From Congregation Town to Industrial City: Culture and Social Change in a Southern Community 9780814788882

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From Congregation Town to Industrial City

The American Social Experience S

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General Editor JAMES KIRB

Y M A R T I

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Editors PAULA S . FASS, STEVE N H. MINTZ , C A R L P R I N C E , J A M ES W . R E E D & P E T E R N . S T E A R N S

I. The March to the Sea and Beyond: Sherman's Troops in the Savannah and Carolinas Campaigns J O S E P HT

. G L A T T H A A

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2. Childbearing in American Society: 1650-1850 C A T H E R I N E M

. S C H O L T E

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3. The Origins of Behaviorism: American Psychology, 1870-ip20 JOHN M

. O ' D O N N E L

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4. New York City Cartmen, 1667-1850 GRAHAM RUSSEL

L H O D G E

S

5. From Equal Suffrage to Equal Rights: Alice Paul and the National Woman's Party, ipio-ip28 C H R I S T I N E A

. L U N A R D I N

I

6. Mr. Jefferson's Army: Political and Social Reform of the Military Establishment, 1801-18 op T H E O D O R E J

. RACKE

L

7. "A Peculiar People": Slave Religion and CommunityCulture among the Gullahs M A R G A R E T W A S H I N G T O

N CREE

L

8. "A Mixed Multitude": The Struggle for Toleration in Colonial Pennsylvania SALLY S C H W A R T

p. Women,

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Work, and Fertility, ipoo-ip86

SUSAN H O U S E H O L D E

R V

AN H O R N

10. Liberty, Virtue, and Progress: Northerners and Their War for the Union EARL J

. H E S

S

/ / . Lewis M. Terman: Pioneer in Psychological Testing HENRY L

. M I N T O

N

u. Schools as Sorters: Lewis M. Terman, Applied Psychology, and the Intelligence Testing Movement, 1890-1930 PAUL D A V I

S CHAPMA

N

13. Free Love: Marriage and Middle-Class Radicalism in America, 1825-1860 JOHN C

. SPURLOC

K

14. Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History PETER N

. STEARN

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15. The Nurturing Neighborhood: The Brownsville Boys Club and Jewish Community in Urban America, 1940-1990 GERALD SORI

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16. War in America to 1775: Before Yankee Doodle JOHN MORGA

N DEDERE

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17. An American Vision: Far Western Landscape and National Culture, 1820-1920 A N N E FARRARHYD

E

18. Frederick Law Olmsted: The Passion of a Public Artist MELVIN KALFU

S

19. Medical Malpractice in Nineteenth-Century America: Origins and Legacy K E N N E T H ALLE

N D

E VILL

E

20. Dancing in Chains: The Youth of William Dean Howells RODNEY D

. OLSE

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21. Breaking the Bonds: Marital Discord in Pennsylvania, 1730-1830 M E R R I LD

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SMIT

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22. In the Web of Class: Delinquents and Reformers in Boston, 1810s-1830s ERIC C

. SCHNEIDE

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23. Army of Manifest Destiny: The American Soldier in the Mexican War, 1846-1848 JAMES M

. M C C A F F R E

Y

24. The Dutch-American Farm DAVID STEVE

N COHE

N

25. Independent Intellectuals in the United States, 1910-1945 STEVEN BIE

L

26. The Modern Christmas in America: A Cultural History of Gift Giving WILLIAM B

. WAIT

S

2y. The First Sexual Revolution: The Emergence of Male Heterosexuality in Modern America KEVIN WHIT

E

28. Bad Habits: Drinking, Smoking, Taking Drugs, Gambling, Sexual Misbehavior, and Swearing in American History JOHNC . BURNHA

M

29. General Richard Montgomery and the American Revolution: From Redcoat to Rebel HAL T . SHELTO

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JO. From Congregation Town to Industrial City: Culture and Social Change in a Southern Community MICHAEL SHIRLE

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From Congregation Town to Industrial City Culture and Social Change in a Southern Community M I C H A E L SHIRLE

N E W YOR

K UNIVERSIT

Y PRES

New York and London

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NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n Copyright © 199 4 by Ne w Yor k Universit y All right s reserve d

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Library o f Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Shirley, Michael . From congregatio n tow n t o industria l city : culture an d socia l change i n a southern communit y / Michae l Shirley . p. cm . — (Th e America n socia l experience ) Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-7977- 8 (alk . paper ) Winston-Salem (N.C.)—History . 2 . Winston-Sale m (N.C.)—Socia l conditions. I . Title . II . Series . F264.W8S48 199 4 975-6'67—dc20 93-2344 6 CIP New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s ar e printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chosen fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n the Unite d State s o f Americ a 10 9

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Contents

List of Illustrations Maps

xi xiii

A cknowledgments

XV 1

Introduction ONE

The Congregational Community of the Moravians

TWO

The Congregation and a Changing Economy

31

THREE

Manufacturing and Community in Salem

60

FOUR

Community Culture in Antebellum Salem

94

FIVE

The Community at War

121

SIX

Postbellum Winston and Salem: The Emergence of a Business Class

144

SEVEN

Workers in an Industrial Community

172

EIGHT

The Industrial Community: Drawing the Lines of Class and Race

200

Conclusion

2

Rules and Regulations

239

APPENDIXA APPENDIXB

5

34

Occupational Classifications for Population Sample from 1850 Census 24

2

ix

x • Contents APPENDIXC Occupational

Classifications for Population

Sample from 1880 Census 24

4

Notes 24

7

Bibliography 29

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Index 30

9

Illustrations

I.I.

Southwest Vie w of Sale m i n 182 4

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68

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Francis Frie s

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Winter Vie w o f Sale m Squar e around 185 0

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6.1

Main Street , Salem , i n 186 6

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6.2

Henry W . Frie s

153

6.3

Winston's Firs t Tobacc o Warehous e

155

6.4

Tobacco-Selling Seaso n

156

6.5

Richard Joshua Reynold s

158

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R. J. Reynold s Tobacco Company Factor y

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Nissen Wago n Work s

175

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Nissen Wago n

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The F . an d H . Frie s Mill Complex o n Factor y Hil l

189

7-4

Operatives Employe d i n the F . an d H . Frie s Mill s

192

8.i

Liberty Stree t an d Cour t Hous e Squar e i n Winsto n

201

8.2

Winston Blue s Baseball Clu b

204

8.3

Fraternal Orde r o f Odd Fellow s Outin g

207

8. 4

Local Temperance Societ y

208

3

xi

Maps

8.1. Winston-Sale

m i n 188 5

203

xiii

Acknowledgments

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his stud y i s greatl y indebte d t o th e encouragemen t an d critica l comments an d suggestion s o f numerou s friends , colleagues , an d students. Ove r th e year s friend s an d colleague s rea d an d com mented o n papers , articles , an d draft s o f chapter s a s wel l a s offere d important advic e i n numerou s conversations . Fo r thi s I wan t t o than k Bess Beatty, Davi d Carlton, Pau l Cimbala, Stev e Hahn, Andre w Hurley , Gail Murray , Bo b Korstad , Stephani e McCurry , Bar t Shaw , an d E d Shoemaker. Barbar a Bellows , Pau l Escott , Davi d Goldfield , John Schlot terbeck, Scot t Strickland , an d Harr y Watso n offere d usefu l comment s o n conference paper s take n fro m thi s manuscript . A t Emor y University , Dan Carte r an d Jame s Roar k serve d o n m y dissertatio n committe e an d offered importan t suggestion s fo r revisin g th e manuscript . E d Hendrick s of Wak e Fores t Universit y pointe d m e t o loca l resource s i n Winston Salem, whil e Moll y Rawls , curato r o f th e Fran k Jones Collectio n a t th e Forsyth Count y Publi c Library , an d Paul a Locklair , curato r a t Ol d Sa lem, Incorporated , wer e ver y helpfu l i n locatin g photograph s fo r th e manuscript. Th e staff s a t th e Moravia n Archive s i n Winston-Salem , th e Manuscripts Departmen t o f th e Duk e Universit y Library , th e Nort h Carolina Divisio n o f Archive s an d History , an d th e Souther n Historica l Collection a t th e Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a a t Chape l Hil l wer e especially patien t an d willin g t o fulfil l numerou s request s t o provid e material. A t Rhode s College , Ashle y Daricek , Sara h Hughes , An n Sargent, Charle s Smith , an d Ralen e Richard s assiste d m e greatl y b y th e careful attentio n the y pai d t o their work-stud y dutie s i n creating sample s from th e manuscrip t censuse s an d ta x lists , chasing down references , an d xv

xvi • Acknowledgments editing endnote s an d bibliography . Student s i n m y socia l histor y an d southern histor y seminars—especiall y Stuar t Chapman , Ka y Sessoms , and Susanna h Shumate—rea d portion s o f th e manuscript , debate d m y arguments, an d demande d greate r clarit y i n m y ideas . Judit h Runya n and Bil l Ber g carefully advise d m e o n th e in s an d out s o f computer s an d statistics. Annett e Cate s patientl y fille d s o man y interlibrar y loa n re quests. Angi e Bumpu s type d an d printe d numerou s revision s o f th e manuscript. Th e America n Historica l Associatio n awarde d m e a Bever idge Researc h Gran t an d th e Nationa l Endowmen t fo r th e Humanitie s provided a Trave l t o Collection s Gran t whic h mad e possibl e summe r research trip s t o North Carolin a an d t o the Bake r Librar y a t th e Harvar d Graduate Schoo l o f Business Administration . Earlie r version s of chapter s two an d thre e wer e publishe d a s u The Marke t an d Communit y Cultur e in Antebellu m Salem , Nort h Carolina, " The Journal of the Early Republic 11 (Summer IQQI ) and "Yeoma n Cultur e and Mil l worker Protes t i n Antebellum Salem , Nort h Carolina, " The Journal of Southern History 57 (August 1991), an d I than k Ralp h Gra y an d Joh n Bole s fo r permissio n t o us e portions o f thes e article s here . I mus t als o than k Coli n Jones, directo r o f New Yor k Universit y Press , Nik o Pfund , editor , Jennife r Hammer , assistant editor , an d James Kirb y Martin , editor-in-chie f o f the America n Social Experienc e Series , fo r thei r extraordinar y patienc e i n waitin g fo r the manuscrip t an d thei r effort s a t makin g thi s a better book . Two peopl e i n particula r deserv e specia l mentio n fo r thei r contribu tions. Jonatha n Prud e originall y directe d th e dissertatio n a t Emor y an d later too k tim e fro m hi s own wor k t o read draft s o f article s an d chapters , offer thoughtfu l an d importan t suggestions , an d provid e unstintin g en couragement a s I revise d th e manuscript . Pa m Shirley , o f course , mad e the greates t sacrifice s a s I devoted tim e an d effor t t o thi s study . Withou t her continuin g encouragemen t an d suppor t thi s boo k woul d no t hav e been possible .

Introduction

V

isitors toda y t o Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolina , ca n se e i n the Ol d Sale m restoratio n villag e a recreatio n o f th e Moravia n congregation communit y an d artifact s o f congregationa l life . Old Sale m present s a bucoli c imag e o f a well-ordered , attractive , eve n idyllic, village . Walkin g u p Mai n Stree t fro m th e villag e squar e visitor s come t o th e norther n edg e o f th e tow n an d se e befor e the m bot h th e smokestacks o f th e tobacc o factorie s an d th e offic e tower s o f th e R . J . Reynolds Tobacc o Compan y an d th e Wachovi a Ban k an d Trus t Com pany. T o thei r lef t the y se e on th e opposite hil l the brick building s whic h originally belonge d t o th e Sale m Manufacturin g Company , Salem' s first textile mil l organize d i n 1836 . I n thi s visua l swee p o f th e landscape , i n which th e ne w stand s i n star k contras t t o th e old , visitor s ca n perceiv e the parameters of Winston-Salem's history—th e Moravian settlemen t an d its textil e mil l contraste d wit h th e tobacc o factorie s o f Winston—an d sense th e clas h o f ne w an d ol d tha t generate d th e tension s endemi c t o social an d economi c chang e a s th e congregatio n communit y becam e th e industrial city . I t i s a compellin g story , ric h i n detail s describin g th e textures o f lif e a s southerner s experience d th e change s tha t occurre d i n the nineteenth century . This i s a study o f the evolution o f a southern communit y a s it industri alized durin g th e nineteent h century . Throug h th e nineteent h centur y profound change s too k plac e i n th e economi c lif e o f Winston-Sale m tha t included transformation s i n th e method s o f production , th e natur e o f work, an d th e structure an d compositio n o f the work force . Industrializa 1

2 • Introduction tion too k roo t i n th e antebellu m year s a s Sale m becam e mor e deepl y engaged wit h th e marke t tha t transforme d antebellu m America . Begin ning i n th e 1830 s whe n th e firs t cotto n mil l opened , Salem , an d later , Winston, move d steadil y towar d a n econom y base d o n manufacturin g and trad e in a market tha t extende d beyon d th e surrounding countryside . Over th e forty-yea r perio d fro m 185 0 t o 1890 , capita l investmen t i n manufacturing reporte d i n the federal censuse s rose almost ten times fro m $271,400 t o $2,344,957 . Th e valu e o f manufacture d product s increase d during the same period fro m $253,87 1 to $3,269,419. Bu t the most tellin g statistic concern s th e siz e o f manufacturin g activitie s i n th e community . Throughout th e antebellum perio d mos t manufacturin g activitie s i n Win ston an d Sale m too k plac e i n th e smal l shop s o f loca l maste r craftsme n producing fo r loca l consumers . I n th e postwa r decades , a s th e commu nity's entrepreneur s sough t thei r fortune s i n th e nationa l an d interna tional markets , productio n wa s undertake n o n a larger scale . I n 188 0 th e fourteen tobacc o an d textil e factories , th e larges t industria l enterprise s i n Winston an d Salem , employe d a n averag e o f ninety-fou r worker s each . Sixteen othe r shops , whic h include d thos e of blacksmiths, wagonmakers , wheelwrights, an d cabinetmakers , employe d a n average of thirteen work ers apiece. l But , th e revolutionar y characte r o f industrializatio n wa s no t in th e buildin g o f factorie s an d th e increase d us e o f machinery , thoug h these developments ar e significant an d canno t b e overlooked. Rather , th e essence o f industrializatio n wa s th e transformatio n o f economic , social , and politica l institution s an d structure s tha t accompanie d change s i n th e methods of production a s well as the emergence of a new mind-se t amon g inhabitants o f Winsto n an d Sale m tha t brough t ne w way s o f thinkin g and acting . Fro m thi s economi c transformatio n ne w socia l an d politica l structures an d relationship s emerge d tha t produce d a more differentiate d community culture . Indeed , th e economi c change s tha t occurre d i n th e North Carolin a piedmon t durin g th e perio d redefine d th e meanin g o f community i n Sale m a s th e Moravia n congregatio n villag e gav e wa y t o the postwa r industria l cit y of Winston-Salem . The stor y o f community transformatio n i n the nineteent h centur y ha s been tol d b y scholar s o f norther n societ y i n severa l splendi d mono graphs. 2 Thoug h ther e is a rich scholarshi p on plantatio n region s that ha s dominated th e writin g o f souther n socia l an d economi c history , area s outside of the cotton bel t have received comparativel y littl e attention unti l quite recently . I n the 1980 s Steven Hah n an d other s produce d importan t studies focusing o n th e economi c an d socia l force s tha t reshape d th e

Introduction • 3 countryside a s th e souther n piedmon t wa s consolidate d int o a marke t economy, i n th e proces s transformin g th e communit y culture s o f th e villages an d town s scattere d ove r th e souther n landscape. 3 However , these studie s hav e focuse d primaril y o n eithe r th e antebellu m o r postbel lum period s an d hav e no t trace d th e developmen t o f economic an d socia l change i n souther n communitie s ove r th e cours e o f th e nineteent h cen tury. Thu s thes e studie s hav e emphasized discontinuit y betwee n th e tw o periods i n souther n history . Unlik e othe r studie s o f th e nineteenth-cen tury Sout h tha t hav e considere d communitie s o f planter s an d yeoma n farmers, th e subjec t o f thi s stud y i s a piedmon t communit y o f artisan s and smal l farmer s unite d b y a singl e visio n o f lif e a s member s o f a religious congregation . Th e Moravia n communit y a t Sale m offer s a n illuminating cas e o f th e change s sweepin g souther n societ y i n th e nine teenth centur y tha t affecte d th e way s southerner s live d i n thei r commu nities. William Freehlin g ha s recentl y written , "befor e an d afte r th e mid 18305 i n th e South , a s wel l a s th e North , chang e wa s omnipresent , varieties abounded , vision s multiplied." 4 Th e agen t o f thi s chang e wa s the "marke t revolution " tha t swep t antebellu m America , leavin g fe w communities untouched . Durin g th e antebellu m perio d th e peopl e o f Salem foun d themselve s increasingl y subjec t t o th e impac t o f economi c forces operatin g beyon d th e town' s boundaries . Greate r participatio n i n the marke t ove r th e cours e o f th e nineteent h centur y unleashe d ne w ways o f behavior , leadin g t o th e developmen t o f a new etho s amon g th e Moravians o f Salem. 5 Th e critica l developmen t i n th e transformatio n of th e congregatio n communit y whic h opene d th e doo r t o economi c development an d industrializatio n wa s th e greate r commitmen t amon g most Sale m shopkeeper s t o individua l freedom , privat e propert y rights , and th e pursui t o f persona l economi c opportunitie s fre e o f externa l re straints. Thu s a s Sale m an d it s neighborin g countrysid e becam e en meshed i n th e regiona l an d nationa l marke t economies , th e way s peopl e lived, thei r attitude s an d behavior , an d thei r sens e o f themselve s a s members o f a specia l communit y al l changed , givin g vivi d testimon y to th e powe r o f capitalis t transformation. 6 Th e majorit y o f Moravia n shopkeepers i n Sale m b y mid-centur y embrace d a ne w worldvie w a t odds wit h th e traditiona l congregationa l ethos . The y transforme d th e community orde r o f Salem , leavin g onl y th e shado w o f wha t wa s onc e the congregatio n o f saints . The transformatio n o f Winston-Sale m als o reveal s th e characte r o f

4 • Introduction industrialization tha t occurre d i n th e Sout h befor e 1900 . Thoug h mos t southerners i n 190 0 wer e stil l engage d i n agricultura l pursuits , an d th e South remaine d predominantl y a n agricultura l region , fro m th e 1870 s t o the en d o f th e century , profoun d thoug h subtl e change s i n th e characte r of th e souther n etho s wer e expresse d i n th e outlook , institutions , an d leadership o f th e region . I n particular , a middl e clas s o f businessme n emerged, an d prominenc e and powe r passed fro m planter s to manufactur ers an d merchants. 7 Thi s ne w busines s clas s pursue d profit s an d succes s in the emerging national marke t economy. Thes e changes altered commu nity lif e i n th e piedmon t town s o f th e Sout h wher e th e initia l stage s o f industrialization wer e wel l unde r wa y b y th e 1880s . Stil l boun d closel y to th e region' s agricultura l economy , souther n manufacturin g processe d the tw o importan t stapl e crop s o f th e region—cotto n an d tobacco—int o products trade d i n th e nationa l an d worl d markets . Southerners , black s as well as whites, who constituted th e region's labor forc e als o maintained strong tie s t o th e agricultura l economy , frequentl y movin g fro m far m t o factory an d back . Thes e basi c fact s gav e nineteenth-centur y souther n industry a distinctiv e character . I n th e postbellu m communit y o f Win ston-Salem, a s individua l energie s wer e release d i n th e rebuildin g o f southern societ y fro m th e ashe s an d ruin s o f a disastrous war , th e influ x of capita l an d labo r ha d a transformin g effect . Ne w busines s endeavor s were organize d an d man y ol d businesse s expanded , whil e other s wer e overwhelmed b y ne w marke t condition s an d declined . Durin g th e post war year s th e railroa d connecte d Winston-Sale m t o th e regiona l an d national economy , openin g market s fo r th e town' s product s a s wel l a s making availabl e ne w source s o f ra w material s an d labor . Th e expansio n of economi c activit y i n Winston-Sale m fuele d a startlin g populatio n growth a s th e communit y expande d fro m twelv e hundre d resident s i n 1850 t o ove r eleve n thousan d peopl e i n 1890. 8 Fro m th e 1820 s throug h the 1880 s th e peopl e o f Sale m an d th e adjacen t tow n o f Winsto n con fronted omnipresen t chang e tha t redefine d th e meanin g an d experienc e of community .

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The Congregational Community of the Moravians

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inston-Salem's histor y reache s bac k t o pre-Reformatio n Eu rope and the fifteenth-century pietisti c movements of Moravia and Bohemi a le d b y th e disciples o f Czec h religiou s reforme r Jan Hus. Hus , wh o advocated a life of piety whic h emphasized purit y i n morals an d conduc t mor e tha n doctrin e an d consistency, gathere d abou t him devote d followers , th e Brethren , wh o organize d th e churc h tha t became known as the Unitas Fratrum. Rejectin g the dogma and rituals of the Catholic church, th e Unita s Fratrum , whic h the Brethren believed t o be th e oldes t Protestan t church , secede d fro m th e Churc h o f Rom e i n 1467 an d electe d it s ow n ministers . Afte r year s o f persecutio n man y Brethren went into exile in the seventeenth century, fleeing from Moravia and Bohemi a t o Polan d o r Germany . I n German y th e Brethre n eventu ally foun d a protecto r i n Coun t Nichola s Ludwi g vo n Zinzendorf , a n Austrian aristocrat , wh o offere d th e Brethre n refug e o n hi s estat e o f Berthelsdorf i n Saxony . There , i n the summe r of 1722 , the Brethren, o r Moravians a s the y wer e comin g t o b e known , create d th e settlemen t o f Herrnhut an d th e churc h wa s reorganize d a s th e Renewe d Unita s Fra trum, wit h Zinzendor f a s it s leader . Fro m thei r settlemen t a t Herrnhu t the Moravian s o f th e Renewe d Unita s Fratru m the n embarke d o n mis sionary activitie s tha t le d t o th e creatio n o f settlement s i n Europe , th e British Isles, North America, th e Caribbean, an d Africa. 1 The Moravian s first settle d i n Americ a i n th e 1730 s i n respons e t o English guarantee s o f religiou s freedom . Afte r a n initia l settlemen t i n 5

6 • The Congregational Community of the Moravians Georgia faile d du e t o th e unsuitabilit y o f th e lan d th e Moravian s pur chased, th e Moravian s establishe d thei r first permanen t settlemen t i n America i n Pennsylvani a i n 174 1 at Bethlehem. 2 Th e Moravians ' urg e t o colonize di d no t en d wit h th e foundin g o f Bethlehem ; the y continue d t o look beyond th e countryside aroun d Bethlehe m fo r lan d tha t woul d allo w them t o liv e independentl y an d saf e fro m persecutio n whil e enablin g them t o expan d thei r missionar y activities . Th e attentio n o f Moravia n leaders turne d towar d Nort h Carolin a an d focuse d o n a on e hundre d thousand-acre trac t o f lan d offere d fo r sal e b y Lor d Granville . I n Nort h Carolina th e Moravian s sa w a numbe r o f benefits : th e opportunit y t o engage i n missionar y activitie s amon g th e India n populatio n there ; th e provision o f propert y an d opportunit y fo r newl y arrive d Moravian s fro m Europe; an d th e sal e o f portion s o f thes e land s t o settler s toleran t o f th e Moravians whic h woul d generat e badl y neede d revenu e fo r th e paymen t of th e Unita s Fratrum' s creditors . I n Augus t 175 2 Moravia n bisho p Au gust Gottlie b Spangenber g an d five associate s lef t Bethlehe m an d jour neyed t o Edenton , Nort h Carolina . Fro m Edenton , th e Spangenber g party se t ou t fo r th e backcountr y i n searc h o f a tract o f lan d upo n whic h to build a congregational town. 3 I n December , afte r traversin g the colon y from th e coas t t o th e mountain s an d endurin g illnes s an d hardship , th e Spangenberg expeditio n cam e upo n a broa d platea u tha t divide s th e Yadkin an d Da n rive r valleys . Ther e the y surveye d a trac t whic h Spangenberg designate d "Wachovia, " named fo r th e family estat e of their protector i n Saxony , Coun t Zinzendorf . Considere d t o b e th e bes t lan d left i n Nort h Carolin a b y 1752 , the tract la y on the road t o Pennsylvania , about twent y mile s sout h o f th e Virgini a border . Spangenberg' s word s reveal the attractiveness of the site for th e Moravian settlement : This tract lies particularly well. It has countless springs, and numerous fine creeks; a s man y mill s a s ma y b e desire d ca n b e built . Ther e i s muc h beautiful meado w land, and water can be led to other pieces which are not quite so low. There i s good pasturage for cattle , and cane s growing along the creeks wil l hel p out fo r a couple of winters unti l th e meadows ar e in shape. There i s also much lowland whic h i s suitable for raisin g corn, etc. There i s plenty o f upland an d gentl y slopin g land whic h ca n b e used fo r corn, wheat, etc. These possibilitie s inspire d Bisho p Spangenber g t o regar d th e lan d a s reserved fo r the m b y thei r Lor d an d wher e th e Moravian s coul d d o th e

The Congregational Community of the Moravians • 7 work that God ha d ordained fo r them. 4 Thus, i n August 1753 , the Unita s Fratrum purchase d fro m Nort h Carolina' s proprietor s 98,98 5 acre s of th e tract Bisho p Spangenberg' s part y ha d surveye d th e previous fall. 5 The Moravian s di d no t hesitat e t o settl e thei r ne w land s i n Nort h Carolina, an d man y o f th e Moravian s answere d th e cal l t o mov e sout h from Bethlehe m t o Wachovia . A n advanc e grou p o f thirtee n unmarrie d men lef t Bethlehe m fo r Nort h Carolin a i n Octobe r 175 3 t o star t th e settlement an d prepar e th e wa y fo r th e arriva l o f familie s fro m Europ e and Pennsylvania . Arrivin g o n thei r ne w land s i n mid-November , the y immediately bega n t o erec t thei r firs t settlement , Bethabara . Withi n a year th e settler s a t Bethabar a wer e operatin g a carpenter' s shop , a flou r mill, a pottery, a cooperage works , a tannery, a blacksmith's shop , an d a shoe shop to serve the needs of the Moravian settler s who soon followed. 6 The ques t fo r piet y i n th e fac e o f fierc e persecutio n a s wel l a s settlemen t on th e America n frontie r create d a sense of community amon g the Mora vians o f Wachovia . Communit y wa s als o create d i n th e loca l congrega tion, wit h it s common experience s an d beliefs , it s distinctiveness, an d it s homogeneity an d exclusivity . Th e Moravian s lived their live s as members of an internationa l communit y o f congregations o f the Unita s Fratru m i n North Carolina , Pennsylvania , an d Europe. 7 The immigratio n o f th e Moravian s t o th e Nort h Carolin a piedmon t was part o f a larger populatio n movemen t int o the region durin g the mid eighteenth century . Betwee n 172 9 an d 175 5 th e populatio n o f Nort h Carolina increase d fro m abou t thirt y thousan d t o eight y thousand . Mos t of the growth befor e mid-centur y fille d i n unsettled area s in the tidewate r regions an d pushe d settlemen t int o the piedmont. Durin g th e secon d hal f of the eighteenth century , thousand s of English, Scots-Irish , an d Germa n immigrants move d int o th e Nort h Carolin a piedmon t an d mountains , seeking ne w opportunitie s an d lure d b y popula r account s o f th e abun dance o f goo d lan d availabl e fo r settlemen t an d a mil d climate . O n hi s journey acros s th e colony , Bisho p Spangenber g observe d tha t i n th e western portion s o f Nort h Carolin a nea r th e mountain s peopl e fro m Virginia, Maryland , Pennsylvania , Ne w Jersey , an d Ne w Englan d ha d settled. Thes e settler s wer e "sturd y farmer s an d skille d men " wh o trav eled dow n th e Grea t Wago n Roa d fro m Pennsylvani a int o th e Nort h Carolina backcountr y wit h hors e an d wago n an d cattle . The y settle d i n North Carolin a because , i n Bisho p Spangenberg' s words , "the y wishe d to own land s an d wer e to o poo r t o buy i n Philadelphi a o r Ne w Jersey." 8 In th e Nort h Carolin a backcountr y the y foun d a crude societ y stil l livin g

8 • The Congregational Community of the Moravians at a bare subsistenc e level , raisin g a little corn , an d relyin g primaril y o n the huntin g o f gam e fo r food . Fo r th e first Moravia n settler s i n Nort h Carolina th e isolatio n o f th e backcountr y an d it s spars e settlemen t pose d severe challenges. Fro m Wachovia the Moravians had to go three hundre d miles sout h ove r troublesom e path s t o Charleston , Sout h Carolina , o r north t o Boling' s Point , Virginia , o n a branc h o f th e Jame s River , als o about thre e hundre d mile s away , t o obtai n thos e item s the y coul d no t produce themselves . Lik e othe r immigrant s t o th e backcountry , th e Mo ravian settlers also discovered th e lack of craftsmen nea r their settlements . Until Bethabar a wa s built , th e neares t stor e o r blacksmit h wa s abou t sixty mile s fro m th e sit e o f settlement , an d th e neares t mil l wa s almos t twenty-five mile s away . Bu t th e Germa n an d Scots-Iris h immigrant s brought wit h the m th e way s o f farmin g an d th e craf t skill s the y ha d learned i n their homelands , enabling them to create in the hilly backcoun try a n economi c an d socia l lif e tha t revolve d aroun d smal l farm s produc ing grains an d raisin g livestock. 9 Despite thei r isolatio n th e Moravia n congregation s prospere d i n th e backcountry a s mor e o f th e Brethre n mad e th e tre k fro m Pennsylvani a and a s non-Moravian s settle d nearby . T o reliev e th e strain s o f increase d population o n th e Bethabar a community , a secon d town , Bethania , wa s built thre e mile s away . However , neithe r Bethabar a no r Bethani a wa s t o be th e primar y tow n o f Wachovi a because , fro m th e beginning , Sale m was planne d a s th e centra l town . Th e sit e o f Salem , si x mile s fro m Bethabara, wa s chose n i n 176 5 afte r a carefu l exploratio n o f th e centra l portion o f Wachovia . Constructio n o f th e ne w tow n bega n i n th e winte r of 1766 , an d durin g th e first yea r ther e arrive d fro m German y a smal l company o f settler s consistin g o f a contingent o f Moravian s recruite d b y Friedrich Wilhel m vo n Marshall, a n influential membe r o f the Bethlehe m congregation involve d i n th e earl y plannin g o f th e ne w settlement . Fol lowing th e establishmen t o f Sale m a s th e principa l tow n an d cente r o f Moravian societ y i n th e South , man y Moravian s move d fro m th e Nort h to organiz e ne w congregation s i n Wachovia . I n 176 9 severa l Germa n families settle d i n th e southwes t corne r o f Wachovi a a s th e Friedber g congregation. A t Friedland , i n th e southeas t corne r o f Wachovia , four teen Germa n familie s wh o arrive d i n 177 0 fro m Yor k Count y i n th e province of Maine established a settlement. Severa l Englis h families, wh o for man y year s ha d belonge d t o th e Brethren , cam e t o Wachovi a fro m Frederick County , Maryland , i n 177 2 an d establishe d th e Hop e settle ment i n th e southwester n corne r o f Wachovi a wher e the y worshipe d i n

The Congregational Community of the Moravians • 9 English instea d o f th e traditiona l Germa n o f th e othe r Moravia n congre gations.10 In th e year s afte r it s founding , Sale m congregatio n gre w an d pros pered, fro m 13 2 people in 177 3 to 31 6 people in 1807 . Of th e 316 , almos t all o f who m wer e German , 23 3 live d i n th e villag e whil e eighty-thre e lived o n thei r farm s i n th e nearb y countryside . B y 180 7 Sale m ha d developed a s an orderly an d peacefu l village , it s physical layou t reflectin g the respectful piet y o f the Moravian congregation . Locate d half-wa y u p a hill nea r th e cente r o f Wachovia , Sale m ha d a main stree t runnin g nort h along the crest of the hill which wa s bisected b y paralle l street s stretchin g from eas t to west an d smalle r cross streets. Lif e in Sale m revolved aroun d the centra l squar e bordere d b y fou r streets , alon g whic h th e principa l buildings an d house s o f th e tow n wer e erected . O n th e northeas t corne r the Moravian s buil t a fine bric k churc h wit h th e villag e cloc k i n th e steeple that struc k th e hour s an d quarter-hour s fo r th e townspeople . Th e church wa s th e principa l buildin g i n th e congregatio n tow n an d hel d special significanc e fo r th e Moravian s o f Sale m a s a symbo l o f th e unit y that boun d th e Brethre n togethe r an d mad e the m a community. Als o o n the eas t sid e o f th e squar e wa s th e Singl e Sisters ' Hous e wher e man y o f the unmarrie d wome n an d girl s o f th e congregatio n live d an d boarded . Near th e Singl e Sisters ' Hous e wa s the Girls ' School . Acros s th e square , on th e wes t side , wer e th e Singl e Brothers ' Hous e wher e th e unmarrie d men an d olde r boy s live d an d boarde d an d th e Boys ' School . O n th e southwest corne r o f th e squar e th e congregatio n stor e wa s located . I n 1807 th e growin g populatio n o f th e countrysid e foun d i n Sale m a pos t office, hous e o f a physicia n wit h a n apothecary , potter y shop , to y shop , tannery an d leathe r dressery , a s well a s the shop s o f loca l artisan s whic h included a shoemaker , tailor , baker , carpenter , cabinetmaker , glover , hatter, saddler , wheelwright , tinner , turner , gunsmith , blacksmith , sil versmith, watc h an d cloc k maker, an d a tobacconist. I n the neighborhoo d around Sale m severa l mills , includin g paper , oil , saw , an d gris t mills , operated o n th e bank s o f th e Middl e For k an d othe r smal l streams . Whereas th e other settlement s o f Wachovia remaine d smal l farming com munities, Sale m rapidl y becam e th e larges t tow n an d commercia l cente r of the northwes t piedmon t o f Nort h Carolina . Thoug h Moravia n leader s had planned tha t the settlement woul d b e self-supporting throug h a blend of subsistenc e farmin g an d small-scal e artisana l manufacturing , withi n twenty year s o f it s foundin g Sale m ha d becom e a community wher e th e crafts an d trad e predominated. 11

io • The Congregational Community of the Moravians Life i n Sale m revolve d aroun d home , workshop , an d th e community . Strolling dow n th e street s o n summe r evenings , peopl e visited ; i n th e tavern, shops , an d o n th e street , the y gathere d fo r informa l conversatio n that covere d th e importan t topic s o f th e day . Sale m shoemake r Henr y Leinbach, probabl y lik e mos t artisan s i n Salem , regularl y filled hi s day s with workin g i n hi s shop , hunting , fishing, beekeeping , playin g bal l an d chess, an d drinkin g an d conversin g wit h friend s a t th e tavern . Leinbac h still foun d tim e t o atten d militi a musters , participat e i n congregationa l administrative affairs , atten d Moravia n worship services, and occasionall y go t o nearb y rura l neighborhood s fo r cam p meetings . Visitor s t o Sale m were impresse d b y it s "orde r an d genera l ai r o f neatness " exhibite d b y the pave d street s swep t clea n an d th e house s wit h thei r smal l garden s facing th e street . Th e Moravia n congregatio n wa s ofte n viewe d b y othe r southerners a s quain t an d exotic . Julian a Conno r o f Charleston , Sout h Carolina, visite d Sale m i n July 182 7 and sa w in the Moravian communit y a wa y o f lif e sh e believe d wa s muc h lik e tha t o f Washingto n Irving' s Sleepy Hollow . T o Mis s Connor th e Moravian villag e was like a n admirabl y constructe d piec e of mechanis m i n whic h eac h par t o r member ha s certain dutie s tha t ar e punctually performed , th e spring s are concealed—the motio n an d effect s onl y ar e visible—they liv e in a world and are governed by laws of their own creation, independent of and distinct from al l othe r societ y an d thei r view s exten d bu t beyon d th e hil l whic h forms thei r natura l boundary—bu t i n kindness and politenes s divested of all etiquette, they are not excelled. 12 Wherever the y settle d th e Moravians ' purpos e wa s t o cultivat e "sim ple, unfeigne d Christia n discipleshi p . . . wher e religio n remaine d th e central facto r o f life. " Thoug h th e Bibl e wa s regarde d b y th e Moravian s as th e sol e sourc e o f al l religiou s truths , th e Moravian s stresse d religiou s piety an d ethica l conduc t mor e tha n obedienc e t o a specific se t of beliefs . Constantly strivin g to emulate that lov e of humanity Chris t demonstrate d by hi s sacrific e o n th e Cross , religio n fo r th e Moravian s wa s a socia l experience i n whic h fello w believer s wer e unite d a s a communit y o f brotherly lov e an d guide d b y a spiri t o f cooperatio n an d willingnes s t o work together . Th e Moravian s sough t t o creat e i n Sale m a communit y where al l o f th e member s o f th e congregatio n wer e joine d togethe r a s a large family . I n Friedric h Marshall' s words , " A Congregation-Tow n dif fers fro m othe r Congregation s i n tha t i t i s mor e lik e on e family , wher e the religiou s an d materia l conditio n o f eac h membe r i s know n i n detail ,

Fig. I . I . Southwest vie w o f Sale m wit h th e congregation' s mil l i n th e foreground . Painte d in 182 4 by Moravia n artis t Danie l Welfare . Courtes y o f the Wachovia Historica l Society .

where eac h perso n receive s th e appropriat e . . . oversight, an d als o assistance i n consecratin g th e dail y life." 13 I n th e congregatio n communit y life wa s live d withi n a framewor k o f persona l relationship s betwee n ki n and friend s wit h on e se t o f values . A s i n th e congregationa l town s o f seventeenth- an d eighteenth-centur y Ne w England , family , church , an d town define d th e milie u o f Sale m wher e publi c an d privat e sphere s of lif e merged unde r churc h direction , an d a n adul t male' s socia l roles as father , neighbor, churc h communicant , farme r o r artisan, an d tow n officia l wer e united. I n th e Sale m congregatio n th e spiritua l an d materia l conditio n o f each membe r wa s know n explicitly , an d eac h communican t receive d counsel an d ai d i n realizing the commitment t o God whic h th e Moravian s demanded. Thus , al l relationship s i n th e congregation , whethe r legal , commercial, o r personal , wer e carrie d ou t withi n th e contex t o f th e Moravians' love of God an d o f all people. 14 The etho s o f brotherl y lov e and cooperatio n tha t guide d th e Moravia n community reflecte d wha t wa s rea l t o th e Moravian s an d wa s expresse d in the socia l structur e o f the congregation whic h governe d socia l relation s

12 • The Congregational Community of the Moravians in Salem . Th e Moravian s perceive d throug h thei r particula r worl d view that Christians wer e in a special relationship with Go d becaus e of Christ' s sacrifice fo r humankind , an d tha t Go d wa s th e compassionate , lovin g father o f humankind an d als o the chief elder of the Christian church . Th e social structur e o f the congregation communit y reflecte d thi s reality . Th e patriarchal relationshi p betwee n Go d an d humankin d wa s recreate d i n the communit y betwee n th e elder s an d th e member s o f th e congregatio n on on e hand , an d o n th e othe r han d i n individua l familie s wher e th e father wa s th e hea d o f th e househol d an d exercise d patriarcha l authorit y over famil y members. 15 Thi s patriarcha l authorit y expresse d itsel f through congregationa l institution s lik e th e administrativ e board s an d the choir s o f th e communit y a s wel l a s throug h th e individua l familie s and households . The bond s o f community wer e strengthene d b y th e congregation gov ernment an d it s syste m o f authorit y tha t brough t everyon e unde r th e auspices o f a patriarcha l socia l orde r an d congregationa l rule s tha t gov erned al l aspects of life an d preserve d exclusivit y an d homogeneit y i n th e community. Havin g n o civi l institutions , Sale m wa s governe d b y thre e agencies that had rather vague and often overlappin g sphere s of authority . The Aelteste n Conferenz , o r Elder s Conference , chaire d b y th e loca l minister, wa s concerned wit h th e spiritua l affair s o f the congregation an d had th e responsibilit y o f ensurin g tha t al l o f th e administrativ e board s and official s i n it s jurisdictio n functione d effectivel y an d harmoniously . The Elder s Conferenc e i n Sale m represente d th e direc t lin e o f authorit y that reache d dow n fro m th e Unit y Elder s Conferenc e a t Berthelsdor f through th e Provincia l Elder s Conferenc e i n Wachovia . Member s o f th e Salem Elder s Conferenc e wer e appointe d b y th e Unit y Elder s Confer ence. Th e Congregatio n Counci l concerne d itsel f wit h th e broade r issue s and matter s whic h affecte d th e long-ter m prospect s o f th e congregation , such a s change s i n th e congregationa l rules . Originall y electe d annuall y by th e adul t male s o f th e congregation , th e Congregatio n Counci l wa s reformed i n 183 2 t o includ e al l of the adul t mal e members o f the congre gation. Henc e th e Congregatio n Counci l provide d th e adul t male s o f th e town wit h a voice in community affairs . Th e Aufsehe r Collegium , whos e seven member s wer e electe d b y th e Congregatio n Council , exercise d authority ove r secula r affairs . Th e everyda y matter s of tow n administra tion wer e veste d i n th e Vorsteher , o r warden , an d th e Aufsehe r Colle gium. Throug h thes e institution s th e Moravian s attempte d t o maintai n consensus i n th e community. 16 Representin g th e interest s o f th e town' s

The Congregational Community of the Moravians • 1 3 shopkeepers an d farmers , congregatio n authoritie s throug h th e 1820 s pursued policie s whic h promote d th e goal s o f th e churc h an d furthere d the purpose of the congregation settlement . An ancillar y institutio n o f congregational authorit y an d spiritua l over sight wa s th e Choir—a n associatio n t o whic h particula r segment s o f th e congregation belonged . Ther e wer e separat e Choir s fo r children , boys , girls, olde r boys , olde r girls , singl e men , singl e women , marrie d men , married women , widows , an d widowers . Th e Choi r syste m gre w ou t o f the practica l consideration s whic h th e Moravia n congregation s i n Europ e and Americ a confronte d an d answere d th e nee d o f th e Moravian s t o guarantee places in the community fo r th e congregations' increasing num bers o f youn g adults . I n th e Choi r hous e o f th e Singl e Brethren , th e young adul t me n o f Sale m boarde d togethe r unde r th e oversigh t o f a Pfleger, wh o provide d spiritua l leadership . Ther e th e congregation' s young me n pursue d thei r individua l crafts , includin g shoemaking , hat making, cabinetmaking, an d dyeing as journeymen o r apprentices. Singl e women i n Sale m live d i n th e Singl e Sisters ' house unde r th e directio n o f a Pflegeri n an d worke d a s milliners , seamstresses , an d spinners . Bu t a s the congregationa l village s overcam e th e uncertaintie s o f frontie r settle ment an d wer e safel y establishe d o n a firm basis, th e Choirs evolve d int o primarily spiritua l institution s t o provid e member s wit h fellowshi p an d spiritual support. 17 Authority i n th e congregatio n communit y reside d i n th e adul t male s who serve d o n congregationa l administrativ e boards , heade d households , and wer e master s o f workshops . Th e congregatio n leadershi p relie d o n fathers an d maste r craftsme n t o pursu e th e mora l imperative s o f th e congregation an d t o guarantee tha t orde r an d peac e reigne d i n th e town . The head s o f household s an d maste r craftsme n wer e responsibl e fo r th e conduct o f thos e i n thei r home s an d shops—thei r children , apprentices , and journeymen . Thi s responsibilit y blende d wel l wit h th e organizatio n of wor k an d productio n i n Salem , a s th e maste r craftsme n exercise d a fatherly authorit y ove r thei r journeyme n an d apprentices . Thus , th e structure of artisanal productio n i n Sale m augmented th e authority o f th e formal congregatio n agencies . Famil y authorit y extende d beyon d th e household an d int o th e communit y becaus e authorit y withi n th e famil y was regarded a s integral t o the authorit y o f congregational agencies . Thi s frequently wa s evident when th e congregation's "house-fathers, " or head s of households , an d master s wer e occasionall y calle d upo n t o asser t thei r authority ove r th e town's youths . I n 1824 , when th e Aufseher Collegiu m

14 • The Congregational Community of the Moravians was concerned abou t the noisy and disorderly conduc t of many of Salem' s boys wh o habituall y gathere d aroun d th e villag e square , a meeting o f th e masters an d house-father s addresse d th e proble m an d sough t solutions . Rowdyness amon g th e town' s youth s wa s a persisten t concer n o f th e congregation elders . O n Ne w Year' s Ev e i n 181 0 severa l youn g me n o f the congregatio n gathere d an d fire d thei r rifle s o n th e tow n streets , dis turbing th e peac e an d offendin g th e residents . T o mak e a n exampl e o f such disrespectfu l behavio r th e Elder s Conferenc e exclude d th e youn g men fro m al l congregationa l privileges . I n 181 2 a lette r fro m th e Elder s Conference o f Bethlehe m wa s rea d t o th e Sale m congregatio n askin g th e members t o refrain fro m "worldl y manifestation s o f joy" on the Fourth of July. Th e lette r wa s not wel l receive d b y severa l of the young me n of th e congregation wh o showe d thei r disdai n fo r suc h restriction s o n thei r behavior b y stickin g cockade s i n thei r hats . Th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m decided tha t befor e th e nex t Communio n th e recalcitran t youn g me n would b e aske d t o conside r thei r "spirit " an d advise d tha t "i f the y hav e no likin g fo r th e Unit y i t woul d b e bette r fo r the m t o leav e of thei r ow n free will. " The Aufsehe r Collegiu m note d wit h pleasur e o n July 7 , 181 2 that on the Fourth of July "al l was quiet and orderly." There was growing concern ove r youthfu l moralit y an d th e behavio r o f unsupervise d youn g men an d women , s o tha t th e master s an d house-father s wer e urge d b y the elder s o f th e congregatio n t o maintai n greate r orde r i n thei r home s and no t t o permi t unnecessar y meeting s o f youn g me n an d women. 18 Standards o f conduc t withi n th e congregation , a n importan t responsibil ity o f patriarcha l authorit y i n Salem , ar e a revealin g artifac t o f earl y nineteenth-century communit y culture . Th e congregationa l visio n o f th e Moravians emphasized standard s of behavior that did no t compromise th e church's idea l o f servic e t o God . Drunkenness , laziness , an d debt , be lieved b y th e Moravian s t o b e interrelated , wer e seriou s offenses . Cock fighting an d circuses , frequen t challenge s t o congregationa l mora l stan dards, wer e no t deeme d worthwhil e an d mora l activitie s fo r th e Moravians.19 Throughout th e first quarte r o f th e nineteent h centur y th e villag e o f Salem remaine d a communit y unite d b y a singl e religiou s vision . Lik e most town s durin g thi s period , lif e revolve d aroun d dail y persona l con tacts with family , friends , an d neighbors . Th e combinatio n o f patriarcha l social, economic , an d politica l structure s wit h th e congregationa l visio n of pious servic e to God imbue d Sale m wit h a distinct communit y cultur e

The Congregational Community of the Moravians • 1 5 in th e eighteent h an d earl y nineteent h centuries . Th e visio n remaine d through th e first quarter o f the nineteenth century , definin g a life of piet y apart fro m th e corrup t worl d whic h surrounde d th e congregation . I t animated th e cultural lif e o f the community expresse d i n the experiences , values, behavior , an d institution s o f th e Moravian s i n Salem . Th e reli gious celebration s an d activitie s whic h filled th e live s o f th e communi cants wer e integra l part s o f thi s culture . Th e ritual s o f worshi p i n th e Moravian churc h wer e a constan t reminde r t o member s o f th e Sale m congregation o f their specia l relationshi p to each other, t o other congrega tions o f th e Unita s Fratrum , an d t o God. 20 Preaching , reading-meetings , communions, marriages , an d musi c performance s wer e regula r event s which brough t th e congregatio n togethe r an d reaffirme d th e commo n ethos and persona l relation s tha t unite d th e communicants. A s the annua l diaries o f th e Sale m congregatio n illustrate , ever y wee k o f th e yea r wa s punctuated b y religiou s services which brough t th e congregation togethe r daily fo r prayer , litanies , th e liturgy , an d th e readin g o f th e Unit y newsletter an d communication s fro m Herrnhu t an d othe r congregations . The festa l day s o f th e Unit y wer e o f specia l importance . Ma y 1 2 was se t aside for th e observance of the founding o f the Renewe d Unita s Fratrum . The observanc e commemorate d th e day tha t th e first Moravians fro m th e ancient Unita s Fratru m i n Bohemi a arrive d o n Count Zinzendor f 's estat e for th e laying of the cornerstone of the first prayer-hall i n Herrnhut. Ma y 12 als o commemorate d th e recognitio n o f th e Unita s Fratru m a s a n ancient episcopa l churc h b y th e Englis h Parliamen t whic h admitte d th e Moravians int o al l Britis h land s an d colonies . Jul y 6 wa s especiall y im portant a s i t commemorate d th e martyrdo m o f Jan Hu s an d celebrate d the sacrific e o f thos e martyre d fo r witnessin g fo r th e churc h o f Jesus. I n all o f th e congregation s ther e wer e festa l day s fo r eac h Choi r whic h strengthened th e spiritua l meanin g o f th e Choirs , commemorate d thei r establishment i n Herrnhut , an d celebrate d th e covenan t betwee n churc h members an d God . Specia l day s wer e se t asid e fo r eac h Choir : Apri l 3 0 for th e widows ; Ma y 4 fo r th e Singl e Sisters ; June 4 fo r th e olde r girls ; July 9 for th e olde r boys ; Augus t 1 7 for th e children ; Augus t 2 9 for th e Single Brethren ; Augus t 3 1 fo r th e widowers ; Septembe r 7 for th e mar ried couples . Th e Choi r festival s wer e celebrate d wit h hymns , prayer , and Choi r litanie s tha t reminde d member s o f th e merit s whic h Chris t bestowed upo n thos e who belonge d t o each particula r Choir . Th e litanie s called Choi r member s t o conside r th e doctrine s o f th e Trinit y an d th e

16 • The Congregational Community of the Moravians Atonement throug h Christ' s sacrifice . Th e persisten t them e o f Moravia n belief—the crucifie d Christ—wa s th e messag e conveye d i n th e Choi r celebrations.21 The ritua l o f the Lov e Feas t wa s an integra l par t o f the Choi r celebra tions as well as other significant worshi p services. The Lov e Feast demon strated th e "agape " of the early Christians , tha t Christian lov e that unite d all o f th e faithfu l regardles s o f wealth , rank , o r statu s i n th e communit y into a tru e brotherhood . Th e Lov e Feast , a joyou s occasion , on e o f th e most anticipate d event s i n th e lif e o f th e congregation , wa s a commo n meal associate d wit h churc h celebration s an d religiou s service s that ha d a symbolic meanin g foun d i n th e ceremon y o f breakin g an d eatin g brea d together. I n Sale m Lov e Feast s wer e hel d t o celebrate th e anniversar y o f the foundin g o f th e congregation , Choi r festivals , Christmas , th e admis sion t o communion o f youths an d ne w member s o f the congregation , th e dedication o f ne w congregations , Ne w Year' s Eve , day s o f thanksgiving , Unity commemorations, an d birthdays of longtime members and servant s of th e congregation . O n th e occasio n o f th e Lov e Feast , member s o f th e congregation wer e calle d t o rene w an d reaffir m th e spiri t o f brotherl y love that mad e the m a special communit y an d t o remembe r th e presenc e of God's Spiri t amon g them. 22 Through th e Elder s Conference , Aufsehe r Collegium , an d Congrega tion Council , th e social , economic , an d religiou s lif e o f th e tow n wa s regulated s o that n o one would profi t a t the expense of another, everyon e would enjo y th e necessities of life, an d harmon y woul d reign. 23 I n practi cal terms thes e aims were achieved b y th e lease system an d th e regulatio n of all economic activities in Salem. Congregation authorities could enforc e the tow n regulation s b y revokin g a n individual' s privileg e t o reside i n th e town an d b y expellin g recalcitran t member s fro m th e congregation , thereby denyin g the m th e opportunit y t o practic e thei r religion . Thes e sanctions generall y prove d t o b e effective mean s o f regulating conduc t i n the town . Yet , suc h measure s coul d b e self-defeatin g i f a n issu e wa s allowed t o ren d th e congregatio n int o factions . Fo r thi s reaso n Moravia n authorities followe d a polic y o f accommodatio n an d compromis e t o pre serve unanimit y i n th e community . Controversie s i n Sale m ove r th e regulation o f the trade s an d propert y holdin g wer e resolve d b y includin g all adul t mal e member s o f th e congregatio n i n th e decision-makin g pro cess to achieve a consensus. The leas e syste m allowe d th e churc h t o determin e wh o coul d liv e in Sale m an d t o regulat e th e conduc t o f th e townspeople . Th e Sale m

The Congregational Community of the Moravians • 1 7 congregation lease d lan d fro m th e Unita s Fratrum , whic h hel d titl e t o most o f Wachovia . Th e Sale m lo t wa s abou t thre e thousan d acres , roughly al l of the lan d withi n a three-mile radiu s of the town. Withi n th e village o f Sale m lot s wer e lease d t o individual s an d an y improvement s made wer e owned b y th e individua l wh o mad e them. 24 Thus , th e house hold hea d i n Sale m migh t ow n hi s house, bu t i t was buil t o n lan d owne d by th e congregatio n an d rente d t o th e homeowner . Thi s arrangemen t insured th e church' s contro l ove r membershi p i n th e Sale m communit y and guarantee d tha t propert y holdin g i n Sale m woul d b e closel y boun d to the spiritua l conditio n o f the residents , a s Thomas Christma n learned . In 1829 , Christma n announce d tha t h e ha d accepte d th e tenet s o f th e Baptist faith , declare d tha t h e wa s n o longe r a membe r o f th e Unita s Fratrum, an d refuse d t o allo w hi s chil d t o b e baptized . Th e Aufsehe r Collegium, actin g unde r th e congregatio n rules , ordere d Christma n t o sell his hous e t o a buyer approve d b y th e rule s or leav e it i n th e care of a resident appointe d b y him . I n an y case , Christma n wa s ordere d t o leav e town. After fou r month s Christma n ha d no t sol d hi s hous e an d ha d demonstrated n o intentio n o f doin g so , thu s forcin g th e congregationa l authorities t o tak e furthe r action . Matter s relatin g t o lease s involve d the possibl e conflic t o f congregationa l rule s an d civi l law , posin g trick y problems fo r congregatio n authoritie s i n Salem . Christman' s hesitanc y i n leaving Sale m force d th e Elder s Conferenc e t o decid e whethe r t o pursu e a civi l actio n i n th e count y court , specificall y a wri t o f eviction . Th e Elders Conferenc e decide d instea d t o kee p th e matte r unde r churc h au thority an d recommende d t o th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m tha t th e congrega tion purchas e Christman' s house , whic h i t did i n January 1829. 25 While leases helped congregatio n authoritie s maintai n th e type of community th e Moravian s sought , ther e wer e occasiona l confrontation s be tween individua l member s of the congregation an d th e church authoritie s that centere d aroun d ho w th e lease d land s wer e used . Disagreement s with th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m ove r th e type s o f building s erected , im provements made , an d th e actua l provision s o f th e lease s themselve s occurred no w an d again . I n a controversia l cas e i n 183 4 Frederi c Schu man wa s accuse d o f "oversteppin g th e privilege s o f hi s lease " b y con structing building s o n th e trac t whic h th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m ha d no t authorized. Fo r thi s reaso n th e Aufseher Collegiu m decide d t o end Schu man's lease . After a bitte r fight i n whic h Schuma n threatene d t o tak e legal actio n agains t th e congregatio n authorities , th e matte r wa s resolve d when th e partie s reache d a compromise , an d Schuma n receive d a ne w

18 • The Congregational Community of the Moravians lease on the property h e occupied. 26 The issu e of the leases, a cornerstone of the congregational tow n system , remaine d a regular point of contentio n between individual s an d churc h authoritie s int o the 1840s . From th e beginnin g o f Moravia n settlemen t i n Americ a economi c activities i n th e congregation s ha d bee n regulate d b y churc h board s t o guarantee th e surviva l an d well-bein g o f th e congregations . I n th e earl y years o f settlemen t durin g th e mid-eighteent h centur y th e genera l econ omy, o r Oeconomy, directe d th e practice of the trades in the congregations . Under th e Oeconomy artisan s practice d thei r craft s fo r th e benefi t o f th e congregation, providin g th e necessitie s o f lif e fo r th e congregatio n wit h all profit s goin g int o th e congregation' s treasur y i n retur n fo r a wage . But, i n 177 2 whe n Sale m wa s establishe d a s th e gemein Ort, o r principa l congregation tow n o f Wachovia , th e Oeconomy wa s close d an d a mor e "private" economy emerge d i n which th e marrie d me n a s heads o f households worke d fo r themselve s an d kep t th e profit s thei r shop s an d farm s produced. Man y o f the craft s whic h ha d bee n carrie d o n a s congregatio n activities i n th e Singl e Brothers ' Hous e i n Sale m graduall y becam e th e private enterprise s o f individua l artisans . I n 181 2 th e saddler y whic h Christian Wagema n ha d carrie d o n i n th e Singl e Brothers ' Hous e wa s taken ove r b y th e Singl e Brothe r Heinric h Rudolp h Herbs t whe n Wage man marrie d an d move d fro m Salem . Herbs t carrie d o n th e saddler y shop "o n hi s ow n account. " Nevertheless , th e congregationa l board s continued t o regulat e th e trades , determin e wh o coul d ow n a shop , an d set price s fo r goods . B y restrictin g competitio n an d regulatin g price s an d the qualit y o f workmanship , th e leader s o f th e congregatio n sough t t o protect th e abilit y o f eac h membe r o f th e congregatio n t o mak e a living . Certain crucia l economi c activities—th e genera l store , tavern , tanyard , and pottery—wer e owne d b y th e congregation' s economi c agency , th e diacony. But , privat e initiativ e under th e strict regulatio n o f the Aufsehe r Collegium wa s permitted i n the other trades. 27 The loca l artisan s wer e th e centra l character s i n th e economi c lif e o f the tow n durin g th e eighteent h an d earl y nineteent h centuries , whe n the econom y wa s limite d b y poo r transportatio n facilitie s an d tradin g relationships wer e largel y local—usuall y betwee n family , friends , an d neighbors. Salem' s maste r craftsmen , workin g i n smal l shop s alongsid e their journeyme n an d apprentices , produce d article s fo r trad e i n the loca l community an d wit h th e farmer s o f the surroundin g countryside . I n thi s town-centered economy , involvin g productio n fo r th e loca l marke t an d with littl e outsid e competition , th e statu s o f Salem' s artisan s wa s rela -

The Congregational Community of the Moravians • 1 9 TABLE I . 1

Real Property of Salem Artisans in 1832 Acres Percentage Under 50 80. 50 to 10 0 14. 101 t o 499 4. Over 500 0

9 3 8

Sources: Minute s o f the Aufsehe r Colle gium an d Minute s o f th e Aelteste n Conferenz, 1828-32 , Frie s e t al. , Records, 8 : passim; Stokes County, Lis t of Taxables, Sale m District , 1832 , NCDAH.

tively secure . Becaus e the artisan owne d hi s tools, th e ra w material s use d in production , an d th e produc t o f hi s labor , th e pric e h e sol d hi s ware s for wa s the wage he received fo r hi s labo r an d tha t o f his journeymen. I n this wor k settin g th e function s o f merchan t an d produce r wer e unite d i n the sam e person . Remuneratio n fo r productiv e labo r wa s tie d directl y t o the pric e o f th e articl e pai d b y th e consumer. 28 A s lon g a s competitio n was restricte d an d qualit y maintained , th e pric e o f finished good s an d services remaine d tie d directl y t o th e cost s o f production , an d ther e wa s little threat t o the status of the skille d artisa n i n Salem . Most Sale m artisan s combine d farmin g wit h thei r trades . I n 182 7 th e congregation lease d lot s adjoining th e village to members o f the congrega tion fo r a n annua l ren t o f fro m fifty cent s t o seventy-fiv e cent s a n acre . Consequently, propert y holdin g amon g th e townspeopl e o f Sale m wa s widespread, wit h 88. 5 percen t o f Salem' s resident s holdin g propert y i n 1835. Amon g Salem' s artisan s 67. 7 percen t hel d property , thoug h 80. 9 percent hel d les s tha n fifty acres . Th e landholding s o f Salem' s artisan s were likel y t o b e tow n lot s i n Salem , wit h a fe w acre s nea r tow n fo r growing foo d crops . Tabl e 1. 1 illustrate s th e distributio n o f propert y among Sale m artisans. 29 The congregation's economi c regulations an d a strict system of appren ticeship wer e crucia l t o th e continue d succes s o f Salem' s artisa n shop s and t o th e maintenanc e o f th e congregationa l wa y o f life . Unde r th e congregational rule s eac h maste r craftsme n i n Sale m wa s grante d th e privilege t o wor k i n hi s craf t a s lon g a s th e need s o f th e community , as determine d b y th e Aufsehe r Collegium , wer e served . Congregatio n authorities allowe d i n a particula r trad e onl y th e numbe r o f artisan s

2o • The Congregational Community of the Moravians capable of supporting themselve s an d thei r journeymen . I f there were to o many artisan s i n a trade , th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m denie d permissio n t o applicants wh o wishe d t o wor k i n tha t occupation , eithe r a s masters , journeymen, o r apprentices . Whe n Theophilu s Vierlin g petitione d th e Aufseher Collegiu m i n 183 3 for permissio n t o enter th e shoemaker's trad e in Sale m h e wa s turne d dow n becaus e maste r shoemaker s wer e alread y plentiful. Charle s Cooper' s applicatio n t o open a cabinetmaking sho p wa s denied fo r th e sam e reason ; h e was advise d t o lear n chairmakin g instead . Conversely, whe n Sale m wa s withou t th e service s o f a wagonmake r i n 1831, th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m sen t Joh n C . Blu m t o Pennsylvani a t o inquire i n th e congregation s ther e fo r a good wagon - an d carriagemake r for th e town. 30 To guarante e th e prospect s o f artisan s i n Salem , onl y communicant s of the Unita s Fratru m wer e allowed b y th e congregatio n rule s t o settle i n Salem an d pursu e a trade . Moravia n record s contai n numerou s case s o f artisans seekin g to start thei r trades i n the town bu t wh o were denied tha t opportunity becaus e the y di d no t belon g t o Salem' s congregation . I n on e case, Levi n Bel o and El i Reich petitioned th e Aufseher Collegiu m i n 184 7 for permissio n t o ope n a sho p i n Salem . Belo , a saddler , an d Reich , a shoemaker, wante d t o joi n togethe r an d ren t par t o f the ol d congregatio n pottery fo r thei r shops . Th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m ha d n o objection s t o Belo's plan sinc e he was a member o f the congregation; but becaus e Reic h was no t a membe r o f th e Sale m congregatio n h e wa s no t allowe d t o se t up a shop. 31 The Aufsehe r Collegiu m wa s continuall y calle d upo n t o deal wit h th e matter o f masters hirin g workers wh o did no t belong to the congregation . In 182 7 th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m reaffirme d th e regulatio n tha t n o "out side" youn g ma n wa s t o b e employe d i n th e trade s whe n a so n i n th e congregation wa s available. I n 183 8 the Aufseher Collegiu m reprimande d Emanuel Reic h fo r hirin g a "strange " apprentic e i n hi s sho p withou t obtaining permission . Whe n Phili p Reic h employe d Joshu a Bal l t o lear n the tinsmith' s trade , i t wa s unde r th e expres s conditio n tha t i f Ball , wh o was apprentice d fo r tw o years , di d no t compl y wit h th e congregatio n rules, h e woul d b e dismissed . Whil e th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m di d no t demand th e dismissa l o f Ball , i t di d expres s it s concer n tha t s o man y strangers worke d i n th e shop s o f Salem . Congregatio n authoritie s be lieved tha t th e chance s o f th e town' s youth s t o find suitabl e employmen t were lessened . Th e restrictio n o n "outside " apprentice s an d journeyme n protected Moravia n artisan s fro m th e competition tha t a n increase d num -

The Congregational Community of the Moravians • 2 1 ber o f craftsme n woul d hav e created . I t als o limite d th e competitio n th e town's youn g me n face d i n securin g apprenticeship s o r employment . However, whe n th e need s o f th e tow n warrante d an d whe n ther e wer e no suitabl e Moravian s availabl e i n particula r trades , exception s wer e made. Thu s Joh n Vogler , a silversmith , wa s allowe d t o engag e hi s nephew fro m Salisbur y a s an apprentice. 32 Apprenticeship prove d a n effectiv e mean s o f regulating bot h th e qual ity of workmanship an d th e future o f the congregation. Throug h appren ticeship the young men of the town wer e introduced t o their responsibilit ies a s tradesme n an d citizen s o f th e community , an d th e tim e spen t a s apprentices wa s a vita l par t o f th e educatio n o f Moravia n youth . Th e Salem People's Press advise d th e town' s youn g me n tha t apprenticeshi p was th e mos t importan t stag e o f lif e throug h whic h a mechani c passe s because h e ca n becom e th e maste r o f hi s trad e onl y throug h th e strictes t attention. Th e edito r o f th e pape r advise d apprentice s t o persevere , b e studious, an d attentive. 33 Th e apprentices ' obligation t o har d effort , per severance, an d attentivenes s t o hi s craf t wa s matche d b y th e masters ' obligation t o educate an d provid e fo r thei r youn g student s a s they woul d for thei r ow n children . I n a typica l apprenticeshi p bond , Joh n Henr y Stultz wa s boun d t o L . F . Eberhar t t o lear n th e blacksmith' s trade . Eberhart agree d t o teach and instruct, o r cause to be taught and instructed . . . t o read, write and to cipher . . . , and give him a Bible and 40 dollars . . . and give him two suits o f freedo m clothe s homespun . An d tha t h e will constantly fin d and provid e fo r sai d apprentic e . . . sufficien t diet , washing , lodgin g and apparel, fitting for an apprentice . . . 34 Because apprenticeship wa s s o vital to the well-being o f the trades an d thus th e congregation , i t wa s strictl y regulate d b y congregatio n authori ties. Fe w outsider s wer e admitte d t o apprenticeship s an d thos e wh o were me t stric t standard s o f morality . Non-Moravia n apprentice s ha d t o demonstrate a strengt h o f characte r tha t convince d th e Aufsehe r Colle gium tha t the y pose d n o threa t a s corruptin g influence s o n th e town' s youths an d tha t the y woul d b e upstandin g an d productiv e member s o f the community . T o thi s en d th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m require d tha t i t be notifie d before maste r craftsme n hire d journeyme n o r apprentices . Generally, th e authoritie s acquiesce d i f th e propose d bo y o r youn g ma n was o f th e congregatio n an d i f the y wer e convince d tha t th e employe r

22 • The Congregational Community of the Moravians was qualified t o instruc t th e yout h adequatel y i n th e craft . I n Septembe r 1824 Joh n Ackerman , a cooper , aske d fo r permissio n t o emplo y Joh n Spach a s a n apprentic e i n hi s shop , bu t th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m denie d the reques t becaus e Spac h wa s not a member o f the Sale m congregation . The Collegiu m reiterate d tha t i t woul d no t brea k th e congregatio n rul e which forbad e th e hirin g o f "outsiders " a s apprentices . But , i n Januar y 1837 shoemake r Emanue l Reic h wa s permitte d t o emplo y a n apprentic e who di d no t belon g t o th e congregatio n o n th e conditio n tha t th e youn g man wa s t o b e o n probatio n an d i f h e di d no t abid e b y th e congregatio n rules the n Reic h woul d hav e t o dismis s hi m immediately . Often , th e status o f a particular trad e i n Sale m wa s a factor i n admittin g a youth t o an apprenticeship . Whe n Willia m Hul l move d fro m Sout h Carolin a t o Salem i n 182 7 an d trie d t o secur e a n apprenticeshi p fo r hi s son , th e Aufseher Collegiu m offere d youn g Hul l apprenticeship s i n eithe r shoe making or tailoring sinc e they wer e the only trade s wit h openings. 35 The qualit y o f workmanship wa s a primary concer n o f Salem' s maste r craftsmen an d congregation authorities . Befor e a journeyman wa s allowed to open hi s ow n sho p i n th e town , th e maste r craftsme n i n hi s trad e an d the Aufsehe r Collegiu m considere d th e qualit y o f th e applicant' s work , the numbe r o f artisan s alread y i n th e trade , an d th e abilit y o f th e appli cant t o mak e a suitabl e livin g a t hi s craft . I n 183 2 Christia n Eberhard' s application t o wor k o n hi s ow n accoun t a s a maste r shoemake r dre w objections o n tw o points . First , th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m believe d tha t there wer e alread y to o man y shoemaker s i n Salem . Second , som e maste r shoemakers wh o kne w Eberhard' s wor k wer e concerned abou t it s qualit y and hi s abilit y a s a shoemaker . I n denyin g th e petition , th e Aufsehe r Collegium advise d youn g Eberhar d t o perfec t himsel f furthe r i n hi s craf t as a journeyman i n one of the other shop s in town. 36 The congregatio n rule s allowe d artisan s t o pric e goods an d service s i n relation t o the cos t o f ra w material s an d th e labo r require d i n productio n so that the master craftsmen an d hi s journeymen receive d a fair retur n fo r their labor . I n Sale m a n artisa n coul d no t undercu t th e price s charged b y other artisan s an d thereb y gai n a n advantag e i n th e trade . Additionally , the regulation o f prices guaranteed th e community tha t neede d good s an d services woul d b e availabl e a t affordable prices . Thus , n o on e i n th e congregation woul d benefi t a t the expense of others. The Aufsehe r Colle gium wa s alway s concerne d tha t th e necessitie s o f lif e b e availabl e t o al l of the Brethren wit h as little hardship as possible. I n 180 9 when economi c conditions wer e unsettle d becaus e o f continuin g tension s betwee n th e

The Congregational Community of the Moravians • 2 3 United State s an d Grea t Britai n an d mone y wa s scarc e i n th e country side, thu s drivin g u p th e price s o f commodities , th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m resolved tha t th e price s fo r foo d shoul d b e kep t "uniform " a s fa r a s possible. Th e Collegiu m believe d tha t th e presen t pric e o f tw o shilling s per bushe l o f cor n an d $3.5 0 t o $4.0 0 pe r hundre d pound s fo r ho g mea t should b e maintained . Th e practic e o f regulatin g commodity , especiall y food, price s continue d wel l int o th e nineteent h century . I n July 182 6 a committee o f th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m reache d a n agreemen t wit h th e town's butchers t o stabilize prices of meat. However , whe n the prices and quality o f workmanshi p i n a particula r trad e di d no t mee t th e Aufsehe r Collegium's standards , th e authoritie s occasionall y sough t th e remed y i n competition. Becaus e of frequent complaint s abou t th e quality an d price s of Christia n Winkler' s bake d goods , th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m seriousl y considered Jame s Hall' s petitio n t o ope n a bakery . Man y i n Sale m be lieved a secon d baker y woul d offe r competitio n an d forc e Winkle r t o lower prices and improv e the quality o f his product. Winkle r wa s warne d that unles s h e offere d bette r an d cheape r bake d goods , a secon d baker y would b e permitted t o open. Becaus e Winkler wa s given a second chance , the Aufseher Collegiu m denie d Hall' s petition. 37 With competitio n i n Sale m regulate d an d thu s price s an d wage s stabl e and secure , th e wor k routin e o f Salem' s artisan s remaine d casual , re flecting th e preindustria l characte r o f th e craft s durin g th e first thir d o f the nineteent h century . Wor k i n th e shop s wa s don e b y han d wit h th e artisan completin g al l of the productio n processe s i n crafting ra w materi als int o a finished product . Consequently , productio n wa s tas k oriented , time was measured b y ho w long it took to complete a task in the manufac turing process , an d th e artisa n ha d contro l ove r hi s own wor k pace . Th e pace o f wor k i n thi s preindustria l settin g wa s usuall y uneve n a s th e artisan mixe d wor k an d leisur e durin g th e workday , a s th e dail y wor k routine o f Sale m shoemake r Henr y Leinbac h illustrates . O n Mondays , Leinbach spen t th e da y cuttin g ou t th e leathe r fo r shoe s whic h hi s ap prentices an d journeyme n assembled . O n th e othe r days , Leinbac h usu ally spen t hi s morning s i n th e shop , bu t com e th e afternoo n an d h e wa s out fishing, hunting , walking , playin g u corner-ball," or , i n wintertime , ice skating. Master s an d journeymen , durin g th e cours e o f a day's work , customarily too k a "dail y lounge " wher e the y gathere d a t a loca l tavern , the courthouse , o r a stor e lik e Winkler' s baker y fo r drinkin g bee r o r brandy an d conversin g o n th e importan t topic s o f th e day. 38 I n thi s setting clos e persona l relationship s develope d betwee n maste r craftsme n

24 • The Congregational Community of the Moravians TABLEI . 2

Distribution of Real Property, Stokes County, 1820 Acres

Property Owners

Percent

Cumulative Percent

0 1-50 51-100 101-200 201-300 301-500 Over 50 0

17 5 8 23 9 10 4

22.4 6.5 10.5 30.3 11.8 13.2 5.3

22.4 28.9 39.5 69.8 81.6 94.8 100

Sources: Stoke s County, Lis t of Taxables, 1820 , NCDAH; 182 0 Census, Popula tion Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Stoke s County, Nort h Carolina .

and thei r journeyme n an d apprentice s whic h extende d beyon d th e shop s and dail y wor k routines . Sharin g a commo n statu s a s member s o f th e congregation, and , thus , entitle d t o a voic e i n th e administratio n o f town affairs , ther e wa s littl e t o divid e journeyme n an d masters . Wit h competition limite d an d price s regulated , ther e was no reason fo r master s to decrease their journeymen' s wage s in order to lower price s so that the y might gai n a competitiv e edg e ove r othe r craftsmen . Fo r thei r part , Moravian journeyme n foun d the y coul d realisticall y aspir e t o b e master s and head s of households i n the congregation . The earl y success o f th e artisan s an d shopkeeper s o f Sale m wa s pro moted b y th e rol e o f Sale m a s an importan t commercia l cente r i n Stoke s County. Sale m anchore d a loca l econom y tha t brough t togethe r th e craftsmen an d farmer s o f th e countrysid e an d village s o f Stoke s an d neighboring counties . Th e hill y country , gra y sand y loa m soils , an d heavy forest s combine d t o mak e the northwes t piedmon t o f Nort h Caro lina a regio n o f smal l family-ru n farm s tha t produce d grain s an d raise d livestock fo r loca l consumptio n an d a small-scal e expor t trade . Mos t Stokes farmers , a s Tabl e 1. 2 shows , owne d tw o hundre d acre s o r less , which the y farme d wit h thei r ow n labo r an d tha t o f thei r son s o r hire d helpers. Onl y 14. 5 percen t o f propert y holder s i n Stoke s Count y i n 1820 owned slaves . A s Tabl e 1. 3 illustrates , Moravia n farmer s i n Stoke s County, o n th e average , owne d eve n smalle r farms . I n th e Moravia n settlements o f Bethania , Bethabara , an d Salem , 51. 7 percen t o f the farm ers owne d farm s tha t encompasse d on e hundre d acre s o r less , whil e 78. 1 percent owne d farm s o f tw o hundre d acre s o r less. 39 A fe w larg e planta tions usin g slav e labo r sproute d alon g th e fertil e botto m land s o f Yadki n

The Congregational Community of the Moravians • 2 5 TABLE I . 3

Distribution of Real Property among Moravians in Stokes County, 1820 Acres

Property Owners

Percent

Cumulative Percent

0 1-50 51-100 101-200 201-300 301-500 Over 50 0

16 16 25 29 12 8 4

14.5 14.5 22.7 26.4 10.9 7.3 3.7

14.5 29.0 51.7 78.1 89.0 96.3 100

Sources: Stoke s County, Lis t of Taxables, 1820 , NCDAH; 182 0 Census, Popula tion Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Stoke s County, Nort h Carolina .

