Friend Anthony Benezet 9781512814828

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BENEZET.

THIS celebrated philanthropist w a s a native of F r a n c e . On account of re lirions persecution in that country, his parents, in 1731, removed to L o n d o n . W h i l e here, the family adopted the religious opinions of the Society of Friends, and in JT.'ll, emigrated to Philadelphia. In his zeal to do good, he left a profitable mercantile business, and devoted himself to the instruction of youth. H e w a s a friend to the poor and distressed of every d e scription, and labored most earnestly for their relief and welfare. H e m a d e great exertions to have the slave trade suppressed. The unfortunate and degraded situation of the African race in this country, deeply moved his sympathy, and he made strong efforts for their elevation and improvement. T h e loss of this benevolent m a n was deeply f e l t . a a d his funeral was attended by all religious denominations. M a n y hundred colored persons, with tears, followed his remains to the grave. A n A m e r i c a n officer of the Revolutionary a r m y , in returning from the funeral, pronounced a striking eulogium upon him. " I would rather," said he, " b e A n t h o n y Benezet, in that coffin, than the great W a s h i n g t o n with all his honors."

Friend Anthony Benezet By

G E O R G E S. BROOKES

U N I V E R S I T Y OF PENNSYLVANIA

PRESS

Philadelphia London: Oxford

Humphrey University I937

Mil ford Press

Copyright 1937 UNIVERSITY OF P E N N S Y L V A N I A PRESS

Manufactured in the United States of America

Dedicated to AMERICA Whose Institutions of Learning I increasingly enjoy and appreciate.

Foreword He was the off sf ring of

humanity

And every child of sorrow was his brother.

T

H E world owes Anthony Benezet a perpetual memory.

Among the eighteenth-century leaders of religious thought, whose influence has penetrated the social, moral, and spiritual darkness of succeeding generations, none is more deserving of universal recognition than he. The year 1 9 3 4 was the sesquicentennial anniversary of his death; thus distance furnishes an enchanting horizon for the story of his career, and time adds color to the luster of his character. Anthony Benezet was a gentle schoolmaster, whose tenderness embraced the sable child in the soft caress of affection} he was a philanthropist, who for forty years gave generously, without public proclamation, daily bread to hungry people, and at the end of a life of self-denial dedicated his small fortune to the instruction of Negroes and Indians j he was an author, who garnered the thoughts of the ages on subjects of vital importance, and crystallized them for the edification of his own day 5 he was a lover of human freedom, who, whenever he saw injustice and oppression, shuddered as an asolian string quivers in the tempest} he was a Quaker, who did more than any other man of his day by pen and personal appeal to quicken the conscience of his own Society of Friends in the matter of slavery, and to strike a deadly blow at that inhuman commerce, raising up friends of the enslaved in various parts of the world} and he was a friend to all—a guide in the day of perplexity and a comforter in the hour of sorrow. In a day when ancient manuscripts are searched, and misprized or forgotten geniuses brought to light, it is singular that Anthony Benezet has been passed by, and that though more than one hundred and fifty years have elapsed since he laid down his pen, no adequate biography of him has been written. In a postscript to a letter dated January 1 0 , 1 8 1 6 , Noah Worcester wrote from Brighton, Massachusetts, to Obadiah Brown in Providence, Rhode Island: I intend to write a Sketch of Anthony Benezet f o r the Christian Dis-

Vili

ANTHONY

BENEZET

ciple. Have you any books giving more account of him than is given in Clarkson's History of the Abolition and in D r . Rush's Essay? I f you have if you will send it I will endeavour to make you compensation. His character ought to be known.

Roberts Vaux, for several years an officer of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, partially met this need by publishing in the next year a duodecimo book of 156 pages, Memoirs of the Life of Anthony Benezet. Evidently the task was more difficult than he anticipated, for in his introductory remarks the author makes the discouraging confession: W h e n this work was about to be undertaken, the writer presumed that ample materials might be procured to render it altogether worthy of the character of Anthony Benezet. But although only thirty-two years have elapsed since his death, no traces are discernible of the mass of important and interesting documents, which must have accumulated during more than fifty of the last years of his l i f e ; devoted as it continually was to the most benevolent labours in relation to many of which he maintained an epistolary correspondence with men of celebrity in America and Europe.

T h e booklet was republished in England at the end of the same year, 1 8 1 7 , though Roberts Vaux did not wish or expect it, for in a letter to his cousin, Samuel Emlen, he expresses surprise that " W m Alexander of Y o r k has ran the risque of an impression" and hopes " h e may not be the loser." Forty-two years later there appeared in England, Anthony Benezet, from the Original Memoir: Revised with Additions ( 1 5 2 pages) by Wilson Armistead, but the edition contains only a few additional letters, the record of a dream by D r . Benjamin Rush, of Philadelphia—most of all, transposed paragraphs, and least of all, new light on the character and works of A n thony Benezet. Dissatisfied with his first effort, Roberts Vaux continued his interest f o r several years, and seriously contemplated publishing a definitive work on the subject. H e wrote to Friends at home and abroad for additional light and turned to many sources for material, but unfortunately he left the task unfinished at his death just one hundred years ago.

FOREWORD

IX

Joseph Elkinton, a prominent Philadelphia Quaker, contributed an interesting essay to the meager collection of Benezetiana, Anthony Benezet and His Times, published in 1898, a rare copy of which may be seen at the library of Swarthmore College, Pennsylvania, but this and the memoirs written by Vaux and Armistead are now out of print. A careful thesis for the M . A . degree at Columbia University prepared by A l f r e d T . Child in 1928, in which the present writer has found helpful guidance for his own studies, has never been published. T h e present quest was inspired by the reading of The Journal of John Woolman, edited by Amelia M o t t Gummere, 1920, which refers often to the common interests of Anthony Benezet and John Woolman. T h e inspiration was fostered by the note on page 5 1 4 of the illuminating volume: "Benezet's writings are worth the effort of collecting them into the edition which still awaits publication. H e is well deserving also of an adequate biography." A n d the task has been continued through seven years of leisure moments snatched from busy occupations, because the writer is convinced that the story of such a wondrous life should not be allowed to remain in fragments only, on the shelves of a few libraries, or in scattered correspondence, but should occupy the conspicuous place it deserves among the biographies of great men. In conclusion the author would express his gratitude to the historical societies and general libraries for their courtesy and assistance. Descendants of the Benezet family and Friends everywhere have lent both aid and encouragement. From an early stage in the preparation of the work Professor H e n r y J. Cadbury of Harvard University has offered his friendly and constant advice, correction, and suggestion. Without such various assistance it would have been impossible to send forth this v o l u m e — a mere candle held by an admirer to illuminate the portrait of Friend Anthony Benezet. G.S.B. Rockville,

Connecticut

Contents CHAPTER

PAGE

FOREWORD I. II.

VII

A N ILLUSTRIOUS N A M E IN F R A N C E

I

T H E DRAMATIC EXODUS

8

III.

T H E F A M I L Y T R A N S P L A N T E D IN A M E R I C A

IV.

T H E G E N T L E SCHOOLMASTER

29

T H E F R I E N D OF E X I L E D ACADIANS

60

H I S C R U S A D E AGAINST S L A V E R Y

76

V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X.

.

.

.

19

H I S F A I T H IN P E N N S Y L V A N I A INDIANS H I S S E R V I C E S IN T H E I N T E R E S T OF P E A C E

NO .

.

.

.

125

T H E MODEL QUAKER

138

MOURNERS GO ABOUT T H E STREETS

156

BIBLIOGRAPHY

179

LETTERS

2 0

7

2 0

7

FROM BENEZET T O BENEZET

4*5

CONCERNING BENEZET

443

W R I T I N G S OF B E N E Z E T

475

INDEX

5°5

Illustrations BENEZET INSTRUCTING COLORED CHILDREN

From Historical Poetical and Pictorial Scenes, by J . W . Barber, 1 8 5 0

frontisfiece

.

facing fage

T H E STORY OF S A I N T B E N E Z E T SAINT BENEZET'S

.

American

BRIDGE

1

"

"

4

"

"

10

"

"

16

"

"

46

Over the Rhone at Avignon JUDITH BENEZET

Portrait by Nicolas de Largillière, 1 7 1 1 JEAN ETIENNE BENEZET

Portrait by Nicolas de Largillière, 1 7 1 1 BENEZET'S

HOUSE

Chestnut Street, Philadelphia INDIAN M E D A L AND SIGNATURE

" 1 1 4

"

Medal Designed and Presented by the Friendly Association in 1 7 5 7 T I T L E PAGE

From Some Historical Account of by Anthony Benezet, 1 7 7 2

"

Guinea,

"

474

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T H E STORY O F SAINT B E N E Z E T

FRIEND ANTHONY BENEZET

I

A n Illustrious N a m e in France The highest charity in the world is to bear with the unreasonableness of Mankind. ANTHONY

BENEZET

F O R seven hundred years the name Benezet has been revered in France. Call the roll of that family, and records will reveal saint and scholar, prophet and pedagogue, martyr and missionary who have benefited mankind by their long and benignant service. Their resolute voices have stirred the centuries and accelerated the progress of liberty and truth ; their strong hands have kindled more fires than Latimer and Ridley; and their nimble pens have exerted an influence as wide as the scattered dust of Wycliffe. The original seat of this family was in Languedoc, an ancient province of southern France. Old chronicles and musty charters, quaint and well-nigh forgotten lore, translated here for the first time from the French and Latin, take us back to the twelfth century, where we discover the boy Benezet1 ( 1 1 6 5 1 1 8 4 ) , the reputed promoter of good roads, the builder of the historic bridge at Avignon which bears his name, and the patron saint of the engineering college in Paris. As a boy, he followed the lowly occupation of a shepherd, and when but twelve years of age was, according to the legend, divinely called from his mother's fields to undertake the construction of the famous bridge across the Rhone at Avignon, the City of the Popes, and further inspired to build a hôpital, where he instituted a religious body called Les Frères du Pont. With these Brothers he withdrew from active association with the world, lest his soul be defiled in the dust of earthly occupations. Proclaimed saint by the unanimous voice of the people because of the miracles he wrought in their presence, young 1 . T h e true baptismal n a m e of Saint Benezet was B e n o î t . M a n y h a v e regarded Benezet as a diminutive f o r B e n o î t , that is to say, L i t t l e figure

or his extreme youth.

