a and Tepoutapu: these names surprised Taupongi 1961. The constantly heard designations for the famous couple are Guatupu'a and her brother Tepoutu'uigangi (Genealogy 11). (See N50[B]:11.) 7. Ko should perhaps be ko ia (she). Taupongi suggested the plural heketi instead of the singular eke. 8. Taumoana and Luke during a later reading said that gaukei (leaves) should have replaced lango (shell). Taupongi 1961 did not know tagaighali but supposed it was the same as ligobai (yellow-eyed graybirds), which were often the embodiments of Guatupu'a and her brother.

SE 77

TEXTS 2(B), 2(C) (B) Taupongi of Sa'aiho, BE. January 10, 1959.

1. Ko Patikonge ma Nguatupu'a ma tona tunga'ane noko boo hai bugho. 2. Ngigho te bugho o Patikonge o kaunaki ia Nguatupu'a ma tona tunga'ane o heukuhi ai, ma te samu e Patikonge te tunibungu o te bugho. 3. Ma te niti kia Nguatupu'a ma tona tunga'ane, ma te to'ake e Patikonge o tunu aano, nimaa kubiIobo atu e Patikonge, manga mata. 4. Ma te hepunge'aki a Nguatupu'a ma tona tunga'ane kingaa moso pake. Nimaa kubi atu ma'u e Patikonge, kua susungu. 5. Ma te sa'u e ia ki taha i te ahi o tuku kae 'oso atu ki tena lungataa ke sa'u mai ai he me'a ke senge ai. Ma te hetapatapa'aki o hengengei. 6. Nimaa keu ake a Patikonge ngua lingobai. Ma te boo ngua lingobai o kaukau i te bai i Nakangibai. 7. Kae hengengei o boo, tutu'u ki te heta'u i Anganoa o hai ai angaa hua. 8. Noko kongaa na hai: "Oi toe, aoa toe, euai. Kiakia, ma he too, uoi." Ma te hai ake a Tehainga'atua: "Po kohea te ma tatangi mai ai a oku maatu'a?" 9. Ma te hano a Tehainga'atua, noko anga ki te lingobai 'ungi o mu'a, kae mungi a Nguatupu'a ma tona tunga'ane i ngua lingobai susungu. 10. Noko ta'anga tatangi i na poo, kae tuu'ungu ai, o kongaa na tuu'ungu: "Singi'akina, mau matu'a, ki Ngabenga."

1. Patikonge and Nguatupu'a and her brother went to set a large net. 2. Patikonge made a circle of her large net, and [she] told Nguatupu'a and her brother to dive into it, and Patikonge quickly pulled the rope at the edge of the large net. 3. And [it] pressed against Nguatupu'a and her brother, and Patikonge then took and roasted [them], and then Patikonge tested [them to see if they were cooked] by scratching, but [they] were still raw. 4. And Nguatupu'a and her brother planned that they would pretend to be fully cooked. Then Patikonge scratched again, [and they] had become white [cooked]. 5. And she took [them] out of the fire and put [them] down, and took hold of her basket to take something to cut with from it. [Nguatupu'a and her brother] took off and flew away. 6. Then Patikonge turned her head [and saw] two yellow-eyed graybirds. And the two graybirds went and swam in the water at Nakangibai [western Rennell]. 7. And flew and went away and alighted in the heta'u tree at Anganoa [near Lughu] and made their song there. 8. It was like this: "Oi toe, aoa toe, euai. Kiakia, ma he too, uoi." And Tehainga'atua said: "Where are my parents crying now?" 9. And Tehainga'atua went on, had embodied {himself] in the black graybird, and went ahead, and behind were Nguatupu'a and her brother in the two white graybirds. 10. They usually cried at nights, and therefore [people] prayed in prayers like this: "Pass on, [you and] your two parents, to Ngabenga."

NOTES Taupongi took the leading part in the dictation. The story was an answer to my question whether the gods ever embodied themselves in animals or plants. 5. lungataa: lungata. Final vowels before a suspension juncture are frequently lengthened and sometimes stressed. 8. Taupongi 1961 said that nobody could understand the words of the song. 10. Before their conversion to Christianity, when people heard graybirds crying at night they would utter this formula to Tehainga'atua. Ngabenga: See Notes to Genealogy 11. -j-jyj (C) Joshua Kaipua, BE. April 16, 1958.

l.KoPatikonge noko hinatu.Ngu lingobai manga kaukau i te bai, ma 78

1. Patikonge went away. Two yelloweyed graybirds were bathing in a pool,

TEXTS 2(C), 3

te hano hakapata ke taa ma'ana, ma te haingata'a. 2. Ma te hano ngiiaki tena kupenga, to'o mai o takenge'aki ai e ia te bai, ma te pake e ia ngu lingobai: "Koungua heukuhi ngatahiho i te bai!" Ma te heukuhi ngatahi ai, ma te samu e ia te tinibungu o te kupenga ma te pipiki e ia, o to'o o tahu te ahi, o hutihuti ona hungu o seu, ma te to'ake o tunu i te ahi. 3. Aano kubikubi e ia, manga toto; aano 'oso hoki atu o kubikubi, manga toto. 4. Ma te hai atu a teengaa: "Kitaa moso pake na'e kitaaua kitai tutahi o moso, ma te kai e ia ia te kitaaua." 5. Nimaa kubikubi hoki ma'u e ia, ku moso, ma te sa'u ki taha i te ahi o tuku ki tena kete, o to'o ki hange o tuku, ma te hinake ke sa'u iho tena hasi ke senge ai, ngatata, ma keu iho; e hengengei ngu lingobai o boo. 6. Boo boo boo boo boo boo, boo, boo aano hai atu teengaa: "Kitaa tutu'u!" Hai atu teengaa: "Tehenua o Patikonge manga tu'u tona ghabo." 7. Boo ma'u aano ma te tatae ki teengaa kunga o tutu'u, hai mai teengaa: "Ooi toe." Hai mai teengaa: "Oi toe." Hai atu a Semoana: "Ko 'oku maatu'a e ngengea mai hea?" Ma te 'oti.

and [she] went near to kill [them] for herself, but [it] was difficult. 2. She then wrapped up her net, and she brought [it] and set it in the bottom of the pool and [said] craftily to the two graybirds: "You two dive down together into the pool!" [They] dove down together into it, and she pulled the top border of the net and grabbed [the birds] and took [them] and built a fire and plucked their feathers and threw [them] away, and took [the birds] to roast on the fire. 3. Then [she] pinched [the birds to see if they were cooked], and [they] were still bleeding; so [she] took [them] out again and pinched, but [they] were still bleeding. 4. So one [of the birds] said: "Let's pretend to be cooked, lest we may be completely cooked and she'll eat us." 5. Then [she] pinched [them] again too, [and they] were cooked, and she took [them] out of the fire and put [them] in her bag and took [them] to the house and left [them], and went to take down her pearl shell for carving them, and there was a whizzing sound and [she] turned; the two graybirds went away. 6. Went went went went went went, went, went on and one said: "Let's land!" The other said: "Only a speck of Patikonge's land stands [in view]." 7. Going on again and reaching another place to land and one said: "Ooi toe!" The other said: "Oi toe." Semoana said: "Where are my elders calling from?" And the end.

NOTES The birds at the end of the story were speaking the language of the gods. Semoana (Tehainga'atua) claimed them as his elders, thus revealing that the birds were Guatupu'a and her brother. SE 3. Manukatu'u

Manukatu'u

Aaron Taupongi of Niupani, RE. November 11, 1958.

1. Ko Manukatu'u te manaha o Tehainga'atua ma tena hanau. Ka noko hai o'ona noho. Noko ga'u i ba'i me'a, na huaa 'umanga, ma na niu, ma na huaa ga'akau, ma na ika. 2. Kae kai pegea toto'a ko Tehainga'atua ma tena hanau ma tona ugu-

1. Manukatu'u is the settlement of Tehainga'atua and his offspring. It was of a special nature. [It] was rich in all things, garden crops, and coconut trees, and fruit from trees, and fish. 2. And [these gods] ate people very much, Tehainga'atua, and his offspring, and his wife, and his sister, 79

TEXTS 3, 4

ugu ma tona tuhahine ma ona maatu'a. Ka ko Tehainga'atua ma tena hanau noko manga boo mai ki na hakatahinga ki na kaba ki gangi. 3. Ma te boo mai ki na 'aso ngaguenga i ba'i ghapu ma ba'i kagakaga. Namaa he'e hai utunga a pegea, ko Tehainga'atua ma tena hanau, ka taa ma'agatou he tunihenua po he haihenua po he hakabaka ke to'o ki Manukatu'u ke kai ma'agatou. 4. Namaa sisia i na utunga ka he'e taa e kigatou ni pegea, ma te siasia a Tehainga'atua o hai ga'a na tonu o na tunihenua i na pogo, ma na gemugi. 5. Ma na honu ma na 'uhigaba 'eha to'a, ma na tago, ma na polo, ma na 'uhi, ma na abubu, ma na huti, ma na mei, ma na beetape, ma na suinamo. 6. Ko Manukatu'u ma kogaa na noho ngaguenga, ka noko manga 'eha to'a te ta'u niu, ma ba'i huaa 'umanga, ma ba'i huaa ga'akau.

and his parents. And Tehainga'atua and his offspring came here only to the feasts, to the kaba ki gangi rituals. 3. And [they] came here to the temple rituals in all harvest seasons, and all seasons without crops. When people do not have food, Tehainga'atua and his offspring will kill for themselves a priest-chief, or a second priest-chief, or an assistant to the priests, to bring to Manukatu'u that they may eat. 4. When happy because of food they will not kill people, and Tehainga'atua becomes very happy and pays for the priest-chief's food offerings with pogo fish and gemugi fruits. 5. And turtles, and the very important pana, and taro, and coconuts, and yams, and abubu tubers, and bananas, and breadfruits, and beetape tubers, and suinamo yams. 6. Manukatu'u was like a temple, except that there were very many coconut trees, as well as all garden crops, and all fruits of trees.

NOTES Many people were present during this session. Aaron Taupongi sat in my chair and his wife Misianga stood behind him. Bits of information were added to Taupongi's account by several persons, often after agitated discussions. Aaron Taupongi did not object to the interruptions and seemed relieved to get help when his memory failed. 1. Manukatu'u was in the eastern sky. 2. Tehainga'atua and his family, informants said, killed people and ate their 'ata (spiritual self) and ma'ugi (life principle) in Manukatu'u. According to Aaron, Tehainga'atua's wife referred to here was Mauloko, and his sister was Sikingimoemoe. 3. kagakaga: Aaron described this as te lae utunga (poverty of food). It was a name for the period without food, especially yams, the all-important source of nourishment. 4. Note sisia (plural form) and siasia (singular form). tonu: food given to humans by deities and ancestors. 5. pana: a Solomon Islands name for various species of large yams.

TM 4. Mata'aso Aaron Taupongi, Job Topue, and Jasper

1. Ko Mata'aso te manaha o Tehainga'atua. Noko kite e ia i te uta mai 'anga e Kaitu'u mai 'Ubea. 2. Ka na hai ai te ngaguenga; o tau ai te ha'ogua, te baka o Tehainga'atua. Ka noko tapu to'a. Noko he'e maasoko te lango kinai ni pegea i te tapu to'a. 3. loo usu'aki kinai na 'aso ngaguenga ioo tata'o ai na pegea o te ngaguenga o hiina'i kinai, 80

Mata'aso :obi, all of Niupani, RE. November 12, 1958.

1. Mata'aso is Tehainga'atua's settlement. He found it upon Kaitu'u's arrival here from 'Ubea. 2. And a temple was made there; and the ha'ogua, Tehainga'atua's canoe, was placed there. [It] was immensely sacred. Nobody walked to it indiscriminately because of the immense sacredness. 3. When bringing the food offering to the temple, the people of the temple followed and looked at it and

TEXTS 4, 5

ma te kaghaghi 'aabaki i na tahataha o te ngaguenga. Boo o tatae ki Mata'aso o tuku te maga'e, kae hakaneke te tunihenua ki te ha'ogua o tau ai, o kogaa na to'o: "Iiiia, iiiia!" 4. Kae hoki iho o unga kia pegea o boga na taha o te ngaguenga. Aano 'oti, unga o hakatu'u te sa'o i te gotomaga'e o te ngaguenga, kae hoga te malikope.

helped by pulling up weeds at the border of the temple [grounds]. [They] went and reached Mata'aso and put down the food offering, and the priest-chief climbed up to the ha'ogua and touched it and said as follows: "Iiiia, iiiia!" 4. And [he] went down and told people to cut weeds at the sides of the temple. Then [he] told [them] to pile up the sa'o food offering on the cult grounds, and to spread out the mat.

NOTES I Aaron Taupongi came in the morning with presents: two baskets of taro, papaya, soursop, and eggs. I asked him to come in and tell more about "the old days." In his nice, modest way he answered that he was an old man and had forgotten most of the rituals. He was, however, persuaded to sit down. He asked whether I knew about Mata'aso. I didn't. He said that it was a place on the north coast to which SE had gone with some people from Niupani (see II). There were many people in the house, the men sitting on the floor and two or three women standing in the doorway. Everybody then started to talk about Mata'aso. It was considered one of the most sacred places in the Lake district because the canoe belonging to the powerful god, Tehainga'atua, had been placed in a cave there. Below the cave and close to the sea, there was a narrow strip of flat land where the offerings to the god were placed. (A miniature of the sacred canoe is shown in Birket-Smith, 1956: figure 22.) 2. When taking down Aaron Taupongi's narration I heard the name of the canoe as ha'ugua. Taupongi 1961 explained that its name was ha'ogua. The ha'ugua was the double canoe in which Kaitu'u came to Rennell and Bellona, bringing the two sacred stones, Guatupu'a and Tepoutu'uigangi. Ha'ugua literally means two (hulls) lashed together (ha'u). Ha'ogua was the name of the canoe-shaped altars at Rennell and Bellona. Ha'ogua literally means two chisels, the altar being without an outrigger and shaped like a chisel at both ends. In 1962 informants said that both forms could be used. Taupongi said that there was no tradition of Tehainga'atua coming to Rennell in this canoe. It was "just called Tehainga'atua's canoe." 4. sa'o: name of the food (offering) brought to the temple. TM II On January 28, 1958, I went on a fishing expedition to Mata'aso. We left the lake at 'Ubea, at the west end, and Stephen pointed out where Kaitu'u had left his mother (T67:33) at a place where deep, clear channels lead inland beneath overhanging trees. We took the inland trail to Manupisu on the coast, and Stephen said I was the first white man to walk this trail. Before reaching the sea, three ridges had to be climbed and descended. A narrow lagoon lay between the coastal strip and the barrier reef. At Mata'aso the sheer cliff receded slightly, and I counted 30 coconut trees that had been planted after the taboos had been lifted. One of the most sacred of all temples had been in the shallow cave at the back, where only the priest-chiefs might go, the last being Aaron Taupongi and Tegheta. Several persons said that even the lagoon had been taboo, and canoes had had to pass beyond the reef. Tuhenua told how after accepting Christianity a group had come here and read from the Bible: "Thou shalt have no other gods before me." They were frightened, he said, but prayed to the Christian God. They cut the brush and destroyed the altar. "Tehainga'atua fled!" said Tuhenua.

SE 5. Ekeitehua

Ekeitehua

Taupongi of Sa'aiho, BE. January 2, 1959.

1. Ko Ekeitehua noko sopo i te 'uhi, ma tona tuhahine, ko Teu'uhi. Te 'uhi noko sopo ai a Ekeitehua ma tona tuhahine, a Teu'uhi, te

1. Ekeitehua came out of a yam with his sister Teu'uhi. The yam out of which Ekeitehua and his sister Teu'uhi came was masticated food for Tehainga'atua. 81

TEXT 5

mama kia Tehainga'atua. 2. Te ingoa o te 'uhi noko sopo ai a Ekeitehua ma tona tuhahine te 'uhi hua. 3. Ma te hai ai te taina o Tehainga'atua ia Ekeitehua. Ma te sa'u e 'Iti'iti ia Ekeitehua o pusi ai te taina o Tehainga'atua. Kae pusi ma'u ai e 'Iti'iti te hosa mo'o Sikingingangi. 4. Te baka o Kaitu'u, te ha'ungua, noko a'u mai 'Ubea, kae mu'a mai ai te baka o Taupongi. Te mi'ibaka, tona ingoa te hua. O a'u te baka o tatae mai ki Mungiki nei o hakanoho ai tena ngasuenga, o hakaingoa ko Ekeitehua. 5. E tapa te ingoa ki tena ngasuenga i te me'a ngaa, ko ia noko mu'a i te ha'ungua.