River tributaries . Som e farmer s di d accumulat e grea t wealt h growin g tobacco fo r th e expor t market . On e suc h wealth y plante r wa s Joh n Mecum who , upo n hi s death , lef t a n estat e value d a t $3,142.2 6 an d included ove r tw o thousan d pound s o f tobacc o an d seve n slaves . I t ap pears tha t Tucke r Moor e wa s jus t a s successfu l becaus e hi s estat e als o included tw o thousan d pound s o f tobacco an d eigh t slaves. 40 But Mecu m and Moor e wer e exceptions , sinc e mos t Stoke s farmer s wer e yeome n farmers wh o owne d les s tha n tw o hundre d acre s whic h the y worke d without th e ai d o f slav e labor . Unti l th e postbellu m era , th e uppe r piedmont o f Nort h Carolin a remaine d a n are a o f smal l farm s employin g few slave s an d relyin g o n whit e famil y labo r t o produc e corn , tobacco , wheat, fruits , cattle , hogs , and whiskey . Lacking broad , dee p river s runnin g fro m th e piedmon t t o th e coast , farmers i n th e countrysid e aroun d Sale m i n th e earl y nineteent h centur y found fe w market s beyon d th e loca l communit y readil y accessibl e t o them. Mos t o f th e commerc e o f th e piedmon t move d eithe r sout h dow n the road s o f th e Yadki n an d Catawb a rive r valley s int o Sout h Carolin a and o n t o Charleston , nort h throug h th e Shenandoa h Valle y t o Philadel phia, o r eas t t o Fayettevill e an d the n dow n th e Cap e Fea r Rive r t o Wilmington, thu s givin g Sale m a centra l locatio n alon g importan t trad e routes i n th e Nort h Carolin a upcountry . Th e Moravian s use d road s tha t connected th e rura l village s wit h eac h othe r an d th e backcountr y wit h Pennsylvania, goin g regularl y betwee n th e Wachovi a settlement s an d th e Moravian congregation s o f Pennsylvania . Thes e roads , however , wer e primitive, littl e mor e tha n path s tha t cu t acros s far m field s an d th e dens e

i6 • The Congregational Community of the Moravians piedmont forests , s o that th e movemen t o f good s an d peopl e wa s "slow , difficult, an d expensive. " Eve n unde r th e bes t o f condition s a tri p fro m Salem t o Fayetteville too k thre e ful l day s of traveling fro m before sunris e to afte r sundown ; unde r poore r conditions , th e tri p coul d b e longer . Because o f th e poo r stat e o f transportatio n th e live s o f mos t Nort h Car olinians revolve d aroun d thei r ow n neighborhoo d an d county , relation s being limited primaril y t o kith an d kin. 41 Given thes e conditions , backcountr y farm s i n th e earl y nineteent h century participate d i n th e worl d marke t o n a limite d basis . Moravia n farmers lik e other backcountr y farmer s gre w larg e quantities o f corn an d smaller quantitie s o f rye , oats , an d barle y a s wel l a s raisin g cattle , hogs , and sheep . However , i n thei r limite d involvemen t i n th e expor t market , these farmer s looke d t o whea t a s a crop tha t earne d cash . Whea t yielde d higher profit s fo r Stoke s farmer s tha n corn : a n acr e o f whea t i n th e lat e eighteenth centur y brough t forty-fiv e shilling s compare d t o thirty-si x shillings a n acr e for corn . A t th e en d o f the eighteent h centur y ther e wa s a growin g tren d i n th e Carolina s towar d greate r whea t productio n a s farmers realize d it s commercia l possibilities , an d th e Carolin a backcoun try develope d a s par t o f a n "irregular " whea t bel t tha t stretche d fro m New Yor k sout h throug h Ne w Jersey , Pennsylvania , Maryland , Vir ginia, an d th e Carolinas. 42 Whil e mos t whea t continue d t o b e consume d in the local market, it s increased cultivatio n answere d th e greater deman d for whea t an d flour i n oversea s markets . Th e Moravia n settler s regularl y traded thei r tallow , deerskins , bread , butter , wheat , an d potter y i n ex change fo r salt , iron , coffee , sugar , an d othe r items . B y th e earl y nine teenth centur y externa l tradin g relation s wer e becomin g mor e regula r a s new outlet s fro m th e Moravia n settlement s wer e opened . I n 181 0 th e Elders Conferenc e o f Sale m decide d t o ope n u p trad e wit h Norfolk , Virginia, afte r a Mr . Curti s o f tha t cit y ha d offere d t o serv e a s th e Moravians' agen t ther e fo r a 2. 5 percen t commissio n o n th e good s h e handled. Th e Moravian s bega n sendin g mea l fro m th e Sale m mil l t o Norfolk i n exchang e fo r othe r goods . Wit h th e blazin g o f ne w roads , i n the earl y nineteent h centur y Sale m becam e on e o f th e larges t town s an d most importan t commercia l center s i n the North Carolin a piedmont. 43 The immigrant s wh o filled th e Nort h Carolin a backcountr y turne d t o each othe r t o acquir e necessar y good s an d service s an d thu s wer e boun d together i n relationship s tha t strov e fo r loca l self-sufficienc y rathe r tha n individual self-sufficiency . Fo r thes e settler s i t wa s difficul t t o achiev e true self-sufficienc y sinc e to do so would hav e meant eithe r givin g up th e

The Congregational Community of the Moravians • 2 7 goods on e couldn' t produc e onesel f o r investin g preciou s tim e an d effor t to produc e thes e goods . Thoug h Stoke s Count y farmer s ma y no t hav e been fully i n and o f the capitalist marke t econom y sinc e they di d no t see k profits a t ever y turn , the y di d no t confor m full y t o th e long-accepte d view o f th e upcountr y yeomanr y a s largel y aloo f fro m commercia l rela tions. Ther e emerge d i n th e Stoke s Count y countrysid e durin g th e lat e eighteenth an d earl y nineteent h centurie s a diversified econom y o f farm ing an d craft s tha t wov e th e inhabitant s togethe r int o network s o f loca l exchange. Thes e farmer s engage d i n a numbe r o f ancillar y activitie s which brough t i n cash and enabled the m t o purchase what they coul d no t produce themselves . Stoke s Count y farmer s Solomo n Helsabec k an d John Conrad ar e examples of the interdependencies tha t emerged betwee n piedmont settler s i n th e loca l market . Solomo n Helsabec k supplemente d what hi s far m produce d b y usin g hi s tea m an d wago n t o hau l wheat , oats, hay , wood , an d plank s fo r neighbor s i n retur n fo r cas h o r far m commodities. Joh n Conra d earne d cas h b y makin g shoe s an d sellin g bacon an d cor n t o hi s neighbors. 44 Publi c document s fro m th e earl y nineteenth centur y revea l the degree to which the people of the backcoun try wer e linke d togethe r b y persona l deb t an d credi t arrangements . Wit h the unavailability o f banks and credit, th e people of Stokes County turne d to each othe r fo r cas h an d credi t a s well a s for goods , far m commodities , and services . Credi t too k th e for m o f cas h advance d t o th e debto r o r th e carrying o f debts o n th e account book s of artisans wh o allowe d fo r futur e payment fo r th e goods they sol d o r the service s they rendered . O f thirty three estat e inventorie s fro m 181 4 t o 181 8 examined , eightee n o r 54. 5 percent ha d outstandin g debt s whic h th e administrator s o f the individua l estates ha d t o settle , whil e seventee n o r 51. 5 percen t o f th e estate s ha d money owe d t o the m whic h ha d t o b e collected . Th e estat e o f Willia m Card well, a prosperou s Stoke s farmer , i s illustrative . Whe n Cardwel l died i n 1813 , he had debts amounting to $402.75, but hi s estate had asset s that include d eleve n slaves , fou r horses , eleve n hea d o f cattle , sixtee n head o f sheep , thirtee n hogs , plu s $43 3 i n cas h receive d fro m thos e t o whom Cardwel l ha d loane d money. 45 Amon g som e Stoke s Count y farm ers an d artisan s ther e wa s ofte n a desir e t o ear n profit s fro m th e invest ment o f capital , eve n i f th e capita l wa s loane d t o neighbors . Johann a Krause o f Sale m frequentl y len t mone y t o he r neighbor s i n sum s tha t ranged fro m $1 0 t o $37 5 a t interes t tha t varie d fro m 2 to 5 percent. I n 1814 Kraus e len t Sale m mille r Va n Niema n Zevel y $10 0 a t 5 percen t interest, whic h Zevel y ma y hav e use d t o finance hi s ne w woo l cardin g

28 • The Congregational Community of the Moravians mill tha t opene d i n 1815 . Nathanie l Schober , a Sale m storekeepe r an d farmer, purchase d stoc k i n bot h th e Stat e Ban k o f Nort h Carolin a an d the Cap e Fea r Ban k i n hope s o f earnin g dividend s a s wel l a s profitin g from th e increase d valu e of his shares. When h e died i n 181 8 he had $70 0 invested i n th e share s of the tw o banks. 46 The smal l farmer s wh o worke d their ow n lan d stil l sough t securit y an d independenc e throug h th e pro duction o f grain s an d livestoc k an d th e trad e o f smal l surpluse s an d homemade product s i n th e loca l market . Thes e yeome n value d indepen dence, equality , an d self-respec t alon g with customary way s of life whic h emphasized persona l relation s wit h neighbors . The surroundin g countrysid e wa s a ric h marke t fo r Salem' s artisan s and shopkeeper s wh o carrie d o n a lucrativ e trad e wit h th e steadil y in creasing populatio n o f th e Nort h Carolin a piedmont . Severa l road s ra n out fro m Sale m t o village s i n th e countrysid e whic h gav e th e congrega tion's artisan s a wider marke t fo r thei r good s an d service s an d th e towns people read y acces s t o th e product s o f th e neighborin g farms . Edmun d Blum, a Sale m coppersmith , provide d copperwar e t o fello w member s o f the Sale m congregation , a s wel l a s t o farmer s livin g i n th e surroundin g communities o f Germanton , Midway , Mocksville , Mudd y Creek , an d Waughtown. Th e congregatio n stor e i n Sale m offere d th e Brethre n an d their neighbor s a wide assortmen t o f goods importe d fro m a s far awa y a s Europe an d fro m merchant s i n Philadelphia , a s wel l a s fro m th e nearb y commercial center s o f Petersburg, Virginia , an d Fayetteville , Nort h Car olina. Fuelin g a n activ e loca l economy , Stoke s Count y farmer s turne d t o village gunsmiths , copper - an d tinsmiths , shopkeepers , an d physician s for the goods and service s they could not provide themselves. I n Februar y 1809, tw o peopl e fro m distan t settlement s foun d th e effectiv e car e o f Moravian physicia n Samue l Benjami n Vierling . Ann a Har t cam e t o Sa lem fro m Hillsborough , ninet y mile s east , fo r Dr . Vierlin g t o remov e a cancerous sor e fro m he r tongue . John Johnson cam e fro m hi s hom e fift y miles awa y i n Randolp h Count y t o hav e Vierlin g remov e a growth fro m his side. 47 Dens e network s o f exchang e unite d th e peopl e wh o live d i n Stokes County an d neighborin g counties . As the Brethre n move d throug h th e daily roun d o f living that brough t them int o regula r contac t wit h outsider s i n th e countryside , the y wer e always consciou s o f th e fragilit y o f th e lif e o f piet y the y sough t an d th e special communit y whic h the y hope d t o foster . Th e growin g numbe r o f non-Moravians i n th e neighborhoo d o f Sale m i n th e earl y nineteent h century mad e i t difficul t fo r th e Moravian s t o remai n apar t fro m th e

The Congregational Community of the Moravians • 2 9 corruptions o f th e outsid e worl d an d preserv e thei r ow n standard s o f morality. Franci s Josep h Kron , a nativ e o f Germany , reporte d i n 183 5 that a widesprea d immoralit y characterize d th e Yadki n Valle y o f Nort h Carolina. Drunkenness , gambling , disregar d fo r th e Sabbath , an d fighting wer e prevalen t amon g th e peopl e o f th e region . Kro n observe d tha t "within a circle of eightee n mile s wher e perhap s thirtee n familie s dwel l I could coun t a s man y a s twent y illegitimat e children , som e th e offsprin g of widows , other s o f singl e neve r marrie d women , an d others , too , in truders i n lawfu l wedlock. " Kron' s attitud e towar d non-Moravian s i n th e countryside wa s consisten t wit h th e perception s o f other earl y Moravia n settlers. A Germa n ministe r name d Rosche n note d i n th e eighteent h century tha t th e Englis h an d Iris h settler s i n th e Nort h Carolin a back country wer e "lazy , dissipate d an d poor , liv e i n th e mos t wretche d hut s and enjoy th e same food a s their animals." The Moravian elders of Salem , quite consciou s o f th e apparen t immoralit y tha t lurke d beyon d th e tow n limits, wer e adamant tha t thes e influences b e kept out of the community . The Aufsehe r Collegiu m constantl y foun d evidenc e o f th e inroad s o f corruption amon g Salem' s inhabitants . Th e agent s o f immora l behavio r almost alway s turne d ou t t o b e non-Moravia n apprentices , journeymen , or domestic servants . I n one instance the Aufseher Collegiu m warne d th e congregation tha t i t wa s no t showin g enoug h discretio n i n th e hirin g o f domestic servants ; girls wer e hire d eve n thoug h littl e was know n o f thei r "former wa y o f life. " Accordin g t o th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m ther e wer e several maid s wh o ha d show n a "grea t lac k o f disciplin e an d mora l conduct." Th e authoritie s resolve d tha t th e greates t vigilanc e mus t b e shown regardin g th e admissio n o f non-Moravia n servant s t o th e congre gation.48 In thei r worshi p service s an d congregationa l diarie s th e Moravian s often expresse d anguis h tha t the conduct o f their own live s did no t matc h the gravit y o f Christ' s sacrific e fo r humanity ; indeed , ther e wa s muc h anxiety ove r whethe r the y wer e worth y o f Christ' s love . I n lookin g back ove r th e event s o f th e previou s yea r th e elder s o f th e Wachovi a congregations i n 180 9 "sorrowfull y acknowledged " th e Brethren' s sin s and shortcoming s an d expresse d "painfu l concer n ove r thos e i n ou r con gregations wh o hav e turne d awa y fro m th e tru e spiri t o f Chris t an d th e Unity." Thoug h n o one thin g o r serie s o f particula r event s le d th e elder s to this conclusion , the y expresse d a general sens e tha t th e communit y i n 1809 lacke d th e measur e o f fait h exhibite d b y th e origina l settler s o f Wachovia. I n th e annua l Memorabili a o f th e Congregations , whic h al l

30 • The Congregational Community of the Moravians members o f th e Wachovi a congregation s woul d rea d o r hea r i n thei r worship services , th e elder s prayed , "Humbl y consciou s o f ou r man y defects an d shortcomings , ho w ca n w e fee l worth y o f th e refreshin g enjoyment o f the love and car e of our Father , th e grace and merc y o f ou r Redeemer, an d th e nurtur e an d comfor t o f th e Hol y Spirit , give n t o al l those amon g u s wh o heartil y wis h t o d o th e wil l o f Go d an d liv e t o Hi s honor an d joy?" 49 In th e end , however , th e greates t threa t t o th e communit y cultur e o f the Moravian s wa s no t th e corruption s o f the outsid e world , but , rather , the commercial succes s Sale m enjoyed a s a market tow n i n the piedmont . The Moravian s soo n sense d tha t th e achievemen t o f thei r objectiv e tha t the villag e serv e a s a commercial cente r migh t subver t th e religiou s mis sion o f th e congregation . Th e Moravia n desir e t o serv e th e countrysid e and t o influenc e i t i n a wa y tha t woul d rais e th e spiritua l leve l o f it s inhabitants als o had th e opposite effec t o f the countryside influencin g th e Moravian communit y an d divertin g th e Moravians fro m thei r mission . I n the eighteent h centur y fe w Moravia n leader s doubte d tha t th e etho s an d objectives tha t informe d th e Sale m experienc e conforme d t o th e realitie s of a n er a i n whic h the y lived . However , th e me n wh o determine d th e fortunes o f th e Moravia n communit y fro m th e 1830 s o n realize d tha t circumstances ha d changed , an d tha t th e traditiona l theocrati c ideal s that shape d Sale m ha d grow n increasingl y ou t o f ste p wit h existin g conditions.50 Throughou t th e antebellu m perio d decision s wer e mad e b y the communit y leadershi p tha t seriousl y weakene d th e Moravia n churc h discipline. Loophole s i n policies , relaxe d enforcemen t o f regulations, an d the accumulatio n o f precedent s whic h compromise d principle s raise d doubts regardin g th e true natur e o f the Sale m community . B y th e 1840s , as a marke t econom y intrude d int o th e Nort h Carolin a piedmont , ne w tensions emerge d i n th e communit y a s man y craftsme n perceive d tha t changing economic conditions migh t no t b e beneficial t o their livelihoods . By mid-century, a s the world wa s changing around them , ne w condition s overwhelmed th e origina l aim s o f th e eighteenth-centur y Moravia n fa thers.

C

H

A

P

T

E

R

T W

O

The Congregation and a Changing Economy

B

eginning i n th e lat e 1820 s there wa s a growing recognitio n amon g the Moravian s tha t economi c circumstance s i n th e piedmon t countryside wer e changing . Sale m an d it s neighborin g country side wer e becomin g mor e deepl y enmeshe d i n a marke t econom y tha t stretched beyon d th e boundarie s o f surroundin g counties . A s peopl e produced a n increasin g proportio n o f thei r tota l outpu t fo r exchang e rather tha n fo r us e in th e household , the y adopte d ne w way s o f behavio r that demonstrated th e influence o f a new ethos emphasizing individualis m and th e privat e pursui t o f opportunit y an d wealth. 1 Som e o f th e town' s successful sho p master s observe d ne w opportunitie s i n deepe r involve ment wit h th e market . Amon g this group of Moravians ther e aros e a new awareness o f entrepreneuria l possibilitie s whic h promote d a mentalit e quite remove d fro m th e congregationa l vision . Bu t th e emergenc e o f th e market i n th e dail y live s o f th e Moravian s generate d har d time s an d divisive social and politica l tensions i n Salem . The transformatio n o f th e Moravia n communit y occurre d agains t th e backdrop of a changing agricultural economy i n the piedmont countrysid e during th e antebellu m years , mad e possibl e b y th e improvemen t an d expansion o f transportatio n facilities . Durin g th e secon d quarte r o f th e nineteenth centur y Sale m developed tradin g relations with northern citie s and wester n town s a s shipment s travele d fro m Boston , Ne w York , an d Philadelphia b y steamboa t t o Petersbur g an d b y wago n fro m Petersbur g to Salem . Salem' s tw o textil e mill s i n th e 1840 s shippe d thei r clot h an d yarn nort h t o consignee s i n Ne w Yor k an d Philadelphia , an d wes t t o 3i

32 • The Congregation and a Changing Economy TABLE 2 . 1

Agriculture in Stokes and Forsyth Counties, 1840, 1850, and 1860 1840 1850 Corn(bu.) 423,97 Wheat (bu.) 74,98 Tobacco (lbs.) 596,10 Cotton (lbs.) 56,48

0 572,32 9 56,73 3 442,98 10

Change 0 +35. 9 -24. 6 -25. 121,60

%%

1860

0 550,84 3 241,24 7 2,064,48

Change 5 -3. 8 +325. 2 +366. 0

8 0 0

Sources: Compendium of the Sixth Census. 1840; Statistical View of the United States. Compendium of the Seventh Census. 1850; Report of the United States in 1860. Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census, vol . 2 .

Mississippi, Louisiana , an d Texas . B y mid-centur y railroad s an d plan k roads linke d th e piedmon t countrysid e wit h th e fall-lin e commercia l towns tha t provide d gateway s t o th e nationa l an d worl d markets . Th e Fayetteville an d Wester n Plan k Roa d ra n northwes t fro m Fayettevill e through Sale m t o Bethani a i n norther n Forsyt h County . Th e roa d pro vided Sale m wit h a n importan t connectio n wit h th e Nort h Carolin a Railroad a t Hig h Point , enablin g Sale m an d it s neighborin g countrysid e to benefi t fro m th e expansio n o f a rai l networ k i n th e Carolina s an d Virginia durin g th e lat e antebellu m years . Th e Nort h Carolin a Railroa d which passe d throug h nearb y Greensbor o an d Hig h Point , an d th e Rich mond an d Danvill e Railroad , wit h it s terminu s a t Danville , Virginia , provided bette r connection s betwee n th e Carolin a backcountr y an d east ern commercia l an d manufacturin g centers . B y th e Civi l Wa r fe w com munities i n th e Atlanti c seaboar d state s wer e completel y isolate d fro m the forces o f the national economy. 2 With easie r acces s t o market s tha n i n earlie r years , b y mid-centur y Stokes an d Forsyt h count y farmers , wh o ha d onc e devote d thei r effort s to producing foo d crop s for househol d consumptio n an d trad e in the local market, ha d becom e increasingl y attune d t o the marke t deman d fo r thei r farm products . Thes e farmer s turne d t o producin g cotton , tobacco , an d wheat fo r trad e i n regiona l an d nationa l markets , a s Tabl e 2. 1 shows . However, a s thes e number s demonstrate , th e marc h towar d marke t involvement wa s no t withou t detours . Whe n economi c condition s i n th e countryside wer e difficult , a s i n th e 1840 s whe n cas h wa s scarc e an d farm commoditie s brough t lo w prices , Stoke s farmer s retreate d fro m th e market an d looke d t o greater self-sufficienc y a s a means o f famil y house hold security . Stoke s Count y farmer s relie d o n cor n t o get thei r familie s through th e har d times . Durin g th e 1840 s cor n productio n increase d 3 5

The Congregation and a Changing Economy • 3 3 percent fro m 423,97 0 bushel s i n 184 0 to 572,32 0 bushel s i n 1850 , whil e production o f whea t an d tobacco—th e principa l marke t crops—de clined. Whea t productio n droppe d 24. 3 percen t fro m 74,98 9 bushel s t o 56,739 bushels , an d tobacc o productio n droppe d 25. 7 percen t fro m 596,103 pound s t o 442,98 6 pounds. 3 Whe n economi c condition s re bounded i n th e 1850s , Stoke s an d Forsyt h count y farmer s onc e agai n sought profit s i n th e market . I n th e 1850 s corn productio n i n Stoke s an d Forsyth countie s decrease d slightl y b y 3. 8 percen t fro m 572,32 0 bushel s in 185 0 t o 550,84 5 bushel s i n i860 , bu t th e productio n o f whea t an d tobacco experience d explosiv e expansion . Whea t productio n ros e 32 5 percent fro m 56,73 9 bushel s i n 185 0 t o 241,24 8 bushel s i n i860 , whil e tobacco productio n expande d 36 6 percen t fro m 442,98 6 pound s i n 185 0 to 2,064,48 2 pound s i n i860 . Cotto n productio n boomed , risin g fro m a few hundre d pound s i n 185 0 to over 121,60 0 pounds i n i860 . Despit e it s cyclical nature , a clear tren d emerge d o f greater commitmen t t o produc tion fo r th e marke t i n Stoke s an d Forsyt h countie s betwee n 184 0 an d i860. Durin g thes e years ther e was a net increas e in production o f whea t of 300. 7 percent , o f tobacc o 340. 3 percent , an d cotto n 11 5 percent . A t the sam e tim e cor n productio n showe d a ne t increas e o f a modes t 31. 2 percent b y comparison . Durin g th e 1850 s pe r capit a cor n productio n actually droppe d fro m 29. 7 bushels to 23. 8 bushels. 4 Commodities fro m piedmon t farm s wer e likel y t o b e shippe d t o Fay etteville an d Petersburg , th e importan t commercia l center s o f the region , which provide d entr y int o the regional and national markets . The conver gence o f price s fo r som e agricultura l product s i n thes e marke t town s offers furthe r evidenc e tha t a marke t econom y i n certai n agricultura l commodities wa s evolving. I n Marc h 185 1 the price for whea t wa s nearl y the sam e in Sale m ($1.00 a bushel), Fayettevill e ($1.00 to $1.10 a bushel), and Petersbur g ($1.0 0 t o $1.05 a bushel) . I n Marc h 185 6 wheat sol d fo r $1.25 a bushel i n Salem , Salisbury , an d Fayetteville . I n June 185 6 wheat was sellin g fo r $1.0 0 a bushe l i n Salem , Salisbury , an d Fayetteville . I n contrast t o wheat , cor n price s varie d significantl y fro m communit y t o community, whic h sugges t tha t price s fo r cor n wer e se t i n th e loca l market where i t was consumed. I n March 185 1 corn sol d for fifty to fiftyfive cents pe r bushe l i n Salem , eighty-fiv e t o ninety cent s i n Fayetteville , seventy cent s i n Petersburg , an d ninet y cent s t o $1.00 in Cheraw, Sout h Carolina. I n March 185 6 the price for cor n i n Salem was fifty-five to sixty cents, fifty t o fifty-five cent s i n nearb y Salisbury , an d seventy-fiv e cent s in Fayetteville. 5

34 * The Congregation and a Changing Economy TABLE2 . 2

Distribution of Farm Size by Improved Acres, Forsyth County, 1850 Acres

Farms

% Total

1-24 25-49 50-74 75-99 100-149 150 over

18 79 48 11 19 11

10 42 26 6 10 6

Source: 185 0 Census , Agricultur e Schedul e manu script microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina .

Market productio n mad e farmin g mor e intensiv e a s th e numbe r o f improved acres , o r lan d bein g cultivated , increase d t o produc e mor e surplus fo r exchange . Betwee n 185 0 an d i860 , acre s o f improve d farm land i n Forsyt h Count y increase d 4 0 percen t fro m 51,87 3 t o 72,509 . A s more far m acreag e wa s brough t int o production , th e valu e o f farm s increased. Th e cas h valu e o f Forsyt h Count y farm s reporte d i n th e federal censuse s increase d 9 8 percen t fro m $593,19 7 i n 185 0 t o $1,174,800 i n i860 . A s Table s 2. 2 an d 2. 3 show , farmer s i n Forsyt h an d Stokes countie s worke d smal l farm s fo r whic h th e farmer' s famil y gener ally provide d sufficien t labor . I n Forsyt h Count y th e mea n far m siz e i n 1850 wa s 59. 5 improve d acres . Mos t farms , however , wer e abou t thirt y improved acres . Tabl e 2. 2 illustrate s th e distributio n o f Forsyt h Count y farms b y improve d acres . I n Stoke s Count y i n 185 0 th e mea n siz e o f a farm wa s 64. 6 improve d acres , and , a s i n Forsyt h County , mos t farmer s worked farm s o f about thirt y improve d acres. 6 TABLE2

.3

Distribution of Farm Size by Improved Acres, Stokes County, 1850 Acres

Farms

% Total

1-24 25-49 50-74 75-99 100-149 150 over

18 49 26 5 10 10

15 42 22 4 8 8

Source: 185 0 Census, Agricultur e Schedul e manuscrip t mi crofilm, Stoke s County, Nort h Carolina .

The Congregation and a Changing Economy • 3 5 TABLE 2 . 4 Distribution of Slaveholding in Forsyth County, 1850 Size of Farmers Slaveholding 14 24 32

51 61 75

% 2 2 1

6 6 2

Total 4 4 2

9

Source: 1850 Census , Slav e Schedul e manuscrip t micro film, Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina .

The shif t towar d greate r productio n fo r th e marke t necessitate d a larger suppl y o f labo r t o wor k th e fields, and , betwee n 182 0 an d i860 , Stokes an d Forsyt h count y farmer s cam e t o depend mor e o n th e labo r of slaves. Betwee n 182 0 and i86 0 th e numbe r o f slave s i n th e tw o countie s increased 9 2 percen t fro m 2,20 4 t o 4,233 . Betwee n 184 0 an d i86 0 th e number o f slaves jumped 57. 8 percent. Whil e the number o f slaves in th e northwest Nort h Carolin a piedmon t gre w ove r th e cours e o f the antebel lum period , fe w farmer s i n Forsyt h Count y relie d o n slave s to help the m work thei r farms . Onl y 9 percent o f Forsyt h Count y farmer s include d i n a sampl e draw n fro m th e federa l censu s o f 185 0 owne d a slave , and , a s Table 2. 4 shows , o f thos e wh o di d ow n a slave , 4 8 percen t owne d jus t one o r tw o slaves . However , 4 1 percen t o f th e county' s slave-ownin g farmers owne d five or mor e slaves , an d th e mea n siz e of slave holdings i n Forsyth Count y wa s 3.76 . Th e larges t slav e holdings belonge d t o farmer s who farme d on e hundre d improve d acre s o r more . Si x o f th e seve n farmers i n the sample who owned five or more slaves farmed on e hundre d improved acre s or more , whil e si x of the te n farmer s wh o owned thre e o r fewer slave s farmed les s than seventy-five acres . No farmer s i n the sampl e who worked les s that twenty-fiv e acre s owned a slave. 7 As farmers shifte d a n increasing shar e of their effort an d resource s int o producing fo r th e market , mor e household s wen t int o th e marke t t o acquire th e necessitie s o f lif e a s well a s those article s tha t mad e lif e mor e comfortable an d enjoyable . Wit h cas h earne d fro m th e sal e o f marke t crops o r throug h th e trad e o f corn , beef , o r frui t wit h a local shopkeepe r or craftsman, man y household s acquire d neede d article s like cloth, molas ses, books , shoes , an d whiskey . Th e valu e per capita of household manu -

7,6 • The Congregation and a Changing Economy factures (define d a s thos e good s onc e mad e i n th e househol d o r o n th e farm) reported i n the federal censuse s provides a measure of this changin g consumer behavio r durin g the decades befor e th e Civil War. Ther e wa s a steady declin e i n the pe r capita valu e of household manufacture s betwee n 1810 and i860 . I n 181 0 the per capita value of household manufacture s i n Stokes Count y wa s $2.40 . B y 184 0 the valu e ha d droppe d t o $2.00 , an d in i86 0 th e pe r capit a valu e o f househol d manufacture s i n Stoke s an d Forsyth countie s wa s $1.64 . B y th e ev e o f th e Civi l Wa r Stoke s an d Forsyth count y household s wer e embracing a n economic orientation tha t contrasted sharpl y wit h tha t of households sixt y years earlier i n what wa s then th e Carolin a backcountry . Afte r th e har d time s o f th e 1830 s an d 1840s, farm s wer e producin g mor e an d farmer s wer e abl e t o ge t thei r crops to market muc h mor e easily tha n a t an y tim e i n the pas t becaus e of the plan k roa d an d nearb y railroads . A s farmin g i n th e countrysid e shifted towar d th e market , busines s i n Sale m prospere d an d man y shop keepers were pursuing ne w opportunities, establishin g shops, and buyin g new equipment . Th e Sale m People's Press reporte d i n 185 1 ther e wa s a new impuls e t o local busines s an d improvemen t wa s the order o f the da y for Sale m businessmen. 8 Piedmont farmer s sough t opportunitie s wher e the y foun d them , sell ing o r tradin g thei r surplu s wheat , corn , an d orchar d product s fo r cash , other commodities, o r articles produced b y loca l artisans or manufacture d in distan t factories . Thes e produce d fo r th e marke t whe n condition s allowed the m t o realize profits an d famil y financial strategies . I n the early 18 30s whe n a continued drough t drov e u p price s fo r th e decrease d sup plies o f whea t an d corn , Stoke s Count y farmer s pursue d greate r profit s by keepin g thei r crop s of f th e marke t i n hope s o f drivin g u p th e price s still higher and improvin g their advantage in the market. Henr y Leinbac h of Sale m note d i n hi s diar y tha t i n th e summe r o f 183 0 th e peopl e o f Salem were greatly concerned abou t the availability of wheat and it s price as a resul t o f th e farmers ' actions . I n nearb y Bethani a th e Moravia n minister ther e recorde d i n th e congregation' s diar y tha t i n th e winte r o f 1831 ther e wa s a "pressing need " fo r cor n amon g th e poo r peopl e o f th e countryside, bu t ye t "many " farmer s wer e holdin g cor n of f th e marke t for a better price. 9 As i n othe r souther n communitie s durin g thi s period , th e greate r involvement o f th e Stoke s Count y countrysid e i n th e market , a s wel l a s economic ties that stretche d beyon d th e local community, ha d a profoun d impact o n loca l farmers , artisans , an d shopkeeper s a s greate r concentra -

The Congregation and a Changing Economy • 3 7 TABLE2 . 5

Distribution of Wealth in Stokes County, 1820-45 1820

1845

Rank

Value

Share

Value

Share

Top Decil e Second Decil e Third Decil e Fourth Decil e Fifth Decil e Sixth Decil e Seventh Decil e Eighth Decil e Ninth Decil e Tenth Decil e

$47,785 14,261 9,469 8,090 9,105 2,390 4,757 3,579 2,063 598

46.8% 14.0 9.3 7.9 8.9 2.3 4.7 3.5 2.0 .6

$41,444 16,873 5,080 7,261 6,200 3,587 3,188 2,716 579 583

47.4% 19.3 5.8 8.3 7.1 4.1 3.6 3.1 .7 .7

Source: Stokes County , Lis t o f Taxables , 1820 , 1845 , Nort h Carolin a Departmen t o f Archive s an d History, Raleigh , Nort h Carolina .

tions o f wealt h emerge d whic h sharpene d socia l an d economi c stratifica tion.10 A s lan d becam e harde r t o acquir e an d a s mor e peopl e foun d themselves i n straitene d circumstances , ther e wa s greater stratificatio n i n the socia l structure . Consequently , betwee n 182 0 and 184 5 th e percent age o f propertyles s i n Stoke s Count y increase d fro m 1 9 to 3 2 percent . More peopl e i n Stoke s Count y wen t int o deb t an d foun d i t difficul t t o recover, slidin g int o financial insolvency . Th e percentag e o f insolven t polls reported i n the tax lists rose from 9. 2 percen t i n 183 3 to 14. 9 percent in 1836 , befor e decreasin g t o 13. 4 percent i n 1841 . The siz e of propert y holdings amon g mos t landowner s decrease d a s well . Betwee n 182 0 an d 1845 th e mea n siz e o f propert y holding s droppe d fro m 24 1 t o 17 8 acre s and th e media n siz e of propert y holding s decline d fro m 12 4 to 66 acres. Among th e propert y holder s rea l wealt h becam e concentrate d betwee n 1820 and 1845 . A s Tabl e 2. 5 shows , th e poores t thir d o f Stoke s Count y property holder s sa w it s shar e o f th e tota l wealt h i n th e count y declin e slightly fro m 6. 1 percen t i n 182 0 to 4.5 percen t b y 1845 . By contrast, th e wealthiest thir d o f th e county' s propert y holder s expande d it s shar e o f the wealt h fro m 7 0 percent i n 182 0 to 7 3 percent i n 1845 . However , th e middle rank s o f propert y holder s suffere d onl y a sligh t decreas e i n thei r share o f th e wealth , possessin g 23. 8 percen t i n 182 0 an d 23. 1 percen t in 1845. n The changin g economi c condition s o f th e Stoke s Count y countrysid e had a profoun d impac t o n th e peopl e o f Salem . A s th e communit y

38 • The Congregation and a Changing Economy T A B L E 2.

6

Distribution of Wealth in Salem, 1820, 1845 1820

1845

Rank

Value

Share

Value

Share

Top Decil e Second Decil e Third Decil e Fourth Decil e Fifth Decil e Sixth Decil e Seventh Decil e Eighth Decil e Ninth Decil e Tenth Decil e

$8,042 3,909 2,800 2,700 3,230 1,018 1,366 1,150 718 406

31.7% 15.4 11.1 10.6 12.7 4.0 5.4 4.5 2.8 1.6

$13,009 4,388 3,051 2,125 1,500 330 751 000 174 137

51.1% 17.2 12.0 8.3 6.0 1.3 2.9 0 0.7 0.7

Source: Stoke s County ,ListofTaxables, 1825 , 1845, NCDAH .

became mor e immerse d i n a broader marke t econom y th e distributio n o f wealth i n Sale m becam e mor e concentrated a s some people profite d fro m the ne w condition s whil e other s suffere d losses . A s Tabl e 2. 6 illustrates , wealth i n Sale m betwee n 182 0 an d 184 5 becam e increasingl y concen trated a t th e highe r en d o f th e scale . Th e percentag e o f propert y less o n the ta x list s fo r Sale m almos t double d betwee n thes e years , increasin g from 1 4 to 2 5 percent. Th e poores t thir d o f the citizens of Salem suffere d as their shar e o f wealt h decline d fro m 8. 9 percen t t o 1. 4 percent . A t th e same tim e th e wealthies t thir d o f th e communit y sa w thei r shar e o f wealth increas e from 58. 2 t o 80.3 percent. Significantly , th e middle rang e of propert y holders , thos e occupyin g th e fourt h throug h th e sevent h deciles o f wealt h distribution , decline d fro m 32. 7 percen t t o 18. 5 percent.12 A furthe r consequenc e o f involvemen t i n th e emergin g nationa l econ omy o f th e antebellu m perio d wa s th e introductio n o f manufacture d goods fro m northeaster n citie s whic h brough t externa l competitio n t o artisans i n th e man y smal l communitie s scattere d acros s th e country. 13 Salem's artisan s suffere d losse s fro m th e competitio n o f lower-price d goods arrivin g fro m outsid e th e communit y a s the increasin g availabilit y of cheape r manufacture d good s deterre d man y i n Sale m an d th e sur rounding countrysid e fro m purchasin g th e custom-mad e article s o f loca l craftsmen. Henr y Leinbac h observe d i n th e earl y 1830 s that deman d fo r custom wor k i n hi s sho e shop ha d falle n off , an d h e increasingl y cam e t o

The Congregation and a Changing Economy • 3 9 rely o n retai l trad e instea d o f custom-mad e shoes , producin g shoe s tha t were no t "spoke n for. " Becomin g mor e attune d t o th e changin g marke t Leinbach learne d tha t "exposin g shoe s t o vie w induce s peopl e t o buy , otherwise the y woul d no t hav e thought o f buying." Despit e the efforts o f Salem craftsme n lik e Leinbac h t o lur e customer s int o thei r shops , som e residents of Salem an d Stoke s County preferre d good s made in the Nort h to locall y produce d articles . Louis a Bel o of Sale m wrot e he r frien d Juli a Jones i n nearb y Bethani a requestin g tha t Julia orde r shoe s fo r he r whe n she placed he r own order. Louis a favored th e shoes of a certain shoemake r at 5 9 New Stree t i n Philadelphi a becaus e thes e shoe s "wear an d fi t bette r than an y I hav e eve r owned. " Th e effec t o f thes e development s wa s not los t o n Salem' s artisans . Competitio n o f lower-price d item s fro m manufacturers outsid e o f th e communit y force d Sale m craftsme n t o cu t costs and lowe r prices to stay i n business. Charles Brietz , a Salem tanner , reported t o the Aufsehe r Collegiu m i n 183 9 that importe d leathe r sol d a t lower price s i n nearb y store s robbe d hi m o f hi s busines s an d force d hi m to lower hi s price for finished leathe r i n order t o remain competitive. 14 Salem's artisan s face d additiona l competitio n fro m artisan s i n th e Stokes Count y countryside . Durin g th e first hal f o f th e nineteent h cen tury Salem' s artisan s wer e situate d a t th e cente r o f a n expandin g regio n as the northwest Nort h Carolin a piedmon t gre w with ne w settler s durin g the second quarte r o f the nineteenth century . Th e improvemen t o f transportation facilitie s an d th e consequen t easie r acces s t o market s mad e th e northwest Nort h Carolin a piedmon t wit h it s small-farm , mixe d agricul ture econom y a n attractiv e regio n fo r settlement . Fro m 182 0 t o i86 0 the populatio n growt h i n Stoke s an d Forsyt h countie s outstrippe d th e population increas e of North Carolina . Th e populatio n o f Stoke s Count y increased fro m 14,03 3 i n 182 0 t o 23,09 4 (includin g Forsyt h County ) i n i860, a 64. 6 percen t jump . Th e populatio n o f Nort h Carolin a gre w b y 55.4 percent, fro m 638,82 9 in 182 0 to 992,622 i n i860 . The white population o f Stoke s an d Forsyt h countie s increase d fro m 11,63 4 i n 182 0 t o 18,557 in i860 , a 59.5 percent increase . Betwee n 184 0 and i86 0 the whit e population increase d 38. 3 percent . Whil e th e increase d populatio n an d enlarged regiona l marke t o f Stoke s an d Forsyt h countie s enhance d Sa lem's positio n a s a regiona l commercia l center , Sale m shopkeeper s con fronted increase d competitio n fro m th e man y artisan s amon g th e ne w settlers. John Conrad , a Stoke s Count y farme r an d shoemake r wh o wa s not par t o f th e Moravia n communit y a t Salem , filled th e need s o f neigh boring yeome n wh o migh t otherwis e hav e gon e t o Sale m fo r thei r fami -

40 • The Congregation and a Changing Economy lies' shoe s an d boots . Conra d mad e an d mende d shoe s fo r hi s neighbor s for whic h h e receive d cas h o r far m commoditie s a s payment. 15 Th e competition fro m artisan s outsid e of Sale m intensifie d becaus e thes e arti sans were not constrained i n their economic activities by the congregatio n regulations whic h governed th e conduct of Salem artisans. Consequently , Salem artisan s ha d t o compet e wit h artisan s wh o coul d produc e article s at a lower cost, whic h Charle s Briet z had alread y discovered . As Sale m an d it s surroundin g countrysid e wer e integrate d int o th e regional economy, th e community wa s increasingly subjec t t o the cyclical fits and start s o f th e antebellu m nationa l econom y whic h mad e th e goal s of securit y an d independenc e increasingl y difficul t t o meet b y traditiona l means. Th e downturn s i n th e econom y i n th e lat e 1820 s and earl y 1840 s had a profoun d impac t o n th e economi c fortune s o f piedmon t farmers , artisans, an d shopkeepers . Th e ministe r o f th e Moravia n congregatio n a t Salem recorde d i n the congregation's annua l memorabili a tha t 182 7 was a difficult yea r fo r th e congregation a s "hard times " had hi t th e trade of th e village and the community's craftsme n di d no t do well. The Sale m Weekly Gleaner i n Novembe r 182 8 reporte d fro m th e Niles Register that i n Nort h Carolina "loca l currency i s deranged an d mone y scarce. " In the aftermat h of th e Pani c o f 183 7 i n whic h th e nationa l econom y wen t int o a depres sion, busines s condition s spirale d downward , an d th e peopl e o f Sale m and Stoke s Count y suffere d th e dislocation s an d hardship s o f a n "almos t unexampled depression " i n busines s affair s whic h wa s mad e wors e b y drought an d ba d whea t harvests . Man y Moravian s foun d themselve s i n tight financial circumstance s an d som e wen t bankrupt , includin g Joh n Leinbach, a prominent membe r o f the congregation a t Sale m wh o serve d many year s o n th e Congregatio n Counci l an d th e Aufsehe r Collegium . By 183 3 Leinbach ha d accumulate d propert y wort h abou t $2,40 0 and hi s holdings included 22 8 acres of land, a n oil mill, a sawmill, cotton gin, an d numerous buildings . Leinbach , however , ha d mad e som e ba d busines s decisions a s wel l a s overextende d himself , incurrin g mor e deb t tha n hi s income coul d cover . Leinbac h los t al l o f hi s propert y i n a sheriff' s sale . John Leinbach' s so n Henr y note d tha t whil e hi s father' s case unfolde d other member s o f the congregation foun d themselve s i n the sam e circum stances. Davi d Clewell , a bookbinder , wa s sue d fo r hi s debt s an d al l o f his propert y wa s unde r executio n o f judgment s b y th e court . Sale m shoemaker Emanue l Reic h wa s i n deb t fo r abou t $1,400 , an d h e ha d nothing bu t hi s house , abou t $10 0 i n outstandin g accounts , an d $10 0 i n

The Congregation and a Changing Economy • 4 1 the bank . Phili p Reic h wa s i n deb t upward s o f $1,100 , al l of whic h wa s invested i n his house, shop , and stock. 16 While man y Sale m shopkeeper s suffere d a s th e externa l marke t econ omy impinge d o n th e loca l community , som e o f th e town' s ambitiou s shop master s lik e William Frie s perceive d ne w entrepreneuria l possibilit ies tha t promote d a worldvie w quit e remove d fro m th e congregationa l vision o f cooperatio n an d th e subordinatio n o f individua l interest s t o th e mission o f th e congregation . Johan n Christia n Wilhel m Frie s arrive d i n Salem i n th e fal l 180 9 fro m Herrnhu t and , afte r a yea r an d a hal f a s a joiner i n th e Brothers ' House , becam e th e maste r o f th e shop . I n th e fal l of 1811 , Fries, at the age of thirty-five, marrie d Johanna Elisabet h Nisse n and becam e a membe r o f th e congregatio n a s a hea d o f household . Quickly earnin g th e reputatio n o f a respecte d membe r o f th e congrega tion, h e wa s electe d t o th e Congregatio n Counci l i n 181 5 an d t o th e Aufseher Collegiu m i n 181 9 and 1821 . By 181 9 William Frie s acquire d a farm, an d i n tha t yea r h e reported t o the ta x collecto r propert y o f thirty two acre s value d a t $15 0 an d a tow n lo t i n Sale m value d a t $400 . Fou r years late r Fries' s far m ha d grow n t o 16 2 acre s value d a t $470 . B y th e late 1820 s Willia m Frie s ha d accumulate d enoug h capita l t o mak e som e speculative investments . However , i n these investment s Frie s found onl y financial trouble s whic h pu t hi m i n a precariou s financial situatio n an d strapped fo r cas h i n the late 1820 s when one of his investments, th e Cap e Fear Bank , failed . Frie s wrot e hi s so n Franci s abou t condition s i n Sale m that "th e time s ar e ver y ba d wit h us . Ou r busines s goe s ver y slowl y because mone y i s so scarce." 17 Fries' s financial situatio n i n th e lat e 1820 s and earl y 1830 s force d hi m t o loo k fo r ne w source s o f incom e whic h would enabl e him to continue to improve his status i n the community . Many Sale m artisans , whethe r the y wer e tryin g t o surviv e i n a mor e competitive marke t o r confidentl y pursuin g ne w opportunities , re sponded t o the new economi c conditions b y pursuin g individua l interest s and profit s a t th e expens e o f th e cooperativ e etho s o f th e congregatio n community. Thes e artisan s engage d i n activitie s i n thei r shop s tha t di d not confor m t o congregationa l regulations . Som e entere d int o partner ships i n a n effor t t o gain a competitive edge , whil e other s hire d slave s t o work i n their shops . Th e conduc t o f some artisans provoke d antagonism s among member s o f th e congregatio n whic h emerge d i n th e 1830 s an d 1840s i n al l area s o f communit y life , bu t mos t noticeabl y i n economi c affairs. Challenge s t o the congregational regulatio n o f the trades escalate d

42 • The Congregation and a Changing Economy as th e communit y face d th e har d time s o f th e lat e 1820 s an d 1830s . During thes e year s man y o f th e shopkeeper s o f Sale m engage d i n wha t the Aufsehe r Collegiu m calle d "secre t trading, " tha t is , sellin g i n thei r shops article s whic h wer e deeme d b y th e congregatio n authoritie s no t t o be a legitimate part of the trade of their particular craft o r shop. Recogniz ing th e increase d incidenc e o f illega l tradin g th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m realized tha t i t mus t tak e actio n t o maintai n th e congregationa l economi c order. I n Februar y 1829 , the Aufseher Collegiu m hel d meeting s wit h th e adult member s o f th e congregatio n t o discus s openl y th e issu e o f illega l trading. Th e Collegiu m hope d t o convince th e Brethre n o f the congrega tion tha t th e establishe d economi c orde r i n Sale m worke d t o th e benefi t of th e congregatio n an d al l o f it s members . Th e Elder s Conferenc e ex pressed it s fea r tha t i f th e illega l tradin g wa s no t checked , th e greates t single producer o f revenue fo r th e congregation, th e diacony store , migh t be harmed. 18 William Frie s wa s a t th e cente r o f a controversy tha t erupte d i n 1829 , engulfing th e whol e communit y an d promptin g seriou s doubt s regardin g the surviva l o f th e congregatio n an d it s specia l wa y o f life . I n 182 6 Frie s had acquire d th e congregation's tobacc o sho p which h e ran i n addition t o his joiner' s shop . Reelin g fro m hi s losse s i n th e ban k stock s an d th e general downtur n i n busines s whic h pu t hi m i n a precariou s financial situation, Frie s looke d fo r a way ou t o f hi s financial difficulty . B y sellin g a variet y o f good s i n hi s tobacc o sho p t o increas e hi s income , includin g glass, coffee , an d sugar , Frie s foun d himsel f i n violatio n o f the congrega tion rules . Hopin g t o mak e hi s activitie s legal , Frie s i n Augus t 182 9 petitioned th e congregatio n authoritie s fo r permissio n t o operat e a smal l store i n conjunctio n wit h hi s tobacc o shop . Fries' s reques t brough t int o the ope n th e tension s tha t smoldere d unde r th e surfac e throug h mos t o f 1829. Th e Collegiu m considere d Fries' s petitio n an d hear d numerou s charges agains t individual s engage d i n illega l tradin g i n their shops . Frie s accused th e widow Elizabet h Right s of operating a dry-goods stor e in he r deceased husband' s to y shop . Th e Singl e Sisters ' worksho p wa s accuse d of sellin g calic o an d dr y good s i n additio n t o th e milliner y permitted . David Clewel l wa s criticize d fo r sellin g i n hi s sho p item s no t usuall y associated wit h either a shoemaker's or bookbinder's shop , including toys, coffee, sugar , dr y goods , an d othe r item s no t permitte d hi m b y th e trade rule s o f th e village . Papermake r Gottlie b Schobe r complaine d tha t Clewell sol d stationer y whic h compete d wit h Schober' s pape r mill . Schober in turn was accused of selling a variety of goods in addition to the

The Congregation and a Changing Economy • 4 3 paper h e manufactured . Th e situatio n wa s frustratin g fo r th e Aufsehe r Collegium becaus e each shopkeepe r justifie d hi s or her illega l activities b y pointing to the illegal activities of others. 19 As th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m deliberate d o n th e situatio n o f th e trades , Fries waite d anxiousl y fo r a repl y t o hi s petitio n t o operat e a dry-good s store. I n th e meantime , strugglin g t o regai n contro l o f th e conduc t o f business i n the community, th e Collegium reache d agreement s wit h Eliz abeth Rights , Gottlie b Schober , an d Davi d Clewell , wh o promised no t t o sell item s tha t infringe d o n othe r shopkeepers ' business . Th e Collegiu m then considere d Fries' s request. Th e congregationa l authoritie s refuse d t o be intimidate d b y Fries' s threa t tha t h e woul d rathe r leav e th e Sale m congregation tha n b e continuall y trouble d b y th e Collegium' s meddlin g in his business affairs . Confiden t tha t Frie s could mak e a good livin g if he ran hi s tobacc o sho p "expediently " an d engage d i n hi s actua l trad e a s a joiner, th e Aufseher Collegiu m denie d Fries' s petition an d ordered hi m t o sell only tobacc o an d glas s i n hi s shop . Whe n h e protested tha t h e had t o sell a wide r selectio n o f good s t o liv e an d tha t th e Collegium' s demand s were excessive , Frie s wa s tol d bluntl y h e coul d sel l hi s hous e an d mov e from Sale m t o where h e could d o as he pleased. Th e Collegiu m regrette d that Frie s di d no t examin e hi s tru e motive s i n hi s behavio r an d "see k th e cause o f thi s troublesom e situatio n o f hi s wit h himself. " Fries' s persona l ambition t o acquir e greater wealth , whic h appeare d t o becom e a n end i n itself, wa s no t i n harmon y wit h th e interest s o f th e congregation . Th e Collegium believe d tha t i f Frie s coul d no t realiz e thi s an d contro l hi s ambition, the n h e an d th e congregatio n woul d benefi t i f h e lef t Salem . Both th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m an d th e Elder s Conferenc e recognize d tha t the onl y weapo n the y possesse d t o addres s th e matte r effectivel y wa s moral suasion , especiall y appeal s t o brotherl y lov e an d loyalt y t o th e community an d it s special ideals . Th e Collegiu m an d th e elders hope d t o lead th e transgressor s bac k t o th e faithfu l executio n o f thei r dutie s a s members o f a congregation community . But , Frie s was unrepentant. I n a letter t o hi s so n Francis , Frie s expresse d hi s tru e feeling s o f the situatio n and hi s belie f tha t som e artisans i n Sale m n o longer place d confidenc e i n the authoritie s t o regulat e economi c affair s i n Salem : "W e ar e wel l an d have nothin g t o complai n o f i f i t wa s no t fo r th e sill y Collegiu m tha t wants t o quarre l wit h u s an d other s al l th e time . The y ar e ridicule d i n the village and thin k the y ar e the only wis e ones." 20 Within month s afte r the publi c meetings , th e Elder s Conferenc e lamente d tha t ther e wa s stil l much secre t tradin g amon g the Brethren . Undaunte d b y th e denial o f his

44 * The Congregation and a Changing Economy petition, Willia m Fries , demonstratin g a greater ambitio n tha n coul d b e satisfied b y th e joiner' s trad e an d a smal l tobacc o shop , pushe d ahea d with hi s plan s t o expan d hi s busines s endeavors . Frie s surreptitiousl y offered customer s o f his tobacc o sho p a variety o f "smal l wares, " including coffee, sugar , molasses, spices , nails, glass, and paints. 21 The congregatio n authoritie s foun d i t impossible t o break the spirit of private enterpris e i n Salem . Som e member s o f th e governin g board s o f the congregatio n lik e Willia m Fries , Davi d Clewell , an d John Christia n Blum, thos e individual s whos e live s wer e expecte d t o provid e example s of how members of a congregation community should subordinate private interests t o th e well-bein g o f th e community , frequentl y violate d th e trade rule s an d eve n advocate d th e abolitio n o f thos e rule s whic h re stricted privat e busines s activities . I n the fal l o f 183 1 Sale m wa s divide d once mor e ove r th e issu e o f trad e a s th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m hear d complaints o f Willia m Frie s agai n engagin g i n illega l trading . Calle d again befor e th e Collegium fo r this trade , Frie s petitione d onc e mor e for permission t o continu e thi s dry-good s trade , bu t h e promise d tha t h e would no t enlarg e thi s trad e b y carryin g additiona l item s whic h migh t compete wit h th e trad e o f othe r shopkeeper s an d artisan s i n th e village . At th e sam e time th e Collegium considere d John C. Blum' s reques t tha t he b e permitte d t o sel l stationer y an d book s i n hi s prin t shop . Th e requests b y Frie s an d Blu m prompte d othe r tradesme n i n th e tow n t o request permissio n t o expan d thei r businesse s t o carr y additiona l item s for sale. Gottlie b Schobe r again protested encroachments o n his busines s and told the Collegium tha t if Blum's request was granted then he would have t o expan d hi s busines s alon g othe r line s a s well , especiall y sinc e David Clewell continued to sell paper and blank books in his bookbinder's shop. Th e Collegiu m ha d a monumental dilemm a t o settl e a s peacefull y as possible . I t recognize d tha t t o allo w th e fre e pursui t o f individua l business endeavor s woul d endange r the concept of a congregational com munity itsel f a s private interest s asserte d dominanc e ove r congregationa l interests. I f Blu m wa s give n permissio n t o sel l al l th e variou s article s associated wit h boo k printing , stationer y an d blan k book s primarily , hi s trade would har m that of Schober and Clewell. I f the Collegium accede d to Fries's reques t an d allowe d hi m to sel l thos e goods whic h h e had sold illegally, the n mor e peopl e i n th e congregatio n woul d b e hur t a s Fries' s business infringed on the trade privileges of others.22 At it s meetin g o n th e evenin g o f Novembe r 28 , 1831 , th e Aufsehe r

The Congregation and a Changing Economy • 4 5 Collegium considere d th e reques t o f Blu m an d Fries . Agains t a backdro p of continue d secre t tradin g i n th e community , durin g th e earl y 1830 s meetings o f th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m wer e ofte n contentiou s a s th e issu e of "fre e trade " i n th e villag e continuall y demande d attention . Durin g these year s time s wer e difficul t fo r Sale m shopkeepers , patienc e amon g many o f th e townspeopl e wa s thin , an d complaint s agains t shopkeeper s who continue d t o violat e th e trad e rule s provoke d heate d confrontation s among the Brethren . Henr y Leinbac h capture d th e spirit o f these days i n his diar y wher e h e note d pessimisticall y i n th e sprin g o f 183 0 o f hi s experience i n th e Aufsehe r Collegium , "afte r a n hou r an d a half's talkin g the meetin g separate d withou t producin g anythin g excep t war m words. " The meeting s o f th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m durin g Novembe r 183 1 wer e confrontational, wit h shor t temper s an d heate d words . A t th e meetin g of November 7 Henr y Leinbac h exchange d "war m words " wit h fello w Collegium membe r Joh n C . Blu m ove r th e trad e issue . Accordin g t o Leinbach, Blu m wa s for "fre e trade " in the community—that is , unregu lated busines s activity . Ou t o f frustration an d i n a fit of rage, Blum , wh o apparently fel t ou t o f touch wit h othe r Collegiu m member s o n this issue , left th e meetin g sayin g tha t h e shoul d resig n fro m hi s office . Henr y Leinbach note d i n hi s diar y late r tha t a t thi s meeting : "W e ha d a knott y question befor e us , whic h seeme d t o dra g th e fre e trad e syste m a t it s tail." Joh n Blum , no t wantin g a confrontation , withdre w hi s petition . The Collegiu m the n considere d Fries' s petition . I n it s deliberation s th e Collegium referre d bac k to the meetings of August-September 182 9 when this issu e wa s debated . A t tha t tim e th e Collegiu m ha d stresse d th e benefits fo r al l an d th e advantage s accruin g t o th e congregatio n fro m the congregatio n diacony . After considerabl e discussio n th e Collegiu m decided t o affir m th e existin g trad e regulation s an d refus e Fries' s pe tition.23 Through th e 1840 s many Sale m tradesme n continue d t o challenge th e congregation rule s b y engagin g i n illega l trade . Philli p Reich , a Sale m tinsmith, complaine d i n Septembe r 184 5 tha t Edmun d Blum , a copper smith, sol d i n his shop tin an d iro n mad e by Ale x Hauser , wh o was not a member o f th e Sale m congregation . Reic h contende d tha t Blum' s illega l trade damage d hi s tinsmit h business . Thi s developmen t surprise d th e authorities becaus e Blum , wh o ha d onl y recentl y begu n hi s trad e i n Salem, wa s s o soo n violatin g th e congregatio n rules . A membe r o f th e Aufseher Collegiu m wa s sen t t o discuss th e matte r wit h Blum , bu t i t di d

46 • The Congregation and a Changing Economy not appea r tha t Blu m intende d t o discontinue hi s activities . Th e authori ties reminde d Blu m tha t h e wa s grante d onl y th e operatio n o f a copper smithy, an d al l othe r activitie s ha d t o cease . B y th e middl e o f October , after continuou s pressur e fro m th e authorities , Blu m promise d t o sell ou t and discontinu e hi s trad e i n tinware . However , b y th e en d o f th e mont h another complain t wa s made agains t Blu m tha t h e continued t o engage i n the trading of tinwares. I n fact, Blu m wa s accused o f having just receive d a resupply o f iron sheetin g from Fayetteville—a n obviou s indicatio n tha t he ha d n o intentio n o f ceasin g hi s illega l trade . Eve n afte r bein g notifie d that unles s h e refraine d fro m violatin g th e order s o f th e Aufsehe r Colle gium h e woul d hav e t o giv e u p hi s shop , Blu m apparentl y remaine d undaunted. Th e tenacit y wit h whic h Edmun d Blu m defie d congregatio n authorities an d th e repeate d tal k aroun d tow n tha t severa l tradesme n deliberately violate d congregatio n regulation s force d th e Aufsehe r Colle gium t o reasser t it s contro l ove r Salem' s economi c activities . I t wa s suggested tha t th e Elder s Conferenc e settl e the matter onc e and fo r al l b y acting i n accordanc e wit h th e congregatio n rule s an d excludin g fro m th e Salem congregatio n thos e wh o refuse d t o compl y wit h th e regulations . The elder s o f th e congregatio n agreed , bu t onl y afte r thos e member s accused o f misconduc t wer e summone d befor e th e Aufsehe r Collegium , given a "serious " talk , an d allowe d tim e t o conside r thei r violation s an d the possible consequences. 24 In Decembe r Blu m appeared befor e th e Aufseher Collegiu m t o discuss his refusa l t o discontinu e th e trad e i n iro n an d tinwares . Blu m state d i n his defens e tha t h e wa s no t abl e t o mak e a living withou t tradin g i n iro n and ti n becaus e ther e wa s no t enoug h wor k a s a coppersmith . H e di d believe, however , tha t tradin g i n sheet-iro n ware s belonge d t o hi s trade . Blum wa s willin g t o giv e u p th e tinsmith y i f h e coul d mak e a living a s a coppersmith only . Th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m wa s apparently unimpresse d with Blum' s explanatio n an d informe d hi m tha t he would hav e to give u p the iro n an d tinsmithin g trade . E d Blu m wa s i n a difficult position . No t able t o mak e a g o o f i t a s a coppersmit h alone , h e ha d t o find anothe r means of making a living and thi s put hi m i n direct violation o f congrega tion regulations . T o violat e th e rule s mean t no t onl y riskin g th e los s o f his trad e an d hom e i n Salem , alon g wit h hi s membershi p i n th e commu nity, bu t als o his statu s a s a communicant o f the Unita s Fratrum . I n thi s way secula r orders were reinforced b y spiritua l sanction s that were sever e penalties fo r a devout membe r o f the congregation. Facin g this disastrou s

The Congregation and a Changing Economy • 4 7 consequence o f hi s actions , Edmun d Blu m decide d t o sel l hi s ti n suppl y and restric t hi s activities to the coppersmith's trade. 25

The controvers y whic h aros e ove r slaveholdin g i n Sale m wa s par t o f th e larger questio n regardin g th e rol e of individua l enterpris e i n th e commu nity. Durin g the first quarter of the nineteenth centur y ther e was growing pressure fro m sho p master s t o rela x th e slav e rule s a s a n increasin g number o f Moravians accepte d slav e labor a s important t o the prosperit y of th e trade s an d th e economi c succes s o f th e community . Throug h th e 1820s and 1830 s William Fries was repeatedly a t odds with the authoritie s because o f hi s ownershi p o f slaves . I n 182 3 Fries wa s accuse d o f keepin g two femal e slave s i n hi s Sale m hom e whic h violate d th e congregatio n rules prohibitin g th e employmen t o f slave s i n Sale m withou t th e permis sion o f th e congregatio n authorities . I n Marc h 183 1 Frie s wa s accuse d o f purchasing a femal e slav e fo r th e purpos e o f startin g " a kin d o f Negr o speculation" in Salem. Eve n after th e slave rules were relaxed i n the 1820 s to allow the hiring of slaves as day laborers , individual s lik e William Frie s who sough t a large r shar e o f economi c autonom y violate d th e slavehold ing regulations wit h increasin g frequency. 26 The Unita s Fratru m di d no t regard slaver y as , on principle, irreconcil able with church teaching s or with Christianity. Slaver y was an economi c problem rathe r tha n a theologica l issue , an d th e controvers y revolve d around th e syste m o f labo r th e congregatio n woul d use . Slave s wer e originally introduce d t o Sale m durin g th e lat e eighteent h centur y whe n free labo r di d no t mee t th e need s o f th e congregation . Throug h th e first two decades o f the nineteent h centur y slave s continued t o be used wher e free labo r wa s unwilling t o work. I n 181 1 blacksmith Henr y Sensemann , unable t o find a n apprentic e o r journeyma n t o help hi m i n hi s shop , wa s permitted b y th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m t o hir e a slav e wit h blacksmit h skills. Moravian s als o hire d slave s t o wor k a s far m laborers , domesti c servants, an d servant s i n th e loca l taver n whic h th e congregatio n owned , particularly sinc e youn g Moravian s woul d no t fill position s a s servant s which carrie d th e stigm a o f "negr o work. " A meetin g o f th e head s o f households an d sho p master s i n 181 4 recognized th e nee d t o use slaves i n these jobs becaus e "i t i s not customar y t o use white person s a s hostlers o r servants i n a tavern, an d [i t is] also impossible fo r lac k of persons wh o ar e willing to serve in these capacities." 27

48 • The Congregation and a Changing Economy Though slave s wer e allowe d i n th e communit y whe n thei r necessit y could b e demonstrated , Moravian s remaine d uncomfortabl e wit h thei r presence becaus e o f th e impac t slave s migh t hav e o n th e community . Moravians feare d tha t employin g slave s i n th e trade s migh t tak e job s from Moravia n youths . Som e Sale m artisan s responde d t o competitiv e pressures b y lowerin g th e cost s o f productio n an d employin g slave s an d apprentices instea d o f journeymen . Bu t i n th e earl y nineteent h centur y the values of the community i n conjunction wit h th e opposition o f unite d artisans prevente d othe r artisan s fro m usin g chea p source s o f labor . I n 1816 cabinetmaker J. F . Belo , exasperate d wit h trainin g apprentice s onl y to hav e the m leav e hi s emplo y whe n thei r apprenticeshi p ended , peti tioned th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m fo r permissio n t o acquire a young slav e to learn cabinetmakin g an d wor k permanentl y i n hi s shop . Th e Collegiu m took a n unambiguou s an d unyieldin g stand , declarin g tha t Belo' s pla n "would lea d t o th e rui n o f ou r economi c constitution. " Declarin g tha t i t was only righ t that a n apprentice who becomes a journeyman shoul d see k to se t u p a sho p fo r himself , th e Collegiu m conclude d tha t "anyon e wh o refuses t o take apprentices becaus e of this cannot expect us to sacrifice th e welfare o f th e whol e tow n fo r hi s benefit. " Th e administrato r o f th e congregation's lan d state d tha t i f anyon e di d wha t Bel o propose d h e would b e obligated t o cancel th e individual' s leas e and forc e hi m t o leav e town. I n 181 9 when Christia n Briet z too k i n a slav e yout h t o teac h hi m tanning, th e Collegium ordered Briet z to end the arrangement. Congrega tion authoritie s woul d no t allo w slave s t o displac e fre e labo r fro m th e trades. 28 Moravian authoritie s als o perceived i n slaver y a threat t o the moralit y of th e Moravian s an d thei r wa y o f life . Admittin g tha t th e limite d us e of slaves wa s occasionall y necessary , Moravian s believe d tha t th e presenc e of slave s i n Sale m ha d a perniciou s effec t o n th e youn g peopl e o f th e congregation. Th e authoritie s feare d tha t wit h widesprea d us e o f slav e labor i n Sale m th e youn g wome n o f th e congregatio n woul d becom e "work-shy an d ashame d o f work, " an d amon g th e youn g me n "ther e would b e increasin g difficult y i n holdin g growin g boy s t o the learnin g of a profession, i n restrictin g the m fro m dangerou s tendencies , an d i n lead ing them int o outward moralit y an d inwar d growt h i n good." I n 181 4 the heads o f household s an d sho p master s advise d member s o f the congrega tion t o consider th e "seemin g advantag e . . . and convenienc e i n keepin g Negro slaves, with the greater disadvantage to the outer an d inne r welfar e of th e congregation." 29 Consequently , th e Moravian s o f Sale m ha d t o

The Congregation and a Changing Economy • 4 9 balance th e labo r need s o f th e communit y wit h th e mora l well-bein g o f the congregation . Cognizant o f changin g condition s i n Salem , communit y meeting s be tween 181 4 an d 184 7 attempte d t o adap t th e slav e rule s an d mak e the m more relevan t t o th e socia l an d lega l realitie s o f Nort h Carolin a an d th e economic circumstance s o f Salem . Moravia n leader s coul d neve r ignor e that Nort h Carolin a la w an d custo m favore d ownershi p o f slaves . Conse quently, th e controversie s ove r slaveholdin g tha t aros e i n Sale m durin g the first hal f o f th e nineteent h centur y marke d th e continuin g effort s o f the Moravian s t o adap t thei r congregationa l cultur e t o th e societ y o f th e North Carolin a piedmont . Th e 181 4 meeting , reactin g t o th e fear s o f many Moravian s o f th e impac t o f slaver y o n th e congregatio n commu nity, first unanimousl y reaffirme d th e community' s commitmen t t o th e spirit o f th e eighteenth-centur y rul e tha t prohibite d th e ownershi p o r hiring o f slaves . The n th e meetin g redefine d th e rul e an d mad e i t mor e flexible t o mee t presen t realitie s b y allowin g exception s t o b e approve d by th e Aufsehe r Collegium , th e Elder s Conference , an d th e majorit y o f the Congregation Council . Th e meetin g opene d th e doo r a little wider t o slaveholding b y it s provisio n tha t i f necessit y i s proven , the n permissio n could b e granted t o hire, bu t no t purchase , slaves. 30 The effec t o f th e 181 4 resolutio n regardin g th e slav e rule s wa s t o encourage th e increase d employmen t o f slave s i n Salem . Betwee n 181 6 and 182 5 th e numbe r o f slave s i n Sale m increase d fro m seventy-nin e t o ninety-six. B y 1820 , however, th e increase d employmen t o f slave s i n th e trades alarme d th e Aufsehe r Collegium , whic h propose d ne w slav e rule s that addresse d th e threa t t o whit e labo r i n th e congregation . Th e Colle gium propose d tha t th e trades be practiced exclusivel y b y th e residents of Salem, tha t is , th e Moravian s o f th e Sale m congregation . Th e Congrega tion Counci l adopte d thi s proposal , wit h ne w rule s t o pu t i t int o effect , by a vote of forty-thre e t o five. The slav e rules adopte d i n 182 0 provided that n o slaves wer e t o work a s skilled labo r i n the trades , futur e petition s to emplo y a slav e i n Sale m ha d t o specif y whethe r th e slav e woul d b e owned o r hired , an d bond s ha d t o b e poste d t o guarante e tha t th e slav e would b e removed fro m Sale m if the Collegium deemed i t necessary. Th e net effec t o f th e 182 0 rule s wa s t o recogniz e th e importanc e o f slave s a s day laborer s and domestic servants . Th e ne w rule s actuall y mad e it easier to employ slave s i n Sale m a s long as the authoritie s wer e notified an d th e appropriate bond s posted. 31 The gradua l loosenin g o f th e slav e rule s encourage d greate r us e o f

50 • The Congregation and a Changing Economy slaves, whic h combine d wit h th e continue d disregar d fo r th e slav e rule s to convince many Moravia n leader s of the increasing futility o f regulatin g slave labo r i n Salem . I n Februar y 1845 , a t a meetin g o f th e Council , textile manufacture r Franci s Frie s propose d tha t al l slav e rule s b e abol ished sinc e h e believe d the y existe d onl y o n pape r an d wer e continuall y violated i n every respect . Fries' s proposal woul d pu t everyon e on an equal footing wit h himsel f an d remov e a n importan t obstacl e t o th e futur e growth o f hi s mil l b y abolishin g congregationa l regulatio n o f the numbe r of slave s h e hire d an d th e manne r i n whic h h e use d them. 32 Afte r tw o decades o f disconten t an d disregar d o f th e slav e rules , th e Congregatio n Council attempte d t o amen d th e 182 0 rules t o mak e the m confor m mor e realistically t o circumstance s i n Sale m an d draf t ne w rule s t o whic h th e townspeople woul d adhere . Thes e developments , o f course , implie d tha t the existin g slav e rule s wer e no t relevan t t o communit y need s i n th e 1840s.