B e n o î t , applied because of his

short

ANTHONY

2

BENEZET

Benezet died at the age of twenty, four years before the bridge was completed. The structure has been in ruins for two hundred and fifty years, and its crumbling arches now reach only halfway across the Rhone, but the bridge is still the Mecca of many a pilgrimage^ the old song, Sur le Pont d'Avignon, is sung today wherever French is known, and the name of the saint remains a fragrant memory. Out of the curious threads of a magnified legend the story of Benezet's call to build the bridge across the Rhone has been woven into a fabric of enduring beauty and inspiration. The recording angel has left behind this enchanting lore: O n e day in the year 1 1 7 7 , during an eclipse o f the sun, a child by the name o f Benezet w a s caring f o r his mother's sheep in the pasture. Jesus spoke clearly to him three times: " B e n e z e t , my son, listen to the voice o f Jesus C h r i s t ! " " W h o are you, L o r d , that speaketh to me? I hear your voice, but cannot see y o u . " " H e a r k e n then, Benezet, and be not afraid. I am Jesus Christ w h o , with a single w o r d , created the heaven, the earth, the sea, and all that they contain." " L o r d , w h a t do you w a n t me to d o ? " " I w a n t you to leave there the care of your mother's sheep, because you must build f o r me a bridge across the R h o n e . " " L o r d , I do not know where the Rhone is; and I do not dare abandon my mother's sheep." " H a v e n ' t I told you to believe in my word? G o then boldly; f o r I will have your sheep watched over, and I will give you a companion w h o will take you to the R h o n e . " " B u t , L o r d , I have only three mailles;

how shall I be able to build a

bridge across the Rhone ? " " W e l l , you will do as I shall show y o u . " Benezet then w e n t on his w a y , obeying the voice o f Jesus Christ, which he heard, without seeing the f o r m . A n d he met an angel, under the guise o f a pilgrim, carrying a stick and knapsack, w h o spoke to him thus: " F o l l o w me with confidence, and I will lead you to the place where you will build a bridge f o r Jesus Christ, and I will show you how you are to do it." T h e y now reached the bank o f the river. Benezet, observing the

AN

ILLUSTRIOUS

NAME

3

width, was seized with f e a r , and said that he could not possibly build a bridge there. T h e angel said to him: " D o not w o r r y , f o r the Holy Ghost is within you. L o o k at the boat, in which you will cross the river. G o to the city o f A v i g n o n , and show yourself to the Bishop and his p e o p l e ! " A n d thus speaking the angel disappeared f r o m before his eyes. Benezet then w e n t toward the boat, and began to beg the boatman, f o r the love o f G o d and our L a d y , the Holy M a r y , to take him to the town where business called him. T h e boatman, w h o w a s a J e w , answered him: " I f you w a n t to cross, you w i l l give me three denier s, as all the others d o . " Benezet, again invoking the love o f G o d and the Blessed M a r y , begged again that he be transported to the other side o f the river. But the J e w replied: " W h a t have I to do with your M a r y ? She has no power in heaven or on earth. I p r e f e r three deniers before your M a r y ; besides, there are plenty o f M a r y s . " O n hearing this, Benezet gave him the three mailles which he had, and the J e w seeing that he could get nothing more, took them, and carried him to the other bank. Benezet, having entered the t o w n o f A v i g n o n , found the Bishop preaching to his people, and he began to say in a loud voice: "Listen to me, and know that Jesus Christ has sent me to you in order that I may build a bridge over the R h o n e ! " T h e Bishop, hearing his words, looked at him with mockery and great scorn, and sent him to the chief officer o f the city, w h o threatened him with skinning and cutting off his feet and hands as a malefactor. T o such threats, Benezet replied simply: " M y L o r d Jesus Christ sent me to this city in order that I might build a bridge across the R h o n e ! " T h e chief officer replied: "Nonsense! Y o u w h o are the lowest o f men and possessing nothing, you boast o f building a bridge here, where neither G o d nor Saint Peter nor Saint Paul nor even Charlemagne nor anyone else has been able to build one! Is it not surprising? W e l l , as bridges are built with stones and cement, I will give you a stone that I have in my palace, and if you can move it and carry it, I will believe you will be able to build the bridge." Benezet putting his trust in the L o r d returned to do what had just been proposed to him. " L e t us go t h e n , " said the Bishop, " a n d let us see the marvels that you promise us." So the Bishop and the people started o f f , and Benezet took his stone, which thirty men could not have moved f r o m its place, and carried it

4

ANTHONY

BENEZET

with as great facility as if it had been a pebble which one holds in his hand; and he deposited it on the place where the bridge has its foot. A l l those who saw it were filled with admiration, confessing that the Lord is great and powerful in His works. A n d the chief officer was the first one to call him Saint Benezet, and to kiss his hands and feet. A n d he offered him three hundred pence, and in this same place they gave him five thousand pence. . . . N o w God performed many miracles on that day, f o r through Benezet God restored sight to the blind, and hearing to the deaf, and He made the lame walk straight; all these miracles were to the number of eighteen.2

T h e memory of this saintly character is still revered and recognized by the Catholic Church in a litany which offers its petition to him as "ears of the deaf, speech of the mutes, sight of the blind, patron of the city of Avignon, and refuge against the floods of the Rhone." Near the Cévennes Mountains another family of the name of Benezet abode in Carcassonne, today a picturesque mass of quaint architecture, which links the south of France with the days of the early Roman occupation. These Benezets possessed wealth, enjoyed social distinction, and held positions of magisterial honor and trust during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. T o the dignity of these offices was added the King's favor of certain privileges which belonged usually to the aristocracy. T h e Carcassonne Benezets had embraced the Protestant religion 3 indeed, a number of their descendants later sealed their faith with their lives. It is recorded that in 1686 one Anthony Benezet became a religious refugee from Nimes, 3 and in 1 6 9 1 Etienne Benezet of Vezenobre, aged about thirty-six years, a carder by trade, was arrested in attempting to depart from the country and escape religious persecution.4 Reference is made 2. La Vie de Saint Bênézet, Fondateur du Pont d'Avignon, Par l'Abbé J-H. Albanès, Marseille, 1 8 7 6 (copy at Harvard University). W . J . Holland, a descendant of the Benezet family, in accepting the tradition, wrote on September 22, 1 9 3 0 , concerning Saint Benezet: " H e appears to be the only Saint in my family, though I am often prayed to; i.e. supplicated to do this, and that, and the other thing by my friends, including yourself." 3. Société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Français, Bulletin X I I , 5 3 5 . 4.. Ibid., X X V I I I , 264.

AN ILLUSTRIOUS NAME

5

also to François Bénézet, a divinity student, about twenty-six years of age, who was arrested in 1752 at Vigan for performing the functions of a preacher of the Reformed religion. H e had studied at Geneva, but had failed to pass his examination for ordination, so he found balm in Gilead through a wayside ministry, traveling from place to place, offering prayer, and carrying cheer to the sick and distressed. H e was condemned to death on March 24, 1752, and three days later was led to the gibbet to die as a martyr on the esplanade at Montpellier. In that last hour, the solicitations and threats of the Abbé were met by the annihilating retorts of the martyr. H e desired to speak in his own defense at the foot of the gallows: the roll of drums drowned his voice. H e died singing King David's penitential psalm—the fifty-first.s Sentiments carried over from his childhood surged up one day in the subject of this biography, Anthony Benezet, during a conversation with François, Marquis de Barbé-Marbois, which led him to testify: " O n e of my uncles was hung by these intolérants, my aunt was put in a convent, two of my cousins died at the galleys, and my fugitive father was hung in effigy for explaining the gospel differently from the priests, and was ruined by the confiscation of his property." 6 But not all members of this remarkable family were martyrs. There were scholars too. T o Deborah Logan's mother, Anthony Benezet in a friendly chat one day disclosed the fact that the historian Rapin de Thoyras ( 1 6 6 1 - 1 7 2 5 ) of Castres, was his maternal great-uncle. This scholar, born of a Protestant family, entered the service of William, Prince of Orange, with whom he went to England in 1688. In 1724 he published L'Histoire d'Angleterre in eight volumes of such considerable merit that Voltaire, who usually wrote not as a scribe but with authority, praised it as the best history of England that had appeared up to that time. 7 5. Samuel Small, Jr., Genealogical

Records,

1905, pp. 190 f.

6. Letter of François, Marquis de Barbé-Marbois, to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, in OUT Revolutionary Forefathers, Chapter I V . See p. 4 5 3 . 7. The Friend, V o l u m e X I , 1838, pp. 169 f.

6

ANTHONY

BENEZET

Toward the end of the seventeenth century Jean Benezet, of the Carcassonne family, journeyed northward, like the patriarch Jacob, that he might take unto himself a wife, and he discovered in Picardy a choice woman, a descendant of the ancient and honorable families of the Testarts and Crommelins, whom he married in the year 1682. O n the very day of that blissful occasion, Jean Benezet added resolution to filial vow, and penned the first line of a family memorial, which at his death, twenty-eight years later, was continued by his son, Jean Etienne, and is now preserved as a precious heirloom. This unusual mosaic of many illuminating facts begins with the record of his own marriage which was performed by pastor S. Mettayer, at Lehaucourt, the place of worship for the Protestants of St. Quentin, at the time of the Edict of Nantes. T h e 16th of August, 1682, I married Marie Madeleine Testart, daughter of M . Pierre Testart and the late Rachel Crommelin of the City of St. Quentin. 8

Jean and Marie Madelaine Benezet established a home at Abbeville, in which town Jean held the position of receveur des traites until 1689. In that year the family moved to St. Quentin, where Jean Benezet continued in the same office. N o information concerning the life of this couple has been preserved, save the yearly record of an additional member to the family, for during the ten years of their fruitful union there were born to them seven boys and one girl: June 22, 1683, Jean Etienne June 24, 1684, Pierre October 5, 1685, Jacques December 21, 1686, Jean Jacques January 5, 1688, Cyrus March 5, 1689, Madelaine Marguerite November 2, 1690, Melchior August 23, 1692, Pierre

T h e family chronicle informs us that the mother fell ill the 8. A l f r e d D a u l l é , La Réforme

à Saint-Quentin

et aux environs,

1905, p. 24.7.

AN ILLUSTRIOUS NAME

7

day after the birth of Pierre, and died on September 7, 1692, "to the great regret of her family and the great affliction of her husband." H e r sickness lasted only fifteen days. A n d Jean Benezet's touching testimony is that "she was always resigned to the will of God and bore witness to her faith in Jesus Christ up to the moment of her death." For eighteen years the chronicle is closed. T h e care of eight motherless children would not allow the father much time or furnish much courage to write interesting items for unborn generations, so when on August 15, 1710, the family journal is opened again, it is the hand of Jean Etienne that makes this memorandum: M . Jean Benezet who wrote with his own hand what is contained in these memoirs up to this point, died at Abbeville of apoplexy, to the great affliction of his children and universally regretted by all his relatives and friends. He served as a model for his family in virtue, probity, and the fear of God. 9

Jean Etienne, the eldest son, was born in a turbulent period, for the rumblings of the disastrous Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, 1685, could already be heard in anticipation. It is his fortunes we next f o l l o w — a record containing much of struggle and vicissitude, drama and achievement. 9. Samuel Small, Jr., Genealogical

Records,

1905, pp. 334—340.