2. The name of the [part of the] yam which Ekeitehua and his sister came out of was the yam fruit. 3. And Tehainga'atua took Ekeitehua as his younger brother. And 'Iti'iti picked up Ekeitehua and raised him as a younger brother of Tehainga'atua. And in this way 'Iti'iti also raised [him] as a son of Sikingingangi. 4. The canoe belonging to Kaitu'u, the double canoe, came from 'Ubea, but the canoe belonging to Taupongi came here first. [It] was a small canoe, its name was the hua. And the canoe came and arrived here at Bellona, and installed its district god here and named [him] Ekeitehua. 5. [They] called his district god that name because he arrived before the double canoe.

NOTES Taupongi knew the story but had his father, Temoa, retell it to him the night before to be sure that all details were correct. See Genealogy 12 for the gods mentioned. 1. mama: food which is masticated by a mother and then given to her infant. Tehainga'atua was an infant when Ekeitehua and Teu'uhi came out of the masticated food which the mother was about to feed him. 2. uhi hua: Taupongi 1961 said that the fruit (not the tuber) of a type of yam called tetua was cooked and eaten. Another type of yam ('uhi mea) with red flesh was considered the embodiment (tino) of Ekeitehua and Teu'uhi, and was always used as bae 'anga (the offering of two tubers to Nguatupu'a and Tepoutu'uingangi during major rituals). The tubers were placed at the juncture of the path and the cult grounds. 3. People of the Iho clan considered 'Iti'iti the mother of Tehainga'atua. Sikingingangi way considered the father of Ekeitehua, but he was not married to 'Iti'iti. 4. Reference here is to the boat race that took place during the immigration (T66:20). hua: a small outrigger canoe. Ekeitehua: literally, to rest on the hua canoe. It was because the god was sitting in the canoe that it won the "race." Taupongi added the following: In 'Ubea the god's name was Singanomanongi (meaning unknown). When the canoe arrived at the place in the ocean where the seas were rough and managed to pass it in safety, the god was given the name Singanotu'umoa (Singano-standing-up-in-rough-sea). A similar story was given SE by Paul Takiika and Headman Togaka on March 18, 1958. Tamua, who was present when Taupongi narrated, furnished the following genealogy of Ekeitehua: Moeanga (1«t wife)

Ekeitehua

Teungltaka (2nd wife)

n o children

| A Tonmia

A Teabalkatapu

• Sa'o'angaba

A

• Tu'ukltelka

j

Taupongi 1961 gave the following information: Another son of Ekeitehua was Baeika. Tu'ukiteika was the son of Baeika, and not, as stated above, of Ekeitehua. Another son of Ekeitehua was Taha'uinga. He was the god that made the 'uiga (lightning). He was not worshipped.

TM

82

TEXTS 6(A), 6(B

6. Tama Ha'usanga

Son of Ha'usanga

(A) Malachi Tegheta of Niupani, RE. February 21, 1958.

1. Tehainga'atua noko pipiki kia Ha'usanga, o he'e matigi; manga hai tena tama i te kagisi. 2. Kae na hai tena naha o nunu te angomatangi o poghi tena naha, kae hano, hoki mai o luga tena naha, ke hakahua ai he genga, namaa luga atu te takapau, ma iai te pegea. 3. Manga langalanga kinai a Ha'usanga ki te pegea kuai tena naha. Ina aano kinai, sa'u ake e ia te pegea o gosigosi e ia, o hai tona ingoa ko Tupuimanukatu'u. 4. Ka noko gotu a Tehainga'atua ke hai ki gotomaga'e ka noko haka'esi'esi a Ha'usanga ia tena tama, manga to'ake ki te tukungaakai o tuku ai, o pipiki ai. 5. Ugu'aki mai ki te hage o pau o noho ai, o hegiu'aki i hage, kae giu'aki a Tehainga'atua i te gotomaga'e. Namaa matu'a a Tehu'aigabenga to'o e Ha'usanga o gosigosi kinai a Nukuahea o taki hiina'i ai te tau tupuna.

1. Tehainga'atua was married to Ha'usanga who did not give birth; she just had a pet skink. 2. She made some turmeric liquid and rubbed the turmeric root, covering her turmeric liquid and went away, and then returned and opened her turmeric liquid to press the turmeric in it into shape, then took off the coconutleaf mat, and a human being was there. 3. Ha'usanga was surprised by this, by the human come into being from her turmeric liquid. She looked him over, took the human out, and she cared [for him] and named him Tupuimanukatu'u (Growing-up-in-Manukatu'u). 4. Tehainga'atua wanted to have [him] on the cult grounds, and Ha'usanga treated her son with great reverence and took him to the place where offerings were left, and kept him there. 5. [Then they] entered the house and stayed there always, and [he] was worshipped in the house, whereas Tehainga'atua was worshipped on the cult grounds. When Tehu'aigabenga was mature, Ha'usanga took [him] and built Nukuahea for him, and so the grandparent and grandchild lived separately.

NOTES Malachi came to my house eager to tell his story, which proved to be an important one, but during dictation it meant little to me because of the technical terms concerning turmeric. Later I realized that the story explained the birth of Tehu'aigabenga and the reason for one of his names, Tupuitegenga (Growing-out-of-the-turmeric). 2. Taupongi 1961 preferred to have the last part, beginning namaa luga, read: ... nimaa luga atu te takapau, o hengingi'aki na haangongo, ma te kite e ia te tama 'iti'iti manga i te 'ango te haangongo (... taking out the coconut-leaf cover and emptying the coconut bowls, and she saw a child just in the inside of the bowl). 3. kuai: kua iai. Tupuimanukatu'u: another name for Tehu'aigabenga. 5. Taupongi 1961 preferred hegiu'aki as the plural of giu'aki (to worship).

SE

(B) Aaron Taupongi and Job Topue, both of Niupani, RE. November 11, 1958.

1. Ko Tehu'aingabenga noko he'e tau tamaña, ka manga sopo i te genga o hai ai tona ingoa, ko Tupuitegenga. 2. Kae te launatahi hahine, tona ingoa ko Ha'usanga, noko hai tena naha o tatau ki te kumete o poghi i na gau huti. Luga e Ha'usanga te poghinga o te kumete. E iai

1. Tehu'aigabenga had no father, but just came out of turmeric, and so got his name Tupuitegenga (Growing-out-of-theturmeric). 2. And one woman, her name Ha'usanga, made her liquid turmeric and wrung [it] out into a wooden bowl and covered [it] with banana leaves. Ha'usanga opened the covering of the wooden 83

TEXTS 6(B), 7, 8

te tama 'iti'iti. 3. Poghi hakahoki e Ha'usanga te kumete. Aano luga hakahoki e Ha'usanga te poghinga o te kumete. Kua tiketike te tama 'iti'iti i te 'ago o te kumete. 4. Sa'u ake e Ha'usanga ki taha o hakaingoa e Ha'usanga tena tama, ko Tupuitegenga. Kae mugi a Tehainga'atua o hai ake: "Toku makupuna!"

bowl. There was a small child in it. 3. Then Ha'usanga again covered the wooden bowl. Again Ha'usanga took off the covering of the wooden bowl. A small child was sitting cross-legged in the interior of the bowl. 4. Ha'usanga took [him] out, and Ha'usanga named her son Tupuitegenga. Later Tehainga'atua said: "My grandchild!" NOTES

Being familiar with Macgregor's account of Tehu'aigabenga's birth (Macgregor, 1943:33), I asked about the births of the gods. Aaron Taupongi told how Kaitu'u, the first immigrant, had brought the gods to Rennell, and after a brief pause he went on with this account. After he had finished, I asked if he knew how Tehainga'atua was born. He said that he did not know, as "this took place a very long time ago." Taupongi 1961 said that it was not Ha'usanga who raised Tehu'aigabenga, but the goddess 'Iti'iti. It was also 'Iti'iti who gave the god the name Tupuitegenga. This is the tradition of only the Iho clan, Bellona.

TM 7. T e Ingoa Tehu'aigabenga

T h e Name Tehu'aigabenga

Shadrach Maaui of Hatagua, RE. March 23, 1958.

Te tautupu'a o te baka haangota o Tehainga'atua noko hai kaui i te tai. Namaa sähe hoki ki tena nuku, o ase ake na gabenga o 'ati tena tu'u. Ka noko hinatu a Tehu'aigabenga o ina ki te tu'u kaui. Ka noko hakapupugu e Tehu'aigabenga te hu'aime'a, kogaa na to'o: "Ta'aku te hu'aigabenga." Ma te hai atu a Tehainga'atua: "Tou ingoa, ko Tehu'aigabenga." Hai ai tena ingoa tu'u o te 'atua. E 'oti.

The story of Tehainga'atua's fishing canoe that went to catch fish at sea. He went back to his abode, and took out the gabenga fish and heaped up his pile. Tehu'aigabenga came and looked at the pile of fish. Tehu'aigabenga then claimed the large part, saying: "Mine is the large gabenga." And Tehainga'atua said: "Your name is Tehu'aigabenga (The-large-gabenga)." So the god got his commonly used name. Now finished.

NOTES This story was prompted by my inquiry as to the meaning of the name Tehu'aigabenga. Taupongi 1961 explained that the gabenga fish is about the size of a man's hand and is caught occasionally in the open sea. gg

8. Nukuahea

Nukuahea

Aaron Taupongi, Job Topue, Jasper Tekobi, all of Niupani, RE. November 12, 1958.

1. Ko Nukuahea te nuku o Tehu'aigabenga ma tena hanau. Noko i na nuku matangi. Noko kogaa na noho a Nukuahea te iai na manaha o pegea. 2. Ka noko tu'u ai ba'i me'a: na niu ma na púa, ma na pita, ma na mei, ma na 'uhigaba, ma na 'uhi, ma na suinamo, ma na tago, ma na huti, ma na beetape, ma na abubu. Noko iai te hu'aihage, tee84

1. Nukuahea was the abode of Tehu'aigabenga and his offspring. [It] was among the eastern abodes. Nukuahea looked like the settlements of humans. 2. And all things were there: coconut trees, and betel palms, and pepper plants, and breadfruits, and pana, and yams, and suinamo yams, and taro, and bananas, and beetape tubers, and abubu tubers. There was a big house, its name was

TEXTS 8, 9

gaa tona ingoa Tehagetapu. 3. Noko iai gua hataa sua, ma na masahu, ma na genga 'eha to'a, ma na ha'u, ma na malikope, ma na kogoa, ma na utunga, ma na ika. 4. Noko iai ma'u te manu, tona ingoa Tengigongigo. Tengigongigo, te manu a Tehu'aigabenga, noko 'igo'igo to'a. Noko sehu a Tehu'aigabenga, o hetata'o'aki ai Tengigongigo. 5. Tengigongigo te manu hai ga'a ma'ugi kia pegea. Noko tangi i te moana 0 tangi i na 'ago hage, ki te manga sogi ai a pegea kia Tehu'aigabenga 1 te maanatu ake, ko Tehu'aigabenga e hitaiaki kia pegea, e te tangi ai tena manu. 6. Noko manga tangi o hakagongo kinai a pegea, ka noko he'e ina kinai te pegea.

Tehagetapu (The-sacred-house). 3. In it were two shelves for the sacred paddles and the sacred spears and the very important turmeric, and turbans, and mats, and tapas, and foods, and fish. 4. There was also a bird, its name was Tengigongigo. Tengigongigo, Tehu'aigabenga's bird, was very wise. Tehu'aigabenga walked about, and Tengigongigo always accompanied him. 5. Tengigongigo was the bird giving the life principle to human beings. [It] cried in the sea and cried inside the houses, and people prayed to Tehu'aigabenga in the thought that Tehu'aigabenga was near people because his bird was crying. 6. [It] just cried, and people heard it, but nobody saw it.

NOTES I asked Aaron Taupongi if he knew anything about the heavenly home of Tehu'aigabenga. At first he seemed bewildered, but then started to talk so fast that I could not follow him. Togaka, who knew the procedure of dictation, interrupted and helped explain what Taupongi said. Job and Jasper also added information when Aaron's memory failed, such as the name of the bird Tengigongigo. 3. sua: sacred paddles (Birket-Smith, 1956: figure 16d). masahu: sacred spears (Birket-Smith, 1956: figure 16e-g). Also a general term for sacred objects used during the rituals. ha'u: See Birket-Smith, 1956: figure 10. malikope: See Birket-Smith, 1956: figure 58. kogoa: See Birket-Smith, 1956: figure 10. 4. Tengigongigo: a mythical bird. Taupongi 1961 said he had never heard of this bird, and added: "Maybe this is just a thing of Rennell!" 6. This paragraph was added as an answer to my question: "Where does Tengigongigo live? Has anybody seen it?" On Bellona, Paul Sa'engeika gave the following topographical description of Tehu'aigabenga's heavenly home: Ko Nukuahea noko iai te hange o te ma'ungi. Ma te hange o te huaa umanga. Ma te hange 'ota'ota. Ma te hange na tamangiki. Ma te hange o na ika. (In Nukuahea was the house of the life principle. And the house of garden crops. And the house of goods. And the house of children. And the house of fishes.) The Bellonese tradition thus stresses the fact that Nukuahea was the home where all things desirable to humans were stored, and from where Tehu'aigabenga, the great donor of things, took them and gave them to people.

TM

9. Tugi Ngasuenga Jotham Togaka of ]

1. Ko Tehainga'atua te 'atua o Mugaba nei ma Mugiki ngatahi, i te me'a gaa tomatou 'atua noko mataa to'o mai e Kaitu'u ki gua 'aamonga nei. 2. Ko Tehu'aigabenga noko he'e uta mai e Kaitu'u mai 'Ubea, ka noko manga hakanoho e te lau-

The Principal District Deities u, RE. November 9, 1958.

1. Tehainga'atua is the deity of Rennell here as well as of Bellona, because Kaitu'u first brought our deity here to these two lands. 2. Kaitu'u did not ship Tehu'aigabenga here from 'Ubea, but a man from Rennell here or from Bellona just instituted the worship [of him]. 3. And 85

TEXTS 9, 10

natahi pegea Mugaba nei po ko Mugiki. 3. Ka ko Tehu'aigabenga noko manga hai ai te 'ugu epa o ba'i ngaguenga i Mugaba nei ma Mugiki. Ka noko 'api to'a tena hanau. Noko tuhatuha o taki 'ugu epa ai te ta'u ngaguenga a Mugaba nei ma Mugiki. 4. Te hosa o Tehu'aigabenga, ko Tuhaitema'ugi, te tugi ngasuenga a Tegano. Ka ko Masahuitekaba te tugi ngasuenga a Kanaba. Na kakai 'anga noko hai togatou tugi ngasuenga ia Masahuitekaba, ko Temuginuku ma Namalaga ma Ngakea. 5. Ka ko Tupuimatangi te tugi ngasuenga a Tetaungagoto ma Mugihenua.

so Tehu'aigabenga indeed owned the 'ugu epa (sacred mat) of every temple here on Rennell and on Bellona. He had many many offspring. There was distribution [of food offerings], and every temple here on Rennell and on Bellona had its 'ugu epa mat. 4. The son of Tehu'aigabenga was Tuhaitema'ugi, the principal district deity of the Lake. Masahuitekaba was the principal district deity of Kanaba. The district peoples who had Masahuitekaba as their principal district deity were Temuginuku and Namalaga and Ngakea. 5. And Tupuimatangi was the principal district deity of Tetaungagoto and Mugihenua.

NOTES After having dictated this, Togaka seemed to have doubts as to the correctness of the information given in 2, and advised me to have it confirmed by other informants—an illustration of the concern of Rennellese and Bellonese for giving the most correct information possible. People were always ready to admit if they had no answer to questions, and would then either consult somebody or advise me to ask others. Much later on Bellona, Togaka and I looked at this text again, and Togaka suggested that the information given in 2 be deleted. He had consulted some Bellonese who "knew more about these matters." Later I asked Paul Sa'engeika and others. They all said that the information given in 2 was wrong. Taupongi 1961 also denied that the worship of Tehu'aigabenga had been instituted by a man from Rennell or Bellona. He added that Tehu'aigabenga was termed te hu'aingasuenga (the great district god) and that he was worshipped by all the clans except the Iho clan on Bellona. He was only rarely termed tugi ngasuenga (principal district deity). This was normally one of his sons. 3. 'ugu epa: See NI(B):11. TM

io. Sisi

The Nerita Shell

Daniel Tuhanuku of Ghongau, BE. December 11, 1958.