Francis Frie s ha d receive d specia l permissio n i n 183 9 to employ slave s as unskilled laborer s i n hi s textile mill , thoug h authoritie s initiall y balke d at Fries' s request . Frie s ha d tol d bot h th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m an d th e Elders Conferenc e tha t th e wor k don e i n hi s Sale m mil l woul d b e don e by laborer s who merely tende d th e machines while the weaving would b e done on his father's far m outsid e of Salem. Frie s convinced th e authoritie s that th e slave s i n the mil l woul d b e filling the sam e positions the y alway s had a s unskilled an d semiskille d laborers . Hence , accordin g t o Fries , hi s proposal di d no t violat e th e congregation' s rul e tha t n o slav e wa s t o b e employed i n Sale m i n a trade for th e purpose of pursuing or learning tha t trade. I n thei r searc h fo r workabl e compromis e th e authoritie s foun d thi s explanation satisfactor y an d agree d tha t Frie s wa s no t i n violatio n o f th e 1820 regulations. Bu t th e Elder s Conferenc e feare d tha t th e operatio n o f the mil l wit h slav e labor woul d se t a precedent fo r othe r proprietor s wh o would wan t t o us e slave s rathe r tha n th e town' s youn g peopl e i n thei r trades. Congregatio n authoritie s wer e carefu l t o note , however , tha t th e permission grante d Frie s wa s no t t o b e considere d a precedent an d the y reaffirmed th e existing slav e rules. Frie s wante d t o make better us e of th e labor o f severa l youn g slave s growing u p o n hi s father' s far m wh o "wer e not earnin g thei r boar d there. " Bu t a s soo n a s h e wa s financially able , Fries began to buy slave s of his own. 33 Ironically, Fries' s tur n t o slav e labo r wa s a respons e t o th e Aufsehe r Collegium denying him permission to build boardin g houses for the whit e operatives h e hope d t o emplo y i n hi s mill . Congregatio n authoritie s b y

The Congregation and a Changing Economy • 5 1 the earl y 1840 s ha d seriou s reservation s abou t th e influ x o f mor e non Moravians int o Salem, bu t the Aufseher Collegiu m denied th e applicatio n for fea r o f establishing a precedent i f the rule s wer e waived t o permit on e member o f th e congregatio n t o construct house s o n hi s property fo r non Moravian workers. Man y in Salem , however , correctl y interprete d Fries' s proposal a s servin g Fries' s privat e interest s and , afte r a discussion whic h included a consideration o f the possibl e harmfu l impac t o f slaver y o n th e community, vote d dow n th e proposa l forty-on e t o nine . However , tw o weeks late r th e Congregatio n Counci l addresse d th e slav e rules agai n an d took a firm stand i n favor o f slave labor i n Sale m i n rejecting a resolution, by a vot e o f thirty-si x t o three , tha t n o mor e slaves , owne d o r hired , b e brought int o Salem. 34 For the Moravians 184 5 was a critical year. A s the votes in the Congregation Counci l demonstrate , th e congregatio n wa s divide d ove r th e issu e of slav e labo r i n Salem . A majorit y i n th e congregatio n favore d th e regulated us e o f slave s i n th e town , whil e a n influentia l minorit y le d b y Francis Frie s advocate d th e unregulate d us e o f slav e labor . Stil l a smal l minority remaine d agains t an y slave s i n Salem . Whe n i n Februar y 184 5 the Congregation Counci l reaffirme d th e 182 0 slave rules five members of the Collegium , al l o f who m favore d littl e o r n o regulatio n o f slaves , resigned fro m th e Collegium . Betwee n 184 5 an d 184 7 fe w slaveholder s agreed t o serv e o n th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m wher e the y woul d hav e t o enforce th e slav e rules . Exasperate d b y th e futilit y o f attemptin g t o amend th e slav e rule s t o pleas e th e majorit y o f th e community , an d frustrated b y the continued disregar d fo r th e rules, the Elders Conferenc e turned t o th e centra l governin g bod y o f th e Unita s Fratrum , th e Unit y Elders Conference i n Berthelsdorf, Germany , fo r it s opinion o n the slav e issue an d fo r advic e on ho w th e congregatio n rule s coul d b e enforced. I n July 184 5 th e Unit y Elder s Conferenc e replie d tha t th e Aufsehe r Colle gium, th e Elder s Conference , an d th e Congregatio n Counci l o f Sale m should stan d firm wit h th e congregatio n rule s an d mee t violation s o f th e rules wit h th e terminatio n o f leases . Th e Elder s Conferenc e i n Salem , i n accordance wit h th e recommendation s fro m th e Unit y Elder s Confer ence, admonishe d th e Collegium t o enforce th e rules firmly. 35 The instruction s o f th e Unit y Elder s Conferenc e temporaril y defuse d the slav e rule s controversy . However , activ e consideratio n o f th e issu e was revive d a t a meetin g o f th e Congregatio n Counci l i n January 1847 , when a proposa l wa s offere d t o abolis h th e slav e rule s o f 1820 . B y thi s proposal anybod y woul d b e abl e t o emplo y an y numbe r o f slave s i n

52 • The Congregation and a Changing Economy Salem withou t havin g t o pos t bonds . Sinc e th e congregatio n retaine d some control over the conduct of residents by the lease agreements house holders signe d whic h obligate d the m t o abid e b y th e decision s o f th e Aufseher Collegiu m an d th e Elder s Conference , th e congregatio n board s still coul d se t guideline s tha t determine d ho w slave s migh t b e employe d and thos e slaveholders wh o did no t abide by the decisions could los e their leases. The board s coul d stil l regulate the participation o f slaves in trade s and expe l slave s fo r misconduct , bu t thos e wh o wante d t o ow n o r hir e slaves n o longe r neede d th e prio r permissio n o f th e Aufsehe r Collegium . The proposa l passe d th e January 8 meeting o f th e Congregatio n Counci l by a vote of twenty-three t o one. A second meetin g however reveale d th e deep divisions i n the congregation regardin g the slaver y issue . With mor e townspeople i n attendanc e th e resolutio n wa s sustained , bu t b y a close r margin, i n a vot e o f thirty-on e t o twenty . B y th e 1840s , however , th e community consensu s regardin g th e employmen t o f slave s i n Sale m wa s changing a s Moravia n shopkeeper s cam e t o believ e tha t th e freedo m t o own an d emplo y slave s i n th e workshop s o f Sale m wa s critica l t o eco nomic expansion i n the community. Henc e wit h the eventual abolitio n of the rule s pertainin g t o slaveholdin g i n Salem , th e Moravian s purchase d entrepreneurial freedo m wit h a greater commitmen t t o slav e labor a s th e change i n the slav e rules allowe d Moravia n slaveholder s mor e freedo m t o own an d emplo y slaves . Franci s Frie s turne d increasingl y t o slav e labo r in hi s mil l afterwards . Force d t o rel y mor e heavil y o n slave s i n hi s mill , Fries b y 185 0 owned twenty-thre e slave s an d te n year s late r th e F . an d H. Frie s Compan y owne d forty-seven . Thus , slave s mad e u p abou t one half o f Fries' s mil l wor k force. 36 Fo r Frie s th e slav e rule s ha d bee n a n impediment t o the operation o f his woolen mill . The experienc e of the Moravian communit y o f Salem points to contradictions i n antebellu m souther n society . B y th e lat e antebellu m perio d the "tentacle s o f capitalism " wer e grippin g man y area s o f th e South , bringing ne w way s o f thinking an d actin g an d a new worl d view. Amon g those Sale m artisan s an d incipien t entrepreneurs , lik e Francis Fries , wh o challenged th e congregation' s regulatio n o f slaveholdin g an d le d t o th e revision of the slave rules, there was a growing commitment t o the libera l values o f individua l freedom , privat e propert y rights , an d th e pursui t o f personal economi c opportunitie s fre e o f externa l restraint s a t th e sam e time a s ther e wa s a greate r commitmen t t o slavery . Th e individual' s unrestrained righ t t o own slave s was a driving forc e i n th e refor m o f th e congregational orde r i n Salem . Franci s Frie s demonstrated th e belief tha t

The Congregation and a Changing Economy • 5 3 the unregulate d freedo m t o ow n an d emplo y slave s i n pursui t o f profit s represented th e freedo m t o us e one's propert y withou t interferenc e fro m other individual s o r congregationa l agencies . Henc e Frie s di d no t regar d his propert y right s i n hi s slave s a s conditional o n th e rule s o f the congre gation; rathe r the y represente d absolut e propert y right s whic h wer e nec essary fo r profitabl e busines s enterprise . Fo r Fries the commitment t o the unregulated ownershi p an d employmen t o f slave s mean t tha t hi s individ ual right s wer e primar y whil e dut y o r obligatio n t o th e rule s o f th e congregation wa s secondary. 37 I n challenging the slave rules Francis Frie s attempted t o establish th e precondition s fo r entrepreneuria l success i n a n economy tha t wa s becoming increasingl y marke t directed . Once th e slav e regulations wer e abolished , i t wa s easier fo r shopkeep ers to question th e efficacy o f other aspect s o f the congregational orde r i n Salem, i n particula r thos e rule s tha t regulate d trade . I n a discussio n i n December 183 7 tha t resulte d fro m th e decisio n t o tur n ove r th e tw o congregation store s t o individual s t o b e ru n a s privat e enterprises , th e Aufseher Collegiu m considere d whethe r Sale m citizen s wer e permitte d to open store s "on thei r ow n ris k and account " after th e two congregatio n stores ha d bee n sold . Th e congregatio n regulations , whic h al l adult mal e members o f th e congregatio n ha d signe d an d wer e thu s oblige d t o obey , stated tha t "nobod y i s permitte d t o carr y o n a trad e o f an y kin d o r an y other busines s withou t havin g reporte d hi s intentions , way s an d means , his limit s etc . t o th e Collegiu m an d th e Elder s Conference , an d ha s obtained permissio n b y bot h conferences. " Th e Collegiu m believe d tha t up unti l thi s tim e th e rule s ha d bee n observed , thoug h wit h som e diffi culty i n recen t year s a s Willia m Fries' s behavio r illustrates . Th e Colle gium maintaine d tha t i t wa s obligate d t o safeguar d th e righ t o f eac h Brother wh o ha d establishe d himsel f i n hi s trade , an d wh o woul d suffe r great los s if too many Brethre n wer e permitted t o establish themselve s i n the sam e trade . Bu t wit h Salem' s deepe r embeddednes s i n a regiona l market, th e regulation s becam e a symbol o f a past er a whe n th e commu nity wa s a congregation wit h a mission i n th e wilderness . A n alternativ e for a n artisa n wh o wa s no t prosperin g i n hi s trad e wa s t o abando n th e trade fo r a more lucrativ e endeavor . Som e Sale m craftsme n realize d tha t there wer e greate r profit s t o b e mad e i n merchandisin g tha n i n artisana l production, a s the experience of Edward Bel o demonstrated. I n July 184 0 Edward Belo , a joiner, petitione d th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m fo r permissio n to ope n a dry-goods store . Th e authoritie s realize d tha t Bel o wa s appar ently havin g som e difficult y makin g a livin g a t hi s trade , bu t the y wer e

54 • The Congregation and a Changing Economy concerned tha t i f Bel o opene d a stor e h e woul d probabl y har m th e business o f th e alread y establishe d shopkeeper s who , i n self-defense , would begi n t o sell article s reserve d fo r th e artisans . Suc h a developmen t would furthe r undermin e th e "goo d ol d order " o f eac h trad e operatin g within it s establishe d bounds . Th e questio n o f Belo' s applicatio n wa s presented t o a conferenc e o f th e shopowner s o f Sale m becaus e o f th e interest severa l maste r craftsme n ha d i n it s outcome . Th e conferenc e advised th e Aufseher Collegiu m tha t th e stor e had t o be considered o n a n equal footin g wit h th e othe r trade s an d tha t merchant s a s wel l a s othe r tradesmen woul d hav e t o keep within th e bound s o f their trade s t o avoi d harming eac h other' s business . Th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m ha d t o conside r also whethe r anothe r stor e coul d exis t i n Salem . Sinc e i t wa s believe d that th e tow n coul d suppor t anothe r stor e an d tha t Bel o woul d no t hav e to borrow muc h capita l t o begin business , the authorities consented , wit h the condition s tha t Bel o giv e u p hi s joine r trad e an d no t ente r int o a partnership wit h an y strange r o r perso n livin g outsid e o f th e com munity. ° Because Salem' s artisan s an d entrepreneurs , lik e Willia m Frie s an d his so n Francis , sough t a n unfettere d freedo m t o respon d t o economi c opportunities an d pursu e profits , i t wa s quit e apparen t t o a growin g number o f Moravian s tha t th e ol d regulation s woul d hav e to b e modifie d or abandoned i f the town's economy wa s to adjust t o the emerging marke t economy. I n Januar y 184 9 th e congregatio n authoritie s face d u p t o th e changing economi c condition s tha t mad e Salem' s specia l wa y o f life diffi cult t o maintain . A s th e Congregatio n Counci l considere d th e efficac y o f the rule s governing th e trade s i n the community, i t recognized tha t thos e rules, broke n repeatedl y i n recen t years , ha d becom e littl e mor e tha n a dead letter . Th e Counci l als o understoo d tha t "presen t da y conditions " made i t difficul t t o enforc e th e rule s withou t causin g grea t hardshi p fo r many member s o f th e community . Th e Counci l sa w that , i n part , thi s state o f affair s resulte d fro m th e increase d availabilit y o f manufacture d goods which coul d b e sold more cheaply tha n loca l artisans could produc e them. Consequently , man y item s were availabl e in Sale m an d th e nearb y countryside whic h wer e produce d i n factories , wherea s onc e the y coul d only hav e bee n th e produc t o f a "specialize d trade"—tha t is , a n artisa n shop. Give n thi s stat e o f affairs , a citizens ' committe e propose d th e abolition o f th e trad e regulations . Whe n th e Congregatio n Counci l con sidered th e regulations , fort y o f th e fifty congregatio n member s presen t voted t o abolis h al l th e rule s regulatin g th e conduc t o f th e trade s an d t o

The Congregation and a Changing Economy • 5 5 guarantee complet e freedo m o f trade . Thus , individual s wh o wishe d t o open a sho p i n Sale m n o longe r neede d th e permissio n o f th e Aufsehe r Collegium an d th e Elders Conference. 39 The abolitio n o f the trade rules allowe d som e Sale m craftsmen t o tur n to the mor e profitable busines s of merchandising. B y 185 0 the number o f merchants i n Sale m ha d doubled , risin g fro m thre e i n 184 0 t o six . Th e significance o f thes e ne w merchant s i s demonstrate d b y thei r rol e a s middlemen i n commercia l relation s betwee n producer s an d consumers . Increasingly, b y mid-century , th e peopl e o f Sale m an d th e neighborin g countryside turne d t o merchant s wh o offered a wide variet y o f goods fo r cash sal e or barter . Sale m merchant s Bone r an d Crist , Edwar d Belo , an d A. T . Zevel y offere d resident s o f Sale m and th e neighboring countrysid e a wid e assortmen t o f good s whic h no t s o lon g before ha d bee n acquire d from loca l artisan s o r mad e i n th e home . Advertisement s i n th e Sale m People's Press illustrat e th e growin g sophisticatio n i n consume r taste s an d the deman d fo r mor e luxur y goods . I n Septembe r 185 1 Edwar d Bel o advertised sprin g and summe r good s "which hav e been selected . . . i n all the importan t consideration s o f quality , style , an d prices. " Belo' s stoc k included "Gentlemen's , Youth' s an d Boy s wear " suc h a s "Frenc h ves t o f [English], Belgia n an d America n cloth s o f al l grade s an d colors ; Cassi meres, Sattinets , Tweeds , Jeans, Frenc h an d Englis h Dra b D'Etes , cassi merettes . . . Satin, silk , marseille s an d cotto n vesting s . . . silk and line n [handkerchiefs]; fanc y an d plai n silk , line n an d cotto n cravat s an d ties. " For women , Bel o offered "Ladie s Dres s Goods" of "Great variety , whic h in point of magnificence, qualit y an d richnes s of style, stands unrivalled. " The stoc k include d "ric h chamelio n black , mod e an d fanc y colore d silk , foulard an d Florenc e silk, sil k poplins and lustr e . . . high colored, taney , figured an d plai n Thibe t cloth s mohai r lustre , mou-li n d e lain s . . . " T o satisfy a growin g deman d fo r well-mad e stylis h good s fro m th e North , the firm o f Bone r an d Cris t advertise d a "large , fashionabl e an d varie d stock o f Fal l an d Winte r Goods " receive d direc t fro m Ne w York , Phila delphia, an d Baltimore . Bone r an d Cris t offere d it s customer s no t onl y "Ready-made clothing " bu t als o " A Larg e Stoc k o f China , Glas s an d Queens ware, Hardware , Cutler y . . . and Norther n Castings." 40 By th e lat e 1840 s th e majorit y o f adul t mal e member s o f th e commu nity wer e ready t o change the rule s o n slaveholdin g an d th e congregatio n regulation o f busines s activities . Som e o f th e town' s ambitiou s sho p masters recognize d ne w opportunitie s i n th e broade r marke t whic h stretched beyon d Stoke s County . Th e entrepreneuria l spiri t tha t empha -

56 • The Congregation and a Changing Economy sized innovation and profit seekin g was evident in Charles Brietz, Edwar d Belo, an d Franci s Frie s wh o i n 184 5 resigne d fro m th e Aufsehe r Colle gium ove r th e enforcemen t o f th e slav e rules . Thes e entrepreneur s en gaged i n varie d busines s activitie s fo r th e purpos e o f makin g profit s fo r themselves. Brietz , als o a slaveowner , wa s a tanne r wh o b y 185 0 ha d expanded int o shoemaking . Belo , a cabinetmaker , owne d a foundry , a n oil mill, an d a dry-goods store . I n 185 0 Belo owned fou r slaves , which h e increased t o eleve n b y i860 . B y 185 9 Bel o wa s reporte d t o b e wort h between $40,00 0 an d $50,00 0 an d t o ow n rea l estat e value d a t abou t $10,000. Franci s Frie s owned an d operated a textile mill that wa s capitalized a t $55,40 0 an d employe d forty-seve n operatives , a s wel l a s a pape r mill, a tannery , an d a genera l store . I n 184 7 Frie s wa s liste d i n th e ta x rolls a s the owne r o f tw o lot s i n Sale m value d a t $4,50 0 an d nin e slaves . In 185 9 h e wa s reporte d b y th e R . G . Du n an d Compan y t o b e wort h between $75,00 0 an d $100,000 . Frie s too k a leadin g rol e i n promotin g transportation improvement s tha t connecte d Sale m t o th e regiona l an d national markets . Frie s wa s on e of th e "prim e movers " who initiate d an d built th e Fayettevill e an d Wester n Railroa d whic h connecte d Sale m t o Fayetteville o n th e Cap e Fea r River . H e wa s a n origina l investo r i n an d director o f th e Nort h Carolin a Railroa d i n th e 1850s . Franci s Fries' s attitude towar d lif e provide s insigh t int o a way o f thinking tha t diverge d radically fro m th e communa l etho s o f Christia n brotherhoo d th e Mora vians valued. Hi s was an attitude of complete self-absorption an d individ ualism. Frie s wrote : I ow e m y succes s i n busines s t o economy , unceasin g perseveranc e an d industry i n givin g t o ever y detai l m y persona l attention . Earl y i n lif e I never attende d t o anything tha t I did no t conside r m y ow n busines s . . . nor t o loo k afte r publi c matters , no r th e concern s o f individuals , furthe r than the y wer e i n connectio n wit h m y ow n affairs . I relie d o n myself , I depended upon myself, I took care of myself.41 Those shopkeeper s wh o challenged th e congregational rule s tha t regu lated trad e i n Sale m wo n increasin g suppor t fro m th e congregation' s young men . I n th e 1820 s an d 1830 s Willia m Frie s an d Joh n C . Blu m were repeatedl y electe d t o th e Aufsehe r Collegium , an d i n th e 1840 s Francis Frie s emerge d a s th e respecte d leade r o f th e younge r me n i n th e community. Thos e wh o challenged th e congregation's regulatio n o f trad e expressed th e frustratio n o f th e youn g me n wh o sa w fe w prospect s fo r

The Congregation and a Changing Economy • 5 7 themselves i n Salem . Man y o f them believe d tha t th e trade rules impede d their opportunit y t o establish themselve s a s proprietors an d householder s in the congregation . Durin g th e lat e 1820 s and 1830 s many youn g Mora vians were forced t o leave Salem due to the lack of opportunities fo r the m there and emigrate to other communities. Singl e Brother Charles Kramer , who worke d a s a journeyman saddlemake r i n the sho p of Henr y Herbst , was force d t o leav e Sale m i n th e fal l o f 182 9 and g o to nearby Lexingto n to find wor k i n hi s trade whe n Herbs t coul d n o longer emplo y him . Th e Aeltesten Conferenz lamente d tha t on completion of their apprenticeship s many o f the congregation's youn g me n experience d difficult y i n finding a position a s a journeyman i n a Salem sho p and wer e forced t o "go out int o the worl d an d ar e los t t o the congregation. " Th e situatio n continue d int o the 1840s . Betwee n 183 8 to 184 7 onl y 4 0 percen t o f Salem' s apprentice s listed i n th e congregationa l record s remaine d i n th e tow n workin g a s journeymen o r master s i n th e trade s t o whic h the y apprenticed . Th e situation wa s frustratin g fo r th e youn g me n i n th e congregatio n an d during th e mid-i83o s tha t frustratio n erupte d int o open oppositio n t o th e elders of the congregation. I n January 183 4 the youn g me n caucuse d an d put togethe r a slate of candidates whic h the y supporte d fo r electio n to the Aufseher Collegium . Thei r ticke t carrie d th e da y an d th e incumbents , with th e exception o f Henry Leinbach , wer e turned out , whil e new men , among the m Franci s Fries , wer e pu t o n th e Collegium. 42 Thos e newl y elected tende d t o b e younge r member s o f th e congregatio n a s wel l a s shopkeepers wh o ha d i n the past challenged th e regulation o f business activity. Of course , no t everyon e i n Sale m embrace d th e ne w orde r tha t wa s emerging i n the community durin g th e 1830 s and 1840s . Other Moravia n artisans i n th e community , however , uncomfortabl e wit h th e marke t economy an d it s etho s o f risk-takin g privat e acquisitiveness , remaine d loyal t o the specia l wa y o f lif e o f the Moravia n congregatio n tha t empha sized harmony, brotherhood , an d th e subordination o f private interests t o the common well-bein g o f the congregation. After th e resolutio n abolish ing the slav e rules passed , a number o f townspeopl e attendin g th e meet ing of th e Counci l expresse d thei r belie f tha t matter s i n th e congregatio n town ha d degenerate d t o the point tha t "man y Brethre n le t themselves b e guided merel y b y thei r ow n privat e interests , an d tha t therefor e every body object s stubbornl y t o an y regulation , whic h woul d hampe r hi s private interests. " Th e ministe r o f th e Sale m congregatio n praye d that , "We ma y throug h grac e kee p i n vie w th e hig h goa l o f our callin g t o be a

58 • The Congregation and a Changing Economy congregation o f Jesus whic h first act s accordin g t o th e kingdo m o f Go d and hi s righteousness . . . and ma y no t judg e merel y fro m worldl y inter est." Henr y Leinbac h spok e eloquentl y fo r thos e wh o oppose d th e changes occurring in Salem and who hoped t o preserve the congregationa l way o f life . Th e tension s tha t rende d th e congregationa l communit y during thes e year s a s wel l a s hi s father' s financial trouble s prompte d Leinbach t o commen t i n 183 4 tha t "i t appear s ther e i s littl e lov e amon g us an y mor e [sic], indee d I strongl y suspec t tha t a s a communion w e wil l not hol d togethe r long . . . . Times ar e hard , an d man y peopl e d o no t d o as the y wis h other s t o d o unt o them. " Leinbac h understoo d th e essenc e of th e transformatio n tha t wa s comin g ove r man y Moravian s i n Sale m and observe d tha t "wher e mone y come s i n play , ou r Brotherl y lov e forsakes u s immediately." 43 Thi s tellin g indictmen t o f th e communit y revealed th e changin g etho s tha t directe d th e live s o f a growing numbe r of Moravians i n Salem . In contras t t o William Frie s an d hi s so n Francis , Henr y Leinbac h an d the townspeopl e wh o expresse d thei r concer n fo r th e change s tha t oc curred i n Sale m represente d a commitmen t t o th e ol d orde r tha t value d the sens e o f a specia l communit y unite d b y a singl e visio n o f brotherl y love an d th e subordinatio n o f privat e interest s t o th e missio n o f th e congregation—the servic e o f God . Leinbac h remaine d a shoemaker , working alongside hi s journeymen an d farmin g hi s fifty-one acre s outsid e of Salem . A ma n o f modes t wealth , h e neve r owne d a slave. Alon g wit h a decreasing minorit y o f townspeople i n Sale m a t mid-century , Leinbac h was no t le d merel y b y th e pursui t o f financial gain , thoug h financial security fo r hi s famil y wa s no t unimportant , bu t h e continue d t o kee p before hi m a sense o f an d a commitment t o wha t h e believe d wer e mor e important socia l an d cultura l goals. 44 Embracin g a precapitalist mentalit e that value d securit y an d independenc e an d abhorre d unnecessar y ris k i n the pursui t o f profits , Henr y Leinbac h value d th e lov e an d harmon y o f the congregationa l communit y mor e tha n th e profit s an d wealt h o f capi talist busines s endeavor tha t drove William an d Franci s Fries . Salem wa s changin g rapidl y afte r 1825 , movin g fro m th e theocrati c congregation villag e united b y a single religious ideal and socia l ethos to a secular commercia l tow n caugh t u p i n a n extensiv e tradin g network . B y the lat e 1840s , a consensu s ha d emerge d i n Sale m tha t fundamenta l changes i n th e characte r o f th e communit y wer e due . Divisiv e tension s over the regulation o f trade and limit s on the ownership an d employmen t of slave s i n th e villag e shop s generate d th e energ y fo r fundamenta l

The Congregation and a Changing Economy • 5 9 changes i n th e Moravia n community . Promotin g individua l autonom y a t the expens e o f communa l values , Salem' s artisan s sough t t o remov e eco nomic activity fro m congregationa l regulatio n s o that the individual migh t utilize capital , land , an d labo r a s economic condition s demanded , a free dom tha t wa s essentia l fo r capitalis t economi c development . Thes e arti sans reacte d t o th e emergenc e o f a marke t econom y b y questionin g th e efficacy o f th e traditiona l wa y o f lif e i n a congregationa l community . Leading thi s transformatio n t o a ne w mora l econom y wit h ne w way s o f behavior wer e th e town' s ambitiou s shopowner s an d entrepreneur s lik e William Fries, Francis Fries, and Edwar d Belo ; their identit y a s Moravian was complemented b y an awareness of themselves as autonomous individ uals driven by their ambition to acquire private wealth. I n the communit y that wa s emergin g b y mid-century , th e marke t assume d greate r impor tance tha n congregationa l agencie s a s a n instrumen t o f socia l disciplin e and characte r modification , producin g individual s wh o wer e rationa l an d calculating i n pursui t o f profits. 45 Takin g thei r cu e fro m th e market , these me n looke d t o ne w money-makin g venture s b y whic h t o increas e their wealth .

C H A P T E R

T H R E

E

Manufacturing and Community in Salem

A s the Moravians considered th e efficacy o f congregational regulatio n / % o f busines s affairs , severa l o f th e ambitiou s entrepreneur s o f JL J L Salem , amon g the m Franci s Fries , Joh n Christia n Blum , an d Edward Belo , sa w a new futur e fo r th e community i n textile manufactur ing. Thes e me n advocate d th e establishmen t o f a mil l an d mad e th e initial capita l investment . B y investin g i n Salem' s firs t textil e mil l thes e entrepreneurs expresse d a n earl y confidenc e i n manufacturin g an d a deeper involvemen t i n a n econom y tha t extende d beyon d th e boundarie s of Sale m an d it s neighborhood . Lik e the contemporaneou s effor t t o limi t church contro l o f economic activity, th e mill-building campaign i n Sale m was a respons e t o ne w challenge s an d th e pursui t o f ne w opportunities . Driven b y th e need t o revitalize the village economy i n the 1830s , promi nent Moravian s i n Sale m responde d t o popula r claim s i n th e Sout h tha t textile manufacturing offere d impressiv e profits a s well as the opportunit y to stimulat e th e laggin g econom y o f th e region. 1 Th e decisio n t o buil d a textile mil l i n Sale m ha d a profound effec t o n th e Moravia n communit y as th e introductio n o f textil e manufacturin g brough t larg e number s o f non-Moravians int o th e communit y an d eventuall y altere d th e commu nity cultur e of Salem . During th e early summe r o f 183 6 several of the townspeopl e o f Sale m pondered whethe r a cotton factory migh t brin g greater prosperit y t o their community. Thos e Moravians with the financial resources to invest in the stock o f a textil e mil l wer e lure d b y th e expectatio n o f handsom e divi dends, especiall y a s cotton prices after th e mid-i830s plunged . Acros s th e 60

Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 6 1 South a s th e pric e o f cotto n fel l entrepreneur s seeking ne w investmen t opportunities wer e lure d t o manufacturin g b y improvin g transportatio n facilities tha t mad e th e movemen t o f manufacture d article s les s costly, a s well a s b y th e hig h price s fo r textiles , an d capita l bega n t o flow int o textile mills. 2 I n Salem , mil l advocate s argue d tha t th e propose d textil e mill offered importan t benefit s t o the community, especiall y as mill hand s with cas h i n thei r pocket s fro m th e regula r wage s earne d i n th e mil l brought relie f fo r th e depresse d trade s i n th e community . Severa l well attended meeting s of interested investor s wer e held i n June an d article s of association wer e draw n up . A committe e wa s appointe d t o loo k int o th e proposal further, secur e additional informatio n abou t a spinning mill, an d consider a prospectiv e sit e fo r th e mill . Th e committe e locate d wha t i t believed wa s th e bes t sit e for th e mil l i n a field just wes t o f Sale m besid e the recently lai d out Shallowfor d Stree t which it hoped migh t be acquired from th e congregatio n an d hel d i n fe e simpl e (i.e. , legall y purchased ) rather tha n o n lease. 3 The congregatio n authoritie s move d cautiousl y durin g th e summe r and fal l o f 183 6 o n th e mil l proposal . Thoug h war y o f th e preceden t established b y allowin g th e mil l t o hol d propert y i n th e congregatio n town i n fe e simple, th e Aufseher Collegiu m relente d an d offere d tw o an d one-half acre s o n th e propose d sit e wes t o f th e tow n t o b e hel d i n fee simple . Congregatio n authoritie s regarde d thi s a s a n extraordinar y arrangement an d no t a precedent, sinc e the factory wa s meant t o promot e trade i n Salem . However , th e congregatio n authoritie s believe d i t wis e that th e Congregatio n Diacon y shoul d maintai n firm contro l ove r th e mill b y acquirin g substantia l stoc k i n th e company . Whe n th e Sale m Manufacturing Compan y mad e it s original issu e of 25 0 shares o f stoc k a t $200 a share , Theodor e Shulz , th e warde n o f th e congregation , sub scribed fo r on e hundre d share s i n th e congregation' s nam e whic h mad e the Sale m Congregatio n Diacon y th e larges t stockholder . Th e balanc e of the stoc k wa s acquire d b y twenty-nin e citizen s o f Salem . Amon g th e largest shareholder s i n Salem' s first industria l ventur e wer e plante r an d physician Dr . Frederi c Schuman , printe r Joh n Blum , joine r an d mer chant Edwar d Belo , William Fries , an d Franci s Fries. 4 Not al l members o f the community wer e enthusiastic abou t th e mil l as some villagers were not convinced o f the benefits o f textile manufacturin g in Salem . Instead , the y regarde d th e mil l as a threat t o the Moravian wa y of life , fearin g th e mill' s impac t o n th e moralit y an d institution s o f the communit y a s larg e number s o f non-Moravian s woul d com e a s mil l

6i • Manufacturing and Community in Salem operatives. Th e creatio n o f a manufacturin g enterpris e unde r privat e control an d largel y independen t o f congregational directio n provide d fur ther evidenc e t o some that th e specia l Moravian congregatio n communit y was changing forever . Thes e concern s foun d officia l expressio n i n a resolution passe d b y th e Elder s Conferenc e i n Novembe r 183 7 a s th e Sale m Manufacturing Compan y mil l wa s abou t t o open . Sinc e th e mil l wa s located o n lan d hel d i n fe e simpl e adjacent t o the congregation villag e th e Elders feare d tha t "grea t hindrance s coul d accru e t o th e observanc e o f our Congregatio n Regulation s an d Congregatio n Discipline. " Addressin g these fears th e Aufseher Collegiu m inserte d int o the deed transferrin g th e land t o SM C a clause, "tha t nothin g i s to be permitted o n the premises of the cotto n factor y whic h i s counte r t o th e lette r an d th e spiri t o f th e Congregation Regulation s o f th e settlemen t o f Salem." 5 Oppositio n t o textile manufacturin g i n Sale m wa s muc h lik e initia l oppositio n t o th e early mill s i n othe r communities . Rura l communitie s i n Massachusett s were ambivalen t towar d earl y mill s a s man y townspeopl e no t employe d in th e mill s sa w th e manufacturin g establishment s imposin g "nove l an d unpleasant pressure s o n thei r lives. " In Salem , however , th e proponent s of textile manufacturin g an d th e mil l owner s wer e member s o f the Mora vian congregation , an d th e mil l wa s regarde d b y mos t a s promotin g the community' s economi c interests . S o loca l antagonism s ove r issue s regarding the mill were generally muted , thoug h ther e were some controversies over the mill's use of slaves, water, an d woodlands. 6 Despite thi s ambivalenc e ther e wa s enthusias m fo r benefit s th e mil l supposedly offere d th e community . Thi s enthusias m enable d th e stock holders o f th e Sale m Manufacturin g Compan y t o accumulat e a capita l investment o f $50,00 0 an d se t ou t t o buil d a mill i n th e summe r an d fal l of 1836 . Th e buildin g committe e appointe d b y th e stockholder s initiall y sent inquirie s t o machiner y manufacturer s i n Baltimore , Paterson , Ne w Jersey, an d Pittsburg h concernin g steam-drive n machiner y fo r th e mill . On Augus t 6 th e buildin g committe e sen t Franci s Frie s nort h t o gathe r information o n th e equipmen t th e mil l require d an d th e machiner y avail able. Th e committe e gav e Fries $72.50 for dow n payment s o n machiner y and instruction s t o selec t a steam engin e of sufficien t powe r t o run 2,16 0 spindles an d thirty-fiv e looms . Frie s was instructed t o go to Petersburg t o gather al l possible information fro m th e mills there which migh t b e usefu l for th e Sale m mill , includin g recommendation s o f engin e manufacturer s and machinists . Franci s Frie s returne d t o Sale m i n lat e Septembe r an d presented t o the buildin g committe e contract s h e ha d mad e i n th e north .

Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 6 3 Fries had engaged th e firm of Goodwin Clark e and Company o f Paterson , New Jersey , fo r textil e machinery . H e ha d negotiate d a contrac t wit h Watchman an d Brat t o f Baltimor e fo r a stea m engin e wit h powe r suffi cient t o drive two thousand spindle s an d fro m thirt y t o forty looms. 7 After a year o f constructio n unde r th e directio n o f Franci s Fries , wh o became th e superintendent , th e mil l wa s almos t read y t o begin operatio n in the fall of 1837 , and the building committee began recruiting operative s for th e mill . Th e skille d me n neede d t o se t th e machiner y i n operatio n and supervis e th e operative s wh o tende d th e throstle s an d loom s wer e engaged first. Dependen t o n th e expertis e o f skille d machinist s fro m th e North, ther e bein g fe w southerner s wit h thi s skill , SM C wrot e t o it s contacts amon g th e norther n merchant s an d machiner y manufacturer s requesting the names of men who were likely candidates to be supervisor s in th e mill . Th e boar d o f director s hire d Thoma s Siddall , a highl y recommended Englishma n workin g a s a carde r i n Philadelphia , a s th e principal machinist . Th e boar d o f director s offere d Siddal l a two-yea r contract wit h a salar y o f $90 0 a yea r plu s $10 0 a yea r fo r board . I n October Siddal l arrive d i n Sale m wit h hi s famil y an d se t abou t installin g the machinery . Siddal l recognize d immediatel y hi s importanc e t o SMC , and fro m th e beginnin g h e wa s abl e t o us e hi s knowledg e o f textil e manufacturing an d th e threa t o f withholdin g tha t knowledg e t o improv e his situatio n wit h th e mill . Whe n hi s contrac t expire d i n 184 0 the boar d of directors wa s anxious t o keep Siddall . I n hi s new contrac t th e boar d o f directors gav e Siddal l fifteen share s o f stoc k no t onl y t o kee p hi m wit h SMC bu t "als o i n orde r t o caus e hi m t o fee l i f possibl e a mor e livel y interest i n the welfare o f the company." 8 On Novembe r 29 , 1837 , th e SM C mil l spu n it s first yarn . I n th e beginning, whe n al l o f th e machiner y o n han d wa s pu t int o operation , the mill ran 1,03 2 spindle s turning of f abou t five hundred pound s of yar n per da y o r thre e thousan d pound s pe r wee k an d employe d abou t thirty five to fort y operatives . Th e SM C mil l wa s muc h lik e man y mill s tha t opened i n th e Carolina s durin g th e 1830s , three - o r four-stor y bric k buildings spinnin g yar n an d weavin g some cloth fo r a regional market . I n 1840 th e Sale m mil l ra n tw o thousan d spindle s an d wa s capitalize d a t $53,000. B y contrast, th e average North Carolin a mil l ran 1,91 7 spindles , employed forty-nin e hands , an d wa s capitalized a t $39,812 . Th e averag e New Englan d mil l operate d 2,22 2 spindles , employe d sixty-nin e opera tives, an d wa s capitalize d a t $51,827 . I n 1849 , afte r eleve n year s o f operation, th e SM C mil l wa s capitalize d a t $80,000 , ra n twenty-fiv e

64 • Manufacturing and Community in Salem TABLE 3 . 1

Profit and Loss of Salem Manufacturing Company, 1841-49 1841 1842 1843 1844 1845 1846 1847 1848 1849

February

August

4-2,575.65 + 1,665.0 4 + 859.8 3 + 2,690.1 3 + 1,796.5 6 + 3,446.0 1 + 1,920.7 1 -2,156.32 -1,408.64

-4,320.60 + 3,409.5 9 + 639.0 1 + 3,073.1 3 + 4,581.3 9 + 3,095.2 1 + 2,955.7 9 N/A -840.32

Sources: SMC , Genera l Meetings , Marc h 14 , Octobe r 30 , 1841; January 29 , Apri l 2 , October 8 , Novembe r 5 , 1842 ; April 8 , Octobe r 28 , 1843 ; Marc h 23 , Octobe r 5 , 1844 ; March 29 , Octobe r 11 , 1845 ; Marc h 11 , Septembe r 26 , 1846; April 17 , October 2 , 1847 ; March 18 , 1848 ; Marc h 24, Novembe r 30 , 1849 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives.

hundred spindle s an d thirt y looms , an d employe d seventee n male s an d eighty-four females. 9 The chance s wer e greater fo r failur e tha n success in the early attempt s at manufacturin g sinc e ther e wer e man y obstacle s t o overcome . Th e twelve years tha t SM C operate d wer e difficult fo r th e corporation an d it s stockholders. Excessiv e competitio n create d b y th e openin g o f s o man y mills i n Nort h Carolin a durin g th e lat e 1830 s an d earl y 1840 s an d th e rising cotto n price s o f th e lat e 1840 s squeeze d profits . I n th e first thre e years o f it s operatio n SM C foun d favorabl e condition s i n whic h deman d for yar n wa s brisk , cotto n price s wer e relativel y low , an d incom e gener ated b y th e mill' s operatio n wa s sufficien t t o allo w th e additio n o f mor e spindles plu s ne w loom s t o expan d productio n t o mee t th e deman d fo r yarn an d cloth . Thes e condition s enable d SM C t o realiz e a profi t o f $7,213.34 i n 1838 , it s first yea r o f operation . Despit e it s initia l success , however, th e company' s financial conditio n wa s no t a s soli d a s th e first years may have indicated. While , as Table 3. 1 illustrates, SM C generate d operating profit s betwee n 184 1 an d 1847 , th e mil l faile d t o generat e sufficient incom e t o cove r bot h th e purchas e o f cotto n an d th e losse s resulting from th e bad debts of the mill's consignees. I n October 184 1 the company showe d a n operatin g los s o f $4,320.6 0 fo r th e first hal f o f th e year an d borrowe d a tota l o f $9,00 0 tha t yea r t o purchas e cotton . I n

Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 6 5 January 184 2 SM C borrowe d anothe r $6,00 0 for cotto n purchases , whic h was followed b y additional loan s of $3,000 each in April and Octobe r an d $12,000 i n November . Durin g th e earl y year s thes e loans appeare d t o make goo d busines s sens e whil e ra w cotto n price s wer e declining , yar n prices wer e stable , an d SMC s yar n an d clot h wer e selling . But , ever y year throug h 1849 , SM C repeatedl y borrowe d thousand s o f dollar s t o finance purchase s o f cotto n an d t o alte r machiner y t o produc e mor e coarse yar n o r fine yar n t o mee t th e deman d o f a n always-changin g market. A glutte d marke t i n yar n i n th e lat e 1840 s furthe r complicate d the financial situation o f SMC a s the prices for yarn s dropped drastically . In th e fal l o f 184 8 yarn wa s priced a t seventy-five cent s pe r bunch , dow n from ninet y cents , an d b y th e spring of 184 9 it was at sixty-five cents. 10 SMCs difficultie s wer e compounded b y th e inexperience d an d unwis e decisions of its management. Mil l agents who followed Franci s Frie s wer e not astut e i n marketin g th e mill' s products . Agen t Willia m Leinbach , who ha d littl e mil l managemen t experience , wa s rebuke d i n 184 1 b y th e board o f director s whe n h e entere d int o secre t contract s wit h tw o are a merchants fo r th e deliver y o f te n thousan d bunche s o f yar n "a t price s ruinous t o th e concern. " Muc h o f SMC s loca l trad e wa s conducte d i n barter a s neighborin g farmer s trade d agricultura l product s lik e wool , feathers, beeswax , an d tallo w fo r yar n an d cloth . Th e mil l i n tur n sol d these commodities alon g with it s yarn an d cloth . However , Leinbac h ha d taken i n barte r larg e amount s o f feather s an d wool a t price s considerabl y higher tha n thes e commoditie s woul d brin g whe n sold . Furthermore , throughout it s lif e SMC s managemen t extende d credi t to o freel y t o consignees wh o sol d th e mill' s yar n an d clot h i n th e Carolinas , Tennes see, Philadelphia , an d Ne w York . I n 184 6 the financial conditio n o f th e mill wa s furthe r compounde d whe n th e firm o f Danfort h an d Hoopes , SMCs importan t consigne e i n Philadelphia , failed , owin g "larg e sums " which raise d SMC s liabilitie s b y abou t $10,000 . I n th e fal l o f 184 7 th e stockholders o f SM C instructe d thei r mil l agen t Constantin e Banne r t o visit th e mill' s consignee s i n wester n Nort h Carolin a an d Tennesse e t o collect debt s owe d th e company . Tw o year s later , i n Novembe r 1849 , the stockholders , alarme d tha t debtor s t o th e compan y ha d "increase d considerably," observe d tha t Banner , a ma n o f onl y brie f experienc e i n the textile mill, ha d no t properl y carrie d ou t instruction s an d urge d upo n him "t o us e al l possibl e diligence " i n collectin g outstandin g debt s t o SMC. B y 184 8 the situatio n o f SM C appeare d "t o b e drawing toward s a crisis." Durin g th e first hal f o f 184 9 the mil l los t approximatel y $1,300 ,

66 • Manufacturing and Community in Salem and debt s owe d th e compan y ha d "increase d considerably, " b y abou t $2,000.n

As early a s 184 5 many recognize d th e falterin g conditio n o f the Sale m Manufacturing Compan y an d tha t th e future hel d littl e hope of profitabl e returns o n th e stockholders ' investment . Indee d th e risk s wer e becomin g too stee p fo r thos e Moravian s apprehensiv e o f th e congregation' s majo r stake i n th e mill . Fearfu l o f th e dange r o f fir e whic h migh t destro y th e company's asset s an d awar e o f th e gradua l depreciatio n o f th e expensiv e machinery i n th e mill , th e congregation' s leader s wer e concerne d abou t the responsibilitie s o f th e stockholder s t o the company' s creditor s a s well as t o th e financia l healt h o f th e congregatio n a s principa l stockholder . I n August 184 9 th e mil l wa s deal t a seriou s blo w whe n on e o f th e boiler s burst, causin g considerabl e damag e t o th e engin e an d shuttin g th e mil l from earl y Augus t t o mid-November . Th e mill' s situatio n wa s mad e more difficult b y th e risin g pric e of cotton a s prices fo r yar n dropped . I n November 184 9 th e boar d o f director s observe d tha t th e mil l ha d abou t four t o si x weeks ' suppl y o f cotto n o n hand . Bu t wit h cotto n sellin g fo r ten cent s a poun d an d yar n sellin g fo r no t mor e tha n fiftee n cent s a pound, th e boar d questione d whethe r i t wa s pruden t fo r th e mil l t o continue operation . Th e stockholder s wer e convince d tha t th e compan y could hardl y continu e operatio n withou t an y reasonabl e expectatio n o f improvement. Th e decisio n wa s mad e i n Novembe r 184 9 t o discharg e the hands , collec t th e debts , pa y th e liabilities , an d sel l th e mill . Adver tisements fo r th e mil l wer e place d i n th e National Intelligencer, th e North Carolina Standard in Raleigh , th e Fayetteville Observer, th e Salisbury Carolina Watchman, and a Charlotte newspaper . Th e reviva l o f agricultur e i n the late 1840 s and earl y 1850 s which brough t highe r cotto n price s shifte d interest awa y fro m manufacturing , and , a s th e boar d reporte d t o SMC' s stockholders, "manufacturin g interest s ar e day b y day depreciating i n our country." However , i n Marc h 1854 , afte r almos t a yea r o f negotiating , the stockholder s sol d th e mil l t o Governo r Joh n M . Morehea d fo r $9,ioo. 12 The ambition s o f SMC' s stockholder s t o revitaliz e th e loca l econom y far exceede d th e capacity o f the enterprise fo r success , especially a s SM C expanded to o rapidl y an d it s expense s outstrippe d it s capita l resources . But th e failur e o f SM C wa s typica l o f man y mill s durin g th e earl y year s of industrialization . Insufficien t capitalization , combine d wit h incompe tent o r inexperience d management , cause d man y mil l failure s i n th e North an d Sout h durin g th e firs t hal f o f the nineteent h century . Willia m

Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 6 7 Gregg, th e antebellu m Sout h Carolin a mil l pioneer, attribute d th e failur e of so many mill s to the unwise selection of machinery, insufficien t capital ization, an d th e lac k o f reliable , efficient , an d chea p motiv e power . A common mistak e wa s overambition , a s thes e earl y mill s attempte d t o operate on too large a scale given their limited capita l resources. Manufac turers wh o ha d th e patienc e t o star t smal l an d gro w slowl y a s thei r resources allowed , wh o wer e innovativ e an d abl e t o creat e an d hol d together a network o f kinsmen , busines s associates , an d workers , usuall y survived an d buil t lastin g manufacturin g companies . Franci s Frie s suc cessfully followe d thi s formula , makin g few o f the errors tha t san k SMC . In 184 0 Fries lef t hi s positio n a s agen t o f th e SM C mil l and , i n partner ship with hi s father, planne d a steam-powered mil l where wool woul d b e carded an d prepare d fo r spinnin g an d weavin g b y th e wive s an d daugh ters o f th e area' s farmer s i n thei r homes , o r b y slave s o n Willia m Fries' s plantation outsid e o f Salem. 13 Custo m carding , however , prove d onl y a seasonal business , leavin g Fries' s cardin g machiner y idl e muc h o f th e time. T o kee p hi s machiner y full y utilized , Frie s expande d th e mil l b y adding spinnin g an d weavin g equipment . A s hi s busines s grew , dyein g equipment an d a fullin g mil l wer e added . B y 184 2 Frie s wa s offerin g a "good assortmen t o f wools , commo n yarn , stockin g yar n read y twisted , and chea p lindseys , an d cloth s o f differen t colors , qualitie s an d prices. " In 184 3 Frie s adde d a heav y jea n tha t becam e th e mainsta y o f hi s line . Henry Frie s joined hi s brother i n the mill and th e firm became F. an d H . Fries i n 1846 . Thoug h th e firm remaine d small , employin g onl y seve n whites an d sixtee n slave s i n 1847 , th e busines s wa s growing . Franci s Fries travele d extensivel y throug h th e Carolina s an d Georgi a securin g orders fo r hi s mil l an d buyin g wool . B y i86 0 F . an d H . Frie s employe d seventy-seven operative s an d produce d $87,30 0 i n woole n an d cotto n goods i n a marke t tha t extende d fro m Ne w Yor k throug h th e South , including consignee s i n Mississippi , Louisiana , an d Texas. 14 Wit h th e success o f th e F . an d H . Frie s mill , textil e manufacturin g too k roo t i n Salem an d propelle d th e community towar d it s industrial future . Textile manufacturin g introduce d int o th e Moravia n communit y ne w modes o f production , a ne w metho d o f organizin g labor , an d a large , mostly non-Moravian , wor k force . Th e Sale m Manufacturin g Compan y was the first manufacturin g enterpris e i n the community t o concentrate a large semiskille d wor k force , primaril y wome n an d children , i n one loca tion fo r th e purpos e o f mechanize d production . Ther e wa s genuine curi osity amon g th e townspeopl e abou t th e ne w orde r o f productio n whic h

68 • Manufacturing and Community in Salem

Fig. 3.1 . Franci s Fries , so n o f Willia m Fries , first mil l agen t o f th e Sale m Manufacturin g Company an d founde r o f F . an d H . Frie s Company . Courtes y o f th e Nort h Carolin a Division of Archives and History .

Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 6 9 the mill s introduce d int o th e village . Th e SM C mil l stimulate d muc h interest i n Sale m whe n i t opene d i n th e fal l o f 1837 . I n th e afternoo n o f New Year' s Da y 1838 , "larg e numbers " o f th e peopl e o f Sale m strolle d down Shallowfor d Stree t t o the edge of town fo r thei r first glimpse insid e of the ne w mill . Managemen t proudl y showe d of f th e mill , leavin g ope n the door s an d shutter s s o tha t th e curiou s coul d hea r th e clickin g an d clacking o f th e steam-powere d spinnin g frame s an d observ e th e system atic orde r o f productio n a s th e mil l hands , th e larg e majorit y o f who m were strangers to the Moravian community, busil y tended t o their tasks. 15 The fascinatio n o f th e townspeopl e wit h th e mil l wa s i n par t du e t o the hope s tha t textil e manufacturin g woul d revitaliz e th e stagnan t loca l economy. Bu t th e townspeopl e wer e fascinate d als o becaus e th e mil l represented a n importan t departur e fro m traditiona l way s o f lif e an d work prevalen t i n a rural, preindustria l society . Th e openin g o f a textil e mill i n Sale m introduce d a labo r forc e tha t differe d greatl y fro m tha t found i n th e town' s artisa n shops . Th e mos t strikin g differenc e wa s tha t the mil l wor k forc e wa s mad e u p o f s o man y wome n an d children . An d the size of the mill work force attracte d th e Moravians' attention, a s many more people worked i n the mill than i n any singl e shop in the village. Al l of th e mill' s worker s wer e gathere d unde r on e roof , enclose d an d pro tected fro m th e natural variabilitie s o f the piedmont climate . Surrounde d by th e relentles s roarin g o f th e stea m boile r an d th e di n o f th e spinnin g frames, th e mil l hand s tende d t o thei r assigne d task s withou t brea k o r letup i n th e pac e o f th e machinery . Th e concentratio n o f non-Moravia n workers i n bot h th e SM C mill , an d late r th e Frie s mill , barel y one-hal f mile from Sale m squar e pose d a distinct counterpoin t t o the congregatio n town. Th e life-styl e an d wor k routine s o f operative s o n "Factor y Hill " diverged greatl y fro m wha t th e Moravian s ha d know n i n thei r ow n experiences. Th e textil e mil l create d i n Sale m a n industria l labo r force , mostly whit e females , centralize d i n on e location , possessin g fe w skills , receiving lo w wages , dependen t o n mil l managemen t fo r housin g an d board, an d wit h littl e hope of improving thei r status . The openin g o f th e Sale m mill s create d a n immediat e nee d fo r opera tives. Th e typ e o f labo r use d i n souther n mill s depende d o n wha t wa s available i n a particular locality , a s some mill s use d al l white labor , som e all slaves , whil e man y use d a combination o f both . Th e manager s o f th e Salem mills , lik e othe r mil l superintendent s acros s th e South , looke d t o the nearby countrysid e for prospectiv e employees. Henc e most of Salem' s mill hand s cam e fro m th e nearb y rura l neighborhood s o f Stoke s County ,

70 • Manufacturing and Community in Salem TABLE 3 .2

Sex Distribution of Salem Manufacturing Company Operatives 1841 1845 Males 2 Females 12 Total 15

82 8 11 6 14

1849 81 68 4 10

7 4 1

Sources: 184 0 Census, Populatio n Schedul e manuscript microfim , Stokes County , Nort h Carolina ; Franci s Frie s Memorandu m Book, Decembe r 30 , 1837 , F. and H . Frie s Collection, Moravia n Archives; SMC , Genera l Meetings , January 1 , 1838 , Fries Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives ; SMC , Boar d an d Wag e Books , 1841-49, Frie s Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives .

though som e cam e fro m neighborin g Guilford , Davie , an d Davidso n counties. Th e familie s o f John Brow n an d Willia m Collin s came from th e Stokes Count y communitie s o f Dee p Rive r an d Beave r Island , respec tively. Eliz a Holde r an d Harrie t Stoltz , th e daughters o f Moravian farm ers, entere d th e Sale m mil l fro m th e neighborin g Moravia n communitie s of Friedber g an d Bethania , respectively , whil e Elizabet h Gallimor e cam e from he r family' s far m i n Davidso n County . Som e mil l hands , however , came from farthe r away . Marth a Vinso n came to Salem from Petersburg , Virginia, wher e sh e ha d worke d i n a spinnin g mill . Th e Jess e Lumle y family, whic h supplie d numerou s mil l hands , cam e t o Sale m fro m Wak e County bu t ha d kinfol k alread y i n Stoke s County. 16 Som e familie s wer e headed b y women , widowe d o r abandone d b y thei r husbands , whos e means of subsistence wa s uncertain i n the countryside. Elizabet h Loggin s came with he r teenag e daughters t o the SM C mil l in January 183 8 wher e the famil y foun d lodgin g an d work . Fro m th e beginning , SM C regarde d families wh o coul d furnis h a t leas t thre e o r fou r worker s a s th e mos t desirable sourc e o f labor . I n it s earlies t stage s th e chea p labo r o f female s and children wa s crucial to the success of the textile industry, an d wome n played a n important rol e in Salem' s first manufacturing venture , a s Table 3.2 indicates . O f th e 36 7 employees o f SM C betwee n 184 1 and 1849 , 85 percent wer e female. 17 The familie s tha t entere d th e SM C mil l wer e thos e o f smal l farmer s and th e landles s i n Stoke s County , th e clas s o f peopl e wh o suffere d th e most hardship s durin g economi c dislocations . The y entere d th e Sale m mills from a rural societ y characterized b y small farms i n which landhold ing wa s widespread . However , i n a society o f general farmin g an d smal l

Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 7 1 landholdings, thos e withou t propert y foun d i t difficul t a t al l time s t o make a livin g becaus e wage s wer e lo w an d employmen t opportunitie s were few , a s emigration fro m Nort h Carolin a durin g thes e year s demon strated.18 Th e availabilit y o f prospectiv e mil l worker s ca n b e attribute d to th e changin g econom y o f th e piedmon t an d t o th e risin g tid e o f propertylessness rollin g ove r th e countrysid e aroun d Sale m i n th e 1830 s and 1840s , whic h mad e i t increasingl y difficul t fo r man y farmer s an d laborers to provide for thei r family' s well-being . I n the five years betwee n 1835 and 1840 , the percentage of propertyless i n Stoke s County increase d from 25. 5 t o 30. 6 percent . Th e increasin g numbe r o f insolven t poll s i n Stokes Count y durin g thes e year s offer s vivi d proo f tha t th e scarcit y o f money an d credit , a s wel l a s repeate d drought s an d ba d cro p years , created difficultie s fo r man y peopl e i n th e countryside . O f eigh t head s of mill familie s (seve n male s an d on e female ) locate d i n th e Stoke s Count y tax list s fo r th e year s fro m 183 5 t o 1840 , five owne d n o property , tw o owned fifty-one acre s o r less , an d on e owne d on e hundre d acres. 19 Im poverished farmer s an d laborer s responde d t o th e mill' s offe r o f regula r work, stead y wages , and a house to live in for thos e families tha t provide d three or four operative s fo r th e mill . Fo r families , th e decision t o move to the mill was likely t o be one of economic strategy. Fathe r could find work in th e town , mayb e temporar y jobs aroun d th e mil l lik e carpentr y o r cutting firewood, whil e the children worke d i n the mill, and mothe r spen t her day s a t the hous e provided b y th e mil l taking care of the needs of he r family. I n th e female-heade d household s son s an d daughter s worke d i n the mill, whil e their mother s spen t thei r day s a t home to cook, clean , an d wash clothe s fo r th e mil l hand s wh o boarde d i n thei r household . Eliza beth Loggins , whos e daughters worke d i n the mill, too k in si x mill hand s as boarder s i n th e housin g provide d b y th e mill . Thes e wer e th e peopl e southern mil l owner s believe d wer e well-suite d fo r mil l work . On e Fay etteville mil l owne r observe d i n 184 6 tha t "ther e wa s a larg e populatio n of a class whose means of support ar e very uncertai n . . . [whose] labor a t cheap rates can alway s b e commanded." 20 While familie s entere d upo n mil l wor k t o pursu e thei r objective s o f subsistence an d independence , th e motive s o f singl e femal e mil l hand s were comple x an d ar e difficul t t o determine conclusively . Youn g wome n embarked o n mil l wor k becaus e o f famil y financial needs , thei r ow n individual financial needs , an d thei r idea s regardin g thei r statu s withi n their familie s an d thei r nee d fo r greate r individua l autonomy . Wome n working o n behal f o f thei r rura l familie s ma y hav e gaine d som e powe r

72 • Manufacturing and Community in Salem and privilege s i n thei r familie s wit h th e cas h the y brough t home , whic h gave the m additiona l leverag e withi n th e famil y b y th e threa t o f with drawing their labo r and incom e from th e family economy . Regula r wage s often gav e wome n th e chance t o escape the socia l constraints o f the rura l neighborhood o r even leave the parental home . A t a minimum, mil l wor k may hav e give n som e singl e wome n th e dignit y an d self-respec t tha t productive labo r brough t i n a rural societ y tha t value d har d work . Henc e mill wor k offered man y wome n a kind o f personal independenc e tha t wa s difficult i n a patriarchal society , bu t fo r mos t mil l work wa s an extensio n of the traditional famil y economy. 21 Fo r the women i n the mill, mill wor k revealed a powerfu l tensio n betwee n th e tenuou s persona l autonom y wage wor k outsid e o f th e hom e promise d an d th e ambitio n o f the famil y for economi c security . Throug h th e antebellu m perio d th e househol d remained th e importan t uni t o f production i n the souther n economy , an d its famil y relation s reinforce d mal e dominanc e i n society . B y la w an d custom wome n an d childre n remaine d dependen t o n an d subordinat e t o the mal e hea d o f th e househol d an d wer e expecte d t o labo r fo r th e family's subsistence . Consequently , mos t souther n wome n live d thei r lives an d interprete d thei r experienc e withi n th e bound s o f male-domi nated households . However , a s in northern communitie s durin g the earl y nineteenth century , th e increasin g inabilit y o f many souther n household s to mee t th e need s o f famil y subsistenc e drov e wome n an d childre n int o work outside of the home. 22 Those wh o lef t piedmon t farm s fo r th e mil l foun d har d wor k a t lo w wages. I n th e SM C mill , hour s wer e lon g fo r workin g day s ra n fro m sunrise t o sunse t durin g th e sprin g an d summe r an d fro m sunris e t o 7:3 0 P.M. durin g th e fal l an d winter . Operative s labore d i n th e mil l si x days a week, thoug h o n Saturday s th e mil l stoppe d a t 4:0 0 P.M. , makin g fo r a workweek o f almos t eight y hour s durin g th e summe r an d abou t sevent y hours durin g th e winter . Twelve - t o fourteen-hou r days , whic h wer e common fo r mos t workers , too k a heav y tol l o n operative s wh o wer e i n an oily , dusty , an d nois y factor y tendin g machiner y runnin g a t a rapi d pace continuousl y walkin g an d standing . Th e dail y routin e fo r th e SM C mill hand s wa s t o wak e a t th e compan y bel l befor e dawn , g o t o th e factory thirt y minute s later , an d wor k straigh t through , excep t fo r thirty minute breakfas t an d lunc h break s a t home, unti l the mill stoppe d fo r th e day. I n contrast , th e smalle r Frie s mil l i n it s earl y year s operate d o n a more irregular , preindustria l routine . Relyin g on custo m wor k an d heav ily dependent o n slave labor that move d bac k and fort h fro m mil l to farm ,

Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 7 3 the industria l routin e varie d accordin g t o th e amoun t o f woo l brough t t o the mill by area farmers an d th e demand fo r labo r on William and Franci s Fries's farms . Franci s Frie s an d hi s worker s continuousl y move d fro m mill wor k t o far m work , especiall y durin g plantin g an d harvestin g sea sons. At times, however, ther e was much activity i n the mill. On occasio n wool woul d com e i n t o b e carde d an d th e mil l woul d ru n throug h th e night, sixtee n hour s straight . Whe n ther e wa s muc h wor k t o d o i n th e mill, Frie s ofte n gav e hi s operative s tim e of f afte r th e wor k wa s com pleted. O n on e occasion , afte r hi s worker s ha d spen t severa l day s spin ning nonstop , Frie s gav e them a n afternoo n of f t o go rabbit hunting . O n another occasion , Frie s stoppe d th e mil l a t midda y s o tha t h e an d th e "boys" could g o to the circus. 23 The tradition s o f souther n rura l cultur e ha d a profound impac t o n th e early textil e mill s i n Salem . Thoug h th e capitalis t marke t wa s spreadin g over man y area s of the piedmon t durin g th e lat e antebellum decades , th e character o f socia l relation s amon g mos t southerner s remaine d largel y customary. Thes e customar y socia l relation s emphasize d persona l face to-face relation s amon g peopl e wh o recognize d th e individual' s dignit y and independenc e a s a white southerner i n a slave society. Th e mil l hand s brought to the mill a framework o f beliefs that emphasized independence , self-respect, an d th e economi c well-bein g o f th e famil y household . Sa lem's mil l hand s viewe d mil l wor k fro m th e perspectiv e o f th e smal l landholders an d landles s laborer s o f th e piedmon t countryside . Thes e traditions informe d th e mill hands' perceptions o f the mil l and influence d their action s that , i n turn , shape d th e characte r o f textil e manufactur ing. 24 A s souther n yeome n an d laborers , a s wel l a s thei r wive s an d daughters, fough t tenaciousl y ove r th e cours e o f th e nineteent h centur y to maintai n thei r tradition s an d wa y o f lif e a s th e emergin g marke t economy swep t ove r th e countryside , man y turne d t o th e textil e mil l i n search o f a greate r measur e o f economi c securit y and , hence , indepen dence. As in the countryside, th e family wa s the center of life for Satem' s mil l hands an d th e importanc e o f th e famil y determine d th e structur e o f mil l labor a s well as management's effort s a t creating a productive wor k force . In antebellu m souther n society , a s in preindustria l societ y i n th e North , the family househol d remaine d th e principal productio n uni t or economi c institution. Ever y member of a domestic household wh o was able contributed t o th e household' s financial success . I n th e antebellu m South , girl s and wome n a s daughter s an d wive s wer e expecte d t o b e "sensibl e an d

74 * Manufacturing and Community in Salem practical" an d lear n th e skill s o f sewing , carding , weaving , an d spinnin g in orde r t o contribute t o the family' s tota l income . Thi s "farmwife ideal " easily transferre d t o th e mil l wher e wome n coul d ear n wage s t o hel p support thei r families. 25 A s souther n white s migrate d fro m th e piedmon t farms t o th e mills , the y continue d t o infus e rura l tradition s int o th e evolving industria l system . Thi s i s demonstrate d mos t clearl y b y th e powerful persistenc e o f famil y wor k patterns . Rura l tradition s deter mined wh o worke d i n th e mill , thu s shapin g th e characte r o f th e mil l work force . Th e family' s decisio n o f whic h member s entere d th e mil l demonstrates tha t familie s no t onl y adapte d t o industria l labo r but , through th e forc e o f cultura l tradition s an d wor k habits , modifie d it . Despite th e authorit y o f managemen t ove r thei r lives , mil l familie s re tained extensiv e contro l ove r th e live s of famil y members . Th e degre e of workers' independenc e o r dependenc e o n mil l work , especiall y i n regar d to mobility i n and ou t of the mill, wa s regulated les s by mil l managemen t than b y individua l an d famil y need s whic h wer e continuall y changin g over th e stage s o f famil y development . Fo r th e mil l hand s ther e wer e different stage s i n thei r live s whe n mil l wor k wa s mor e necessar y du e t o the degree of poverty o r leve l of subsistence th e individual o r their famil y experienced. Familie s tende d t o ente r th e mill s a t certai n stage s o f thei r lives, especially durin g period s of economic strain, a s when thei r childre n were too young to earn wage s i n any job but mil l work. 26 The familie s o f Richar d Carmichae l an d John Brow n offe r a revealin g insight int o th e dynamic s o f th e family-labo r system . I n 183 8 Richar d Carmichael, a landles s laborer , brough t hi s famil y fro m Germanto n t o Salem t o wor k i n th e SM C mill . Carmichae l settle d hi s famil y int o a company-owned boardin g house . Whil e hi s wif e Sarah , ag e thirty-eight , tended th e family's need s at home, Carmichael's oldest daughters Martha , Salina, an d Mar y wen t t o wor k i n th e mill . A s hi s younge r daughter s grew older , the y to o entere d th e mill . Margare t Carmichae l bega n mil l work i n 184 3 whe n sh e turne d eleve n year s old , an d he r younge r siste r Louisa entere d th e mil l i n 184 5 also at the age of eleven. A s his daughter s went of f t o wor k i n th e mill , Richar d Carmichael , ag e forty-one , foun d work aroun d th e mil l choppin g firewood fo r th e mill' s stea m boile r an d unpacking bales of cotton i n the cotton shed . Carmichae l als o found wor k as a carpenter i n Salem . I n 184 0 he wa s hire d a s a carpenter t o wor k o n the constructio n o f Francis Fries' s ne w wool mill. 27 John Brown , a forty four-year-old landles s farmer , move d hi s family fro m Dee p Rive r i n rural Stokes County t o Salem. Whil e his oldest so n Henry , ag e seventeen, wa s

Manufacturing and Community in Salem ' 7 5 able t o fin d wor k a s a far m laborer , Brown' s daughter s ha d virtuall y n o opportunity t o fin d payin g wor k tha t contribute d t o th e family' s subsis tence. Th e SM C mil l offere d a solutio n t o th e Brow n family' s nee d fo r more income . A s part o f a family financia l strategy , John Brow n decide d which famil y member s woul d wor k i n th e SMC , when , an d fo r ho w long. Onl y so n Henr y wh o wa s seventee n year s ol d whe n th e Brow n family wen t t o Sale m di d no t wor k i n th e mill . O f th e fiv e Brow n children i n th e mill , Betsy , ag e sixteen , Milly , ag e eight , an d Sally , ag e seven, worke d i n the spinning room steadil y fro m 184 5 to 184 9 for SMC . Sons David , ag e fourteen, an d Nathan , ag e eleven, worke d muc h briefe r and mor e intermittent period s in the mill, probably whe n the family mos t needed th e adde d incom e thei r wage s provided . Davi d worke d i n spin ning onl y i n 184 5 and Natha n worke d i n 1845 , 1847 , and 1849 . I n 1850 , David a t ag e nineteen an d Natha n a t ag e sixtee n worke d a s laborer s an d attended school . Thu s mil l wor k wa s importan t a t thi s stag e o f th e Brown family' s life , bu t Joh n Brow n di d no t se e th e mil l a s permanen t employment fo r hi s sons. 28 Thu s interna l famil y considerations—gener ally, economi c need—determine d wh o woul d ente r th e mill , whic h so n or daughter woul d begi n first, an d which members would see k opportunities outside of the mill. Generally , th e oldest female i n the mill househol d did no t wor k outsid e o f th e home . Instead , sh e remaine d t o prepar e meals, car e fo r th e younge r children , ten d th e garde n plot , an d perfor m other chore s aroun d th e house . Bot h Sara h Carmichae l an d Matild a Brown staye d a t hom e t o perfor m thos e tasks . Whil e a family migh t liv e in company-owne d housing , th e parent s o f th e children , no t th e mil l management, decide d whic h famil y member s woul d wor k i n th e mill . Usually i t was th e oldes t son s and daughter s i n thei r middl e t o late teen s who entered th e mill as operatives. Thus, famil y factor s influence d whic h members wen t t o work. 29 As mil l wor k wa s par t o f a family' s financia l strategy , th e famil y functioned a s an economic unit , wit h th e wages of all the members goin g to meet th e needs of the family. Consequently , th e head o f the househol d received th e wage s o f al l famil y members . Tha t th e chil d worke r shoul d turn ove r hi s or he r earning s t o the fathe r wa s sanctione d i n the commo n law whic h hel d tha t th e chil d owe d th e fathe r certai n service s whic h th e father ha d a righ t t o demand . Thus , th e child' s wage s belonge d t o th e father wh o ha d th e righ t t o requir e o f hi m o r he r labo r i n retur n fo r support. 30 I n 184 0 Nathanie l Case y an d hi s wif e Mary , bot h fift y year s old, live d i n a company-owne d hous e o n Factor y Hill . Whe n the y ha d

j6 • Manufacturing and Community in Salem entered th e mil l severa l year s earlier , th e Casey s provide d five workers : Nathaniel, hi s two sons Fort and William , an d tw o daughters, Pegg y an d Eliza. Nathanie l Case y wa s pai d fo r hi s wor k a s wel l a s tha t o f hi s children, Eliz a an d Fort . However , onc e a chil d cam e o f age , aroun d eighteen, th e fathe r n o longe r receive d th e wages , eve n i f th e chil d remained i n the household. Fou r of the Casey children worke d i n the mill alongside thei r father . But , Eliza , William , an d Pegg y Casey , bein g i n their lat e teens an d earl y twenties , wer e considered b y SM C t o be board ers rathe r tha n famil y members . Th e compan y pai d Nathanie l boar d fo r them a s it did fo r Caroly n Hay s an d Emil y Moser . For t Casey , wh o wa s still counte d a s a family member , wa s no t pai d board , bu t hi s father wa s paid th e wage s fo r hi s labor. Whil e th e thre e oldest Case y childre n wer e not member s o f the family i n SM C eyes, the y probabl y di d contribut e t o the maintenance of the household. 31 The organizatio n o f labo r i n th e mil l an d th e wage s mil l wor k pai d reflected th e distinction s o f gender foun d i n antebellu m souther n societ y beyond th e mill' s walls . Wome n an d olde r girl s worke d exclusivel y a s spinners o r weavers , job s whic h closel y conforme d t o thei r traditiona l domestic tasks . Me n worke d a s supervisors , machinists , firemen tendin g the boilers , an d a s "hands of all work" doing various odd jobs around th e mill. Wome n wer e pai d th e lowes t wage s i n th e mill , excep t fo r th e young boy s an d girl s workin g a s doffers an d sweepers . Th e pa y scal e i n the spinnin g roo m o f SM C i n 184 1 ranged fro m seventee n cent s t o $1.75 a week . Mos t o f th e spinners , youn g wome n i n thei r mid - t o lat e teen s and earl y twenties , wer e pai d $1.6 2 a week , mor e tha n wha t wome n could mak e i n domestic work , whic h pai d a n averag e of $1.0 8 pe r week . The youn g boy s an d girl s wh o worke d a s doffer s o r swep t th e floors received seventy-fiv e t o eighty-fiv e cent s a week. Th e mor e skille d adul t males, suc h a s mechanics, earne d fro m $2.5 0 to $4.00 per week , roughl y equal t o th e wage s o f da y laborers . Onl y supervisor s mad e a s muc h a s artisans i n Salem , receivin g $1 0 weekly . Th e wage s pai d b y SM C wer e comparable t o wage s pai d i n othe r piedmon t mills . A t th e Ceda r Fall s Manufacturing Compan y i n Randolp h County , femal e spinner s wer e paid $1.5 0 a week an d femal e weaver s $2.5 0 a week. Salem' s mil l hands ' wages wer e belo w th e averag e wage s pai d mil l hand s i n th e North . Female spinners i n the Philadelphi a mill s in 183 7 were paid a n average of $1.92 a week, whil e chil d operative s receive d betwee n seventy-fiv e cent s and $1.0 0 a week. Th e wage s for Nort h Carolin a an d Philadelphi a opera tives wer e significantl y belo w th e wage s pai d i n th e larg e mil l complexe s

Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 7 7 of Lowell , Massachusetts . Ther e femal e spinner s average d fifty-eight cents a da y o r $3.4 8 fo r a six-da y workwee k an d mal e machinist s wer e paid $1.2 7 a day o r $7.62 a week. 32 Though th e mil l pai d wage s fo r th e labo r o f th e famil y an d boar d o f the singl e hand s wh o live d i n th e household , muc h o f thi s mone y re turned t o the mill in exchange for provisions which the families purchase d from th e mil l an d fo r ren t o f th e house s wher e th e familie s lived . Thu s mill familie s foun d i t difficult t o accumulat e saving s whic h woul d offe r a small degre e o f independenc e an d security . I n 184 5 th e Case y famil y purchased fro m th e mil l cloth, yarn , wood , tobacco , an d shoes . Th e mil l also advanced th e Casey famil y cas h and ofte n pai d debt s incurre d b y th e Caseys t o othe r member s o f th e Sale m community . Fo r th e mont h o f November 184 5 th e Case y househol d wa s pai d $30.8 6 i n wage s fo r Nathaniel an d Fort , plu s boar d fo r th e boarder s i n th e household . Case y paid ou t $32.8 9 for provision s an d rent . I n addition , Eliza , William , an d Peggy earne d $18.7 4 m t n e m ^'- Togethe r wit h Casey' s incom e a s hea d of th e household , th e Case y famil y showe d a surplu s o f $16.7 1 afte r provisions wer e pai d for , thu s demonstratin g th e nee d fo r severa l wag e earners i n th e famil y an d th e rol e o f th e famil y a s an economi c unit . Fo r the year , however , th e stor y wa s different . I n 184 5 th e Casey s earne d $223.87 i n wage s plu s $38.5 0 i n payment s fro m SM C fo r th e worker s they too k in , yieldin g a n incom e o f $262.37 . Expense s amounte d t o $427.77, leavin g the Caseys i n debt t o the company fo r $165.40 . Thoug h the incom e derive d fro m boarder s wa s importan t t o mil l families , i t often wa s no t enoug h t o kee p th e famil y fre e o f deb t t o th e company . Foreshadowing th e postwa r lie n syste m tha t kep t poo r white s an d black s of th e Sout h i n perpetua l deb t t o merchant-creditors , th e dependenc e o f mill workers on SM C for al l of life's necessitie s created a debtor clas s over which th e company coul d exercis e complete control. 33 Consequently, th e economics o f the family-labo r syste m benefite d th e Sale m Manufacturin g Company becaus e th e famil y provide d labo r fo r th e mil l an d ofte n oper ated a boarding hous e that took in single mill hands . Still, mil l wor k di d allo w som e familie s th e opportunit y t o acquir e land, a greate r degre e o f security , an d a sens e o f bein g a par t o f th e independent souther n yeomanry . O f th e five heads o f mil l familie s men tioned previousl y wh o ha d entere d th e mil l propert y less, fou r eventuall y acquired som e real property. Thes e property holding s tended t o be small, less tha n seventy-fiv e acre s o n th e average . Mil l wor k enable d Richar d Carmichael t o acquir e a smal l far m o f fifty-one acre s b y 1840 . Fo r a

78 • Manufacturing and Community in Salem landless farme r wh o coul d no t rea d an d write , th e mil l mad e possibl e John Brown' s eventua l mobilit y int o the land-owin g class . B y 1850 , John Brown a t ag e forty-nin e wa s a farme r wh o owne d rea l estat e value d a t $239 tha t probabl y include d abou t on e hundre d acres. 34 Man y o f th e families wit h smal l lan d holding s remaine d clos e t o th e mill , usin g th e wages earne d throug h mil l wor k b y famil y member s t o supplement wha t the smal l far m produced . Thus , som e boy s an d girl s ma y hav e been sen t from thei r father' s farm s t o work i n the mil l a s part o f a family economi c strategy; therefore, mil l work remained tie d t o the rural economy throug h the yeoman farm . Family tie s wer e importan t t o mil l hand s fo r companionship , financial security, an d a s a bridg e fro m th e far m t o th e mill , a s mil l hand s ofte n followed othe r famil y member s t o the mill . Th e extende d famil y wa s th e family-type mos t adaptabl e to industrial labo r becaus e it could manag e its resources an d direc t it s members int o the work force accordin g to its own needs. Additionally , th e extende d famil y serve d th e interest s o f th e mil l management i n its role as a labor recruiter. Onc e a family wa s establishe d in the mil l i t attracted othe r famil y member s t o mill work an d serve d a s a base to whic h thes e brothers , sisters , cousins , nephews , an d niece s cam e to find wor k i n th e sam e mill . Amon g th e mil l familie s employe d b y SMC durin g th e 1840s , the Lumleys , Caseys , Collins , an d Holder s wer e larger tha n jus t th e nuclea r famil y o f father , mother , an d children . Th e size of th e familie s range d fro m six , th e numbe r o f Fowler s employe d i n the mill , t o seventeen , th e numbe r o f Lumleys. 35 Unfortunately , du e t o the closin g o f SM C i n 1849 , man y mil l worker s an d familie s wer e gon e when th e 185 0 census wa s taken , an d i t i s therefore impossibl e t o deter mine which worker s of the same last name belonged t o which households . But kinshi p an d intermarriag e betwee n mil l familie s produce d a community tha t offere d relie f an d a sanctuar y t o thos e engage d i n mil l work. 36 In thes e familie s th e remnant s o f a preindustria l wa y o f lif e wer e pre served a s the famil y stoo d betwee n th e individua l an d th e mil l as a buffe r that mad e the transition t o industrial wor k easier . Family tie s carrie d ove r int o th e organizatio n o f th e wor k forc e i n th e Salem mills . I n th e SM C mill , famil y member s ofte n worke d togethe r i n the same department an d i n the boardinghouses the y live d together. Suc h kinship tie s wer e extensive . Fo r th e 15 3 worker s employe d b y SM C i n 1845, there wer e only fifty-nine differen t surnames—almos t on e i n thre e workers share d a common surname. 37 I t wa s quite commo n fo r sister s t o enter th e mil l together, o r fo r on e to come first, find a place, an d wai t fo r

Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 7 9 a second t o follow. Fo r singl e wome n wit h n o famil y presen t t o fall bac k on fo r support , thei r fello w worker s wit h who m the y share d lif e i n th e factory an d boardinghouse s becam e family. Th e relationshi p between th e nuclear famil y an d boarder s i n th e househol d wa s on e o f a n intimat e interdependence. Boarder s wer e importan t t o th e financial succes s o f th e mill famil y a s the y provide d extr a income . Familie s i n mil l housin g became a surrogate family fo r singl e workers i n the household wher e the y boarded. Polin a an d Barbar a Tuttle , alon g wit h Elizabet h an d Emil y Kenady, Susa n an d Elizabet h Crouch , Elizabet h an d Auror a Renn , an d Martha an d Patienc e Alberson , boarde d togethe r i n th e Richar d Carmi chael household . Bot h Polin a an d Barbar a Tuttl e worke d i n the spinnin g room, Polin a enterin g i n 184 4 an d Barbar a followin g i n June 1845 . Th e Caseys al l worke d i n th e weavin g roo m o f SMC . I n thi s wa y familie s determined a n informa l socia l networ k withi n th e mill . I n 1841 , 4 2 percent o f th e operative s i n th e SM C mil l worke d alongsid e sibling s o r other famil y members . B y 184 9 th e percentag e ha d climbe d t o 6 0 per cent, probabl y fo r tw o reasons: the mill's greater relianc e on family hand s in the late 1840s , and th e closing of the weaving operations i n 184 9 which led t o th e consolidatio n o f som e mil l hand s int o othe r area s o f th e mill . This patter n o f wor k wa s als o found i n othe r nearb y mills . I n th e Ceda r Falls Manufacturin g Compan y mill , abou t 8 0 percen t o f th e operative s worked alongsid e siblings . Thi s organizatio n o f th e labo r forc e i n Nort h Carolina mill s differed fro m tha t o f New Englan d mill s relying on famil y labor. Ther e mil l owner s separate d famil y member s o n th e sho p floor as a way o f promotin g management' s contro l ove r th e labo r forc e an d dilut ing family authorit y ove r members . However , i n souther n mill s manage ment ha d t o accep t famil y wor k tradition s whic h wer e a n importan t par t of southern rura l culture. 38 In th e mill s al l o f th e operatives , famil y member s a s wel l a s singl e hands, foun d themselve s subjec t t o th e pervasiv e disciplin e o f mil l man agement a s th e Moravian s attempte d t o exten d t o th e mil l th e commu nity's patriarcha l socia l relations . Mil l managemen t endeavore d t o creat e a dependabl e labo r forc e a s wel l t o counte r oppositio n fro m differen t quarters o f th e Moravia n communit y tha t larg e number s o f non-Mora vians i n Sale m threatened th e Moravian wa y o f life. Managemen t desire d only "sober , orderly , an d moral " mill hand s wh o coul d provid e certifica tion fro m thei r "mos t respectabl e an d trustworth y neighbors " tha t the y were "o f industriou s habit s an d unexceptiona l character. " Th e ke y t o securing suc h workers , an d th e foundatio n o f managerial authorit y i n th e

8o • Manufacturing and Community in Salem mill, wa s company-owne d housing . B y providin g adequat e housin g th e mills attracted th e workers the y neede d an d kep t wage s down. But , mos t importantly, th e famil y house s an d boardinghouse s gav e the company a n unprecedented degre e o f contro l ove r thei r workers . Onc e hire d an d located i n mil l housing , th e workers , especiall y thos e belongin g t o fami lies, wer e effectivel y boun d t o th e compan y an d th e job , fo r i f the y lef t the mil l the y woul d b e force d t o find othe r accommodations . SM C hel d the uppe r han d i n regar d t o wor k contract s tha t kep t th e familie s tie d t o the mill . Familie s wer e require d t o giv e on e month' s notic e i f the y in tended t o quit th e mill , whic h als o meant vacatin g their homes , whil e th e company wa s obligate d t o giv e onl y on e week' s notic e i f a famil y wa s being dismissed . Individua l autonom y wa s severel y constricte d i n th e mill an d i n th e compan y houses , fo r th e workers ' freedo m o f movemen t was regulate d an d limite d b y th e mil l management . Whe n no t a t wor k the operative s wer e expecte d t o remai n a t thei r houses , an d afte r dar k everyone wa s suppose d t o b e a t home . O n electio n da y i n Augus t 1838 , an importan t communit y occasio n i n th e rura l cultur e o f th e antebellu m South, Franci s Fries , th e mil l agent , impose d a "dark curfew " o n al l mil l hands wh o live d i n compan y housing . Al l o f th e mil l hand s wh o ha d spent th e afternoo n "loose " at th e electio n groun d wer e require d t o b e i n the family house s or the boarding house by dark and expecte d t o be ready for wor k the next morning. I f the operative planned a trip of any distanc e from th e mill, the superintendent's permissio n wa s required. 39 Because SM C relie d heavil y o n famil y labor , th e famil y becam e th e most effectiv e instrumen t o f paternalisti c contro l o f th e wor k force . Th e social syste m o f th e mil l tha t lodge d familie s i n compan y housin g an d reinforced paterna l authorit y i n th e househol d fit nicel y wit h th e tradi tional Moravia n agencie s o f socia l control—th e household s an d work shops o f the maste r craftsmen . Unde r SM C rules , familie s ha d t o take i n as man y boarder s a s th e compan y requested . Th e hea d o f th e famil y assumed responsibilit y ove r everyone in the household, an d wa s expecte d by th e compan y t o see that al l members adhere d t o the rules . Th e rol e of the famil y wa s especiall y importan t i n th e cas e o f th e singl e wome n employed i n th e mill . Placin g singl e wome n i n family-run , company owned boardinghouse s circumscribe d women' s behavio r an d buttresse d the traditiona l patriarcha l authorit y o f th e Moravian s i n Salem . Jus t a s Moravian authoritie s expecte d sho p master s an d head s o f household s t o exercise authority ove r the member s o f their households , s o mill manage ment expecte d head s o f familie s i n th e compan y house s t o exercis e au -

Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 8 1 thority i n thei r households . B y holdin g famil y head s accountabl e fo r th e behavior o f member s o f their households , managemen t use d th e head s of mill familie s a s agent s o f compan y authorit y wh o regulate d th e behavio r of mill hand s outside of the factory. 40 Keeping th e mil l worker s unde r th e authorit y o f mil l managemen t served als o to calm fear s abou t th e creatio n o f a work forc e livin g outsid e of th e traditiona l communit y socia l order . B y 184 1 th e tota l numbe r o f operatives workin g i n th e SM C mil l durin g tha t yea r equalle d abou t 2 6 percent o f th e tota l membershi p i n th e Moravia n congregatio n a t Sale m in 1840 . Furthermore , a s man y member s o f th e Sale m congregatio n pursued thei r privat e interests , ofte n i n violatio n o f th e congregationa l rules, ther e wa s a greate r sensitivit y t o threat s t o th e mora l an d socia l order o f th e community . Whil e the y fough t amon g themselve s ove r th e preservation o f th e congregationa l syste m i n Salem , th e Moravian s re garded outsider s livin g amon g the m wit h seriou s doubts . O n a visi t t o four non-Moravia n familie s livin g i n th e rura l neighborhood s outsid e o f Salem, th e pasto r o f th e Friedber g congregatio n seemingl y confirme d Moravian suspicion s o f their neighbor s whe n h e found th e familie s livin g in "povert y stricke n hut s an d i n povert y apparentl y thei r ow n fault . Infinitely greate r stil l i s the pitifu l conditio n o f their immorta l souls . . . . Neither Testamen t no r Bibl e i s t o b e see n i n thei r hut s an d n o on e o f these poo r heathen s ca n read. " Congregatio n authoritie s i n Sale m wer e determined i n th e 1830 s t o protec t th e communit y an d it s wa y o f lif e from suc h perniciou s influence s the y sa w i n th e countrysid e beyon d th e village's borders. 41 Beside introducin g a new typ e o f worke r an d a different organizatio n of work an d production , textil e manufacturin g als o introduced ne w wor k routines an d ne w concept s regardin g compensatio n fo r labor . Unlik e Salem's journeyme n an d far m workers , wor k fo r th e mil l operative s wa s regulated b y th e spee d o f th e machinery . Th e mil l operative s wer e th e first manufacturin g worker s i n Sale m t o ten d nonhuman-powere d ma chinery producin g article s fo r a marke t tha t stretche d beyon d th e loca l community. Becaus e textil e manufacturin g wa s deepl y immerse d i n a competitive nonloca l marke t economy , th e pric e of yarn an d clot h ha d t o be kept lo w fo r th e company t o remain competitive . Consequently , ther e was competitiv e pressur e t o reduc e operatin g costs , especiall y wages . Therefore, compensatio n fo r mil l wor k wa s determined b y marke t condi tions and the profitability o f the company rathe r than b y the preindustria l custom i n th e artisa n sho p of payin g th e produce r a share o f th e valu e of

82 • Manufacturing and Community in Salem the product . Thu s mil l wor k tende d t o set apar t thos e engage d i n i t fro m the rest of the community. Th e me n i n the mill found themselve s outsid e of the mechani c cultur e o f Salem , havin g neve r serve d a n apprenticeshi p and wit h sli m hope of upward mobilit y an d ownershi p of their ow n shop . The situation s o f male operatives i n 186 0 who once worked fo r SM C an d who remaine d i n Forsyt h Count y afte r th e mil l close d support s thi s observation. O f forty-nin e mal e mil l hand s identifie d i n th e SM C tim e books, seventee n wer e locate d i n th e i86 0 census . Mos t o f thes e me n lived a n uncertai n existence . Seve n worke d a s laborers an d fou r reporte d no occupation . Te n o f th e seventee n forme r SM C operative s owne d n o real property . On e o f the seventee n wa s a shoemaker wh o owne d n o rea l estate. Fiv e o f th e seventee n me n wer e farmer s wh o owne d rea l estate . Six o f th e seventee n coul d no t rea d o r write . Fo r th e wome n wh o mad e up the bul k of the mil l operatives, th e distinction wa s even greater. Wag e work drew a sharp distinctio n betwee n wome n wh o did no t hav e to wor k outside of their famil y household s an d women who had to work for wage s to suppor t themselve s o r hel p suppor t thei r families . Th e nineteenth century idea l o f a woman wh o kep t a proper hom e supervisin g al l o f th e affairs o f th e household , an d wh o stil l foun d tim e t o enlighten he r mind , was impossibl e fo r mos t working-clas s women , regardles s o f ho w har d they migh t hav e tried t o live up t o the ideal. 42 A s most Moravia n wome n in Sale m continued t o work i n the homes of their families , o r if they wer e unmarried youn g wome n i n th e home s o f othe r Moravia n families , mos t non-Moravian wome n i n th e villag e worke d i n th e mill . Henc e th e wor k experiences o f Moravia n an d non-Moravia n wome n increasingl y di verged. Th e experience s of Salem's textile workers enabled the m to create a communit y o f worker s apar t fro m th e large r Moravia n communit y a s Factory Hil l becam e an early visio n of Salem' s future . Recognizing tha t withi n th e congregatio n villag e th e mil l hand s livin g on Factor y Hil l wer e evolvin g int o a separat e communit y wit h differen t work patterns , distinc t famil y live s i n th e company-owne d boarding houses, an d les s tha n certai n prospect s fo r th e future , th e Moravia n congregation leadershi p undertoo k effort s o f mora l suasio n throug h th e church t o influenc e mil l han d behavio r an d lea d th e mil l hand s i n wha t the Moravian s believe d t o b e th e prope r direction . T o thi s en d th e loca l clergy too k a n activ e rol e i n ministerin g t o th e spiritua l need s o f th e mil l hands. Ther e i s littl e doub t tha t th e Moravia n pastor s i n Sale m wer e sincerely concerne d fo r th e spiritua l conditio n o f th e mil l hands . A s th e opening o f th e SM C mil l approache d i n 1837 , t n e pasto r o f th e Sale m

Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 8 3 congregation note d i n th e congregatio n diar y th e hop e tha t "w e succee d also in caring for th e spiritual need s of the numerous stranger s wh o com e as workers i n th e factory. " Expressio n o f thi s spiritua l concer n i s eviden t in the opening of a Sunday schoo l o n Factor y Hil l i n 183 8 for th e benefi t of th e mil l hand s an d thei r families , particularl y th e childre n connecte d with th e mill. 43 However , th e effort s o f th e Moravia n pastor s wer e me t with mil l han d ambivalence . Th e mil l hand s enjoye d participatin g i n th e Moravian lovefeast s a t Christma s an d Ne w Years , an d i n othe r celebra tions which th e church sponsored . Th e Moravia n Sunda y schoo l was also appreciated fo r th e educationa l benefit s i t provided . Yet , th e mil l hand s rejected othe r Moravia n missionar y efforts . I n Novembe r 183 8 a member of the boar d o f director s o f SMC , notin g th e mil l hands ' desire t o atten d evening worshi p services , urge d tha t th e mil l sto p runnin g ever y othe r Tuesday evenin g so that the mill hands could attend th e regular Moravia n service held o n Tuesday night . Afte r abou t tw o month s i t was obvious t o the boar d tha t th e mil l hand s di d no t shar e "tha t relis h fo r ou r Moravia n service, whic h wa s believe d t o exist," an d th e mil l resume d operatio n o n Tuesday evenings. 44 Man y o f th e mil l hand s probabl y foun d th e Mora vian worshi p service s foreign , especiall y sinc e usuall y th e hymn s wer e sung an d sermon s preache d i n German . Non-Moravian s mus t als o hav e found th e Moravia n styl e o f worshi p chillingl y forma l an d lackin g i n emotion compare d t o th e fervo r o f Baptis t an d Methodis t services . Bu t more important , th e mil l hand s probabl y resente d th e closin g of th e mil l one nigh t ever y tw o week s whic h denie d the m th e wage s the y woul d have earned ha d th e mill operated . By contrast , th e Methodist s wer e mor e successfu l i n thei r missionar y efforts amon g th e mil l hands , a s attendanc e a t th e Methodis t meeting s near th e mil l demonstrated. 45 Th e Methodist s brough t th e religio n of th e countryside t o th e mill . Th e preachin g an d emotiona l response s o f th e faithful, see n s o often a t Methodist cam p meeting s i n the rura l neighbor hoods aroun d Salem , offere d th e spiritua l nourishmen t th e mil l hand s sought. Th e rejectio n o f Moravian effort s amon g the mil l hands an d thei r acceptance of Methodism illustrat e that the mill hands drew a line beyond which managemen t an d th e congregationa l leadershi p wer e no t allowe d to g o i n thei r effort s t o direc t th e live s o f thei r workers . Managemen t exercised broa d contro l over the mill hands' lives in the factory an d i n th e company-owned houses , bu t th e mil l hand s wer e determine d t o retai n autonomy ove r thei r spiritua l lives—th e on e face t o f lif e the y controlle d outright. Furthermore , th e Moravia n churc h wa s th e establishe d churc h

84 • Manufacturing and Community in Salem of th e communit y an d th e churc h o f th e mil l owners . Rejectio n o f th e Moravian churc h wa s als o a rejection o f on e par t o f th e authorit y o f th e mill owners . Regarde d a s stranger s b y th e Moravians , th e mil l hand s were forced t o live in houses buil t aroun d th e factory an d locate d beyon d the tow n limits . A s strangers , th e mil l hand s wer e alway s second-clas s citizens i n th e Moravia n community . I n thei r rejectio n o f th e Moravia n church, th e mil l hand s wer e turnin g thei r back s o n th e institutio n tha t conferred o n the m thei r lowe r statu s i n th e community . Methodism , however, provide d a sens e o f communit y t o replac e th e on e th e mil l hands ha d lef t behin d whe n the y cam e to the mill. Throughout th e lif e o f th e SM C mill , managemen t regarde d it s wor k force a s unreliabl e becaus e individua l mil l hand s ofte n wer e absen t fo r days and , sometimes , week s at a time. Th e proble m o f mill hand absenc e was especiall y acut e durin g th e earl y year s o f th e mill' s operatio n whe n single youn g wome n comprise d a large r proportio n o f th e wor k force . The boar d o f directors often complaine d tha t the single hands—those no t attached t o familie s i n th e mill—wer e i n th e habi t o f goin g hom e an d returning whe n the y wanted . Considerabl e tim e wa s los t whe n th e mil l could no t ru n a t ful l capacit y becaus e o f a lac k o f hands . Durin g th e summer o f 1838 , th e mill' s first i n operation , Franci s Frie s continuall y confronted th e problem o f absent hands . O n June 2 3 Fries could ru n onl y some of the mill' s machiner y becaus e s o many o f the operative s wer e ou t nearly th e whole week having the "summer complaint. " On th e afternoo n of June 2 7 mos t o f th e hand s wer e ou t o f th e mil l fishing. Accordin g t o Fries, ver y littl e business wa s done that week . Frie s found i t necessary t o get toug h wit h hi s operative s an d informe d the m o n Jun e 2 9 whe n h e distributed thei r pa y tha t "afte r thi s wee k I deduc t th e boar d o f suc h a s are sic k fro m thei r wages , a s I foun d som e wer e takin g advantag e o f m y paying thei r board. " Fries' s ster n measur e ha d littl e effec t apparently . The nex t da y th e mil l coul d ru n onl y si x frame s becaus e s o many hand s missed work . Th e proble m continued , an d i n August 183 9 Fries reporte d that th e mil l wa s shor t o f hands an d severa l ha d lef t unexpectedly , eithe r out sic k o r gon e home. 46 Th e mil l tim e book s illustrat e th e characte r o f the operatives ' inconstan t wor k habits . I n 184 5 th e averag e numbe r o f days pe r mont h worke d b y al l operative s i n th e spinnin g roo m wa s 20. 5 days. Fo r singl e hands , th e averag e wa s lower , 15.6 . Ther e wa s als o a monthly variation , wit h July an d Augus t havin g th e highes t average , 2 2 days, an d Marc h an d Septembe r th e lowest , 1 9 an d 1 8 days , respec tively.47 Th e mil l hand s lef t th e mil l unexpectedl y fo r a variet y o f rea -

Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 8 5 sons, al l o f whic h wer e linke d t o th e custom s o f rura l preindustria l culture. The y lef t t o hel p thei r familie s wh o remaine d o n farm s a t plant ing and harves t times , t o atten d Methodis t cam p meetings , t o atten d th e funerals an d marriage s o f friends , family , an d fello w mil l hands , t o g o fishing i n th e summer , an d t o gathe r al l da y a t th e electio n field o n election days , a customary holida y amon g the yeomanry . Quitting the mill to seek employment elsewher e or to return hom e was an explici t commen t b y mil l hand s o n wha t the y fel t abou t eithe r indus trial labo r o r mil l management . Soo n afte r th e mil l opened , th e boar d o f directors recognize d th e difficult y managemen t wa s havin g retainin g th e mill hand s afte r the y ha d learne d th e skill s necessar y fo r tendin g th e machinery. Th e machinis t o f th e mil l complaine d tha t th e mil l hand s were to o "uncertain " whic h deprive d th e compan y o f flexibility i n regu lating th e numbe r o f hand s employed . Th e tim e book s confir m th e ma chinist's complaint . O f th e 15 1 operatives wh o were employed i n the mill in 1841 , onl y twenty-thre e o r 1 5 percen t wer e stil l workin g fo r th e company i n 1848 . A s wa s th e cas e wit h absenteeism , hig h turnove r a s mill hand s qui t unexpectedl y mad e i t difficul t fo r th e mil l t o kee p al l o f its machiner y running . Often , th e mil l hand s wh o remaine d ha d t o ten d extra machines , thoug h wit h extr a pay , unti l replacement s fo r th e de parted coul d b e hired an d trained. 48 Management's complaint s abou t th e unreliabilit y o f th e mill' s opera tives must b e considered agains t th e backdrop of wage cuts, mill closings, and reduction s i n the mill work force undertake n b y management . SMC' s continual cas h shor t situatio n prompte d th e compan y t o pa y carefu l attention t o costs and th e changing conditions o f the market , alway s wit h an ey e t o increasin g profit s i n orde r tha t th e compan y migh t delive r o n earlier hope s o f bi g dividends. 49 I n it s ques t fo r increase d profit s th e actions o f mil l managemen t ha d a profound impac t o n th e mil l hands . I n an effor t t o cut cost s th e compan y foun d i t necessar y no t t o ru n th e mil l at night, a standard practic e during th e winter months , an d reduc e wage s by twelv e an d one-hal f cent s pe r week . Beginnin g i n 184 2 wage s fluctuated a s th e financial conditio n o f th e mil l varied , an d mil l hand s foun d their wage s increasingl y inconsistent . Gillia n Ivy , wh o worke d i n th e spinning room , wa s a typica l case . Sh e sa w he r wage s cu t fro m $1.6 2 a week t o $1.5 0 i n Octobe r 1842 , restore d t o $1.6 2 i n Apri l 1843 , and cu t again t o $1.5 0 i n May . Th e situatio n o f th e operative s wa s mad e eve n more difficul t b y th e periodi c suspensio n o f par t o r al l o f factor y opera tions du e t o backlog s o f clot h o r yarn , th e fal l i n yar n prices , o r whe n

86 • Manufacturing and Community in Salem cotton price s wer e to o high . I n th e winte r o f 1842 , SMC , lik e othe r piedmont mills , suspende d it s weavin g operations , an d turne d ou t al l o f the hand s wh o ha d bee n engage d i n th e weavin g room . Again , i n 184 7 the mil l di d no t operat e fro m Septembe r 5 through Decembe r 6 becaus e of th e larg e stoc k o f yar n o n han d an d hig h cotto n prices . Th e financia l situation o f SM C wa s adversel y affecte d an d th e mil l hand s foun d them selves ou t o f wor k wit h n o regula r incom e whe n th e mil l brok e dow n periodically an d operation s stopped , ofte n fo r week s at a time. Fro m July 10 through Augus t 26 , 1842 , the mil l close d fo r engin e repairs . I n Octo ber an d Novembe r 184 3 the mil l di d no t ru n fo r abou t fou r weeks , agai n for engin e repairs. 50 Wit h inconsisten t wages , layoffs , an d shutdowns , mill wor k wa s ofte n unreliable , failin g t o mee t th e mil l hands ' expecta tions o f stead y work , regula r wages , an d a dependabl e income . Th e unreliability o f mill work an d th e undependability o f mill management i n its promise s t o th e operative s bre d a correspondin g unreliabilit y i n th e mill hands . By absenteeis m an d quitting , th e mil l hand s force d managemen t t o adapt th e mechanize d routin e o f th e factor y t o the customar y habit s an d volition o f the operatives. Thoug h Easte r an d Christma s wer e recognize d by managemen t a s holiday s whe n th e mil l di d no t run , th e mil l hand s successfully stretche d th e holidays fo r severa l days b y no t returning fro m home promptly . I n 183 7 th e boar d o f director s advise d Franci s Frie s t o use his discretion regardin g th e operation o f the mill the day afte r Christ mas. Th e boar d tol d Fries : "I f th e hand s see m t o expec t [a ] holiday th e contrary migh t no t b e insiste d upon. " Mil l han d behavio r als o prompte d management t o reconside r it s attitud e towar d th e kin d o f labo r tha t should b e employe d i n th e mill . Mil l managemen t ha d believe d tha t a combination o f familie s an d youn g singl e individual s woul d b e th e idea l labor forc e fo r th e mill . Bu t b y 183 9 th e boar d o f director s o f th e company recognize d tha t singl e operatives, o r "loose " hands i n th e term s of SMC , pose d to o man y difficultie s i n thei r habi t o f "goin g hom e an d returning whe n the y thin k proper. " Consequently, th e board o f director s decided tha t th e mil l shoul d recrui t mor e famil y hand s t o compris e th e largest proportio n o f th e wor k force . T o thi s end , th e boar d o f director s decided i n 183 9 t o buil d anothe r famil y hous e and , i n 1841 , to conver t the boardinghous e wher e singl e hand s ha d bee n lodge d int o thre e apart ments t o accommodate families. 51 The persona l conduc t o f th e mil l hand s als o challenge d th e authorit y of mill management an d appeare d t o confirm th e fears of many Moravian s

Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 8 7 in Sale m tha t th e operative s woul d hav e a detrimental effec t o n commu nity morals . SM C continuall y reporte d difficultie s wit h it s employee s living in the boardinghouses , wher e managemen t believe d tha t th e excessive consumption o f liquo r wa s rampant . Th e situatio n wa s mad e wors e by th e lac k o f deferenc e b y th e mil l hand s towar d mil l management . Management viewe d it s operatives a s often contentious , refusin g t o abid e by th e mill' s rules , an d openl y disrespectfu l o f management' s authority . The boar d o f director s expresse d it s exasperatio n wit h th e mill' s opera tives an d declare d tha t th e compan y coul d n o longe r b e subjec t t o th e "whims, caprices , an d insolence " of it s employees. Franci s Frie s foun d i t necessary i n 183 8 to dismis s Washingto n Barro w becaus e o f hi s "unwill ingness t o wor k out. " I n 184 1 th e boar d o f director s fel t compelle d t o admonish th e mill hands that i t and the president o f the company "shoul d be treate d b y thos e engage d i n th e establishmen t wit h du e respec t [and ] that a t th e sam e tim e becomin g respec t i s du e t o th e Superintenden t o f the establishment." 52 The manager s o f the Sale m textile mills saw two possibl e solution s fo r creating a reliabl e an d productiv e wor k force . Th e first, whic h carrie d with i t man y problem s i n th e congregatio n communit y an d wa s thu s embraced reluctantly , wa s th e replacemen t o f undependabl e an d some times defiant whit e workers wit h slave s hired fro m th e neighboring coun tryside. Th e secon d solutio n whic h carrie d fe w risk s o f alienatin g man y in th e congregatio n communit y wa s t o adap t th e factor y routin e an d management policie s t o meet th e expectation s o f the mil l hands . Bu t thi s alternative worke d t o weake n th e mills ' financial conditio n a s wel l a s sometimes imped e th e mills ' productivity i n a competitive textil e market . The tur n t o slave s t o replac e defian t worker s wa s a peculiarl y souther n response t o labo r problem s i n th e earl y mills , bu t i n man y way s i t wa s not unlik e norther n mil l managers ' tur n t o Frenc h Canadian s o r Iris h immigrants t o replac e ofte n rebelliou s Yankees . Mil l owner s i n bot h regions turne d t o whateve r alternativ e labo r sourc e wa s immediatel y available. Souther n industrialis m wa s distinctiv e i n it s extensiv e us e o f slave labor . O f th e South' s tota l slav e populatio n employe d i n industry , roughly 8 0 percen t wer e owne d b y manufacturer s whil e th e remainde r were hire d ou t fo r specifi c period s o f time . Thoug h slav e labo r wa s no t popularly believe d t o be as efficient a s white labor on a daily basis , black s were regarde d a s efficient long-ru n worker s becaus e the y coul d no t leav e their jobs a s easil y a s white s did . A commo n them e amon g antebellu m manufacturers wa s that slaves were cheaper, mor e docile, and dependabl e

88 • Manufacturing and Community in Salem than whit e laborers who were often refractory , frequentl y lef t th e mill fo r days withou t givin g notice , an d waste d to o muc h tim e a t tavern s an d attending militi a muster s an d elections . Th e ke y to the ready adaptabilit y of slav e labor t o industria l work , an d it s advantag e ove r whit e labor , wa s its vulnerabilit y t o coerciv e discipline . Additionally , th e employe r o f slaves wa s no t bothere d wit h labo r organization s no r wit h havin g t o bargain ove r wage s with hi s workers. Give n th e frequent intractabilit y o f southern whit e workers , slav e labor , despit e it s occasiona l resistance , could b e more reliable. 53 Upon examinatio n o f wag e rates pai d b y SM C t o whit e mal e employ ees an d ren t pai d fo r hire d slaves , th e us e o f slave s i n th e mil l doe s no t appear t o hav e brough t a compellin g economi c advantag e t o th e mill , especially i n ligh t o f th e il l feeling s withi n th e communit y towar d th e increased us e of slaves in the village's shops . I n 184 7 the average monthl y pay fo r semiskille d whit e mal e operatives , mostl y teenagers , wa s $ 6 pe r month plu s board . I n th e sprin g o f 184 7 SM C negotiate d a n agreemen t with C . L . Banne r t o hire four o f his slaves. "Old " Aaron wa s hired a t $5 a mont h t o hau l wood . Martin , th e principa l han d i n th e pickin g room , was hired fo r $8.3 0 a month, whil e Eli who operated th e small picker wa s hired fo r $7.5 0 a month. Lewi s was engaged a t stripping the cylinders fo r $5.80 a month . SM C hire d Banner' s slave s fo r a n averag e o f $6.6 5 a month pe r slave. However, before thi s agreement wit h Banner , SM C ha d paid a n averag e of $10.2 5 a m o n t n for th e hir e of these slaves , which wa s roughly equa l t o th e wag e pai d t o man y skille d whit e workers . I n 184 8 the agreemen t wit h Banne r fo r th e hir e o f hi s fou r slave s cos t SM C a n average o f $8.3 3 a month pe r slave. 54 While SM C wa s spare d th e cos t o f boarding th e slave s hire d fo r th e mill , th e compan y di d no t realiz e a significant saving s in its labor costs by employin g slaves . The only appre ciable benefi t t o SM C fro m hirin g slave s wa s i n th e relativ e reliabilit y o f slaves ove r whit e labor . Slave s di d no t hav e th e mobilit y o f whit e work ers, henc e the y coul d b e boun d t o a specific plac e i n th e mil l fo r a whole year. I n this regard hire d slave s offered a n advantage to SMC . The presenc e o f a larg e clas s o f chatte l labo r gav e souther n manufac turers a decisiv e edg e ove r thei r whit e laborer s because , whe n needed , blacks wer e alway s availabl e t o replac e whit e workers. 55 Slave s mad e effective strikebreaker s i n souther n manufacturing . However , th e us e o f slaves i n manufacturin g create d tension s i n th e communit y whic h wer e central t o th e controvers y ove r congregationa l regulatio n o f th e us e o f slaves i n th e town . I n 183 8 SM C wa s havin g troubl e wit h th e fireman

Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 8 9 and picke r tender , bot h white , wh o refuse d t o obey thei r supervisor , th e machinist. T o solv e th e proble m th e machinis t suggeste d filling thes e positions wit h blacks , fro m who m u more punctua l obedienc e coul d b e enforced." Thi s suggestio n brough t th e mil l managemen t face-to-fac e with th e congregation' s rule s agains t th e us e o f slave s i n Sale m an d created a conflict withi n th e company' s boar d o f directors. Th e director s reluctantly accede d t o th e machinist' s request . Claimin g tha t th e com pany coul d no t b e subjec t t o coercio n b y it s employee s wh o migh t leave thei r jobs "i n a momentar y passion, " th e director s allowe d th e employment o f black s a s unskille d labo r i n th e engin e hous e an d picke r room, bu t th e black s wer e no t t o b e purchased . Te n year s late r SM C reaffirmed it s commitment t o white labor , whe n i t was available . Instea d of hirin g th e teenage d slave s o f Constantin e Banner , th e mil l agent , th e directors decide d tha t th e childre n o f th e whit e familie s wh o live d i n th e company house s an d worke d i n th e mil l shoul d b e give n first chanc e fo r employment. Th e compan y di d no t wan t t o tak e an y action s whic h would pu t white s ou t o f work . Management' s preferenc e fo r whit e labo r reflected th e Moravia n leaders ' fear s tha t extensiv e us e of slave s i n Sale m in an y jo b woul d establis h a dangerou s preceden t fo r th e increase d em ployment o f slave s i n th e town' s workshop s an d thus , i n th e lon g run , would limi t opportunitie s fo r gainfu l employmen t fo r th e congregation' s youths. Th e employmen t o f slave s wa s a n issu e o n whic h th e congrega tion leadershi p coul d no t capitulat e withou t jeopardizin g th e authorit y o f the congregatio n regulation s whic h oppose d th e employmen t o f slave s i n Salem. Therefore , SMC , controlle d b y th e prominen t Moravian s o f Sa lem, ha d t o remain tru e to the spirit of the congregation orders. 56 Only a s a last resort did th e company tur n t o slaves. Francis Fries , i n contrast , ha d othe r idea s abou t th e rol e o f slave s i n manufacturing, an d i n th e woole n mil l h e establishe d afte r leavin g hi s position a t SMC , Frie s joine d th e institutio n o f slaver y t o th e industria l development o f Sale m an d create d a mixe d wor k forc e i n hi s mil l o f whites and slaves . Fries believed tha t i f slaves were "willing enough" they could mak e goo d mil l hands , especiall y thos e wh o wer e to o smal l o r no t strong enoug h fo r field work . Frie s believe d tha t i t too k on e t o thre e months t o trai n a slav e fo r spinning . Bu t h e wa s convince d tha t the y could b e th e equa l o f whit e worker s becaus e "thei r stoc k i s neve r sick , and workin g the m eve r s o har d seem s neve r t o hur t them. " Frie s gav e his slave s extensiv e responsibilitie s tha t provide d the m opportunitie s t o develop industria l skill s an d ear n mone y o f thei r own . I n th e mil l the y

90 • Manufacturing and Community in Salem performed al l o f th e productio n task s alongsid e whit e operatives. 57 A s incentive t o productiv e wor k Frie s pai d hi s slaves ; Wallac e receive d $ 5 per mont h plu s a pai r o f shoe s an d a coa t a t th e en d o f th e yea r an d Henry wa s paid $4.1 6 2/ 3 per mont h plu s a coat. Som e of the Fries slave s took ful l advantag e o f thei r statu s a s wag e laborers , workin g o n thei r own accoun t whe n no t engage d i n th e mill , demonstratin g a sens e o f independence an d self-respec t a s workers . Whe n emancipated , Elli c ha d saved an d deposite d wit h F . an d H . Frie s $40 0 with whic h h e planned t o buy hi s freedom . A s wa s th e cas e fo r whit e labor , mil l wor k offere d opportunities t o black mill hands while it served th e needs of mill owners. As o n th e farm , slave s i n th e mill s adapte d t o thei r situatio n an d eve n turned i t to their advantage . Th e us e of slaves in mills was widespread i n the 1830 s an d 1840s , bu t a s cotto n price s recovere d i n th e 1850 s slav e values increased , makin g the m mor e profitabl e a s farm laborer s tha n mil l hands. Thus , i n th e 1850 s souther n mill s becam e increasingl y th e pre serve of white labor. 58 That mil l management wa s attracted t o supposedl y tractable an d dependabl e slave s t o complemen t o r eve n replac e whit e operatives reveals much abou t the attitudes an d behavio r of the operative s who worked i n the Sale m mills and thei r relation s wit h management . Mill han d behavio r prompte d managemen t t o reexamin e it s policie s regarding wage s pai d i n th e mill . I n thei r dealing s wit h th e employee s over th e issue s o f wage s an d regula r attendanc e a t work , managemen t came t o understan d th e natur e o f it s relationshi p t o labo r an d adopte d new measure s intende d t o bot h compe l an d induc e labo r t o b e mor e dependable. Thes e measure s recognize d th e cas h basi s o f th e manage ment-labor relationshi p an d tha t th e mil l hand s wer e mor e likel y t o respond t o positiv e measure s whic h woul d brin g the m greate r financial returns tha n th e negativ e prohibition s whic h threatene d terminatio n o f mill employment. Soo n after th e SMC mill opened, th e board of directors recognized th e potentia l amon g th e mil l hand s fo r misconduc t o r "impro prieties" whic h migh t sto p par t o f th e mil l an d promp t managemen t t o submit t o th e demand s o f th e mil l hands . Whil e th e boar d di d no t explicitly mentio n th e possibility o f strikes, th e board wa s concerned tha t the mil l hand s kno w fro m th e star t tha t managemen t woul d no t tolerat e any misconduc t merel y t o kee p th e mil l running . Mil l hand s wer e fore warned tha t the y riske d dismissal . Yet , th e mil l hand s di d no t respon d favorably t o thes e warnings , becaus e absenteeis m continued , an d th e mill coul d no t ris k turnin g ou t mil l hand s an d cuttin g bac k operations . Therefore, th e boar d ha d t o resor t t o inducement s t o persuad e th e mil l

Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 9 1 hands t o b e more regular an d dependabl e i n their wor k habits . I n th e fal l of 183 9 the chie f machinis t wa s authorize d t o rais e wage s fo r individua l mill hands by twenty-five cent s a week. Afte r a year the board recognize d that increase d wage s wer e no t th e whol e answer , especiall y whe n man agement wa s forced t o cut wage s due to competitive pressure s fro m othe r mills. Th e boar d the n decide d t o requir e al l mil l hand s t o sig n a writte n contract whic h stipulate d a definite ter m of employment, th e withholdin g of two weeks ' pay, an d th e forfeitur e o f thi s pa y i f the mil l han d di d no t remain i n th e mil l fo r th e ter m o f th e agreement . T o mak e th e contrac t more appealing t o the mil l hands , th e boar d stipulate d tha t al l employee s who worke d fo r a regula r lengt h o f tim e withou t interruptio n woul d b e entitled t o a cash bonus at the end o f the year. 59 The action s o f managemen t aime d a t creatin g a mor e reliabl e wor k force i n th e mil l yielde d som e results . B y recruitin g mor e familie s t o replace singl e hand s an d b y increasin g wages , managemen t wa s abl e t o increase th e persistenc e rat e amon g operative s and , b y 1845 , emplo y a more experienced vetera n work force. Betwee n 184 1 and 184 5 the propor tion o f mil l hand s belongin g t o familie s livin g i n th e company-owne d houses increased . I n 184 1 the compan y employe d 14 6 operatives; eighty nine, o r 6 1 percent , wer e famil y hand s an d fifty-seven, o r 3 9 percent , were singl e hands . B y 184 5 th e proportio n o f famil y hand s i n th e mil l had rise n t o 6 4 percen t whil e th e proportio n o f singl e hand s decline d t o 36 percent . Th e mil l wor k forc e i n 184 5 wa s als o a mor e experienced , veteran labo r forc e tha n i n earlie r years . I n 1845 , 5 2 percen t o f th e 14 3 operatives employe d a t SM C ha d worke d i n th e mil l a t leas t thre e years . Furthermore, one-thir d o f th e operative s employe d i n 184 5 ha d bee n i n the mil l a t leas t five years . Th e mil l hand s wer e bette r pai d i n 184 5 despite periodi c wag e reduction s tha t occurre d wit h changin g marke t conditions an d th e financial healt h o f SMC . Wage s i n th e mil l ros e through th e 1840s . Th e averag e wag e i n 184 1 wa s $1.3 6 a week which , by 1849 , ha d rise n t o $1.58 . Th e increase d proportio n o f famil y hand s and the veteran character of the workers earning a higher wag e gave SM C a mor e reliabl e wor k force . Wherea s i n 184 1 only 2 6 percent o f th e mil l hands employe d i n th e spinnin g roo m worke d a ful l yea r withou t ex tended absences , i n 184 5 5 3 percen t o f th e spinnin g roo m operative s worked th e entire year withou t extensiv e absences. 60 Salem mil l hands ' response s t o th e earl y industria l orde r o f th e mil l demonstrated o n th e on e han d a n accommodatio n t o the productiv e rela tions foun d i n th e mil l and , o n th e other , a rathe r successfu l effor t t o

92 • Manufacturing and Community in Salem force mil l managemen t an d th e productio n proces s t o adap t t o thei r needs. Bu t thes e response s als o represent th e mil l hands ' perceptio n tha t management ha d faile d t o fulfil l it s obligation s t o thos e wh o entere d th e mill.61 I n thei r effor t t o engage profitably i n manufacturing i n the emerg ing regiona l an d nationa l marke t economy , th e Moravia n investor s an d managers o f Salem' s textil e mill s ha d t o tempe r traditiona l notion s o f patriarchal responsibilities . Textil e mil l paternalism , wit h it s supposedl y patriarchal regar d fo r dependen t workers , wa s incompatibl e wit h th e demands o f industria l capitalism . Whe n confronte d wit h th e possibilitie s of operatin g losse s o r eve n lo w dividends , th e boar d o f director s di d no t hesitate t o cu t wages , clos e dow n par t o f th e machinery , an d la y of f operatives. Durin g th e lif e o f th e mil l th e boar d o f director s repeatedl y cut bac k o r suspende d operatio n o f th e mil l du e t o hig h cotto n prices , backlogs o f yarn , o r lo w price s o f yarn . Lik e th e mil l owner s o f nearb y Alamance an d Randolp h counties , th e managemen t o f SM C demon strated a calculatin g attitud e wit h a carefu l ey e towar d profit s an d losses.62 Suc h behavio r illustrate s th e inaccurac y o f th e long-hel d an d overemphasized concep t o f antebellu m textil e mil l paternalism . Th e pro jection o f th e imag e o f paterna l concer n fo r worker s ha d a s it s purpos e strictly economi c ends : a sufficien t labo r forc e tha t wa s dependable , docile, an d productive . Bu t th e wea k lin k i n a paternalisti c approac h t o mill managemen t wa s management' s inabilit y t o be dependable an d mee t its responsibilitie s t o th e operatives . Th e dilemm a fo r thes e Moravian s was tha t the y wer e no t involve d wit h th e mil l hands i n a strictly patriar chal relationshi p tha t traditionall y characterize d Moravia n communities , rather the y wer e engage d i n a n economi c relationshi p betwee n capita l and labor . Th e ironi c twis t i n thi s stor y i s tha t th e mil l hand s wer e th e traditionalists holdin g on t o notions o f securit y an d independenc e a s well as a n expectatio n o f reciprocit y i n relationship s betwee n member s o f a community, whil e th e Moravia n investor s an d manager s o f th e textil e mills wer e th e innovator s seeking t o promot e ne w socia l an d productiv e relations. Th e traditiona l values , habits , an d way s o f lif e whic h th e mil l hands brough t t o th e mil l clashe d wit h th e disciplin e require d o f indus trial labo r a s well as with th e mill owners' drive for profits . Thi s confron tation betwee n tw o divergen t ethose s informe d th e mil l hands ' resistanc e to management' s prerogatives , yieldin g a comple x relationshi p betwee n the mil l hand s an d managemen t tha t revolve d aroun d th e wag e contrac t and th e demand s o f earl y industria l capitalism . B y absenteeism , quittin g the mill , an d lac k o f deferenc e towar d mil l management , mil l hand s i n

Manufacturing and Community in Salem ' 9 3 Salem, lik e operative s i n othe r communities , expresse d thei r dissatisfac tion wit h th e situatio n i n th e Sale m mill s an d attempte d t o forc e mil l management an d th e production routin e i n the mill to meet their needs. 63 With th e openin g o f th e Sale m Manufacturin g Compan y mil l i n 183 7 the Moravian s attempte d t o transpos e thei r specia l wa y o f lif e int o a n industrial setting . Yet , i n their efforts t o engage profitably i n manufactur ing i n th e emergin g marke t economy , th e investor s an d manager s o f Salem's textil e mill s ha d t o abando n traditiona l notion s o f patriarcha l responsibilities whic h wer e at the cente r o f the congregationa l wa y o f lif e and adop t a managemen t styl e tha t wa s responsiv e t o th e demand s o f a competitive marke t a s wel l a s conduciv e t o th e accumulatio n o f profits . The mil l wa s a virtual Pandora' s bo x fo r th e congregation community , a s its implication s fo r th e lif e o f th e communit y wer e no t full y compre hended b y earl y advocate s o f manufacturing . Textil e manufacturin g be came a n agen t o f chang e tha t demonstrate d t o man y Moravian s tha t th e congregational orde r wa s no t compatibl e wit h capitalis t enterprise . Th e mill introduce d int o th e congregatio n tow n a larg e non-Moravia n wor k force an d promote d ne w wor k routine s an d life-styles . Tha t mos t o f th e mill hand s wer e no t Moravia n reveal s th e weakenin g o f a common iden tity amon g the people of Salem an d a n emerging differentiation accordin g to religion an d way s o f livin g an d working . Wit h th e larges t singl e grou p of workers i n the community se t apart o n the edge of town an d outside of the Moravian congregationa l culture , communit y i n Sale m was becomin g less the product o f that sens e of shared experienc e that had unite d al l who belonged t o th e congregatio n communit y tha n a plac e o r locatio n o f residence an d work . Factor y Hil l offere d a glimpse o f Salem' s futur e a s an important textil e center i n the South .

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Community Culture in Antebellum Salem

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ncreasing differentiatio n amon g th e Moravian s wa s expresse d i n th e diverse activitie s tha t capture d thei r attentio n durin g th e secon d quarter o f th e nineteent h century . Th e peopl e o f Sale m embrace d temperance societies , fraterna l organizations , evangelica l religion , an d political partie s whic h prompte d Willia m Frie s i n 183 1 t o commen t tha t Salem wa s "i n man y way s goin g t o extreme s . . . som e fo r Temperanc e Society o r Sunda y Schools , other s hav e becom e quit e military." 1 Thes e activities illustrat e th e ne w complexit y o f lif e amon g th e townspeopl e who considered themselve s mor e than jus t members of a religious congregation. Bu t the y als o represent attempt s t o recreat e tha t unit y whic h th e Moravian churc h an d th e congregatio n ha d onc e provided . Loca l bond s were strengthene d a s townspeople joine d i n organization s tha t combine d mutuality an d communa l loyalt y wit h self-interest . Fourt h o f July cele brations, temperanc e festivals , cam p meetings and religiou s revivals, electioneering parade s an d rallies , an d othe r event s sponsore d b y an d partici pated i n b y variou s organization s invigorate d th e sens e o f communit y among a n increasingl y heterogeneou s population . Suc h community building activitie s forme d a buffe r t o hel p absor b th e shoc k o f dramati c change tha t accompanie d economi c transformation. 2 However , thi s ne w solidarity tenuousl y hel d togethe r Moravian s an d th e growing numbe r o f non-Moravians i n a n increasingl y divers e an d differentiate d community . By mid-centur y th e peopl e o f Sale m wer e n o longe r jus t Moravians , bu t mechanics, mil l hands , an d merchants , Whig s an d Democrats , Method 94

Community Culture in Antebellum Salem • 9 5 ists an d Baptists . The y wer e n o longe r th e pur e Moravia n settle r o f th e eighteenth century , a generatio n o r tw o remove d fro m Saxony , bu t a North Carolinia n boun d t o a ne w environmen t an d th e attitude s an d ways of life of an evolving market society . From it s foundin g i n th e eighteent h century , Sale m ha d bee n a com munity o f artisan s an d shopkeeper s wh o practice d thei r respectiv e trade s and farme d smal l plot s o f lan d rente d fro m th e congregation . A t mid century ove r one-hal f o f th e workin g populatio n wer e artisan s o r shop keepers wh o wer e likel y t o hav e bee n artisan s earlie r i n thei r career . These Moravians share d th e common experienc e of manual labo r produc ing the goods necessar y t o sustai n lif e i n th e community . Th e lif e cours e of th e congregation' s me n stretche d fro m apprenticeshi p fo r boy s i n on e of the village's shops , thoug h employmen t a s a journeyman whil e in thei r late teen s an d twenties , eventuall y t o ful l participatio n i n th e lif e o f th e congregation a s a hea d o f a househol d an d maste r craftsman . I n a tow n cut fro m th e wilderness t o fulfill a religious missio n labo r wa s a virtue, a s it wa s necessar y tha t everyon e wor k t o insur e th e surviva l o f th e town . The achievemen t o f creatin g a communit y ou t o f nothin g enhance d th e artisans' sens e o f self-wort h an d enable d the m t o contes t th e implie d social inferiorit y o f manua l wor k pervasiv e i n th e South. 3 Th e Sale m People's Press confirme d th e dignit y o f manua l labo r an d tha t th e trade s were a callin g "a s nobl e a s th e indolenc e an d inactivit y o f wealt h i s ignoble." Affirmation s o f th e dignit y o f labo r reflecte d a commitment t o personal independenc e tha t derive d fro m an d wa s preserve d b y hones t toil o n th e soi l an d i n one' s craft . Contro l o f productiv e property—lan d or a skill—free d me n fro m dependenc e o n other s fo r subsistenc e an d enabled the m t o enjo y th e fruit s o f thei r ow n an d thei r family' s labor . This consciousnes s forme d values b y whic h peopl e mad e mora l choice s and judge d th e desirabilit y o f event s an d idea s an d shape d a n etho s b y which Sale m resident s mad e sens e of their experiences . Still , th e empha sis of the antebellum republica n ideolog y o f independenc e an d individua l liberty remaine d i n Sale m a s in other communitie s acros s the Sout h i n an "uneasy juxtaposition " wit h notion s o f dependenc e an d communit y a s the Moravian s struggle d wit h th e implication s o f thi s ideolog y fo r th e congregational wa y of life. 4 The articulatio n o f a mechani c identit y amon g artisan s bor n ou t o f similar lif e experience s i n th e churc h an d workshop s emerge d a s a n instrument o f solidarit y an d a bond o f community i n a village of artisan s and shopkeeper s challenge d b y th e market . A s economi c interest s cam e

o6 • Community Culture in Antebellum Salem to defin e thei r lives , tension s betwee n master s erupte d an d harmon y within th e congregatio n bega n t o brea k down . Increase d commercializa tion o f economi c relations , th e ques t fo r profit s an d financial advantage , and politica l tension s ove r stat e an d nationa l issue s suc h a s th e tariff , taxes, an d th e distributio n o f publi c revenue s ren t th e communit y i n th e 1850s. Increasingly , relation s withi n th e congregatio n wer e no t filled with a Moravia n sens e o f brotherl y lov e betwee n communicants . Henr y Leinbach observe d a s earl y a s 183 3 tha t whe n mone y wa s involved , "Brotherly love " vanishe d quickly. 5 Th e identificatio n o f masters , jour neymen, an d apprentice s a s mechanics enable d the m t o preserve a fragil e unity despite changing economic conditions which were creating a dichotomy o f interest s i n th e workplac e betwee n employe r an d employee . Th e mechanic identit y motivate d artisan s t o establish socia l organization s lik e the Orde r o f Unite d America n Mechanic s an d th e Masoni c an d Od d Fellows lodges as a device for preservin g harmony withi n th e community . Artisans, bot h Nort h an d South , joine d togethe r i n thei r respectiv e communities t o organiz e societie s whic h promote d respect , self-esteem , and a sense of brotherhood amon g skille d worker s wh o share d a common status a s producers . Organize d primaril y fo r benevolen t purposes , pro viding ai d t o member s i n time s o f illness , a s wel l a s buria l expenses , these societie s occasionall y evolve d int o class-consciou s organization s o f producers unite d fo r th e commo n goal s o f protectin g jobs , obtainin g th e passage o f mechanics ' lie n laws , highe r wage s an d shorte r hours , law s barring th e use of slave s in the trades, an d preservin g th e statu s of skille d workers a s producers . I n Sale m th e Wachovi a Counci l o f th e Orde r o f United America n Mechanic s an d Workin g Me n wa s establishe d a s a benevolent an d fraterna l society . Meetin g ever y Frida y evenin g i n th e Salem tow n hall , th e OUA M provide d fellowshi p fo r Salem' s artisans . The Orde r o f Unite d America n Mechanic s wa s organized i n Philadelphi a in 184 5 a s a patrioti c an d benevolen t societ y o f nativ e whit e male s wh o united t o defen d member s fro m th e economi c competitio n o f immigrant s and t o ai d th e widow s an d orphane d childre n o f decease d members. 6 Little informatio n o n thi s organizatio n survive s excep t fo r a few notices , resolutions, an d reference s t o it s participation i n community event s pub lished i n th e Sale m People's Press, but th e organizatio n wa s probabl y composed primaril y o f maste r craftsme n an d thei r journeyme n fro m th e different crafts , unitin g them i n activities outside of their workshops , an d helping t o promote a common identit y amon g artisans a s mechanics. I t i s likely tha t th e OUA M wa s establishe d b y mechanic s wh o wer e awar e of

Community Culture in Antebellum Salem • 9 7 the tension s inheren t i n th e emergin g ne w economi c arrangement s an d who sought th e mean s t o preserve unit y an d harmon y amon g Salem' s ar tisans. While th e Orde r o f Unite d America n Mechanic s ma y hav e bee n com posed o f loca l master s an d journeymen , th e ran k an d file deferred t o th e more successfu l an d respecte d sho p master s an d conferre d o n the m posi tions of leadership and prestige . I n 185 4 when membe r Lewi s F. Eberhar t died, a resolution o f condolenc e wa s printe d i n th e People's Press with th e names o f member s wh o forme d th e committe e t o expres s th e condo lences. Eberhart , ag e fifty a t hi s death , wa s a lock an d cloc k make r wh o owned propert y value d a t $600. The committee was composed o f William Hauser, ag e fifty, a bricklayer wh o owne d $70 0 i n property , an d Henr y Holder, thirty-eigh t year s old , als o a bricklayer , wh o owne d propert y valued a t $600 . Henr y Holde r enjoye d a modes t politica l caree r i n th e decade befor e th e Civi l War , servin g a s a town commissione r o f Winsto n in 1859 . Holde r an d Hause r wer e liste d i n a postwa r busines s director y as mechanic s workin g o n thei r ow n account ; Holde r a s a mason i n Win ston an d Hause r a s a brick and ston e mason i n Salem. 7 Like the Order o f United America n Mechanics , fraterna l organization s such a s the Mason s an d Od d Fellow s provide d fellowshi p an d a sense of security i n th e fac e o f th e uncertaintie s o f lif e i n th e nineteent h century . Fraternal organization s enjoye d grea t popularit y acros s th e Sout h an d were importan t socia l an d recreationa l institution s i n tow n life . Th e Independent Orde r o f Od d Fellow s dispense d relie f t o th e member s an d their widowe d families , burie d lodg e members , an d educate d orphans . As wit h th e mechanics ' society , th e leadershi p an d prestigiou s position s in the Masonic and Odd Fellow s lodges were filled by the more successfu l men o f th e community . Fro m resolution s publishe d i n th e Sale m People's Press, th e honorar y condolenc e committee s wer e compose d o f successfu l mechanics, farmers , merchants , an d professional s wh o were solidly i n the middle rank of local society. 8 The fraterna l an d benevolen t organization s provide d meetin g place s for mechanic s an d risin g entrepreneurs , greate r familiarit y wit h eac h other, an d a sens e o f share d experience . I n contrast , larg e number s o f semiskilled an d unskille d me n an d wome n i n th e community , th e larges t group bein g th e textil e mil l operatives , wer e no t likel y t o belon g t o th e Order o f Unite d America n Mechanic s o r th e Mason s o r Od d Fellows . Initiation fee s restricte d membershi p t o thos e me n wh o coul d affor d t o join an d suppor t th e activitie s o f th e lodges . Me n a t th e lowe r en d o f th e

98 • Community Culture in Antebellum Salem socioeconomic scal e o f th e community , a s wel l a s women , wer e lef t ou t of thi s circl e an d foun d thei r fellowshi p i n mor e informa l ways—i n th e home, aroun d a fire, i n conversatio n wit h ki n an d friends , a t churc h services an d activities , an d a t publi c celebration s lik e Independenc e Da y festivities whic h wer e popula r i n Salem. 9 Fo r thes e townspeople , exclu sion fro m th e activitie s o f th e mechanic s imbue d them , too , wit h a sens e of share d experience . Neve r a par t o f th e mechani c tradition , havin g never serve d apprenticeship s o r worke d a s journeymen , thes e worker s were se t apart fro m thei r neighbors . Factor y worker s occupied th e lowes t rank an d compose d a buddin g clas s o f industria l laborer s i n whic h son s and daughter s followe d thei r parent s int o the factories. 10 Thi s divergenc e of circumstances betwee n th e mechanic s on the one hand, an d mil l work ers an d da y laborer s o n th e other , i s indicativ e o f emergin g clas s differ ences withi n th e communit y durin g th e lat e antebellu m years . I n th e decade precedin g th e Civi l War , a s mor e non-Moravian s move d int o th e community an d a s th e politica l controversie s o f th e 1850 s gre w mor e intense, strain s becam e more evident i n the community . The fire company an d th e militia were more inclusive than the benevolent an d fraterna l orders . Al l th e townsme n subjec t t o militi a dut y wer e required t o participat e i n th e regula r trainin g meeting s o f th e fire com pany. Th e Sale m Vigilan t Fir e Company , organize d i n 1843 , wa s equipped accordin g t o stat e la w wit h firemen's uniforms , a n engine , a new hos e carriage , ladders , an d a ladde r wago n wit h hooks . Thoug h inclusive o f a broader spectru m o f the town' s population , th e fire compa nies stil l advance d th e artisans ' an d shopkeepers ' predominan t rol e i n town life . Th e officer s o f th e Sale m Vigilan t Fir e Compan y electe d i n 1857 wer e youn g merchant s an d mechanics , al l o f who m ha d a veste d interest i n th e protectio n o f their workshop s an d stores. 11 The militi a di d in fact unit e me n acros s class lines . B y stat e law passe d i n 1830 , all whit e males betwee n th e age s o f eightee n an d forty-fiv e wer e enrolle d i n th e militia an d require d t o participat e i n a compan y muste r a t leas t twic e a year and a battalion muste r once a year. O n muste r day men fro m al l over the count y gathered , bringin g togethe r peopl e o f divers e background s and fro m differen t neighborhoods—peopl e wh o migh t neve r hav e me t otherwise. A t militi a muster s i n Sale m alcoho l an d politica l rhetori c flowed freely , whil e gambling , fighting, an d sport s entertaine d th e parti cipants. Th e Moravia n record s repor t numerou s complaint s abou t th e rowdiness o f th e musters . I n on e instanc e i t wa s allege d tha t John Wess ner an d John Spac h violate d congregatio n rule s b y engagin g i n a marks -

Community Culture in Antebellum Salem • 9 9 manship contes t fo r cash . After on e muste r th e evenin g liturg y o f th e local congregatio n wa s cancele d du e t o th e strai n o f th e nois y day . De spite the disorders an d rowdiness , th e militi a companie s aide d th e social ization proces s tha t expande d an d molde d a sens e o f communit y an d became instrument s fo r th e increase d politicizatio n o f th e community . This wa s particularl y importan t t o the semiskille d an d unskille d worker s who coul d no t affor d t o joi n a Masoni c o r Od d Fellow s lodge . Lik e eighteenth-century militi a a t th e tim e o f th e Revolution , th e militi a i n Salem ofte n becam e a cente r o f politica l debat e an d discussion . Henr y Leinbach reporte d tha t i n October 183 1 a number o f militiamen me t afte r muster t o discus s way s o f organizin g oppositio n t o Andre w Jackson' s reelection a s president . Th e incipien t Whig s i n th e militi a unanimousl y elected Dr . Frederi c Schuman , a local notable , a s a delegate t o the Whi g convention i n Baltimor e whic h intende d t o nominat e a candidate fo r th e 1832 election. 12

As militi a muster s demonstrated , consumptio n o f alcoho l an d a rousin g good tim e wer e vita l element s o f publi c event s i n Salem . Bu t th e in creased us e of alcohol and th e disorders that resulted prompte d increasin g concern amon g members o f the community a s tippling shop s opened an d a growing numbe r o f storekeeper s sol d stron g drink . Believin g alcoho l t o be th e caus e o f th e increasin g incidenc e o f disorde r i n communit y life , the Aufsehe r Collegiu m i n 183 9 agree d tha t futur e member s woul d no t serve each othe r alcoholi c beverages , i n th e hop e of avoiding al l reproac h and offence . Th e publi c drunkennes s an d rowd y behavio r o f man y wh o attended th e annua l publi c examination s a t th e Sale m Girl s Boardin g School le d th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m i n 184 6 to eve n stronge r measure s i n prohibiting th e sal e o f alcoholi c drin k i n th e loca l taver n before an d during th e examination . I n 185 2 th e head s o f household s an d maste r workmen convene d t o address th e risin g incident s o f disorder amon g th e town's boy s an d youn g me n wh o frequentl y gathere d o n Salem' s street s and i n the village square in the evening to engage in "deplorable irregular ities." Thes e nois y gathering s frequentl y moleste d passersby , especiall y women, an d disturbed th e peace and quiet of the community wit h "outra geous an d profan e language. " Th e town' s parent s an d maste r craftsme n were blame d fo r no t exercisin g sufficien t authorit y ove r thei r son s an d apprentices.13 Th e temperanc e movemen t i n Sale m wa s par t o f a large r process aime d a t addressin g th e socia l ill s i n th e community—drunken -

ioo • Community Culture in Antebellum Salem ness, rowdiness , an d crime—tha t migh t imped e th e continue d develop ment o f the town. Th e movemen t attempte d t o maintain respectabilit y i n a communit y i n whic h th e congregatio n authoritie s coul d n o longe r con trol persona l behavior , sinc e a growing proportio n o f the communit y di d not belon g to the Moravian church . Efforts t o alte r persona l behavio r a s a mean s o f eliminatin g drunken ness an d publi c disorde r centere d i n th e loca l temperanc e societies . Th e first temperanc e societ y i n Sale m wa s organize d i n 1829 , bu t i t wa s apparently short-lived . I n th e sprin g o f 184 2 abou t sixt y townspeopl e organized a ne w temperanc e societ y i n Sale m an d wo n th e immediat e support o f th e Elder s Conferenc e whic h believe d tha t drinkin g i n Sale m was increasin g an d "Moravia n principles " wer e unabl e t o chang e suc h behavior. Throug h th e 1840 s and 1850 s the Son s of Temperance directe d the temperanc e campaig n i n Winsto n an d Salem . Th e mos t activ e ante bellum temperanc e organization , i t wa s founde d i n Ne w Yor k i n 184 2 and opene d it s first branc h i n Nort h Carolin a i n Raleig h tha t sam e year . Initially, th e Son s o f Temperanc e wa s a secre t organizatio n wit h secre t handshakes, signs , an d symbols , an d a tota l abstinenc e pledge . Th e organization als o operated a s a mutual ai d societ y providin g neede d bene fits fo r it s members . Afte r a membershi p fe e o f $2.00 , th e regula r due s were a t leas t si x an d a quarte r cent s a week . I n return , ever y bon a fide member i n cas e o f illnes s o r disabilit y wa s entitle d t o a t leas t $3.0 0 weekly. Eac h "brother" was also entitled t o $30 to defray buria l expenses . If th e wif e o f a member died , h e wa s entitle d t o $1 5 fo r buria l expenses . To includ e th e wome n o f th e town , a Daughter s o f Temperanc e wa s organized i n Salem . Temperanc e celebration s an d lecture s entertaine d and educate d th e peopl e o f Salem . Minister s an d professiona l me n wer e well represente d an d playe d leadin g roles i n th e loca l lodge s or divisions , but artisan s an d shopkeeper s probabl y mad e u p th e larges t number s which gav e the movemen t a decidedly middle-clas s tint . A partia l reaso n for th e temperanc e society' s appea l t o th e townspeopl e wa s th e recre ational aspec t o f th e movement , a s temperanc e meeting s an d rallie s wit h their lecture s an d debate s wer e popula r source s o f entertainment . Th e society playe d a prominent rol e i n communit y celebration s o n Washing ton's Birthda y an d Independenc e Day. 14 Those who gathered unde r th e temperance standar d agree d that intem perance wa s th e roo t caus e o f crime , poverty , an d idleness , an d a n evi l that undermine d th e family, th e church, and , i n the end, th e social order .