II

T h e Dramatic Exodus TOI FRANÇOIS J E A N

CHASTELLUX

Friend, this persecution is a strange thing: I can hardly believe what has happened to myself. My father was a Frenchman,

and I am a na-

tive of thy country. It is now sixty years since he was obliged to seek an asylum in Englandy taking with him his children, the only treasure he could save in Ms misfortunes. Justice, or what is so called in thy countryy ordered him to be hung in effigy, for explaining the gospel differently from thy priests. ANTHONY

BENEZET

O

V E R L O O K I N G the Somme River, as it winds its delightf u l curves at the foot of a gentle slope, stands St. Quentin, for centuries the old frontier town of Picardy and the meeting place of five military roads. History has made it twice memorable—it was the spot chosen by Philip II for the beginning of that long, cruel conflict between despotism and the rights of man which ended in the establishment of Protestantism in the Netherlands} and it was one of the scenes of the never-to-be-forgotten battles of the Somme during the World War. In this famed city, busy with the stir of prosperous industry, fragrant with luxuriant suburban gardens and orchards, and lovely with smiling country houses, Jean Etienne Benezet, the father of Anthony Benezet, grew to manhood. H e was born on June 22, 1683, at Abbeville, but in the year 1689 the family moved eastward to St. Quentin, and here with five brothers and a sister, he was brought up in a simple and unostentatious manner. Early in life, the wheel of fortune turned for him with rapidity, as he carried into his business career an incorruptible character, extraordinary ability, and compelling energy. In his busy life, however, he found time to woo the beautiful daughter of a linen merchant of St. Quentin, Judith de la Méjenelle. The copy of her portrait which faces page 10 sug-

THE

DRAMATIC EXODUS

9

gests her charm and grace. 1 According to the family tradition, Judith de la M e j e n e l l e was a maid of honor at the Court of Louis X I V , and in the light of the following facts one might be led to accept its authenticity. 2 Several interesting relics may now be seen in the H o l l a n d Collection of Benezetiana, at the Historical Society of Western Pennsylvania, Pittsburgh. One consists of two fragments of silk handed down to posterity by Judith—asserted to be material of the charming white brocaded dress which she wore at the Court of Louis X I V ; the other is a sampler, beautifully worked on coarse cloth, seven inches by nine inches, by Judith when she was a child. Also in an undated letter written by Mrs. Harriet Stephenson (Crothers) H e r berton, of Philadelphia, there is a stray echo from the past in this brief reminiscent note: "Judith D e l Majanelle (sic) was maid of honor in the Court of Louis X I V , and as I often heard my grandmother, who was her granddaughter say, as we looked upon her life-sized portrait on the wall, 'she was a good pious and religious woman, and passed unscathed and unharmed through all the grandeur and folly of the Court.' " 3 Another letter in the envelope containing the sampler and the samples of silk offers further evidence of the tradition: My dear Miss

Horsefield:

Speaking of your grandmother's portrait the other day, I mentioned her maiden name, which you requested me to write for you. A s I have often heard it from my grandmother who would be one hundred and six years old if she were alive, it was Judith de la Mazionalle. I spell it from the s o u n d — f o r I never saw it written. I may be mistaken in the spelling but I am not in the sound. I . T h i s picture came into our possession through Porter,

Doylestown,

Pennsylvania,

a descendant

of

t h e k i n d n e s s of M i s s James

Benezet,

who

Helen was

a

b r o t h e r of A n t h o n y , a n d f o r y e a r s a s u c c e s s f u l business m a n i n P h i l a d e l p h i a . T h e

Benezet younger beautiful

p o r t r a i t w h i c h a d o r n s h e r h o m e h a s this i n s c r i p t i o n o n t h e b a c k of its c a n v a s : " P e i n t N i c h o l a s L a r g i l l i e r e . P a r i s , 1 7 1 r . T h i s p a i n t e r a l s o p a i n t e d the p o r t r a i t of V o l t a i r "

par {sic).

z . T h e q u e s t i o n o f J u d i t h ' s p o s i t i o n at c o u r t is a v e r y i n t e r e s t i n g o n e . A g a i n s t its p r o b a b i l i t y s t a n d s the f a c t t h a t m a i d s of h o n o r at t h e c o u r t w e r e c h o s e n f r o m n o b l e f a m i l i e s a n d a d h e r e n t s to t h e C a t h o l i c f a i t h ; i n f a v o r of its a u t h e n t i c i t y is t h e f a c t t h a t d e s c e n d a n t s of t h e f a m i l y h a d n o d o u b t about it. I n a n y case, t h e t r a d i t i o n is i n d i c a t i v e of t h e h i g h s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of h e r f a m i l y . 3. C o p i e d by M a r y G e r t r u d e S m i t h , a n d s e n t to D r . H o l l a n d , w i t h o t h e r n o t e s ,

1899.

IO

ANTHONY

BENEZET

T h e name has an Italian appearance—a thing not uncommon in France among the noblesse of that country. T h e lady, of whatever extraction she was, was a court beauty in the days of Louis the fourteenth. I have the honour to be yrs. PRINGLE

JONES.4

Another painting of Judith de la Mejenelle may be seen in the Art Museum of Princeton University, and is asserted to be also the work of Nicolas de Largilliere in 1711. But direct testimony runs contrary to the convenient theory. Madame Benezet was at that time only eighteen years of age—she was born in 1693—and it would require more than the most fertile fancy to imagine that the Princeton painting is that of a girl of such tender years. The work evidently belongs to a much later date, for the Benezet family left France in 1713, never to return, while the famous French painter spent the rest of his life in Paris, so the painting must have been executed by another hand. The marriage of John Stephen Benezet and Judith de la Mejenelle is noted rather briefly in the family chronicles after this manner: O n Tuesday, 29 October, 1709, I Jean Etienne Benezet married in the parish of St. Eustache in Paris, by Rev. Jacques Saurin, 5 Judith de la Mejenelle, daughter of M . Leon de la Mejenelle, linen-merchant at St. Quentin, and of Madame Judith Lieurard, his w i f e , living at present in

Street, Paris. May God by his goodness extend his blessing over

our marriage, and give us grace to pass in peace and union the days which it may please his divine providence to accord to us on this earth.

From St. Quentin, a city set on a hill, Jean Etienne Benezet watched the gathering ominous shadows of coming events. The era of magnificence and learning which marked the early part of the reign of Louis X I V ( 1 6 4 3 - 1 7 1 5 ) had passed} the dream of 4. Note sent to Miss Sally Horsefield, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. Dr. Holland writes: " M i s s Horsefield told me that she had often seen General Washington at church, and he had patted her upon the head. She lived to a very great old age, dying, as I recall now, in the late '6o's of the last century, when I was already a young fellow in my teens." 5. It seems highly improbable that Rev. Jacques Saurin, a Protestant pastor, could have returned from exile to perform such a marriage ceremony in a Catholic church in the year 1709.

J U D I T H BENEZET

THE DRAMATIC EXODUS

ii

French leadership of the world was slowly fading away like distant, melancholy music; humiliation followed exaltation as the King stumbled from one folly to another. T h e longest reign in the annals of France was marred by four cruel wars, but when the Grand Monarque decided that the sheep must be separated from the goats, and all heretics in his kingdom be won or coerced into Catholicism, he forged a weapon as irresistible as the Inquisition in the worst of all conflicts. T h e Edict of Nantes ( 1 5 9 8 ) , the consolation gift of H e n r y I V to the Protestants of France, whose cause he had forsaken five years earlier, had brought a tolerable measure of liberty of conscience for seventy years, for Huguenots were heartened by even small mercies. But as early as the year 1661, Louis X I V began to institute a series of measures designed to check and eventually eradicate Protestantism—decrees directed against the family, fixing the ages at which children might lawfully renounce the faith of their parents, and thereby enticing H u g u e not lambs into the Catholic f o l d — l a w s forbidding parents the privilege of sending their children out of the country to be educated. T h e stringency of the persecution increased with the years, sadly affecting not only the family but the church and the home, and preparing the way for the formal Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in October 1685. Like birds just before the breaking of a storm, the voices of the Huguenots were for a brief period silent. It was a sunless day when the lash of relentless persecution deprived them of the privileges of public worship and civil rights. Brave men trembled and strong men feared when pastors were ordered to leave the country in fifteen days, though the Huguenot congregations were forbidden to emigrate on pain of suffering the confiscation of their property. It was a moonless night when parents were no longer allowed to instruct their children in their own chosen faith, and were compelled, under heavy penalty, to have them baptized and instructed by the priests, with the result that Huguenots actually lost the key of parental authority to their own homesteads.

12

ANTHONY BENEZET

But the arrogant scorn of the King soon aroused rather than crushed the spirit of many French Protestants, who went forth with all the ardor of warriors going to the Crusades. Some spiritual shepherds, remembering the counsel of Gamaliel, gathered their shelterless flocks in secret places; others were martyred for their faith 5 while thousands of the worthiest sons of France bade au revoir to their beloved country, and went forth seeking freedom and finding opportunity to weave at the looms of Holland and England, enriching the texture of the life, literature, and leadership of other nations of the world. T h e serious consequences of his unrelenting attitude dawned too late on Louis X I V . W h e n at last he saw the evil fate gathering in darkness like a heavy thundercloud over his realm, with feverish anxiety he appointed sentinels at the frontiers to stem the tide of emigration, but a desperate people had already contrived ingenious methods of escape. Some were smuggled, like Joseph's cup in the corn, and were carried secretly across the border} others appeared as pilgrims journeying to a distant sacred shrine; some traveled in the garb of ambitious merchants ; others clad themselves as mendicants, begging from door to door, until they reached the boundary. Those living near the coast risked passage across the Channel in any kind of boat. More than one sentinel, instructed to arrest the fugitives, actually rebelled against the King's orders, and while continuing in the guise of a military officer really played the part of the Good Samaritan in escorting them to the nearest inn of safety. 6 In such a time of cruel persecution and tyranny, we are not surprised to learn that when Louis X I V departed this life on the first day of September, 1 7 1 5 , the news of his death was celebrated with an unblushing gratitude, and the elaborate obsequies were regarded as the most satisfactory France had ever known. Three children were born to Jean Etienne and Judith Benezet at St. Quentin: Marie Madelaine Judith, on November 1, 6. See Charles W . Baird's History

of the Huguenot

N e w Y o r k , 1885» and A . Stapleton's Memorials

Emigration

of the Huguenots,

to America, 1901.

V o l u m e I,

THE

DRAMATIC

EXODUS

13

1 7 1 O ; Marianne, on February 26, 1 7 1 2 , who died in the same year j and Antoine, or Anthony, on January 3 1 , 1 7 1 3 . The record of the birth of Anthony Benezet, with whom this volume is particularly concerned, appears in the register of the Church at St. Quentin: T h e 3 1 s t of January, 1 7 1 3 , was born and on the first day of the month of February was baptised by the undersigned priest, Antoine, son of M . Jean Etienne de Benezet and of Judith de la Megenelle, his w i f e ; the godfather was M . Antoine de Benezet Dartillon, subdelegate of the governor of the city of Dunkerque, the godmother was C h a r lotte Lieurard, w i f e of Pierre Vermalette, in whose stead Pierre Cartel answered for the godfather and Anne Letuvé for the godmother, and signed their names. (Signed) Frassen, curate of the parish of Saint Catherine of SaintQuentin. 7

The happiness of the early married life of Jean Etienne and Judith Benezet was greatly marred by the bitter persecution of the Huguenots. It was keenly felt by them when no longer a Protestant pastor could preach in France, for since the children, in order to be legitimate, had to have a civil status—i.e., according to the laws of the time had to be registered by the curate after the ceremony of baptism—little Antoine, the future apostle of liberty, was baptized in St. Catherine's church, February 1 , 1 7 1 3 , by the priest of that church. The climax was reached when in 1 7 1 5 the hand of persecution was laid heavily upon the home of Jean Etienne Benezet, and his estate confiscated. H e had been protected for a number of years from this calamity because of the faithful service rendered by his father, Jean Benezet, in the administration of the finances of the State.8 But the final blow, though delayed, was inevitable. Conscience was his lodestar, and in the light of that authority—his material possessions at stake—he joined the increasing procession of seekers after liberty. Indeed, he was a 7. Alfred Daullé, La Reforme 8. Charles W. Baird, History York, 1 8 8 5 .