1. Ko Mungiki nei noko hakatu'u i te sisi. Te sisi noko i te tai o ngasongo ake, aano e'a kia 'angunga, o hai ai te 'aamonga. 2. 'Oti te tu'u te 'aamonga, o iai te kenge. Teengaa te me'a noko mataa noho ai, te pangati. Mungi te soi tea o malubu ai o hinake, o he'e ma'u'angunga, 0 manga hinake o hakapau kinai te ngangi. 3. Ma te a'u Tangangoa o sia hai ke to'o te ngangi ke mama'o 1 te kenge o Mungild nei. Mataa to'o ki 'angunga i te 'ungu, o haingata'a, aano tu'u o to'o i gua gima aano tu'u teitei, ma te pulu a Tangangoa. Sui a Tongangengeba o to'o e 86

1. Bellona here rose from a Nerita shell. The Nerita shell was in the sea and grew upwards and came to the surface and thus became an island. 2. After the raising of the land had stopped, soil was there. This is the thing which first stayed there, the pangati beetle. Later came the soi tea plant and sprouted and came up and was not high either, just came up and the sky was firm (hakapau) thereon. 3. And Tangangoa came and wanted to take the sky to make it distant from the soil of Bellona here. First [he] took [it] up on his head and [it] was difficult, then [he] took [it] on two hands and stood on tiptoes, and Tangangoa was [too]

TEXTS 10, 11

ia, kae mata e Tehainga'atua aano, namaa teitei ma'u a Tongangengeba, o pulu. 4. Ma te sui o to'o i te nga'akautu'uti, ma te pau i te nga'akautu'uti, ma te hai atu a Tehainga'atua: "Ke noho i teengaa. Na'e kua ngaoi."

short. Then in turn Tongangengeba took hold [of the sky], and Tehainga'atua watched. And then even Tongangengeba stood on tiptoes and was [too] short. 4. And then [he] took the priestly staff and concluded [the attempts] with the priestly staff, and Tehainga'atua said: "Let it rest there. So now [everything] is fine."

NOTES The day before, I had asked Puia and others about the tradition of Mautikitiki fishing up Rennell (T31, T33, T35[D], T39). Did he also drag Bellona out of the ocean? Everybody said that Bellona was already there when Mautikitiki got Rennell on his hook, and that Bellona had risen from a small shell. Nobody present knew the details of this story and several persons suggested that Daniel Tuhanuku come and tell it. He came the next day (somebody had sent for him). He first told the story at normal speed, then dictated it. Puia and Paul Sa'engeika were present and listened with great interest. None of them had heard the whole story told before, they said. Daniel said that this father, Kaitu'u, had told it to him. 1. sisi: Nerita shell. Used for making coconut scrapers (Birket-Smith, 1956: figure 41). 2. pangati: black beetle which lives on the ground. It never comes into the houses. Taupongi 1961 said it looked like the poi (another kind of beetle). soi tea: a dry-land tuber, possibly arrowroot; its baked tubers are soaked in water for several days before eating. 4. nga'akautu'uti: See Birket-Smith, 1956: figure 16a. Apparently I had misunderstood the last part of the tale when working it over and translating it on Bellona. My first translation of 4 went: And [Tehainga'atua] replaced [him] and took the priestly staff. . . . Taupongi 1961 objected, saying that Tehainga'atua was just watching the events. It was Tongangengeba who lifted up the sky. The phrase sui to'o here just means: then [Tongangengeba] took. Taupongi also expressed his doubt concerning the correctness of the story: "I don't think that Tangangoa tried to lift the sky. It was only Tongangengeba, and Tehainga'atua watched him."

TM

i l . Tongagegeba

Tongagegeba

Headman Togaka of Kaagua, RE. At Hatagua, March 19, 1958.

1. Te tagatupu'a o Tongagegeba noko to'o e ia te gangi o mama'o iho. Te gangi noko manga pigi iho ki te kege nei. Teegaa tena haaite noko manga hai, na hegegei 'anga na tuu ma na soi tea. 2. Noko manga hegegei ake na tuu o manga paa 'anga i te gangi o hitoki giu üio. Malubu ake na soi tea, o manga paa 'anga ki te gangi o mangamanga tena gau. 3. Namaa ko Tongagegeba, ta'aki e ia, te gangi o hano he'egahi iho. Manga noho toka ai nei. Teenei tena 'otinga.

1. The story of Tongagegeba who took the sky far up. The sky formerly touched down upon the earth here. The height that it had, the flight of ground pigeons and the soi tea plant. 2. The pigeons would fly up only to touch upon the sky and fall back down. The soi tea grew up only to reach and touch the sky and spread out its leaves. 3. Then as for Tongagegeba, he lifted up the sky and [it] went far up. [It] stays there quietly now. This is the ending [of the story].

NOTES 1. Togaka considered Tongagegeba a deity ('atua) not worshipped. For other references to Tongageba, see T10 and T67:19. iho: seems to be a mistake and is not translated. 2. It is difficult to convey in English the difference between paa 'anga i te gangi (touch upon the sky) and paa 'anga ki te gangi (to touch as far as the sky). soi tea: See N10:2.

SE

TEXTS 12, 13

12. Sikingimoemoe

Sikingimoemoe

Timothy Sau'uhi of Baitupu, RE. At Bagika'ago, March 12, 1958.

1. Ko Sikingimoemoe noko sia hai ke hakapigi, ia tena tunga'ane a Tehainga'atua. Too iho te gaukei o pisi ai, mate goi. O hetauaki e Tehainga'atua i ba'i hai 'anga o he'e ma'ugi ghali. Namaa te tahi 'aso tu'u a Tehainga'atua o ogiogi 'atua, o kogaa na to'o: "Tugou Tetupu'a! Tugou ma tou tuhahine!" 2. Tu'ia a Sikingimoemoe o ngaguegue. Namaa hai ake a Tehainga'atua: "Tetupu'a ma tou tuhahine magie sou goto!" Siasia a Sikingimoemoe o 'aga, e ma'ugi. Kua 'oti.

1. Sikingimoemoe wanted to stay with her brother Tehainga'atua. A leaf fell and hit her and [she] pretended to lose consciousness. Tehainga'atua applied every cure but [she] was not quickly brought back to life. Then Tehainga'atua prayed to his gods, saying: "Permission! Tetupu'a and your sister!" 2. Sikingimoemoe was surprised and her pulse beat. Tehainga'atua said: "Tetupu'a and your sister, may your hearts be serene!" Sikingimoemoe was happy and got up, alive. Finished.

NOTES Timothy was not all sure of the ritual prayer and said atogoto, which Paul Takiika on April 6 changed to 'atugou. Taupongi 1961 said that the correct term was tugou, and I made an exception to the usual procedure and changed the original text. Taupongi explained that Tehainga'atua was repeating the formula that was used to address him and his sister Sikingimoemoe as a way of pleasing her and restoring her to life. Tetupu'a is a name for Tehainga'atua. Taupongi chanted with prolonged vowels: "Tetupu'aaa! Tuhahiiine!" The phrase sou goto should be tou goto (Taupongi 1961).

SE

13. Sikingimoemoe ma Sa'opunuasee

Sikingimoemoe and Sa'opunuasee

Timothy Sau'uhi of Baitupu, RE. At Labagu, November 9, 1957.

1. Ko Sikingimoemoe noko pusie ia ia Sa'opunuasee ma gua hai taina. Kua tuku ki te hata. 2. Kogaa 'aso hano hai ake: "Tuku iho outou gima!" Haka'igonga kua tauiku. 3. Hano ke hai baakai ke kiki (kogaa na noho kai te tago, kai te kaui e kiki). 4. Tu'u mai Sa'opunuasee, me'ime'i i te titingi hata ma tohi, a'aki iho ha'agiko. Boo ke kake, kake te pukabai. 5. A'u ko Sikingimoemoe, kua ha'agiko; sasaga. Hano ina'iho ki te bai. 6. Ma noho ake ai na 'ata i te bai. Siasia. Kogaa na to'o Sikingimoemoe: "Konei aku tama. Ke noko kai, ke noko kai." 7. 'Utu kinai. He'e kitea. E'a hoki ake; guti te kaatanga. Ina hakatu'u, ina hakatu'u, sia hai ke kake. Gibai iho i te ga'akau. Momoge. Too 88

1. Sikingimoemoe adopted Sa'opunuasee and two younger brothers. [She] put [them] on a shelf. 2. One day [she] went and said [to the sons]: "Put your hands down!" [She] felt, [they] had matured. 3. [She] went to get firewood so as to make supplementary food (that is the same as to eat taro and to eat fish at the same time). 4. Sa'opunuasee stood up, jostled the covering of the shelf, broke [it and they all] came down [and] ran away. Went to climb, to climb a pukabai tree. 5. Sikingimoemoe came, [the sons] had fled; [she] looked about. [She] came and looked down into a pool. 6. Reflections were in the water. [She] was happy. Sikingimoemoe spoke as follows: "These are my sons. [I] will certainly eat, [I] will certainly eat." 7. [She] dove down for them. Did not find [them]. [She] came up

TEXTS 13, 14

hoki ki gago. 8. To'o mai te toki, tua ai te ga'akau. Hetaiake ke too. Tangi ki te manu te hai ta'okete, kogaa na to'o: "Kataha koe; 'ai ko au kaa ti'akina te boi, te boi, Teninipo." Tangi te pegea i goto: "Kanapu koe; 'ai ko au kaa ti'akina, te boi, te boi, Teninipo." Tangi te hai taina: "Gopiti koe; koe aa; 'ai ko au te ti'akina te boi, te boi, Teninipo." 9. A'u te gopiti, o baba togu; baba togu o to'o e ia o hano. Kua 'oti.

again; laughter sounded. [She] looked up, looked up, wanted to climb. [The sons] passed water down from the tree. [The tree became] slippery. [She] fell back down. 8. [She] took an adze to cut the tree with. Almost falling. The older brother chanted to a bird, saying the following: "You frigate bird; I am leaving the pool, the pool, Teninipo." The middle one chanted: "You booby bird; I am leaving the pool, the pool, Teninipo." The youngest brother chanted: "You little tern; what of you; I am leaving the pool, the pool, Teninipo." 9. The little tern came and took the three on its back, carried the three on its back; he took [them] and went away. Finished.

NOTES This was the first story taken down in the field. Timothy narrated in the elliptic style that was to prove characteristic of him and of many other narrators, that is, in short phrases without subjects and objects. This seemed to impart a brisk effectiveness and elegance. It increased the difficulties of the foreign listener, but apparently not of those who already knew the tale. Most of the particles were still not clear, especially the noko (certainly) in 6 contrasting with the noko (marker of past time) in 1. Timothy said that this story was taught to children. His son, about 8 years old, who nearly always was with his father, and who was listening quietly, sang the chants in 8 ahead of Timothy. 1. Sikingimoemoe: Genealogy 11, sister of Tehainga'atua. 7. Timothy first said mimi, then he changed to the euphemism gibai. The word mimi is not used in the presence of certain relatives, like a male's sister or brother-in-law, and is probably as taboo as the English "to piss," the translation of mimi used in this volume. 8. boi: poetic for bai (water). Teninipo is the site of the pool.

SE

14. Tangangoa ma Tehainga'atua

Tangangoa and Tehainga'atua

Taupongi of Sa'aiho, BE. January 21, 1959.

1. Ko Tangangoa na to'o hakatau e ia te hanau a Tehainga'atua, o hai te hekau a Tehainga'atua te 'autao e ia ia Tangangoa o he'e memene ia Tangangoa. 2. Noko manga hakasangeba; noko manga kongaa na hai te too iho ke to'o ma'ana tasi i te hanau a Tehainga'atua. 'Autao e Tehainga'atua kae hakasangeba. Aano nimaa 'oti i te 'autao e Tehainga'atua, suki ta'ana ia tana hanau o ngenge. 3. Ma te suni ai a Tehainga'atua kia Tehu'aingabenga. Nimaa i teengaa 'aso hano a Tehu'aingabenga o pali e ia i te ahiahi. Too iho ma'u a Tangangoa ke

1. As for Tangangoa, he made off with the offspring of Tehainga'atua, one by one, and Tehainga'atua worked: He hurled spears toward Tangangoa, and [they] did not penetrate Tangangoa. 2. [Tangangoa] sucked in his abdomen; [he] just did it when swooping down to take for himself one of the offspring of Tehainga'atua. Tehainga'atua hurled many spears [toward him], but [he] sucked in his abdomen. Then, when Tehainga'atua had finished hurling many spears, one of his spears pierced his child, and [Tangangoa] flew away [with it]. 3. And so Tehainga'atua complained to Tehu'aingabenga. Then, one day, Tehu'aingabenga went 89

TEXTS 14, 15

to'o ma'ana he pengea ma'u i te hanau a Tehainga'atua. 4. Ma te sopo kinai a Tehu'aingabenga ma tena 'uu mangasingabee, ma te ngengema'ungi a Tangangoa o hakasangeba, aano nimaa hakamakona te tina'e, bengo e Tehu'aingabenga. 5. Nimaa tokahaa tao o Tehu'aingabenga kia Tangangoa, pau iho e Tangangoa ko ia kaa mate, ma te ngenge o hano. He'e to'o ma'ana tasi. Nimaa ngenge a Tangangoa o tatae ki tona manaha o hakakite na tao e iai. 6. Tutu'u mai ona kainanga o unu atu e kingatou, ma te pau, o manga noho ai na tao o Tehu'aingabenga ia Tangangoa.

and he spied on [Tangangoa] in the late afternoon. Again Tangangoa swooped down to take again for himself [one] of Tehainga'atua's offspring. 4. And Tehu'aingabenga came to him with his bundle of ritual spears, and Tangangoa was startled and sucked in his abdomen, and then, when he distended his abdomen, Tehu'aingabenga hurled spears. 5. When four of Tehu'aingabenga's spears came at Tangangoa, Tangangoa became convinced that he would die, and [he] flew away. And he did not take [any of Tehainga'atua's offspring]. Then Tangangoa flew and arrived at his settlement and showed that there were spears [in him]. 6. His servants then stood up and they pulled, but [the spears] were firm, and so Tehu'aingabenga's spears remained in Tangangoa.

NOTES Informants disagreed as to whether Tangangoa was an 'apai (god not worshipped) or a kakai (culture hero). His settlement was not in the sky but at Toho, south of the lake, Rennell. Taupongi 1961 said that mangasingabee was the name of the 'uu tao hakasanisani (bundle of barbed spears; Birket-Smith, 1956: figure 16f). These spears were used only in rituals. The mediums had said that these spears were protruding from the body of Tangangoa. Tangangoa was said to look like a fireball: Ko Tangangoa te ingoa a pengea a Mungiki ki te me'a e ngenge i te ngangi o unga pe te 'ahi (Tangangoa was the name of people of Bellona for a thing flying in the sky, red like fire). Taupongi had seen this phenomenon several times on Bellona. He said it was "very fast."

TM

15. T e Lango 'anga a Tehu'aingabenga

Tehu'aingabenga's Party of Travelers

Taupongi of Sa'aiho, BE. January 21, 1959.

1. Te lango 'anga a Tehu'aingabenga noko boo ma te mounoho a Tangangoa kia Hakakamu'eha, te unguungu o Tehu'aingabenga. 2. Ma te hakatangi a Sangama'ungi i te mounoho kia te tinana, a Hakakamu'eha. Ma te hakataha a Sangama'ungi. Nimaa pata ake te lango 'anga a Hakakamu'eha, ia Sangama'ungi, keu iho ma'u a Tangangoa o mouinaina kia Hakakamu'eha. 3. Ma te sopo iho a Sangama'ungi o hakaiho e ia te toki 'ungi ki te 'ungu o Tangangoa, ma te tapatapa o ngenge. 90

1. Tehu'aingabenga's party of travelers went along, and Tangangoa lusted after Hakakamu'eha, the wife of Tehu'aingabenga. 2. And Sangama'ungi complained because [Tangangoa] lusted after his mother, Hakakamu'eha. And Sangama'ungi stepped aside. When Hakakamu'eha's party of travelers came close to Sangama'ungi. Tangangoa again turned his head and ogled Hakakamu'eha. 3. And Sangama'ungi went down and brought the adze of black rock down on the head of Tangangoa, and [he] rose up and flew away.

TEXTS 15, 16 NOTES This story caused much laughter, especially the mentioning of Tangangoa's lusting (mounoho) towards Hakakamu'eha. The elliptic style makes it difficult to understand without a description of the scene: A party of gods walk along a path, the men in front and the women in a line behind. Tangangoa, a god not worshipped, steps aside and waits until the women pass by. He joins them and flirts with Hakakamu'eha. Sangama'ungi, a district god from the lake on Rennell and son of Tehu'aingabenga (Genealogy 13), steps aside and waits for the women to pass him, so that he can catch Tangangoa. Tangangoa takes off as a bird and flies away when Sangama'ungi hits his head with an adze. Taupongi 1961 gave a vivid and amusing description of mounoho and mouinaina, complete with gestures and animation. He said that Hakakamu'eha often possessed female taaunga (mediums).