Community Culture in Antebellum Salem • 10 1 Peter Doub , a note d Methodis t preache r fro m Stoke s County , labele d alcohol th e "maste r agen t o f Hell. " I n a n addres s t o th e Gran d Divisio n of th e Nort h Carolin a Son s o f Temperanc e i n 1852 , Dou b attribute d three-quarters o f al l pauperism , insanity , murders , an d othe r crime s t o strong drink. 15 Temperanc e wo n convert s i n a societ y i n transition , an d it promote d a wa y o f lif e tha t it s adherent s believe d t o b e conduciv e to individua l succes s an d a stabl e socia l orde r i n th e newl y emergin g circumstances o f th e Moravia n town . A s th e congregationa l etho s weak ened, th e townspeopl e recognize d th e nee d fo r a ne w mora l orde r tha t conformed t o th e economi c an d socia l realitie s tha t promote d th e unfet tered expressio n o f the individual wil l and th e pursuit o f private interests . Increased drinkin g an d antisocia l behavior , lik e that of some of the youn g men o f Sale m durin g thes e years , ma y hav e bee n individua l response s t o the increasing tensions and uncertainties accompanyin g emerging individ ualism a s traditiona l communit y restraint s o n behavio r weakened . Suc h antisocial behavio r ma y als o have been persona l response s t o the insecuri ties an d uncertaintie s economi c change s wrough t a s youn g me n foun d i t more difficul t t o establis h themselve s i n a trad e i n Salem . Henc e effort s to curb suc h behavio r regarde d a s detrimental t o the communit y focuse d on reformin g th e individua l character . Mora l suasio n wa s th e preferre d instrument o f changing antisocia l behavior . A temperanc e rall y i n Sale m to celebrat e Washington' s Birthda y i n 185 5 too k a firm stan d i n suppor t of individua l libert y an d agains t coerce d sobriety : "Morall y an d physi cally, ma n i s a free agent , an d an y la w whic h seek s to control hi s volitio n is an insul t offered t o his dignity an d hi s understanding . . . " Thi s focu s on th e fre e wil l o f peopl e an d th e individua l characte r ha d a religiou s appeal tha t wa s expresse d i n th e evangelica l movemen t tha t swep t th e country durin g thes e years . Temperanc e an d evangelica l religio n wer e "interwoven responses " t o th e sam e fundamenta l uncertaintie s an d ten sions that characterize d antebellu m America n society. 16

Evangelical religio n wa s importan t t o th e large r proces s o f creatin g a value syste m an d way s o f behavio r tha t fit th e need s o f a new economi c order. Sweepin g th e Sout h durin g th e first thir d o f th e nineteent h cen tury an d reshapin g th e cultur e o f th e region , th e evangelica l movemen t awakened man y southerner s t o th e spiritua l sid e o f life . Stressin g th e sinfulness o f huma n nature , a persona l relationshi p wit h God , salvatio n

102 • Community Culture in Antebellum Salem through faith , an d th e nee d fo r conversio n throug h inwar d grace , evan gelicals believe d th e inne r regeneratio n o f th e individua l a s the sourc e o f salvation. Evangelica l religio n preache d tha t self-contro l an d self-disci pline wer e essentia l t o th e lif e o f piet y towar d whic h Christia n me n an d women shoul d striv e an d answere d need s fel t b y man y southerner s a t a time whe n th e Sout h an d th e natio n wer e experiencin g social , economic , and political changes. A new code of conduct, a renewed sens e of community, an d a belief i n the responsibility o f the individual fo r hi s or her ow n salvation constitute d a changin g worldvie w a s southerner s adopte d ne w perceptions o f the changing societ y aroun d them. 17 It i s difficul t t o determin e wh o i n Sale m actuall y participate d i n th e evangelical movement . Give n th e wid e appea l o f th e evangelica l move ment i n Stoke s an d Forsyt h counties , artisans , yeoma n farmers , da y laborers, an d mil l worker s wer e likel y participants . A s th e leadershi p of th e loca l temperanc e organization s demonstrates , th e ne w moralit y evangelical religio n promote d foun d it s greatest expressio n i n th e live s of the artisans , shopkeepers , an d manufacturer s o f Winston an d Salem . Fo r these southerners , evangelica l religio n migh t b e regarde d a s a n essentia l element i n a genera l "tightenin g up " o f th e mora l cod e becaus e o f it s compatibility wit h ne w value s rationalize d b y th e ne w economi c order. 18 The artisa n an d th e entrepreneu r foun d i n evangelica l religio n a n etho s that promote d self-discipline , frugality , temperance , punctuality , an d diligence—values increasingl y necessar y t o success in a market economy . Though h e di d no t embrac e th e evangelica l fait h sweepin g th e South , Francis Frie s did adop t th e ways of behavior man y artisan s an d entrepre neurs believe d wer e conduciv e t o success an d whic h evangelica l religio n promoted. Frie s renounce d indulgenc e i n suc h "worldl y pursuits " a s bowling i n favo r o f a n exclusiv e attentio n t o hi s busines s endeavor s an d his civic , religious , an d famil y responsibilities . Additionally , ther e wa s the belie f tha t religio n ha d a plac e i n th e worksho p an d store . Th e merchant wa s admonishe d t o dea l justl y wit h hi s customer s whil e th e artisan wa s t o execut e hi s wor k faithfully , fo r neithe r woul d reac h Heaven otherwise . Worker s wer e tol d tha t "worksho p Christianity " con sisted o f a "religiou s fidelity" t o th e employe r an d hi s customers , an d t o slight or neglect th e work one was paid t o perform wa s to commit a sin. 19 For those at the lowest levels of southern society , evangelical religio n ma y have ha d a different meanin g an d appeal . Mil l worker s an d da y laborer s who fel t isolate d o r alienate d fro m th e communit y ma y hav e embrace d

Community Culture in Antebellum Salem • 10 3 evangelical religio n for th e sense of belonging and hop e for th e future tha t enabled the m t o endur e th e present . Fo r thes e southerners , fo r who m there wa s no t th e promis e o f materia l succes s i n th e competitiv e marke t economy, lif e offere d eithe r a day-by-day existenc e of monotonous gruel ing labo r whereve r i t coul d b e found , o r tendin g machiner y i n a dark , dusty, an d oil y textile mill where the demands o f mechanized productio n made lif e unpleasant . Fo r thos e wh o di d no t belon g t o th e influentia l classes i n souther n societ y o r ha d onl y a limited par t i n th e politica l an d cultural affair s o f thei r communities , evangelica l religio n offere d a sens e of share d experienc e wit h thos e o f lik e situatio n an d a feelin g tha t the y could a t leas t contro l thei r spiritua l life . Fo r th e powerless , salvatio n wa s near at hand t o be grasped throug h faith . Moravian congregation s i n an d aroun d Sale m wer e challenge d b y th e aggressive proselytizin g o f evangelical preachers . Throug h th e lat e 1820 s and 1830 s cam p meeting s wer e frequen t event s i n th e Sale m neighbor hood, an d th e impac t o f th e Methodis t meeting s di d no t g o unnoticed . The Moravia n ministe r i n Sale m wrot e i n hi s congregatio n diar y i n 182 6 that man y o f hi s flock fled th e regula r servic e fo r a Methodis t cam p meeting in nearby Bethania . Amon g the Moravians, youn g people appea r to hav e bee n especiall y susceptibl e t o th e lur e o f th e cam p meeting . I n 1830 the ministe r a t Bethani a wrot e tha t mos t o f hi s congregation , espe cially th e young , ha d deserte d t o th e Methodis t meeting . Thi s sam e meeting, hel d i n Septembe r 1830 , provoke d a critical observatio n b y th e Bethabara ministe r wh o complaine d o f th e Methodists ' nois y way s an d religious practice s tha t mad e a "thoroughl y unsatisfactor y impression. " He believed , however , tha t member s o f hi s congregatio n attende d th e Methodist meeting s fo r a n occasiona l chang e fro m th e everyda y routin e and fo r th e opportunit y t o se e somethin g new. 20 Writin g i n th e Sale m congregation diary , a Moravia n ministe r observe d tha t becaus e o f th e Methodists' revival s "somewha t mor e spiri t seem s t o b e stirre d up. " Henry Leinbac h recognize d th e lur e camp meeting s hel d fo r thos e Mora vians wh o wante d t o se e and hea r somethin g new . A t on e camp meetin g in Augus t 1831 , Leinbac h observed : "A t th e conclusio n o f th e sermo n there commence s a furious noise , uttere d i n divers e ways ; contortions o f faces, clappin g o f hands , jumpin g an d rolling ; som e screa m a s thoug h they wer e ru n throug h wit h a butcher's knife ; face s ar e to b e see n shout ing glory, glory ! i n whic h an y thin g [sic] bu t happines s i s depicted . . . " The scene s a t cam p meeting s di d no t agre e wit h Leinbach' s vie w o f

104 • Community Culture in Antebellum Salem religion. I t astonishe d hi m tha t "me n o f soun d sense " coul d behav e i n such a manner. Nevertheless , Leinbac h believe d tha t h e ha d hear d goo d sermons a t the camp meetings h e attended. 21 The evangelica l movemen t tha t swep t th e neighborhood s aroun d Sa lem durin g th e nineteent h centur y directl y confronte d th e Unita s Fra trum an d pointe d t o th e increasin g differentiatio n i n loca l communit y life. I n the lat e eighteenth an d earl y nineteent h centurie s th e extension o f evangelical religio n wa s spurred b y th e migration int o the backcountry o f people wh o ha d littl e o r n o attachmen t t o th e establishe d church , eithe r the Anglican churc h i n older settlement s o f North Carolin a o r the Unita s Fratrum i n an d aroun d Salem . Thos e mos t susceptibl e t o evangelica l preaching were southerners wh o were dissatisfied wit h traditional author ity an d behavior , whic h wer e buttresse d b y th e establishe d religio n tha t evangelicals identifie d wit h th e elite s o f stratifie d communities. 22 I n Stokes an d Forsyt h counties , th e Methodist s probabl y gaine d man y ne w members fro m thos e wh o wer e recen t migrant s t o th e are a an d wh o remained outsid e o f th e exclusiv e congregationa l lif e o f th e Moravian s i n Salem and other nearby Moravia n communities. Fo r many who embrace d Methodism, th e Unita s Fratru m wa s probabl y to o closely identifie d wit h the firmly establishe d elite s o f th e Sale m community . Lik e th e earlie r Moravians, nineteenth-centur y souther n evangelical s rejecte d th e tradi tional distinction s base d o n politica l power , wealth , o r famil y back ground. Instead , the y sough t a new community wit h n o class distinction s but founde d o n ideologica l an d mora l purity , an d create d b y persona l experience, baptism , an d discipline. 23 Thi s probabl y explain s wh y Sa lem's mil l hand s an d th e congregation's youn g peopl e embraced evangeli cal religion . Fo r th e mil l hands , th e Methodis t cam p meetin g wa s mor e friendly an d enjoyabl e tha n th e worship service s of the Moravians, whic h were directe d towar d th e exclusiv e membershi p o f the congregation , an d certainly easie r t o understan d tha n th e Germa n liturgy , sermons , an d hymns. Fo r Moravia n youths , evangelica l religio n ma y hav e offere d a means b y whic h t o asser t thei r independenc e fro m congregationa l an d family authorit y ove r their lives , especially sinc e such authority ma y hav e appeared ou t o f touc h wit h th e change s occurrin g i n th e live s of Salem' s inhabitants. Henc e evangelica l religio n ha d th e powe r t o creat e ne w bonds o f communit y bu t als o t o introduc e ne w identitie s an d greate r differentiation int o th e community . Thes e trend s produce d occasiona l tensions an d th e potentia l fo r dee p division , a s Sale m Manufacturin g

Community Culture in Antebellum Salem • 10 5 Company managemen t an d congregatio n elder s discovere d wit h th e mil l hands who embraced Methodism .

Like fraterna l organizations , th e temperanc e movement , an d evangelica l religion, politic s wa s anothe r sourc e o f communit y unit y tha t carrie d ambivalent implications . B y th e lat e antebellu m perio d politic s ha d be come a n integra l part , a n "abidin g passion " even , o f antebellu m commu nity cultur e i n th e South . Th e emergenc e o f a market econom y i n ante bellum Americ a create d a greater awarenes s o f diverse economic interest s and o f th e direc t impac t o n individual s o f governmen t fiscal an d bankin g policies. Thi s recognitio n o f economic interests , alon g with th e democra tization o f stat e constitutions i n the 1830s , stimulated th e development o f competing politica l elites i n loca l communitie s wh o wer e sensitiv e t o th e effects, an d opportunities , o f nationa l an d stat e economi c policies. 24 The political cultur e o f th e antebellu m communit y reflecte d th e effort s o f citizens t o gai n contro l ove r th e institution s tha t directe d thei r live s an d to make government mor e responsive to existing conditions. Thi s politica l culture wa s embodie d i n th e emergin g part y politic s o f th e communit y and i n the involvemen t o f residents o f Salem , an d th e ne w count y sea t of Winston, i n public political events . Participation i n politica l parties , clubs , conventions , an d mas s publi c gatherings on the courthouse squar e gave form t o this political culture and demonstrated ho w muc h a part o f community lif e politic s ha d becom e b y the 1850s . Durin g th e 1830s , th e majorit y o f adul t whit e male s partici pated i n elections a s the constitutional reform s o f 183 5 extended th e righ t to vote . Politica l contest s becam e a for m o f entertainmen t tha t adde d spice t o everyda y lif e fo r al l o f th e townspeople . Speeche s an d debate s between politica l candidates , ope n meeting s t o expres s th e sens e o f th e community o n important issues , and parade s to enlist support fo r particu lar candidate s involve d th e whol e communit y i n th e politica l process . Public dinner s an d barbecue s brough t th e peopl e t o th e courthous e square or the loca l grove, whic h serve d bot h politician s an d preachers , t o hear speeche s an d debate s b y candidate s an d part y leaders . O n hi s visi t to a Whi g part y gatherin g i n nearb y Rowa n Count y i n Augus t 1840 , Hugh Johnsto n witnesse d severa l fights, san g campaig n songs , an d "re turned hom e a s sobe r a s I went." 25 Fo r man y years , though , popula r

io6 • Community Culture in Antebellum Salem politics wit h it s electioneering an d faction s wa s no t welcom e i n Sale m b y congregation authorities , a s th e Brethre n resiste d anythin g tha t woul d undermine harmon y i n th e community . Fo r thi s reason , whe n Va n Nie man Zevel y considere d publishin g a newspape r i n Sale m i n 1840 , th e Aufseher Collegiu m expresse d it s oppositio n becaus e th e newspape r would reflec t th e views of one of the political partie s whic h the y believe d would b e disadvantageou s t o th e community . Eve n a s lat e a s 185 6 th e pastor o f th e Sale m congregation , i n notin g tha t Augus t 7 was " a livel y day" i n neighborin g Winsto n a s tow n election s occurred , hope d tha t "brotherly lov e no t becom e a casualty." 26 Yet , a s i n othe r matter s facin g the community , i t wa s futil e fo r churc h leader s t o attemp t to pus h bac k the tide s flowing int o Salem . Th e heightene d politica l awarenes s i n th e community reflecte d ne w loyaltie s an d concerns , an d offere d furthe r evidence o f a n increasin g differentiatio n i n th e communit y a s townspeo ple became Democrat s o r Whigs . The emergenc e o f the marke t an d th e attendan t dynamic s o f capitalis t enterprise divide d th e communit y a s people ha d differen t interest s deter mined b y thei r relationshi p t o th e market . I n th e 1840 s an d 1850 s thes e divergent interest s wer e expresse d i n partisa n politic s whic h becam e a vehicle fo r th e expressio n o f bot h th e hope s an d th e dissatisfaction s o f various element s o f th e community . Durin g thes e year s voter s i n newl y created Forsyt h County , a s i n Nort h Carolin a a s a whole , develope d a strong sens e o f identificatio n wit h th e Democrati c an d Whi g partie s an d their respectiv e symbols , a s th e tw o partie s ofte n offere d th e electorat e contrasting policie s o n nationa l an d stat e issues . Th e tw o partie s offere d real alternative s t o voters , henc e politica l alignment s illustrate d rea l dif ferences o f attitudes an d opinions . Durin g the antebellum years , election s in Stoke s an d Forsyt h countie s wer e sharpl y conteste d betwee n th e Whigs an d Democrat s a s eac h part y represente d a distinctiv e ideolog y that derive d fro m worl d views shape d b y th e beliefs , fears , an d hope s o f voters a s wel l a s particula r assumption s abou t government , society , an d the economy. 27 During th e 1830 s an d 1840 s th e Whig s wer e th e dominan t part y i n North Carolin a becaus e the y wer e abl e t o lin k i n voters ' mind s nationa l political issue s with stat e and loca l concerns. Whil e most economic polic y issues suc h a s bankin g an d subtreasur y scheme s ma y hav e bee n to o complex for mos t voters to comprehend fully , historica l evidence suggest s that large numbers of North Carolin a voters, especially merchants , manu facturers, artisans , an d commercia l farmer s i n the towns an d underdevel -

Community Culture in Antebellum Salem • 10 7 oped area s o f th e state , particularl y i n th e west , wer e wo n ove r t o th e Whig banner . Thes e voter s supporte d th e party' s progra m t o promot e economic developmen t throug h state-chartere d bank s an d corporation s and public-finance d improvement s i n transportatio n facilities . Th e Whi g organization i n Forsyt h Count y an d th e party' s stat e conventio n consis tently advance d a n activis t rol e fo r government , callin g fo r th e publi c funding o f common school s and interna l improvements , an d the equitabl e distribution t o th e state s o f revenu e derive d fro m publi c lan d sale s t o fund thes e projects . I n particular , th e Whig s promote d manufacturin g and commerce , becomin g th e part y o f "liberate d capitalism " whic h pro moted policie s designe d t o "preserv e a n enlightene d republica n govern ment an d a n expandin g commercia l economy. " Th e Whi g part y pre sented a visio n o f a diversifie d an d differentiate d societ y i n whic h individuals profite d o r lost , ros e o r fell , i n a fluid socia l an d economi c order accordin g to their own abilities. 28 In Forsyt h Count y th e Whig s ha d a divers e membership , bu t the y tended t o wi n th e suppor t o f voter s wh o compete d i n th e marke t econ omy. Amon g Forsyth Whigs , 5 3 percent tende d t o be engaged i n trade or other marke t activities , eithe r directl y a s producer s o r middleme n o r indirectly i n suppor t function s a s lawyers . Onl y 4 7 percen t o f Forsyt h Whigs wer e farmers . Whig s tende d t o ow n rea l propert y (7 9 percent) , and th e mea n valu e o f th e rea l propert y the y hel d wa s $2,006.07 . Forty two percen t o f Forsyt h Whig s wer e slaveowner s an d th e mea n siz e o f slave holding s wa s five slaves . Thoug h entrepreneur s lik e Franci s Frie s and Edwar d Bel o wer e prominentl y represente d amon g Forsyt h Count y Whigs, artisans , shopkeepers , an d farmer s lik e Davi d Clewell , Joshu a Boner, an d Dariu s Maste n wer e also typical Whigs . Clewel l wa s a Moravian bookbinde r wh o a t ag e fifty owne d onl y hi s hous e an d sho p value d at $700 . Bone r wa s a Moravian merchant , a partner i n th e Sale m firm o f Boner an d Crist . A t ag e forty-tw o Bone r owne d rea l propert y value d a t $3,070 an d tw o slaves . Dariu s Maste n wa s a farmer , a plante r eve n b y Forsyth Count y standards , wh o farme d thre e hundre d acre s growin g wheat, corn , an d oats . Maste n owne d rea l propert y value d a t $3,00 0 an d seven slaves . A s thei r effort s t o dismantl e th e congregation' s authorit y over the individua l pursui t o f private interest s demonstrated, Fries , Belo , Clewell, an d Boner , lik e their Whi g counterpart s i n othe r souther n com munities and i n the North, looke d to a world of competitive individualis m at th e expens e o f communit y interdependence . The y sa w opportunitie s in an expanding marke t econom y an d supporte d governmen t policie s tha t

io8 • Community Culture in Antebellum Salem promoted economi c developmen t an d greate r participatio n i n th e market.29 While thos e wh o comprise d th e Whi g part y embrace d "competitiv e individualism," othe r southerner s wh o truste d i n notion s o f persona l independence guarantee d b y th e viabilit y o f th e househol d econom y an d the self-sufficienc y o f the loca l community perceive d threat s t o their wa y of lif e i n th e emergenc e o f th e impersona l market . Thes e southerner s tended t o regar d wit h anxiet y th e tendencie s o f th e marke t whic h th e Whigs defended—risk, increasin g debt, growin g dependence on the mar ket, an d a highe r incidenc e o f insolvenc y an d propertylessness. 30 Man y who gathere d unde r th e Democrati c part y banne r wer e suspiciou s o f entrepreneurial enterpris e i f i t promote d b y specia l privilege s on e grou p over another . Democrat s hope d t o preserv e wha t the y believe d wa s th e simple an d direc t relationshi p betwee n wealt h an d labor , an d minimiz e or eve n eliminat e ris k fro m commerce . Democrat s sough t t o constrai n commercial an d industria l developmen t withi n th e moral , economic , an d political etho s o f agraria n democrati c society . Nort h Carolin a Democrat s generally oppose d initiative s necessar y fo r th e operatio n o f a capitalis t economy. The y tende d t o limi t th e privilege s o f stat e banks , oppose d chartering corporations , an d denie d th e authorit y o f stat e governmen t t o promote an d finance interna l improvements . Piedmon t Democrat s fro m the 1830 s too k a firm an d consisten t stan d fo r conservativ e an d limite d government, a "rigid construction " o f the Constitution, an d oppositio n t o monopolies an d specia l privileges , exemplifie d b y th e Ban k of the Unite d States an d th e protectiv e tariff , whic h benefite d th e few . Th e part y resisted th e distribution t o the state s of revenue derived fro m publi c lan d sales ou t wes t an d propose d tha t thes e revenue s shoul d b e use d b y th e federal treasur y t o pay th e public debt. 31 The characteristic s o f Forsyt h Count y Democrat s reflecte d th e party' s ideology. Me n lik e Samue l Alspaugh , a twenty-five-year-old farme r wh o owned rea l propert y value d a t $400 , Solomo n Transou , a fifty-five-yearold farme r wh o owne d sixtee n slave s an d rea l propert y value d a t $5,000 , and wagonmake r J. M . Vawte r wh o a t ag e thirty-six owne d a house an d shop value d a t $37 5 belonge d t o th e Democrati c part y becaus e o f th e party's commitmen t t o a vision o f Americ a a s a republic o f independen t proprietors o f smal l farm s an d enterprises . O f Forsyt h Democrats , 7 0 percent owne d rea l propert y an d 6 7 percent wer e farmers. Thes e Demo crats wer e on averag e no t a s wealthy a s their Whi g neighbors . Th e mea n value o f thei r rea l propert y wa s $1,224.81 . Thes e Democrat s wer e als o

Community Culture in Antebellum Salem • 10 9 somewhat les s likely to be slaveholders tha n Whigs , bu t thos e Democrat s who wer e tende d t o ow n mor e slave s becaus e o f thei r involvemen t i n agriculture. Fort y percen t o f Forsyt h Democrat s wer e slaveholders , eac h owning a n averag e o f si x slaves . Th e compositio n o f th e Forsyt h Count y Democratic part y wa s no t a s diverse a s th e Whi g part y an d it s member s were les s likel y t o engag e i n commercia l o r manufacturin g enterprises . Only 2 6 percen t o f Forsyt h Democrat s wer e engage d i n nonagricultura l activities an d o f these , 2 3 percen t wer e artisan s an d 3 percen t wer e lawyers. A s the statistics reveal, the makeup of the Forsyth Count y Whi g and Democrati c partie s reflecte d th e respectiv e membership , interests , and ideolog y o f the state and nationa l parties. 32 The 1850 s wer e politicall y eventfu l year s i n Nort h Carolina , an d th e Democrats an d th e Whig s offere d th e peopl e o f Forsyt h Count y clea r choices o n a variety o f issue s importan t t o th e interes t o f th e count y an d its citizens . Th e publi c stanc e an d compositio n o f th e partie s an d th e votes they wo n contribut e t o a n understandin g o f what th e populatio n o f Winston an d Sale m considere d importan t an d wha t hope s the y ha d fo r themselves i n the future. Throug h th e 1850 s the two parties sparre d ove r public fundin g o f internal improvements , publi c education, an d universa l white suffrage . Throug h th e 1840 s th e Democrat s resiste d project s tha t would increas e publi c expenditure s an d henc e th e authorit y o f govern ment, opposin g publi c suppor t o f interna l improvement s an d educatio n while the Whig s promote d stat e aid fo r improvements. 33 A n examinatio n of th e electio n result s fo r th e year s 1852-5 6 provide s insigh t int o th e appeal o f th e tw o partie s i n Forsyt h Count y an d Winsto n Townshi p (which include d th e tow n o f Salem) . I n stat e election s th e Democrat s consistently carrie d Forsyt h County , thei r strengt h bein g i n th e rura l neighborhoods o f smal l farmer s an d far m laborers . Th e Whig s carrie d Winston Township, wit h the commercial classes of Winston an d Salem. 34 Assuming tha t loyalt y t o a part y an d it s principle s carrie d ove r fro m the senatoria l t o th e gubernatoria l election , th e vot e of thos e ownin g les s than fift y acre s ca n b e determine d b y subtractin g th e vot e fo r senato r from th e vote for governor . Thi s procedur e illuminate s ho w worker s an d petty proprietor s voted . A s Table s 4. 1 an d 4. 2 illustrate , fro m 185 2 t o 1856 ther e wa s a n increasin g tendenc y i n bot h Winsto n Townshi p an d Forsyth Count y t o vot e Whig , probabl y becaus e th e Whi g part y sup ported a constitutiona l conventio n t o refor m th e suffrag e law s an d be cause of the party' s stan d i n favo r o f distributio n o f public lan d revenue s to pa y fo r interna l improvement s an d publi c education . Durin g thes e

i io • Community Culture in Antebellum Salem TABLE 4 . 1

Distribution of Gubernatorial and Senatorial Vote, Winston 1852-56 1852

1854

vote Governor: Total 300 Whig-American 262 Democratic Vote Governor: Nonpropertied Whig-American 193 175 Democratic Senate: Whig-American 107 87 Democratic

1856

%

vote

%

vote

%

53 47

334 253

57 43

356 277

56 44

52 48

240 172

58 42

263 198

57 43

55 45

94 81

54 46

93 79

54 46

Sources: People's Press, Augus t 7 , 1852 , August 5 , 1854 , August 5 , 1856 .

years ther e wa s a correspondin g los s o f vote s fo r th e Democrats , eve n while the y continue d t o carr y th e county . Tabl e 4. 1 show s tha t i n 185 2 the free suffrag e issu e probably gained man y votes for th e Democrats. O f the nonpropertie d voters , th e Democrat s too k 66 percen t o f th e vot e i n the count y an d 4 8 percen t i n Winsto n Township . Bu t a s th e Whig s repeatedly campaigned fo r a convention to address the free suffrag e issue , they cu t int o the Democrats ' strength. Th e Democrats ' share of the vot e of workers an d smal l proprietor s droppe d i n th e count y fro m 66 percen t in 185 2 t o 6 1 percen t i n 185 4 an d 5 7 percen t i n 1856 , an d i n Winsto n Township fro m 4 8 percent i n 185 2 t o 42 percen t i n 185 4 and 4 3 percen t TABLE 4 .2

Distribution of Gubernatorial and Senatorial Vote, Forsyth County 1852-56 1852 vote Governor: Total Whig-American 356 Democratic 571 Vote Governor: Nonpropertied Whig-American 164 Democratic 312 Senate: 192 Whig-American 259 Democratic

1856

1854

%

vote

%

vote

%

38 62

468 644

42 58

570 803

42 58

34 66

240 375

39 61

360 471

43 57

43 57

228 269

46 54

210 332

39 61

Sources: People's Press, Augus t 7 , 1852 , August 5 , 1854 , August 5 , 1856 .

Community Culture in Antebellum Salem • 11 1 in 1856 . Th e electio n result s sho w that , regardles s o f th e issue s i n a particular election , th e Whig s consistentl y garnere d ove r one-hal f o f th e votes of the workers and pett y proprietor s o f Winston Township . This patter n wa s not true i n the county, wher e the Democrati c vot e at times was overwhelming. Th e loyalt y t o the Democrati c party amon g th e small farmers , artisans , an d da y laborer s o f th e rura l neighborhood s might hav e been due to the perceived threa t o f the market t o their wa y of life. Thes e peopl e probabl y vote d Democrati c i n suppor t o f th e party' s longtime stance on banking, publi c expenditures, an d specia l privileges of corporations a s wel l a s issue s regardin g equa l politica l right s an d th e dignity o f commo n people . Thi s ma y accoun t i n par t fo r th e suppor t the Democrat s enjoye d amon g slightl y les s tha n one-hal f o f Winsto n Township's worker s an d pett y proprietors , bu t mos t o f thes e seeme d t o vote Whi g becaus e of tha t party' s histori c suppor t o f commerce. I n thei r support o f th e bankin g system , interna l improvements , th e tariff , an d industrial development , th e Whig s bes t represente d small-tow n commer cial interests. 35 Th e nonpropertie d voters , includin g man y shopkeepers , may hav e vote d Whi g fo r th e abov e reaso n bu t als o becaus e o f th e political reform s whic h th e part y advocated . Th e Democrati c part y i n Winston Townshi p probabl y attracte d thos e who felt thei r interest s t o be different fro m th e wealthie r Whigs . Thos e i n Winsto n Townshi p wh o voted wit h th e Democrati c part y probabl y di d s o because o f thei r tie s t o the yeoman cultur e o f the countryside . Thes e Democrat s ma y hav e bee n mill worker s an d da y laborer s wh o stil l regarde d themselve s a s rooted i n the land , bu t wit h ambition s someda y t o ow n a far m an d mayb e a few slaves . By th e en d o f the 1850 s partisan politic s ha d create d dee p division s i n the communit y tha t wer e ofte n expresse d i n persona l animosities . Th e breakup o f th e Whi g part y an d th e resultin g part y realignment , th e secession controversy, an d th e hardships of the Civil War foun d member s of th e communit y bitterl y a t odd s wit h eac h other . Wit h th e disappear ance o f th e Whi g part y an d th e ris e o f th e America n party , politic s i n Salem becam e mor e viciou s an d personal . Th e dissolutio n o f th e Whi g party remove d a sourc e o f stabilit y i n loca l politic s tha t enable d towns people t o disagre e ove r issue s withou t tha t disagreemen t weakenin g th e bonds o f community . Th e Democrati c part y wa s itsel f divide d int o fac tions that coul d no t b e disciplined an d hel d togethe r withou t th e threat of a strong opposition party. 36 Franci s Frie s who had lef t th e Whig party fo r the Democrati c part y mourne d th e demis e o f th e "ol d hig h tone " of th e

ii2 • Community Culture in Antebellum Salem Whig part y an d th e ris e o f "politica l brigands " amon g th e ruin s o f tha t party. Frie s observe d i n 185 9 that fo r th e first tim e i n Sale m th e leader s of th e Oppositio n party—forme r Whig s an d Know-Nothing s wh o op posed th e Democrats—"mak e part y a tes t i n tow n elections , an d de nounce every ma n wh o would no t g o the whol e strip e los t and unworth y of Whi g support . . . . The motiv e an d preceden t ar e ba d an d nothin g is calculated t o render thi s community odiou s wit h the county an d the stat e more tha n suc h spiri t o f proscription. " On e membe r o f th e communit y complained t o the People's Press that there was a "Court-house-clique" that ruled th e count y an d loca l politic s throug h edict s muc h lik e th e cotto n barons of the eastern counties. 37

In 184 9 the outsid e worl d dre w eve n close r t o th e congregatio n commu nity, endin g th e separatenes s tha t th e Moravian s originall y sough t i n settling i n the Carolina backcountry . Th e increasin g population o f Stoke s County demande d th e creatio n o f a new county . Th e Genera l Assembl y divided Stoke s Count y an d reorganize d th e souther n hal f int o Forsyt h County. Th e populatio n o f Forsyt h Count y i n 185 0 wa s 11,168 , re flecting a 43 percent increas e in the portion o f Stoke s County reorganize d into th e ne w county. 38 Becaus e Sale m wa s situate d a t th e cente r o f the ne w county , th e recentl y appointe d Forsyt h Count y commissioner s applied t o th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m fo r thirty-on e acre s adjacen t t o th e village on whic h t o buil d th e ne w count y seat . Th e Collegium , believin g that th e establishmen t o f th e count y sea t s o nea r Sale m woul d hav e a profound influenc e o n th e congregatio n communit y an d henc e no t in clined t o assum e th e responsibilit y fo r rulin g o n th e commissioners ' re quest, referre d th e matte r t o th e Congregatio n Council . I n a serie s o f meetings i n Februar y an d Marc h 1849 , th e Congregatio n Counci l dis cussed th e locatio n o f th e count y sea t an d recognize d tha t th e formatio n of a ne w tow n migh t hav e a considerabl e impac t o n Salem' s economic s and morals . B y the end o f March a clear consensu s ha d emerge d tha t th e location o f th e count y sea t clos e t o Sale m woul d hav e a positive impac t on th e Moravia n community , an d th e Collegium unanimousl y accepte d a proposal t o sell the commissioners a tract adjacen t t o the northern bound ary of Salem , wit h the conditions tha t th e courthouse had to be located in the middl e o f this lan d an d tha t street s lai d ou t o n thi s lan d wer e t o be a continuation o f Sale m streets . Th e Congregatio n Counci l resolve d b y a

Fig. 4 . i. A winter vie w of Sale m Squar e wit h th e Congregation Churc h an d Sale m Femal e Academy, aroun d 1850 . Lithograph o f drawing b y E . A . Vogler . Courtes y o f the Wachovi a Historical Society .

vote of fifty-seven t o ten tha t th e courthouse b e buil t a s close to Sale m as possible. Th e count y commissioner s accepte d th e proposa l an d requeste d fifty-one acre s whic h woul d b e adequat e t o la y ou t thre e row s o f tow n lots an d fou r streets . Wit h th e approva l o f th e Aufsehe r Collegium , th e congregation sol d Forsyt h Count y fifty-one an d a quarte r acre s a t five dollars pe r acre . O n January 15 , 1851 , the Genera l Assembl y name d th e new count y sea t Winston . Unti l th e ne w courthous e fo r Forsyt h Count y was built, th e county cour t me t i n the Sale m concert hall. 39 Some member s o f the communit y sa w il l foreboding i n thes e develop ments. I n th e annua l memorabili a o f th e congregation , Salem' s pasto r recorded hi s fears fo r th e future o f the congregation community : So we look forwar d t o man y thing s i n th e futur e whic h ca n hav e consequences fo r Sale m a s a congregatio n o f th e Savio r an d particularl y a s a settlement congregation, tha t we are unable to foresee at present. May our dear Lor d i n th e exceedin g riche s o f Hi s grac e an d trut h overrul e al l fo r good. . . . Much has occurred durin g the course of this year which i s not compatible wit h th e glor y o f ou r Lor d o r th e welfar e o f immorta l souls . Rather to a regrettable extent it has been a hindrance to this high goal.40

ii4 * Community Culture in Antebellum Salem As th e pastor' s comment s illustrate , th e creatio n o f Forsyt h Count y an d the locatio n o f Winsto n s o clos e t o Sale m create d apprehensio n amon g many i n Sale m abou t th e economi c an d mora l influence s tha t th e count y seat woul d exer t o n th e congregation . Thes e fear s wer e no t unfounded , since antebellu m count y seat s i n Nort h Carolin a wer e ofte n th e site s o f "wildness an d rudeness , intemperance , ferocity , gaming , licentiousness , and maliciou s litigation, " a s larg e number s o f peopl e flowed int o th e county sea t fro m th e outlyin g areas . Th e pasto r o f th e Sale m congrega tion note d tha t whe n th e count y cour t met , larg e number s o f peopl e crowded int o the town an d th e increase d sal e and consumptio n o f alcohol on thes e occasion s le d t o conduct tha t wa s no t compatibl e wit h th e spiri t of a communit y o f saints. 41 Onc e again , a s i n th e controversie s ove r slaveholding an d th e congregation' s regulatio n o f th e trades , th e commu nity wa s divided . Conservative s amon g th e Moravian s feare d tha t ne w settlers woul d mov e in , bringin g wit h the m idea s whic h migh t conflic t with th e ideal s o f th e Moravia n congregatio n an d threate n th e remnant s of th e Moravia n wa y o f life . Bu t pro-developmen t businessme n i n th e congregation believe d tha t th e new settler s t o the county sea t woul d hav e a rejuvenating effec t o n Salem . Franci s Frie s along with F . C. Meinung , a law office clerk , John Vogler , a silversmith, Christia n Reed , a carpenter , Solomon Mickey , a cooper , Davi d Collins , a bricklayer , an d merchant s Jacob Tis e an d Joh n P . Ves t wer e amon g severa l Sale m artisan s an d merchants wh o sa w ne w economi c opportunitie s i n th e ne w villag e an d became origina l propert y owner s i n Winston . Thu s whil e som e Mora vians looke d backward , fearin g th e disturbin g influenc e o f th e nearb y county seat , others—amon g the m th e growin g commercia l interest s o f Salem—believed tha t locatin g th e count y sea t severa l mile s awa y woul d hurt Sale m economicall y becaus e a new tow n woul d gro w u p aroun d th e courthouse. Thi s fea r wa s justifie d becaus e mos t o f th e town s o f Nort h Carolina wer e significan t onl y a s th e seat s o f municipa l function s fo r their respectiv e counties . Th e count y seat s of antebellum Nort h Carolin a flourished becaus e it was convenient t o carry on commercial affair s wher e public business wa s also conducted. 42 With th e count y sea t Winsto n locate d onl y a few hundre d fee t t o th e north, Sale m quickl y prospere d a s th e commercia l cente r o f th e ne w county. I n Februar y 185 1 th e Sale m People's Press reporte d u a ne w im pulse" energize d th e town' s businesse s an d tha t "th e marc h o f Sale m i s decidedly onward. " Durin g th e 1850 s a cohesiv e entrepreneuria l clas s emerged t o pla y a leading rol e i n th e live s o f Sale m an d th e ne w count y

Community Culture in Antebellum Salem • 11 5 seat, Winston . Thes e me n engage d i n intensiv e effort s t o creat e th e conditions conduciv e t o th e furthe r developmen t o f Sale m an d Winsto n as wel l a s th e neighborin g countryside . Expressin g th e desire s o f thes e businessmen, th e People's Press in the early 1850 s consistently champione d the cause of turnpikes, plankroads , and railroads in the piedmont. Salem' s Whig newspape r note d tha t th e area' s grai n sol d a t "almos t unprece dented hig h prices " as large quantities wer e sent t o Fayetteville an d o n t o Wilmington an d foreig n market s becaus e o f grai n failure s i n Europ e an d tensions betwee n Russi a an d Turkey . But , accordin g t o the People's Press, Forsyth farmer s stil l relied fo r th e mos t par t o n loca l market s du e t o th e inadequacy o f interna l improvement s i n th e piedmont . Th e newspape r lamented tha t Forsyt h farmer s wer e a t a disadvantage compare d t o farm ers i n th e wester n an d northwester n state s who , thoug h mor e remot e from th e seaboard , benefite d fro m bette r transportatio n facilitie s whic h gave them acces s to lucrative foreign markets. 43 Francis Fries and a group of entrepreneur s tha t include d merchant s Edwar d Belo , Rober t Gray , and S . B . Allen were at the center of the development movement . Durin g the earl y 1850 s these me n initiate d an d investe d i n a number o f scheme s to construc t road s t o connec t th e surroundin g countrysid e t o Sale m an d to outlet s t o th e nationa l an d worl d market s throug h Fayettevill e o r Petersburg. Thes e me n wer e als o involve d i n th e creatio n o f th e Sale m Savings Institutio n t o provid e th e communit y wit h capita l fo r furthe r investment i n development. 44 The me n wh o le d thi s developmen t movemen t constitute d a n elit e which directed th e cultural, economic , an d politica l affairs o f the commu nity. I n Salem , the elite composed th e congregation's Aufsehe r Collegiu m and th e town' s municipa l government . Betwee n 184 1 an d 186 1 onl y twenty-six me n serve d o n the governing bodies of the town. I n fact, ther e was a significan t carryove r fro m th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m t o th e town' s secular municipa l governmen t whic h wa s establishe d i n th e lat e 1850 s after th e state legislature vested municipa l governmen t i n a town boar d of commissioners an d a mayor . O f thos e wh o filled thes e office s betwee n 1841 an d 1861 , one-half wer e artisan s an d th e remainde r professionals , merchants, manufacturers , an d farmers . Al l o f thos e wh o serve d o n th e governing board s wer e propert y owner s an d 3 5 percen t wer e slavehold ers. However , onl y 1 5 percen t o f th e artisan s wh o forme d thi s elit e owned slaves , whil e 8 5 percen t o f th e manufacturer s an d professional s were slaveholders . Th e thre e manufacturer s owne d a total o f sixty-thre e slaves. I n Winsto n th e situatio n wa s muc h th e same . Artisan s mad e u p

116 • Community Culture in Antebellum Salem 55 percen t o f th e tow n commissio n i n 185 9 an d 1861 , while merchant s were 2 7 percent o f the commissioners. Thirty-si x percen t o f the commis sioners owne d slaves , bu t onl y on e artisa n o n th e commissio n owne d slaves. As with th e commissioners an d congregatio n authoritie s o f Salem , all of the Winsto n commissioner s wer e propert y holders . Thi s elit e owe d much o f it s positio n t o th e changin g economi c orde r o f th e community . As successfu l mechanics , merchants , an d manufacturer s the y thrive d i n the ne w competitiv e marke t tha t disrupte d th e live s o f other s no t s o fortunate. A s me n o f capita l an d propert y the y wer e se t apar t fro m th e mass o f worker s an d shopkeeper s o f Winsto n an d Salem . I t wa s th e possession o f wealt h and , concomitantly , politica l an d economi c power , that distinguishe d thes e men a s a class.45 By th e middl e o f th e decad e Salem' s entrepreneuria l elit e coul d se e both positiv e evidenc e o f developmen t an d th e potentia l fo r eve n greate r growth. I n " A Rambl e abou t Town " i n 1856 , th e People's Press foun d i n Salem: thre e gunsmit h shops ; thre e cabinetmaker' s shops ; tw o jewellers ; three copper , sheet-iron , an d tin-plat e establishments ; thre e shoemakers ; three blacksmiths ; on e extensiv e tanyard ; tw o coopers ; five confectioner ies; two tailors ; one hatter ; on e saddler ; on e chairmaker; on e bookbinder ; two coach-makin g establishments ; tw o Daguerrea n galleries ; on e potter ; several carpenters ; tw o stea m cotto n mills ; on e stea m woole n mill ; on e steam flouring mill ; a stea m sa w mill ; a water-propelle d pape r mill . I n 1856 Salem was the home of over twelve hundred people. 46 As Sale m gre w man y o f th e townspeopl e recognize d tha t th e commu nity wa s leavin g behin d th e congregationa l wa y o f life . Ther e wa s als o the recognitio n tha t th e tim e wa s drawin g nea r whe n th e remainin g structures o f th e congregatio n communit y woul d hav e t o b e dismantle d and tow n governmen t reorganize d t o mee t th e demand s o f ne w circum stances i n Salem . I n Apri l 185 4 thirty-si x householder s petitione d th e Salem Aufsehe r Collegiu m fo r th e abolitio n o f th e leas e syste m i n th e congregation town. 47 Th e implication s o f th e petitio n wer e profoun d fo r the congregation . Th e petitioner s were , i n effect , askin g fo r th e disman tling o f th e congregatio n syste m whic h ha d give n lif e i n th e communit y its specia l character . Th e petitioner s sough t th e transformatio n o f Sale m into a secular tow n governe d b y th e law s of the Stat e of Nort h Carolina . The leas e syste m ha d bee n th e keyston e o f th e congregatio n syste m which enable d churc h board s t o exercis e authorit y ove r member s o f th e community an d enforc e complianc e wit h th e congregatio n regulations .

Community Culture in Antebellum Salem • 11 7 Without th e lease system, congregatio n authorit y woul d hav e no meanin g because conformity t o the rule s o f the congregatio n coul d no t b e coerce d through the threat of revocation of a householder's lease and the surrende r of hi s o r he r hous e o r shop . Furthermore , withou t th e leas e syste m congregation authoritie s coul d n o longe r preserv e Sale m a s a homoge neous communit y o f th e Moravia n faithful . I n th e future , anyon e wh o wanted t o move to Sale m would b e able to acquire a house and worksho p and establis h him - o r hersel f i n th e community . Henc e th e congregatio n as a unifie d communit y i n Sale m wit h a commo n purpos e woul d ceas e to exist. The abolitio n o f th e leas e syste m gre w ou t o f th e recognitio n b y congregation authoritie s tha t there were repeated violation s of the congregation rule s b y Moravian s i n Sale m wh o rente d an d sol d rooms , houses , and shop s to non-Moravians withou t th e proper permissio n of the author ities. Suc h behavio r demonstrate d th e futilit y o f enforcin g th e congrega tion rule s an d regulations . Th e situatio n compelle d th e Collegiu m t o confess tha t i t wa s n o longe r abl e t o enforc e th e rule s an d regulation s when member s o f th e congregatio n di d no t voluntaril y comply . Th e Collegium concluded tha t "t o depend upo n forcefu l measure s t o deal wit h every breac h o f the m [rule s an d regulations] , eve n supposin g tha t suc h were available , coul d perhap s ultimatel y lea d t o mor e har m fo r th e con gregation tha n benefit. " Tw o specifi c paragraph s i n th e regulation s de manded attentio n i f th e congregatio n authoritie s wer e t o addres s th e petition befor e th e Collegium . Sectio n V , paragrap h 3 stated : "Ever y member o f th e congregatio n i s boun d t o abstai n fro m undertakin g an y thing, whic h migh t prov e injuriou s t o the spiritual o r temporal welfar e o f another." Th e Collegiu m conclude d tha t thi s sectio n wa s phrase d to o loosely an d wa s ope n t o man y interpretations , thu s i t shoul d b e deleted . Section V , paragrap h 4 stated : "Shoul d anyon e persis t i n transgressin g the rule s an d regulation s o f th e congregation , o r eve n prov e guilt y o f seducing others , suc h a n on e i s t o b e exclude d fro m th e congregation ; [and] i n th e latte r case , i f possible , t o b e remove d fro m thi s place. " Th e Collegium propose d deletin g th e phras e "i n th e latte r case , i f possible, t o be remove d fro m thi s place " sinc e i t ha d bee n essentiall y a "dead letter " as it s enforcemen t ha d bee n rare. 48 A t th e Januar y 2 8 meetin g o f th e Aufseher Collegiu m a consensus emerge d fro m th e discussio n tha t thes e rules ha d no t bee n adhere d t o fo r years . Indee d th e Collegiu m admitte d that

118 • Community Culture in Antebellum Salem for a number o f year s no w th e stat e o f affair s i n regar d t o th e continua l preservation o f th e congregationa l settlemen t or—wha t migh t i n som e sense have the sam e significance—of th e lease system ha d become , i f not entirely impracticable, yet at least so involved in difficulties an d deficiencies that unde r th e presen t stat e o f affair s on e woul d yiel d t o a delusion — though one which many find pleasure in cherishing—if one would consider this still to be a true congregational settlement . The Collegiu m recognize d tha t thi s stat e o f affair s ha d resulte d fro m earlier decision s t o rescin d th e regulation s o n slaveholdin g an d th e con duct o f th e trades , becaus e o f th e circumstance s whic h derive d fro m th e expansion o f trade an d commerce . Th e presen t situatio n i n the congrega tion was also attributed t o the growth of the town in recent years. Finally , after muc h consideratio n an d debate , th e Aufseher Collegiu m o n January 31, 1856 , adopted a resolution callin g for th e abolition o f the lease syste m in Sale m an d proposin g tha t lot s i n th e tow n b e hel d i n fe e simple . Th e Collegium's resolutio n announced , "An d wherea s further a stronger [and ] more determine d disinclinatio n manifest s itsel f i n a considerable portio n of th e member s o f th e Congregation , t o b e governe d b y rule s [and ] regulations which , strictl y observe d an d carrie d out , woul d interfer e wit h their tempora l concerns , [and ] depriv e the m i n som e degre e a t leas t o f that fre e [and ] untrammeled actio n s o necessary t o the successfu l pursui t of business." On Novembe r 1 8 the Congregatio n Counci l o f Sale m vote d by a majority o f mor e tha n two-third s t o approve th e amendment s t o th e Salem congregatio n regulation s whic h th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m an d th e Aeltesten Conferen z ha d propose d i n February. Th e nex t day th e Provin zial Heife r Conferen z ratifie d th e decision of the Congregation Counci l t o abandon th e leas e system . No w anyone , regardles s o f "religiou s qualifi cation," coul d becom e a citizen i n Salem , bu y a lot fo r a house, shop , o r store, an d no t b e subjec t t o th e ecclesiastica l jurisdictio n tha t ha d onc e governed th e town. 49 As th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m note d i n it s deliberation s ove r th e leas e system, Sale m b y th e mid-1850 s wa s i n trut h n o longe r a congregatio n community i n th e sens e that i t wa s a place where member s o f the Mora vian congregation , isolate d fro m th e direc t influenc e o f others , coul d practice thei r fait h an d devotion . Th e Collegiu m observe d tha t non Moravians wer e a considerabl e presenc e i n th e town , an d th e number s bear thi s out . Give n th e People's Press estimate tha t th e Sale m populatio n in 185 6 was just ove r twelve hundred, th e Moravian congregation , whic h numbered 67 6 person s a t th e en d o f 1852 , mad e u p onl y abou t one-hal f

Community Culture in Antebellum Salem • 11 9 of th e town' s tota l population . Henc e th e congregatio n syste m o f orde r and authority whic h was so dependent upo n voluntary complianc e amon g the faithful wa s no longer relevan t i n the community tha t ha d evolve d b y 1856. The townspeopl e recognize d tha t ne w form s o f order an d authorit y were necessar y t o hol d th e communit y together . A tow n meetin g o n November 2 8 adopted resolution s presente d b y Franci s Frie s petitionin g the Genera l Assembl y fo r th e incorporatio n o f th e tow n o f Salem . Th e town meetin g elected a committee of five prominent businessmen—Fran cis Fries , Edwar d Belo , Rufu s L . Patterson , C . L . Banner , an d E . A . Vogler—to advanc e th e townspeople' s caus e wit h th e stat e legislators . On Decembe r 13 , 1856 , a n ac t t o incorporat e th e tow n o f Sale m wa s ratified b y the General Assembly. 50 As th e peopl e o f Sale m embrace d ne w loyaltie s tha t supplemente d their identit y a s Moravians , thes e loyaltie s ofte n cam e t o represen t fac tions tha t occasionall y divide d th e community . Communit y solidarit y weakened a s the bond s o f community create d b y th e ethos of the congre gation dissipated. Bu t these new loyalties might also be seen as an attemp t to forg e a ne w sens e o f solidarit y amon g thos e wh o embrace d differen t interests. Intens e tension s divide d Sale m a s it s peopl e dismantle d th e congregational system , an d communit y ha d t o b e recreated , separat e from th e congregationa l ethos , ou t o f th e condition s tha t existe d ther e during th e antebellu m years . Th e activitie s o f fraterna l organizations , temperance societies , evangelica l religion , an d partisa n politic s illustrat e the circumstances i n Salem resulting from increasin g differentiation i n the congregation communit y tha t prompte d th e dismantlin g o f congregatio n authority ove r lif e i n th e tow n i n th e 1850s . Despit e th e stresse s an d strains introduced int o the community b y the townspeople's ne w interest s and loyalties, it would b e inaccurate to see in the differentiation describe d here evidenc e o f declensio n amon g th e Moravian s o f Salem . Th e declen sion mode l s o popula r wit h historian s o f th e religiou s communitie s o f seventeenth- an d eighteenth-centur y Ne w Englan d reveal s littl e of and i n fact misinterpret s th e natur e o f th e Moravians ' experienc e i n Salem . That the y dismantle d th e congregationa l structure s o f lif e i n Sale m an d embraced th e civil and economi c institutions o f a secular societ y doe s no t demonstrate a decline i n piet y o r religiou s feelin g amon g th e Moravians . While th e peopl e o f Sale m embrace d th e economi c change s tha t wer e occurring aroun d them , the y hel d fas t t o their religiou s faith . The y wer e no les s Moravian s fo r creatin g a municipa l governmen t i n Sale m o r joining the Odd Fellows , Masons , or Son s of Temperance. The y stil l fel t

120 • Community Culture in Antebellum Salem their fait h an d worshipe d a s thei r father s an d mother s had , attendin g services an d religiou s celebrations , hearin g th e liturgy , an d singin g th e hymns. Bu t b y th e 1850 s thei r live s wer e mor e comple x i n a world tha t was changin g aroun d them . Movin g fro m th e simpl e an d homogenou s congregation villag e towar d th e heterogenou s complexit y o f a municipal ity, th e communit y a t Sale m wa s changin g t o mee t th e realitie s o f thi s new world. 51

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The Community at War

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he communit y tha t ha d evolve d b y th e en d o f th e antebellu m period wa s unabl e t o contai n divisiv e tension s tha t occasionall y erupted i n partisa n loca l politic s an d tha t surface d i n th e unset tled condition s o f th e Civi l Wa r years . Thes e year s reveale d th e cost s t o the communit y o f th e ne w identitie s an d interest s amon g th e townspeo ple. Withou t th e ol d communa l idea l o f subordinatin g privat e ambition s and interest s t o th e spiri t o f brotherhoo d an d th e commo n goo d o f th e congregation, socia l tensions an d disorder s plague d th e community a s the townspeople compete d i n th e marke t fo r scarc e good s an d challenge d each othe r fo r position s o f powe r an d influence . Th e experience s o f th e people of Winston an d Sale m during the Civil War reveal the tenuous ties of communit y afte r th e rapi d economi c an d socia l transformatio n o f th e 1840s and 1850 s as the tension an d stres s of war uncovere d th e depths of division i n th e tw o towns . Th e ope n avowa l o f partisa n politic s an d th e unfettered pursui t o f privat e wealt h whic h emerge d i n th e 1850 s ha d weakened th e bond s onc e cemente d b y communit y consensu s i n th e congregation town . Wit h interna l divisions i n Winston an d Sale m eviden t on severa l levels , i t wa s difficult fo r th e peopl e t o unit e i n suppor t o f th e political an d militar y aim s o f th e Confederacy . Traditiona l deferenc e t o community elite s erode d durin g th e 1860 s a s man y member s o f thes e elites continue d t o suppor t th e Confederat e caus e whil e th e commo n people becam e dissatisfied . Th e peopl e o f Winsto n an d Salem , lik e thei r fellow Nort h Carolinians , experience d th e war i n many differen t way s as the war' s impac t o n thei r live s differe d accordin g t o thei r specifi c situa 121

122 • The Community at War tions i n society . A s th e burden s o f wa r weighe d mor e heavil y o n Nort h Carolinians, the y gre w mor e an d mor e critica l an d discontente d wit h th e losses the y suffere d an d th e hardship s the y endured , unti l bitte r opposi tion t o the war an d th e Confederate governmen t erupted. 1 The dee p division s i n th e community wer e evident i n th e hard-fough t and closel y conteste d election s o f 186 0 whe n member s o f loca l politica l factions increasingl y turne d t o personal attack s agains t eac h other . Whil e fears fo r th e surviva l o f th e Unio n an d th e preservatio n o f souther n rights occupie d th e thought s o f the peopl e of Forsyt h Count y an d Nort h Carolina, stat e and loca l elections i n August i86 0 centered o n stat e issue s and th e differing policie s of the Democratic and Whig/Opposition parties . Against th e backdro p o f nationa l politics , th e tw o partie s continue d t o disagree ove r th e distributio n o f publi c lan d revenu e an d interna l im provements. Bu t th e taxatio n o f slave s emerge d a s a ne w issue , wit h the fearsom e potentia l o f dividin g bot h partie s alon g sectiona l line s an d communities b y class . Nort h Carolina' s increasin g nee d fo r revenu e i n the 1850 s ha d le d t o risin g taxe s fo r mos t o f th e state' s citizens , bu t especially fo r thos e wh o wer e compensate d fo r thei r labo r i n wages , salaries, an d fees—generall y artisans , laborers , an d professionals . A d valorem taxation , th e taxatio n o f al l property , includin g slaves , o n th e basis o f it s value , shifte d th e ta x burde n mor e equitabl y t o wealthie r property owners , especiall y slaveholders . I n i860 , th e Whig/Oppositio n party picke d u p th e a d valore m issu e an d mad e i t a centerpiec e o f th e party's appea l t o voter s a s a n issu e o f fairnes s an d equalit y amon g whit e men. Th e Democrat s oppose d a d valore m taxatio n a s a dangerou s issu e that divide d slaveholder s an d nonslaveholders . Th e taxatio n issu e stirre d up much interes t i n Forsyth County . Franci s Fries, now a Democrat afte r the demise of the Whig party an d chairma n o f the Joint Financ e Commit tee i n th e Genera l Assembly , wrot e t o Judge Thoma s Ruffin , a wealth y planter an d prominen t Democrat , tha t a d valore m taxatio n wa s popula r among hi s constituent s an d advocate d b y many . Fries' s brothe r Henr y wrote fro m Sale m i n June 186 0 about th e grea t excitemen t generate d b y the coming election, whic h produce d suc h intense feelings an d ho t debat e that on e ha d t o kee p one' s view s clos e t o th e vest . Henr y Frie s believe d that th e a d valore m issu e would wi n a s man y supporter s a s free suffrag e had i n the 1850s . The Whig/Opposition promotio n o f ad valorem taxatio n as an issu e of equalit y amon g fre e whit e me n prove d successfu l i n paint ing the Democrat s a s favoring wealth y slaveholder s a t th e expens e o f th e majority o f Nort h Carolin a taxpayers . Th e People's Press pu t th e issu e i n

The Community at War • 12 3 terms tha t th e peopl e of Winsto n an d Sale m coul d appreciate : "I s i t righ t and prope r tha t th e owne r o f a tract o f lan d o r a house i n tow n pa y five dollars ta x o n it , whil e th e owne r o f a slav e wort h a thousan d o r fifteen hundred dollar s pa y onl y on e dolla r an d fifty cent s tax ? . . . this glarin g inequality an d injustic e shoul d b e remedied." 2 In Forsyt h Count y an d acros s Nort h Carolin a fear s fo r th e Unio n an d southern right s a s wel l a s a d valore m taxatio n brough t ou t th e vot e i n August i860 . Ove r 8 0 percent o f th e state' s adul t whit e mal e populatio n cast a ballot . Runnin g o n concern s fo r souther n unit y an d stil l holdin g the sympathy o f North Carolinian s fo r the party's suppor t of free suffrag e in the 1850s , the Democrat s wer e abl e to hold ont o th e governor's office . In Forsyt h County , though , th e Whig/Opposition part y wo n th e vote fo r governor an d electe d a stat e senato r an d on e membe r o f th e Hous e o f Commons. Th e Whiggis h People's Press saw a moral in the vote: That a majorit y o f th e people , includin g man y nobl e an d whol e soule d Democrats as well as Whigs, are determined n o longer t o be borne down and rule d b y th e despotism o f Democrati c leader s an d officeholders . . . . These leaders espoused th e cause of Breckinridge, th e candidate of W. L. Yancey and other Disunionists . . . and they met with a signal rebuke from the people of Forsyth. 3 The presidentia l electio n i n Novembe r i86 0 shifte d th e voters ' attentio n to sectional issues , and bot h th e Democratic and Whig/Oppositio n partie s presented themselve s t o Forsyt h Count y voter s a s th e bes t defender s o f slavery an d souther n rights , thereb y acknowledgin g a popula r commit ment t o thes e issues . A t th e party' s stat e conventio n i n Marc h i860 , North Carolin a Democrat s expresse d thei r concer n fo r th e defens e o f southern rights , th e preservatio n o f slavery , an d th e "ris e o f a sectiona l and fanatica l party " i n th e North . Th e party' s platfor m asserte d th e constitutional right s o f every Unite d State s citize n t o take his slav e property int o nationa l territories . Nort h Carolin a Democrat s believe d tha t their part y offere d th e onl y hop e o f achievin g th e unit y o f actio n neces sary t o defen d th e constitutiona l right s o f southerner s an d preserv e th e Constitution an d th e Unio n fro m th e "aggressiv e an d unprincipled " Re publican party. 4 The Oppositio n party , mad e u p o f forme r member s o f th e Whi g and America n partie s a s wel l a s disgruntle d Democrats , affirme d it s determination t o maintai n th e right s o f southerner s i n slavery . Bu t i t

124 * The Community at War believed tha t th e protectio n o f thos e right s wa s bes t guarantee d withi n the Union . Callin g fo r loyalt y t o th e Constitutio n an d th e law s o f th e Union, th e part y steere d a moderat e cours e t o presen t a contras t t o th e fire-eating radicalis m o f th e southern-right s Democrats . Th e Oppositio n charged th e Democrat s wit h keepin g u p a "systemati c agitation " o f th e dangerous an d emotiona l issu e of slavery an d of violating long-establishe d compromises betwee n th e conflictin g interest s o f Nort h an d South . Ac cording t o th e Oppositio n party , th e Democrat s stirre d sectiona l feelin g in th e Sout h whic h fostere d sectionalis m i n th e Nort h an d provide d th e impetus fo r th e rise of the Republica n party. 5 In th e presidentia l electio n o f 186 0 Forsyth Count y voter s confronte d bewildering choices, reflecting th e inadequacy o f partisan politic s in mod erating passion s an d healin g deepenin g division s i n th e community . Th e Democratic part y i n i86 0 spli t int o tw o sectiona l faction s an d offere d voters tw o candidate s fo r president : Senato r Stephe n Dougla s o f Illinoi s and Vic e Presiden t John C . Breckinridg e o f Kentucky . Souther n moder ates i n 186 0 coalesced wit h element s o f the former Whig-America n part y to suppor t th e candidac y o f John Bel l o f Tennesse e fo r president . Th e Constitutional Unio n party , lookin g t o th e "ol d Whi g strength " t o brin g about th e "restoratio n o f los t harmony, " offere d voter s a conservativ e alternative t o the disunionism o f the Breckinridg e Democrats. 6 The Sale m Western Sentinel endorsed Breckinridge , callin g the electio n a battl e fo r th e Constitutio n an d th e las t chanc e t o avoi d a defeat whic h would b e "disastrous" for th e Democrati c part y an d th e souther n people . The Sale m People's Press endorsed Bel l an d calle d upo n Forsyth' s citizen s to "pu t a quietus t o the threat s o f Disunion. " Forsyt h Count y magistrat e Rufus L . Patterson , so n o f a prominen t piedmon t plante r an d politicia n and himsel f a n aspiring merchan t an d manufacture r i n Salem , regarde d a vote fo r Breckinridg e a s a vote fo r secession . Patterso n wrot e a friend i n October i86 0 that he intended t o abandon th e Democrat s to vote for Bell , not becaus e h e intende d t o joi n th e Constitutiona l Unio n party , bu t because he believed tha t "i n the present distracte d conditio n o f our coun try m y vot e fo r tha t ticke t will prov e mor e effectiv e i n establishin g a Union sentimen t i n North Carolin a than i f it were cast for eithe r Breckin ridge o r Douglas. " Patterso n wa s pu t of f b y th e souther n Democrats ' demagogic clai m tha t southerners ' right s wer e violate d i f slaver y wa s prohibited i n th e wester n territories . Patterso n believe d tha t thoughtfu l men woul d se e throug h thi s issue . "Th e monstrou s absurdit y abou t ou r rights bein g take n awa y i n th e territorie s etc . bein g sufficien t caus e fo r

The Community at War • 12 5 breaking u p th e bes t governmen t i n th e worl d canno t deceiv e thos e wh o are reall y patriots, " Patterso n wrot e t o hi s frien d an d fello w Democra t J. W . Alspaugh . Patterso n wa s forthrightl y " a Unio n man " wh o coul d not vote for Breckinridg e because those who wanted t o destroy the Unio n had line d u p behin d Breckinridge . Willia m A . Las h corroborate d Pat terson's vie w of the Democrats . Las h observed tha t "everyon e wh o vote d for Breckinridg e i s looke d o n an d counte d a s a secessio n man. " I n th e local press , Breckinridg e wa s labele d th e secessio n candidate , an d man y Forsyth Count y voter s apparentl y believe d thi s despit e th e effort s o f Breckinridge's supporter s t o portra y thei r candidat e a s loya l t o th e Union. 7 The combinatio n o f th e secessio n issu e an d th e ol d statewid e politica l controversies o f th e 1850s—distributio n o f revenue s fro m th e sal e o f public lands , a d valore m taxatio n o f slaves , an d a strong commitmen t t o internal improvements—spurre d a larg e numbe r o f Forsyt h County' s citizens t o abando n th e Democrati c part y fo r th e Whig/Oppositio n part y in th e i86 0 elections . I n th e loca l municipa l election s i n Sale m Whig s swept th e Democrat s fro m office , capturin g th e mayor' s offic e an d th e board o f commissioners . Democrat s Franci s Fries , Edwar d Belo , an d Rufus Patterso n wer e turne d out . Th e victor s wer e identifie d a s forme r Know-Nothings; "severa l o f the m naturall y so, " accordin g t o Patterson . These election s i n suc h difficul t time s stoke d ho t emotions . Franci s Frie s expressed hi s frustration: "Suc h i s the desperation an d recklessnes s o f th e Opposition, an d suc h th e spiri t o f som e would-b e leader s i n Salem , tha t some of the best me n hav e espoused th e Democrati c cause. E d an d Lewi s Belo, Henr y Fries , E . A . Vogle r [all , alon g wit h Frie s wer e forme r Whigs], an d other s . . . have taken a decided stand. " Accordin g t o Fries , local members of the Whig/Opposition slandere d an d defamed thei r polit ical opponents. Frie s observed : the leaders of the know nothing party have the effrontery t o declare that in Politics, as in horse trade, all things are admissible and fair, an d misrepresentations and falsehoods are the order of the day. Not only do they pursue a man whom they consider in their way into the social circle, but they hunt down any one [sic] whom they consider friendly t o such a man.8 In th e stat e election s i n Augus t i860 , th e Whig/Oppositio n part y gar nered 50. 3 percen t o f th e vote , u p fro m 4 2 percen t i n 1858 . Thi s repre sented a significant los s for th e Democrats , wh o ha d garnere d 5 8 percen t

126 • The Community at War of th e county' s vot e i n 185 8 bu t onl y 49. 7 percen t i n i860 . Th e Demo cratic candidat e fo r governo r wo n 49. 7 percen t o f th e county' s vote , while Breckinridg e too k 4 4 percen t o f th e presidentia l vote . Th e Whig / Opposition gubernatoria l candidat e garnere d 50. 3 percent , whil e Bel l won 5 2 percent . O f course , Bel l spli t th e pro-Union , antisecessio n vot e with Douglas , wh o too k 3 percent. Therefore , th e antisecessio n candi dates wo n 55 percen t o f th e vot e t o Breckinridge' s 4 4 percent . Th e Democratic vot e decline d fro m Augus t t o Novembe r b y 5. 7 percent , while th e Oppositio n gaine d 5 percent. 9 Th e voter s wh o cas t ballot s fo r the Whig/Oppositio n part y i n Augus t supporte d th e Constitutiona l Union part y i n November , an d som e Democrat s deserte d thei r part y i n November instea d o f voting for Breckinridge . As th e secessio n crisi s o f th e winte r an d sprin g o f 186 1 swep t th e Deep South , Nort h Carolinian s wer e quit e cal m an d moderat e o n th e prominent sectiona l issues , an d th e political climate remained pro-Union . Because i t maintaine d man y tie s t o th e econom y o f th e norther n state s and t o th e Union , Nort h Carolin a ha d fe w tie s t o th e cotton-growin g Deep Sout h state s tha t spewe d fort h th e radica l rhetori c o f secession . Furthermore, two-part y competitio n i n Nort h Carolin a betwee n th e Democrats an d th e forme r Whig s continued t o lessen those anxieties ove r the protectio n o f southern right s an d wa y o f life. Nort h Carolinian s wer e not s o tie d t o th e Democrati c part y t o believ e tha t it s defea t i n nationa l politics signale d th e pendin g destructio n o f souther n rights . The y kne w from thei r ow n experience s i n th e 1840 s an d 1850 s tha t politica l partie s rise and fal l an d tha t partie s an d policie s change with eac h election . Wit h such confidenc e bor n o f experience, th e result s o f the nationa l electio n i n i860 di d no t see m a s dreadfu l a s th e reaction s o f th e one-part y state s further sout h implied. 10 The vot e fo r th e Constitutiona l Unio n part y i n Novembe r i86 0 pro vides som e indicatio n o f th e exten t o f Unio n feelin g i n Forsyt h County . Over one-hal f o f the citizens of Forsyt h Count y prove d unwillin g t o vot e for a Democrati c candidat e wh o wa s eve n suspecte d o f holdin g anti Unionist sentiments , eve n thoug h th e count y wa s a Democrati c strong hold throug h th e 1850s . Consequently , Forsyt h Count y vote d over whelmingly agains t secessio n i n 1861 . Man y Moravian s i n Forsyt h County embrace d Unionis t sentiment s unti l Abraha m Lincoln' s cal l fo r troops, becaus e they foun d i t difficult t o sunder familia l an d ecclesiastical relations wit h thei r Pennsylvani a brethre n wh o ha d nourishe d th e Wa chovia congregation s fo r ove r a hundre d years . Man y n o doub t share d

The Community at War • 12 7 Rufus Patterson' s unwillingnes s t o se e th e Unio n destroye d merel y be cause a Republica n presiden t ha d bee n elected . Patterso n believe d Abra ham Lincol n shoul d b e give n a chanc e t o prov e himself , an d i f Lincol n committed n o "clear , wilful , an d palpabl e violation " o f souther n rights , citizens shoul d submi t t o hi s government. Fo r Rufu s Patterson , "dissolu tion i s a remed y fo r n o evil—i t wil l brin g te n thousan d evil s wher e w e now hav e one. " B . L . Bittin g echoe d Patterson' s sentimen t whe n h e wrote Joh n F . Poindexter , a prominen t Forsyt h Count y Whig , o f hi s hope "tha t th e extremist s o f th e Sout h wil l becom e mor e calm an d desis t from an y rash acts , at any rat e until w e see what Lincol n will do." n The Unio n spiri t ra n stron g i n Forsyt h Count y i n th e winte r o f 1861. On January 4 the larges t meetin g eve r assemble d i n th e count y gathere d at th e courthous e t o expres s th e sentiment s o f th e peopl e o f Forsyt h County o n th e secessio n crisis . Th e People's Press note d th e bipartisa n character o f th e meetin g wit h th e participatio n o f prominen t Democrat s like Rufu s Patterson , wh o serve d a s th e chairma n o f th e proceedings . According t o th e newspaper , "al l th e classe s wer e represented " whic h gave th e meetin g mor e tha n ordinar y weight . Th e meetin g unanimousl y adopted resolution s whic h pronounce d secessio n "t o b e a n abandonmen t of al l right s i n th e Union , an d n o remed y fo r a singl e grievanc e com plained of. " Th e meetin g als o resolved tha t "whil e th e Resolution s sho w the intentio n o f th e peopl e t o stan d b y th e Unio n an d th e Constitution , yet they firml y deman d a n observance of all its provisions b y the North. " Most o f Forsyt h County' s citizen s apparentl y share d th e belie f o f th e People's Press that Nort h Carolina' s interest s wer e bes t serve d i n a n align ment wit h th e mor e moderat e borde r state s o f Virginia , Maryland , Ten nessee, Kentucky , an d Missouri . The y wer e willin g t o tak e a "wait-and see" stance toward th e Lincoln administration, bu t they remaine d vigilan t of an y threat s t o th e South' s right s an d interests . Th e meetin g wa s moderate i n tone , eve n conciliator y towar d th e ne w administration , bu t firm i n resolv e tha t th e peopl e o f Forsyt h Count y woul d broo k n o inter ference wit h thei r constitutiona l rights . Whil e stating that secession , eve n if peaceably effected , wa s no t a n "appropriat e an d adequat e remedy " fo r southern grievances , th e meetin g recognize d th e righ t o f resistanc e b y force t o "unauthorize d injustic e an d oppression " o n th e par t o f th e Lin coln administration. 12 While th e seve n state s o f th e Lowe r Sout h secede d i n reactio n t o Abraham Lincoln' s electio n t o th e presidenc y t o for m th e Confederat e States of America betwee n Decembe r i86 0 and Februar y 1861 , the Gen -

128 • The Community at War eral Assembl y gathere d i n Raleig h an d debate d th e state' s course . I n North Carolina , a s i n Arkansas , Virginia , an d Tennessee , a majorit y o f citizens refused t o leave the Union afte r Lincoln' s election. Th e Unionist s believed tha t unti l Lincol n acte d unconstitutionally , a s i n coercin g th e seceded states , Nort h Carolin a woul d remai n i n th e Union . Bu t seces sionist Democrat s i n th e Genera l Assembl y calle d fo r a conventio n t o consider ho w Nort h Carolin a woul d respon d t o th e Republica n victory . The Unionists , mostl y Whigs , wer e abl e t o pu t of f th e secessionists ' proposal unti l passion s cooled . Eventuall y th e legislatur e passe d a bil l that calle d fo r a n election on Februar y 28 , 1861 , to decide for o r against a convention an d t o elec t delegate s t o tha t convention . I n th e vote , a littl e over one-hal f o f th e state' s voter s rejecte d th e propose d conventio n an d gave th e Unionist s a two-thir d majorit y amon g th e delegate s chosen. 13 Revealing th e exten t o f Unio n spiri t amon g th e county' s citizens , th e people o f Forsyt h Count y vote d agains t havin g a secessio n convention , 1,409 t o 286 . I n Winsto n an d Sale m th e vot e agains t a secession conven tion wa s 92 5 t o 171 . Eve n mor e tellin g o f th e conservativ e feelin g i n Forsyth Count y an d Winsto n an d Sale m wa s th e electio n o f Thoma s J . Wilson an d Rufu s L . Patterson , bot h "soun d an d tru e Unio n men, " a s delegates t o a secessio n conventio n i f on e wer e t o convene . Th e Forsyt h County vot e followe d a patter n establishe d acros s Nort h Carolina . Th e region o f th e stat e tha t wa s mos t intensel y Unionis t wa s th e centra l an d upper piedmont. But , generally, th e strongest Whig counties tended t o be the stronges t Unionis t counties , whil e th e stronges t Democrati c countie s tended t o b e secessionist . Forsyt h County , however , ha d lon g bee n a consistent Democrati c count y bu t ha d vote d overwhelmingl y agains t se cession. Mos t o f th e Democrati c countie s tha t vote d Unionis t wer e thos e located alon g th e Virgini a border , whil e mos t o f th e Whi g countie s tha t voted secessionis t wer e situate d alon g th e Sout h Carolin a border . Thu s interstate socia l an d economi c relation s wer e quit e stron g i n influencin g the wa y peopl e regarde d th e secessio n crisis , an d Forsyt h County' s con sistent Unionis m reflecte d it s Moravia n tie s t o Bethlehe m an d Phila delphia.14 Until th e Confederacy' s attac k o n For t Sumte r th e peopl e o f Forsyt h County remaine d loyal t o the Union . Ironically , o n th e evenin g o f Apri l 12, 1861 , befor e new s o f th e attac k o n For t Sumte r earlie r i n th e da y reached Winsto n an d Salem , a Union meetin g wa s hel d wit h representa tives from neighborin g Davidson , Yadkin , and Surr y counties . The meet ing recognize d tha t "agitator s an d advocate s o f wa r an d disunio n ar e

The Community at War • 12 9 combining t o thwar t an d defea t th e recentl y expresse d will o f a larg e majority o f the peopl e of this State. " The meetin g resolved tha t no w wa s the tim e "whe n th e conservative , industria l masses , withou t referenc e t o their pas t part y association , shoul d als o peaceabl y unit e an d firml y com bine thei r influenc e an d energie s t o mee t th e threatenin g attempt s a t revolution an d civil strife i n this State. " Suddenly, though , circumstance s changed an d event s race d towar d crisis . Th e nex t day , Presiden t Lincol n issued hi s fateful cal l for seventy-fiv e thousan d soldier s to meet the insur rection. Lincoln' s actio n wa s widel y regarde d i n Nort h Carolin a a s coer cive an d unconstitutional , an d th e cours e wa s fixed. 15 Lincoln' s cal l fo r troops crystallize d publi c opinio n i n Forsyt h Count y i n suppor t o f th e Confederate cause . The reason s wh y citizen s o f th e Uppe r Sout h eventuall y cas t thei r fortunes wit h th e Confederac y ar e complex . I n a regio n wher e slave s were few , preservatio n o f slaver y alon e wa s no t a n issu e capabl e o f leading peopl e t o contest th e constitutiona l governmen t o f th e Union . I n Forsyth County , slave s mad e u p onl y 13. 9 percen t o f th e populatio n i n i860. Ther e wer e onl y 29 7 slaveholder s i n a white populatio n o f 10,710 , or 3 percent. Thoug h th e futur e o f slaver y i n th e Unio n wa s a powerfu l question i n th e year s before For t Sumter , th e motivatin g facto r tha t prompted mos t nonslaveholdin g southerner s t o transfe r thei r loyalt y t o the Confederac y concerne d th e libertie s o f fre e men . Man y southerner s regarded secessio n a s a n effor t t o creat e a southern natio n tha t hel d ont o the traditiona l value s o f th e America n natio n whic h ha d bee n corrupte d by a n industrializin g an d urbanizin g North . I t wa s a fight t o resis t submission t o "the yoke of despotism" whic h woul d mea n "servil e subju gation an d ruin. " On e Nort h Carolinia n wa s "willin g t o giv e u p m y lif e in defenc e [sic] o f m y Hom e an d Kindred . I ha d rathe r b e dea d tha n se e the Yanks rul e thi s country." 16 Fo r th e presiden t o f th e Confederacy , Jefferson Davis , the fight was to preserve the "sacred righ t of self-govern ment" tha t th e America n revolutionarie s ha d fough t fo r i n 1776 . Davi s captured th e souther n motivatio n bes t whe n h e said , "Al l w e ask i s to b e let alone. " Henc e southerner s wer e fighting, the y believed , t o defen d home, hearth , an d famil y agains t a plundering invader . A s one nonslave holder in the Confederate arm y told hi s U.S. Army captors , "I' m fighting because you're down here. " While the perceive d coercio n tha t th e federa l government exerte d o n th e Sout h change d th e issu e fro m slaver y t o a question o f popula r libert y i n th e mind s o f southerners , th e fac t i s tha t without slaver y ther e woul d no t hav e bee n th e ris e o f th e abolitio n