a Saint-Quentin et aux environs, 1 9 0 ; , p. 247. of the Huguenot Emigration to America, Volume I, New

14

ANTHONY

BENEZET

happy man when he was moved to write in the family record his recognition of Divine guidance: God put it into our hearts to leave France and to retire to a Protestant country where we may freely profess our holy religion, and we set out from St. Quentin with two children, the 3rd of February, 1 7 1 5 , and arrived happily at Rotterdam, the 15th of the same month. 9

The abrupt departure of the family from St. Quentin was extremely perilous and dramatic. They secured as their guide in the hazardous enterprise a clever youth, who used coolheaded strategy at one of the military outposts which then skirted the frontier. The youthful companion, approaching the sentinel at the border, displayed a gun which he was holding in one hand and a bag full of gold in the other, and naively said: "Choose! either you will allow these good people, who are victims of persecution, to pass, and you will be rewarded—or resist, and you shall d i e ! " The sentinel with smiling satisfaction accepted the generous bribe, and the Benezets continued their journey without further interruption.10 What an adventurous journey that must have been! From St. Quentin to Rotterdam—170 miles—in twelve days! The route? Probably through the great forest of Arrouaise, crossing the border in the vicinity of Malincourt, advancing in slow stages to their destination. The company? Jean Etienne Benezet; Marie Madelaine Judith, a little girl of four years of age; Anthony, two years of age; and Judith de la Méjenelle, wife enceinte (a third child, Susanne, being born fourteen days after their arrival at the home of relatives in Rotterdam). And it was winter when these five Huguenots crossed the frontier. What amazing courage! Sincere must have been the gratitude of the father when on February 29, 1 7 1 5 , after a melancholy year and a safe journey, 9. Holland Collection of Benezetiana. In the list of the fugitives of the Church of St. Quentin, after the Revocation, the names of J e a n Etienne Benezet, his wife, Judith de la Méjenelle, and their children appear, and the city has since given the name of Benezet to one of its most modest streets. 10. Jacques Pannier, Antoine Bénézet, un Quaker Français en Amérique, Toulouse, 1925.

THE

DRAMATIC EXODUS

15

he presented for baptism in the Walloon church of Rotterdam the newborn babe, Susanne. H i s Huguenot faith was rekindled as his note in the family journal indicates: " G o d be praised that this child was baptized in a Protestant church." Susanne lived but three months, and was buried at the Walloon church. Only a few months were spent in Rotterdam. T h e hospitality received from relatives on the Crommelin side, whose descendants are still living, was gracious and large. It was characteristic of them. William Savery 1 1 talks much of the sumptuous meal he enjoyed at the home of Jean and Magdalene Benezet on the occasion of his visit in 1 7 9 7 . T h e Benezets were entertaining the Quakers at Congenies, and we are given to understand that: T h e dinner consisted of boiled beef, pork and soup, roast f o w l , roast rabbits and roast lamb and sausages, but little or no vegetables. For the second course custards, made in a peculiar manner, some cakes and butter and afterwards the fruits, common to the place, as grapes, in fine clusters about half dried, excellent figs, walnuts like English, olives, raisins and almonds with some preserves, I think made of mangoes, stewed in the sweet wine . . . such as is commonly drank here as Americans do cider, and is not stronger. 12

But like the Pilgrims, a hundred years before, Jean Etienne and Judith Benezet preferred not to build their permanent home in that part of the world, so for the information of later generations the page of family annals is once more turned, and the hand of Jean Etienne pens the story of their second journey, this time by boat to England: T h e 22nd August 1 7 1 5 I set out f r o m Rotterdam with my family to establish myself in E n g l a n d and the 26th of the same month we disembarked at Greenwich, where my family remained f o r one month while I tried to find a house in London.

Unfortunately, a veil hangs over the sojourn of the Benezet family in and around London during the years i 7 I 5 _ i 7 3 i > an< ^ only meager information concerning their life about the E n g 1 1 . William Savery, 1 7 5 0 - 1 8 0 4 , an eminent Quaker of Philadelphia. 1 2 . Francis R . Taylor, Life of William Savery, New York, 1 9 2 5 , p. 2 5 1 .

ANTHONY BENEZET

i6

lish capital is available. From the list of naturalizations published by the Huguenot Society of London we learn that John Stephen, to give him his English name, and his brother James were naturalized by Act of Parliament in March 1726, thereby becoming British subjects. 13 W e know, too, that John Stephen Benezet succeeded in acquiring wealth as a merchant in E n g land. A descendant of the Benezet family 1 4 assured the author that he had always understood that John Stephen was very successful in his business affairs during his stay in London. This statement is supported by the fact that when he came to Philadelphia the merchant immediately purchased one thousand acres of land and a house which was one of the best-built brick residences in the city, at a time when most of the dwellings were built of logs. W h i l e the Benezets were living in England, Anthony received an education that was deemed sufficient for mercantile business. Benjamin Rush, a friend of the family, writing in 1798, states that Anthony was placed in early life in a countinghouse, but finding commerce opened temptations to a worldly spirit, he left his master, and bound himself by the old form of indenture to a cooper. His frail constitution, however, was not equal to the task, and the bent of his mind was clearly toward spiritual things. 15 According to Roberts Vaux, Anthony Benezet joined the Society of Friends in England at the age of fourteen years, but there appears to be no reliable authority for such a statement. W e arrive at the approximate truth when we accept the declaration contained in the advertisement of Some Historical Account of Guinea, page 10, which reads: "Soon after his arrival in America he joined in profession with the people called Quakers." 1 6 13. N a t u r a l i z a t i o n A c t s ( A b r a h a m L i n d b e r g , 13 G e o r g e I, N o . 13, and P e t e r Lapierre, 2 G e o r g e II, N o . 1 ) . 14.. W i l l i a m J. H o l l a n d , Pittsburgh, P e n n s y l v a n i a , n o w deceased. 15. Benjamin

Rush,

Essays,

Literary,

Moral

and

Philosophical,

Philadelphia,

p. 302. 16. A n t h o n y Benezet, Some

Historical

Account

of Guinea,

London,

1788.

1806,

JEAN E T I E N N E BENEZET

THE DRAMATIC EXODUS

17

It has been suggested 17 that an intimate relationship existed between the Benezets and the famous French historian and philosopher, Voltaire, based upon the assumption that the "Benezet" of the firm of Simon & Benezet, Voltaire's agents in London, was none other than John Stephen Benezet. It is true that Voltaire lived for a time in the village of Wandsworth, six miles from London, where many French refugees were engaged in the manufacture of silk and scarlet dyeing. Moreover, in 1 7 2 4 , he boarded with a scarlet dyer near the Friends' school at Wandsworth, kept then by schoolmaster John Kuweidt. In this village dwelt the family of Benezet for a number of years 5 in fact, a daughter, Susanne, was born at Wandsworth in the year 1 7 1 7 , and two years later Pierre was baptized in the church there 5 further, the family resided for fifteen years within a distance of ten miles from the village, and still further, it is highly probable that Anthony Benezet was a pupil at the famous school and was subject to the gracious influence of the active Society of Friends which supported the school. But there is no conclusive evidence available to support Miss Philips' theory of the close association of Voltaire and Benezet, and rather than accept a perilous crutch we content ourselves with the unqualified statement that during the sixteen years spent in the great metropolis there were born unto John Stephen and Judith Benezet ten children, five girls and five boys, each birth record in the family book ending with a pious invocation like unto this first: Marianne, born at London, England, July 7, 1 7 1 6 , married Jacob Lischy; died October 7, 1 7 7 8 . " M a y God bless this child and grant her grace to profit by the good instruction which they receive abundantly in this fortunate country of liberty." Susanne, born at Wandsworth, July 22, 1 7 1 7 ; married John Christopher Pyrlaeus, died October 8, 1779. Pierre, 18 born at London, May 6, 1 7 1 9 ; died May 23, 1 7 1 9 . 1 7 . Edith Philips, The Good Quaker in French. Legend, Philadelphia, 1 9 3 2 , p. 47. 18. The records of the Wandsworth church show that Pierre was baptized there May 10, 1 7 1 9 , and that his parents, like other Huguenots, were "guests" in the English church.

18

ANTHONY

BENEZET

James, born at Chelsea, August 26, 1 7 2 1 ;

married Ann Hasell;

died May 16, 1 7 9 4 . Philip, born at London, November 6, 1 7 2 2 ; married Sarah Ayies; died October 1 3 , 1 7 9 1 . Daniel, born at London, December 26, 1 7 2 3 ; married Elizabeth North; died April 24, 1 7 9 7 . Madelaine, born at London, January 1 5 , 1 7 2 4 / 5 ; died January 1 2 , 1726/7.19 Gertrude, born at London, March 5, 1 7 2 6 / 7 ; died May 28, 1 7 2 8 . Jean, born at London, February 6, 1 7 2 7 / 8 ;

died February

10,

1727/8. Elizabeth, born at Hoxton, June 1 2 , 1 7 3 0 ;

died December 2 3 ,

1730.20

By the exercise of the spirit of industry and perseverance John Stephen Benezet was able to redeem his financial position in England, yet he had no desire to remain there permanently. His son Anthony later declared: " M y father wished to get out of the way of all hierarchy." 21 In those days many Huguenots in Europe were turning their faces toward the new world and, sharing their vision and hope, John Stephen and his large family followed others in seeking a sea gate to America. They arrived in Philadelphia, a city famous in the history of the colonies as a place of refuge for the persecuted and oppressed of the old world, in the month of November, 1 7 3 1 , the worst year of a terrible epidemic of smallpox. 1 9 . U n t i l 1 7 5 2 , the official y e a r began M a r c h 2 5 . H e n c e f o r the period J a n u a r y M a r c h 2 5 it was customary to write both years in this style: 1 7 2 6 / 7 .

1 to

2 0 . I t w a s the custom of the time to h a v e the children baptized within a f e w days of their birth. T h e h e a v y death toll (seven children died out of fourteen born within the years 1 7 1 0 and 1 7 3 0 ) was not unusual in that day. S t r a n g e , h o w e v e r , is the f a c t that the last four children died in i n f a n c y . 2 1 . See page 4 5 6 .

Ill

T h e Family Transplanted in America 1 find, being much amongst the buyer and seller rather a snare to me, as I am of a free> of en disposition. 1 had rather be otherwise

emfloyed,

and more retired and quiet. ANTHONY

BENEZET

W

H E N in 1731 John Stephen Benezet and his family of seven children arrived in Philadelphia, then the largest city in the Colonies, and a miniature world of nationalities and languages, they readily adjusted themselves to the ways of the new world. Three of the sons, James, Philip, and Daniel, born with an instinct for big business, were soon engaged in exporting peltry and other merchandise, and importing dry goods and sundries from London. Even before they had attained their majority, advertisements appeared in the Pennsylvania Gazette similar to this: "September 15, 1743,—Merchandise for Sale— Just imported from London, and to be sold by James and Daniel Benezet at their store on Pemberton's Wharf." The father "embraced the religious principles of the people called Quakers" in London, 1 and was later acknowledged as a member of the Society of Friends in Philadelphia, but he did not long remain in their fellowship, for we find in the Records of the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting this solemn item: 27th o f the 3rd month, 1 7 4 3 , Cadwallader Foulke acquainted this Meeting that Stephen Benezet had been lovingly spoke to respecting his declining to attend our Religious Meetings . . .

he had joined himself in the Society of the M o -

ravians.