TM

16. Tangagoa, te Hu'aiahi

Tangagoa, the Great Fire

Tetamogi of Tigoa, RE. January 8, 1958.

1. Te tautupu'a kia Tangagoa (Luimoa, Tepu'ateba'ihenua, Tinolau), noko nuku i Nukuma'anu, kae noko he'e kakai 'agunga nei. Teegaa tona manaha, noko noho i te takege o te tai i te moana i Nukuma'anu. O he'e ma'ugi ai he pegea i na 'a'ago 'anga i Nukuma'anu, masege i te mamate. 2. Manga ina aano kinai te 'atua omatou a Tehu'aigabenga, hano te sasaga, hano iho ki Nukuma'anu i te iho i Labagu o hano i te aga. 3. Hano aano i te aga, sopo ake a Tehu'aigabenga, i te ogo Tabai ma hakaga'aa ai te 'atua hahine(he'e mate tona ingoa); manga hai atu a Tehu'aigabenga ki te 'atua hahine: "Konei na kunga kakai?" Manga nguu mai kinai o hai mai: "Konei na kunga kakai." Na hai atu a Tehu'aigabenga: "Si'ai!" 4. Kae kaunaki o tu'u o boo, boo aano i te aga i Nukuma'anu, sosopo ki tai, o boo i te goto, boo hetae ki na taahoga o sosopo, boo i te moana, hetae ki te kunga e patake ai, te manaha o Tangagoa i te takege o te moana. 5. Manga hai atu te 'atua hahine ia Tehu'aigabenga: "Uku iho!" Manga hai atu a Tehu'aigabenga ki te 'atua hahine: "Mataa uku iho!" Ma'ogi o mataa uku te 'atua hahine. 6. Uku iho o hano a Tehu'aigabenga i te aga singa o te manaha o Tanga-

1. The story of Tangagoa (Luimoa, Tepu'ateba'ihenua, Tinolau), who resided in Nukuma'anu, but did not live above here. That is his home; [he] lived at the bottom of the sea in the ocean at Nukuma'anu. No one going shark fishing at Nukuma'anu survived, usually all died. 2. Our god, Tehu'aigabenga, saw this and went to look [for him], going down to Nukuma'anu, by first going down to Labagu, and then going on the trail. 3. Going along the trail, Tehu'aigabenga climbed Tabai Hill, and a goddess (name unknown) was sunning herself there, and Tehu'aigabenga said to the goddess: "Are these the places lived in?" [She] just nodded to him and said: "These are the places lived in." Tehu'aigabenga said: "No!" 4. [He] said [they] should go right away along the path at Nukuma'anu, go into the sea and into the lagoon and on to the outer edges of the barrier reef, and then into the open sea and then to the place joining onto Tangagoa's home at the bottom of the sea. 5. The goddess then said to Tehu'aigabenga: "Dive in!" Tehu'aigabenga then said to the goddess: "[You] dive down first!" So the goddess dove first. 6. Tehu'aigabenga dove down and went along the bypath at Tangagoa's home that was at the bottom of the sea. 7. Tehu'aigabenga 91

TEXT 16

goa noko i te takege o te moana. 7. Hinake a Tehu'aigabenga i te manaha o ugu ki te hage o Tangagoa, o 'ui mai e Tehu'aigabenga te kete noko i te kasomutu te taaunga a Tangagoa, gua pegea kua mate, tutahi o mate, kae ma popoge teegaa; sa'u e Tehu'aigabenga o pegu i te siku huna, kae pagepage ake ia Tangagoa o e'ake 'agunga nei i te moana, o hinake ki 'agunga, hinake o noho i te teatea. 8. Hakaanuanu atu e Tehu'aigabenga kia Tangagoa: "Teenei te manaha?" Hai atu: " 'Oo, teenei te manaha." Hai atu a Tehu'aigabenga: "Na kunga ngaaki maahana 'oku kainanga kia te au." 9. Tu'u a Tangagoa o hinake, hinake aano, noho i te tahoga, hai atu kinai a Tehu'aigabenga: "Teenei te manaha?" Hai mai a Tangagoa: "'Oo, teenei te manaha." Hai atu ma'u a Tehu'aigabenga: "Konei 'isi kunga ngaaki maahana 'oku kainanga ma'u kia te au." 10. Tu'ua o hinake a Tangagoa, hinake o noho i te goto, hai atu ma'u a Tehu'aigabenga: "Teenei te manaha?" Nguu atu ma'u kinai a Tangagoa, manga sugu mai te tu'aa ba'e o Tehu'aigabenga i te tobigha o Tangagoa, o luga ake ki te gege i Nukuma'anu o noho ai, o 'ati e ia te ingoa o tona manaha, ko Toho. Kua 'oti.

went along the settlement and entered Tangagoa's house, and Tehu'aigabenga took down from the hanger the basket [containing] Tangagoa's left-over food, two people who were casualties, one dead and the other twitching; Tehu'aigabenga took [them] out and folded [them] into the tail of his loincloth and drove Tangagoa away and appeared from the sea above here, came up, came and stopped in the shallows beyond the reef. 8. Tehu'aigabenga asked Tangagoa: "Is this the settlement?" [Tangagoa] said: "Yes, this is the settlement." Tehu'aigabenga said: "[This] is where my worshippers will make maahana cooked offerings to me." 9. Tangagoa then went on and went on and stopped at the sea side of the barrier reef, and Tehu'aigabenga said to him: "Is this the settlement?" Tangagoa said: "Yes, this is the settlement." Tehu'aigabenga said again: "This is another place where my worshippers also make maahana offerings to me." 10. Tangagoa then went on, went on and stopped in the lagoon, and Tehu'aigabenga again said: "Is this the settlement?" Tangagoa nodded again to him, and Tehu'aigabenga slipped the top of his foot into Tangagoa's buttocks and booted [him] up to the top of the cliff at Nukuma'anu where [he] stayed, and he called the name of his home Toho. Finished.

11. Manga sehu ki Mugaba nei i ana hegegehaki 'anga, ki te matou hiina'i kinai. Uuga to'a. Te hu'aiahi. (Na ingoa o na kunga hakapuu e kimatou i na ahi i na me'a o 'eha o hai na hu'aiahi.) Namaa gege i te 'ao, pugha; gege i te poo, uga to'a.

11. [Tangagoa] just travels by flying to and from Rennell, and we see him. Very, very red. A huge fire. (The names of places where we make blazing fires for many things, making huge fires.) When flying by day, whitish; flying by night, very red.

NOTES This story was told after I had asked about Tangagoa and had told of the Samoan custom of breaking off the tip of a taro leaf and throwing it away because Tangagoa had sat on it. Several said they do the same thing because the tip is maga (irritating). The Rennellese missionary teacher said he had seen Tangagoa at Toho, the cliff near the center of Nukuma'anu Bay. Others said they too had seen him and then Tetamogi told this story. 1. Other names for Tangagoa are in parentheses. 2. Labagu: on the south coast near the lake; not the Labagu at Lughu. 3. On the fourth reading I realized that Tehu'aigabenga meant: "Is this where Tangagoa lives?" Luke said that the unnamed goddess was a friend of Tangagoa's who tried to protect

92

TEXTS 16, 17(A) him. (Luke knew few stories, but sat by my work table for hours on end so that he could answer any questions that might arise.) 4. patake: pata ake. 7. e'ake: e'a ake. 8. Luke said that Tangagoa had to find a new place to live. Tehu'aigabenga is teasing him; the repetition adds to the sadistic humor, and the hearer's gratification at justice being meted out to a cannibal. 1962 informants preferred no object marker after hakaanuanu atu. 11. This came during the discussion following the story. As spoken by Tetamogi, uuga is an emphatic form. To illustrate the whitish quality of Tangagoa by day, Tetamogi pointed to my writing tablet with its cover picture of a cloud on a blue sky. Others said names for shooting stars were ta'e hetu'u (star feces), bulighoba, and tangagoa, listed in order of decreasing size. Most seemed to think that they were not really stars but gods, and especially Tangagoa. Even Tegheta shared this belief. The following Tangagoa anecdote was told by John Temoa at Bagika'ago on March 10, 1958. He laughed at the girl's foolish wish, which resembles a child's dangerous wish in T185. Te tautupu'a ki te tau tinana noko ma hiina'i i te manaha. Namaa poo, gege a Tangagoa. Namaa hai atu tena tama'ahine: "Kau tata'o ia Tangagoa." Keu atu a te tinana, ke popono te ngutu, kua pau o sopo iho tena kupu ki taha i te ngutu. 'Ika'ika kinai te tinana. Ka ko Tangagoa kua hakagongo mai ki te kupu a tena tama'ahine. Namaa teegaa poo, hiina'i atu kia Tangagoa manga uga a'u i gago. Tu'ia a teegaa tau tinana o matataku kinai. A'u 'ogoti i te 'ugu o tena tama'ahine. O tutahi a Tangagoa o hano, kae mate te hahine. Kogaa na noho kua kakabe e ia. Kua 'oti.

Story of the mother and child who lived in a settlement. At night the [huge shooting star] Tangagoa flew. Her daughter said: "I'm going to follow Tangagoa." The mother turned and put her hand over the [girl's] mouth, but the word had escaped outside the mouth. The mother was angry at her. Tangagoa had heard what her daughter said. One night [they] looked at Tangagoa coming down all red. The mother and child were scared and frightened of him. He came and brushed past the head of her daughter. Tangagoa had left for good, the woman was dead. That is how he took [her] with [him]. Finished.

17. Te Pagepage 'anga ia Tangagoa

The Banishment of Tangagoa

SE

(A) Tetamogi of Tigoa, RE. January 3, 1958.

1. Te tagatupu'a kia Tehainga'atua ma Tangagoa ma Tangiteaga, te 'atua tangata, na pa'asi kia Tehainga'atua, ke hano i Mugaba nei ka ke hai ma'agaa te 'aamonga, ka na maasaki a Tehainga'atua i te pagepage 'anga e Tangagoa ma Tangiteaga. 2 . 0 maasaki a Tehainga'atua o tu'iho ki tai i Mataagaba (te potu o Kagaba). Teegaa te ingoa o te kunga noko hepagepage'aki ai o pau a Tehainga'atua o maasaki. Pau ke hano i Mugaba nei. 3. Boo te gongo kia te makupuna, Tehu'aigabenga, hetae atu kinai o hakatonu e ia te ngaguenga hano ki Gabenga (manaha i Mugiki), manga ti'aki atu te tao hakasanisani ia Tepou ('atua). Kae a'u a Tehu'aigabenga hetae mai ki Mataagaba, ma tu'u ba'e tahi a Tehainga'atua i Mugaba nei.

1. The story of Tehainga'atua and Tangagoa and Tangiteaga, a male god, opponents of Tehainga'atua who were to come here to Rennell to take the island for themselves, for Tehainga'atua was weak from being driven away by Tangagoa and Tangiteaga. 2. Tehainga'atua was weak and went down to the coast at Mataagaba (one end of Kagaba). That is the name of the place [he] was driven to, for Tehainga'atua was very, very weak indeed. He was about to leave Rennell permanently. 3. The news came to the grandson Tehu'aigabenga, reaching him, and he conducted a temple ritual and went to Gabenga (settlement on Bellona), and then left the ceremonial spear there for Tepou (god). Then Tehu'aigabenga came and reached Mataagaba, and Tehainga'atua was standing on one foot here on Rennell. 93

TEXTS 17(A), 17(B)

4. A'u a te makupuna, a Tehu'aigabenga, o hakaanu kinai kia te tupuna, po tehea togaa 'aso hetae mai. Hai atu a Tehainga'atua kia te makupuna, Tehu'aigabenga, teegaa togaa 'aso te ahiahi. 5. Hiina'i aano hetae ki te ahiahi, hano a Tehu'aigabenga o mumuni, kae a'aki mai a Tangagoa ma Tangiteaga, boo mai aano hetae mai kinai, hegegei kinai a Tangagoa ma Tangiteaga, hetata'i ma'u o toto'a Tangiteaga ma Tangagoa, kae maasaki a Tehainga'atua. 6. loo sopo iho a Tehu'aigabenga, manga gege a Tangagoa, taghaghi 'agu ai te tao a Tehu'aigabenga, tu'u ia Tangagoa, kae taa ia Tangiteaga. Noko hoki a Tehainga'atua i Mataagaba i te kua hakasoi ai a te makupuna, Tehu'aigabenga. Kua 'oti.

4. The grandson Tehu'aigabenga came and asked him, the grandfather, when the two would come. And Tehainga'atua told his grandson Tehu'aigabenga that their time was the late afternoon. 5. Then the late afternoon came, and Tehu'aigabenga went away and hid, and then Tangagoa and Tangiteaga appeared, coming, arriving there, Tangagoa and Tangiteaga flying in, fighting, and again Tangagoa and Tangiteaga were strong, and Tehainga'atua was weak. 6. Then Tehu'aigabenga came down, and Tangagoa just flew away with Tehu'aigabenga's hurling spear in pursuit [which] hit Tangagoa and struck Tangiteaga. Tehainga'atua came back from Mataagaba because the grandson Tehu'aigabenga had become his ally. Finished.

NOTES Stories were often told in cycles. After finishing the story of Tangagoa's punishment by Tehu'aigabenga (T16), Tetamogi rapidly told this tale of the scapegoat Tangagoa's short-lived victory over the god Tehainga'atua, and I asked him to dictate it after a little rest. (I needed the rest, not he!) All the stories about Tangagoa caused considerable laughter. Tetamogi and others present laughed at the mention of Tehainga'atua's weakness (maasaki) in 1, and at his standing on one leg in 3. On the night of January 12, when we had returned to my home in Niupani, a crowd gathered and asked to hear the story, laughing merrily and apparently getting satisfaction out of hearing of the great god's humiliations. 1. Tangagoa's friend Tangiteaga is identified in the notes to variant B. 2. Kagaba on Lughu Bay. The word pau at this stage of my education was causing much trouble. On the third reading at Niupani, I asked if maasaki ko Tehainga'atua was the same as pau a Tehainga'atua o maasaki. The answer: "Yes, only the second is stronger." I then realized that pau in this context meant "very, a great deal." But in the phrase pau ke hano, pau means "permanently." 3. Tepou was a district god of the Tanga clan. He had been injured by Tangagoa.

SE

(B) Isaac Teikahoki and Mathew Tighesua, both of Bagika'ago, RE. March 12, 1958.

1. Noko angai a Tehainga'atua i te ngaguenga i Mataagaba. Gongo ai a Tangiteaga ma Tangagoa, boo mai kinai te kaahinga o huhuti iho ki haho, o hai songo e kigaaua ia Tehainga'atua, taa huhuke kae boo. Hai ke boo a Tangiteaga ma Tangagoa, kae hai atu a kigaaua kia Tehainga'atua: "Temaa ha'itunga teenei." Kae boo. 2. Hakatatae mai, kaunaki e Tehainga'atua ia tena 'igaamutu a Titikasokaso, o hano te gongo ki Mugiki ia Tehu'aigabenga. 'Ati gongo 94

1. Tehainga'atua stayed [as a protector] in the temple at Mataagaba. Tangiteaga and Tangagoa heard of this and came on a raid and pulled him out, and beat [him] and pulled off [his loincloth] and went away. When Tangiteaga and Tangagoa were about to leave, they said to Tehainga'atua: "This is our sacred house [not yours]!" And [they] left. 2. Tehainga'atua waited a bit and then sent his niece Titikasokaso to take the report to Tehu'aigabenga on Bellona. So Titikasokaso said to Tehu'aigabenga:

TEXT 17(B)

atu a Titikasokaso kia Tehu'aigabenga: "Ko te tupuu te kaa hakataugagago nei e gua nei masakia'a." Hetapa a Tehu'aigabenga: "Tehainga'atua ma te makupuu!" 3. Kae a'u a Tehu'aigabenga o tatae mai ki Mataagaba o haahuna e ia ia te tupuna o kakabe ki hage, o angai o tuku kinai te ga'akautu'uti ma te ha'u maeba. 4. Noko hakaanu kinai a Tehu'aigabenga kia te tupuna: "Po e gholoba hakaa kia te koe gua nei masakia'a?" Hakatau a Tehainga'atua: "Te taha'ata ma te ahiahi." Kae hano hakagahi o gepo. 5. Namaa ma tatae te gholoba, ina atu Tehu'aigabenga kia Tangiteaga ma Tangagoa e boo mai tegaa baka. Boo mai aano tatae mai. Namaa tatae mai hai ake a Tangiteaga ma Tangagoa: " 'Ai kua hoki ake ki hage." 6. Mataa sopo a Tangagoa o hakakite ake ma'u a Tangagoa kua hai tena ga'akautu'uti ma'u. Ma sopo a Tangagoa i te baka o tege ake ki ga'unga, o sopo a Tehu'aigabenga ke 'autao. 7. Tu'ia a Tangagoa o gege, kae 'agu ia Tangiteaga o labu o 'oso ki te gau 'ugu o saghaghi a babalu te 'ugu. Hai ake a Tangiteaga: "O tupuna te pau, kau tupunaa te hai songo." 'Agoha kinai a Tehu'aigabenga o mau'i ai. Kua 'oti.