130 • The Community at War movement an d th e success of the Republicans as a regional political party . Without thes e developments southerner s woul d no t hav e been compelle d to defend thei r distinctiv e society , culture , an d wa y o f lif e agains t north ern attacks . Bu t amon g th e nonslaveholdin g majorit y o f Nort h Carolin a society ther e wa s a strong sense of being southerner s an d fre e men , an d a corresponding determinatio n t o defen d thei r home s an d resis t norther n aggression unti l deat h rathe r tha n submi t t o tyranny . Marth a Wilso n expressed he r fear s fo r he r hom e and famil y t o her friend Juli a Jones: I canno t thin k th e Yankee s wil l whi p u s i n th e en d bu t ever y prospec t points toward a lengthy contest and I shudder to think of the trials we will probably hav e t o conten d with . I fea r ou r house s wil l b e burn t an d ou r provisions taken from u s . . . may the Lord avert it and give us brave arms and stout hearts to continue to bear all . . . Once th e wa r began , th e peopl e o f Forsyt h Count y united , "read y t o oppose aggression an d defen d thei r homes ' firesides t o the last." 17 Immediately afte r For t Sumter , Governo r Elli s convene d th e Genera l Assembly. Th e legislatur e quickly calle d fo r th e election o f delegates t o a convention whic h woul d ope n i n Raleig h o n Ma y 20 . Th e conventio n met, passe d a n ordinance o f secession , an d ratifie d th e constitution o f th e Confederate State s o f America. Th e electio n o f delegates t o the secessio n convention uncovere d dee p rift s amon g th e townspeopl e o f Winsto n an d Salem. Bitterness , innuendo , an d nam e callin g rupture d th e communit y of th e tw o towns , whil e faction s forme d an d debat e becam e shrill . Thomas J . Wilso n an d Rufu s Patterso n wer e electe d b y a wid e margi n again a s they ha d bee n i n February . Th e secessionist s i n th e communit y were ver y bitte r ove r thei r secon d loss , an d prominen t secessionist s too k the defea t personall y an d responde d i n kind . Rufu s Patterson , wh o re mained a committe d Unionist , wa s th e but t o f muc h abus e fro m seces sionists wh o calle d hi m a n abolitionis t an d a "Blac k Republican. " Pat terson's wife , Louise , offer s a vivi d descriptio n o f sentiment s i n th e community: "Th e secessionist s hav e bee n ver y bitte r sinc e thei r defeat[. ] I hav e neve r see n suc h bitternes s a s they ca n cheris h i n this place , i f yo u differ wit h certai n person s i n politic s o r othe r matters , the y tak e i t a s a personal insul t and grow cold sometime s [and] not speak[.]" 18 Once secessio n wa s accomplished , th e peopl e o f Winsto n an d Sale m began mobilizin g fo r war . Acros s th e Sout h mobilizatio n t o defen d th e Confederacy fro m th e Unio n invader s was largely a local "do-it-yourself "

The Community at War • 13 1 affair a s amateurs prepare d fo r th e bloodiest conflic t i n American history . Local communitie s an d prominen t wealth y individual s organize d an d equipped companie s o f volunteer s whic h wer e eventuall y incorporate d into stat e militi a t o for m activ e regiment s tha t becam e th e backbon e o f the Confederat e arm y i n th e earl y month s o f th e conflict . Acros s th e countryside and i n the towns and cities of the South young men expectin g a "shor t an d gloriou s war " flooded recruitin g office s t o get i n o n th e fu n and glor y before i t ended. 19 Tw o voluntee r companie s fro m th e Sale m vicinity, eac h numberin g fifty men , wer e organized . On e adopte d th e name o f "Forsyt h Riflemen " an d th e othe r th e "Forsyt h Grays. " A s th e men o f Winsto n an d Sale m enlisted , th e Winsto n tow n commissioner s appointed a committee t o consult wit h loca l gunsmiths o n th e "practical ity o f changin g th e flint musket s no w i n th e possessio n o f th e town , int o percussion muskets. " The wome n o f the communit y als o rushed int o th e excitement o f mobilization an d preparatio n fo r war . I n Sale m th e wome n gathered a t the Odd Fellow s and Temperanc e hall s to make uniforms an d put togethe r othe r wa r supplie s fo r th e tw o companies . O n Jun e 1 7 th e first tw o companie s lef t Sale m t o joi n th e Confederat e arm y a t Danville , Virginia. Th e volunteer s wer e sen t off wit h solem n ceremon y an d publi c prayers i n th e tow n square , impartin g a sense o f unit y o f purpos e t o th e community. Th e People's Press expressed th e feelin g o f th e momen t i n it s description o f the event : It was truly a solemn and affecting scen e to witness this religious ceremony on the eve of the departure of our brave Volunteers to a neighboring state . . . surrounded a s they were by a large number of distressed and weeping relatives and friends. An d at the close of the ceremony, when the order of march was given, a scene presented itsel f which will long be remembered: It was the parting of husband an d wife , brother s an d sisters , parents and children, perhap s forever . A larg e numbe r o f person s accompanie d th e Volunteers t o th e "Bridge. " . . . A t th e final parting there , chee r upo n cheer ren t th e ai r i n hono r o f thos e brav e me n wh o wer e goin g fort h t o peril their lives in defense of southern soil. 20 Loyalty t o a common caus e agains t tyranny , a readiness t o make individ ual sacrifice s fo r th e commo n good , an d confidenc e tha t "right " wa s o n the sid e o f th e Confederac y unifie d th e communit y i n th e summe r o f 1861. A s th e volunteer s marche d of f t o war , a sens e o f commo n experi ence share d equall y b y everyon e soothe d pas t difference s an d erase d ol d

132 • The Community at War grudges. I f only briefl y al l were no w southerner s fighting fo r thei r right s as free peopl e and t o defend thei r home s and families . The peopl e o f Winsto n an d Sale m an d Forsyt h County , lik e Nort h Carolinians acros s th e state , experience d th e wa r i n differen t ways . Fo r many merchant s an d manufacturer s th e wa r brough t difficul t time s i n which t o d o business , bu t i t als o brough t ne w opportunitie s fo r profit . With th e mobilizatio n o f troops th e F. an d H . Frie s Company sol d good s that include d sword s an d clot h fo r uniform s t o equi p an d cloth e numer ous voluntee r companie s tha t include d bot h th e Forsyt h Rifleme n an d Forsyth Gray s a s wel l a s companie s fro m othe r communitie s lik e th e Allegheny Tru e Blue s an d th e Alamanc e Volunteers . I t wa s no t long , however, befor e th e hardship s o f wa r wer e eviden t i n Forsyt h County . The arm y draine d th e count y o f it s farmers , artisans , an d laborers . Wartime economi c policie s an d th e declin e i n industria l an d agricultura l production le d t o shortage s an d inflatio n whic h mad e lif e mor e difficul t for thos e remaining a t home. Finally , th e political policie s of the Confed erate government , som e necessar y fo r th e prosecutio n o f th e wa r effort , soured moral e and fe d disaffection . Withi n eightee n months , th e enthusi asm and confidence tha t ha d greeted Nort h Carolina' s secessio n had give n way t o war-weariness, bitterness , an d outrigh t disloyalty. 21 With s o many o f th e county' s farmer s an d far m laborer s i n th e army , there wa s muc h suffering i n Forsyt h County . Women , children , an d ol d men lef t a t hom e ha d t o bea r th e brun t o f plantin g an d raisin g a crop . Consequently, shortage s i n basi c foodstuff s soo n appeared . A s voluntee r companies wer e mobilize d i n May 1861 , county authoritie s steppe d i n t o provide assistanc e t o soldiers ' families . Th e justice s o f th e peac e o f th e Forsyth Count y Cour t o f Pleas an d Quarte r Session s appropriate d fund s to provid e monthl y assistanc e t o soldiers ' families . However , b y th e following sprin g suc h assistanc e fo r al l o f th e familie s o f soldier s wa s proving to be a greater burde n tha n the county's resource s could support . When th e conscriptio n ac t passe d b y th e Confederat e Congres s i n 186 2 retained al l volunteer s fo r th e duratio n o f th e conflict , th e count y cour t estimated tha t a s man y a s twelv e hundre d me n fro m Forsyt h Count y might b e called t o service. Sinc e the monthly assistanc e originally appro priated "woul d entai l an enormous debt upo n the county, entirel y dispro portionate t o a n abilit y t o pay , an d woul d therefor e b e a great hardshi p upon a community alread y heavil y taxe d . . , " the cour t discontinue d al l monthly payments . Bu t th e cour t believe d tha t n o one shoul d suffe r an d everyone shoul d hav e th e necessitie s o f life . T o provid e relie f t o thos e

The Community at War • 13 3 families i n need , th e cour t create d th e Boar d o f Sustenanc e t o conside r applications fo r relie f fro m familie s i n nee d an d t o provid e th e necessar y assistance. The Boar d of Sustenance under th e leadership of its president , E. A . Vogler , wa s authorize d t o procur e agricultura l commoditie s an d funds fo r th e relie f o f distressed families . A t th e heigh t o f th e conflic t i n 1863-64, th e Boar d o f Sustenanc e spen t abou t $192,35 9 t o assis t 1,56 8 wives or children o f Forsyth County' s soldiers. 22 The greates t hardshi p affectin g everyda y lif e i n th e communit y wa s scarcity o f th e necessitie s o f life—foo d an d clothing—an d th e rapi d inflation i n the price of all items. B y the fall of 186 3 conditions i n Forsyt h County wer e desperate , afte r tw o year s o f cro p failur e resulte d fro m untimely freshet s whic h flooded meadow s an d washe d awa y grai n an d a continued drough t i n th e latte r par t o f th e cro p season . Th e Boar d o f Sustenance reporte d " a mos t deplorabl e condition " tha t withou t assis tance fro m th e stat e o r Confederat e government s ther e woul d b e muc h suffering an d th e "horri d fat e o f actua l starvation. " Th e shortag e o f foodstuffs wa s exacerbate d b y th e numbe r o f me n fro m Forsyt h Count y serving i n th e army , take n awa y fro m th e county' s farm s an d leavin g n o one t o produc e th e much-neede d food . Th e shortag e o f manpowe r wa s especially acut e in Forsyth Count y becaus e there were few slave s and fe w large farm s there . Mos t o f th e farmlan d wa s owne d b y smal l farmers , many o f who m ha d bee n calle d int o servic e leavin g thei r fields untille d and thei r familie s unprovide d for . Marth a Wilso n expresse d th e popula r fear o f seein g s o man y me n drafte d int o th e arm y whe n hunge r an d hardship were s o prevalent i n the countryside: " I cannot hel p thinking it s [sic] rathe r a hard thin g t o submi t to . I kno w man y wh o hav e crop s an d no one to tend the m bu t themselves . . . . I t seem s to me they ca n as well serve their country b y makin g bread a s any way." 23 Hardships a t home created additiona l burden s fo r soldier s at the front . Desertions wer e rampan t a s men receive d letter s fro m thei r wive s tellin g of th e hardship s a t home . J. C . Zimmerma n wrot e o f on e soldie r whos e wife "wrot e t o hi m tha t he r childre n wa s [sic] cryin g fo r brea d an d sh e had no t a mouthful t o give them no r a cent of money." The situatio n wa s made worse b y th e fac t tha t th e arm y woul d no t pa y th e soldier s s o tha t they coul d send hom e a few dollars . Confederat e soldier s regularly wrot e home advisin g thei r wive s i n matter s relate d t o settin g ou t a cro p an d keeping th e far m productiv e s o tha t thei r familie s migh t survive . Whil e away i n the army, Zimmerma n remaine d involve d i n the operation o f hi s farm, advisin g hi s wif e whe n an d ho w muc h t o plant , an d ho w muc h a

134 * The Community at War day labore r shoul d cos t to help her around th e farm. Zimmerman' s letter s to hi s wif e revea l th e detaile d attentio n soldier s awa y fro m hom e pai d t o their farms . I n on e lette r Zimmerma n gav e hi s wif e specifi c instruction s regarding the farm : I think i f you coul d so w some wheat i t would b e best eve n if you ha d t o give a dollar i n on e day a good han d ough t t o pu t i n a bushel o r mor e a day[.] If you can see how your [sic] going to get wheat cheaper another year than to raise it is more than I can see . .. a hand ought to sow six bushels a week and if it was to come good it ought to make forty or fifty bushel s and it would cost six dollars to have it sown this fall. . . . I should like to know how you are saving fodder and how the meadow was whether you had any of it cut. . . . I want yo u to butcher an d sel l what cattle you cannot keep this winter . . . if I do not get to come home next spring to make a crop we will be entirely broke up. At othe r time s Zimmerma n tol d hi s wif e t o sel l livestoc k whe n sh e needed mone y an d t o "keep all the grain yo u ca n an d sav e it with care " if the family wa s to survive. Zimmerma n stresse d th e importance of gettin g in the crop in order to keep the farm an d a s a means of survival. 24 High price s fo r agricultura l commoditie s an d th e declinin g valu e o f Confederate currenc y furthe r intensifie d th e hardship s cause d b y short ages. Fro m Octobe r 186 1 t o Marc h 1864 , th e genera l pric e inde x i n th e South climbe d a t a rat e o f 1 0 percen t pe r month . Mone y steadil y de creased i n valu e an d b y Apri l 186 5 th e genera l pric e inde x ha d out stripped it s prewa r bas e b y 9 2 times . I n comparison , wage s increase d only tenfol d whil e wholesal e price s ros e fort y fold. Consequently , rea l wages wer e onl y one-thir d o f thei r prewa r level . I n Winsto n an d Sale m the cos t o f al l o f life' s necessitie s ros e steadil y whil e Confederat e mone y lost value . I n Ma y 186 1 Louis e Patterso n complaine d o f th e hig h price s for groceries : coffee an d suga r eac h sol d fo r twenty-fiv e cent s pe r pound , and baco n fro m eightee n cent s to twenty cent s pe r pound . I n the first fal l after th e war bega n Mar y Denk e wa s frustrated tha t "everythin g i s going up i n price , an d thos e tha t charg e d o not kno w ho w t o go high enough. " As th e wa r dragge d on , commodit y price s ros e steeply . Th e F . an d H . Fries Compan y i n 186 2 pai d thirt y cent s a pound fo r bacon , $ 2 a bushe l for corn , an d $ 3 a bushe l fo r wheat . B y 186 5 th e Frie s compan y wa s paying $ 1 per pound fo r baco n and $2 5 per bushe l of corn. E . A . Vogler , the Confederat e impressmen t office r i n Forsyt h Count y responsibl e fo r

The Community at War • 13 5 procuring far m commoditie s fo r th e army , complaine d o f havin g t o pa y the same high price for corn. 25 In thi s crisi s man y peopl e i n Forsyt h Count y too k advantag e o f th e situation t o profi t themselves . I n a circula r addresse d t o th e county' s farmers, E . A . Vogle r state d tha t althoug h taxe s wer e heavy , som e o f Forsyth's farmer s coul d an d ough t t o spar e mor e o f thei r produc e t o th e county an d t o soldiers ' families . Vogle r believe d tha t farmer s wer e hoarding grain an d tha t h e was forced t o pay $20 0 for a barrel o f flour, o r $20 to $2 5 for a bushel o f corn, whe n som e neighboring count y commis sioners wer e payin g muc h les s fo r grai n i n thei r counties . Vogle r aske d the farmers wha t goo d i s this grain i n the hand s o f those who hoar d thei r surplus an d refus e t o sel l i t t o th e county , th e soldiers ' families , o r th e country's poo r withou t demandin g exorbitan t prices . Vogle r warne d tha t if surplu s grai n wer e no t sol d a t reasonabl e prices , h e woul d impres s it , to whic h h e knew , "th e majority—th e poo r an d soldiers ' familie s i n particular—would sa y amen. " Man y farmer s justifiabl y dispute d Vogle r and argue d tha t the y wer e force d t o kee p their grai n t o trade fo r leather , cotton yarns , an d othe r good s whic h the y neede d t o far m an d survive . Across th e Confederacy merchant s an d manufacturer s wer e buyin g far m commodities an d holdin g the m unti l scarcit y an d inflatio n brough t a s much a s a triple retur n o n investment . B y demandin g trad e i n kin d an d refusing t o accep t Confederat e notes , thes e businessme n create d greate r hardships fo r th e impoverishe d wh o had t o barter wha t littl e they ha d fo r other necessities. 26 Th e F . an d H . Frie s Compan y regularl y trade d yar n for far m commodities , continuin g a practic e tha t wa s standar d i n th e cash-short rura l econom y sinc e the mill's opening in the 1840s . In Augus t 1862 the mill sol d t o one customer nin e bundles o f yarn wort h $27.0 0 fo r one and one-half bushel s of corn, thirty-fiv e an d three-quarters pound s of bacon, thirty-nin e pound s o f lard , an d $1.5 8 cash . Th e scarcit y o f yar n and th e highe r pric e i t commanded i n th e marke t prompte d man y manu facturers t o increas e output . Rufu s Patterso n i n January 186 2 decided t o start u p the machinery o f his Wachovia stea m mill s to spin cotton thread . While Patterson an d other manufacturer s sa w themselves filling a demand for a scarce article, some people in Winston an d Sale m saw these activitie s as war profiteering . I n a letter t o his father Patterso n angril y commente d that "ever y ma n wh o i s pursuing a n honest callin g and realizin g profits i s denounced." Acros s Nort h Carolin a textil e manufacturer s wer e accuse d of takin g profit s tw o o r thre e time s prewa r level s o n th e product s the y sold. Governo r Zebulo n Vanc e accuse d woo l manufacturer s o f "fixin g

136 • The Community at War enormous profits " on the wool they produced , a charge that Franci s Frie s vehemently denied . Thes e charge s prompte d eightee n mil l owner s t o convene i n Greensbor o i n Decembe r 186 2 an d agre e t o charg e n o mor e than 7 5 percen t profi t o n th e cos t o f manufacturin g yar n an d cloth . Th e manufacturers' conventio n se t th e pric e fo r cotto n yar n fro m $2.7 5 t o $3.75 pe r bunc h an d thirt y t o thirty-fiv e cent s pe r yar d o f cloth . F . an d H. Frie s agree d t o sell cotton yar n to soldiers' wives and widow s a t $3.5 0 per bunch i n March 1863 . Regardless of whether farmers , merchants , an d manufacturers reape d extraordinar y profit s o n scarc e goods , th e popula r perception tha t the y di d ha d a damaging effec t o n th e community . Th e rural tenan t classe s an d th e urba n wag e earner s experience d th e greates t hardship while those of higher economic standing, particularl y thos e wh o owned slaves , appeared t o suffer least. 27 As the losses of war mounte d an d hardship s multiplied , socia l disorde r erupted i n Winsto n an d Sale m tha t reveale d th e desperatio n an d frustra tion o f man y people . I n th e winte r o f 186 3 th e People's Press felt i t necessary, du e t o th e "extensiv e number " o f fires, t o war n tow n official s to bolste r th e nigh t patrols ; "to o muc h cautio n canno t b e exercise d i n these time s t o guar d agains t fires an d robberies. " Th e newspape r calle d for th e appointment o f a dependable policeman sinc e "in these revolution- * ary time s . . . propert y i s evidentl y no t a s secur e a s formerly , judgin g from th e frequen t robberie s an d fires whic h hav e occurre d lately. " Bur glaries o f smokehouse s wer e commo n a s scarc e mea t wa s taken . Foo d riots wer e widesprea d acros s the Sout h i n 1863 . In nearb y Salisbur y an d neighboring Yadki n County , ther e were riots a s women brok e into store s and remove d foo d an d othe r necessities . I n Apri l 186 5 th e F . an d H . Fries mil l an d warehous e wer e broke n int o b y Stoneman' s troops . A s Union soldier s opene d th e doors , a "mob " whic h ha d gathere d rushe d into th e factory , no t onl y takin g finished goods , bu t als o cuttin g dow n cloth stil l o n th e loom s an d cuttin g th e belt s whic h drov e th e machiner y as well. The mo b consisted o f "all kinds of folks, reputabl e an d disreputa ble—men, women , an d children. " Muc h o f the mil l propert y wa s foun d in th e possessio n o f person s John Frie s though t wer e "goo d an d friendl y neighbors." 28 Events and group actions that expressed th e hopes, desires, discontent , and suffering o f the people reveal much about popular feelings i n Winston and Salem . Th e increase d numbe r o f burglaries an d fires, an d th e lootin g of th e F . an d H . Frie s factor y an d warehouse , wer e evidenc e bot h o f severe hardship and increased popula r disaffection wit h the war and thos e

The Community at War • 13 7 identified a s supporters of the Confederacy. Mundan e events which man y historians hav e ascribed t o the hardshi p an d sufferin g o f the poo r assum e greater significanc e whe n the y ar e examine d withi n th e contex t o f wide spread disconten t an d intens e clas s feelings . Lootin g an d burglarie s wer e not simpl y ras h acts by the miserable poor, bu t the y could b e expression s of larger , mor e deepl y fel t idea s o f righ t an d wrong . Th e deepenin g poverty exacerbate d clas s tensions an d a campaign o f violence was wage d by impoverishe d an d suffering yeomen , workers , an d soldiers ' wives wh o took matters int o their ow n hand s t o get what the y believe d wa s "sociall y just and rightfull y theirs." 29 The riot s an d lootin g i n th e Sout h wer e statement s b y th e poo r abou t the war , th e peopl e wh o supporte d th e war , an d th e marke t econom y which encourage d speculatio n an d profi t taking . Th e action s o f th e crowds i n Winsto n an d Salem , a s wel l a s individua l thefts , arson , an d vandalism, migh t b e regarde d a s frustrate d expression s o f traditiona l values. Hostilit y towar d merchant s an d manufacturers , wh o wer e popu larly believe d t o b e bette r of f a s a resul t o f thei r no t makin g equa l sacrifices an d becaus e of thei r suppose d holdin g bac k o f neede d good s o r charging o f exorbitan t prices , migh t hav e reflecte d a popula r protes t against entrepreneurshi p an d it s ways—speculation , profi t taking , max imizing advantage , an d accumulatio n o f privat e wealth , especiall y i n wartime. Suc h attitude s an d action s demonstrat e tha t throug h th e mid nineteenth centur y i n Americ a th e emergin g marke t econom y wa s stil l shaped by customary community standard s of behavior. Riot s and lootin g on a large scal e wer e legitimize d b y ol d way s o f thinkin g an d mora l an d legal precept s prohibitin g bot h th e hoardin g o f neede d commoditie s an d speculation fo r highe r profits . Strappe d Nort h Carolinian s considere d speculation an d hoardin g t o b e offense s becaus e the y wer e exploitativ e and raise d th e pric e o f neede d provisions . Suc h popula r action s wer e a final attempt t o reimpos e a n olde r mora l econom y ove r th e evolvin g fre e market economy. 30 As economi c hardshi p sappe d th e moral e o f southerners , th e policie s of th e Confederat e governmen t furthe r antagonize d th e commo n people . There wa s a growin g belie f i n Nort h Carolin a tha t th e Confederat e government wa s movin g rapidl y towar d a military despotis m tha t woul d deprive th e souther n peopl e o f their liberty . Conscription , suspensio n o f the wri t o f habea s corpus , th e impressmen t o f far m animal s an d produc e by th e army , an d th e enactmen t o f a 1 0 percen t tax-in-kin d levie d o n farmers alarme d thos e wh o wer e makin g th e greates t sacrifice s fo r th e

138 • The Community at War Confederate cause . Th e People's Press warned tha t th e smal l grou p o f "reckless an d designing " me n wh o controlle d th e Confederat e govern ment favore d a military despotism . Th e newspape r hope d tha t th e peopl e would no t remai n silen t but , instead , woul d "b e vigilan t an d zealou s i n the protectio n o f thei r right s an d liberties." 31 B y 186 3 man y i n Forsyt h County ma y hav e wondered wh o the real enemy t o liberty was . Disaffec tion with the Confederate caus e was expressed vividl y by some in Forsyt h County. Afte r almos t a year an d a half o f war , J. C . Zimmerma n wrot e to hi s wif e o f Confederat e soldiers ' unhappiness : "Al l th e soldier s ar e getting tired o f the war . . . if we don't obe y w e are punished severl y [sic] and hav e t o d o wors e tha n a negro unde r a mean master. " Zimmerman , who ha d returne d t o hi s far m b y 1864 , wrot e t o a friend o f hi s feeling s about th e wa r an d thos e wh o supporte d it : "Th e ho t hea d secesh [sic] about her e glory i n th e duratio n o f th e wa r a s long a s they ca n kee p out . God hel p th e contentiou s ignoran t creature s fo r the y nee d i t [; ] they wil l receive thei r rewar d i n du e time. " Man y simpl y fel t tha t th e souther n cause wa s no t wort h dyin g for . G . W . Poindexte r wrot e tha t i f h e ha d $100,000 he would "giv e it all to get clear of this horrible war , bu t I have not enoug h t o get a substitute." H e advise d John Dalto n t o hire a substitute fo r hi s so n becaus e "i t will b e bette r fo r hi m t o pa y 200 0 dollars fo r a ma n t o com e i n th e plac e o f Georg e tha n t o le t hi m b e kille d i n this war." 32 Opposition t o th e wa r als o foun d expressio n i n th e organizatio n o f secret societie s lik e the Orde r o f the Heroe s o f America whic h wa s activ e in th e northwes t piedmon t countie s o f Nort h Carolina . Th e presenc e o f the HO A an d th e degre e o f Unio n sentimen t i n th e regio n aroun d For syth Count y wer e wel l know n earl y i n th e war . I n Januar y 1862 , th e Richmond Examiner warned o f disloyalty i n Randolph , Guilford , David son, Davie , Yadkin , Wilkes , an d Forsyt h counties . On e unidentifie d Salem merchan t claime d t o kno w o f person s i n th e communit y wh o continually corresponde d wit h th e Lincol n government . E . B . Petrie , a member o f th e HOA , testifie d tha t th e societ y enjoye d a n extensiv e membership an d broa d suppor t i n Forsyth County . Thoug h th e evidenc e is sparse—du e t o th e secre t natur e o f th e society—th e Heroe s o f America apparentl y ha d a clas s orientation , o r s o it s enemie s claimed . Loyal Confederate s believe d tha t th e organization wa s composed o f thos e radical Unionist s whos e loyalty t o the federal governmen t expresse d thei r hatred fo r the political and socia l elite that ruled bot h North Carolin a an d the Confederacy . Man y secessionist s believe d tha t member s o f th e orde r

The Community at War • 13 9 were recruite d fro m th e lowe r element s o f th e communit y b y promise s that th e propert y o f Confederat e supporter s woul d b e divide d ou t t o H O A members once the Unio n achieve d final victory. 33 Though th e HO A wa s activ e in its opposition t o the Confederacy an d no doubt enjoye d th e support o f many Tarheels , mos t citizens of Forsyt h County expresse d thei r opposition t o the war effort i n more passive ways. Thus, th e clas s tension s reveale d durin g th e wa r mus t b e understoo d within th e contex t o f community-wid e oppositio n t o th e wa r b y 1863 . The clas s tension s eviden t i n Winsto n an d Sale m durin g th e wa r wer e expressed b y hard-presse d yeomen , mechanics , an d laborer s wh o bor e the brun t o f militar y servic e an d whos e familie s subsiste d o n th e border line o f survival . I t wa s thes e Tarheel s wh o hel d th e stronges t feeling s against Confederat e politicians , militar y officers , an d businessme n wh o profited fro m wartim e commerce . Bu t th e protest s o f thes e unfortunat e citizens wa s bu t on e expression o f widesprea d disaffectio n wit h th e Con federate governmen t an d the war effort. Th e larger community consensu s in Winsto n an d Sale m wa s on e o f war-wearines s an d a desire fo r peace . Most wh o wer e disillusioned an d read y fo r peac e expressed thei r feeling s by attendin g rallie s whic h demande d peac e an d b y votin g fo r candidate s who advocated endin g the war . As th e wa r progressed , a gul f widene d betwee n th e view s o f th e slaveholding wealth y citizen s o f Forsyt h Count y an d nonslaveholdin g yeomen an d workers , spawnin g intens e politica l dissension . Eve n a s events turne d agains t th e South , th e secessionist s bega n t o look fo r mor e extreme way s t o oppos e th e Union . J . F . Shaffner , a prominen t Sale m physician an d son-in-la w o f Franci s Fries , believe d tha t upo n th e defea t of the Confederat e arm y southerner s migh t resor t t o "scourin g th e coun try an d carryin g o n a guerrilla warfare , a t leas t worr y ou t ou r numerou s foe, an d compel a most reluctant acknowledgemen t o f our independence. " As matter s wer e becomin g desperat e fo r th e Confederac y i n 1863 , Shaff ner wa s heartene d b y rumor s o f disaffectio n towar d th e Lincol n govern ment i n the Midwest. Shaffne r believe d tha t " a separation of the State s of the Uppe r Mississipp i Valle y fro m th e Easter n State s o f th e Lincol n Government, an d th e erectio n o f a thir d independen t Empire , appear s now a n irresistibl e consequence. " Bu t whil e member s o f th e uppe r clas s were still hoping for victor y an d th e success of an independent Confeder acy, disaffectio n wa s spreadin g amon g th e commo n people . Earl y i n th e war ther e wa s disloyalt y t o th e Confederat e caus e i n Forsyt h County , including tal k o f resistin g th e militar y draft . B y th e fal l o f 186 2 man y o f

140 • The Community at War those servin g i n th e Confederat e arm y wer e tirin g o f th e wa r an d thei r treatment i n th e army. 34 Arm y lif e wa s hars h an d ther e wa s constan t danger, no t onl y fro m enem y bullet s an d bayonet s bu t als o fro m th e treatment receive d fro m th e officers . J . C . Zimmerma n wrot e t o his wif e that i t was "no wonder yo u se e and hea r tel l of so many coming home th e way the y ar e treate d her e [; ] a ma n ca n ea t al l [he ] get s fo r a day s [sic] rations a t on e mea l [and ] the y won' t sen d on e of f t o th e hospita l unti l there i s no chance fo r the m t o get well. " As th e burden s o f wa r weighe d more heavil y o n Nort h Carolinians , the y gre w mor e critica l an d discon tented wit h th e losses they suffere d an d th e hardships the y endure d unti l a bitter opposition t o the war an d th e Confederate governmen t erupted. 35 By 186 3 suppor t fo r th e wa r effor t wa s wanin g i n Forsyt h County . Two year s o f death , destruction , hardship , an d miser y ha d take n thei r toll, an d Confederat e defeat s a t Gettysbur g an d Vicksbur g brough t "un precedented gloom. " Ther e wa s a growin g realizatio n o f th e futilit y o f further militar y struggle , s o tha t peopl e i n Forsyt h County , lik e othe r southerners, gre w attentiv e t o any glimmering s o f peace sentimen t i n th e North. Th e peac e sentiment i n North Carolin a blossome d i n the summe r 1863 as many influentia l newspaper s calle d fo r peac e on an y term s whic h weren't degrading . Willia m W . Holden , edito r o f th e North Carolina Standard and prominen t politica l figure, expresse d publicl y hi s belief tha t if southerner s woul d accep t term s o f peac e o n th e basi s o f th e existin g United State s Constitution , the n the y coul d avoi d emancipatio n o f th e slaves an d confiscatio n o f propert y whic h migh t follo w defeat . Holden' s appeal gained popula r suppor t an d spurre d th e many peac e meetings hel d across th e stat e i n July an d August . I n neighborin g Davidso n County , a mass meeting protested th e "improper an d unjust" treatmen t Nort h Caro lina ha d receive d a t th e hand s o f th e Confederat e governmen t an d re solved tha t i t wa s necessar y tha t al l o f th e county' s me n the n a t hom e remain ther e to produce th e "necessaries of life" and promot e the agricul tural interest s o f th e state . Th e citizen s o f Davidso n Count y wen t o n record a s favorin g peac e "a t an y tim e i t ca n b e effecte d o n honorabl e terms." 36 In Winsto n o n Augus t 26 , 1863 , over twelv e hundre d citizen s packe d the grov e outsid e o f th e courthous e t o addres s th e issu e o f peac e an d t o protest secessio n an d it s cost i n live s and property . Th e meetin g accuse d those who led the stat e into secession of demanding "th e last man an d th e last dolla r i n persistenc e o f thei r fruitles s an d destructiv e polic y whic h has well nigh proved th e downfall an d ruin of the South." Convinced tha t

The Community at War • 14 1 continued fighting woul d brin g n o solution , th e citizen s demande d a fai r and honorabl e settlemen t whic h woul d secur e their property . Th e peopl e believed tha t th e onl y one s wh o favore d continuin g th e fight wer e th e "speculator an d extortioner , an d th e high pai d officers , civi l and military , who ar e fattenin g o n th e carnag e o f wa r an d th e destructio n o f civi l an d religious liberty. " O n th e othe r side , loca l loyalist s t o th e Confederac y convened i n Septembe r o f 186 3 an d reaffirme d thei r suppor t o f th e Confederacy an d th e war effort . Th e meetin g resolved tha t " a reconstitu tion o f th e Ol d Unio n i s a thin g impossible , an d a n ide a incompatibl e with th e deares t right s an d interest s o f th e South. " Onl y abou t twenty five people attended th e loyalist meeting. 37 The degre e o f dissatisfactio n wa s illustrate d b y th e suppor t Forsyt h County gav e t o Willia m W . Holden' s gubernatoria l campaig n i n 1864 . Both Holde n an d Governo r Zebulo n Vanc e wer e "peace " candidates fo r governor, bu t Vanc e advocate d attempt s t o mak e peac e i n cooperatio n with the other Confederate state s while Holden was labeled the "peace-at any-price" candidate wh o advocated a separate peace for Nort h Carolina . Holden favore d a stat e conventio n whic h woul d see k a n armistic e wit h the Unio n whil e protecting th e stat e from th e encroachment o f "arbitrar y power." Vanc e attacke d th e conventio n proposa l a s a first ste p towar d reconstruction. H e wa s convince d tha t a conventio n woul d lea d Nort h Carolina out of the Confederacy an d int o the Union, consequentl y involv ing th e stat e i n a wa r wit h th e Confederacy . Vanc e positione d himsel f before th e electorat e a s a n antisecessionis t wit h hi s attack s o n th e seces sionist Democrat s an d a s a peac e candidat e wit h hi s urgin g t o Davi s t o initiate peace negotiations wit h th e North. Thu s Vanc e focused hi s effor t on securing the votes of the old Unionists. 38 Vance' s efforts wer e successful a s he wo n 8 0 percent o f th e tota l statewid e vote . I n Forsyt h County , however, th e vot e wa s muc h closer , a s Vanc e too k 54. 5 percen t o f th e vote to Holden' s 45. 5 percent , indicativ e of the deep divisions withi n th e community an d stronge r Unio n sentiment . Bu t th e vot e totals d o not tel l the complet e story . Th e arm y vot e gav e Vanc e hi s victor y i n Forsyt h County. Th e civilian s o f th e county , wearie d b y th e sacrifice s an d hard ships of the war, an d uncertai n o f its true purpose, gav e their vote s to th e "peace-at-any-price" candidate , Holden . Th e messag e o f th e peopl e o f Forsyth Count y wa s clear—peace. Tha t th e unpopularity o f the war wa s so widesprea d an d th e desir e fo r peac e s o stron g wer e indicate d b y th e failure o f th e Democrats—th e part y whic h too k Nort h Carolin a ou t o f the Union—t o field a candidate for governo r i n 1864. 39

142 • The Community at War Hopes fo r peac e wer e fe d b y a stead y die t o f rumor s throug h th e fal l of 186 4 an d th e winte r an d sprin g o f 1865 . A s eac h rumo r cam e an d went, unfulfille d despai r gre w deeper , time s go t harder , and , i n thei r disillusionment, som e i n Forsyt h Count y abandone d eve n th e necessar y work o f gettin g i n th e crop . Whe n th e Confederac y accepte d defea t i n May 1865 , hop e returned . O n Ma y 20 , th e fourt h anniversar y o f Nort h Carolina's secession , th e flag o f th e Unio n wa s raise d abov e th e court house i n Winsto n i n a joyous celebration . Th e People's Press reported tha t "in obedienc e t o th e wishe s an d feeling s o f th e loyal citizen s o f Forsyt h County, Saturda y th e 20t h o f Ma y wa s se t apar t t o rais e th e Unio n flag, which during four year s of tyranny, unde r a bogus government, ha d bee n prohibited t o float fro m th e dom e o f th e Cour t House. " Th e Sale m newspaper describe d th e emotion of the proceedings: "As the flag reached the to p an d sprea d it s ampl e fold s t o th e breeze , a shou t wen t up . . . . The joy was so overwhelming, tha t man y of the old and young she d tear s of joy freely, a s cheer after chee r went u p in honor of the occasion. I t was the proudes t da y i n th e histor y o f Forsyt h County." 40 Th e enthusiasti c reporting of the People's Press on the surrende r o f the Confederacy an d th e return o f peace , i t mus t b e remembered , wa s one-side d an d reflect s th e attitudes an d feeling s o f th e man y forme r Whig s an d member s o f th e Constitutional Unio n part y wh o wer e alway s conservativ e Unionist s an d who wante d peac e immediately . Thoug h ther e wa s a significant numbe r of Forsyth Count y resident s wh o stil l remained loya l to the Confederacy , there ca n b e no doubt o f th e dept h o f war-weariness an d desir e fo r peac e in Forsyth Count y a s well as North Carolin a i n 1865 . In Winsto n an d Sale m th e demands o f war reveale d mor e starkl y tha n previous event s th e differin g worldview s o f member s o f th e community . While Whig s an d Democrat s disagree d ove r governmen t policie s an d channeled thos e disagreement s int o a partisa n politica l part y system , entrepreneurs lik e Franci s an d Henr y Frie s an d Rufu s Patterso n differe d from smal l farmers , artisans , an d worker s i n matter s o f behavio r an d social values . Th e stresse s an d demand s o f wa r demonstrate d tha t entre preneurial value s of risk, speculation , profi t taking , an d private accumula tion o f wealt h wer e ofte n no t consisten t wit h communit y well-bein g an d traditional notion s o f righ t an d fairness . Th e wa r reveale d th e potentia l for dee p clas s division s i n th e communit y betwee n capitalist s wh o pur sued economi c opportunities an d profits , an d thos e member s o f the com munity wh o foun d themselve s increasingl y dependen t o n manufacturers , merchants, an d commercia l farmer s fo r employment , wages , an d thos e

The Community at War • 14 3 necessities o f lif e whic h the y coul d n o longe r produc e fo r themselves . I n the postwa r period , a s entrepreneurs furthe r transforme d th e communit y by integratin g th e loca l econom y mor e completel y wit h th e regiona l an d national marke t economies , th e tension s th e wa r uncovere d becam e a permanent featur e o f communit y lif e a s member s o f th e communit y increasingly cam e to see themselves as distinguished b y class and race . Out o f the conflict aros e a new order . Th e antebellu m econom y crum bled a s its system of labor was swept awa y b y emancipatio n an d a s many southerners recognize d th e need fo r a diversified econom y o f manufactur ing an d commercia l agriculture . I n it s plac e aros e a society an d a n econ omy base d o n fre e labor . Thoug h Nort h Carolin a woul d remai n primar ily agricultura l unti l wel l int o th e twentiet h century , on e prerequisit e o f industrial productio n wa s no w available—a n abundan t suppl y o f chea p labor. I n time , a s cotto n price s declined , th e planter s woul d joi n i n th e march t o industrialis m an d becom e heav y investor s i n loca l manufactur ing ventures. N o soone r wa s the last shot fired before th e calls for a Ne w South, remove d b y tim e an d ideolog y fro m th e antebellu m South , wer e made i n th e region' s pres s an d o n th e stum p b y aspirin g youn g politi cians. Th e Civi l War indee d marke d a watershed fo r Winston an d Salem .

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Post heliumWinston and Salem: The Emergence of a Business Class

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mmediately afte r th e gun s wer e silenced , th e bitte r experienc e o f th e Civil Wa r le d man y southerner s t o searc h fo r a n explanatio n fo r what ha d happene d an d t o fix the blam e fo r th e disaster . I n tryin g to understand wha t ha d gone wrong, the y focuse d o n the differences the y perceived i n norther n an d souther n societies , an d man y conclude d tha t southern agrarianis m wa s no match fo r norther n industria l power . Thes e southerners believe d tha t i f the Sout h wer e t o resume it s forme r plac e i n the Unio n i t would hav e to adopt ne w ways . Manufacturing , no t agricul ture, appeare d t o man y th e ke y t o futur e prosperit y an d powe r i n America. Newspape r publishe r J. D . B . DeBow told his southern reader s that th e key s t o souther n recover y wer e economi c diversificatio n wit h manufacturing an d smal l farm s whic h woul d stimulat e immigration. 1 The Sale m People's Press joine d th e broa d choru s o f postbellu m souther n advocates fo r change , an d urge d a polic y o f industria l developmen t an d the expansio n o f manufacturing . Peopl e i n Nort h Carolin a wer e coun seled t o cas t asid e thei r "broodin g preoccupation " wit h pas t events , le t bygones b e bygones , an d se e th e erro r o f ol d ways . I n 187 1 Governo r Tod R . Caldwel l too k u p thi s them e i n th e governor' s annua l messag e t o the Genera l Assembly , describin g th e presen t conditio n o f Nort h Caro lina a s "disorganized " an d warnin g tha t "thousand s o f person s wit h mil lions of capital have been deterred fro m settlin g among us." The governo r reminded Nort h Carolinians , "I t behoove s u s al l t o thro w th e mantl e o f

144

Fig. 6.1. Mai n Street, Salem , i n 1866 . Photograph by Henr y A . Leinbach . Courtes y of Old Salem, Inc .

oblivion ove r ou r difference s an d devot e ou r energie s t o raisin g u p ou r beloved commonwealt h fro m th e low estate into which sh e has fallen." 2 The earl y year s afte r th e wa r wer e difficul t fo r th e peopl e of Winsto n and Sale m as well as for thos e in the surrounding countryside. Th e 1870 s brought sporadi c rathe r tha n stead y economi c growth a s Forsyth Count y continually swun g betwee n prosperit y an d har d times . Loca l newspaper s reported tha t busines s wa s "dull " i n 1871 , but trad e wa s "rapidl y o n th e increase" i n 187 3 onl y t o "stagnate " agai n i n 1876 . Thes e unsettle d eco nomic condition s le d t o seriou s financial difficultie s fo r man y business men in Winston an d Salem . O f fifteen businessmen wh o were in busines s before th e war, nin e (60 percent) were seriously injure d financially b y th e war an d th e difficul t condition s o f th e lat e 1860s , accordin g t o th e R . G . Dun an d Compan y o f Ne w York , th e leadin g credi t reportin g agenc y o f the time . O f th e nin e businessmen , five (56 percent ) eventuall y failed . Merchants suffere d mos t fro m th e har d time s a s people ha d littl e mone y to spend . O f th e nin e hard-presse d businessmen , fou r wer e merchants ,

146 • Post heliumWinston and Salem including Edwar d Belo , tw o wer e confectioners , tw o wer e involve d i n a sawmill an d lumbe r operation , an d on e was a bookseller. Th e si x successful businessme n eithe r survive d th e wa r wit h thei r finance s largel y intac t or the y prospere d b y sellin g good s t o replac e thos e los t durin g th e war . Of th e six , on e wa s a manufacture r an d merchant , Rufu s L . Patterson , three wer e carriag e o r wagonmakers , an d on e wa s a prosperou s confec tioner o f long standing i n the Moravian community , Willia m Winkler. 3 From th e ruin s o f defea t ther e emerge d a n entrepreneuria l clas s i n Winston an d Sale m involve d i n manufacturin g an d mercantil e enter prises. I t demonstrate d a stron g commitmen t t o industria l developmen t as th e ke y t o prosperit y an d souther n progress . Entrepreneur s ne w t o Winston an d Salem , me n lik e tobacc o manufacture r Richar d Joshu a Reynolds, arrive d i n the 1870 s from neighborin g counties i n North Caro lina and Virgini a t o augment th e leadership of the Moravian businessme n who ha d directe d th e earl y year s o f economi c expansio n before th e war . These men , th e son s o f antebellu m planters , yeomen , merchants , an d mechanics, advocate d th e reconciliatio n o f sectiona l differences , racia l peace, and , wit h far-reachin g implications , a ne w economi c an d socia l order i n whic h manufacturin g an d modern , diversifie d agricultur e woul d revitalize the South . Becaus e scarcities of manufactured article s and rapi d wartime inflation enable d manufacturers t o accumulate financial surpluse s which the y use d t o financ e th e refurbishin g o f thei r mills , souther n manufacturing, unlik e souther n agriculture , recovere d fro m wartim e damage rathe r rapidl y an d prospered . Betwee n 186 9 an d 189 9 t n e t o t a l output an d tota l valu e adde d i n manufacturin g i n th e Sout h ros e mor e than si x times , whil e capita l investmen t expande d b y te n times . Durin g these year s th e valu e adde d pe r souther n worke r increase d b y mor e tha n 50 percent. Betwee n 186 9 and 188 9 value adde d pe r worke r gre w a t 2. 5 percent annually. 4 I n Winsto n an d Sale m th e businessme n wh o le d th e economic recovery create d th e urban industria l community , managin g it s firms an d factories , establishin g it s bank s an d saving s institutions , an d building it s waterworks, electri c powe r facilities , an d municipa l railroad . They buil t th e boardinghouses an d tenement s tha t gathered int o workin g class neighborhood s th e worker s the y recruite d an d employe d i n thei r tobacco factorie s an d textil e mills . Thes e me n initiate d an d promote d efforts fo r ne w transportatio n line s t o connec t Winsto n an d Sale m mor e firmly t o th e piedmon t countrysid e an d t o th e nationa l marke t tha t en compassed Americ a a t a n acceleratin g rat e afte r th e war . Wit h thes e efforts thi s entrepreneuria l clas s came to dominate al l aspects o f civic lif e

Postbellum Winston and Salem • 14 7 in Winston an d Sale m and attempte d t o create an environment conduciv e to economic growth, prosperity , an d socia l stability . The railroa d wa s the key to the economic development o f Winston an d Salem afte r th e wa r a s economi c activit y quickene d an d th e populatio n grew rapidly . Acros s th e postwa r South , railroad s expande d int o ne w areas o f the piedmont , connectin g mor e town s an d providin g direc t link s to th e North . I n earl y 186 8 a railroa d meetin g i n Forsyt h Count y at tended b y prominen t lawyers , manufacturers , merchants , an d farmers , resolved tha t th e count y subscrib e $100,00 0 fo r th e extensio n o f a lin e from th e Nort h Carolin a Railroad , whic h ra n fro m Raleig h t o Charlott e via Greensboro. Th e propose d extension , th e Northwester n Nort h Caro lina Railroad , woul d ru n fro m Greensbor o throug h Winston , Salem , an d Mt. Air y t o th e Virgini a line . Late r i n th e sam e yea r th e Constitutiona l Convention sittin g i n Raleig h chartere d th e Northwester n Nort h Caro lina Railroad , an d Sale m merchan t Edwar d Bel o was elected presiden t o f the ne w railroad . Upo n completio n i t stirre d muc h excitemen t i n th e community. O n July 12 , 1873 , a w a r m Saturda y afternoon , a large crowd gathered o n th e height s abov e th e newl y buil t railroa d bridg e an d o n th e banks of the creek below t o watch a s the first train on the new line slowly crossed th e bridge to be greeted b y th e Sale m Bras s Band. 5 The connectio n o f Winsto n an d Sale m wit h Nort h Carolina' s rai l system marke d th e extensio n o f th e proces s o f marke t involvemen t tha t had begu n i n earnest i n the late antebellum years , thoug h marke t integra tion i n th e 1870 s an d 1880 s progresse d a t a greate r pac e an d infiltrate d much mor e deepl y int o th e loca l economy . Acros s th e souther n pied mont, fro m th e en d o f th e wa r throug h th e tur n o f th e century , th e market established it s domination ove r people's lives. 6 In Forsyth Count y during th e immediat e postwa r decades , ther e wa s continue d movemen t toward greate r involvemen t i n trade an d commercia l agricultura l produc tion. Loca l farmer s embrace d commercia l agricultur e b y producin g mor e tobacco, wheat , an d corn . A s Tabl e 6. 1 shows , betwee n 185 0 an d 189 0 tobacco cultivation i n Forsyt h Count y increase d b y mor e than a factor o f thirty an d th e productio n o f whea t b y mor e tha n a factor o f three , whil e corn decline d 2 9 percent. Th e chang e towar d commercia l productio n i s further illustrate d b y th e shif t i n th e rati o of commercial crops—tobacc o and wheat—t o corn , th e leadin g cro p fo r househol d an d loca l consump tion. I n 189 0 th e tobacco/cor n rati o wa s 6.4 6 an d th e wheat/cor n rati o .53. B y comparison , i n 185 0 bot h th e tobacco/cor n rati o an d th e wheat / corn rati o wer e . 1 . The shif t towar d commercia l farmin g i s illustrate d

148 • Postbellum Winston and Salem TABLE 6 . 1

Annual Production of Wheat, Corn and Tobacco on Forsyth County Farms for the Census Years 1850, 1870, 1880, 1890 Crop Production: wheat (bushels ) corn (bushels ) tobacco (pounds ) Farms: number acres improve d

1850

1870

1880

1890

40,735 349,320 49,880

66,678 173,146 76,569

77,082 335,164 822,788

132,895 248,436 1,607,323

996 51,873

1,272 114,125

1,871 79,350

2,088 79,954

Sources: Statistical View of the United States. Compendium of the Seventh Census, 1850; Statistics of the Population of the United States. Ninth Census. Volume 1. 1870; Statistics of the Population of the United States at the Tenth Census. 1880; Report on the Statistics of Agriculture in the United States. Eleventh Census. 1890; Report on the Population of the United States at the Eleventh Census. Part 1. 1890.

also by th e changin g us e of farmland i n Forsyt h County . I n 1870 , as th e hardships o f th e postwa r perio d mean t povert y an d th e threa t o f starva tion, Forsyt h Count y farmer s pu t mor e lan d int o productio n t o meet th e need fo r foo d commodities . Unde r thes e condition s th e county' s 1,27 2 farms brough t a n averag e o f eighty-eigh t acre s int o productio n a s com pared wit h fifty-tw o acre s i n 1850 . A s th e tobacc o econom y too k of f i n the 1880 s an d Winston' s tobacc o factorie s demande d larg e quantitie s o f leaf, Forsyt h Count y farmer s attempte d t o meet tha t nee d a t th e expens e of general farming . Farmer s concentrated o n the production o f Bright leaf tobacco which wa s labor intensive , requirin g careful attentio n a t differen t stages i n th e cro p seaso n an d a s muc h a s 37 0 hour s o f labo r pe r acre . Tobacco cultivatio n require d fewe r acre s tha n genera l farmin g o r th e production o f foo d crops . I n 188 0 Forsyth Count y farmer s wer e produc ing an average of 488 pounds of tobacco per acre. Forsyt h County's 2,08 8 farmers i n 189 0 cultivate d a mea n o f thirty-eigh t acres . B y 1880 , 3 6 percent o f Forsyt h Count y farmer s produce d tobacco , u p fro m 4 percen t in 1850 . A t th e sam e tim e th e numbe r o f farm s increase d 6 4 percent , from 1,27 2 t o 2,088 . A s the numbe r o f farm s increase d durin g th e 1870 s and 1880s , s o di d th e proportio n o f landles s blacks an d white s workin g other people' s lan d a s tenants , increasin g fro m 1 6 percent i n 188 0 to 2 7 percent i n 1890. 7 Tobacco grown o n Forsyt h Count y farms , a s well as on the farm s o f eigh t nearb y countie s i n Nort h Carolin a an d Virginia , wa s sold t o Winsto n tobacc o manufacturers , whil e grai n wa s sol d t o loca l merchants i n exchang e fo r cash , credi t o r househol d items , clothing , an d farm implements. 8

Post heliumWinston and Salem • 14 9 A secon d aspec t o f th e integratio n o f Winsto n an d Sale m int o th e national marke t wa s urba n growt h an d th e transformatio n o f th e eco nomic structur e o f piedmon t towns . Afte r th e wa r th e numbe r o f town s in Nort h Carolin a wit h population s greate r tha n five hundre d ros e fro m twenty-three t o 129 , an d th e piedmont' s shar e o f thes e town s increase d from one-thir d t o one-half . Economi c developmen t an d populatio n growth i n Winsto n an d Sale m wer e mutua l interactions ; eac h fe d th e other a s mor e businesse s an d factorie s demande d mor e labo r an d in creased populatio n demande d mor e job s an d services . Th e increasin g commercialization o f th e countrysid e an d mor e extensiv e exchang e rela tions produce d greate r deman d fo r manufacture d articles , whic h i n tur n promoted a n increas e in the number o f mercantile enterprise s i n Winsto n and Salem . Loca l merchant s importe d man y consume r article s manufac tured outsid e o f th e loca l communit y fo r consumptio n b y farmer s wh o were n o longe r self-sufficient . B y th e 1880 s a vibran t urban-rura l trad e had develope d whic h le d t o a greate r diversificatio n i n th e economi c activities o f Winsto n an d Salem , a s Tabl e 6. 2 illustrates . Merchant s i n the piedmon t wer e particularl y wel l situate d t o tak e advantag e o f th e opportunities th e nationa l marke t econom y offered . Tabl e 6. 2 als o show s that betwee n 187 2 an d 188 4 th e numbe r o f genera l store s i n Forsyt h County mor e tha n tripled . Retailin g becam e mor e specialize d a s mer chants filled specific need s of consumers. Whil e there were no clothing or hardware store s liste d i n a n 187 2 busines s directory , b y 188 4 there wer e four o f the former an d thre e of the latter. Th e increase d numbe r o f store s in th e tw o town s provide d retai l outlet s fo r man y loca l manufactories , like th e F . an d H . Frie s Company . O n th e othe r hand , th e increasin g population o f factor y worker s provide d th e numerou s mercantil e enter prises with a large clientele. Thi s patter n o f economic growth an d chang e that transforme d th e souther n piedmon t durin g th e immediat e postwa r decades wa s quit e simila r t o tha t whic h transforme d rura l Ne w Englan d forty year s earlier. 9 The increasin g integratio n o f loca l communities int o th e nationa l mar ket econom y wa s a ke y elemen t o f souther n industrializatio n i n th e lat e nineteenth century . Th e ke y t o th e success o f Winsto n an d Sale m a s a n emerging souther n industria l cente r i n th e 1880 s wa s th e creatio n o f manufacturing enterprise s tha t coul d tak e advantag e o f th e particula r circumstances o f th e societ y an d econom y o f th e piedmont . Becaus e th e South di d no t posses s adequat e capital , no r th e poo l o f skille d labo r necessary fo r a divers e manufacturin g economy , th e region' s econom y

150 • Post heliumWinston and Salem TABLE 6 .2

Business Establishments in Forsyth County: 1850, 1872, 1884 saw mill s grist mill s coppermills tin smith s shoemakers cabinetmakers chairmakers carriage- and wagonmaker s bakers tanneries wheelwrights plow maker s saddle/harnessmakers blacksmiths potters gunsmiths lime kilns distillers cigarmakers tailors tobacco factorie s cotton & woolen mill s paper mill s blind, sash , doo r maker s ready-made clothin g hotels, saloons , restaurant s shuttle & spoke factor y well fixture s millwrighting marble work s winemakers building contractor s confectioners brickmakers hosiery maker s tobacco auctioneer s tobacco warehouses & brokers insurance merchants: tota l general stor e grocery drug clothing hardware specialty

1850

1872

1884

13 22 5 1 7 2 1 6 2 7 2 1 3 3 2 2 2 3 1 0 1 2 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 13 0 0 0 0 0 0

1 17 0 3 2 3 0 5 0 3 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 2 2 1 1 2 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 37 16 8 2 0 0 11

10 26 0 3 1 5 0 14 3 6 0 0 6 1 2 1 0 3 0 2 29 2 0 2 4 16 1 1 5 1 1 3 3 4 1 5 11 3 108 50 14 4 4 3 33

Sources: 185 0 Census , Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina; 185 0 Census , Manufacturin g Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County , North Carolina .

Postbellum Winston and Salem • 15 1 was a t a decide d disadvantag e relativ e t o th e diversifie d an d comple x industrial econom y o f th e North . Fo r souther n manufacturin g t o tak e hold an d prosper , souther n entrepreneur s ha d t o focu s thei r effort s an d limited resource s o n thos e activitie s b y whic h th e regio n coul d compete , by offerin g th e nationa l econom y product s whic h wer e i n deman d an d which th e norther n econom y coul d no t produc e a s efficiently . I n short , southern manufacturer s ha d t o carv e ou t thei r ow n nich e i n th e nationa l economy. The y di d thi s b y creatin g a n industria l bas e tha t wa s tie d closely t o th e region' s agricultura l economy , processin g it s staple s int o manufactured product s i n labor-intensiv e enterprise s tha t depende d o n labor contro l an d lo w wages . Postwa r souther n entrepreneur s embrace d textiles an d tobacc o whic h prove d t o b e th e engine s tha t drov e souther n industrialization unti l wel l int o the twentieth century. 10 Postbellum manufacturin g i n Winsto n an d Sale m sa w th e transposi tion o f antebellu m productio n technique s an d busines s structure s pion eered i n the textile mills to other area s of the local economy. Th e employ ment o f large r wor k force s o f low-skil l an d low-wag e laborers , tas k differentiation, an d th e us e of steam-powere d tool s prove d tha t th e inno vative structur e o f productio n i n th e textil e mill s coul d b e adapte d t o other industries . Partnershi p wa s anothe r innovativ e busines s practic e borrowed b y entrepreneur s fro m th e practice s o f th e earl y textil e mills . Before th e war , partnership s wer e primaril y limite d t o thos e enterprise s which demande d larg e capital outlay s fo r machinery , ra w materials , an d labor costs , th e mos t prevalen t exampl e bein g textil e mills . Bu t a s entre preneurs sough t way s t o expan d thei r businesse s t o surviv e an d t o tak e advantage o f ne w opportunities , th e poolin g o f resource s int o a singl e firm wa s appealin g an d me t th e nee d fo r additiona l capital . Loca l mer chants als o realize d th e benefit s o f partnerships . Sinc e capita l wa s i n greater demand , mercantil e firms assume d a large r rol e i n th e souther n economy a s source s o f credit , an d partnership s amon g merchant s helpe d to mee t thes e needs . I n th e decade s afte r th e wa r busines s enterpris e became mor e concentrated , wit h tw o o r mor e principal s joinin g togethe r in a n endeavor . I n 1868 , a North Carolin a busines s director y liste d onl y six partnership s i n Winsto n an d Salem , mostl y amon g merchants . B y 1886, however , th e numbe r o f partnership s ha d grow n t o thirty-two , including three in the trades, seven in manufacturing, an d two in mercantile enterprises . Fo r example , N . D . Sullivan' s genera l stor e wa s a part nership o f Sullivan , R . Stanley , Stephe n Hodgi n (als o a merchant) , an d Israel Robinson . Merchant s playe d a leading role in starting and capitaliz -

152 • Post heliumWinston and Salem ing ne w busines s enterprises , especiall y i n manufacturing . I n Winston , Hamilton Scales' s tobacc o factor y wa s a partnershi p o f Scale s an d mer chants P . A . Wilso n an d Alber t Gorrell . W . F . Bowma n an d Company , a Winsto n spok e an d handl e manufacturer , include d a s partner s Rober t Gray an d James A. Gray , merchants. 11 The F . an d H . Frie s Company wa s quite typical of the textile industr y in Nort h Carolin a tha t survive d th e wa r year s an d prospere d i n th e lat e nineteenth century . A grea t man y mill s operatin g i n th e piedmon t afte r 1880 wer e establishe d befor e th e wa r a s famil y enterprise s an d the n enjoyed significan t postbellu m success . Th e antebellu m root s o f man y mills wa s a n asse t t o Nort h Carolina' s postwa r economi c growt h a s a number o f communitie s ha d a manufacturin g traditio n whic h ensure d a trained wor k forc e an d experience d mil l management , which , alon g wit h the surviva l o f th e mills , forme d a nucleu s fo r th e furthe r growt h o f th e 1880s.12 The textil e mill Francis Frie s built i n the early 1840 s survived it s founder's deat h i n 186 3 an d continue d a s a famil y enterpris e unti l wel l into th e twentiet h century . It s succes s ca n n o doub t b e attribute d t o Francis Fries' s willingnes s t o includ e hi s younge r brothe r Henr y i n al l aspects of the mill' s operation. Consequently , th e mill made a sure recov ery fro m wa r an d enjoye d impressiv e growt h throug h th e remainde r o f the nineteent h century . Thi s success came after a slow star t immediatel y after th e war , sinc e machinery ha d t o be replaced o r repaired, an d cotto n and woo l ha d t o b e procured . Bu t busines s gre w a s deman d fo r Frie s products wa s heavy, an d b y th e fall of 187 1 the mill was running day an d night an d hirin g extr a hands . Purchasin g cotto n an d woo l fro m Nort h Carolina, Sout h Carolina , Virginia , an d i n som e norther n markets , F. an d H . Frie s manufacture d cotto n yarn , cassimeres , satinets , kersey s and linseys , an d sheeting s fo r sal e primaril y i n a regiona l marke t tha t encompassed th e Carolina s an d Virginia . Product s fro m th e Frie s mill s also penetrated th e national marke t o n a small scal e with shipment s goin g to Ne w York , Chicago , Philadelphia , Georgia , Mississippi , an d Texas , and th e international marke t wit h sale s of sheetings to China. But , a s mill management reporte d t o th e U . S . Treasur y Departmen t i n 1886 , "th e aggregate o f thes e shipment s i s smal l compare d wit h th e hom e trade. " Henry Frie s an d hi s nephew s me t th e increase d demand s fo r yar n an d cloth i n th e 1870 s an d 1880 s b y continuall y expandin g th e mil l an d installing the latest model frames an d loom s as well as more powerful an d efficient engines . I n 187 0 the Fries cotton mill had run 52 8 frame spindle s and employed twenty-seve n operatives , mostl y females , whil e the woole n

Postbellum Winston and Salem • 15 3

Fig. 6.2. Henr y W . Frie s of the F. and H . Frie s Company, brothe r o f Francis Frie s and so n of William Fries . Courtes y o f the North Carolin a Divisio n of Archives an d History .

mill employed fifty hands , mostl y males , ran 606 spindles and twenty-si x looms. Th e ne w Arist a cotto n mill , buil t i n 1880 , ran 3,39 4 spindle s an d 102 loom s whe n i t opened . I n 188 6 the F . an d H . Frie s mill s employe d 184 operatives ; eighty-fiv e whit e males , nin e blac k males , an d ninet y

154 • Postbellum Winston and Salem white females . Th e valu e o f th e annua l produc t o f th e Frie s mill s ros e from $157,41 0 in 188 0 to $288,948 i n 1885. 13 The postwa r expansio n o f th e Frie s mill s brough t prosperit y an d change t o Salem , bu t th e tobacc o factor y wa s th e vehicl e tha t too k Winston fro m a small count y sea t t o an importan t manufacturin g center . The souther n tobacc o industr y develope d becaus e loca l entrepreneur s took advantag e of ready acces s to an abundant ra w materia l an d expertis e born fro m thei r lon g experienc e i n producin g an d marketin g plu g an d twist chewin g tobacco . Tobacc o manufacturer s prospere d becaus e the y turned ou t a produc t tha t wa s uniqu e i n th e nationa l marke t economy , which protecte d the m fro m th e ruinou s competitio n o f norther n produc ers. Th e explosiv e growt h o f tobacc o i n th e Nort h Carolin a piedmon t during th e 1870 s ha d it s origin s i n th e cultivatio n o f Brigh t lea f tobacc o that wa s particularl y well-suite d t o th e siliceou s soil s o f th e region . Th e development o f flue curing technique s t o replace the old Virgini a metho d of curin g b y ope n fire enable d Nort h Carolin a producer s t o offe r a thin , milder-tasting yello w lea f tha t satisfie d th e increasingl y sophisticate d tastes o f tobacc o users . Brigh t tobacc o wa s widel y embrace d b y farmer s in th e piedmon t countie s o f Nort h Carolin a alon g th e Virgini a border , where th e soi l was too thin fo r successfu l genera l farming . Ironically , th e Civil Wa r prove d a boo n fo r th e tobacc o grower s an d manufacturer s o f Bright tobacc o i n th e piedmont . Th e thousand s o f Unio n an d Confeder ate soldier s wh o passe d throug h th e stat e ha d th e opportunit y t o sampl e the mil d tobacc o tha t wa s grow n i n onl y a few piedmon t counties . Afte r the war , thei r deman d fo r mor e Nort h Carolin a Brigh t tobacc o prove d a catalyst fo r th e state's new industry. 14 Winston's tobacc o manufacturer s spran g fro m th e tobacco-growin g farms an d th e smal l tobacc o factorie s tha t dotte d th e tobacc o bel t o f th e Virginia an d Nort h Carolin a piedmont . Ambitiou s youn g me n of f th e region's farm s sa w opportunit y i n wha t ha d bee n a smal l sidelin e t o tobacco growin g i n th e antebellu m an d immediat e postbellu m years . Combining thei r foresigh t an d talen t wit h capita l mos t ofte n provide d b y small-town merchants , the y establishe d th e smal l manufacturin g firms that gav e birt h t o on e o f th e South' s leadin g industries . Th e tobacc o industry tha t mad e Winsto n an d Sale m a n importan t souther n industria l center starte d i n 1870 , whe n Hamilto n Scale s i n partnershi p wit h mer chant Pete r A . Wilso n opene d a smal l plu g chewin g tobacc o factory . Scales's earl y effort s receive d a bi g lif t i n Februar y 187 2 whe n th e first tobacco auctio n hel d i n Winsto n too k plac e i n a renovate d liver y stabl e

Fig. 6.3 . Winston' s firs t tobacc o warehous e wit h Nisse n wagon s o f tobacc o farmer s line d up. Courtes y o f the Forsyt h Count y Publi c Library , Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolina .

that T . J . Brow n an d hi s partner s A . B . Gorrel l an d Pete r Wilso n ha d converted t o a tobacc o warehouse . Brown , a nativ e o f nearb y Caswel l County, ensure d th e succes s o f hi s ventur e b y purchasin g tobacc o seed s and teachin g th e are a farmer s t o gro w Brigh t tobacco . Scale s an d S . M . Hobson opened anothe r tobacc o warehouse in 187 3 to guarantee a regular supply o f lea f fo r thei r factory . Wit h th e sal e of ra w tobacc o i n Winsto n and the completion of the railroad fro m Greensboro , othe r tobacco manu facturers soo n opene d factorie s i n th e town. 15 R . J. Reynold s wa s one of those earl y entrepreneur s t o recogniz e Winston' s potentia l i n tobacc o manufacturing. Richard Joshu a Reynolds , th e so n o f a prominen t Patric k County , Virginia planter , starte d a s a boy growin g an d manufacturin g tobacc o on his father's plantation . Reynold s bega n manufacturing o n his own in a log cabin i n Patric k Count y i n 1873 . Bu t soon afte r h e sa w a ne w opportu nity. I n 187 4 Reynolds sol d thi s smal l factory , alon g with hi s brands an d trademarks, t o hi s partner s an d move d t o Winston . Accordin g t o Reyn olds, h e wa s attracte d t o Winsto n b y "th e benefi t o f railroa d facilities ,

Fig. 6.4 . Tobacco-sellin g seaso n outsid e o f Brown' s Tobacc o Warehouse . Courtes y o f th e Forsyth County Publi c Library, Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolina.

and o n accoun t o f thi s tow n bein g locate d i n th e cente r o f th e bel t i n which th e finest tobacc o i n th e worl d i s grown." 16 Reynold s wa s joine d in Winston b y other entrepreneurs wh o saw in the town the same promise of success . W . L . Brow n an d R . D . Brow n cam e t o Winsto n i n 187 6 to establish th e Brow n an d Brothe r factory . Havin g starte d manufacturin g tobacco i n neighborin g Davi e County , th e Brow n brothers , lik e Reyn olds, soon realize d tha t Winsto n wit h it s tobacc o market , tobacc o ware houses, an d railroa d connectio n wa s the emerging center o f tobacco man ufacturing i n the piedmont. I n April 1878 , P. A . Miller , S . A . Woodruff , and Willia m Woo d arrive d fro m nearb y Surr y Count y t o open a tobacco factory wit h capita l supplemente d b y $5,00 0 borrowe d fro m F . an d H . Fries on a real estate mortgage. I n 1883 , William Taylor, wh o grew up in Richmond durin g th e Civi l Wa r an d worke d wit h tobacc o manufacturer s there and i n Lynchburg, arrive d t o open hi s factory whic h h e operated i n partnership with hi s brother Jack. Whil e Winston wa s of little importanc e as a tobacc o marke t befor e 1879 , an d plu g manufacturin g di d no t tak e firm roo t unti l th e mid-1880s , thes e modes t beginning s eventuall y gre w

Post heliumWinston and Salem • 15 7 into a n industr y whic h i n 188 8 include d twenty-tw o factorie s an d em ployed fou r thousan d workers. 17 The earl y endeavor s a t tobacc o manufacturin g wer e smal l affair s re quiring littl e capita l fo r startu p sinc e th e processin g o f chewin g tobacc o was largel y handwor k unti l th e lat e 1880s . Reynolds' s firs t factor y wa s typical o f thes e earl y enterprises . Whe n Reynold s arrive d i n Winsto n i n the fal l o f 1874 , h e ha d startu p capita l o f abou t $7,500 , som e o f whic h had bee n furnishe d b y hi s brother-in-la w an d silen t partner , A . M . Lybrook. I n Octobe r Reynold s purchase d fro m th e Moravia n congrega tion a on e hundred-foo t lo t o n Depo t Stree t o n whic h h e buil t hi s first factory, a fram e buildin g thirty-eigh t b y sixt y fee t whic h cos t $2,40 0 t o erect an d equip . Wit h a smal l wor k forc e o f tw o full-tim e assistant s and twelv e helpers , Reynold s launche d hi s business . I n th e earl y year s Reynolds, alway s strappe d fo r operatin g capital , mad e i t o n smal l loan s from hi s famil y an d fro m loca l banks . B y 1879 , R . J. Reynold s Tobacc o Company occupie d a three-and-a-hal f stor y bric k factor y an d employe d 175 hands. Th e firm o f Brown an d Brother , founde d i n 1876 , also started small. B y 1879 , W . L . Brow n an d R . D . Brow n owne d "on e o f th e largest, bes t built , an d bes t equippe d tobacc o factorie s i n th e South, " employing 22 5 hands i n a brick factor y 5 0 by 13 0 feet, fou r storie s high , and mechanize d wit h a twenty-five horsepowe r stea m engine. 18 By th e mid-1870 s Winsto n tobacc o manufacturer s bega n t o differenti ate their product s b y experimentin g wit h flavorings, usin g creative atten tion-getting package s t o gain a n advantag e ove r competitors , an d aggres sively promoting thei r product . Man y manufacturer s believe d tha t a wide range o f brand s offere d greate r opportunitie s fo r success , an d i n 188 7 Connorton's Tobacco Brand Directory of the United States listed forty-thre e brands o f plu g an d twis t tobacc o an d thirty-thre e brand s o f smokin g tobacco produce d i n Winston . R . J . Reynold s offere d Sa m Jones' Ves t Chew, name d fo r a popular evangelist . Brigha m Youn g and Missing Lin k were sol d b y P . H . Hanes , whil e T . L . Vaugh n offere d chewer s Ott o of Rose s an d Dewdrop . Th e innovatio n an d aggressivenes s o f Winsto n manufacturers enable d the m t o increas e thei r shar e o f th e marke t whe n Virginia manufacturer s wer e being squeezed ou t by Burley tobacc o prod ucts made i n Kentucky. Bu t Winston manufacturer s themselve s fel t pres sure fro m chewin g tobacc o mad e wit h Kentuck y Burle y becaus e o f it s capacity t o absor b mor e o f th e sweetene r tobacc o user s preferred . T o meet thi s threat , th e Winsto n manufacturer s use d saccharin , muc h sweeter tha n sugar , a s a flavoring. Souther n tobacc o manufacturer s

158 • Post helium Winston and Salem

Fig. 6.5 . Richar d Joshu a Reynolds , founde r o f the R. J. Reynold s Tobacc o Company . Courtesy of the North Carolina Divisio n of Archives and History .

Fig. 6.6. Factor y 256 , R . J. Reynold s Tobacc o Company . Courtes y o f the Forsyt h Count y Public Library , Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolina .

blazed ne w path s i n marketin g a consume r produc t tha t establishe d brand-name recognitio n an d consumer loyalty . T o introduc e his product , William Taylo r offere d sample s o f hi s Star s an d Bar s t o Confederat e veterans e n rout e t o a reunio n i n Richmond. 19 Winsto n manufacturer s further distinguishe d themselve s b y aggressivel y marketin g thei r brand s in th e smal l market s o f th e souther n backcountr y generall y ignore d b y Virginia manufacturers . Som e manufacturers, though , looke d beyon d th e southeast fo r markets . Brow n an d Brothe r markete d it s products i n al l of the souther n state s an d i n easter n an d midwester n market s tha t include d Maryland, Pennsylvania , Kentucky , Indiana , Illinois , Michigan , an d Missouri. R . J . Reynold s als o concentrate d hi s effort s i n th e Nort h an d Midwest, thereb y establishin g th e Reynold s nam e in the national market . Reynolds believe d tha t th e key s t o "unqualifie d success " wer e makin g a "good product " an d aggressiv e advertising , especiall y i n loca l newspa pers, t o promote his brands. 20 In it s earlies t stage s tobacc o manufacturin g wa s a n uncertai n venture .