As a matter of fact, the Huguenot merchant had become interested in the Moravian Brethren during his sojourn in England, where he had formed the acquaintance of Peter Boehler.2 1. Poetical 2. Peter

Epistle Boehler,

to the Enslaved 1712-1775,

a

Africans, Moravian

Philadelphia, 1790, p. 18. bishop

and

missionary

to

Carolina

and

20

ANTHONY BENEZET

That interest was deepened by the visit of Spangenberg, founder of the Moravian Church in America, who in the year 1736 stayed for a time at the Benezet home. His interest was still further intensified by Count Zinzendorf,3 who came to Philadelphia on December 6, 1 7 4 1 , and remained until the next spring, inspired with the Utopian idea of uniting all Protestant denominations into a Christian Confederacy—plans so advanced that in the opinion of Kalm 4 many Englishmen of rank thought that Brother Ludwig was disordered in his head. The distinguished visitor enjoyed the hospitality of the Benezet home while improvements were being made in the commodious threestory building rented at that time by the Moravians, and there gave the most important address of his American tour on the principles and methods of that particular sect. The address was printed and circulated throughout the Colonies, entitled The Pennsylvania Testament of Zinzendorf, Buedingen, 1744. Besides, glimpses of the Benezet home reveal a deep attachment to the Moravian Brethren. In 1742, Susanna, Anthony's sister, was married to John Christopher Pyrlaeus, one of the first missionaries sent to America through the help of the Society for the Furtherance of the Gospel, founded in London by Spangenberg in 1 7 4 1 ; and in the same year another sister, Judith, was married to David Bruce, a Scotchman, who became a Moravian missionary to the Indians at Wechquadnach in February 1749, but died in July of the same year. Still another sister, Marianne, born in London, July 7, 1 7 1 6 , married a minister, John Jacob Lischy, of the Swiss Reformed Church. H e was ordained in 1743 by Bishop Nitschmann. In the year 1743, when a Moravian congregation was organized in Bethlehem, John Stephen Benezet and his three daughGeorgia. He was ordained as a Moravian minister by Count Zinzendorf in 1 7 3 7 , and in 1 7 4 2 was appointed Bishop of the Moravian churches in America. The New International Encyclopedia, I I I , 448. 3. Count Zinzendorf (Brother Ludwig), 1700—1760, restorer of the sect of Moravian Brethren. He renounced the rank and title of Count Zinzendorf on M a y 26, 1 7 4 2 , at the home of Governor Thomas. J o h n Stephen Benezet and Benjamin Franklin were present. Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, V I , 1 5 0 . 4. Pehr K a l m , Travels

into North

America.

T w o volumes, 1 7 7 0 , Warrington.

T H E F A M I L Y IN

AMERICA

21

ters, Susanna, Judith, and Marianne, were admitted as communicants.5 The father was appointed the first treasurer,6 and the three daughters assisted in the Singstunden (Services of Song). When the need of a printed catechism for the Brethren arose, the cost was met by this significant advertisement which appeared on the title-page: ZU IN

HABEN

PHILADELPHIA

BEY STEPHEN

BENEZET.

A constantly increasing number of vessels were arriving from Europe and the West Indies, carrying letters for the growing population at Bethlehem and the vicinity. A weekly post and express was therefore established in the year 1742, and John Stephen Benezet was appointed to manage the affairs at Philadelphia, with a service scheduled to leave Bethlehem every Monday and Philadelphia every Wednesday. In 1743, he gave notice in the Pennsylvania Gazette that he intended to give up trading, and with his family went to live in Germantown, Pennsylvania, where he became interested in public affairs. He accepted the office of a trustee of the Charity School7 erected for the instruction of poor children gratis in useful literature and the knowledge of the Christian religion. He died in 1 7 5 1 , greatly mourned by the entire community. It was not without emotion that John Smith wrote this formal statement. 3rd day 1st mo. 1 7 5 1 M . Lightfoot & I rode together to Stenton, and from thence to Germantown to the burial of John Stephen Benezet, at which there was a great number of people.8

Rev. Gilbert Tennent, for twenty years minister of the Second 5. Abraham Ritter, The History of the Moravian Church in Philadelphia, 1857. 6. The statement !n Stapleton's Memorials of the Huguenots, page 49, that John Stephen Benezet was the first treasurer of the city is incorrect. 7. This school later became the College of Pennsylvania and eventually the University of Pennsylvania. 8. Albert Cook Myers, ed., Hannah Logan's Courtship, Philadelphia, 1904.

22

ANTHONY

BENEZET

Presbyterian Church of Philadelphia, preached the funeral sermon, but Christopher Sower, who was present at the services, resented the assertion of the clergyman that Stephen Benezet was a Presbyterian. In his newspaper for April 16, 1751, referring to the death and burial, he made this acid comment: "G.T."—meaning Gilbert Tennent—"preached a very shallow sermon at the grave, proclaiming that Benezet had died a Presbyterian, believing this to be the only way to salvation." Contradicting Tennent's assertion about Benezet, Sower declared that he died as one loving all true believers in all parties.9 In the Old Hood Cemetery, situated at the northeast corner of Logan Street and Germantown Avenue, Germantown, the graves of John Stephen Benezet and Judith Benezet may still be found, side by side. On the tombstone of one is the inscription: Here lyeth the body of John Stephen Benezet of Philadelphia, merchant, who departed this life in Germantown the 1st day of April 1 7 5 1 Aged 68 years.

And on the other are the words: Here lyeth the body of Judith Benezet widow of John Stephen Benezet late of the city of Philadelphia Merchant, who departed this life the 4th Day of September 1765 Aged 72 years.

The salient traits of character which first dwelt in John Stephen and Judith Benezet—the friendliness, charity, and benevolence of the father, and the culture and intelligence of the mother—dwelt richly also in their son Anthony. 10 His young spirit was impressed with the solemnity of mortal existence. The frivolity of others he looked upon severely, and, as he came into close contact with human suffering and injustice, the 9. E d w a r d W . Hocker, Germantown,

1683-1933,

p. 142. W . J . H o l l a n d ' s

conviction

was that John Stephen died in the f u l l communion of the M o r a v i a n Church. 10. In 1 7 4 7 , John Smith wrote in his diary: " B r o u g h t home the five volumes of Jewish Spy. L e n t them to A n t h o : Benezitt for his m o t h e r . " N o t e — a t the age of 54 she was e n j o y i n g five volumes of a philosophical, critical correspondence.

THE FAMILY IN AMERICA

23

laughter of the world appeared unto him unseemly. He grew up with a strong vein of piety. His first five years in the new world were fumbles along the road. For a time he stood at the crossroads of a professional and business career, then drifted aimlessly along as does an autumn leaf. He started out to use the mercantile training he had received in England in buying and selling commodities, trading with a group of Friends, including the Barneys" of Nantucket and Newport, receiving from them candles and oil and sending them in return chocolate, books, and dry goods 5 but he found such an occupation uncongenial. Unlike most young men, starting out in a new world, he steadily rejected every opportunity of a lucrative position in an effort to find himself. In the meantime, he was "well recommended to the Quakers of Philadelphia by divers Friends," and though there is no record of his reception into membership, either by conviction or birth or certificate from another Meeting, he zealously labored for nearly fifty years in that fellowship of Christians, distinguished for their integrity and incomparable human sympathy. Very likely, soon after the arrival of the family in Philadelphia, John Stephen and his son Anthony were informally recognized as members of the Society because of their attendance at Meetings. Already a British subject, but desirous of sharing the privileges of the natural-born citizens of Great Britain enjoyed within the province of Pennsylvania, Benezet was naturalized in the year 1735. But the most important event of those years was the marriage by which he was united to Joyce, the daughter of Samuel and Mary Marriott, of Burlington, New Jersey, a simple, wise, and sweet damsel of twenty-two summers, whose piety, ready sympathy, and open-handed hospitality hallowed and gladdened his home for almost half a century. The two lovers ap1 1 . I n 1 7 5 4 Catherine P a y t o n speaks of Sarah B a r n e y as " a religious y o u n g w o m a n of the island of N a n t u c k e t w h o had come to P h i l a d e l p h i a to spend some time among Friends there. . . . Friends.

She w a s not in the m i n i s t r y . " She was an active member of the Society of

24

ANTHONY

BENEZET

peared before the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting on the 26th day of the 1st month (March) 1736, and, according to rule, "declared their intentions of marriage with each other." The declaration of their purpose was reiterated on the 30th day of the 2nd month (April), and "there being nothing to obstruct their proceedings, the Meeting leaves them to their liberty to consummate their said intentions." Quakers were very zealous in their oversight of marriages, and nuptial rites consummated without this procedure were termed disorderly, so on the 13th day of the 3rd month ( M a y ) , when duly prepared and properly vouched for by members of both families—Stephen, Judith, Philip, James, Susanna, and Daniel Benezet, and Thomas, Mary, and Anna Marriott—and forty-one others being present, Anthony Benezet and Joyce Marriott were united in holy matrimony. Even before her marriage Joyce Marriott was a serviceable minister among the Friends, and was so recognized by the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting: ye 29th eight mo. 1 7 3 1 , Joyce Marriott, who for sometime appeared in publick Testimony amongst us, might be admitted to sit in the Meeting of Ministers and Elders, the Meeting consents thereto.

She belonged to an old established Pennsylvania Quaker family, being the granddaughter of Griffith Owen, who was respected in his day as a Quaker preacher, a physician, and a statesman. Many records testify to the ministry she wrought as "sound, lively and edifying" 3 she is granted certificates to visit "in gospel love" Friends at Newport, Rhode Island, with Sarah Morris, and on Long Island with Mary Peasley. And John Smith reports: 17th 3rd mo. 1748. I was at M t g . Sarah C o x spoke; afterwards Michael Lightfoot preach'd & Joyce Benezitt prayed. 12

Her Family Bible, now in the possession of Haverford College, supplies the following genealogical information: 12. Myers, ed.( Hannah Logan's

Courtship.

THE

FAMILY

IN A M E R I C A

25

Children born o f Samuel and M a r y Marriott: Joyce Marriott, born 18th 8 month, 1 7 1 0 , died six weeks a f t e r . Sarah Marriott, born 10th 8 month, 1 7 1 1 , died 26th 7 month, 1 7 7 0 . Joyce Marriott, born 3rd 12 month, 1 7 1 3 . M a r y Marriott, born 3 1 s t 10 month, 1 7 1 5 , died 17th 3 month, 1727. Samuel Marriott, father o f the above, died 20th 6 month, 17 1 7 . M a r y Marriott, mother o f the above, married 12th 2 month, 1 7 2 0 . Isaac Williams had five children; died 28th 7 month, 1 7 4 8 , aged " b y her account" 57 years.

D i d the wedding festivities on this occasion equal those held later on a beautiful spring day at the Benezet home, described in a happy, high-hearted vein by François, Marquis de BarbéMarbois? Y o u are surely interested in my friend Benezet, and you will be happy to know I paid him a visit this morning. Nothing could be more simple and clean than his house. T h e r e was numerous company.