"Your grandfather is about to be humiliated by these two wretches!" Tehu'aigabenga called out in prayer: "Tehainga'atua and grandchild!" 3. Tehu'aigabenga came and reached Mataagaba here and put the loincloth on his grandfather and took him to the house, and [they] sat down, and [he] gave him the priestly staff and flowing turban. 4. Tehu'aigabenga asked his grandfather: "At what times do these two wretches come to you?" Tehainga'atua answered: "Morning and late afternoon." So [Tehu'aigabenga] hid and watched. 5. When the time came, Tehu'aigabenga saw Tangiteaga and Tangagoa coming in their canoe, coming, arriving. When Tangiteaga and Tangagoa got here they said: "Oh, [he] has gone back up to the house!" 6. Tangagoa got out first and Tangagoa pointed out that [Tehainga'atua] had also his priestly staff.—Tangagoa got out of the canoe and ran inland, and Tehu'aigabenga came in order to spear [him] with many spears. 7. Tangagoa was frightened and jumped, and Tangiteaga followed, and [Tehu'aigabenga] caught [him] and held on to his hair and pulled and scalped his head. Tangiteaga said: "[Some] grandfathers protect, but I am a grandfather who does harm." Tehu'aigabenga felt sorry for him and let him go. Finished. NOTES

During my week's stay at Bagika'ago village in central Rennell, Headman Solomon Puia, my host, took me to see his father, Tighesua, the former headman, who lived at the other side of the village. Tighesua and two other old men were mending a fish net, and nearby an old woman was pounding tapa for use as costumes for the dances soon to be held for the High Commissioner of the Western Pacific. Tighesua was deaf and I had to shout. He put a red lavalava over his loincloth. Teikahoki knew the stories best but talked very fast. Headman Tahua and Timothy repeated after Teikahoki at my writing speed. This version has more detail than A and uses more difficult language (tupuu, hakataugagango, masakia'a, makupuu, 'autao, saghaghi, babalu), and rare constructions (te kaa, po e gholoba hakaa, pau with meaning "to protect"). This group was less amused at the weakness of the great god, but some laughed on the fourth reading when Tehainga'atua loses his loincloth. The tellers laughed when Tangagoa and Tangiteaga are speared and when the latter's hair is pulled and his head scalped. The old men explained that Tangiteaga was tupuna hakapigi (foster or adopted or classificatory grandfather) of Tehu'aigabenga, and the god of fire at Teugaimami, a kind of hell where persons incurring the wrath of the gods were sent to burn. An interesting feature of this story is the use of direct quotation. It is Tangiteaga's praise of Tehu'aigabenga and his own self-abasement in 7 that induce Tehu'aigabenga to show mercy. 2. Titikasokaso: See 14 in Genealogy 11. 4. hakaa: haka- (causative) and aa (what). 5. tegaa baka: central Rennellese for togaa baka; see N33:13.

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TEXTS 17(B), 18, 19 7. In 1962 Taupongi suggested that the last quotation should be: O tupuna, Tepou! Ko au, tupuna, te hai songo. (Ancestor Tepou! I'm being cruelly treated.)

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i8. Tehainga'atua ma Tangiteaga

Tehainga'atua and Tangiteaga

Timothy Sau'uhi of Baitupu, RE. At Bagika'ago, March 12, 1958.

1. Ko Tehainga'atua ma Tangiteaga noko hakamamata'aki i ogaa taganga. Mataa moe Tangiteaga o tubi, kae kemo kinai na 'uiga, ma te pisi kinai na hatutigi, o luga tena tubi, kae manga he'e mataku a Tangiteaga, manga moe. 2. Sui a Tehainga'atua o moe, kae hano a Tangiteaga o to'o te ahi o mene i te aga, e'a hoki mai, o to'o teegaa ahi o mene i teegaa aga. 3. Hahangu te ugaimami, o hahangu a'u kia Tehainga'atua hetaiake ke hepootake kinai te ahi. Mataku a Tehainga'atua o 'aga o hai atu kia Tangiteaga: "O, poo iho o'ou agaaga e hakamataku." Hakatu'u te gima o Tangiteaga o papage ai te ahi. Tu'ia o mate te ahi. Kua 'oti.

1. Tehainga'atua and Tangiteaga were testing each other's magic power. First Tangiteaga went to sleep and covered [himself], and the lightning flashed on him, and the thunder struck him and pulled off his covering, but Tangiteaga was not afraid [and] just slept. 2. Then Tehainga'atua slept, and Tangiteaga went away and carried fire and went down one trail and came back and took another fire and went down the other trail. 3. A huge fireball roared, roared coming up to Tehainga'atua, and the fire almost reached him. Tehainga'atua was afraid and woke up and said to Tangiteaga: "Oh, stop your searing, it's fearsome!" Tangiteaga raised his arm and stopped the fire with it. The fire was frightened and went out. Finished.

NOTES Timothy laughed at the beginning of 2. During the second reading I asked if anyone had seen a fireball. Temoa said they had only heard of them from the mediums. Taupongi 1961 said that the term ugaimami is now applied to the Christian hell.

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19. Ngata ma 'Isoso

Ngata and 'Isoso

Taupongi of Sa'aiho, BE. January 21, 1959, and written account, May 1959.

1. Ko Ngata noko taa baka kaia'a i te bao noko tapu kia Mata'u, te tupuna o 'Isoso. 2. Noko kongaa na hai: Hano a Ngata o tua te ghaimenga i te mouku o taa. Nimaa hoki iho o moe. Nimaa 'ao, hoki ake ke taa ma'u i tona baka noko tua. Manga tu'u te nga'akau. Tua hoki ma'u e ia o taa, aano 'oti, nimaa hinaiho o moe i tona manaha. 3. Nimaa 'ao, hoki ake kinai. Kua tu'u hoki te nga'akau. Hinake ia o tua ma'u o taa. Aano 'oti, kaunaki tena lango 'anga o ngiu iho ki mu'a. Kae mumuni i te ngapa o te ghai96

1. Ngata cut a canoe log stolen in the forest which was sacred for Mata'u, the grandfather of 'Isoso. 2. It happened like this: Ngata went and felled the ghaimenga tree in the bush and cut [it]. Then [he] went back down and slept. When it became daylight, [he] went back up again to cut on his canoe log that [he] had felled. But the tree was standing. He felled [it] again and cut, and afterwards went down and slept in his settlement. 3. When it became daylight, he went back up to it. Again the tree had risen. He went up and felled [it] again and cut. Then he asked his party to go back down ahead [of him].

TEXT 19 menga ke ngepo ki te hai 'anga e hai ngoa ki ona baka. 4. Nimaa ina i te kunga e mumuni ai a Ngata, a'u te pengea i te 'ungu o te nga'akau. 5. Nimaa ina atu kinai, sopo mai a 'Isoso o tu'u i te mangamanga o te nga'akau o kongaa ana ngea: "Tona 'ungu kaa tu'u, tona kiiingi kaa pingi. Oi au, oi au, Ngata!" Nimaa ta'ata'aki mai te ghaimenga ke tu'u. 6. Sopo iho a Ngata o hai atu: " 'Ai teenei koe e hai too'onga kia te au!" Ma te tau a Ngata i te 'ungu o tataki mai e ia o tootoo e Ngata te 'ungu o 'Isoso ki te langi o te ghaimenga. 7. Ma te hai atu a 'Isoso: "Mau'i ange! O tukua ko koe sia taa baka i te bao nei, hai mai kia te kimaaua ma te tupuu, a Mata'u." M a te mau'i a Ngata i te 'ungu.

A n d [he] hid at the buttress of the ghaimenga tree to watch the events happening again and again to his canoe logs. 4. When Ngata looked from the place where he was hiding, a person appeared in the top branches of the [felled] tree. 5. A s he looked at him, 'Isoso came and stood on the chips of the tree and talked as follows: "Its top shall stand, its skin shall cling. Oi au, oi au, Ngata!" Then ['Isoso] lifted the ghaimenga tree up to stand. 6. Then Ngata went down and said: "So it is you who are doing me all [this] harm!" And Ngata took hold of the head [of 'Isoso] and he yanked [him] and Ngata chopped 'Isoso's hair at the buttress of the ghaimenga tree. 7. A n d 'Isoso said: "Let go! If you want to cut canoes in this forest, talk to m e and to my grandfather, Mata'u." And Ngata released the head.

NOTES I The version first given by Taupongi on January 21 was slightly less detailed than the version given above, which was mailed to me in May 1959. 1. Ngata was sometimes termed a god, sometimes kakai (culture hero). Mata'u: a deity not worshipped, the owner of all high trees in the forest. When a canoe was carved, a rite was performed exorcising Mata'u from the hull of the canoe. 'Isoso: te 'apai o te bao, the deity (not worshipped) of the forest. 6. The chopping of 'Isoso's hair was an insult. 'Isoso's hair was taboo, as was the hair of priest-chiefs and second priest-chiefs. By cutting it, Ngata makes 'Isoso less powerful, and, accordingly, 'Isoso thereupon gives Ngata permission to cut his canoe. 'Isoso's hair (te ngau 'ungu o Isoso): a hairlike mycelium (rhizanus) of a Coprinus species. TM

n

A variant of this story was given by Samuel Tuhenua at Niupani on December 16, 1957, in consultation with seven or eight men. In this variant 'Isoso is called Soso and he restores the tree to life (hegau). The ending follows: Kae hoa ta'ata'aki te 'ugu o te ghaimega ke tu'u hoki. Gege iho a Gata noko ma mumuni, o logi e ia o gotu ia ke taa. Hai ake: "Noka te taa ia te au; ka kau gosigosi'ia tou baka nei." Ma'ogi o manga tobago na gau 'ugu kae tuku o ma'ugi. Hegeu aano hano a Gata, kae ma ina a Soso hakagongo mai ki te ghaimega e tukituki atu e Soso. Hoki mai a Gata kua 'oti te baka. A'u o ina kinai, kua hai gu 'ona potu o hakamanu ia potu, kae taa labelabe teegaa potu o haka'agi ai te baka ki te gano ma te baka ki tai. Kua 'oti.

The top branches of the ghaimega tree were just beginning to rise up. Gata jumped down from his hiding place and threw his arms [around Soso] with the intention of killing [him]. [Soso] said: "Don't kill me; I'll fix your canoe here." So [Gata] just cut [Soso's] hair and let [him] go, alive. Gata spoke and went away, and Soso stayed, and [Gata] listened as Soso peeled off the bark of the ghaimega tree. Gata returned, and the canoe was finished. [He] came and looked at it and there were two parts: one part had manu spurs and the other was cut smooth, demonstrating thereby the canoe for the ocean. Finished.

This was the first construction of the two types of canoes; according to informants today, lake canoes have the manu spurs at fore and aft ends of the hull. Informants said this was merely the custom and that the manu served no useful purpose. Canoes used in the sea have no manu. (See Haddon, 1937:60.)

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TEXTS 19, 20 Another variant was given by Taupongi on Bellona, April 13, 1958, in which Mata'u is the father of Ngata and is a forest god ('atua i mouku). 'Isoso's magic chant is longer than in the version given above: Girl turns from side to side, and I turn and Singasinga tama'ahine kau kaa sisinga outline its core. Plait green coconut leaves tena titi ma tena ngei. Nganga he ngau with which to wrap my fish, the 'otamea. Its niu mata, ke tape ai taku ika te 'otamea. bark shall cling. Its top shall stand. Oiau oiau. Tena kingi kaa pingi. Tona 'ungu kaa The top of the tree shall return. tu'u. Oiau oiau. Kaa ngiu te 'ungu o te nga'akau. Taupongi held an animated discussion with four old men as they discussed loudly the relationship of Mata'u and Ngata; they looked angry and eyes flashed, and Taupongi attempted to straighten out the conflicting versions. The 'otamea seemed known to no one in 1962.

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20. Soso

Soso

Erastus Baiabe. At Bagika'ago, RE, March 17, 1958.

1. Te tautupu'a o Soso noko hano te utunga ki mouku, kae boo mai na tamagiki, o kake te ghai. 2. Kae hano a Soso o 'agu ana me'a i mouku, kogaa na noho te hokai, ma na akui, o he'e labu he me'a. 3. Hoki iho ki te manaha, o hai atu ki tona uguugu: "Ko ba'i 'aso e ta'anga hano ai au ki mouku, ki te ga'u, ka te 'aso nei e pono i te aa? E iai he hai 'anga i teenei?" 4. Hai atu a tona uguugu: "Si'ai!" Hai atu ma'u a Soso: "E iai he hai 'anga ka manga he'e kitea e koe?" Hai atu a tona uguugu: "Si'ai!" 5. Sehu a Soso i te manaha o ligo, hano ina hakatu'u i te ghai, kite e ia na tamagiki, ma i ga'unga o te ghai. O'io'i e ia, o hetoki iho o he'agiko, kae toe tahi. 6. O to'o e ia te lungata, o to'iho o bubughe i te tugi o te ga'akau, kae o'io'i e ia te tama 'iti'iti, o too iho o mene i te lungata. 7. To'o e ia o tau i tona hage, kae hano i te hainga kiki, o noko ma taka, kae haaiho te tama 'iti'iti noko i te lungata ki te uguugu o Soso: "To'o mai ni me'a kakai ona mugi, o tuku ake i gago i te lungata nei, kau tu'iho ai." 8. Namaa hano te uguugu o Soso, to'o mai na tiaghagha, tuku ake i te gago o te lungata, o takataka iho 98

1. The story of Soso, who went to the bush to get food, and some children came and climbed a mango [?] tree. 2. Soso went on hunting his things in the bush, such as monitor lizard and coconut crabs, but caught nothing. 3. And [he] came back to the settlement and said to his wife: "Every day whenever I come up here to the bush [I] get much, but today why is there nothing? Is there a reason for this?" 4. His wife said: "No!" Soso also said: "Could there be any reason that you haven't discovered?" His wife said: "No!" 5. Soso walked about the settlement looking, and looked up at the mango [?] tree, and he saw the children on the top of the mango [?]. He shook [it], and [the children] fell down and ran away, but one was left. 6. He [Soso] brought a coconutleaf basket and brought [it] down and opened [it] at the base of the tree, and he shook the child, who fell down and into the basket. 7. He [Soso] took [the basket] and hung [it] in his house, and went to get supplementary food, and while [he was] staying away the child who was in the basket said to Soso's wife: "Bring something with a sharp end and put [it] below this basket so I can come down on it." 8. Then Soso's wife went and brought some tiaghagha shells and put [them] up

T E X T 20, 21

e ia te lungata ki na tiaghagha, o hepu'ipu'i te lungata. 9. O sopo ki tu'a, o taa e ia te uguugu o Soso. 10. To'o e ia te tino o ta'o, kae to'o te 'ugu o tau, o tau i te tahaa bai, kae hoki mai, o to'o na liga, o kake i te niu. 11. E'a hoki iho a Soso, huke e ia te 'umu, kai e ia ia tona uguugu, kai aano, haka'igonga na tenga. Ti'aki, kae ngege ia tona uguugu. Hakatau mai i te tahaa bai. 12. Hinatu kinai te 'ugu, hoki iho o sasaga te tama 'iti'iti. Ina ake ki te niu ma iai. To'o te kaha o kake ai. Kake ake aano, ngatahinga i te niu. 13. Haaiho te tama 'iti'iti: "Puga basabasa mai ka kau na'a'ia, ko koe hakamataku!"