160 • Post helium Winston and Salem Because start-up costs were low, the large number of tobacco manufacturers in North Carolin a an d Virgini a ensure d fierc e competitio n whic h led to man y failures . Whil e Winsto n flourishe d a s tobacc o manufacturin g expanded, individua l tobacc o manufacturer s foun d th e goin g roug h an d success uncertain . Winston' s firs t tobacc o factory , Hamilto n Scale s an d Company, illustrate s th e precariousnes s o f ne w busines s enterprise s i n the har d time s o f th e 1870 s an d the bond s o f deb t tha t united Winston' s entrepreneurial class . Hamilto n Scales' s firm began as a subsidiary of the Winston mercantil e fir m owne d b y Pete r A . Wilson . Wilson , onc e de scribed as a merchant tailor, owned a general stor e and a flour mill which he acquired in partnership with Robert A. Gra y from Rufus L. Patterso n in 1865 . I n ^ o Wilso n entere d int o a partnership with Scale s to manufacture tobacco, with Wilson probably providing most of the capital. Th e firm mus t no t hav e me t Wilson' s expectation s fo r profit s becaus e i n January 187 2 he withdrew fro m the partnership, leavin g Scales and Gray as the principals . Wilso n wa s reported b y th e R . G . Du n an d Compan y to be worth a t least $10,000, mostl y i n real estate, one-hal f of which was mortgaged to cover heavy debts. Scale s and Gray collapsed in 187 4 which left Wilso n "somewha t embarrassed. " Scales , however , recovere d fro m this failure and was back in business by 187 6 manufacturing tobacco with J. A . Bittin g and W. A . Whitake r as silent partners. Pleasan t Henderso n Hanes an d John Wesley Hane s ha d experiences simila r t o Scale s a s they endeavored t o establish themselves a s tobacco manufacturers i n Winston. The Hane s brothers came to Winston from neighboring Davi e County in 1872 t o ope n a factory . Th e Haneses , joine d b y thei r brothe r B . F . Hanes, alon g wit h T . J . Brow n an d Mocksville tobacc o manufacturer P . N. Duli n wh o too k a financia l interes t i n th e fir m P . H . Hane s an d Company, buil t a two-stor y factory . Har d time s struc k immediatel y when Duli n die d an d the firm ha d to settle his financial interes t with his heirs. Strappe d fo r capital th e firm struggle d o n until th e factory burne d in its second year of operation. Becaus e the firm owed considerable debts and ha d littl e insurance , Brow n withdre w fro m th e firm . Th e Hane s brothers continue d th e firm, rentin g a factory i n Greensboro until a new building coul d b e erecte d i n Winston . Th e fir m recovered , grew , an d prospered, despit e th e withdrawa l o f B . F . Hane s t o start his own busi ness an d a secon d fir e i n 1893 . Whe n th e R . J . Reynold s Tobacc o Company acquire d th e fir m i n 1900 , P . H . Hane s an d Compan y pro duced five million pounds of tobacco products. 21 The business of the tobacco manufacturers was further complicated by

Postbellum Winston and Salem • 16 1 the dominan t positio n commissio n merchant s hel d i n th e marke t syste m and b y fierc e competition . T . L . Vaugh n complaine d o f a particula r merchant i n New Orlean s wh o sol d Vaughn' s tobacc o at a very lo w pric e and the n charge d a 1 0 percen t commission . Th e ba d debt s o f man y merchants plagued Winsto n manufacturers . John Moore lost $i ,200 when the fir m o f Warre n an d Bus h o f Montgomery, Alabama , failed . Man y o f the Winsto n manufacturers , includin g R . J. Reynold s an d P . H . Hanes , began their caree r a s tobacco peddlers an d sa w firsthand th e troubles tha t plagued thei r trade . I t wa s commo n fo r th e tobacc o peddler , wh o wa s often th e owne r o f th e factory , t o tou r th e Sout h wit h hi s produc t fo r several weeks , alway s maintainin g contac t wit h hi s factor y s o tha t ne w stocks coul d b e sen t t o hi m b y rail . A s a yout h o f onl y sixtee n o r seventeen i n Virginia before th e war, Reynold s peddled tobacc o manufac tured i n th e family-owne d factory . I n late r year s Reynold s remembere d how h e drov e a wagon-loa d o f tobacc o product s throug h th e mountain s of wester n Virgini a int o eas t Tennesse e an d Kentucky , tradin g th e to bacco for anythin g of value to make a profit. Occasionally , afte r al l of th e tobacco wa s gone , h e eve n trade d hi s horses , harnesses , an d wagon , returning hom e wit h cas h whic h wa s alway s needed . Hamilto n Scales , on on e trip, travele d t o Charleston, the n Savannah , Macon , an d Atlanta , in tha t order , peddlin g hi s plugs . I n Savanna h h e was afrai d t o sho w hi s tobacco becaus e th e cit y require d paymen t o f a $25 tax . Eve n so , Scale s found th e cit y wel l supplie d wit h tobacco , fo r h e ha d bee n precede d b y other peddlers . T o Scales , sellin g tobacc o wa s a n "up-hil l business " o f which h e quickly tired , whil e h e neve r gre w tire d o f bein g i n hi s factor y overseeing production. 22 Though man y firms enjoye d onl y a brie f existence , th e industr y too k firm roo t i n Winsto n an d quickl y becam e th e backbon e o f th e loca l economy. Winston' s an d Salem' s thirt y tobacc o factorie s i n 188 5 pro duced plug s an d twist s whic h wer e sol d acros s th e Unite d State s an d i n England. Withi n fifteen year s o f th e openin g o f th e first tobacc o factory , the pac e o f tobacc o productio n i n th e Winsto n factorie s wa s regarde d a s an economic baromete r fo r th e community. Whe n factorie s wer e runnin g day an d nigh t i n December t o close out the season's work an d t o meet th e strong demand fo r thei r product , man y too k i t a s a sign o f "bette r thing s ahead, a prospectiv e increas e i n trad e an d a genera l awakenin g i n th e business o f ou r town s an d section." 23 Bu t th e greates t impac t o f th e industry wa s in the people associated wit h it . Th e factor y owner s cooper ated wit h th e successfu l shopkeepers , merchants , an d professional s o f th e

162 • Post heliumWinston and Salem two towns to alter the local economy b y their business activities and cam e to direct communit y affairs . The ke y developmen t i n th e economi c histor y o f Winsto n an d Sale m was th e growt h o f a n influentia l entrepreneuria l clas s whic h guide d th e postwar economi c expansio n o f th e tw o towns . I n n o are a o f communit y life ar e th e difference s betwee n Winsto n an d Sale m s o eviden t a s i n the compositio n o f thei r respectiv e busines s elites . I n Sale m ther e wa s continuity a s the antebellu m busines s enterprise s o f the tow n forme d th e core aroun d whic h th e postbellu m econom y wa s built , an d Salem' s post war business leadership had deep antebellum roots . Of forty-two busines s proprietors i n Sale m i n 1878 , thirty-on e wer e eithe r successfu l antebel lum tradesme n o r th e son s o f antebellu m tradesmen. 24 Th e remainde r came t o th e communit y sometim e i n th e lat e 1860 s and 1870s . Thus , b y the 1880 s Sale m ha d a long-establishe d entrepreneuria l clas s aroun d which th e town' s economi c an d politica l lif e evolved . Me n lik e Edwar d Belo, Henr y Fries , Rufu s L . Patterson , Juliu s Mickey , an d Jaco b Tis e added t o thei r antebellu m holding s an d pursue d a numbe r o f busines s endeavors afte r th e war . Salem' s leadin g industria l famil y als o expande d its activitie s afte r th e war . Henr y Fries , wh o becam e th e hea d o f th e family enterprise s afte r Franci s die d i n 1863 , n o t o n ' y reinveste d F . an d H. Fries' s profit s int o enlargin g an d improvin g th e company' s mills , bu t he also branched out , ownin g a grist mil l and , i n partnershi p wit h Rufu s Patterson, a genera l store . Juliu s Micke y an d Jaco b Tis e bega n thei r careers a s artisan s i n Salem . Mickey , a tinsmith describe d a s u a pushin g man" an d "energetic, " eventually owne d a grist mil l an d a general store , plus rea l estat e value d a t $5,00 0 i n 1874 . Jaco b Tise , a blacksmith , successfully expande d hi s busines s activities . I n 185 0 Tis e operate d a small sho p employin g tw o journeymen , bu t b y 1867 , n e n a ^ starte d manufacturing wagons . I n 186 9 hi s combine d blacksmithin g an d wag onmaking busines s employe d si x hands . Wit h th e wealt h accumulate d from thes e enterprises , Tis e opene d a stor e an d engage d i n busines s a s a merchant. B y 187 8 h e ha d adde d a gris t mil l an d rea l estat e t o hi s holdings. R . G . Du n an d Compan y reporte d tha t Tis e owne d a "bric k block" whic h containe d si x store s plu s a t leas t si x houses . I n Decembe r 1879 Tise , wh o wa s describe d i n th e Du n credi t ledger s a s a self-mad e man o f goo d busines s habits , "clos e savin g an d industrious " wh o ha d "worked hi s way up, " was estimated t o be worth $35,00 0 to $40,000. 25 While Salem' s postwa r proprietor s emerge d fro m th e antebellu m mer chant an d mechani c class, Winston's proprieto r clas s was made up of men

Post helium Winston and Salem • 16 3 who move d t o th e newe r an d faster-growin g Winsto n durin g th e 1870 s and 1880 s as the tobacco industry developed . O f th e tobacco manufactur ers listed i n a 187 7 business directory , onl y on e was livin g in th e town i n 1870. Amon g Winsto n proprietor s onl y eleve n o f thirty-eight , o r 2 9 percent, wer e establishe d i n Winsto n before 1870 . Thos e businessme n who came to Winston brough t som e capital wit h them , a s R. J. Reynold s did. Tha t th e averag e ag e i n 188 0 of thos e wh o starte d tobacc o factorie s was thirty-nin e suggest s tha t the y ha d spen t te n t o fifteen year s i n othe r trades o r businesse s an d accumulate d th e capita l necessar y t o begi n to bacco manufacturing . Mercantil e enterprise s wer e ofte n th e springboar d to tobacc o manufacturing , a s si x o f fourtee n tobacc o manufacturer s i n Winston i n 187 7 wer e als o involve d i n merchandising. 26 Fo r thes e men , industrialization tha t complemente d th e advantage s o f readil y availabl e raw material s produce d b y th e region's agricultura l econom y wa s the ke y to souther n progress . Tobacc o manufacturin g provide d the m wit h th e opportunity t o participat e i n th e earl y stage s o f th e region' s industria l transition. Thoug h th e postwar busines s elite s of Winston an d Sale m ha d different origins , ther e wa s a consensus amon g th e busines s leader s tha t they increas e thei r ow n trad e an d mak e Winsto n an d Sale m a growin g commercial an d manufacturin g center. 27 Thus Winsto n an d Sale m ha d a soli d entrepreneuria l cor e aroun d which newcomer s coalesce d an d a vita l busines s clas s emerged . Unite d by membershi p i n trad e organizations , fraterna l societies , busines s en deavors, an d politics , th e busines s an d politica l leader s o f Winsto n an d Salem share d a commo n identit y an d forme d a n elit e tha t exercise d unparalleled influenc e ove r communit y affairs . Thi s busines s class , lik e the postwa r commercia l elite s tha t emerge d i n other piedmon t communi ties, regarde d thei r community a s a complex o f interlocking organization s which promote d th e civi c and economi c progres s the y considere d crucia l to individua l prosperit y an d th e welfar e o f th e community . Th e domi nance of civic, economic, an d politica l affair s b y thi s proprietor clas s len t an increasingly bourgeoi s characte r t o the two towns. These businessme n engaged i n efforts t o create in Winston an d Sale m an environment condu cive to profitable busines s enterprise , economi c growth, an d th e advance ment o f th e community . Furthermore , thi s elit e had th e effec t o f unitin g the tw o town s int o a singl e communit y tha t transcende d th e municipa l boundaries. I t wa s n o mer e coincidenc e tha t durin g th e 1880 s Winsto n and Sale m came to be regarded a s the "Twi n City." 28 Within th e growin g black communit y i n th e 1880 s an d earl y 1890 s

164 • Post heliumWinston and Salem a vita l entrepreneuria l an d professiona l clas s als o emerge d t o provid e leadership. Blac k entrepreneur s establishe d businesse s tha t wer e no t jus t confined t o th e black neighborhood s bu t serve d th e whol e communit y and compete d wit h whit e businesse s i n downtow n Winston . Blac k busi nessmen prospere d i n thei r ownershi p o f cafe s an d restaurants , grocer y stores, dr y cleaners , billiar d parlors , jitne y an d tax i services , funera l parlors, an d insuranc e companies . Blac k tradesmen—brickmasons, shoe makers, blacksmiths , undertakers , an d barbers—serve d blac k an d whit e clienteles. Willia m Scale s exemplified th e black entrepreneur i n Winston . Scales cam e t o Winsto n a s an uneducate d labore r t o wor k i n th e tobacc o factories, bu t b y 189 5 n e n a d opene d a caf e an d a poolroom . Scale s prospered i n downtow n Winsto n an d diversifie d hi s activities , becomin g a realtor an d owning a grocery store , a bonding agency, tw o theaters, an d a funera l parlor . Scale s investe d i n th e Forsyt h Saving s Bank , an d hi s wealth eventuall y approache d $250,000 . Blac k professionals—lawyers , physicians, educators , an d ministers—provide d leadershi p i n Winsto n and too k th e initiativ e t o creat e institution s o f uplif t an d progres s fo r the black community . Dr . Henr y Humphre y Bell , Winston' s first blac k physician, John S . Fitts , Winston' s first blac k lawyer , an d Simo n Gree n Atkins, a n educator, arrive d i n Winston i n the earl y 1890 s and mobilize d the black community towar d mora l and socia l uplift an d politica l involve ment t o give it an important voic e in the affairs o f Winston. 29 In busines s affair s th e community' s entrepreneur s o f bot h race s pro moted activitie s tha t furthere d th e interes t o f economic development, lik e their counterpart s i n othe r souther n communities . T o guarante e th e growth an d prosperit y o f Winsto n an d Sale m thi s busines s clas s pro moted tobacc o manufacturing . T o induc e mor e grower s t o sel l thei r tobacco i n the Winston market , a Board o f Tobacco Trade wa s formed i n the earl y 1870 s t o protec t th e interest s o f th e loca l tobacc o industr y an d to pursue good relation s betwee n manufacturer s an d growers . Th e boar d appointed a committee o f arbitration t o settle disputes betwee n manufac turers an d farmer s ove r prices . I n January 1879 , tobacc o dealer s M . W . Norfleet an d Thoma s Barbe r an d merchant s W . B . Carte r an d S . E . Allen publishe d i n th e Winsto n Leader a letter t o th e tobacc o grower s o f western Nort h Carolin a an d th e borde r countie s o f Virgini a promotin g the advantage s o f Winston. Citin g th e larg e number an d variet y o f store s where farmer s coul d easil y spen d thei r ne w cas h fro m tobacc o sales , th e letter urge d th e grower s t o sel l thei r tobacc o i n th e Winsto n market . I n

Post helium Winston and Salem • 16 5 1884, R . J. Reynolds , James A . Gray , Fran k Fries , an d Henr y W . Frie s joined wit h othe r merchant s an d manufacturer s t o organiz e th e Orinoc o Warehouse Company wit h a capital stoc k of $30,000 to erect a warehouse for th e purchase, storage , hauling , an d sal e of leaf tobacco. 30 Leading tobacc o me n lik e R . J . Reynolds , M . W . Norfleet , P . H . Hanes, an d W . L . Gosli n joine d togethe r wit h othe r communit y manu facturers, merchants , professionals, an d newspaper editors like J. F . Shaff ner, Henr y Fries , Georg e Nissen , James E . Gilmer , an d J. W . Gosli n t o establish th e Forsyt h Immigratio n Societ y i n th e mid-1880 s t o recrui t additional farmer s t o settl e permanentl y i n Forsyt h Count y t o gro w tobacco fo r th e town' s factories . I n a pamphle t describin g * Forsyth County, it s soil , products , climate , an d trade , th e immigratio n societ y told prospectiv e farmer s an d far m tenant s o f th e "superio r qualit y o f tobacco grow n i n th e are a an d th e numbe r o f tobacc o factorie s i n Win ston." Th e societ y invite d th e inquirie s o f planter s wh o ha d mor e lan d than the y coul d successfull y cultivat e an d intende d t o matc h landles s farmers wit h landowner s t o wor k a s tenant s an d sharecroppers. 31 In creased immigratio n offere d th e towns ' entrepreneur s man y benefits . More farmer s i n th e are a producin g tobacc o woul d provid e mor e lea f fo r Winston factorie s an d thus , presumably , lowe r price s fo r th e ne w lea f needed b y manufacturers . Secondly , mor e farmer s woul d increas e th e demand fo r goo d farmland , therefor e makin g i t mor e valuabl e fo r it s owners. Fo r th e merchant s an d mechanics , additiona l farmer s earnin g a n income fro m tobacc o woul d mea n mor e customer s an d mor e mone y circulating i n th e loca l economy . However , som e member s o f th e com munity wer e war y o f possibl e unintende d consequence s o f th e effor t t o attract immigratio n t o Winston , Salem , an d Forsyt h County . Th e Win ston Union Republican i n 188 7 recognize d th e nee d t o attrac t additiona l labor for th e towns' growing factories, workshops , an d stores , but consid ered tha t thi s nee d shoul d no t b e filled a t th e expens e o f th e mora l well being o f th e community . Horrifie d a t th e "genera l mes s tha t i s buildin g up the great West s o rapidly," the Union Republican reminded it s readers: We are conten t wit h a steady natura l increas e an d th e occasiona l highe r moral class of emigrants that from tim e to time deem proper to unite their fate an d fortun e wit h us . . . . W e hav e roo m an d a hearty welcom e fo r good la w abidin g citizens , ric h an d poor , wh o ar e willin g t o len d a n influence an d work , an d fo r thes e alone . Suc h addition s t o a community and the South are beneficial.

166 • Postbellum Winston and Salem Despite suc h concerns , businessme n acros s th e Sout h create d loca l agen cies to solve the need fo r labo r which the y believe d th e postwar industria l program woul d supposedl y create. 32 In Octobe r 1885 , manufacturer s R . J . Reynold s an d Joh n W . Frie s joined wit h othe r businessme n t o organiz e a chambe r o f commerc e t o advance th e interest s o f busines s enterpris e i n th e community . Th e ne w chamber wa s dedicated t o promoting internal improvements , encouragin g immigration, collectin g an d disseminatin g informatio n abou t th e commu nity, an d addressin g th e threa t tha t Winsto n an d Sale m migh t b e by passed b y futur e railroa d development . I n a n effor t t o safeguar d th e economic futur e o f th e town , th e member s o f th e chambe r bega n a campaign i n th e fal l o f 188 5 t o secur e a connectio n wit h th e planne d Roanoke an d Souther n Railroad , whic h woul d giv e Winsto n an d Sale m direct connection s wit h th e wester n Virgini a tobacco-growin g counties . R. J. Reynold s joine d wit h othe r businessme n t o organize a company fo r constructing a railroa d fro m Martinsville , Virginia , locate d i n a prim e Bright tobacco-growin g area . I n 188 7 the General Assembl y incorporate d the Salem-Winsto n an d Da n Rive r Railroa d Compan y t o buil d a lin e from th e town s of Sale m and Winsto n t o connect wit h th e Cape Fea r an d Yadkin Valle y Railroad . Tobacc o manufacturer s R . J. Reynold s an d W . L. Brown , textil e manufacture r F . H . Fries , an d merchan t Jame s E . Gilmer sa t o n th e ne w company' s boar d o f directors . B y th e earl y 1890 s Winston an d Sale m ha d rai l connections throug h Davi e County t o Wilkes County an d int o southwester n Virgini a tha t carrie d lumber , iro n ore , tobacco, an d count y produc e from th e region's smal l farms. 33 The town' s leadin g businessme n wer e als o instrumenta l i n creatin g financial institution s tha t wer e necessar y fo r successfu l busines s enter prise. Severa l o f Salem' s foremos t merchants , artisans , an d professionals , among them Edwar d Belo , Israel G. Lash , Pete r A. Wilson , an d John W . Alspaugh, organize d th e People's Building and Loa n Association of Sale m in 1871 . Two bank s were organized durin g these years, the First Nationa l Bank o f Sale m an d th e Wachovi a Nationa l Ban k i n Winston . I n 188 9 merchant S . E . Allen , tobacc o manufacturer s W . A . Whitake r an d T . L . Vaughn, an d textil e manufacture r Henr y Frie s joine d othe r investor s t o organize th e Winston-Sale m Buildin g Loa n Associatio n t o accumulat e funds sufficien t t o enabl e member s t o buil d o r purchas e home s o r t o invest i n any busines s the y deeme d advantageou s t o them. 34 Winston's an d Salem' s busines s leader s too k a n activ e rol e i n creatin g the infrastructur e tha t serve d th e economi c developmen t o f th e commu -

Postbellum Winston and Salem • 16 7 nity. Adequat e supplie s o f pur e runnin g water , electri c power , an d a street trolle y syste m wer e importan t t o th e productio n o f goods , th e transportation o f peopl e an d product s withi n th e community , an d th e quality o f lif e i n th e tw o town s t o attrac t worker s t o th e factorie s an d customers t o th e tobacc o warehouse s an d mercantil e establishments . I n the 1880 s a grou p o f merchant s an d manufacturer s tha t include d S . E . Allen, W . L . Brown , R . J . Reynolds , an d P . H . Hane s forme d th e Winston Wate r Compan y wit h a capital stoc k o f $16,00 0 fo r th e purpos e of supplyin g Winsto n wit h water . Merchants , tobacc o manufacturers , and professional s includin g D . H . Starbuck , T . L . Vaughn , J . A . Bit ting, and James E. Gilmer , wh o were the officers an d directors, organize d the Winsto n Electri c Ligh t an d Motiv e Powe r Compan y i n 188 7 to brin g electric powe r t o Winston . I n 188 9 loca l businessme n incorporate d th e Winston an d Sale m Stree t Railwa y Compan y t o buil d a n electri c trolle y system. Th e lis t of fifty-four investor s i n the new corporatio n read s like a who's wh o o f th e busines s clas s i n th e communit y an d includes : tobacc o manufacturers T . L . Vaughn , W . A . Whitaker , J . A . Bitting , an d T . J . Brown; textil e manufacture r Fran k Fries ; merchants S . E . Allen , Josep h Rosenbacher, Jame s E . Gilmer , an d W . B . Carter ; an d professional s Eugene E. Gra y an d Thomas J. Wilson , bot h attorneys. Thes e men came together agai n i n numerou s developmen t an d investmen t companie s t o acquire land an d buil d ne w home s an d factorie s t o bring abou t a growing and prosperou s Winston-Salem . Th e Twi n Cit y Developmen t Company , formed i n Octobe r 1890 , an d th e Winsto n Developmen t Company , formed i n Novembe r 1890 , wer e th e vehicle s b y whic h thi s elit e mobi lized it s capita l an d energ y t o direc t th e growt h an d developmen t o f th e twin citie s and inves t i n its business enterprises. 35 Tabl e 6. 3 identifie s th e business elit e of Winston an d Salem . Thes e me n wer e identifie d a s those who owne d busines s enterprise s an d wh o playe d importan t role s i n th e community's civi c an d busines s association s a s wel l a s i n politica l activ ities. The postbellu m elite s o f Winsto n an d Sale m wer e forme d o f thos e individuals wh o hel d th e mos t influenc e ove r thei r neighbor s whic h im bued the m wit h powe r i n th e community. 36 Th e powe r o f thi s elit e wa s exercised o n tw o levels—th e economi c an d th e political . O n th e eco nomic leve l ther e wa s a n elite which a t point s intersecte d wit h th e politi cal elit e bu t whic h primaril y exercise d it s powe r a s proprietor s o f Win ston's an d Salem' s busines s enterprises . Thi s elit e guide d th e towns ' economic developmen t throug h th e establishmen t o f trad e associations ,

i68 • Postbellum Winston and Salem

TABLE 6 . 3

Postbellum Business Elite of Winston and Salem Name

Occupation

S. E . Alle n John W. Alspaug h Thomas Barbe r Edward Bel o J. A . Bittin g T. J. Brow n Charles Bufor d John C. Buxto n John W. Frie s Henry W . Frie s A. B . Gorrel l James A. Gra y P. H . Hane s John W. Hane s C. A . Heg e G. W . Hinsha w R. B . Kerne r Israel G. Las h D. P . Mas t M. W . Norflee t C. J. Ogbur n J. L . Patterso n R. J. Reynold s T. L . Vaugh n W. A . Whitake r M. N . Williamso n Thomas J. Wilso n C. B . Watso n

merchant attorney tobacco leaf dealer bank and railroad presiden t tobacco manufacture r tobacco manufacture r railroad agent attorney textile manufacture r textile manufacture r tobacco leaf dealer merchant and banker tobacco manufacture r tobacco manufacture r agricultural implement s manufacture r merchant attorney bank president attorney tobacco leaf dealer tobacco manufacture r attorney tobacco manufacture r tobacco manufacture r tobacco manufacture r tobacco manufacture r attorney attorney

Sources: Nort h Carolina , vol . 10 , 463-553 , R . G . Du n an d Company , Collection , Baker Library , Harvar d Universit y Graduat e Schoo l o f Busines s Administration ; Branson's North Carolina Directory, 1877-78, 113-16 ; Southern Business Guide, 1883-84, 685-700, 1885-86 , 693-706; Forsyth County, Recor d o f Corporations, vol. 1 , 14-16 , 46-48, 53-54 , NCDAH .

immigration societies , banks , an d saving s an d loa n association s an d played a n importan t rol e i n organizing , funding , an d directin g civi c activities an d agencie s t o improv e th e qualit y o f lif e i n th e community . R. J. Reynold s heade d a campaign i n the lat e 1870 s fo r increase d propert y and pol l taxe s t o suppor t publi c education . H e als o contribute d larg e sums o f mone y t o fun d th e establishmen t o f th e Slate r Hospita l fo r th e black citizen s o f Winsto n an d Sale m an d t o establis h a colleg e fo r black s

Postbellum Winston and Salem • 16 9 in Winston . Joh n W . Fries , so n o f Franci s Frie s an d presiden t o f th e F. an d H . Frie s Company , playe d a n activ e rol e i n civi c an d churc h affairs.37 Bu t thi s elite' s mos t importan t powe r bas e wa s i n it s rol e a s employers. A s thousand s o f peopl e immigrate d t o Winston an d Sale m i n the 1870 s and 1880 s to work i n the tobacc o factories, textil e mills , shops , and stores , the power an d influenc e o f this elite grew sharply . The politica l elit e consiste d o f peopl e wh o serve d a s magistrate s o f Winston Townshi p an d a s decisio n maker s i n loca l part y politics . A sample o f th e community' s politica l elit e wa s draw n fro m th e executiv e committee o f th e loca l Democrati c part y whic h dominate d i n loca l elec tions an d fro m th e appointe d magistrate s o f th e township . O f th e forty eight me n i n th e sample , twenty-eigh t wer e locate d i n th e 187 0 census . This elit e wa s propertied , wit h th e averag e holdin g i n rea l estat e bein g $3,542. Whil e merchant s an d shopowner s forme d th e backbon e o f th e elite, thre e wer e tobacc o manufacturer s wh o ha d com e to Winston i n th e early an d mid-1870 s t o ope n thei r factories . O f th e forty-eight , twenty one serve d i n th e municipa l governmen t o f eithe r Winsto n o r Salem . During th e year s betwee n 186 5 an d 188 7 ther e wa s remarkabl e consis tency i n town government i n the two towns, furthe r indicatin g the powe r the busines s clas s hel d i n th e community . I n Sale m durin g thes e year s forty-two me n filled 13 6 places on th e tow n commissio n wit h a n averag e tenure o f thre e terms . Tow n governmen t i n Sale m ha d a distinctiv e mechanic flavor a s craftsmen wh o ha d mad e th e transitio n t o shopowne r held th e larges t numbe r o f position s o n th e tow n commission . O f th e forty-two officeholder s i n Salem , thirty-fiv e wer e locate d i n th e 187 0 census an d o f these , sixtee n ha d mechani c origins . Th e secon d larges t group, merchants , ha d twelv e officeholders . O f course , mos t o f th e me chanics wer e proprietors , ownin g thei r ow n shop s an d employin g oth ers. 38 Ther e wa s a continuit y i n elit e dominatio n i n Sale m fro m th e antebellum year s t o th e 1880s . A busines s clas s o f smal l proprietor s evolved ou t o f the artisa n traditio n o f shop-owning maste r craftsmen , bu t because many o f these artisan an d merchan t proprietor s wer e engaging in diversified economi c activities after th e war, i t is highly unlikel y tha t the y still worked i n the shop beside their employees. Instead , thes e proprietor s were evolving into a managerial clas s which directe d busines s activity an d was concerned wit h return s earne d i n diverse enterprises . In contrast , Winston' s tow n governmen t wa s i n th e hand s o f mer chants an d manufacturers . I n Winsto n forty-nin e me n hel d 11 4 place s on th e tow n commissio n wit h a n averag e tenur e o f tw o terms . Tow n

170 • Postbellum Winston and Salem government wa s slightly les s stable in Winston tha n i n Sale m as newcomers poure d int o th e tow n an d quickl y establishe d themselves . O f th e forty-nine officeholders , fiftee n wer e merchant s an d sixtee n wer e manu facturers, te n o f who m wer e tobacc o manufacturers . Onl y five o f Win ston's electe d leader s wer e mechanics . Large-scal e manufacturin g gav e Winston a character distinc t fro m Salem . Rathe r tha n bein g the center o f long-established artisana l trade , Winsto n becam e th e hom e o f manufac turers an d merchant s wh o settle d i n the town afte r th e war. O f forty-fiv e businessmen i n Winsto n wh o wer e liste d i n Dobbins' 1890 Historical Sketch of Winston-Salem, N.C., a s tobacco manufacturers , lea f dealers , an d ware house proprietors , thirty-si x ha d com e t o Winsto n an d Sale m fro m else where i n Nort h Carolin a an d Virgini a t o ope n thei r businesses . Tha t these tobacco entrepreneurs establishe d a place for themselve s i n Winsto n and quickl y wo n th e acceptanc e o f thei r neighbor s reveal s th e somewha t different attitude s towar d industrializatio n hel d b y southerner s an d northerners. Studie s o f norther n industrialist s wh o emerge d i n the 1870 s have reveale d loca l attitude s inimica l t o men ne w t o the communit y wh o opened factorie s whic h wer e deeme d disruptiv e t o establishe d economi c and socia l relationships . Thes e ne w industrialist s ofte n di d no t readil y achieve hig h socia l statu s i n th e community. 39 I n Winsto n th e situatio n was differen t becaus e tobacc o manufacturer s wer e i n th e vanguar d o f a n industrial movemen t see n b y man y southerner s a s a solutio n t o th e South's perceive d weakness . Th e rapidl y growin g tobacc o industr y o f Winston fit nicel y wit h th e Ne w Sout h boosteris m o f th e aspirin g busi ness clas s i n th e region' s piedmon t communities . An d th e exten t o f their involvemen t i n communit y affair s wa s indicativ e o f th e tobacc o manufacturers' success at achieving influential statu s shortly after thei r ar rival. The merchant s an d manufacturer s wh o transforme d Winsto n an d Sa lem b y thei r busines s endeavor s wer e par t o f a movemen t acros s th e South i n whic h businessme n responde d t o th e profoun d change s i n th e economic direction o f the Sout h afte r th e Civil War . Wit h th e creation o f a labor marke t afte r emancipatio n i n which employer s wer e able to mobilize a large reservoir of cheap labor, souther n businessme n sa w opportunities fo r profitabl e enterprise s tha t exploite d th e region' s land , labor , an d raw materials . Lan d an d labo r wer e reallocate d t o produc e mor e cotto n and tobacco , an d ther e wa s energ y an d enthusias m fo r railroads , ne w manufacturing enterprises , an d loca l economic development. Thes e elite s embraced industrializatio n i n orde r t o expan d th e loca l econom y o n

Postbellum Winston and Salem • 17 1 which thei r wealt h an d powe r wer e based . Afte r th e war , th e principle s and direction s o f entrepreneuria l enterprise s wer e transforme d b y th e market, an d the investment strategies , entrepreneurial designs , and politi cal programs embrace d b y th e South' s busines s leader s demonstrate d th e emergence o f a ne w mentalit e o r worl d view amon g th e elite. 40 O n th e local level , a commercia l clas s unite d b y th e desir e fo r a n environmen t conducive t o it s succes s directe d th e affair s o f Winsto n an d Salem . Th e artisan-merchant elit e o f th e antebellu m year s evolve d int o a postwa r coalition o f merchant-manufacturer-professiona l foun d i n town s o f th e upper piedmont . Thi s clas s share d a common statu s a s employers whic h marked the m a s differen t fro m th e large r segmen t o f th e community . However, a s thi s cohesiv e employe r clas s evolved , a workin g clas s o f factory worker s an d unskille d an d semiskille d laborer s emerge d i n juxta position.

C

H

A

P

T

E

R

S E V E

N

Workers in an Industrial Community

T

he busines s clas s tha t emerge d i n Winsto n an d Sale m afte r th e Civil Wa r t o direc t th e transformatio n o f th e loca l econom y created th e condition s tha t profoundl y altere d th e live s o f th e majority o f peopl e livin g i n th e community . Th e proces s o f chang e an d adaptation tha t occurre d i n th e postwa r communit y reveal s th e characte r of industrialization a s it occurred i n Winston an d Salem . Industrializatio n meant greate r diversificatio n o f economi c activitie s an d occupation s a s well a s loca l producer s turnin g ou t good s fo r a wide r nonloca l market . Producing i n a wide r marke t mean t greate r competitiv e pressure s tha n those whic h existe d i n th e antebellu m economy . I n Winsto n an d Salem , as across the souther n piedmont , th e expanding marke t econom y brough t a variet y o f les s expensiv e good s t o souther n consumer s whic h ha d bee n mass-produced i n th e Nort h an d transporte d o n railroad s southerner s rushed t o build . Thes e good s offered stif f competitio n t o loca l producer s who face d intens e pressure s t o compete successfull y i n th e nationa l mar ket. Th e driv e fo r greate r profit s le d producer s t o introduc e innovation s in th e productio n proces s tha t increase d productivit y an d lowere d costs . Some advocate s o f postbellu m souther n economi c developmen t lik e J. D . B . DeBo w regarde d worker s o f bot h race s a s wel l a s popula r recognition o f th e dignit y o f labor t o be critical t o the South' s prosperit y and progress . Th e Sale m People's Press recognized th e importanc e o f har d work to the success and prosperit y o f the Sout h and proclaimed, "Succes s to all working me n sa y we, an d w e hope all the young me n and boy s wil l 172

Workers in an Industrial Community • 17 3 TABLE 7 . 1

Distribution of Occupations in Forsyth County 1850, 1880 1880

1850 Occupations

Unskilled, Servic e Semiskilled Skilled Petty Proprietor s Clerical, Sale s Proprietors, Manager s Professionals Government Official s Totals

frequency 87 4 67 282 9 3 13 1 466

% 18.7 0.9 14.4 60.5 1.9 0.6 2.8 0.2

frequency 550 222 120 321 49 23 30 7 1322

% 41.6 16.8 9.1 24.3 3.7 1.7 2.3 0.5

Sources: 185 0 Census, Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina ; 188 0 Census, Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina .

roll u p thei r sleeve s an d pitc h i n goo d earnes t an d mak e a n hones t an d respectable livin g an d becom e independent. " Th e People's Press warned employers t o respect an d rewar d labor : Underpaid labo r alway s revenge s itsel f upo n th e employe r i n negligenc e and waste . Th e ma n wh o cares littl e fo r th e interest s o f th e maste r wh o cheapens th e swea t o f hi s bro w t o th e lowes t possibl e farthing , an d th e work he does is never performed wit h cheerfulness o r alacrity. Getting the greatest amount for the least outlay, never yet paid in the long run. But fo r th e worker s i n th e crafts , industrializatio n mean t mechanizatio n of som e i f no t al l o f th e productio n process , tas k differentiatio n an d th e consequent declin e in the skill levels of workers, the substitution o f wageearning, semiskille d laborer s fo r skille d artisans , th e abandonmen t o f apprenticeship, lowe r wages , an d poore r workin g condition s a s employ ers attempte d t o remai n competitive . Fo r semiskille d worker s i n th e tobacco factories an d textile mills, industrialization brough t ne w opportu nities fo r stead y employmen t an d regula r wage s bu t als o wor k tha t wa s routinized a t a pace tha t worker s n o longe r controlled . Durin g th e 1870 s and 1880 s th e peopl e o f Winsto n an d Sale m ha d t o com e t o term s wit h new way s of living and working. l Continuing a proces s begu n durin g th e antebellu m years , th e ex panding marke t econom y ha d it s greates t impac t o n skille d worker s whose presenc e i n th e loca l econom y diminishe d a s ther e wer e fewe r opportunities fo r employmen t i n local shops and mobilit y int o the propri -

r 74 * Workers in an Industrial Community TABLE 7 .2

Distribution of Occupations in Winston Township, 1880 Occupations Unskilled, Servic e Semiskilled Skilled Petty Proprietor s Clerical, Sale s Proprietors, Manager s Professionals Government Official s Total

Frequency

%

117 178 57 19 31 12 14 6 434

27.0 41.0 13.1 4.4 7.1 2.8 3.2 1.4

Source: 188 0 Census, Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , For syth County , Nort h Carolina .

etor class . Th e shop s o f loca l craftsme n tha t ha d onc e provide d th e loca l community wit h good s shran k i n siz e a s man y o f thes e good s wer e imported fro m norther n manufacturin g center s fo r sal e in local dry-good s stores. Consequently , a s Tabl e 7. 1 shows , th e skille d artisan s an d pett y proprietors i n Forsyt h Count y wh o mad e u p 74. 9 percen t o f th e wor k force i n 185 0 were onl y 33. 4 percent o f the worker s i n 1880 . The charac ter o f th e loca l wor k forc e i n Forsyt h Count y shifte d a s peopl e too k manual labo r job s requirin g littl e o r n o skill . Th e unskille d an d semi skilled segment s o f Forsyt h county' s wor k forc e increase d fro m 19. 6 percent o f th e workin g populatio n i n 185 0 to 58. 4 percen t i n 1880. 2 Th e change was even more profound i n Winston an d Sale m by 1880 , as Table 7.2 shows . Skille d artisan s mad e u p onl y 13. 1 percen t o f Winston' s an d Salem's wor k force , whil e the unskilled an d semiskille d segments , mostl y tobacco factor y worker s an d textil e mill operatives, wa s 68 percent. 3 From it s initia l step s i n antebellu m Sale m wit h textil e manufacturing , industrialization advance d furthe r afte r th e wa r wit h th e transformatio n of th e crafts , especiall y i n shoemaking , carriagemaking , an d tailoring . These trade s face d oblivio n a s craft s i n th e 1870 s an d 1880s , sinc e th e competition o f manufacture d article s le d younge r me n t o abando n the m and productio n shifte d t o a smal l numbe r o f large r shops . Th e shop s o f tailors, shoemakers , an d wagon - an d carriagemaker s whic h ha d onc e produced consume r good s fo r th e loca l marke t contracte d i n siz e an d activity. Betwee n 185 0 an d 188 0 th e numbe r o f artisan s liste d i n th e census wh o identifie d themselve s a s shoemaker s decline d fro m forty-on e

Fig. 7.1 . Vie w o f th e Nisse n Wago n Work s wit h it s larg e smokestac k towerin g ove r the plant . Courtes y o f th e Forsyt h Count y Publi c Library , Winston-Salem , Nort h Caro lina.

to fifteen an d tailor s decline d fro m nin e t o four . Thos e craftsme n wh o remained a t thei r trade s wer e engage d i n repair s an d custo m wor k fo r a limited luxur y trade . Productio n fo r th e marke t move d fro m th e shop s of the master craftsme n t o the factory. B y bringin g togethe r large r number s of worker s unde r on e roo f tha n ha d bee n typica l i n artisa n shop s an d mechanizing importan t step s i n th e manufacturin g process , thes e smal l factories realize d efficiencie s tha t enabled the m t o turn ou t greater quanti ties o f article s a t lowe r price s an d t o compet e i n market s beyon d th e immediate locale . Th e Vogle r an d Pfoh l sho e factor y illustrate s thi s trend. I n 186 8 th e People's Press proudl y reporte d tha t th e sho e factor y employed thre e experience d workme n fro m th e Nort h wh o worke d wit h local shoemaker s t o tur n ou t shoe s o n "th e mos t approve d machiner y o f the kin d no w i n us e i n th e Ne w Englan d States. " Vogle r an d Pfoh l i n 1870 employed twelv e males and five females workin g year-round turnin g out on e hundre d pair s o f boot s an d shoe s daily . Sale m tailo r Pete r A . Wilson als o mad e th e transitio n t o manufacturin g an d b y 186 8 ha d be -

Fig. 7.2 . A Nisse n wago n lik e thos e produce d i n th e Winston-Sale m factory . Th e wagon s were popula r wit h tobacc o farmer s wh o use d the m t o hau l tobacc o t o market . Courtes y o f the Forsyt h Count y Publi c Library , Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolina .

come a larg e manufacture r o f ready-mad e clothin g employin g ove r fift y workers. Wilso n offere d th e peopl e o f Winsto n an d Sale m factory-mad e clothing using material fro m th e F. and H . Frie s looms. Wilson's busines s was s o successfu l tha t i n 186 8 h e wa s lookin g fo r way s t o exten d i t further. I n th e ledger s o f th e R . G . Du n an d Company , Wilso n i s reported t o hav e bee n als o involve d i n a genera l store , a hotel , an d a tobacco factory. 4 Competitive pressure s als o reshaped th e carriagemakin g trad e i n Win ston an d Salem . Competitio n fro m outsid e manufacturer s wh o used low er-cost convict-leased labo r forced man y smalle r carriage shops in Forsyt h County t o shu t dow n whil e othe r shop s reorganize d thei r mod e o f pro duction t o realiz e greate r efficiencies . I n 188 4 ther e wer e seve n wago n shops i n Winsto n an d Salem , bu t thi s numbe r ha d decline d t o five b y 1886. I n th e 1880 s carriagemakin g i n Winsto n an d Sale m wa s signifi cantly differen t fro m wha t i t had bee n thirt y year s before . Th e declin e of carriagemaking a s a craf t i s see n i n th e decreas e i n th e numbe r o f me n

Workers in an Industrial Community • 17 7 reporting thei r occupatio n a s "carriagemaker. " I n 1850 , twenty-thre e men, includin g apprentices , journeymen , an d masters , identifie d them selves a s carriage - o r wagonmaker s i n Salem , bu t onl y thre e di d s o i n 1880. I n th e carriagemaker' s sho p before th e Civi l War , individua l arti sans workin g togethe r mad e th e whol e carriage . Bu t b y th e 1880s , i n th e larger shop s task s wer e differentiate d a s each worke r complete d jus t on e specific ste p in the proces s of making a carriage or wagon an d apprentice ship was abandoned. Carriagemaker s n o longer labore d togethe r bu t wer e separated i n differen t area s o f th e sho p dependin g o n th e tas k the y performed. Th e organizatio n o f productio n i n th e Nisse n Wago n Work s illustrates th e changes occurring. Th e Nisse n Wago n Works , i n operation almost fort y years , wa s one of the larges t i n Nort h Carolina . Th e factor y was divide d int o tw o shops , th e blacksmit h sho p an d th e woodworkin g shop, locate d i n separat e buildings . I n th e blacksmit h sho p sixtee n me n worked twelv e forge s whic h wer e arrange d aroun d a larg e smokestac k making iro n fixtures fo r th e wagons . I n th e woodworkin g shop , wher e about forty-fiv e me n worked , a steam-powere d engin e ra n a plane r an d numerous saw s whic h th e worker s used t o fashio n woo d use d i n th e wagons. Th e me n workin g i n th e wago n work s cease d t o identif y them selves as carriagemakers, bu t instea d the y sa w themselves a s blacksmiths, wheelwrights, o r carpenters , dependin g o n thei r specifi c rol e i n th e pro duction process . Som e smal l shop s becam e eve n smalle r an d engage d i n only repairs . Thoug h thes e worker s continue d t o identif y themselve s a s blacksmiths, wheelwrights , an d carpenters , i t doe s no t mea n the y wer e necessarily skille d artisan s i n thos e crafts . I t i s highl y likel y tha t the y were semiskille d factor y worker s performin g jus t som e o f th e task s o f those skilled crafts. 5 As th e shop s o f maste r craftsme n close d o r mad e th e transitio n t o factories, th e characte r o f th e wor k forc e i n th e craft s changes . Th e ag e distribution withi n eac h trad e reveal s it s declining statu s wit h industrial ization. I n th e craft s whic h suffere d th e greates t losse s o f statu s th e average ag e o f th e artisan s ros e betwee n 185 0 an d 1880 . Th e averag e age o f carriagemaker s ros e fro m twenty-nin e t o fifty, whil e shoemaker s increased fro m thirty-tw o t o forty-fiv e an d tailor s fro m twenty-eigh t t o fifty-two. Table s 7. 3 an d 7. 4 mak e th e situatio n clearer . Th e declinin g crafts—shoemaking, carriagemaking , an d tailoring—stan d ou t a s the decrease i n th e numbe r o f me n i n thes e craft s age d thirt y an d unde r i s notable. Th e declin e of young me n i n this ag e group i s dramatic betwee n 1850 and 1880 ; from 5 7 percent t o o in carriagemaking, fro m 59. 5 percen t

178 • Workers in an Industrial Community TABLE 7 .3

Age Distribution in Six Crafts in Salem (Including Winston), 1850 blacksmith

%

carpenter

%

carriagemaker

%

shoemaker

%

harnessmaker

%

tailor

%

15-20

21-30

31-40

41 +

Total

8 20 1 5 5 22 8 20.5 0 0 1 11

15 37.5 7 32 8 35 16 39 1 17 5 56

5 12.5 8 36 6 26 8 20.5 3 50 2 22

12 30 6 27 4 17 9 22 2 33 1 11

40 22 23 41 6 9

Sources: 185 0 Census, Populatio n Schedul e manuscript microfim , Forsyt h County . Ag e grouping adapte d from Hirsch , Roots of the American Working Class, 43 .

to 2 0 percent i n shoemaking , an d fro m 6 7 percen t t o o i n tailoring . Th e best explanatio n fo r thi s phenomeno n i s tha t i n trade s receivin g order s only fo r custo m wor k an d repairs , only a few maste r craftsmen remained . This tren d i s an important indicato r of the status of a craft becaus e youn g men avoide d trade s wher e the y sa w littl e hop e o f becoming independen t shopowners. Th e displacemen t o f worker s i n thei r teen s fro m th e arti sanal wor k forc e accompanie d th e agin g of those i n industrializin g crafts . Fewer teenager s foun d place s i n th e craft s becaus e apprenticeshi p ha d been largel y abandone d i n th e declinin g trade s a s th e remainin g maste r craftsmen, reelin g fro m th e competitio n o f manufacture d good s availabl e in loca l stores , di d no t hav e sufficien t trad e t o suppor t a n apprentice . Furthermore, wit h th e introduction o f machinery an d tas k differentiatio n in certain crafts , i t was no longer necessar y fo r worker s t o know al l of th e production processes . Apprenticeship came to be regarded a s unnecessary as well as inefficient an d les s profitable. 6 New arrangement s emerge d i n th e plac e o f the traditiona l apprentice ship that took advantage of young men as sources of cheap labor. Appren ticeship becam e mor e informa l an d les s paternalisti c a s persona l tie s which onc e boun d th e maste r an d apprentic e togethe r wer e replace d b y purely economi c arrangements . I n thi s ne w form , th e employe r assume d less responsibilit y fo r th e youth' s mora l conditio n an d education . Tradi tionally, apprenticeshi p mean t learnin g th e intricacie s o f a particula r

Workers in an Industrial Community • 17 9 TABLE 7 . 4

Age Distribution in Six Crafts in Winston-Salem, 1880 blacksmith

%

carpenter

%

carriagemaker

%

shoemaker

%

harnessmaker

%

tailor

%

15-20

21-30

31-40

41 +

Total

2 6 3 4 0

9 28 25 36 0

7 22 15 22 0

32

3 7 3 37.5 0

1 73 1 12.5 0

14 44 26 38 3 100 11

0 20 3 37.5 0

1 12.5 4 100

69 3 15 8 4

Sources: 1880 Census , Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County . Ag e groupin g adapted fro m Hirsch , Roots of the American Working Class, 43 .

craft. Bu t b y th e 1880 s apprenticeshi p ha d becom e merel y chil d labor , especially i n craft s wher e machin e productio n wa s important. 7 Th e North Carolin a Burea u o f Labo r Statistic s reporte d tha t afte r th e norma l apprenticeship perio d ended , th e young man wa s released a s manufactur ers sough t t o avoid payin g a journeyman's wage , an d anothe r youn g ma n was taken on. Youn g men who entered a craft unde r suc h an arrangemen t usually struc k out on their own t o seek employment a s "skilled" workers . One Winsto n printe r complaine d t o the Nort h Carolin a Burea u o f Labo r Statistics tha t "thos e me n wh o d o no t serv e an apprenticeshi p bu t gaine d a limite d knowledg e o f the busines s . . . will wor k cheape r an d d o muc h to injur e wages. " Furthermore, a s the agricultura l econom y o f the Sout h stagnated unde r th e burden s o f lo w cotto n an d tobacc o price s an d share cropping, impoverishe d farmer s an d far m laborer s wit h fe w skill s othe r than farmin g fle d th e lan d fo r th e overcrowde d urba n labo r force . I n 1888 th e Nort h Carolin a Burea u o f Labo r Statistic s reporte d numerou s complaints fro m skille d workme n o f "th e larg e numbe r o f incompeten t workmen wh o se t themselve s a s proficient t o the detrimen t o f thos e wh o really ar e competent." Th e agreemen t entere d int o b y Winsto n stonecut ter J. W . Durha m wit h Charle s Bennet t i n 187 8 reflects th e ne w circum stances o f apprenticeshi p i n th e industrializin g community . Durha m agreed t o teac h Bennet t marbl e cuttin g bu t h e incurre d non e o f th e

180 • Workers in an Industrial Community obligations containe d i n antebellu m apprenticeshi p bonds . Durha m wa s not obligate d t o provid e Bennet t wit h food , washing , lodging , an d ap parel, no r t o teac h hi m reading , writing , an d arithmetic . Instead , Dur ham wa s only t o teach Bennet t hi s trade, pa y him , an d provid e hi m wit h a new se t of tools a t th e end o f the three-yea r arrangemen t whe n Bennet t turned twenty-one . I n additio n t o learnin g th e trade , Bennet t wa s t o receive $10 0 annuall y th e firs t tw o year s an d $15 0 th e thir d year , pai d monthly. Durha m entere d int o th e sam e arrangemen t tw o year s late r with John Bennett , Charles' s brother . Durha m agree d t o giv e John Ben nett a new se t of tools and t o pay hi m $108 the first year, $12 0 the secon d year, $14 4 th e thir d year , an d $33 0 fo r th e remainin g on e yea r an d te n months unti l John turne d twenty-one. 8 Althoug h th e Bennett s wer e un der contrac t t o Durha m fo r thre e years , the y were , i n effect , wag e laborers. On e ha s t o questio n th e leve l o f skil l i n th e craf t th e Bennett s attained i n their brie f tenure with Durham . But , regardles s of their actua l skill levels , afte r leavin g Durha m th e Bennett s likel y passe d themselve s off a s journeymen stonecutters . The cours e o f industrializatio n wa s uneve n i n Winsto n an d Salem , affecting som e craft s mor e dramaticall y tha n others . Whil e shoemaking , carriagemaking, an d tailorin g wer e losin g thei r statu s a s crafts , othe r trades—blacksmithing, harnessmaking , an d carpentry , fo r example — retained thei r craf t statu s wit h varyin g degrees of success. Blacksmithin g was o n th e wan e a s a craf t bu t no t t o th e exten t o f shoemaking , car riagemaking, an d tailoring . Th e numbe r o f blacksmith s i n Winsto n an d Salem decline d b y 2 0 percent betwee n 185 0 and 1880 . Afte r th e wa r th e shops o f maste r blacksmith s wer e losin g their lucrativ e stove-makin g an d agricultural implement s busines s t o shop s tha t specialize d jus t i n thos e items. I n addition , thes e good s coul d b e purchased fro m loca l dry-good s merchants wh o offered a selection of locally produced an d northern-mad e stoves an d far m tools . I n 1884 , C . A . Heg e operate d th e Sale m Iro n Works, employin g eigh t blacksmith s t o manufactur e far m implements . R. A . Hamilto n sol d stoves , n o doubt manufacture d i n the Northeast , i n his Sale m hardwar e store. 9 Al l tha t wa s lef t o f th e community' s black smith shop s wer e th e custo m trad e an d repair s th e loca l communit y de manded. The changin g structur e o f th e craf t wa s illustrate d b y th e changin g nature o f it s work force . Thos e wh o worke d a s blacksmiths i n 188 0 were older o n th e averag e tha n thei r predecessor s i n 1850 . Betwee n 185 0 an d 1880 th e averag e ag e o f blacksmith s i n th e tw o town s ros e fro m thirty -

Workers in an Industrial Community • 18 1 four t o thirty-eight . Th e numbe r o f blacksmith s unde r thirt y decrease d from 57. 5 percen t t o 3 4 percent . Apprenticeshi p decline d i n th e black smith shop s a s th e percentag e o f teenager s i n th e craf t decline d fro m 2 0 percent i n 185 0 t o 6 percen t i n 1880 . Whil e blacksmithin g ha d no t declined b y 188 0 t o th e exten t o f carriagemaking , shoemaking , an d tai loring, ther e wer e fewe r opportunitie s i n th e trad e fo r thos e wh o sough t to b e independen t maste r craftsmen . Consequently , th e craf t becam e th e province of men ove r thirty-one year s old, 66 percent o f those working as blacksmiths. However , th e 1 4 percent increas e o f me n ove r fort y year s old i n th e craf t probabl y indicate s th e presenc e o f mor e semiskille d workers wh o abandone d othe r occupation s t o wor k i n th e forge s o f th e local wagon work s and far m implement s shop. 10 Harnessmaking to o resiste d ful l industrializatio n longer . Thoug h th e number o f harnessmaking shop s i n Winston an d Sale m decline d betwee n 1877 an d 1884 , fro m five t o three , th e journeyme n harnessmaker s main tained som e confidenc e i n thei r futur e a s craftsmen , especiall y a s har nessmaking i n Winsto n an d Sale m retaine d it s small-shop character . Th e number o f journeyme n i n th e trad e actuall y increase d betwee n 185 0 and 1880. Mor e important , teenager s stil l foun d a place i n the trade. 11 Whil e there wa s competitio n fro m importe d manufacture d leathe r articles , th e three shop s tha t remaine d apparentl y foun d a profitable loca l trade . Th e increasing wealth o f some tobacco manufacturers, merchants , an d profes sionals stimulate d a demand fo r better-qualit y harnesse s an d saddle s tha n those readily availabl e at local dry-good stores . Carpenters i n Winston an d Sale m betwee n 185 0 and 188 0 experienced industrialization differentl y fro m worker s i n othe r crafts . Th e numbe r o f carpenters actuall y increase d ove r th e years . I n 185 0 there wer e twenty two carpenters i n the tw o towns. B y 188 0 the number ha d rise n t o sixty nine, a 68.2 percen t increase . However , thoug h th e number of carpenter s increased durin g thes e years , ther e wer e importan t change s i n th e struc ture o f the craft. Th e increas e i n carpenters i s attributable t o the freneti c building activit y i n Winsto n a s tobacc o factorie s wer e started , store s established, an d home s and tenement s buil t to house the growing popula tion. Bu t Winsto n an d Sale m carpenter s wer e increasingl y bein g em ployed a s wag e laborer s b y buildin g contractor s lik e H . E . Mclve r an d the partnershi p o f Bowle s an d Bake r i n Winston, rathe r tha n workin g o n their ow n a s independen t craftsmen . Fogl e Brother s o f Sale m wa s one of the larges t contractor s i n th e community , employin g seventy-fiv e me n i n 1884 putting u p a tobacco warehouse plu s other building s an d homes. 12

182 • Workers in an Industrial Community Carpenters maintaine d th e vitalit y o f thei r craf t longe r tha n the othe r crafts i n Winston and Salem. Th e percentage of journeymen under thirty years ol d increase d fro m 185 0 t o 1880 , fro m 3 7 percen t t o 4 0 percent . However, th e percentage of carpenters over age forty-one als o increased, from 2 7 percen t t o 44 percent . Th e numbe r o f me n i n the thirty-on e t o forty ag e grou p decline d fro m 3 6 percen t t o 2 2 percent. 13 Thi s las t fac t offers a n importan t insigh t int o th e statu s o f th e craf t an d migh t b e explained severa l ways . First , me n in their thirties ma y no t hav e been as ready to leave their homes and migrate to another town in search of better work. Th e manua l skill s and physical stamin a of these men were at their peak whic h mad e the m mor e productiv e and , thus , thei r income s wer e probably a t the highest levels of their careers. Therefore , th e increases in the percentag e o f me n i n their twenties an d over ag e forty-one probabl y represent th e influ x o f semiskille d worker s draw n to Winston an d Sale m by th e increase d busines s activit y o f th e tw o towns . Thos e me n i n thei r thirties migh t represen t th e soli d cor e o f carpenter s wh o ha d live d i n Winston an d Sale m fo r man y years , servin g thei r apprenticeship s ther e and working there as journeymen for a number of years. A second, rather contradicting explanatio n i s that the decline i n the numbe r o f carpenter s in thei r thirtie s represent s a n abandonmen t o f eithe r th e craf t o r o f Winston an d Sale m b y significan t number s o f carpenters wh o refuse d t o work a s employees o f th e buildin g contractors . Th e craf t wa s changing , though not as rapidly a s other crafts i n Winston and Salem. The experience of artisans in Winston and Salem paralleled what their counterparts i n northeastern cities were going through. Th e introductio n of mechanized productio n and the competition of imported manufacture d articles i n thes e citie s force d younge r me n ou t o f man y trades . B y 188 0 cabinetmakers i n Poughkeepsie , Ne w York , decline d i n numbe r du e t o the competitio n o f mor e inexpensiv e factory-mad e woodwork . O f thos e who remaine d i n th e trade , abou t one-hal f wer e ove r fifty year s old . A similar tren d wa s apparen t i n Hamilton , Ontario , betwee n 185 1 an d 1861. I n thre e declinin g trade s i n Hamilton , th e proportio n o f artisan s under thirty year s old dropped notably ; from 6$ percent to 40 percent of printers, fro m 48 percent to 23 percent of plasterers, and from 42 percent to 2 6 percen t o f painters . Th e youn g me n o f Hamilto n kne w whic h trades would no t offer th e prospect o f a secure and profitable caree r and avoided occupation s lik e tailoring , whic h wa s hi t har d b y competitio n with ready-mad e clothing . Finally , i n Newark , Ne w Jersey , artisan s

Workers in an Industrial Community • 18 3 T A B L E 7.

5

Reports from Mechanical and Other Employers, 1888

Firm Tailor(l) Wagon Mfg(3) Buggy Mfg(l ) Printer(3) Saw Mill Mfg(l ) Painting(l) Contractor Builders, Sash & DoorMfg(l) SawMill(l) Foundry(l) Marble Works(l) Plasterer(l)

Daily Daily Months Capital Avg# Skilled Unskilled Workday Operated Invested Employed Wage Wage hrs. 12 12 12 12 8 9

$10,000 $27,000 $ 5,00 0 $ 4,000 a $10,000 $ 10 0

11 32 9 5a 14 3

$2.50 $1.38 $1.75 $1.41 $2.00 $1.50

— $0.78 $1.00 $0.75 $1.00 $1.00

10 10 10 10 10 10

12 6 5 12 8

— $ 1,30 0 — $ 1,00 0 —

50 6 8 3 6

$1.75 — — — $1.65

$0.75 $0.72 — $0.75 $0.75

10 12 10.5 10 11

Source: Burea u of Labor Statistics, Second Annual Report. 1888. Notes: () numbe r o f establishments i n the particular trad e reporting . a only tw o establishments reporte d thes e figures.

shared experience s simila r t o those of the artisan s i n Winston an d Salem . Shoemakers an d blacksmith s ther e were , o n th e average , growin g olde r between 185 0 and i86 0 as the number o f workers under th e age of thirty one declined. 14 As Winston an d Sale m industrialized , worker s complaine d o f the con ditions the y endured . Lo w wages , a mor e intens e wor k routin e tha t required highe r level s o f exertion , an d lon g hour s o n th e jo b elicite d th e workers' complaints whic h wer e documented i n th e report s o f the Nort h Carolina Burea u o f Labor Statistics . Th e Second Annual Report of the North Carolina Bureau of Labor Statistics, published i n 1888 , liste d th e response s on fiftee n questionnaire s returne d b y Forsyt h Count y employers . Thi s report, whic h Tabl e 7. 5 summarizes , offer s a glimpse int o th e conditio n of labo r i n Winsto n an d Salem . Artisan s i n th e tw o town s worke d i n shops whic h employe d a n averag e o f 14. 6 men . O f th e fiftee n firm s reporting, te n operate d fo r twelv e month s an d fiv e operate d fro m fiv e months t o nin e month s a year. Th e averag e workda y wa s abou t te n an d one-quarter hours. 15 But th e response s o f the mechanic s t o the Bureau' s inquirie s provid e a

184 • Workers in an Industrial Community valuable insigh t int o th e conditio n o f labo r a s th e worke r perceive d it . One cabinetmake r wrot e tha t man y worker s i n Winsto n an d Sale m la bored eleve n t o twelv e hours , ofte n i n th e ho t sun . A carpente r com plained: "I n m y trad e i n thi s plac e w e ar e worke d eleve n hour s fro m April 1 to October . Th e remainde r fro m su n u p t o sundown , wit h on e and one-fourt h hour s a t noon, excep t Decembe r an d January, wit h three fourth hou r a t noon . . . . Our post-offic e open s afte r w e g o to wor k an d closes a t th e exac t tim e w e qui t work , makin g i t inconvenien t o f th e laboring man. " A blacksmit h wrot e tha t hi s sho p worke d th e "te n hou r system—nine hour s i n winte r an d eleve n hour s i n summer, " whic h h e regarded a s to o much . Man y worker s complaine d tha t th e pac e o f wor k in the sho p was mor e intens e tha n previousl y becaus e mechanizatio n an d increased competitio n demande d greate r productivity . Accordin g t o on e blacksmith, eleve n hour s wa s too much "th e way w e have to work." Thi s blacksmith pondere d ho w earlie r generation s o f craftsme n ha d worke d from su n t o su n an d observe d tha t h e ha d "don e mor e wor k i n th e sho p in seve n years , workin g te n hours , tha n ou r father s di d i n fourtee n years." This i s an importan t observatio n becaus e i t reveals how som e lat e nineteenth-century worker s judge d thei r situatio n an d th e condition s o f their wor k live s b y a n earlie r standard . Thes e worker s remembere d ho w their father s an d grandfathers ha d worked , and , i n comparison, thei r ow n work live s didn' t measur e up . A s th e natur e o f wor k wa s transformed , workers fel t a sens e o f los s i n th e qualit y o f thei r live s a s th e wor k routines o f industria l productio n wer e mor e intense , demandin g steady , unrelenting effort . T o thi s blacksmit h th e intens e wor k routine s o f th e postwar perio d demande d mor e effor t o f worker s tha n th e longe r work days a t a mor e casua l pac e demande d o f worker s o f hi s father' s genera tion. A t th e ag e twenty-nine h e considered himsel f "brok e down, " an d i f he ha d t o continue a s h e ha d bee n workin g h e woul d no t las t long . Thi s blacksmith favore d a n eight-hou r workda y whic h woul d leav e sixtee n hours fo r res t an d persona l activities . O n a n eight-hou r workda y h e believed worker s coul d d o more work and liv e longer an d better. 16 For mos t worker s th e wage s pai d fo r a more demandin g an d intensiv e work wer e "barel y enoug h t o liv e on. " Competitio n betwee n firms ex erted a downwar d pressur e o n th e wage s o f loca l workers . On e printe r reported tha t i n hi s busines s ever y printin g offic e cu t it s price s whic h made wages "ver y low. " Consequently, Winsto n an d Sale m workers too k what the y coul d get . Man y mechanic s mad e abou t seventy-fiv e cent s t o $1 a day whic h the y ha d t o accep t i n orde r tha t thei r familie s migh t eat .

Workers in an Industrial Community • 18 5 Wages did no t improv e muc h durin g th e postwar years . Th e 187 0 census reported tha t th e averag e wag e pai d a day labore r wa s seventy-fiv e cent s a day ; carpenter s earne d $ 2 a day . Th e Burea u o f Labo r Statistic s re ported i n 188 8 that th e averag e wag e for skille d labo r i n Forsyt h Count y was $1.63 whil e unskilled labo r received eighty-on e cents. Man y worker s labored fo r onl y nin e month s ou t o f th e year , an d sinc e hous e ren t an d fuel price s wer e high , deb t an d miser y wer e widespread . A painte r i n Salem reporte d t o th e Burea u o f Labo r Statistic s i n 188 8 tha t th e "la boring class " makes u p abou t one-hal f o f th e populatio n o f Winsto n an d Salem, an d it s averag e wage s ar e abou t $ 1 a day. Fo r thes e workers , thi s painter observed : Living is high, house rent is high and fuel i s high. Wood is two dollars and fifty cent s per cord, an d coal in winter i s from eigh t dollars to nine dollars per ton . . . i t takes all a poor man can make to live, at the wages he gets, and he generally fall s i n debt i n the winter, an d has to scratch throughou t the summer to pay for his winter supplies. 17 While most mechanic s wer e suffering fro m lo w wages an d barel y makin g a living for thei r families , a few "maste r mechanics " did enjo y hig h wage s and significan t security . Th e Sale m painte r mentione d abov e reported t o the Burea u o f Labo r Statistic s tha t ther e wer e te n t o twelv e maste r mechanics i n Sale m wh o wer e pai d $ 2 t o $ 3 pe r day . Tw o o f thes e master mechanic s worke d i n th e Sale m Furnitur e Factory , probabl y a s supervisors. W . G . Bahnso n an d R . L . Hege , originally loca l cabinetmak ers wh o worke d a number o f year s i n othe r towns , returne d t o Sale m t o work i n th e Sale m Furnitur e Factory . Apparently , the y wer e highl y skilled cabinetmaker s whos e wor k a s craftsme n wa s respected . Tha t th e Union Republican sa w fit to report Bahnson' s an d Hege' s retur n point s to a widening gul f i n th e rank s o f th e artisans . Som e wer e retainin g thei r status a s respecte d craftsmen , albei t i n a ne w wor k setting , whil e th e majority wer e bein g reduced t o the leve l of semiskille d factor y operative s or laborers . A s i n othe r communitie s tha t experience d industrialization , the artisa n clas s wa s bein g fractured . Mos t foun d themselve s i n condi tions simila r t o th e worker s i n Winston' s tobacc o factorie s an d Salem' s textile mills. A s their hope s of becoming maste r craftsme n an d shipown ers faded , worker s i n th e craft s recognize d thei r commo n interest s wit h other wag e earners . Lo w wages , insecurity , an d uncertai n prospect s fu eled resentmen t amon g journeyme n an d solidifie d thei r convictio n tha t they wer e rapidly losin g ground a s mechanics. 18

186 • Workers in an Industrial Community By th e 1880 s the factor y worker s i n th e tobacc o an d textil e industrie s comprised th e larges t grou p o f worker s i n Winsto n an d Salem . Fleein g the countrysid e thes e southerners , generall y poo r an d uneducated , grabbed th e opportunit y industria l labo r offered ; white s heade d fo r th e textile mil l an d black s fo r th e tobacc o factory . Wit h fe w alternative s i n the souther n econom y fo r thi s clas s o f workers , souther n manufacturer s had fe w worrie s abou t a n adequat e labo r suppl y i n th e firs t tw o decade s after th e war . Wit h condition s o n th e farm s poor , opportunitie s fo r wor k so few, an d th e prospects of the impoverished s o bleak, manpowe r fo r th e South's earl y industrie s wa s readily available . Tha t s o many poo r white s and black s migrate d t o Winston an d Sale m t o take advantage o f opportu nities i n th e mill s an d factorie s point s t o th e mobilit y o f th e poo r i n th e South durin g th e 1870 s an d 1880s . Thoug h man y o f th e poo r o f bot h races were often unabl e t o leave the farms wher e they worke d a s tenants, sharecroppers, o r laborer s becaus e o f deb t an d wor k contracts , deb t peonage di d no t preven t al l southerner s fro m respondin g t o the opportu nities o f th e market . A s th e swellin g urba n industria l populatio n o f th e South durin g th e 1880 s illustrates , thes e southerner s move d towar d th e higher wage s and bette r opportunitie s th e growing cities offered. 19 Many o f th e unskille d an d semiskille d southerner s o f bot h race s wh o sought job s i n th e workshops , textil e mills , an d tobacc o factorie s o f th e two town s abandone d farm s tha t di d no t brin g th e reward s o r securit y they ha d lon g sought . Wit h th e reorganizatio n o f souther n agriculture , many southerner s wer e finding i t difficul t i n th e 1880 s t o mak e a livin g from farming . Cro p prices, high in the immediate postwar years , droppe d in th e 1870 s an d remaine d flat i n th e 1880s . Increasingl y burdene d b y debt an d presse d b y merchant s wh o wer e thei r creditors , yeome n an d tenants struggle d fro m yea r t o yea r i n a deepenin g dependenc e o n mer chants an d landlords . A s th e souther n agricultura l econom y becam e in creasingly commercial , th e crop lien, tenancy , an d sharecroppin g becam e a way o f life for thos e who tried t o make a living from th e southern soil. 20 For southerner s o f bot h races , th e decisio n t o mov e fro m far m t o factory o r mil l reflecte d a choice mad e afte r considerin g availabl e option s and wit h th e futur e i n mind . A s i n th e antebellu m years , economi c nee d and famil y economi c strategie s tha t sough t securit y an d improvemen t o f the qualit y o f lif e le d man y southerner s t o choos e mil l wor k ove r re maining o n th e farm . Fo r widow s wit h childre n an d fe w mean s o f sup port, th e mil l offere d a refug e tha t guarantee d th e family' s escap e fro m destitution. Fo r the owner of a small farm, withou t sufficien t resource s t o

Workers in an Industrial Community • 18 7 survive i n the postwa r agricultura l economy , th e mil l migh t hav e offere d his children brighte r prospect s wher e stead y wor k earne d read y cas h an d protected th e famil y fro m th e uncertaintie s o f th e farm . Som e son s o r daughters decide d o n thei r ow n tha t mil l wor k offere d a bette r futur e than th e far m wit h it s unrewarde d wor k an d prolonge d dependenc e o n parents. Al l together , thos e wh o cam e t o th e mill s an d factorie s i n th e towns acros s th e Sout h di d s o becaus e the y realize d tha t far m labo r n o longer pai d fo r the often back-breakin g work it required. I n addition, mil l and factor y offere d freedo m fro m continue d indebtednes s t o an d contro l by merchant s an d landowners . Th e mov e t o tow n t o wor k i n a textil e mill o r tobacc o factor y promise d stead y wor k an d regula r wage s whic h made possibl e bette r housing , ne w clothes , an d mor e plentifu l meals . Many southerners , especiall y youn g me n an d women , wen t t o th e mil l not onl y t o escap e th e drudger y o f far m wor k bu t als o th e samenes s o f everyday lif e in the rural neighborhood s o f the South . Thu s the y rejecte d the romanticize d notion s o f th e superiorit y o f far m lif e whic h ha d lon g been a stapl e o f th e souther n ideology . Fo r the m th e mil l o r th e factor y was an opportunity fo r a n easier an d mor e secure life and , i f the mill wa s located i n a town, certainl y a life surrounde d b y a more diverse group of people than wha t the y woul d hav e found ha d the y remaine d o n the farm . This wa s a powerful allur e fo r th e teenage d me n an d wome n wh o mad e up th e bul k o f th e mil l labo r force . Th e decisio n t o ente r upo n mil l o r factory wor k wa s t o evaluat e th e condition s o f one' s life , find thos e conditions inadequat e o r unsatisfying , an d ac t on a determination t o tak e control o f one's life and see k a better situation. 21 In Winsto n an d Salem , a s acros s th e South , th e textil e mil l wa s primarily th e preserv e of white worker s whic h reflecte d th e prejudice s o f the mil l owner s agains t blacks an d thei r desir e t o secur e a submissiv e labor force . Poo r white s wer e i n plentifu l suppl y afte r th e war , an d mil l owners committe d themselve s t o white labo r out o f the belie f tha t white s had bette r wor k habit s tha n blacks an d wer e mor e adaptabl e t o a regula r work routin e governe d b y th e pac e of the machine . Bu t mil l owners als o believed whit e operatives coul d b e easily intimidate d wit h th e threa t tha t blacks could fill their places if need be . All of the weavers, spinners , loo m fixers, an d othe r employee s dealin g directly wit h machiner y wer e white . Blacks, wh o comprise d jus t 6 percent o f th e F . an d H . Frie s wor k forc e in 1880 , usuall y filled onl y menia l job s whic h wer e dirt y an d demande d strenuous labo r lik e sweepin g th e floors an d unloadin g an d unpackin g cotton bales . Youn g singl e adult s an d olde r singl e wome n comprise d th e

188 • Workers in an Industrial Community T A B L E 7. 6

Age Distribution of Textile Mill Workers in Winston Township, 1870, 1880 Female

Mtf/e

4 0 2 8 ~ 2 9i 4°74~77 > 4 o87> 4 267> 4 272> 4 27736. Aufsehe r Collegium , Februar y 20 , June 12 , 1832 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 8: 4028. 37. "Memorabili a o f th e Congregation s o f th e Brethre n i n Wachovi a fo r th e Year 1809, " Sale m Boar d Minutes , 1809 , Aufsehe r Collegium , Novembe r 14 , 1809, July 10 , 1826 , June 12 , 15 , July 8 , 1832 , in Fries et al., Records, 7 : 3066-67 , 3097, and 8: 3775, 4035-38. 38. Leinbach , Diary , Marc h 3 , 4 , 5 , Ma y 10 , Novembe r 20 , 1830 , Joh n Henry Leinbac h Famil y Papers , Moravia n Archives ; Aufsehe r Collegium , Sep tember 5 , 1825 , June 16 , 1828 , Augus t 9 , 1830 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 8 : 3746 ,

252 • One The

Congregational Community of the Moravians

3847, 3939 ; Hirsch , Roots of the American Working Class: The Industrialization of Crafts in Newark, 1800-1860, 9; Johnson, Ante-bellum North Carolina, 9 . 39. Tw o sample s wer e use d t o produc e th e statistic s o n far m siz e i n Stoke s County i n 1820 . First , a sample (n = y6) comprised o f every tent h hea d of household wa s create d fro m th e populatio n schedul e o f th e Unite d State s Censu s o f 1820, Stoke s County . Thes e name s were the n locate d i n the Stoke s Count y Ta x List o f 1820 . A secon d sampl e (n = 120 ) of Moravia n landowner s wa s create d b y taking ever y fift h nam e liste d i n th e ta x list s fo r th e Moravia n settlement s o f Bethabara, Bethania , an d Salem . Stoke s County , Lis t o f Taxables , 1820 , NCDAH; 182 0 Census , Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Stoke s County, Nort h Carolina; Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina, 19, 29. 40. Stoke s County , Inventor y o f Estates , 1814-18 , 90 , 177 , 289 , 460-61 , North Carolin a Divisio n o f Archive s an d History . Th e administrato r o f Moore' s estate informe d th e Stoke s County Cour t of Pleas and Quarter Sessio n tha t sinc e the decease d wa s no t i n th e habi t o f keepin g an y boo k account s o f hi s busines s and finances, i t was impossible to pay off an y outstanding debts. 41. Diar y o f th e Littl e Pilgri m Congregation , Octobe r 24 , 1755 , Wachovi a Diary, Apri l 19 , 1767 , Sale m Memorabilia , 1770 , Sale m Diary , 1770 , an d "History of the Building of the Place Congregation Salem , writte n for the Celebration of th e Congregatio n i n Salem , Februar y 19 , 1816, " compiled b y Reveren d Lud wig Davi d vo n Schweinitz ; Bethani a Diary , Marc h 8, 1825 , Decembe r 18 , 1826 , in Fries et al., Records, 1 : 143, 352 , 400, 404, 7 : 3045-46, an d 8: 3755, 3788 ; Lefler and Powell , Colonial North Carolina, 102 ; Lefle r an d Newsome , North Carolina, 300-301; Martineau , Society in America, vol . 2 , 2 ; Leinbach, Diary , Apri l 16-18 , 1830, Joh n Henr y Leinbac h Famil y Papers , Moravia n Archives ; Escott , Many Excellent People: Power and Privilege in North Carolina, 1850-1890, 3. 42. Danie l Thor p ha s estimated tha t b y 175 8 whea t accounte d fo r almos t 6 0 percent o f th e Moravians ' tota l grai n output . Thorp , Moravian Community, 121; Merrens, Colonial North Carolina, 112 , 118 , 134 , 143-44 ; Robinson , Southern Colonial Frontier, 174, 179 , 234. 43. Merrens , Colonial North Carolina, 159-60 ; Bethabar a Diary , Augus t 18 , 1759, Decembe r 3 , 1765 , Augus t 19 , 1766 , Wachovi a Churc h Book , 1761 , Wa chovia Diary , Apri l 1768 , Augus t 20 , October 17 , November 6 , 15 , 1770 , Sale m Board Minutes , 1810 , an d Aelteste n Conferenz , Marc h 7 , 1810 , i n Frie s e t al., Records, 1: 212 , 234 , 307 , 334 , 413 , 417 , an d 7 : 3119 ; Thorp , "Moravia n Colonization," 392-401. 44. Clark , "Househol d Economy , Marke t Exchang e an d th e Ris e o f Capital ism i n th e Connecticu t Valley , 1800-1860, " 169-84 ; Henretta , "Famil y an d Farms: Mentalit e i n Pre-Industria l America, " 3-32 ; Hahn , The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeomen Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 32-49; Escott, Many Excellent People, xviii, 3-9 ; Gray , History of Agriculture, 1: 122-23 , 451-57; Solomo n Hilar y Helsabeck , Diary , January 24-Octobe r 20 , 1854 , Solo mon Hilar y Helsabec k Papers , Souther n Historica l Collection , Universit y o f North Carolin a a t Chape l Hill , Chape l Hill , Nort h Carolina ; Joh n Conrad , Ledger, Ma y 16 , 1823-Septembe r 28 , 1827 , Conrad Family Papers , Manuscript s Department, Duk e Universit y Library , Durham , Nort h Carolina .