A

young person beautiful as an angel w a s seated in the salon, and she was dressed with neatness, simplicity, and I should say with elegance, if this term were not offensive to the Q u a k e r ears. H e r hair had not been tortured by the coiffure;

it was drawn back behind her head without

powder and covered with a little gauze cap o f an extraordinary shape. She wore a gray satin dress, and her white hands and arms were covered neither by muslin nor by lace. I have never seen a fresher tint, nor more composed, sweeter features, nor a more modest air. T h e Quaker ladies are not submitted at all to the empire o f mode. T h e f o r m o f their fure

coif-

and dress never changes. I assure you that the charms o f M a d e -

moiselle Norris 1 3 are all her o w n , and she owes nothing to art. She did not rise when I entered, no more than did any o f the others, and, as all the seats were occupied, I w a s f o r a moment out o f countenance. " C o m e , f r i e n d , " said the young lady, " c o m e sit thee here on the same chair as I . " T h e r e was only room there f o r one, and I hesitated a moment to do such a novel thing. Nevertheless the offer was made with such good grace that, led as if by an involuntary movement, I w e n t and took my place beside her. T h e n they brought us refreshments. 13. Undoubtedly Deborah Norris, 1 7 6 1 - 1 8 3 9 . daughter of Charles and M a r y Norris. She was married to D r . G e o r g e L o g a n on September 20, 1 7 8 1 .

(Parker)

26

ANTHONY

BENEZET

" W i l t thou not drink a glass of punch?" the servant asked me, as she presented it to the company. I drank some, and had hardly put my glass back on the tray when the young lady took it and drank after me. I was in astonishment over all these preferences, but while I was reflecting in what could be the cause, an old man 1 4 entered, and Mademoiselle relinquished to him half of the chair which she occupied with me, and retired, without the newcomer making the slightest effort to retain her. I saw at the same time that everybody drank from the same glass; it is a very ordinary custom, above all among the Quakers. 15

Anthony Benezet had found a wife, but had not yet started a career. H e was still groping through a mist of indecision. H e was no ethereal visionary: he just lived from year to year, storing accumulated energy and experience, and hoping that his chance might come. Three years after his marriage, he left Philadelphia for Wilmington in the state of Delaware, to engage in a branch of manufacture. In the Minutes of the Friends' Monthly Meeting, "held at ye Center, 4th of 6th month, 1739," appears this record: Anthony Benezatt produced a Certificate f o r himself and w i f e from Philadelphia Monthly Meeting of their orderly conversation, diligent attending Meetings & her ministry acceptable which was read and received.

The manufacturing experiment failed in six months; he returned to Pennsylvania, and appeared in the next year at Abington Monthly Meeting with another certificate of recommendation for himself and his wife. 16 Their membership remained at Abington until the year 1743, during which period he expressed his dislike for a business career, in a letter to Sarah Barney: " I find being much amongst the buyer and seller rather a snare to me, as I am of a free, open disposition. I had rather be otherwise employed, and more retired and quiet." 17 The employment he conscientiously sought was one through which he might influence for good the youth of his day, hence 14. T h e old man was A n t h o n y Benezet. 15. Eugene P . Chase, Our Revolutionary 16. Minutes

of Abington

1 7 . Friends'

Miscellany,

Monthly

Forefathers,

Meeting,

New York,

31st of 1st mo. 174.0.

V o l u m e I I I , N o . 3, tenth month, 1832.

1929.

THE FAMILY IN AMERICA

27

he brushed aside with disdain the allurements of the world. Frustrated desire was tinged with sorrow. Twice the sun of happiness broke through the clouds, only to be lost again in domestic shadows when on August 21, 1737, "at eleven of ye clock at night," a daughter, Mary, was born, but died July 12, 1738, and five years later, "Anthony, a son, was born ye 16th of June, 1743, at about one of ye clock," but "died ye 22nd of ye same month.'" 8 Certain it is that these bitter experiences increased his solicitude for children, especially the poor and the unfortunate, and when the opportunity to teach the youth of Germantown in the year 1739 presented itself, it was like reaching port after stormy seas. This school at Germantown was opened on December 30, 1701, and Anthony Benezet succeeded the learned Francis Daniel Pastorius, the school's first master.19 In his spare time, Anthony Benezet was proof reader at the shop of Christopher Sower, who came over to America as a tailor, but assumed the roles of printer, apothecary, surgeon, botanist, clock- and watch-maker, cabinetmaker, bookbinder, newspaper publisher, manufacturer of his own tools, wire and lead drawer, and paper maker. H e was an interesting character. His surname was changed with every eclipse of the sun—it was Saur, then Sauer, later anglicized into Sower, and finally appeared as Sowers on his naturalization papers, February 14, 1729/30. 20 Importing a printer's outfit from Germany, he set up his press in Germantown in the year 1731, though he himself was not a printer, had little education, and had no experience in revising or correcting proof-sheets. H e published tracts, almanacs, and books, issued the first Colonial Bible in a foreign language, and printed as early as 1739 the first successful German newspaper in America—Der Hoch Deutsch Pennsylvanische Geschickt Schreiber, oder Sammlung Wichtiger Nachrichten aus der Natur und Kirchen-Reich " Doubtless Anthony 18. Copied f r o m t h e fly-leaf of J o y c e Benezet's Bible, n o w in possession of H a v e r f o r d College, H a v e r f o r d , Pennsylvania. 19. Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. P h i l a d e l p h i a , 1877, V I , 280. Also E d w a r d W . H o c k e r , Germantown, 1683-1933, p. 80. 20. E d w a r d W . H o c k e r , Germantown, 1683-1933, p. 7521. " T h e H i g h G e r m a n P e n n s y l v a n i a R e c o r d e r of E v e n t s , or Collection of I m p o r t a n t

28

ANTHONY BENEZET

Benezet's occupation in that newspaper office served as a useful school for literary practice—invaluable in the way of accuracy of thought, expression, punctuation, and writing—just as the lessons learned at the composing desk furnished Benjamin Franklin with his admirable English. The Germantown preparatory experiment continued for three years and proved to be the threshold leading to a wonderful career as teacher in the Friends' English School of Philadelphia, now known as the William Penn Charter School." Here, associated with some of the most eminent, pious, and learned men of the community, he became the gentle schoolmaster, whose beautiful character, illumined by kindliness, modesty, and gentleness, shed luster everywhere for the next forty years. N e w s f r o m the R e a l m of N a t u r e and the C h u r c h , " M . G . Brumbaugh, History man Baptist Brethren in Europe and America, 1899, p. 34.5. 22. One of the oldest free public schools in A m e r i c a , opened in chartered in 1 6 9 7 .

of the

1689 and

Ger-

formally

IV

T h e Gentle Schoolmaster I desire to verify in myself in all cases, the doctrine of one of the cofies I use in my school: Just be thy thoughts, and all thy words sincere; And know no wish, but what the world may hear. ANTHONY

BENEZET

T

O teach youth was the beginning of wisdom for Anthony Benezet, and the assurance of wholesome instruction for a multitude of pupils. T h e experience at Germantown ( 1 7 3 9 1 7 4 2 ) had laid the foundation of a useful career. H e was now nine and twenty years of age, and his mind was so completely permeated with a sense of the importance of his high calling that when he learned of a vacancy in the Philadelphia Public School (English) he eagerly submitted his proposals. H e was willing in addition to the meager curriculum of reading, writing, arithmetic, and accounts, to teach the French language, and to introduce the German language "so far as that the learner might read, and perfectly understand the Bible, and talk it so as to be inabled to buy, sell & talk of common things," but conscious, perhaps, of his own limitations, he "would not undertake to teach anyone the whole variation of the nouns and irregular verbs." Then, to offer good measure, pressed down and running over, he added: " I also have some knowledge of mensuration v i z in measuring timber, brick work, land, & gaging, but I will not engage to teach anything but what I seem assured I can bring to perfection." 1 From the oft-turned leaves of the original School Records 2 we glean the following: Meeting of the Overseers of the Publick School, 27th 11 mo: 1742. Present

Saml. Preston

Cadwr. Foulke

Anthony Morris

John Dilwin

1. Letter dated I I , 24, 1742. Manuscript in P e n n Charter School Archives. 2. F r o m Records

of William

Perm

Charter

Company, Chestnut Street, Philadelphia.

School

deposited with the P r o v i d e n t T r u s t

ANTHONY

3°

BENEZET

Saml. Powell

John Kinsey

Israel Pemberton

John Reynell

John Bringhurst

Isl. Pemberton, Jr.

Israel Pemberton, Jr. produced some proposals from Antho. Benezett, who is willing to undertake to teach writing, Arithmetick, Accots., the French Language, and it is agreed that Isrl. Pemberton do acquaint the said Antho. Benezet, that the Overseers are willing to allow him the use of the School, and the sum of F i f t y Pounds out of the Publick Stock f o r one year in consideration of his teachg fifteen poor children, and if the said Anthony is willing to engage on those terms to desire him to attend at our next meeting wch. is to be on the 31st inst. in the evening.

T h e applicant presented himself at the appointed hour, and willingly undertook the work on the terms proposed. The wisdom of his course was justified by events, since he had the satisfaction of supplying the scribe with the following resolution at the end of the first year: Anthony Benezet being willing to keep the school another year on the terms agreed with him last year, the Overseers present unanimously agree to his continuance on those terms.

Three versatile schoolmasters had previously made signal contributions to education in Pennsylvania. One genius was Francis Daniel Pastorius, burgher, lawgiver, schoolmaster, scrivener, and writer of both prose and verse, who taught first for twenty years in the Friends' School in Philadelphia and then for another twenty years in Germantown. H e lived in a small house, which he and his hired man built half under and half above the ground. This was the humble abode where W i l liam Penn read with quite a little amusement the inscription over the door: Parva domus, sed arnica bonis, -procul este -projam, which has been freely translated, "Small is my house, but open to good men and closed to the evil." 3 Another was David James Dove, 4 the academy scholar and poet, whose "temper 3. Sidney G . Fisher, The

Quaker

Colonies,

N e w H a v e n , 1 9 1 9 , p. 2 1 .

4. It is said that he occasionally sent out boys as truant officers, carrying a lantern and candle in the daytime and r i n g i n g a bell to find absent scholars and bring them shame to school. See W a t s o n ' s Annals,

1845, II, 358.

with

GENTLE SCHOOLMASTER

31

was that of a hawk, and whose pen was the beak of a falcon pouncing on innocent p r e y " ; and the third was Christopher D o c k , " t h e Schoolmaster of the Skippack" who, faithful to his task in the old Mennonite l o g church, not only taught two schools, but cultivated a farm, and at the same time introduced novel notions in the way of school discipline. H i s

Schul-Ord-

nungy completed in 1 7 5 0 but not published till 1769, would receive the endorsement of many a modern educator. It is impossible now to appreciate f u l l y the services rendered by those instructors of youth, who in the l o n g ago had to push back inflexible

frontiers.