14. Ka manga kake ake, kake ake aano, tatae ki te u'a o te niu. Haiho ma'u te tama 'iti'iti: "Basabasa ake! Ka kau na'a'ia, ko koe a'u ke taa ia te au." 15. Ma te ina basabasa ake kinai a Soso. Ngingingi e te tama 'iti'iti na liga ki na mata, o bega ai na kanohi mata, too iho, hoki iho ma'u te tama 'iti'iti, o taa e ia, kae tobago na gau 'ugu, o seu ki mouku, o noko ma kena ai. Kua 'oti. Ma koi noho tatae mai ki na 'aso nei na gau 'ugu o Soso.

below the basket, and he [the child] stamped the basket down on to the tiaghagha shells and [the shells] made holes in the basket. 9. [The child] went to the back and he killed Soso's wife. 10. He took the body and baked [it], and took the head and hung [it] up, hung [it] beside the pool, and came back, and got some lime and climbed a coconut tree. 11. Soso came down again and he opened the oven, and he ate his wife, and as [he] ate [he] felt the thighs. [He] put [the thighs] down and called for his wife. There was an answer from beside the pool. 12. [Soso] went [to look at] the head, and came back and looked for the child. [He] looked up at the coconut tree and there [he] was. [He] got a sennit cord and climbed with it, climbed halfway up the coconut tree. 13. The child called down: "Shine here with wide staring eyes so I may know, you are so frightening!" 14. But [Soso] kept climbing up, climbing up and coming to the top of the coconut tree, and the child called down again: "Open wide and stare! So I may know if you are coming to kill me." 15. And Soso looked up at him with wide staring eyes. The child poured lime into his eyes and so his eyeballs burned, [and Soso] fell down, and the child came down too and he killed [Soso], and cut off his hair and scattered [it] in the bush and [it] lay strewn about there. Finished. And Soso's hair exists to today. NOTES

1. Taupongi 1961 called mangoes in Honolulu ghai. This is the reconstruction for ProtoMelanesian by Chowning (Elbert, 1962: 29).

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2 i . Mahuike

Mahuike

James Puipuia of Matangi, R E . December 3, 1958.

1. Ko Mahuike, noko o'io'i e ia Nukuahea i ba'i 'aso, kite hakatangi ai e Tehu'aigabenga ma tena hanau; aano namaa te tahi 'aso, langalanga a Tehu'aigabenga kia ti tinana, a Titigau'agaba, e iai na kubinga, ka ko Titigau'agaba te hahine

1. As for Mahuike, he shook Nukuahea every day, and then Tehu'aigabenga and his offspring complained about it; then one day Tehu'aigabenga wondered about his mother, Titigau'agaba, [who] had nail marks on her body from making love, and Titigau'agaba was a sacred 99

TEXT 21

tapu, he'e hano kinai he pegea. 2. Aano hano a Tehu'aigabenga o hakahegeu haka'ago kia ti tinana o kogaa na to'o: "Na henua ma hakahua e kimatou ma Tehainga'atua na taganga o na henua, ka konei kunga e tukia hakahanohano i te aa?" 3. Ka ma gaganga a Titigau'agaba. Aano hakahegeu hakahoki kinai a Tehu'aigabenga. 4. loo giaki te me'a gaganga, kae hakahegeu kia tena tama o kogaa na to'o: " 'Ai he'e na'a e koe, tama, te kakai 'anga e pata ake nei?" 5. 'Oti tena hakahegeu, kae ta'aki tona kapa kaainga, e iai te aga ki Henuaiho. Te aga ki Henuaiho e noho pe te kaakenga. 6. O ina kinai a Tehu'aigabenga ki te aga i Henuaiho o hai ake a Tehu'aigabenga: "Ma hakatonu haka'aagoha goa konei kunga. 'Ai konei na hakatokanga manga hai to'onga o he'e na'a." Kae hai atu ma'u: " 'Ai he'e 'aonga te hai kinai he hai 'anga?" 7. Hakatau mai a ti tinana o hai mai: "E hai taganga to'a te kakai 'anga e patake nei ma te hakahua e kigatou na henua." 8. O hai atu a Tehu'aigabenga: "Ko au e hai taganga to'a ma na pegea ia taku hanau. Ma 'Amokese, he'e 'aonga ma'u kinai?" 9. O hai atu a ti tinana: "Mano e 'aonga. Kae hailobo atu ma te na'ana'a kinai, na'e hai taganga to'a." O hai atu ma'u a Titigau'agaba: "Manga hinake kia te au ki temaa hemasi'i i na poo, kae hoki o moe i na 'ao. 10. 'Oti te hegeunga a teegaa tau tinana, kae hakaputu e Tehu'aigabenga a tena hanau ma 'Amokese o puge kia Mahuike ke taa e kigatou. 'Oti te puge kae boo te tau'a ki Henuaiho. Noko mu'a a 'Amokese kae gago kinai a Tupuimatangi o boo aano tatae ki te hage o Mahuike o hai atu a Tehu'aigabenga kia 'Amokese: "Mataa tupe atu kinai he po'ao ke poo'ugi." 11. Tupe kinai e 'Amokese te po'ao, kae tupe tata'o e Tupuima100

woman and no person went to her [for intercourse], 2. Then Tehu'aigabenga went and faced his mother and talked and said as follows: "[In] all lands we and Tehainga'atua are possessing the powers over the lands, but what is the reason that this place is damaged again and again?" 3. But Titigau'agaba just went on plaiting. And then Tehu'aigabenga talked to her again. 4. Then she wrapped up the thing which she was plaiting and talked to her child and spoke like this: "So you don't know, child, the people who are near here?" 5. Her talking ended and [she] lifted up the mat of her bed, where there was a road to Henuaiho (Land-below). The road to Henuaiho looked like a ladder. 6. And Tehu'aigabenga looked at it, at the road to Henuaiho, and Tehu'aigabenga said: "Now it is clear why these places have so long been miserable. So here is the group of people who are doing mischief not known [to us]." And [he] also said: "Isn't there anything suitable to do about it?" 7. The mother answered and said [to him]: "The people living near here have great power of magic, and they govern the lands." 8. And Tehu'aigabenga said: "I [too] have great power of magic, and so have people among my offspring. And 'Amokese, should [he] not be suited for it too?" 9. And the mother said: "Maybe [he] is suited. Try, but be careful about it, because [Mahuike] has great power of magic." And Titigau'agaba also said: "[Mahuike] just comes up to me so that we can be friends in the nights, and [he] returns and sleeps during the days." 10. The conversation of that mother and son ended, and Tehu'aigabenga summoned his offspring and 'Amokese, and they plotted against Mahuike, that they would kill [him]. After the plotting the group of fighters went to Henuaiho. 'Amokese was in front and Tupuimatangi went down to him, and [they] went and arrived at Mahuike's house, and Tehu'aigabenga said to 'Amokese: "Drop first some mist so as to make darkness." 11. 'Amokese dropped the mist, and after this Tupuima-

TEXTS 21, 22

tangi te gigi'uiga, kae tupe tata'o ma'u kinai e Tehu'aigabenga te gigihatutigi o taa totohi te gima mau'i o Mahuike, o mate. 12. Ka ko Mahuike te hu'ingaa gima o Tehainga'atua. Noko manga unga e Tehainga'atua kia Mahuike ki te o'io'i na henua, ki te he'e na'a a Tehu'aigabenga ma tena hanau. 13. Aano taa e kigatou, ka na hakama'ugi hakahoki e Tehainga'atua o noko ma o'io'i gima tahi na henua.

tangi dropped recurring lightning, and Tehu'aigabenga dropped thereafter recurring thunder and [it] hit and fractured Mahuike's right arm, and [he] died. 12. But Mahuike was just the one that executed Tehainga'atua's orders. Tehainga'atua just told Mahuike to shake the lands so that Tehu'aigabenga and his offspring would not know [of it]. 13. Then they [Tehu'aigabenga and his offspring] killed [Mahuike], but Tehainga'atua restored [him] to life, and [Mahuike] now just shakes the lands with one hand.

NOTES This was an afternoon session. Togaka sat in my chair, I on the floor. James and Benjamin Teikagei (the latter, one of the translators of the New Testament) sat on the doorstep. James asked if I knew the story of Mahuike. I didn't. He started dictating, now and then consulting Teikagei and John Ngatonga who had arrived and stood outside. Togaka helped by repeating after James, who talked with his mouth full of crackers and sipped coffee at intervals. James said that the taauga (mediums) had told the story. TM: "How did they know?" James: "They didn't know. The gods possessed them and talked through them." From the narrative it was not obvious why Mahuike caused the ground to tremble. Innocently, and incorrectly, I asked the following leading question: "Did the earth tremble as Mahuike had intercourse with Titigau"agaba?" My question resulted in a roar of laughter from the people present, and somebody repeated my question for the benefit of the men and women sitting outside. A cry arose, people continued to laugh, and then they told me that this was not at all the point of the story. To me it had seemed the obvious reason for the earth tremor, but not so to the Rennellese— one must be careful when attempting to explain obscure points in tales from a foreign culture. (For the story of Mautikitiki and Mahuike, see T44.) 1. Nukuahea: the heavenly abode of Tehu'aigabenga (T8). 5. Henuaiho: same as poo'ugi (the underworld). kaakenga: same as hakaloghuloghu (a ladder). Taupongi 1961 added the following information: 1. kubinga: to pinch the skin. The usual word for scratches on the face made by lovers during intercourse is tosinga (drawing). 2. tukia: The ground was shaking because the mother violated a taboo by having secret intercourse. Taupongi 1961 used the modern term hai sini (to sin). This discussion led to a detailed listing of words for the parts of the sexual organs, and Taupongi described which words could be mentioned in public, which not. SE asked whether people on Rennell and Bellona would object if these words were included in a future dictionary of the language. Taupongi said they would not. People would just "look and laugh," as this was manga te hakasahe (just reading), a hint that it is the uttering of a word (not the reading of it) that has power. 7. patake: pata ake. _.

22. Tehanonga

Tehanonga

Taupongi of Sa'aiho, BE. January 10, 1959.

1. Ko Tehanonga na hakao'oue mai te ongo i Te'aoa, ma te hakangongo kinai a Tehu'aingabenga o hano kinai. 2. Nimaa tatae atu, hai atu a Tehu'aingabenga: "Po ko ai te hakao'oue ange?" Ma te hai atu a Tehanonga: "Ko au manga bange!" 3. Ma te hai atu a Tehu'aingabenga:

1. Tehanonga spoke o'oue from the hill in Te'aoa, and Tehu'aingabenga heard it and went to him. 2. When arriving, Tehu'aingabenga said: "Why this saying o'oue?" And Tehanonga said: "I'm just joking!" 3. And Tehu'aingabenga said: "But [these are] the words of worship belonging to me and my ancestor." And 101

TEXTS 22, 23

" 'Ai omaa ongiongi ma tupuna." Ma te hano kinai te utunga a Tehanonga. Nimaa lunga atu e Tehu'aingabenga te tubi manga tu'u. 4. Manga hengohangoha'aki ai te ta'u ngata. Ma te mataku ai a Tehu'aingabenga o ahe o hano. Nimaa e'a iho a Tehanonga, ko Tehu'aingabenga e hakangangango. 5. Ma te to'o e Tehanonga na 'uhi o 'angu mai ai. Nimaa tatae mai kinai hai atu a Tehanonga, ke noho kia te ia, ka ma'ana te 'uhi e ingoa te baipua'omo.

Tehanonga went there to get food. Then Tehu'aingabenga opened the covering that was hunched up. 4. And there many snakes crept about among each other. And so Tehu'aingabenga became afraid and departed and went away. When Tehanonga came down [to his settlement] Tehu'aingabenga had gone far away. 5. And Tehanonga took yams and went after him. When he reached him, Tehanonga said that [all yams] would be for him [Tehu'aingabenga], but for himself [he would keep] the yam called baipua'omo.

NOTES Tehanonga was the god of snakes. He was not worshipped. 1. hakao'oue: to say o'oue, a sacred form of 'aue (thank you), an exclamation used in rituals; sometimes o'ue. 4. ahe: to depart or arrive, of gods. 5. baipua'omo: a type of yam not seen by humans. It stayed in the underworld and belonged to Tehanonga.

TM

23. Tupuimatangi ma Togomatangi

Tupuimatangi and Togomatangi

Samuel Tuhena and others, all of Niupani, RE. January 19, 1958.

1. Te tautupu'a kia Tupuimatangi noko ina aano i tona manaha i Nukugigi, puge tena tau'a ki Nuku'apaigua. O boo kinai tegatou tau'a. O boo sosopo kinai o taa e kigatou te manaha, kae tege a Togomatangi. 2. 'Agu e Tupuimatangi, boo aano tatae ki te ba'e gangi. Ta'aki e Togomatangi, o ugu ai. Ugu tata'o a Tupuimatangi, o he'agumi aano tatae ma'u ki teegaa ba'e gangi. 3. Ta'aki ma'u e Togomatangi, o ugu ai, ugu tata'o atu a Tupuimatangi, o he'agumi aano tatae ma'u ki teegaa ba'e gangi. 4. Ta'aki e Togomatangi ke ugu ai. Tau ai a Tupuimatangi, ke hoki mai a Togomatangi, o hai ake tena kupu: "Tohi'ia te makagi!" Manga tutu'u o hegeu. 5. Hai atu a Tupuimatangi ke taa e ia; hai atu a Togomatangi: "Ko au namaa taa'ia i te kunga nei ko kitaaua ka mamate ngatahi." 6. Hai atu a Togomatangi: "Ta'aki atu gaa 102

1. The story of Tupuimatangi who lived in his home at Nukugigi, and planned his attack on Nuku'apaigua. Their war party went there. Going [and] arriving there, they fought the settlement, and Togomatangi ran away. 2. Tupuimatangi followed, going on and reaching the horizon. Togomatangi lifted [it] up and went in. Tupuimatangi followed in, and [the two] raced and came also to another horizon. 3. Togomatangi again lifted up [the horizon] and went in, and Tupuimatangi came in and followed, and [he] raced on and came again to the other horizon. 4. Togomatangi lifted [it] to go in. Tupuimatangi came, and Togomatangi was about to come back and he said his saying: "The makagi tree is broken!" [He] just stood there and spoke. 5. Tupuimatangi said he would kill [him]; and Togomatangi said: "If I am killed here then we both will die together." 6. Togomatangi said: "You lift that horizon!" Tupuimatangi then got up to lift the horizon, but

TEXTS 23, 24

e koe te ba'e gangina." Tu'u a Tupuimatangi o ta'aki e ia te ba'e gangi, o haingata'a kia te ia. 7. Sui a Togomatangi; o ta'aki e ia, ina aano kinai a Tupuimatangi, manga hetauga'aki ogaa gima i te ha'u o giù mai, ki te ta'aki a'u e Togomatangi te ba'e gangi ki tegaa boo mai ai. 8. Boo mai aano tatae mai ki te manaha noko hakatu'u ai tegaa he'agumi 'anga, o taai e Tupuimatangi ia Togomatangi. Kua 'oti.

[it was] difficult for him. 7. Togomatangi took his place; he lifted [it] up, and Tupuimatangi looked at it and bound their hands together with the turban and [they] returned, Togomatangi lifting up the horizon so that they could come here. 8. [They] came and arrived at the settlement where they had begun their race, and there Tupuimatangi killed Togomatangi. Finished.

NOTES This story was the result of two long sessions of conversation after Teika'ato told the tangi that follows (T24). Malachi Tegheta, Tuhenua, Taumata, Jasper Tekobi, Teika'ato, and others were present. Only after prolonged discussion did Tuhenua come to sit on the sugar tin, the narrator's usual seat beside my table. Tupuimatangi (Grow-in-the-east) is a son of Tehu'aigabenga (Genealogy 13). The whereabouts of Nukugigi is unknown, as is Nuku'apaigua, the home of Togomatangi. Togomatangi is a god not worshipped; he is known only through mediums (Taupongi 1961). 4. makagi: an unidentified tree, perhaps in the underworld. This is a figurative expression meaning that the strong warrior has fallen. Identity of the speaker is not clear, but probably it is Togomatangi. 8. taai: taa ai. SE

24. Te Tangi a Tabihakagau

The Tangi by Tabihakagau

Esther Teika'ato of Niupani, RE. January 19, 1958.