Two The

Congregation and a Changing Economy • 25 3

45. Ever y secon d estat e inventor y liste d i n the volume 1814-181 8 was chose n for inclusio n i n this sample (N = 67, n = 33). Stokes County, Inventor y o f Estates, 1814-18, NCDAH . 46. Stoke s County , Inventor y o f Estates , 1814-18 , 1819-23 , 44 , 161 , NCDAH; Memorabili a o f the Wachovi a Congregation s fo r th e Yea r 1815 , Sale m Board Minutes , 1811 , and Aufsehe r Collegium , Februar y 6 , 1811 , in Frie s et al. , Records, 7 : 3144-45, 3254 . 47. Sale m Diary , Februar y 3 , 1809 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 7 : 3071 ; Edmund Blum, Daybook , 1844-52 , Manuscrip t Department , Duk e Universit y Library , Durham, Nort h Carolina ; Woodmason, The Carolina Backcountry, 77-78 . 48. Spangenber g Diary , Septembe r 25 , 1752 , in Fries et al., Records, 1 : 40-41; Fries et al., Records, 9 : 4401; Eaton, The Growth of Southern Civilization, 1790-1860, 12; Merrens, Colonial North Carolina, 58-59 . 49. Memorabili a o f th e Congregation s o f th e Brethre n i n Wachovi a fo r th e Year 1809 , in Fries et al., Records, 7 : 3063-64, 3067 . 50. Surratt , "Th e Rol e of Dissent, " 242 , 248-49 . T W O The

Congregation and a Changing Economy

1. Charle s Seller s offer s th e mos t comprehensiv e vie w o f th e evolutio n o f a market society i n the Unite d State s befor e th e Civil Wa r i n The Market Revolution: Jacksonian America, 1815-1846, especiall y 3-3 3 fo r a concis e overvie w o f th e meaning of the market an d it s impact on people' s lives . Kulikoff , "Th e Transitio n to Capitalis m i n Rura l America, " 120-44 ; Clark , "Househol d Economy , Marke t Exchange, an d th e Ris e o f Capitalis m i n th e Connecticu t Valley , 1800-1860, " 169-89. Ford , "Yeoma n Farmer s i n th e Sout h Carolin a Upcountry : Changin g Production Pattern s i n the Late Antebellum Era, " 17-37 ; idem, Origins of Southern Radicalism: The South Carolina Upcountry, 1800-1860; Oakes, "Fro m Republican ism to Liberalism : Ideologica l Chang e an d th e Crisi s o f th e Ol d South, " 557-62 ; Weiman, "Farmer s an d th e Marke t i n Antebellu m America : A Vie w fro m th e Georgia Upcountry, " 627-47 ; Escott , "Yeoma n Independenc e an d th e Market : Social Statu s an d Economi c Developmen t i n Antebellu m Nort h Carolina, " 275-300.

2. Joh n Jordan an d So n t o Reveren d W . L . Benzien , Septembe r 12 , 24, 1828 , and J. J. Whitne y t o J. C . Jacobson, Apri l 11 , 1836, in Frie s et al., eds., Records of the Moravians in North Carolina, 1 1 vols. , 8 : 3864 , 4252 ; Fries , "On e Hundre d Years of Textiles i n Salem, " 12-13 ; Sale m Manufacturin g Company , Minute s o f the Genera l Meetings , 44 , 50 , 55-58 , Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives , Winston-Salem, Nort h Carolina ; Sale m Manufacturing Company , Minute s of the Board o f Directors , 95-96 , 103 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; F . and H . Frie s Company , Daybook s #1 1 an d #12 , F . an d H . Frie s Collection , Moravian Archives , Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolina ; Taylor , The Transportation Revolution, 1815-1860, 74-103 , 203 ; North , The Economic Growth of the United States, 1790-1860, 204-7; Lefle r an d Newsome , North Carolina: The History of a Southern State, 348-49 , 360-62 , 378 .

254 # Two The

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3. Cathey , Agricultural Developments in North Carolina, 1783-1860, 105-39 , 202-5; Escott, "Yeoma n Independenc e an d the Market," 275-300; Beck, "Development i n th e Piedmon t South, " 66-67 ; Compendium of the Sixth Census. 1840; Statistical View of the United States. Compendium of the Seventh Census. 1850; Report of the United States in i860; Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census, vol . 2; Extracts of Minutes of the Wachovia Provinzia l Heife r Conferen z i n Sale m fo r the Yea r 1842 , Decembe r 5 , 1842 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 10: 5088-89 ; Joh n Henry Leinbach , Diary , Jul y 14 , 1843 , John Henr y Leinbac h Famil y Papers , Moravian Archives, Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolina. 4. Compendium of the Sixth Census. 1840; Statistical View Compendium. 18so; Report of the United States in i860, vol . 2 . Th e figure fo r cotto n productio n i n Stokes an d Forsyt h countie s i n 184 9 appear s highl y suspect . I t is , however , th e figure listed i n th e officia l repor t o f th e sevent h census . A 2 0 percen t sampl e o f farms drawn from th e 185 0 Census, Agricultur e Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyth County , Nort h Carolina , an d fi\e farm s o : 2. 7 percen t o f th e sampl e reported producin g a total of fourtee n bale s of cotton or roughly 5,60 0 pound s in 1849. A n importan t measur e of agricultura l prioritie s that lend s furthe r evidenc e of thi s shif t towar d marke t productio n i s a tobacco/corn rati o an d a wheat/cor n ratio. Adapting the cotton/corn rati o used by historians of southern agriculture to plot the cultivation of market crops with subsistence crops by substituting tobacco and whea t fo r cotton , th e tur n t o marke t productio n betwee n 183 9 an d 185 9 becomes clearer . I n 183 9 th e rati o o f tobacc o outpu t t o cor n outpu t i n Stoke s County wa s 1.4 , bu t i n 185 9 whe n tobacc o cultivatio n expanded , th e rati o fo r Stokes an d Forsyt h countie s wa s 3.7 . Th e rati o of whea t outpu t t o cor n outpu t during thes e year s reflecte d a significan t chang e also , bu t it s impac t i s no t a s dramatic as that of tobacco cultivation. Th e wheat/corn ratio was .1 7 in 183 9 and .43 i n 1859 . Wright , The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century, 166 ; Ford , Origins of Southern Radicalism, 54-88, 375-77 ; Cathey, Agricultural Developments, 105-39 . 5. Rothenberg , "Th e Marke t an d Massachusett s Farmers , 1750-1855, " 283-315; Sale m People's Press, Marc h 29 , June 21 , Septembe r 13 , Novembe r 15 , 1851, March 14 , June 6, Septembe r 21 , November 14 , 1856 . 6. Compendium of the Sixth Census. 1840; Statistical View Compendium. i8so; Report of the United States in i860, vol. 2 . John Beck reports that a similar expansion occurred i n Rowa n County . There , betwee n 185 0 an d i860 , improve d far m acreage increase d 3 0 percen t an d th e cas h valu e o f farm s nearl y tripled . Beck , "Development i n th e Piedmon t South : Rowa n County , Nort h Carolina , 1850-1900," Ph.D . diss. , Universit y o f Nort h Carolina , Chape l Hill , 1984 , 61-67. A sampl e wa s create d tha t include d ever y fifth nam e liste d i n th e 185 0 Census o f Agricultur e manuscript s o f Forsyt h Count y ( N = 936, n = 187) . 185 0 Census, Agricultur e Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina. 7. Compendium of the Sixth Census. 1840; Report of the United States in i860, vol . 2. Usin g th e Statistica l Packag e fo r th e Socia l Science s (SPSSX) , th e siz e o f slaveholdings was plotted with the size of farms measured in improved acres. Th e correlation coefficient equal s .29449 , wit h 1. 0 bein g the strongest correlatio n and

Two The

Congregation and a Changing Economy • 25 5

o demonstratin g n o correlation . 185 0 Census , Agricultur e Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm, Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina ; 185 0 Census, Slav e Schedul e manu script microfilm, Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina . Th e sampl e from th e Agricul ture Schedul e wa s correlated wit h th e Slav e Schedul e of the same census. 8. Edmun d Blum , Daybook , 1857-1864 , Manuscript s Department , Duk e University Library , Durham , Nort h Carolina ; People's Press, February 8 , Marc h 29, June 14 , 1851 , July 1 , 1854 , April 18 , i856;Tryon , Household Manufactures in the United States, 1690-1860: A Study in Industrial History, 176 ; Compendium of the Sixth Census. 1840; Report of the United States in i860, vol . 2 . I n hi s stud y o f th e South Carolin a piedmon t durin g th e antebellu m decades , Lac y K . For d ha d found a simila r transitio n i n th e productio n an d consumptio n pattern s o f Sout h Carolina households . For d report s that the per capita value of household manufac ture i n th e Sout h Carolin a upcountr y i n 184 0 wa s one-thir d o f th e 181 0 level . Ford conclude d tha t "b y mid-century , househol d self-sufficienc y i n an y litera l sense was a thing of the past. " Ford, Origins of Southern Radicalism, 81-84 . 9. Leinbach , Diary , Jul y 24 , 28 , 1 8 jo, John Henr y Leinbac h Famil y Papers , Moravian Archives ; Bethani a Diary , Februar y 26 , 1831 , in Frie s e t al. , Records, 8: 4002 .

10. Rutman , "Assessin g th e Littl e Communitie s o f Earl y America, " 174 ; Rutman, "Th e Socia l Web : A Prospectu s fo r th e Stud y o f th e Earl y America n Community," i n Insights and Parallels: Problems and Issues of American Social History, ed. Willia m L . O'Neill , 83 ; Hahn, Roots of Southern Populism, 152-54; Siegel , The Roots of Southern Distinctiveness: Tobacco and Society in Danville, Virginia, 1780-1865, 76-92 . 11. Stoke s County , Lis t o f Taxables , 1820 , 1835 , 1836 , 1840 , 1845 , Nort h Carolina Departmen t o f Archive s an d History , Raleigh , Nort h Carolina . Unde r the law s of Nort h Carolina , al l fre e male s betwee n ag e twenty-one an d forty-fiv e were t o pa y a poll ta x plu s a tax o n th e valu e of their rea l an d persona l property . Harry Watso n remind s u s that historian s mus t b e careful whe n usin g the tax list s to determin e wealt h an d no t assum e tha t th e taxabl e wealt h declare d b y a prop erty holde r wa s the sam e as his actual ne t worth becaus e many form s o f wealth — stocks, bonds , an d othe r investments , fo r example—wer e no t taxe d an d man y taxpayers di d no t declar e al l o f thei r property . Watson , Jacksonian Politics and Community Conflict: The Emergence of the Second American Party System in Cumberland County, North Carolina, 325-27. However , fo r th e antebellu m period , especiall y when th e U.S . Censu s di d no t lis t wealth , th e ta x list s ar e th e onl y sourc e tha t gives a hint t o th e propert y distributio n i n a county. Pau l Escot t ha s determine d that landless Tarheels composed abou t 3 0 percent o f North Carolina' s adult whit e population i n i860 . Escott , Many Excellent People, 9-10 . 12. Sample s comprised o f every fifth nam e were drawn fro m th e 182 5 (n = 73) and 184 5 ( n = 44) Stoke s Count y Ta x List s fo r Salem . Stoke s County , Lis t o f Taxables, 1825 , 1845 , NCDAH . Thi s patter n o f increasin g concentratio n o f wealth wa s repeate d i n othe r area s o f th e Sout h a s thei r economie s becam e increasingly commercial . I n hi s studie s o f earl y America n communities , Darret t Rutman ha s observed tha t socia l an d economi c stratificatio n "sharpened " a s communities diversifie d economicall y an d establishe d firmer commercia l link s t o th e

256 • Two The

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world beyon d th e town' s boundaries . Steve n Hahn' s stud y o f th e Georgi a pied mont support s Rutman' s observation . Hah n foun d tha t betwee n 185 0 an d 189 0 the expansio n o f commercia l agricultur e i n th e Georgi a upcountry , a s wel l a s commercial ties that stretched beyond the local community, le d to greater concentrations o f wealth . Frederic k Siege l a s well ha s documente d th e sam e phenomenon in the Virgini a piedmon t durin g the antebellum period . Siege l foun d tha t in Pittsylvania County , Virginia , locate d o n th e Virginia—Nort h Carolin a borde r near Stokes County, th e development of commercial agriculture with its attendant economic ties beyond th e local community an d greater economic diversity withi n the communit y produce d greate r concentration s o f wealt h i n th e loca l commu nity. Rutman , "Littl e Communities, " 174 ; Rutman , "Socia l Web, " 83 ; Hahn , Roots of Southern Populism, 152-54 ; Siegel, Roots of Southern Distinctiveness•, 76-92 . 13. Taylor , Transportation Revolution, 74-103 , 203 ; North, Economic Growth of the United States, 204-7. SiegeP s stud y o f Danville , Virginia , demonstrate s tha t the improve d transportatio n syste m o f th e lat e antebellu m year s cause d seriou s hardships fo r loca l artisan s i n th e 1850 s a s importe d manufacture d good s com peted wit h good s produce d i n loca l shops . Siegel , Roots of Southern Distinctiveness, 114-19.

14. Leinbach , Diary , Februar y 17 , 1831 , January 2 , March 19 , 1832 , January 26, 1834 , John Henr y Leinbac h Famil y Papers , Moravia n Archives ; Louisa Bel o to Juli a Jones , n.d. , 1847 , Februar y 1 , 1849 , Jone s Famil y Papers , Souther n Historical Collection , Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a a t Chapel Hill , Chape l Hill , North Carolina ; Extract s o f Minute s o f th e Aufsehe r Collegiu m (hereafte r cite d Aufseher Collegium), July 5 , 1839 , in Fries et al., Records, 9 : 4479. 15. Census for 1820; Compendium of the Sixth Census. 1840; Report of the United States in i860, vol . 2 ; Dodd an d Dodd , Historical Statistics of the South, ijpo-ipyo, 38; John Conrad , Ledger , Ma y 16 , 1823-Septembe r 28 , 1827 , Conra d Famil y Papers, Manuscript s Department , Duk e Universit y Library , Durham , Nort h Carolina. 16. Memorabili a of the Congregation i n Salem for the Year 1827 , 1841 , 1842 , 1843, 1844 , Memorabili a o f th e Bethani a Congregation , 1842 , 1843 , Wilhel m Fries to Franz Fries, March 14 , 1828 , Salem Diary, Decembe r 24, 1809 , February 28, 1819 , Januar y 19 , 182 6 Memorabili a o f th e Congregatio n i n Sale m fo r th e Year 1823 , an d Aufseher Collegium , Marc h 18 , October 8 , 21 , 1833 , January 6 , February 3 , Marc h 3 , 17 , Augus t 18 , 1834 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 7 : 3087 , 8 : 3398, 3617 , 3768 , 3794 , 3841 , 4074, 4087 , 4128-29 , 4131 , 4135, 9 : 4590, 4685 , 4713, 4741 , 4758 ; Sale m Weekly Gleaner, Novembe r 25 , 1828 . Leinbach , Diary , July 20-22 , Octobe r 28 , 1833 , January 4 , Marc h 19 , 1834 , July 14 , 1843 , John Henry Leinbac h Famil y Papers , Moravia n Archives ; Stoke s County , Lis t o f Taxables, 1833 , NCDAH . 17. Sale m Boar d Minutes, Augus t 31 , October 11 , November 8 , 1809 , January 30 , Februar y 19 , 1811 , Sale m Diary , Octobe r 31 , 1809 , Augus t 21 , 1810 , October 13 , 1811 , Februar y 28 , 1819 , Memorabili a o f th e Wachovi a Congrega tions for the Year 1815 , Memorabilia of the Wachovia Congregations for the Year 1821, and Wilhelm Frie s to Franz Fries, January 12 , August 16 , 1828 , i n Fries et

Two The

Congregation and a Changing Economy • 25 7 II2

al., Records, 7 : 3086 , 395-97 > 3 > 3*38 , 3 !44-45> 3 254> 339^ , 34^6 , 8 : 3839 , 3841; Stokes County, Lis t of Taxables, 1819 , 1823 , NCDAH . 18. Aufsehe r Collegium , Jul y 1 , 9 , 1827 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 8 : 3809 ; Minutes o f th e Aufsehe r Collegium , Februar y 23 , 1829 , Sale m Congregation , Moravian Archives, Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolina. 19. Wilhel m Frie s to Franz Fries, January 28 , 1830 , i n Fries et al., Records, 8 : 3929; Minutes of the Aufseher Collegium, Februar y 9, 25" , August 31 , Septembe r 7, 1829 , Sale m Congregation , Moravia n Archives . Lik e Willia m Fries , Gottlie b Schober continuall y challenge d th e congregationa l regulatio n o f trad e i n Salem . For a thoughtful treatmen t of Gottlieb Schober' s life , se e Surratt , Gottlieb Schober of Salem: Discipleship and Ecumenical Vision in an Early Moravian Town. 20. Minute s o f th e Aufsehe r Collegium , Februar y 9 , Augus t 31 , Septembe r 7, 1829 , Octobe r 17 , 1831 , Sale m Congregation, Moravia n Archives ; Minutes o f the Elders Conference, Februar y 25 , Septembe r 2 , 9, 1829 , Sale m Congregation, Moravian Archives ; Wilhel m Frie s t o Fran z Fries , Marc h 14 , Augus t 16 , 1828 , November 13 , 1829 , January 28 , 1830 , in Fries et al., Records, 8 : 3841, 3876, 3929. 21. Aufsehe r Collegium , Ma y 22 , 1826 , July 9 , 1827 , an d Wilhel m Frie s t o Franz Fries , Marc h 14 , Augus t 16 , 1828 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 8 : 3809 , 3841 , 3774; Minutes o f th e Aufsehe r Collegium , Februar y 9 , 23 , 31 , Augus t 31 , Sep tember 7, 1829 , October 17 , 1831 , and Minutes of the Elders Conference, Febru ary 25, Septembe r 2 , 9, 1829 , Sale m Congregation, Moravia n Archives. 22. Aufsehe r Collegium , Octobe r 17 , 1831 , Sale m Congregation , Moravia n Archives; Aufsehe r Collegium , Novembe r 28 , 1831 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 8: 3994-9523. Leinbach , Diary , Marc h 19 , 1830 , February 17 , November 7 , Novembe r 28, 1831 , Januar y 2 , 1832 , Joh n Henr y Leinbac h Famil y Papers , Moravia n Archives; Minutes o f th e Aufsehe r Collegium , Novembe r 28 , 1831 , Sale m Congregation, Moravian Archives. 24. Aufsehe r Collegium , Septembe r 1 , 15 , Octobe r 13 , 30 , Novembe r 18 , December 22 , 29 , 1845 , in Fries et al., Records, 9 : 4857-61. 25. Aufsehe r Collegium , Decembe r 29 , 1845 , Ma y n , 1846 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 9 : 4861, 4903. 26. Aufsehe r Collegium , Marc h 21 , 1831 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 8 : 3979 ; Africa, "Slaveholdin g in the Salem Community, 1771-1851, " 285-86. 27. Aufsehe r Collegium , January 8 , 1811 , Minutes of the Housefathers, Mas ters, an d Brethre n o f th e Congregatio n Council , Augus t 22 , 1814 , an d "T o th e Dear Brethre n o f th e Unite d Elder s Conferenc e i n Berthelsdorf, " 1845 , i n Frie s et al., Records, 7 : 3142, 3544-46 , an d 9: 4820; Africa, "Slaveholdin g i n the Sale m Community," 282-84 ; Frie s e t al. , Forsyth: The History of a County on the March, 85-86. I n th e Sale m distric t o f Stoke s Count y i n 1825 , 12. 3 percen t o f th e property holders owned a slave. The average size of individual slav e holdings was 1.4 ( a 2 0 percen t rando m sampl e wa s draw n fro m th e Lis t o f Taxables ; n = 73). Stokes County, Lis t of Taxables, 1825 , NCDAH . 28. Aufsehe r Collegium , Januar y 22 , 1816 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 7 : 3301 , 3418.

258 • Two The

Congregation and a Changing Economy

29. Meetin g of the House-fathers , Masters , an d Brethre n o f the Congregatio n Council, Augus t 22 , 1814 , Salem Congregation, Moravia n Archives . 30. Ibid . 31. Stoke s County , Lis t o f Taxables , 1816-25 , NCDAH ; Congregatio n Council, Februar y 2 , 24 , 1820 , in Fries et al., Records, 7 : 3446-47 . 32. Aelteste n Conferenz , Jul y 25 , 1827 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 8: 3810 ; Minutes o f th e Elder s Conference , Februar y 10 , 1830 , Februar y 6 , 1845 , Sale m Congregation, Moravia n Archives . Th e numbe r o f slave s employe d i n Sale m before th e slav e rule s wer e abandone d i n 184 7 peake d a t 10 9 i n 1835 . Wit h th e economic distress o f the lat e 1830 s and earl y 1840 s the number o f slaves in Sale m declined an d average d abou t 77 . Stoke s County , Lis t o f Taxables , 1816-45 , NCDAH. 33. Aufsehe r Collegiu m Octobe r 25 , Novembe r 22 , 1839 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 9 : 4485-86 , 4488 ; Fries , "On e Hundre d Years, " 15 ; John W . Fries , "Remembrance o f Civi l Wa r Times, " 2 , Frie s Papers , Nort h Carolin a Depart ment of Archives an d History . 34. Minute s o f th e Congregatio n Council , Februar y 6 , 21 , 1845 , Sale m Con gregation, Moravia n Archives . 35. Th e fiv e wh o resigne d wer e Franci s Fries , a manufacturer , Henr y Lein bach, a shoemaker , Charle s Brietz , a tanner , Edwar d Belo , a merchant , an d Solomon Mickey , a cooper. Al l but Leinbac h an d Micke y wer e slaveholders. Th e entrepreneurial spiri t tha t emphasize d innovatio n an d profi t seekin g wa s eviden t in Fries , Brietz , an d Bel o who engage d i n severa l varie d busines s activities . Frie s owned an d operate d a textil e mill , a pape r mill , a tannery , an d a genera l store , while Briet z wa s a tanne r wh o b y 185 0 ha d expande d int o shoemaking . Belo , a cabinetmaker, owne d a foundr y an d a n oi l mill . Minute s o f th e Elder s Confer ence, Februar y 26 , 1845 , Salem Congregation , Moravia n Archives ; 185 0 Census, Population Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina ; i860 Census , Manufacturin g Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County , North Carolina ; Sale m Diary , Januar y 10 , Marc h 7 , 1845 , an d Minute s o f th e Congregation Council , Januar y 10 , Februar y 7 , 24 , Marc h 6 , 7 , 1845 ; January 13, 1847 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 9 : 4831-32 , 4839-45 , 4957 ; Minute s o f th e Elders Conference, July 16 , 1845 , Salem Congregation, Moravia n Archives . 36. Minute s of the Congregation Council , January 2,11 , 1847 , Salem Congregation, Moravia n Archives ; Aufseher Collegium , Marc h 28 , 1848 , in Frie s e t al. , Records, 10: 5225 ; 185 0 Census , Slav e Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County, Nort h Carolina ; i86 0 Census , Slav e Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyth County , Nort h Carolina ; 185 0 Census, Manufacturin g Schedul e manu script microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina . 37. Fox-Genovese , Within the Plantation Household: Black and White Women of the Old South, 55-56 ; Oakes , Slavery and Freedom: An Interpretation of the Old South, 57-71 . 38. Minute s o f th e Aufsehe r Collegium , Decembe r 18 , 1837 , Sale m Congre gation, Moravia n Archives ; Aufsehe r Collegium , Jul y 16 , 1840 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 9 : 4541-42.

Three Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 25 9 39. Sale m Congregatio n Council , Januar y 5 , 1849 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 10:5399-5401. 40. Aufsehe r Collegium , July 16 , 1840 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 9 : 4541; 185 0 Census, Population Schedul e manuscript microfilm, Forsyt h County, Nort h Carolina; Salem People's Press, Septembe r 27 , 1851 , December n , 1852 . 41. 185 0 Census , Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County, Nort h Carolina ; 185 0 Census, Manufacturin g Schedul e manuscrip t mi crofilm, Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina ; 185 0 Census , Slav e Schedule ; i86 0 Census, Slav e Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County, Nort h Carolina ; North Carolin a Volum e 10 , 463, 465, 502 , R . G . Du n an d Company Collection, Baker Library, Harvar d Universit y Graduat e Schoo l of Business Administration ; Ashe e t al. , eds. , Biographical History of North Carolina from Colonial Times to the Present, 8 vols. , 3 : 129-34 ; Franci s Frie s t o J . F . Shaffner , Jun e 30 , 1861 , Shaffner-Fries Correspondence , Moravia n Archives, Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolina. 42. Minute s o f th e Elder s Conference , Octobe r 21 , Decembe r 2 , 1829 ; January 27 , 1834 , Sale m Congregation , Moravia n Archives ; Aufsehe r Collegium , 1838-47, i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 9 : passim ; 185 0 Census , Populatio n Schedul e manuscript microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina ; Leinbach, Diary , January 24 , Februar y 9 , 1834 , J°hn Henr y Leinbac h Famil y Papers , Moravia n Ar chives. Salem' s artisan s repeate d th e experience s o f Moravia n artisan s i n th e congregation communit y a t Bethlehem , Pennsylvania . Throug h th e earl y nine teenth century non-Moravian s wer e no t allowe d t o settle i n Bethlehem an d ope n shops. Sinc e there were n o alternative source s of employment i n the communit y labor remained cheap . Therefore , Moravian s i n Bethlehem wh o wanted to earn a better livin g ha d to emigrate, whic h man y did . Gollin , Moravians in Two Worlds: A Study of Changing Communities, 93-95 . 43. Minute s of the Congregation Council, January 11 , 1847 , Sale m Congregation, Moravia n Archives ; Memorabili a o f Sale m Congregation , 1840 , i n Frie s e t al., Records, 9 : 4527; Leinbach, Diary , Octobe r 28 , 1833 ; January 24 , 1834 , John Henry Leinbac h Family Papers , Moravian Archives. 44. Stoke s County , Lis t o f Taxables , 1847 , NCDAH ; Henretta , "Familie s and Farms," 5, 14-29 . 45. Haskell , "Capitalis m and the Humanitarian Sensibility, " 550; Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, 17-18; Appleby, Capitalism and a New Social Order: The Republican Vision of the 1790s, 22 . T H R E E Manufacturing

and Community in Salem

1. Griffi n an d Standard , "Th e Cotton Textile Industr y i n Antebellum Nort h Carolina, Par t II : An Er a of Boo m an d Consolidation, 1830-1860, " 141 , 154-57 ; Johnson, Ante-bellum North Carolina: A Social History, 38-41; Linden , "Repercus sions of Manufacturing i n the Antebellum South, " 318-19; Griffin, "Poo r White Laborers in Southern Cotton Factories, 1789-1865, " 28-34.

i6o •

Three Manufacturing and Community in Salem

2. Cotto n price s whic h average d 12. 6 cents pe r poun d durin g th e mid-1830 s dropped t o an average of eight cent s pe r poun d i n the 1840s . Enthusias m fo r mil l building ebbed an d flowed betwee n th e 1820 s and 1840 s with th e pric e of cotton . During th e lat e 1830 s and th e 1840 s when th e mill-buildin g movemen t wa s a t it s peak, almos t tw o dozen mill s opened i n North Carolina , usuall y smal l enterprise s in two-stor y woode n fram e structure s o n th e edg e o f a strea m whic h provide d water power. Gray , History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to i860, vol. 2, 691-99; Stokes, "Black and Whit e Labor and th e Development o f the Souther n Textile Industry , 1800-1920, " Ph.D . diss. , Universit y o f Sout h Carolina , 1977 , 48, 59 , 63-65 ; Griffi n an d Standard , "Cotto n Textil e Industry, " 133 , 142 ; Lander, Jr., The Textile Industry in Antebellum South Carolina, 25-28 , 50 . 3. Minute s o f th e Aufsehe r Collegium , Jun e 20 , 1836 , Sale m Congregation , Moravian Archives , Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolin a (hereafte r cite d a s Sale m Congregation, Moravia n Archives) ; Minute s o f th e Elder s Conference , Jun e 29 , 1836, Sale m Congregation , Centra l Elders , Minutes , Moravia n Archives , Win ston-Salem, Nort h Carolin a (hereafte r cite d a s Sale m Congregation , Moravia n Archives); Sale m Manufacturin g Company , Minute s o f th e Genera l Meetings , July 5 , 1836 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives , Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolina (hereafte r cite d a s SMC , Genera l Meetings , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravian Archives) ; Fries, "One Hundre d Year s of Textiles i n Salem, " 10 . 4. Extract s o f the Minute s o f th e Aufsehe r Collegium , June 20 , July 6 , 8 , 18 , 1836, i n Frie s e t al. , eds. , Records of the Moravians in North Carolina, 11 vols. , 8 : 4225-26; Fries , "On e Hundre d Year s of Textiles i n Salem, " 10 ; Salem Manufac turing Company , Repor t o f th e Buildin g Committee , Jul y 5 , 1836 , Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives , Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolin a (hereafte r cite d as SMC, Buildin g Committee, Frie s Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives) ; Sale m Manufacturing Company , " A Bil l to Incorporat e th e Sale m Manufacturin g Com pany," Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives , Winston-Salem , Nort h Caro lina; Salem Weekly Chronicle, July 16 , 1836 . 5. Minute s o f th e Elder s Conference , Jul y 20 , 1836 , Novembe r 1 , 1837 , Salem Congregation , Moravia n Archives ; Aufsehe r Collegium , Novembe r 1 , 1839, in Fries et al., Records, 9: 4484; Minutes of the Aufseher Collegium , Novem ber 6, 1837 , Salem Congregation, Moravia n Archives . 6. I n Novembe r 1839 , whe n Franci s Frie s propose d buildin g a smal l woo l carding an d spinnin g mil l o n a lo t a t th e corne r o f Ne w Shallowfor d an d Sal t streets nea r th e Sale m Manufacturin g Compan y mill , neighbor s objecte d becaus e they believe d tha t th e stea m an d vapo r fro m th e mil l woul d "incommode " the m in thei r homes . Aufsehe r Collegium , Novembe r 1 , 22 , 1839 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 9 : 4484-85; Prude, The Coming of Industrial Order: Town and Factory Life in Rural Massachusetts, 1810-1860, 158-66 . 7. SMC , Buildin g Committee , Augus t 6 , 11 , September 4 , 1836 , Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives . 8. SMC , Buildin g Committee , Novembe r 8 , 1836 , Septembe r 4 , Octobe r 6 , 1837, Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; Sale m Manufacturin g Com pany, Minute s of the Board o f Directors, Novembe r 24 , December 6 , 1837 , Fries

Three Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 26 1 Mills Collection , Moravia n Archives , Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolin a (hereafte r cited a s SMC , Boar d o f Directors , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives) ; SMC, Genera l Meetings , Januar y 21 , 1840 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives; Minute s o f th e Aufsehe r Collegium , Octobe r 9 , 1837 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 8: 4277 ; Elder s Conference , Octobe r 11 , 1837 , Sale m Congregation , Moravian Archives . 9. SMC , Genera l Meetings , Januar y 1 , 1838 , January 21 , 1840 , Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives ; Memorabilia o f the Sale m Congregatio n i n 1838 , in Frie s et al. , Records, 9 : 4372; Griffin, "Nort h Carolina : Th e Origi n an d Ris e of the Cotto n Textil e Industry , 1830-1860, " Ph.D . diss. , Ohi o Stat e University , 1954, 83 , 181 ; Stokes, "Blac k an d Whit e Labor, " 59 , 63; Lander, Textile Industry, 25-28; Mitchell , Rise of the Cotton Mills in the South, 21; Fries e t al. , Forsyth: The History of a County on the March, 98 ; 185 0 Census , Manufacturin g Schedul e manuscript microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina . 10. SMC , Genera l Meetings , Januar y 1 , 1838 , Marc h 16 , 1839 , Marc h 14 , 1840, Marc h 14 , 1841 , Fries Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; SMC , Boar d of Directors, Octobe r 26 , 1841 , September 22 , 1846 , September 30 , 1848 , March 24, 1849 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; SMC , Genera l Meetings , March 14 , October 30 , 1841 , January 29 , April 2 , October 8 , November 5 , 1842 , April 8 , Octobe r 28 , 1843 , March 23 , Octobe r 5 , 1844 , Marc h 29 , Octobe r 11 , 1845, Marc h 11 , Septembe r 26 , 1846 , Apri l 17 , Octobe r 2 , 1847 , Marc h 18 , 1848, March 24 , November 30 , 1849 , Fries Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives . 11. SMC , Genera l Meetings , Marc h 14 , 1841 , April 8 , 1843 , Septembe r 26 , 1846, Octobe r 2 , 1847 , March 25 , 1848 , November 30 , 1849 , Fries Mill s Collec tion, Moravia n Archives ; SMC , Boar d o f Directors , Februar y 13 , 1841 , September 22 , 1846 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; SMC , Genera l Meet ings, Frie s Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives . 12. Minute s o f th e Provinzia l Heife r Conferenz , Ma y 9 , 1845 , m Frie s e t al. , Records, 10: 5145-46 ; SMC , Minute s o f Genera l Meetings , Januar y 1 , 1838 , October 2 , 1847 , March 18 , 1848 , November 30 , 1849 , June 30 , 1850 , Fries Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives ; SMC , Boar d o f Directors , Apri l 13 , Septembe r 20, 1847 , September 30 , December 28 , 1848 , March 22 , August 8 , 1849 , Decem ber 4 , 1849 ; February 19 , Marc h 3 , June 22 , 1853 , March 24 , 1854 , Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives ; Salem People's Press, Marc h 25 , 1854 . 13. Fries , "On e Hundre d Years, " 12-13 ; Griffin an d Standard , "Cotto n Tex tile Industry, " 134-35 ; SMC , Genera l Meetings , Apri l 14 , 1841 , April 8 , 1843 , September 26 , 1846 , April 17 , October 2 , 1847 , Marc h 18 , 25 , 1848 , March 24 , 1849, Frie s Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives ; SMC, Boar d o f Directors , Ma y 26, Septembe r 22 , 1846 , Septembe r 30 , Decembe r 28 , 1848 , Frie s Mill s Collec tion, Moravia n Archives ; Lander, Textile Industry, 39 , 109-10 ; Stokes, "Black an d White Labor, " 91 ; Scranton , Proprietary Capitalism: The Textile Manufactures at Philadelphia, 1800-188$, 38; Wallace, Rockdale: The Growth of an American Village in the Early Industrial Revolution, 122-23; Francis L . Fries , Diary , Introduction , i n Fries Papers , Nort h Carolin a Divisio n o f Archive s an d History , Raleigh , Nort h Carolina. I n 185 0 th e Frie s mil l purchase d $1,51 0 i n woo l fro m Nort h Carolin a

262 • Three Manufacturing and Community in Salem farmers bu t spen t $37,34 1 i n Philadelphi a fo r wool . Joh n W . Fries , "Remem brances o f Confederat e Days, " 2 , Frie s Papers , Nort h Carolin a Divisio n o f Ar chives and History, Raleigh , Nort h Carolina. 14. Frie s e t al. , Forsyth, 99; Griffin, "Nort h Carolina, " 182 ; Fries, "Remem brances," 2 , Frie s Papers , NCDAH ; Griffin , "Nort h Carolina, " 183 ; Aufsehe r Collegium, Marc h 10 , 1847 , in Fries et al., Records, 9 : 4947; Fries, "One Hundre d Years," 17 ; F . an d H . Frie s Company , Daybooks #1 1 an d #12 , Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives, Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolina; Eighth Census, i860, Manufacturin g Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina. 15. Franci s Fries , Memorandu m Book , Decembe r 30 , 1837 , Januar y 1 , 4 , 1838, F . an d H . Frie s Collection , Moravia n Archives , Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolina (hereafte r cite d a s F . an d H . Frie s Collection , Moravia n Archives) ; Minutes o f th e Elder s Conference , Decembe r 6 , 1837 , Sale m Congregation , Moravian Archives ; Aufsehe r Collegium , Februar y 26 , 1838 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 9 : 4397. 16. Terrill , "Eage r Hands : Labo r fo r Souther n Textiles , 1850-1860, " 86 ; Extracts fro m th e Bethani a Diary , Ma y 28 , 1837 , an d Aufsehe r Collegium , February 26 , 1838 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 8 : 4289 , an d 9 : 4397 ; Franci s Frie s Memorandum Book , Januar y 4 , 1838 , F . an d H . Frie s Collection , Moravia n Archives. Th e 182 0 censu s fo r Stoke s Count y contain s man y surname s o f mil l hands liste d i n the SM C wag e book s whic h suggest s tha t most Sale m mil l hand s were likel y t o hav e com e fro m nearb y rura l neighborhoods . Marriag e record s show tha t many operatives ha d familial tie s with counties acros s North Carolina, including Craven , Cabarrus , Johnston , Rowan , Wake , Orange , Mecklenburg , Nash, Yadkin , Wilkes , and Rockingham counties. SMC , Board and Wage Books, 1841-45, Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; Stoke s County , Lis t o f Taxables, 1835 , 1840 , North Carolina Division of Archives and History, Raleigh , North Carolina; 182 0 Census, Populatio n Schedul e manuscript microfilm, Stoke s County, Nort h Carolina; Jackson, Index to the 1850 Census. North Carolina; Wynne, compiler, Wake County, North Carolina Census and Tax Lists Abstracts, 1830 and 1840; Stoke s County , Marriag e Bonds , Nort h Carolin a Divisio n o f Archive s an d History, Raleigh , Nort h Carolina. 17. 184 0 Census, Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Stoke s County , North Carolina ; Franci s Frie s Memorandu m Book , Decembe r 30 , 1837 , F . an d H. Frie s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; SMC , Genera l Meetings , Januar y 1 , 1838, Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives ; SMC, Boar d an d Wage Books , 1841-49, Frie s Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives. 18. Stoke s County , Lis t o f Taxables , 1835 , NCDAH . I n 183 8 th e Interna l Improvements Convention which convened i n Raleigh reported that over 500,00 0 North Carolinians had migrated to other areas of the country. Twent y year s later the 186 0 censu s reporte d tha t 3 0 percen t o f thos e bor n i n Nort h Carolin a live d outside of th e state . Johnson, Antebellum North Carolina, 38-41; Linden , "Reper cussions o f Manufacturing, " 318-19 ; Griffin , "Poo r Whit e Laborers, " 32-33 ; Griffin an d Standard, "Cotto n Textile Industry, " 154-55 . 19. Memorabili a o f th e Congregatio n i n Salem , 1841 , 1842 , 1843 , 1844 , an d

Three Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 26 3 Memorabilia o f th e Bethani a Congregation , 1842 , 1843 , in Frie s e t al. , Records, 9 : 4590, 4685 , 4713 , 4741 , 4758 ; Joh n Henr y Leinbach , Diary , Jul y 14 , 1843 , John Henr y Leinbac h Famil y Papers , Moravian Archives , Winston-Salem, Nort h Carolina; Stoke s County , Lis t of Taxables, 1820 , 1835 , 1836 , 1840 , 1845 ; Escott, Many Excellent People, 9-10 ; SMC , Boar d an d Wag e Boo k B , 1845 , Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives ; Franci s Frie s Mil l Diary , passim , Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives ; 185 0 Census , Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm, Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina ; Stoke s County , Lis t o f Taxables , 1835-40, NCDAH ; Wynne , compiler , Wake County, North Carolina Census and Tax List Abstracts, 1830 and 1840. 20. Franci s Frie s Memorandum Book , Decembe r 30 , 1837 , March 14 , August 23, 28 , 1838 , F . an d H . Frie s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; 184 0 Census , Population Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Stoke s County; SMC , Genera l Meet ings, 1838 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; SMC , Boar d an d Wag e Books, 1841-49 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; Stokes , "Blac k an d White Labor, " 84 , 120 , 131 ; Briggs, "Millowner s an d Worker s i n a n Antebellu m North Carolin a County, " M.A . thesis , Universit y o f Nort h Carolina , Chape l Hill, 1975 , 50; Quote i n Terrill, "Eage r Hands, " 87. 21. Terrill , "Eage r Hands, " 84-99 ; Stokes , "Blac k an d Whit e Labor, " 120-21; Briggs, "Millowner s an d Workers, " 78-112; Kennedy, If All We Did Was to Weep at Home: A History of Working-Class Women in America, 14-15 , 21-22 ; Prude, The Coming of Industrial Order, 89-99 ; Clinton , The Plantation Mistress, 204-5; Lebsock , The Free Women of Petersburg: Status and Culture in a Southern Town, 1/84-1860, 149 ; Hagler , "Th e Idea l Woma n i n th e Antebellu m South : Lady o r Farmwife? " 414-18 . Thoma s Dubli n maintain s tha t i n th e Lowell , Massachusetts, mills , evidence does not support th e conclusion tha t financial nee d drove man y wome n int o th e mills . Rather , wome n becam e operative s fo r thei r own reasons, generally t o accumulate some savings for persona l use. They wante d to earn somethin g o f their own , outsid e an d independen t o f the famil y economy . Thus, mil l wor k filled th e sam e nee d fo r wome n a s migratio n di d fo r me n wh o had littl e chanc e i n thei r nativ e communitie s t o se t u p o n a farm . However , Dublin di d not e tha t a s large groups o f immigrant s entere d th e norther n mill s i n the 1830 s and 1840s , economic nee d di d becom e a motivating facto r i n mill work . This i s born e ou t b y th e longe r persistenc e o f wome n i n mil l work . Dublin , Women at Work: The Transformation of Work and Community in Lowell, Massachusetts, 1826-1860, 35-40 , 197 . 22. Wyatt-Brown , Southern Honor: Ethics and Behavior in the Old South, 226-30; Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890, 30-31 ; Fox-Genovese , Within the Plantation Household: Black and White Women of the Old South, 38-39, 81 ; Hagler, "Th e Idea l Women," 405-18. 23. SMC , Rule s an d Regulations , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; Wallace, Rockdale, 181-82; Terrill , "Eage r Hands, " 95 ; Franci s Fries , Diary , 1840-42, Fries Papers, NCDAH . 24. Fox-Genovese , Within the Plantation Household, 55-56 ; Genovese , "Yeo man Farmer s i n a Slaveholders ' Democracy, " 331-42 ; Wyatt-Brown , Southern

264 • Three Manufacturing and Community in Salem Honor, 62-87 ; Escott, Many Excellent People, xviii, 3-9 ; Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism, 32-49 ; Harris , Plain Folk and Gentry in a Slave Society: White Liberty and Black Slavery in Augusta's Hinterlands, 5-7 , 94-122 ; Ford , Jr., Origins of Southern Radicalism: The South Carolina Upcountry, 1800-1860, 44-95; Oakes , "Fro m Re publicanism t o Liberalism : Ideologica l Chang e an d th e Crisi s o f th e Ol d South, " 569; Watson, "Conflic t an d Collaboration : Yeomen , Slaveholders , an d Politic s i n the Antebellum South, " 273-98 . 25. Briggs , "Millowner s an d Workers, " 101 ; Lander, Textile Industry, 60-61 ; Prude, Coming of Industrial Order, 93; Wallace , Rockdale, 66-67 , l 72:> Dublin , Women at Work, 93 ; Kessler-Harris, Out of Work: A History of Wage-Earning Women in the United States, 4; Hagler, "Th e Idea l Woman, " 414-15. 26. Hareven , "Famil y Tim e an d Industria l Time : Famil y an d Wor k i n a Planned Corporat e Town , 1900-1924, " 188-93 , l 9^-> 2° 2 » Prude , Coming of Industrial Order, 93 . 27. Frie s Memorandu m Book , Marc h 14 , Augus t 23 , 28 , 1838 , Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives ; Francis Fries Diary, Apri l 18 , 1840 , Fries Papers , NCDAH; SMC , Boar d an d Wag e Books, 1841-49 , Frie s Mills Collection, Mora vian Archives ; 184 0 Census , Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Stoke s County; 185 0 Census , Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County, Nort h Carolina . 28. SMC , Boar d an d Wag e Books , 1845-49 , Frie s Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives; Stokes County, Lis t o f Taxables, 1840 , NCDAH; 185 0 Census, Popu lation Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina . 29. Hareven , "Famil y Tim e an d Industria l Time, " 196 ; Terrill , "Eage r Hands," 93; SMC, Boar d an d Wage Book, 1845 , Fries Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives; Dublin, Women at Work, 41. 30. Dublin , Women at Work, 174 , 177 ; Wallace, Rockdale, 172 ; Johnson, Antebellum North Carolina, 255 . 31. 184 0 Census, Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Stoke s County ; 1850 Census, Populatio n Schedul e manuscript microfilm , Forsyt h County, Nort h Carolina; SMC , Boar d an d Wag e Book , 1845 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives. 32. SMC , Boar d an d Wag e Books , 1841-49 , Frie s Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives; SMC , Boar d o f Directors , Jul y 1 , 1841 , 80 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravian Archives ; Briggs , "Millowner s an d Workers, " 89 ; Shelton , Mills of Manayunk: Industrialization and Social Conflict in the Philadelphia Region, iy8y-i8^y, 71; Dublin , Women at Work, 66 . Massachusett s mill s compete d aggressivel y t o recruit operative s whic h drov e up wages . Th e wage s of souther n operative s wer e lower becaus e o f th e availabilit y o f women , boys , an d girl s du e t o th e lac k o f employment opportunities . 33. SMC , Boar d an d Wag e Book , 1845 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives. Mil l families purchase d thei r provisions fro m th e Sale m Manufacturin g Company o r from loca l tradesmen; the mill kept a ledger showing how much eac h family owe d o n credit , whic h wa s deducte d fro m earnings . Whe n Nathanie l Casey purchase d mea t fro m Sanfor d Shultz , a local butcher, th e mil l pai d Shult z

Three Manufacturing and Community in Salem • 26 5 and kep t a n accoun t o f Casey' s purchase s whic h wa s settle d o n payday . Man y New Englan d mil l hand s foun d themselve s i n simila r circumstances , wit h ex penses eatin g u p a s much a s 95 percen t o f thei r income . Som e als o ended u p i n debt to their employers. Prude , Coming of Industrial Order, 91 . 34. Stoke s County , Lis t o f Taxables , 1837 , 1840 , 1847 , NCDAH ; SMC , Board an d Wag e Book , 1845 , Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives ; 185 0 Census, Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County ; i86 0 Cen sus, Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Car olina. 35. Hareven , "Famil y Tim e an d Industria l Time, " 202 ; SMC , Boar d an d Wage Book , 1841-49 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; 185 0 Census, Population Schedul e manuscript microfilm, Forsyt h County, Nort h Carolina. 36. Marriage s betwee n operative s linke d familie s i n th e mil l village . Sara h Casey an d James Holde r wh o were employed i n the Sale m Manufacturing Com pany mill i n 1841 , married i n 1842 . Sara h Lumley an d William Casey marrie d in 1846 afte r meetin g i n th e mill . O n thes e occasions , larg e an d long-establishe d families o f Sale m Manufacturin g Compan y operative s cam e togethe r t o creat e extensive kinshi p network s i n th e mil l village . Stoke s County , Marriag e Bonds , NCDAH; SMC , Boar d and Wage Books, 1841-49 , Frie s Mills Collection, Mora vian Archives. 37. SMC , Dayboo k 'C, ' 1842 , Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives . Due to the expense of maintaining boardinghouses for the single hands, the Salem Manufacturing Compan y converte d the m to family dwelling s an d boarded singl e workers wit h th e families . SMC , Boar d o f Directors , Jul y 1 , Augus t 6 , 1841 , Fries Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; SMC , Boar d an d Wag e Book , 1844-45, Frie s Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives. 38. SMC , Dayboo k 'C, ' 1842 , Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives ; SMC, Boar d an d Wag e Books , 1844-45 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Ar chives; Wallace , Rockdale, 60 ; SMC , Boar d an d Wag e Books , 1841-49 , Frie s Mills Collection , Moravia n Archives ; Briggs, "Millowner s an d Workers," 81-82; Prude, Coming of Industrial Order, 116-18. 39. SMC , "Rule s an d Regulations, " Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Ar chives; Franci s Frie s Memorandu m Book , Augus t 9 , 1838 , F . an d H . Frie s Collection, Moravia n Archives. 40. SMC , "Rule s an d Regulations, " Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Ar chives; Kessler-Harris, Out to Work, 37-38. 41. Extract s o f Memorabili a o f Sale m Congregation , 1840 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 9 : 4527-32; SMC , Boar d an d Wag e Books , 1841 , Frie s Mills Collection , Moravian Archives ; Friedber g an d Hop e Diary , Marc h 28 , 1838 , an d Aufsehe r Collegium, Januar y 24 , 1842 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 9 : 4440 , 4660 ; Surratt , "The Rol e o f Dissen t i n Communit y Evolutio n amon g Moravian s i n Salem , 1722-1860," 239 ; Eaton , Growth of Southern Civilization, 12 ; SMC , Boar d o f Directors, 78 , Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives ; SMC , Genera l Meet ings, 45, Frie s Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives. 42. SMC , Wag e Books , 1841-45 , Frie s Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives ;

266 • Three Manufacturing and Community in Salem i860 Census, Population Schedul e manuscript microfilm , Forsyt h County, Nort h Carolina; Lerner , "Th e Lad y an d th e Mil l Girl, " 5-15 ; Lebsock , Free Women of Petersburg, 146-94 . 43. Memorabili a o f th e Sale m Congregatio n fo r th e Yea r 1837 , Sale m Diary , June 7 , 1838 , an d Memorabili a o f th e Sale m Congregatio n i n th e Yea r 1838 , i n Fries et al. , Records, 8 : 4259, 4388, and 9 : 4374; Fries, "On e Hundre d Years, " 11; SMC, Boar d o f Directors , Ma y 8 , 1838 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Ar chives. 44. Minute s o f th e Elder s Conference , Decembe r n , 1844 , Sale m Congrega tion, Moravia n Archives ; SMC, Boar d o f Directors , November , 1838 , Fries Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives . 45. Repor t o f the Negr o Church i n Sale m for 1847 , August 29 , 1847 , in Frie s et al., Records, 9 : 4956. 46. Franci s Fries , Memorandu m Book, June 23 , 27-30 , 1838 , Augus t 5 , 12 , 22, 1839 , F. an d H . Frie s Collection, Moravia n Archives . 47. SMC , Minute s o f th e Boar d o f Directors , Augus t 15 , 1839 , Novembe r 10, 1841 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; SMC , Spinnin g Room , Time Book, 1845 , Fries Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives . 48. SMC , Boar d of Directors, Februar y 7 , 1838 , Fries Mills Collection, Mora vian Archives ; SMC , Boar d an d Wag e Book , 1841-48 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravian Archives ; SMC , Memorandu m Book , Octobe r 28 , 1838 , Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives . 49. SMC , Boar d o f Directors , Octobe r 26 , 1841 , September 22 , 1846 , Frie s Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives ; SMC, Genera l Meetings , January 29 , Apri l 2, Octobe r 8 , Novembe r 5 , 1842 , Octobe r 28 , 1843 , Marc h 23 , 1844 , Octobe r 11, 1845 , September 26 , 1846 , Fries Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives . 50. SMC , Genera l Meetings , Octobe r 30 , 1841 , January 29 , Apri l 2 , 1842 , October 2 , 1847 , Marc h 18 , 1848 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; SMC, Boar d o f Directors , Octobe r 1 , 1842 , November 18 , 1843 , September 20 , 1847, Decembe r 28 , 1848 , Augus t 8 , 1849 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives; SMC , Spinnin g Room , Tim e Book , 1842-45 , 1847 , 1849 , Frie s Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives . 51. Franci s Frie s Memorandum Book , Februar y 7 , March 3 , 4, April 12 , June 23, 27 , 29 , 30 , Augus t 6 , 9 , 20 , Octobe r 1 , 1838 , July 4 , Augus t 26 , Decembe r 25-30, 1839 , F . an d H . Frie s Collection , Moravia n Archives ; SMC , Boar d o f Directors, Decembe r 16 , 1837 , August 15 , 1839 , August 6 , Novembe r 10 , 1841, Fries Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives . 52. SMC , Boar d o f Directors , July 21 , 1838 , July 1 , 1841 , Fries Mill s Collection, Moravia n Archives ; SMC , Genera l Meetings , Augus t 18 , 1841; Aufsehe r Collegium, January 24 , 1842 , in Fries et al., Records, 9 : 4660. 53. Dublin , Women at Work, 199-200 ; Prude , Coming of Industrial Order, 183-216; Starobin , "Th e Economic s o f Industria l Slaver y i n th e Ol d South, " 131-32, 135 , 139-40 ; Genovese , The Political Economy of Slavery: Studies in the Economy and Society of the Slave South, 222; Miller, "Th e Fabri c of Control: Slaver y in Antebellum Souther n Textile Mills," 475; Linden, "Repercussion s o f Manufac -

Four Community

Culture in Antebellum Salem • 26 7

turing," 315; Ransom and Sutch , One Kind of Freedom: The Economic Consequences of Emancipation, 2 . 54. SMC , Boar d an d Wag e Book , 1847 , Frie s Mill s Collection , Moravia n Archives; SMC , Boar d o f Directors , Apri l 26 , 1847 , January 25 , 29 , 1848 , Frie s Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives . 55. Johnson , "Note s on Manufacturing i n Ante-Bellum Georgia, " 225. 56. SMC , Boar d o f Directors , Jul y 21 , 1838 , Apri l 26 , Octobe r 22 , 1847 , February 5 , 1848 , Fries Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives . 57. Franci s Frie s t o H . W . Fries , Ma y 25 , i860 , Frie s Famil y Papers , Mora vian Archives , Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolina ; Franci s Fries , Diary , Januar y 25-October 23 , 1841 , F. an d H . Frie s Collection , Moravia n Archives , Winston Salem, Nort h Carolina ; Fries, "Remembrances, " 2-3 , Frie s Papers, NCDAH . 58. Franci s Fries , Diary , January 4 , 1848 , F . an d H . Frie s Collection , Mora vian Archives ; Fries , "Remembrances, " 3-4 , Frie s Papers , NCDAH ; Terrill , "Eager Hands, " 86. 59. SMC , Boar d o f Directors , Februar y 7 , 1838 , October 28 , 1839 , Septem ber 25 , October 31 , 1840, Fries Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives . 60. SMC , Tim e Books , 1841-45 , Fries Mills Collection, Moravia n Archives . 61. I n he r stud y o f th e earl y mill s i n Manayunk , Pennsylvania , Cynthi a Shelton demonstrate s convincingl y tha t th e "unreliability " of the operatives ther e must b e considere d withi n th e contex t o f th e mil l owners ' failur e t o mee t thei r responsibilities t o thei r employee s i n providin g stead y wor k an d regula r wages . Shelton, Mills of Manayunk, 15-22. 62. Beatty , "Textil e Labo r i n th e Nort h Carolin a Piedmont : Mil l Owne r Images an d Worke r Response , 1830-1900, " 490-95 ; Briggs , "Millowner s an d Workers," 50, 119 . 63. Beatty , "Textil e Labor, " 485-503 ; Briggs , "Millowner s an d Workers, " 93-101.

F O U R Community

Culture in Antebellum Salem

1. Willia m Frie s to Francis Fries , July 30 , 1831 , in Fries et al., eds. , Records of the Moravians in North Carolina, 11 vols., 8 : 3998-99. 2. Bender , Community and Social Change in America, 96-98 ; Greene, Pursuits of Happiness: The Social Development of Early Modern British Colonies and the Formation of American Culture, vii-xiii. Sea n Wilentz has ably demonstrated ho w publi c ritual s and celebration s revea l pattern s o f significan t meanin g fo r member s o f a commu nity. Wilentz , "Artisa n Republica n Festival s an d th e Ris e o f Clas s Conflic t i n New Yor k City, 1788-1837, " 37-77 . 3. O f 19 1 inhabitant s o f Sale m wh o reporte d a n occupatio n i n th e 185 0 census, 98 or 51. 3 percent wer e artisans or shopkeepers . 185 0 Census, Populatio n Schedule manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina ; Extract s o f Salem Boar d Minutes , December , 13 , 1824 , May 5 , 1830 , in Frie s et al. , Records, 8: 3709 , 3936 ; Johnson, Ante-bellum North Carolina: A Social History, 66; Faler ,

268 • Four Community Culture in Antebellum Salem Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1/80-1860, 29-33 . 4. Sale m People's Press, Apri l 28 , 1855 ; Greene, "Independence , Improvement , and Authority : Towar d a Framewor k o f Understandin g th e Historie s o f th e Southern Backcountr y durin g th e America n Revolution, " 12-14 . J a c ^ Greene' s ideas o n independenc e an d individualis m i n earl y America n societ y receiv e thoughtful an d provocativ e elaboratio n i n Pursuits of Happiness, see especiall y 195-97. Ford , Jr. , Origins of Southern Radicalism: The South Carolina Upcountry, 1800-1860, 50; Watson, "Conflic t an d Collaboration : Yeomen , Slaveholders , an d Politics i n the Antebellum South, " 280 . 5. I n thi s discussio n I hav e accepte d Eri c Foner' s definitio n o f "mechanic " t o include masters and journeyme n wh o likely serve d a n apprenticeship, possesse d a skill, an d probabl y owne d thei r tools . O f course , a s Fone r point s ou t i n th e cas e of eighteenth-centur y mechanic s i n Philadelphia , mechanic s wer e a divers e lot . Their number s include d entrepreneur s directin g highl y capitalize d enterprises , highly skille d craftsme n i n th e prestig e trade s o f clockmakin g an d gold - an d silversmithing, an d man y o f th e somewha t "inferio r craftsmen " i n trade s lik e tailoring an d shoemakin g whos e wor k require d les s skill. Regardles s o f the statu s of thei r craft s i n th e emergin g marke t economy , thes e mechanic s wer e unite d i n their belie f tha t th e basi s o f wealt h la y i n thei r skill s an d i n thei r rol e a s a "producing class. " Foner , Tom Paine and Revolutionary America, 10 , 28 , 41 ; John Henry Leinbac h Diary , Octobe r 28 , 1833 , John Henr y Leinbac h Famil y Papers , Moravian Archives , Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolina . 6. Johnson , Ante-bellum North Carolina, 165-66 ; Linden , "Repercussion s o f Manufacturing i n th e Antebellu m South, " 322 ; Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States, vol . 1 , 249, 261-64 ; Schmidt, ed., The Greenwood Encyclopedia of American Institutions: Fraternal Organizations, 339-40 ; People's Press, September 6, 1851 . 7. People's Press, Decembe r 30 , 1854 , March 19 , 1858 , April 8 , 1859 , Februar y 13, 20 , 1873 ; 185 0 Census , Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County, Nort h Carolina . 8. People's Press, May 31 , 1851 , July 28 , 1864 , Januar y 26 , 1865 . O f th e 8 members identifie d fro m resolution s of condolence i n the People's Press, ther e wer e 4 artisans , 1 merchant , 1 lawyer, 1 farmer, 1 occupation unknown . O f th e 4 artisans, 2 were liste d a s manufacturer s i n th e censu s o f manufacturer s i n 185 0 and i860 . 185 0 Census , Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County, Nort h Carolina ; 185 0 Census, Manufacturin g Schedul e manuscrip t mi crofilm, Forsyt h County, Nort h Carolina ; i86 0 Census, Manufacturing Schedule , Forsyth County , Nort h Carolina ; i86 0 Census , Populatio n Schedul e manuscrip t microfilm, Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina . 9. Johnson , Ante-bellum North Carolina, 162; People's Press, Jul y 5 , 12 , 1851 , July 9 , 1853 . 10. Thi s i s readil y apparen t whe n th e name s o f th e antebellu m mil l worker s of th e Sale m Manufacturin g Compan y an d th e F . an d H . Frie s Compan y ar e listed i n th e 187 0 an d 188 0 censuse s a s cotto n an d woo l mil l workers . Thes e

Four Community

Culture in Antebellum Salem • 26 9

workers persisted i n the mills over the course of their lives and thus constituted a distinct segment of the working class as industrial laborers. n . Aufsehe r Collegium , July 12 , 1843 , in Fries et al., Records, 9 : 4728; Clewell, History of Wachovia in North Carolina, 2J2; Fries, "Sale m Congregatio n Dia cony," 34 ; People's Press, June 17 , 1854 , Ma y 5 , 1855 , Octobe r 2 , 1857 . O f th e 7 officers electe d i n 1857 , 3 were artisans , 1 a merchant , 1 a clerk, an d 2 whos e occupations were unknown. The y wer e all in their twenties or early thirties. 185 0 Census, Population Schedul e manuscript microfilm, Forsyt h County, Nort h Carolina. 12. Johnson , Ante-bellum North Carolina, 102; Extracts o f th e Minute s o f th e Friedberg Committee, Februar y 12 , 1839 , and Sale m Congregation Diary , Octo ber 8 , 1847 , Octobe r 11 , 1851 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 9 : 4511, 4952 , 10 : 5609; Leinbach Diary , Octobe r 29 , 1831 , John Henr y Leinbac h Famil y Papers , Mora vian Archives; Foner, Tom Paine, 64 . 13. Aufsehe r Collegium , Marc h 25 , Septembe r 26 , 1839 , Marc h 3 , 1846 , Extracts o f Report s o f th e Lan d Arbeite r Conferenz , Octobe r 3 , 1839 , an d Minutes o f th e Head s o f Household s an d Maste r Workmen , Decembe r 9 , 14 , 1852, in Fries et al., Records, 9 : 4476, 4483, 4490, 4900, 11 : 5745-46. 14. Sale m Congregatio n Diary , Decembe r 9 , 1829 , Februar y 22 , Apri l 17 , 1842, Ma y 6 , 1845 , Extract s o f th e Committe e o f th e Congregatio n i n Bethania , February 22 , Apri l 17 , 1841 , i n Frie s e t al. , Records, 8 : 3875 , 9 : 4645-46, 4834 ; Minutes o f th e Elder s Conference , Februar y 9 , 23 , 1842 , Sale m Congregatio n Records, Moravian Archives, Winston-Salem , Nort h Carolina; People's Press, Feb ruary 8 , 22 , Marc h 1 , June 21 , Octobe r 4 , Septembe r 27 , 1851 , January 4 , 25 , 1856; Nort h Carolin a Son s o f Temperance , Proceedings of the Grand Division of North Carolina. Sons of Temperance, 1851. Nort h Carolin a Collection, Universit y o f North Carolina at Chapel Hill ; North Carolina Son s of Temperance, Constitutions of the Order of the Sons of Temperance, 1845 , n , Nort h Carolina Collection, Univer sity o f Nort h Carolin a a t Chapel Hill ; 185 0 Census, Populatio n Schedul e manu script microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina ; i86 0 Census , Populatio n Schedule manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina . O f th e 1 6 officers an d representative s t o th e Gran d Division , ther e wer e 3 merchants , 5 mechanics, 3 clerks , 2 professionals , 1 farmer , 1 minister , an d 1 cotto n mil l superintendent. Al l wer e propert y owners . Johnson, Ante-bellum North Carolina, 168-71; Eaton , The Growth of Southern Civilization, 1790-1860, 200. 15. Deems , "Wha t I t Ha s Done , an d Wha t W e Mus t Do. " Delivered befor e the Grand Divisio n o f th e Order o f th e Son s o f Temperanc e o f Nort h Carolina , October 1847 ; Loveland , Southern Evangelicals and the Social Order, 1800-1860, 134-35; Doub , Address Delivered before the Grand Division of North Carolina. Sons of Temperance. At the October Session. 1852. 16. People's Press, Februar y 24 , 1855 ; Tyrell, Sobering Up: From Temperance to Prohibition in Antebellum America, 1800-1860, 4-7; Lende r an d Martin , Drinking in America: A History, 58-66 ; Rorabaugh , The Alcoholic Republic: An American Tradition, 187-222. 17. Rorabaugh , The Alcoholic Republic, 189-91; Johnson , Ante-bellum North

270 • Four Community

Culture in Antebellum Salem

Carolina, 343; Mathews, Religion in the Old South, xiv; idem, "Th e Secon d Grea t Awakening a s an Organizing Process , 1780-1830, " 23-43 ; Nye, Society and Culture in America, 1830-1860, 285-86 , 291 ; McLoughlin, Revivals, Awakenings and Reform: An Essay on Religion and Social Change in America, 1607-1977, 2-8; Boles , The Great Revival, 1787-180$, 166-67; Loveland , Southern Evangelicals, 69 , 135 . 18. Relyin g o n th e memoir s o f prominen t evangelica l churchme n an d a fe w scattered church records, Donal d Mathews found that the majority of evangelicals in th e Sout h wer e yeoma n farmer s wh o owne d smal l farm s wit h mayb e on e o r two slaves . John Bole s foun d tha t the majority wer e common peopl e wh o live d a life o f har d wor k an d poverty . Mathews , Religion, 36-38; Boles , Great Revival, 169-70. Methodist s an d Baptist s wer e aggressiv e revivalist s fro m 184 6 t o 1849 , but i n th e earl y an d mid-1850 s th e Methodist s wer e especiall y active , an d b y 1860 the Methodists were the largest denomination in Forsyth County as fourteen of th e twenty-seven congregation s i n the county wer e Methodist. Th e Methodis t church i n particula r wo n th e commo n peopl e b y it s disregar d o f ritua l an d it s emphasis o n cam p meetings , prayers , humanitarianism , religiou s reform , an d education. Loveland , Southern Evangelicals, 68 ; 185 0 Census , Socia l Statistic s manuscript microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina ; i86 0 Census , Socia l Statistics manuscrip t microfilm , Forsyt h County , Nort h Carolina ; Lefle r an d Newsome, North Carolina: A History of a Southern State, 392-93 ; Faler , Mechanics and Manufacturers, 101-3 . 19. Franci s Frie s to Henry Fries , June 20 , i860 , Franci s Fries Papers, South ern Historica l Collection , Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a a t Chape l Hill , Chape l Hill, Nort h Carolina; People's Press, Februar y 4, 1859 . 20. Sale m Congregatio n Diary , Septembe r 3 , 1826 , Septembe r 5 , 19 , 1830 , December 4 , 1841 , Extract s o f th e Diar y o f Bethania , Septembe r 3 , 1830 , Sep tember 7 , 1833 , Octobe r 27 , 1841 , Extract s fro m Diar y o f Bethani a an d Betha bara, Augus t 19 , 1838 , Extract s fro m Friedber g an d Hop e Diary , Septembe r 9 , 1838, an d Extract s o f Repor t o f th e Littl e Negr o Congregatio n i n an d aroun d Salem, August, 1846 , in Fries et al., Records, 8 : 3770, 3924-25 , 3948 , and 9: 4106, 4432, 4444, 4589, 4626, 4914. 21. Leinbac h Diary , Augus t 21 , 1831 , John Henr y Leinbac h Famil y Papers , Moravian Archives. 22. Mathews , Religion, 14-15, 70 . Rhy s Isaa c ha s show n tha t i n lat e eigh teenth-century Virgini a evangelica l religio n offere d a vehicle fo r th e rejectio n o f the values , life-style , an d authorit y o f elite s b y southerner s occupyin g th e lowe r ranks o f societ y an d seekin g respec t an d legitimac y fo r thei r way s o f lif e an d values. Isaac , The Transformation of Virginia, 1740-1810, 161-77 . 23. Mathews , Religion, 24 . 24. Bender , Community and Social Change, 102 . 25. People's Press, Marc h 20, Septembe r n , 1852 , July 8 , 1854 , June 22 > l ^55"> April 11 , 1856 , June 25 , 1858 ; Hugh B. Johnston to Benjamin F. Bynum , Augus t 18, 1840 , i n Benjami n Frankli n Bynu m Papers , Manuscrip t Department , Duk e University Library , Durham , Nort h Carolina ; Fries et al. , Forsyth: The History of a County on the March, 129; Wooster, Politicians, Planters, and Plain Folk: Courthouse and Statehouse in the Upper South, 18$o-1860, 66-67; Sydnor , Development of South-

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em Sectionalism, 1819-1848, 319 ; Chamber s an d Burnham , The American Party Systems: Stages of Political Development, 11 ; Norton, The Democratic Party in Antebellum North Carolina, 1835-1861, 38; Johnson, Ante-bellum North Carolina, 149. 26. Aufsehe r Collegium , Januar y 13 , 1840 , an d Sale m Congregatio n Diary , August 7 , 1856 , in Frie s et al., Records, 9 : 4535, and 11 : 6008. 27. Chamber s an d Burnham , American Party Systems, 13; Jeffrey, State Parties and National Politics: North Carolina, 1815-1861, 7 , 65 , 118 , 121 , 142 ; Oakes , "From Republicanis m t o Liberalism: Ideologica l Change and the Crisis of the Ol d South," 569; Ashworth, "Agrarians" and "Aristocrats": Party Political Ideology in the United States, 1837-1846, 1. 28. People's Press, December 20 , 1851 , Ma y 8 , 1852 , July 15 , 1854 ; Jeffrey , State Parties, 68-7'i , 118 , 144-57 ; Ashworth, "Agrarians" and "Aristocrats," 52-