Benezet's

contribution

to the school and education

was

unique. A s a teacher he performed his duty with flawless precision, but he also brought to the task a tolerant mind and an affectionate heart. H e was a believer in loving-kindness, practising gentleness and love at a time when school discipline was exceedingly severe. M o r e o v e r , there was a sad dearth of competent instructors. " A n y person of tolerable morals," complained A n t h o n y Benezet, " w h o can read and write is esteemed sufficiently qualified for a schoolmaster." W o r s e yet, the success of the teacher then was measured by his ability to crack the whip of discipline or wield a bundle of well-seasoned rods. T h e c l i c h é — " S p a r e the rod and spoil the c h i l d " — w a s accepted as an infallible maxim. O n e writer states that " i t was common practice to make the boy strip off the jacket, to be hoisted on a boy's back, and get his whipping on his shirt at the breach, and the girls were obliged to take off their stays to receive their floggings." 5 Less severe punishment was not considered efficacious. L e t not our Jeremiahs, who bewail the passing of the good old days, imagine that the eighteenth-century youths were virtuously only a little lower than the angels! T h e old people of Anthony Benezet's day could have written a book of lamentations on that subject. C a l l i n g to remembrance their own boyhood days, they unblushingly testified that the young then were much more reserved than the succeeding generation. " B a s h f u l 5. John F. W a t s o n , Annals

of Philadelphia,

1857, I, 292.

32

ANTHONY BENEZET

ness and modesty were regarded as virtues, and the present freedom before the aged was not tolerated then." In their day, "young lovers listened and took sidelong glances when old persons were present." It is known that Friend William Savery was appointed by the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting in 1759 "to prevent the rudeness of the Boys at Evening Meeting in the Galleries and to hire Constables to attend at the Doors to prevent Disturbances there." 6 And Kalm, the Swedish traveler, on a visit to Philadelphia in 1770, was mortified to find that a congregation of Moravians and German Reformed in the city were obliged to desist from their nightly meetings in a house on Allen's Lot, because some boys in delirious fun "disturbed them by an instrument sounding like the cuckoo, and this they used at the end of every line when they sang their hymns." 7 Even the gravely disciplined boys at the William Penn Charter School were inclined to levity and mirth, as Robert Proud, historian and teacher, had reason to believe. It must have been an edifying spectacle to see this dignified Latin master in his attempts to enforce upon pupils decorum and obedience to rules which forbade keeping company with the rude boys of the town, and required regular attendance at Meetings on the Fifth day of each week. It is recorded that one day his large wig, as far out of date then as a flowing beard is up to date now, became the object of an interesting experiment in the classroom. Unruly pupils bored a hole through the ceiling over his accustomed place at the desk, dropped down a pin hook on a cord, and proceeded to draw up the wig, holding it in mid-air, as though the law of gravitation had temporarily suspended operation.8 When Anthony Benezet began his formidable task, he taught eight hours a day and six days a week, excepting Saturday afternoons, in a dilapidated school building which was fast slipping into past history. It had stood on Fourth Street below Chestnut Street for more than half a century, and its lack of light and 6. Francis R . Taylor, Lije of William 7. Watson, Annals, 1 8 8 7 , I, 4 5 5 .

Savery,

1750—1804, p. 14. 8. Watson, Annals,

1 8 4 5 , I , 282.

GENTLE

SCHOOLMASTER

33

ventilation tested the patience of the progressive teacher, so he complained to the Board: O n the 26th day 5 mo: 1 7 4 4 , seven of the Overseers mett Anthony Benezet who requests that a window be fix'd on the South side of the School House room, which at present is subject ( f o r want of one) to the inconveniences of great heat in Summer and of being too dark in winter, the Overseers present are unanimously of opinion that he should be allowed to gett a window fixt there.9

Extensive repairs were unnecessary, however, for in that very year the Overseers decided to provide more illumination for the increasing number of pupils by the erection of a new schoolhouse on the Forrest property at the southeast corner of Fourth and Chestnut streets. This was completed two years later, 1746, at a cost of £794. T h e building measured sixty by thirty-five feet, stood two stories high, and had a basement three feet above the surface of the ground. 10 The dedication of a commodious building and the new ideas of the friendly schoolmaster changed the entire school system. Anthony Benezet disrupted the pattern of conventional thought by discarding rods and rulers as cruel and unnecessary: he renounced old methods of teaching which he felt too often stifled the incentive of the pupil or stultified his natural intelligence. Benezet governed his school by kindness, and his gentleness made him great. The path to reform was open. T o the most unfortunate children his warm heart gave shelter and the anchor of his intimacy, and he instinctively drew them to him as the moon draws the tide. From the beginning of this school an elementary education had been free to the poor—thanks to the commendable spirit of the Quakers—but during the very first year of his teaching so many poor children flocked to the institution like doves to the window that the Overseers were compelled to discriminate, and the following entry shows their action: 9. William

Penn

Charter School

Records.

the morning for seven months of each year. 10. Penn Charter School Minutes, I, 56.

Note—the school opened at seven o'clock in

34

ANTHONY

BENEZET

I I month the 26th day, 1 7 4 3 , It is agreed that hereafter before the admission of any such scholars, their names be notify'd to the Overseers at their Monthly Meeting, in order that they may notify their approbation. 11

Two of these scholars decided one day to test the temper and principles of Anthony Benezet at school. They constructed a pillory, in which they placed a living mouse. To this instrument of torture they attached the following lines: I stand here, my honest friends, F o r stealing cheese and candle-ends.

They deposited the mouse upon the desk in the schoolroom before the morning session. All the pupils were informed of the plan, and all eagerly awaited the result upon the teacher. Silence reigned. Anthony Benezet, gazing on the unfortunate prisoner, exclaimed, "Poor thing, and who put thee here?" Casting his eyes over the school, he saw the guilt upon the face of two boys—W. D. and S. C. who were requested "to stand on the bench!" What would be the penalty? The offense was grave. Friend Anthony Benezet then said, "Ah, this poor mouse may have taken the cheese and candles without leave, for which most people would have deprived it of its life, but W. D. and S. C. more compassionately put it in this confinement." Then liberating the imprisoned mouse, he added, "Go, poor thing, g o ! " And the emancipated mouse sought refuge hurriedly in a cupboard. But the perpetrators had yet to be punished. The two boys stood with fear and trembling to hear their fate. To the amazement of the class Friend Anthony seized the occasion to teach a lesson of kindness, and finished his admonition by saying, "that as W. D. and S. C. wisely and mercifully imprisoned the mouse, rather than put it to death, they should go out at 4 o'clock that afternoon."" For twelve years Friend Anthony Benezet remained the gen11. Penn Charter School Records, deposited at the Provident Trust Company. 1 2 . See The Friend (Philadelphia), Vol. I V , 1 8 3 1 . T h e story is told by one who knew Anthony Benezet and was intimately acquainted with several of his pupils. Probably W . D . was William Dillwyn, a pupil of the school; who was S. C.f

GENTLE SCHOOLMASTER

35

tie schoolmaster in that school. H e loved children and they loved him. Exercising a simple and na'ive faith, he resembled a gardener who skilfully supervises conditions, allowing the plant to grow according to its own nature} he was like a father, constantly revealing his tender heart; he was an intercessor, pleading the cause of needy cases before a charitable tribunal} he was a wise teacher and a daily dispenser of good. W h a t poignant feeling is in his request that the orphan child, Samuel Boulds, be bound to him that he might look after his schooling, and the further compassionate plea that the Board assume the responsibility of the care of the youth if his teacher should die or leave the school before the lad be grown up! A n d how condescendingly considerate is the request he made that the treasurer advance £5 to enable Thomas Powell, a poor lad, to purchase mathematical instruments and books for the study of the art of navigation! 13 T h e reputation of this quiet man soon reached beyond his school. H i s lofty conception of the teaching profession was far in advance of the times. Through letters, leaflets, articles, and books, all made vivid with the pungent sense of his own experience, he set up high standards. T h e letter he sent in the year 1752 to Schoolmaster W i l l i a m portrays tenderly and magnificently the ideal master} incidentally, it throws a lurid light upon the limitations and deficiencies of the instructors in that day. T h e brief epistle 14 is like a peal of bells in a high tower} its music is celestial} its purity of tone heavenly. It should be required reading for all those who regard teaching merely as a regrettable necessity for a livelihood. Observe Benezet's counsel concerning the exercise of care in writing, then look at the specimen of his own handwriting, as clear and as straight as the script of a medieval missal. 15 T h e discouraged schoolmaster desired some copperplates for his scholars—Benezet replied: " I think thy own writing, if done with care, is sufficiently good for the copies for thy scholars} besides its by writing copies that 13. William

Penn

Charter

14. See pp. 2 0 8 - 2 1 1 .

School

Records. 15• See illustration f a c i n g p. 1 1 4 .

36

ANTHONY BENEZET

thou wilt preserve and improve thy round hand, which is materially necessary in a schoolmaster." Observe his counsel concerning the constant demand for correct reading and spelling: "Oblige them early to speak loud, slow and intelligible, and be sure make them observe the proper stops, it will grow habitual." " I would advise thee, as soon as thou canst spare the money, to buy thee a good dictionary." He further recommended the use of Bailey's Dictionary with an English Grammar at the end j A Young Man's Companion for proper emphasis, and to "break them of those disagreeable tones and habits which they are so apt to contract at school." Early in the year 1745, to live nearer his school, Benezet moved from Germantown to a house formerly occupied by Isaac Zane and owned by the Overseers of the Public Schools. He stayed there eight years, and then in the month of June purchased a house as a permanent residence on Chestnut Street, remaining there until his death in 1784. One of the first brick buildings erected in Philadelphia, situated on the north side of the fashionable Chestnut Street, it had been occupied for a time by the Governor of Bermuda, and was used later as a popular Public House, in which men gathered nightly under the sheltering wings of "The Hen and Chickens."16 Anthony Benezet transformed it into a public benefaction. Near by was Dock Creek, reminiscent and beautiful. It was hither that William Penn with his immediate friends had come in an open boat or barge from Chester in 1682, and, delighted with the situation, decided to build the city of his dreams. Around it lingered the aura of romance. In this cove was born a friendship forever sacred to the memory of mankind between the Indians and the great Quaker, as, according to tradition, they entertained him with roasted acorns and hominy, and he in turn demonstrated before them his athletic superiority.17 How fitting it was that later Benezet, upon whom the mantle of Penn had fallen, should live for thirty years on such a hallowed spot! Possessing a burning passion for human better16. Watson, Annals, 1 8 4 5 , I, 373. 1 7 . Sidney G . Fisher, The Quaker Colonies,

New Haven, 1 9 1 9 , p. 18.