1. Singa kau moe i na 'atu Gigi. Umege: Mai'ee ko gau too ani mai ee. 2. Moe soko i toku hage tahea. 3. Noko ma'u kau tau poo ai. 4. Poo bagu tou haka'ui ai. 5. Na kainanga e si'i ai. 6. Mapu hoki mai Te'aitubabe. 7. Gea mai puge mai ki te au. 8. Gue na 'atu Gigi ke 'osonaki. 9. 'Ika'ika mataku tagoto ai. 10. Keu ake kau munataugu. 11. Kenohomu'a ke go ghaghabela. 12. Na ngai'i pe te niu hakasani. 13. Tu'u tau puge ki na nuku gangi. 14. Ko Togomatangi na ganga hetau. 15. Ghaghasau koe te uahenua. g

I lie down and muse of the lands Gigi. Chorus: Mai'ee ko gau too ani mai ee. Sleeping alone in my floating house. Staying long, I count the nights there. Eight nights, your travels there. Your worshippers spellbound there. To rest again, Te'aitubabe (The-swiftgod). Speaks to me, makes plans for me. Food for the lands Gigi is ready. Fearful in anger, in hushed voice. Looking, I say go not [?]. Stay here and grow old like banana plants. To gurgle like coconuts tied together by [their own] linked husks. Launch your plans to attack the lands in the heavens. Armies to fight Togomatangi. You, active one.

103

TEXTS 24, 25

16. Seu'ia koe i na 'atu toka. 17. Hoki mai koe ki Nukuahea. 18. Hakamapumapu Te'aitugeba. 19. Hai ke nimo i te hage genga. 20. Tau gaugea i na 'aamonga. 21.Hati mana i te Matakaugona. 22. Ko Nuku'apaigua kua ngago. 23. Ko Hakanauua kua hatutaka. 24. Bolaeke noko ahe sigi ai. 25. Sigi tu'anoa Tupuimatangi. 26. Tou taauga na pea kinai. 27. Haka'aagoha hakasausau. 28. Mapu ai kae tagitagi 'agu. 29. Ko Sagama'ugi te manaba tasi. 30. Ko Inatimu'a te mago hohoga. 31. Hakamotu te hua tuku kinai. 32. Tuku ki te koe ko Aheigoto.

You drive [them] away from peaceful lands of gods. O come back to Nukuahea. Rest, Te'aitugeba (The-soaring-god). Only to vanish in the house with turmeric. Your prophetic talk amid the islands. Thunder blasting there in the northnorthwest. Nuku'apaigua is lost. Hakanauua is flat as stones. Bolaeke land is passed and [gods] march by. Passed, the strifing of Tupuimatangi. Your medium bearing hither. Sorrow sad. Resting, waiting, and following. Sagama'ugi, a single breath. Inatimu'a, a spread sarong. Cease the song and leave it. Leave you at Aheigoto.

NOTES For an explanation of a tangi, see N95. This is by no means a certain translation, as the informants could only speculate as to the meanings, and 29 words in the 32 verses required prolonged discussion. (In the preceding story, only 1 word in about 7 lines needed explanation.) The wife seems to be praising the martial valor and power of her husband Tupuimatangi. Names that honor him are Te'aitubabe (The-swift-god, 6) and Te'aitugeba (The-soaring-god, 18). 1. Gigi: an abode of the gods, sometimes called Nukugigi. 23. Hakanauua: a land of gods and of undesirables such as snakes (ngata), lizards (hokai), centipedes (agipaipai) and annihilated ancestors. Taupongi 1961 suggested that Tupuimatangi is here likened to the firmness of coral rocks. 29. Sagama'ugi: See N15. 30. Inatimu'a: an unknown deity. 32. Aheigoto: probably related to ahe (to go, of gods). SE

25. Tu'utangaba

Tu'utangaba

Paul Sa'engeika of Ghongau, BE. January 5, 1959.

Tu'utangaba noko 'ita ki te mahina noko maangama o noho pe te 'ao. Ma te tongi kinai. Ke ngo mate ia o hano o baanehu e ia. Ma te mate o hano o poghi e ia, o mi'imaangama.

Tu'utangaba was jealous of the moon that was radiant and looked like daylight. And [he] made a vow concerning this. When he died he would go and make the moon invisible. And he died and went and covered [the moon] and it was radiant [but] a little.

NOTES Tu'utangaba: a deity not worshipped. tongi: to promise to do some act of magic when dead, as for instance to say: "When I am dead I will come and remove the big stone in the middle of this garden." This tale explains why the moon does not shine as brightly as the sun (see T27).

TM

104

TEXTS 26, 27

26. Tehu'aingabenga ma Mahungenge ma Mahutoki

Tehu'aingabenga and Mahungenge and Mahutoki

Taupongi of Sa'aiho, BE. Written account, May 1959.

Mahungenge ma Mahutoki, ngua hetu'u noko hungi ngoa ai o tuki ai na 'aamonga. Ma te 'ika'ika kinai a Tehu'aingabenga o tataka e ia o ngapangapa, o manga noho pe ngua momo 'ao. Ma te he'e toto'a ngua hetu'u ke hungi ai ma'u na 'aamonga.

Mahungenge and Mahutoki were two [clusters] of stars [Milky Way] from which hurricanes very often blew, and so the islands were damaged. And Tehu'aingabenga became angry and stepped on them and they became deformed and looked like just two little clouds. And so the two stars were not strong [enough] to make hurricanes in the islands again.

NOTES The Bellonese still believe that the annual disappearence and reappearance of certain stars for which they have names cause storms.

TM

27. Te Ga'aa ma te Mahina

The Sun and the Moon

John Temoa. At Bagika'ago, RE, March 12, 1958.

1. Te tagatupu'a ki te ga'aa ma te mahina, noko tua te hau, o balubalu; o hakatu'u kigaa hekakei ai ki te gangi. Mataa kake te ga'aa, kake aano hetae ki te gangi. 2. Kae tata'o ake te mahina; kake aano te mahina, ngatahinga, hakategekia hoki iho ki te tugi, o mene i te tai. 3. O ngii ake aano ai, e'a hoki ake, kua gogohi. 'Ika'ika o hai atu tena kupu ki te ga'aa: "Manga pake e koe ia te au o too iho, ko au kaa noko hano ai he taunga mo'o na 'aamonga, ka ko koe kaa noko manga tutu tobigha!" 4. E kogaa na noho ai; e bebega ai te ga'aa i na tii 'anga i na 'ao, kae gogohi ai te mahina i na tii 'anga i na poo. Kua 'oti.

1. The story of the sun and the moon, who cut down a hibiscus tree and stripped off the bark; the two stood [it] up so as to climb up on it to the sky. The sun climbed first, climbing up and reaching the sky. 2. Then the moon followed; the moon climbed up halfway and slipped back down to the base [of the tree] and disappeared down into the sea. 3. So [the moon] squealed and came back up and was cold. Angiy, he said his words to the sun: "You just tricked me and [I] fell down, but I'll mark the chronology and moons [months] of all the islands, and you'll just set buttocks on fire!" 4. And so [it] has been; so the sun is hot, shining by day; and so the moon is cold, shining by night. Finished.

NOTES Temoa laughed about the moon's ducking in the sea (2), and a great deal at the moon's taunt to the sun (3). On the second reading he explained that hakategekia (2) was the same as momoge. Some discussion followed as to the nights of the moon, but the most complete account was given by Taupongi 1961: Te taunga o te mahina e kongaa na tau. Nimaa sopo ake te sopo ho'ou 'anga kongaa na mate e Mungiki, 'angi'angi.

The moon counting is counted as follows. When the new [moon] appearance appears, the Bellona people say 'angi'angi. After going down

8* 105

TEXTS 27, 28 Nimaa moe o 'ao, haí ake ma'u, hakahaa; nimaa 'aoina ake ma'u, hakangima; nimaa 'ao ma'u, hakaono; nimaa 'aoina ma'u, hakahitu; nimaa 'aoina ma'u, hakabangu; nimaa 'ao ma'u, hakaiba; nimaa 'ao ma'u, hakaangahungu; ma te 'aoina ma'u, tuuma'a tasi; ma te 'aoina ma'u, tuuma'a ngua; ma te 'aoina ma'u, malango; ma 'aoina ma'u, kaukau; 'aoina ma'u o mangiko saasaa; 'aoina ma'u o mangiko ngua; 'aoina ma'u o hakatongu; 'aoina o hakahaa; 'aoina, hakangima; 'aoina hakano; 'aoina, hakahitu; 'aoina hakabangu; 'aoina, hakakaiba, 'aoina hakaangahungu; 'aoina o toe poo ngima; 'aoina o toe poo haa; 'aoina o toe poo tongu; 'aoina o toe poo ngua; 'aoina o toe poo tasi; 'aoina o asongango; ma te 'ao ma'u o nganguengue; 'aoina ma'u hoki o 'angi'angi.

and daylight comes, there is said then hakahaa (four); and after daylight comes again, hakangima (five); and after daylight comes again, hakaono (six); and after daylight comes again, hakahitu (seven); and after daylight comes again, hakabangu (eight); and after daylight comes again, hakaiba (nine); and after daylight comes again, hakaangahungu (ten); and when daylight comes again, tuuma'a tasi (eleven); and when daylight comes again, tuuma'a ngua (twelve); and after daylight comes again, malango; and after daylight comes again, kaukau; and after daylight comes again, mangiko saasaa; and after daylight comes again, mangiko ngua; and after daylight comes again, hakatongu (three); and on daylight, hakahaa (four); and on daylight, hakangima (five); and on daylight, hakaono (six); and on daylight, hakahitu (seven); and on daylight, hakabangu (eight); and on daylight, hakaiba (nine); and on daylight, hakaangahungu (ten); and on daylight, there is left poo ngima (five nights); and on daylight, there is left poo haa (four nights); and on daylight, there is left poo tongu (three nights); and on daylight, there is left poo ngua (two nights); and on daylight, there is left poo tasi (one night); and on daylight, asongango; and on daylight again, nganguengue; and on daylight, again becomes 'angi'angi.

In Honiara, September 14, 1962, Jotham Togaka of Labagu, Rennell, said that according to the Rennellese version hakasumaagie was between malago (Bellona, malango) and kaukau. Instead of asongango and nganguengue at the month's end, Rennellese say takoto tugitugi and

2 8 . N a Tu'unganga Matangi

T h e W i n d Directions

Naiham Tamua and Taupongi, both of Sa'aiho, BE. January 16, 1959. Also written account by Taupongi, May 1959. 1. T e Nohotonu n o k o hakapupungu e Ekeitehua. 2. T e Matakaungo noko hakapupungu e Nguatinihenua. 3. T e Nguatu'u to'o Tu'ukiteika. 4. T e Mu'atootonu, to'o Tehainga'atua. 5. T e Tonga, to'o Tehu'aingabenga. 6. T e Pungahangaha, to'o Hu'aitekongo. 7. T e Ngaki, to'o Tupuimatangi.

Ekeitehua claimed the northwest wind. Nguatinihenua claimed the northnorthwest wind. The northeast wind was that of Tu'ukiteika. The east-southeast wind was that of Tehainga'atua. The southeast wind was that of Tehu'aingabenga. The southwest wind was that of H u 'aitekongo. The west wind was that of Tupuimatangi.

NOTES 'mation given by Tamua and Taupongi was identical with the written account mailed The information to me later by Taupongi. For the relationship of these gods, see Genealogies 11-15. Informants 106

TEXTS 28, 29 said that the wind directions did not all indicate the relative positions of the heavenly abodes of the respective gods. Rennellese spellings: Matakaugo (2), Guatu'u (3), Tehu'aigabenga (5), Hu'aitekogo (6), Gaki (7).

TM

29. Hu'aitemanatapu

Hu'aitemanatapu

Puka of Labagu, RE. November 23, 1958.

1. Ko Hu'aitemanatapu noko sopo i te ika, ka te ingoa o te kaui ko Siatonaki. Ko Hu'aitemanatapu noko sopo i te ika, o gosigosi na 'aamonga, ma te gangi, ma na huaa 'umanga, ma te kege, ma pegea, ma te moana, ma na ika, ma na oko, ma na manu. 2. Noko ina ki ana gosinga; e gaoi; o hakapata kinai. Aano ina kia pegea e kakai ma mate, ma te mataku ai a Hu'aitemanatapu o hakaputu e ia ko ba'i me'a o to'o e ia o hano. 3. Noko to'o e ia na huaa 'umanga gaoi, ma na kege gaoi, ma na ika gaoi, ma na bai gaoi, ma na manu gaoi, o to'o e ia o hano; kae ti'aki e ia na kege mate, ma huaa 'umanga songo, ma na ika songo, ma na bai songo, ma na manu songo. 4. Kae hano, hano, aano tatae ki te launatahi manaha, tona ingoa ko Nukumatangi. Ka te manaha he'e kakai ma mate, ma te he'e poo ka manga 'ao, hakahanohano. 5. Ka noko hakaanuanu kinai a Hu'aitemanatapu o kogaa na to'o: "Ko teenei e kakai ma mate?" O hakatau kinai te manaha o hai atu: "Si'ai! Na mamate 'anga e he'e na'a e kimatou." 6. O hai atu a Hu'aitemanatapu: "Ko au hai; kau kakai hakapata kia te koutou i teenei." O hai atu te manaha ia te ia: "E gaoi; ke noho e koe i teenei." 7. Kae kakai a Hu'aitemanatapu i te manaha o tuku ai te tau me'a gaoi; na huaa 'umanga gaoi, ma na kege gaoi, ma na ika gaoi, ma na manu gaoi, ma na bai gaoi, o pau te tau me'a gaoi o noho i Nukumatangi.

1. Hu'aitemanatapu came out of a fish, and the name of the fish was Siatonaki. Hu'aitemanatapu came out of the fish and created the islands, and the sky, and the crops, and the soil, and the people, and the sea, and the fishes, and the winds, and the animals. 2. He looked at his creations; [they] were good; and [he] stayed with them. Then [he] saw people live and die, and so Hu'aitemanatapu became afraid and he collected all things and he took [them] and went away. 3. He took the good crops, and the good soils, and the good fishes, and the good water, and the good animals, and he took [them] and went away; and he left the infertile soils, and the bad crops, and the bad fishes, and the bad water, and the bad animals. 4. And [he] went, went and then came to one settlement; its name was Nukumatangi (Eastern-abode). And people of the settlement did not live and die, and there was no night, but only day going on and on. 5. And Hu'aitemanatapu asked them and spoke like this: "Do [people] here live and die?" And the people of the settlement answered him and said: "No! We do not know of deaths." 6. Hu'aitemanatapu said: "I intend to stay with you here." And the people of the settlement said to him: "It is good; you stay here." 7. And Hu'aitemanatapu lived in the settlement and deposited there the good things; the good crops, and the good soil, and the good fishes, and the good animals, and the good waters, and the good things now were there forever and stayed in Nukumatangi.

NOTES The informant had heard his tupuna (here, father's father) and his tamana (father), a medium, tell this story. Nobody else on Rennell seemed to recall having heard it. Even on Bellona it was

107

TEXTS 29, 30 unknown, although Paul Sa'engeika and Joshua Kaipua said that they remembered previously hearing about Hu'aitemanatapu. None of the men present during the dictation added comments. 1. Hu'aitemanatapu (Big-the-sacred-thunderstorm) was a deity not worshipped. The word mana means thunder in Rennellese. Taupongi 1961 said that he had heard that mediums disclosed Hu'aitemanatapu as the name given to the Christian God by the old gods during the struggle over Christianity. Siatonaki: a supernatural creature. 4. People of the settlement: Puka did not know who they were, perhaps deities of some kind. This story seems to reflect the influence of foreign (European?) religious concepts, the idea of one Creator of all things being alien to Rennellese and Bellonese religion. TM 30. S i k i n g i n g a n g i

Sikingingangi

Taupongi of Sa'aiho, BE. December 16, 1958.

Ko Sikingingangi, te tamaña o Ekeitehua, noko songo tona toki, aano haka'angi ki te nga'aa. Ma te kemo te 'uinga, ma te tupe e ia te simata, noko songo ai te toki, ki 'angunga, ma te makanga te hatutingi. Ma te sopo mai a Tehainga'atua o hai atu kia Sikingingangi: "Po ti aa te hai 'anga?" Ma te hai atu a Sikingingangi: "Te me'a manga bange ai au." Ma te hai atu a Tehainga'atua: "Ke tapu kia te au teenaa te hatutingi ma te 'uinga!" Te'itoo mate te ingoa o te hatutingi ma te 'uinga.

Sikingingangi, the father of Ekeitehua, sharpened his adze, and then demonstrated [it] to the sun. And lightning flashed, and he threw up the [volcanic rock] file with which [he] sharpened the adze, and the thunder rumbled. And Tehainga'atua appeared and said to Sikingingangi: "What is going on?" And Sikingingangi said: "The thing, I am just playing with it." And Tehainga'atua said: "Be sacred there for me thunder and lightning!" For the first time were spoken the names thunder and lightning.

NOTES Joshua Kaipua, Paul Sa'engeika, and Headman Haikiu were present at this evening session. Informants said that thunder and lightning on this occasion were named hatutingi and 'uinga for the first time. Taupongi 1961 added this explanation: Te hatutingi ma te 'uinga noko tapu kia Tehainga'atua (The thunder and the lightning were sacred for Tehainga'atua). This story was told only by members of the Iho clan, Ekeitehua being their principal district god.

TM

108

CHAPTER 5. MAUTIKITIKI

Mautikitiki is probably the best known and best liked Polynesian hero. Called Maaui on some Polynesian islands and Mauitikitiki on others, on Rennell he is called Mautikitiki, which has the pleasant meaning, Mau-who-tickles. A culture hero (kakai) rather than a god, he is known to everyone on the two islands as a rascal, comedian, and creator. Yet in spite of Mautikitiki's fame, SE was able to collect at Labagu and at the lake only two fragments of stories about him. Only several months later at central Rennell did a Mautikitiki series gradually come to light, and this during a day's hike on which much of the conversation concerned Mautikitiki. That evening, there was a gigantic meeting at the house of a grayhaired man whose name was actually Maaui (Schadrach Maaui, Chapter 2). The house by Rennellese standards was ablaze with light—five kerosene lanterns were spaced over the surface of the floor; those who couldn't squeeze inside the house (the women) crowded outside by the door. The atmosphere was festive, and the laughter loud. For TM, stories about Mautikitiki marked his first acquaintance with the language and culture of Rennell and Bellona, and this was in Honiara, Guadalcanal, while waiting for passage to the two islands (see T37, T47 [A]). TM took down other stories at odd intervals during his stay, some evoked by questions about the origin of the islands (T33, T34 [A]) or the origin of plants (T41 [B]). Mautikitiki stories always called forth great merriment among people present, but they did not seem to be too well known. Taupongi 1961 expressed this opinion of Mautikitiki: Ko Mautikitiki te mi'ipengea, hua'iti'iti to'a. Teengaa tona kite 'anga: te hetata'i ma te ango, ma te hetata'i ma na pangati, ma te hetata'i ma na gomiti, ma te hetata'i ma na kangae, ma te hetata'i ma na mi'imanu. Teengaa te hai 'anga e tengeu'ake ai au, ko Mautikitiki te pengea boboko. Ko Mautikitiki te pengea bange.

Mautikitiki is a small man, very small. That's its proof: fighting with the land crab, and fighting the pangati beetle, and fighting with the spider, and fighting with the swamp hen, and fighting with small animals. This is the reason why I think that Mautikitiki is a tiny person. Mautikitiki is a trickster.

109

T E X T 31(A)

31. Mautikitiki ma 'Ataganga

Mautikitiki and 'Ataganga

(A) Michael Moa and others. At Hatagua, RE, March 18, 1958.

1. Ko Mautikitiki noko sopo i te ta'e o 'Ataganga. O hegegehaki i te haingata'a, ma te to'o mai te kupenga o te tama'auge, ioo 'oso kinai, o to'o o hai ai tona hosa. 2. Namaa hua'eha tona hosa—na paunga agaaua, te momoe i te hage agaaua. Hai te hai 'anga 'Ataganga, te huhuke te huna, o tuku kae mene ki te baka tokihana. Sui a Mautikitiki o huu te hakaagogo o te tamaña. Namaa taha'ata poo'ugi, sopo iho a 'Ataganga o sasaga tona hakaagogo, o he'e kitea, aano 'aoina tutahi o maagama kinai te 'ao, ka he'e kite. loo hakatuiaki e Mautikitiki te hakaagogo o te tamaña, noko to'o e ia o huu i tona kaainga. 3. Hano huna ai, kae manga 'ika'ika, i te na'ake ia e bage songo kinai a Mautikitiki. Gotu ke hano a 'Ataganga ki he kunga, kae manga na'ana'a kia tona hosa a Mautikitiki. 4. Aano moe a Mautikitiki, o tubi te malibebe, o ma ge'o ki te tamaña a 'Ataganga, ina'atu i te hano a 'Ataganga o ta'aki e ia te tugi kaso o mene ai, o hano.— 5. Hetae ki tena kunga sanga, e iai tena maganga hekau, he'e tau pegea, kae manga hiina'i atu, manga boga, ma te tutu, ma te ganga, ma te saangoi. Ko 'Ataganga noko ngege ia tena tama'ahine, o a'u o hai te 'ugu.— Ma te ina'atu a 'Ataganga ki te maganga hekau e noka. 6. Ma te manga langalanga a 'Ataganga po tehea te hai 'anga e noka ai te maganga hekau. Ma te hematamata'aki a 'Ataganga, aano ina'ake ki 'agunga, o ina kia Mautikitiki manga eke iho i te guna. Ma te ngege ake ai, o hinaiho. Namaa hinaiho aano, hetaiake iho, samu iho e ia, o tu'u gua. O noko ma taahoga gu ona potu, kae hano ma'u 110

1. Mautikitiki came out of the feces of 'Ataganga. [Mautikitiki] leapt back and forth because [it] was hard [to get out], so ['Ataganga] took the toadstool net of a child-of-a-member and caught him [Mautikitiki] and took [him] and made him his [own] son. 2. When his son was big—it was their custom to sleep in their house. 'Ataganga used to pull off his loincloth and take [it] and put [it] in the joint of the hard-rock adze. Then Mautikitiki would hide his father's work loincloth. In the dark morning 'Ataganga would come down and look for his work loincloth but would not find [it], and [even] when day came and [it] was light [he] would not find [it]. Then Mautikitiki would show his father's work loincloth that he had taken and hidden in his sleeping place. 3. ['Ataganga] would go and put [it] on, but was angry because he knew that Mautikitiki was playing mischievous tricks on him. 'Ataganga wanted to go elsewhere, but was wary as to his son Mautikitiki. 4. Then Mautikitiki lay down and covered [himself] with an old mat and watched his father, 'Ataganga, and saw 'Ataganga go, and he picked up the base of a reed clump and disappeared into it and went away.—5. He ['Ataganga] came to his planting place and his miraculous work was there, no people, and [he] just watched, and there was clearing of brush, and burning, and hilling up, and putting in of poles. 'Ataganga called his daughter, and [she] came and deloused his head.— But 'Ataganga saw that his magic had stopped. 6. 'Ataganga wondered why the magic had stopped. So 'Ataganga looked around and looking up saw Mautikitiki sitting down in a Morinda tree. [He] called up to him to come down. [Mautikitiki] came down and was almost down when he ['Ataganga] pulled [him] down and split [him] in two. His two pieces lay [there], and he ['Ataganga] went to sit down again and told his daughter to delouse his head

TEXT 31(A)

o noho, o hai atu kia tena tama'ahine, o hai ma'u te 'ugu, ma te gongo ake a 'Ataganga ki na go'imata manga tutugu iho ki te tu'aa u'a, ma te hakaanu ake a 'Ataganga kia tena tama'ahine: "Po ni aa te hetoki iho ki toku tu'aa u'a?" 7. Ka manga he'e muña a tena tama'ahine, namaa ina'ake kinai, manga tangi, ma te hakaanu a 'Ataganga kia tena tama'ahine: "Po ko koe tangi i te aa?" 8. O hai atu a tena tama'ahine: "Ko au manga tangi ia Mautikitiki kua taa e koe!" Ma te 'agoha kinai a 'Ataganga kia tena tama'ahine, o hai ake: "Mau'i iho!" Ma te mau'i a tena tama'ahine i te 'ugu o 'Ataganga, kae tu'u a 'Ataganga o 'oso ki gua potu o Mautikitiki o hetu'utaki'aki, kae tu'u gua e ia te kalogu o hakapigi kia gua kaokao, ma te go'ia te tino o Mautikitiki, ma te 'aga hoki a Mautikitiki o ma'ugi.— 9. O sasaga he hai 'anga ke giu'aki kinai tena taa'ia 'anga. Aano toghi e ia te aka 'aoa—te aga manga lango ai,— kae toghi e Mautikitiki o hakatutugu e ia ki te moana o bagika'ago, aano hati ngagu. Sui o hano o to'o hakatutugu i tu'ahenua aano, hati ngagu ma'u. Teenaa te 'oti 'anga. 10. Ko Mautikitiki manga noho i Mugiki. Aano taa tona baka, te baka tabai, o 'amo ki tai, o toto'o, aano 'oti. Boo mai ai te haangotanga, ma gu ona hai taina. O hai uka aano, o hai atu a Mautikitiki: "Huhuti ake matatou ni ika, ka kau go hai'ia he kunga ke go tunu ai." 11. Aano taha te 'ao—hai te maunu o gii ki te ghau haangongo, o 'abange o to'o e te mugikaakoni, o to'o e ia o baalau i Mugaba nei. Te kunga noko baalau ai te ghau ko Kagighalou (te utua i Mata'aso). O huhuti a Mautikitiki aano e'a te utua, a Kagighalou, ma te hai atu a gu ana hai taina: "Te baka!" Ma te hai atu a Mautikitiki: "Si'ai!"

again, and 'Ataganga felt tears now trickling down the back of his neck, and 'Ataganga asked his daughter: "What is this falling down the back of my neck?"

7. And his daughter did not answer, and [he] looked at her and saw [she] was crying and 'Ataganga asked his daughter: "What are you crying about?" 8. His daughter said: "I'm just crying for Mautikitiki whom you have killed!" 'Ataganga felt sorry about this and for his daughter and said: "Let go!" His daughter let go of 'Ataganga's head, and 'Ataganga got up and picked up the two pieces of Mautikitiki and joined [them] together, and he cut in two an epiphyte filled with ants and stuck [the pieces] on the two sides, and Mautikitiki's body was covered with ants, and Mautikitiki got up again alive.— 9. [Mautikitiki] looked for a way to get revenge for his being killed. He cut a banyan root—a trail to walk on—and Mautikitiki cut and he made the [root] drip into the sea to the north, and the waves broke. Then [he] went and made [the root] drip to the south, and the waves broke here too. This is the ending. 10. Mautikitiki was living at Bellona. He built a canoe, a tabai wood canoe, and carried [it] to the sea and lashed [it] and [it] was finished. [He] came fishing with his two younger brothers. [They] put out lines and Mautikitiki said: "Pull us in some fish and I'll make a place to cook them." 11. When daylight came—[he] got some bait and tied [it] to the coconutshell hook and offered [it], and a sandpiper took [it] and he took [it] and snagged Rennell here. The place where the hook was snagged was Kagighalou (the point at Mata'aso). Mautikitiki pulled and Kagighalou point came up, and his two younger brothers said: "A canoe!" But Mautikitiki said: "No!" Ill

TEXTS 31(A), 31(B)

12. Aano sosopo ma'u te utua, aano tutahi a Mugaba nei o e'a ake o tahea. Ma te mau'i, ma te hai ke mene hoki, ma te logi e Mautikitiki kae hai atu: "Te 'atua ke tu'u na'e kegekege!" Ma te tu'u. Tu'u a Mugaba nei o ma'u, ma te tau kinai o hai tegatou 'umu, ki agatou kaui. Teenei te 'otinga.

12. Then the point came out too and then all of Rennell here came up and floated. [He] let go and [it] started to sink again, but Mautikitiki grabbed [it] and said: "O god, let [it] stand since [it] is earth!" And [it] stood. Rennell here stood forth and was firm, and they landed there and made their oven for their fish. This is the ending.

NOTES Short variants of this story were given by Timothy Sau'uhi on November 14, and by Aaron Taupongi on December 3, 1957. The longer variant B was begun on my last day on Rennell, April 10, but the arrival of the ship prevented the informant from finishing. 1. kupenga o te tama'auge: This name for a toadstool net evoked roars of laughter. There was also much laughter about the hidden loincloth (2); the father disappearing into the reed (4); Mautikitiki spying in the Morinda tree (6); Mautikitiki cut in two and 'Ataganga's wondering about the tears on the back of his neck (6); the sudden appearance of Rennell on the fishline, and its near sinking again (12). 3. na'ake: na'a ake. 5. maganga hekau: explained by the informant as an act of magic whereby a garden was worked very quickly without human assistance. This was denied by Taupongi 1961, who said that the term merely meant fast work by many people, and need not involve magic. In this text, however, it really seems to be an act of magic. Anyone watching magic would spoil it, a fact well known to the informants. 6. SE: "Could a girl delouse her father's head?" Taupongi 1961: "A small girl could, but not a grown woman, lest it be thought they were sinning." 9. Much discussion here between three men and a woman. Mautikitiki made big waves so as to damage his father's home (Taupongi 1961). 10. The remainder of the story was dictated after I had read back 1-9, much to the amusement of all listening. 12. Taupongi 1961 suggested a different prayer: Tetupu'a! Ke tu'u tou kengekenge! (Tetupu'a! May your soil rise forth!) (Tetupu'a is Tehainga'atua.) On March 14 Paul Takiika suggested that Mautikitiki fished up his father's settlement in revenge for the latter's killing him. This was before Kaitu'u arrived.

SE

(B) Takiika. At Labagu, RE, April 10, 1958.

1. Te hosa o 'Ataganga ko Mautikitiki. Ko 'Ataganga te pegea noko mu'a o noho i Mugiki. Noko si'ai he hahine ke pipiki e ia; noko ma launatahi. 2. Ka ko ia noko hano titiko, e iai te me'a, he'e na'a e ia; noko gotu'ia ke labu, kae haingata'a. Hano ia o to'o mai te magasighi o tango ai e ia, o to'o e ia o hai ai te pegea, o hakaingoa e ia ko Mautikitiki. Teegaa te tokagua pegea, ko 'Ataganga ma tena hosa ko Mautikitiki. 3. Ka na maatu'a hai tena manaha o noho'aki ai. Namaa momoe, namaa a'u te 'ao, 'aga a Mautikitiki,

112

1. 'Ataganga's son was Mautikitiki. 'Ataganga was the first person to live on Bellona. There was no woman [whom] he might marry; [he] was alone. 2. And he went to defecate, [and] there was something [in the feces], he didn't know [what]; [he] wanted to grab [it] but [this] was difficult. He went and brought a toadstool net [?] and he used [it] as a cover, and he got [the thing], and it became a human being [to whom] he gave the name Mautikitiki. There were two people, 'Ataganga and his son Mautikitiki. 3. When [the son] was mature, he made a settlement and [they] stayed there. After sleeping, and when daylight had come,

TEXTS 31(B), 32

ko te tamaña kua he'e kitea; langalanga a Mautikitiki ia te tamaña he'e kitea. 4. Namaa teegaa 'aso, momoe, 'aga Mautikitiki o huu te hakaagogo o te tamaña; namaa maagama te 'ao, hinatu a 'Ataganga i tena hakaagogo kua he'e kitea. 5. Sasaga ai a 'Ataganga, aano tutahi o maagama te 'ao, ma te 'ika'ika a 'Ataganga, ma te hano a Mautikitiki o hai atu: " 'Ai teenei te hakaagogo o te 'agiki manga sasaga ai!" Ma te pau o 'Ataganga o 'ika'ika kia tena hosa, ma te hano a Mautikitiki o moe o tubi i te malibebe. 6. Ma te sokasoka e Mautikitiki te malibebe o tagitaginga'a o ina'atu ai kia te tamaña kua 'ika'ika. 7. Ma te ina mai a 'Ataganga kia tena hosa kua moe, ma te tu'u o huna, i te hakaagogo, hakama'u te siku huna, o 'oti kae hano, namaa siga mai ko tena hosa manga moe, ta'aki e ia te tugi kaso, o mene ai. Namaa ina mai a Mautikitiki kia te tamaña, kua hano sui mai a ia o ta'aki ma'u te tugi kaso o ina iho kinai, manga taginga'a te aga ki te 'aamonga o'ona.

Mautikitiki would get up and the father was not to be seen; Mautikitiki wondered about his father [who was] not to be seen. 4. One day [they] were sleeping, [and] Mautikitiki got up and hid his father's work loincloth; when day had brightened, 'Ataganga went [to find] his work loincloth that was not to be seen. 5. 'Ataganga then hunted for it, and day had completely brightened, and 'Ataganga was angry, and Mautikitiki came and said: "And here is the work loincloth that the chief has just been looking for!" 'Ataganga was furious at his son, and Mautikitiki went and lay down and covered up with an old mat. 6. And Mautikitiki punched holes in the old mat so [it] was perforated and [he] looked through at his father who was angry. 7. 'Ataganga saw that his son had fallen asleep, and got up and put on his work loincloth and tucked in the ends of the loincloth, and then went away, and after passing his son who was sleeping, he opened up the base of a reed clump and disappeared into it. When Mautikitiki saw his father, he [Mautikitiki] in turn went and also opened up the base of the reed clump and looked down into it, and there the path to his island was open.