GENTLE

SCHOOLMASTER

37

ment, who was more worthy of so sacred a tradition than he who affectionately called him " O u r Friend W i l l Penn"? A f t e r twelve years of faithful and efficient service in the William Penn Charter School, Anthony Benezet felt the need of change and rest, and Philadelphia's reputation for high temperatures having already been established, a page in the wellpreserved book of Minutes is reached which has this record: 28th day 3rd mo. 1754, Anthony Benezet notifying his intentions of resigning the School under his care sometimes before the hot weather of the ensuing summer, the weakness of his constitution not permitting his constantly continuing so closely confin'd as the service of the school requires.18

Strangely enough, the chronicle of events informs us that in the very next month after his resignation from the Friends' School, he assumed the task, though less onerous, of teaching a girls' school—in all probability the first public school exclusively for girls in America. Watson's Annals19 is the authority for the statement that boarding schools for girls were not known in Philadelphia until about the time of the Revolution. Girls were taught in common with boys, and there were no separate schools even for writing and ciphering. T h e ornamental parts of female education were taught, but "the subjects of geography and grammar were never intended for girls." A careful historian accepts as authoritative the testimony of Friends that "probably the first approach in their girls' school to anything above the mere elements appeared in the program of the school conducted by Anthony Benezet in 1 7 5 4 in which English grammar was taught.'" 0 It is clear that Benezet did not establish this school for girls on his own account, as stated by Vaux in his Memoirs

of An-

thony Benezet. T h e truth is the Society of Friends directed the school, provided the building and equipment, and dictated the 18. Penn

Charter

School

Records,

d e p o s i t e d at t h e P r o v i d e n t T r u s t

19. W a t s o n ' s A n n a l s of P h i l a d e l p h i a P e n n s y l v a n i a , p. 195. 20. J a m e s M u l h e r n , History

Company.

( M S . ) i n D r e e r C o l l e c t i o n , H i s t o r i c a l Society of

of Secondary

Education

in Pennsylvania,

1933, pp- 4 ° 9 f-

38

ANTHONY

BENEZET

rules 5 it is equally certain from the following entry, however, that had it not been for Benezet's interest and proposal the Girls' School would not have been established at that time: 25th day of the 4th mo. 1 7 5 4 , Anthony Benezet now attending & informing the Board that as he is much solicited to keep a morning school f o r teaching girls Reading, Writing, Arithmetick and English Grammar, after some conversation agreed that if he will decline engaging Business which the Board may judge likely to take off his attention to the School, he shall be allowed a salary of £ 8 0 f o r the ensuing year, and that he is not to take more than thirty scholars f o r which he is to demand forty shillings each, the amount of whose schooling he is to acct. for with the Board in part of his salary.

The schoolmaster's quiet, calm disposition, combined with an urbanity of manners—truly a French trait—made him an ideal teacher for girls, but his physical strength was not able to stand the test of this new and important undertaking, even though the sessions were held on mornings only. In spite of an incredible persistence, he was compelled to resign at the close of the first year, as the records tell: 24th day of 4th mon. 1 7 5 5 , Anthony Benezet now notify'd his Intention of resigning the Girls' School under his care when the year expire f o r which agreed, or as near that time as will be agreeable to the Board.

This necessary step brought him bitter disappointment. Like a bird with a broken wing, he hopped from one benevolent activity to another. H e accepted the trust of an Overseer of the Public Schools, in which he was able to render valuable service; then he accepted an invitation to serve in an office which was counted a rare distinction to occupy, that of a manager of the Pennsylvania Hospital in Philadelphia; but his heart was in the task of teaching, and daily he grew more restless. Upon reflection, he chided himself for having resigned from the school, and the drift of his letter to John Smith indicates that the obligation to return weighed heavily upon his soul:

GENTLE

SCHOOLMASTER

39

9th of 12th mo. 1 7 5 7 I am obliged to thee f o r the living geese. I often find more pleasure and instruction f r o m the animal creation than the human; yet perhaps, as thou says, I shall grow tired with them, for experience daily more and more convinces me of my weakness, shortsightedness, and changeableness; witness my having again undertaken the school, although herein I cannot so much charge the instability of old nature, as its love of ease, and an inclination and propensity to do what we should not, and leave undone what we ought to do; f o r I quit the school with some rebuke, and have ever since had a secret uneasiness about it. I have sometimes very much doubted, whether I had any service at all in the creation, except serving self; but if I have any, it is in the education of children. Happy for us, when we know our service, to be willing to keep in it, and not aspire higher. 21

Another letter to John Smith three weeks later discloses the unusual sensibility of his nature and the precautions he adopted to preserve his health. H e was a man of divine pity, and whenever he saw suffering he suffered. Note the effect of the hospital experiences upon him expressed in this amusing assertion and suggestive comment: 2nd of 1st mo. 1758 I f the geese must be slain, I shall choose to be excused from being the executioner, though I can tell thee since I have attended the hospital as one of the managers, I am become so strong by often viewing the wounded patients when dressed by the surgeons, that I think I could assist, if it were needful, in cutting oif a man's leg, much more a goose's head, though I shall scarce ever imbrue my hands in the blood of any creature, having l e f t off eating meat (as abstinence conduces to my health), and made a kind of league of amity and peace with the animal creation, looking upon them as the most grateful, as well as the most reasonable part of God's creatures, with the exception of some honest Burlington Quakers," and others, &c. 23 2 1 . See The

Friend,

Vol. V,

1832, p. 297. A n t h o n y

Benezet resigned f r o m the g i r l s '

school in 1 7 5 5 , but resumed teaching on the 28th of the 10th month,

1757.

22. Reference is to J o h n Smith in particular, w h o at that time lived at Burlington, N e w Jersey. 23. Benezet was elected a m a n a g e r of the P e n n s y l v a n i a 1 7 5 7 , resigning after serving in that office only one year. V o l . V , 1832.

Hospital in Philadelphia For

letter see The

in

Friend,

4o

ANTHONY

BENEZET

The opportunity to return to the Girls' School came after two years' absence through the resignation of Ann Thornton. Fearing the permanent loss of the institution, fired with incendiary ardor, and simply determined the work should continue, he offered his services once more, as explained in this jotting: 28th 10th mo. 1 7 5 7 . A n n Thornton persisted in resigning Girls' School. Anthony Benezet informing the Board that his concern f o r the good of the School engages him to offer his service to keep up the Girls' School on the same terms last proposed to A n n Thornton his proposal is unanimously approved of. T h a t the school be attended six half days in a week excepting only two hours for our usual fifth day meeting and such times as we may consent to allow f o r vacations at our Yearly or other general meetings. T h a t the rate of teaching hereafter be thirty shillings per year, to be paid by the parents or guardians of the pay scholars; and that the Board will pay salary of £20 per year. 24

With a willing heart and a reluctant body Anthony Benezet entered again this school, which soon became famous for its high moral and literary tone: it was patronized by the richest and welcomed by the worthiest citizens. The curriculum was not limited to the mere rudiments, but provided also an elementary knowledge of Latin and French. Pupils of the most honorable families have bequeathed their testimonies to the character and standing of the school. Sally Wister's Journal25 informs us that in this school Sally received instruction in the higher classic and literary studies, and the superbly self-sufficient pupil found time in the classroom for sampler stitching and artistic needlework. A curious and interesting old manuscript at Haverford College was sent by Anthony Benezet to Ann Emlen 26 on her 29th birthday, on the 30th day of the 4th month, 1784, three days before his death. Ann was a pupil in his school, and his interest in her continued through the years. Rebecca Jones,27 24. William.

Penn

Charter

School

25. A l b e r t C o o k M y e r s , Sally

Records.

Wister's

Journal,

Philadelphia, 1902.

26. Manuscript at H a v e r f o r d C o l l e g e , H a v e r f o r d , P e n n s y l v a n i a . 2 7 . A m e l i a M o t t G u m m e r e , The Journal

and Essays of John

Woolman,

1 9 2 2 , p. 544.

GENTLE

SCHOOLMASTER

41

whom the schoolmaster called " R o m p i n g Beck," was another pupil. Under the inspiration of the Benezet school, she became a successful teacher at Drinker's A l l e y , remaining at the post for twenty-three years. Deborah L o g a n (née Deborah N o r ris 28 ), too, has furnished interesting details of the wonderful school. Called " D e b b y " Norris by her lively friend Sally W i s ter, she was so chronically vivacious that Omnipotence itself would have had difficulty in subduing the spirit of mischief in her—that makes her tribute the more worthy. In fond reminiscent mood she describes graphically the school : I w a s f o r many years one o f his scholars, and have o f t e n thought, that even in this age o f improvement, many o f the regulations o f his school might be adopted to a d v a n t a g e ; o f which the f o l l o w i n g practice is a specimen. O n e day o f the week w e wrote w h a t w e called " E x ercises," f o r which purpose papers o f a suitable size were distributed to us neatly marked d o w n the margins on either side with the foot o f the compass, at the distance w e were to rule the lines; when this was perf o r m e d he gave out the subject on which w e were to write, in sentences, which w a s again repeated w h e n all had got through the

first

given, and so continued until the piece was finished. W e then severally presented our papers and stood by him whilst he corrected the spelling and pointing; and w e a f t e r w a r d s wrote it out fair in our copy books. 29

It may be of interest to modern directors of calisthenics to state in passing that 180 years ago Anthony Benezet, concerned for the physical as well as for the mental and spiritual development of his pupils, provided for them light gymnastic exercises: A n d least his pupils should be injured by too strict confinement during school hours, w e were divided into three classes and suffered to go, one class at a time, into a very large apartment adjoining, where abundance o f means w e r e provided f o r means o f recreation and exercise; 28. Deborah N o r r i s , child on Chestnut

1761-1839,

d a u g h t e r of C h a r l e s a n d M a r y N o r r i s . S h e l i v e d as a

Street near A n t h o n y

dressed the f a m o u s R e v o l u t i o n a r y

War

B e n e z e t a n d a t t e n d e d his s c h o o l . T o Journal

her was

of h e r s c h o o l m a t e S a l l y W i s t e r . S h e

i n an i n t e r e s t i n g w a y of c l i m b i n g t h e g a r d e n f e n c e to h e a r t h e d o c u m e n t of t h e

adtells

Declara-

t i o n of I n d e p e n d e n c e r e a d f r o m a s t a g e e r e c t e d n e a r t h e steps of t h e S t a t e H o u s e . See the Journal

of the

Friends'

Roberts Vaux, page

Historical

466.

2 9 . See l e t t e r o n p. 4 6 7 .

Society,

Volume II, N o .

1, 19051

a l s o see h e r l e t t e r to

42

ANTHONY

BENEZET

and he used to be attentive to improve every occasion of passing events to impress us with sentiments of truth, compassion, and charity.

To this school came pupils from distinctly exclusive homes, but so universal was the confidence people had in this teacher's marvelous ability that they actually brought to him the pathetic case of a girl who was deaf and dumb.30 His sensitive heart was moved with sympathy. In the midst of his multitudinous duties he devised plans whereby he could instruct her, and wonder of wonders, after two years of tuition, accompanied by faith and patience and perseverance, she was enabled to share in a degree the fellowship of society denied her by an age which despised such unfortunate children, and sometimes put them to death. At the other end of the social scale is the story told by Deborah Logan of a school fellow who seemed to be perfectly at ease among the girls, though the only boy in the class. It appears that a gentleman of fortune in the West Indies, hearing of the school's good repute, sent his son to be educated there. Much to the delight of the class but much more to the dismay of the schoolmaster, the little fellow appeared at school his first day decked in a gay summer suit, and, it is claimed, carrying a little sword at his side. His attire was soon changed to the more agreeable drab-colored cotton-velvet cloth, similar to that adopted by the teacher and favored by the Quakers. Treated as a companion by the kind schoolmaster, he became proficient in all branches of a useful education—a perfect master of the French language—but owing to the threatening appearances of the Revolutionary War he was sent home before he had finished his training. To his chagrin, in 1766, after teaching for nine years in the Girls' School, Anthony Benezet was compelled through ill health to resign again. The following record bears witness: 29th day 5th mo. 1 7 6 6 Anthony Benezet having some months since informed the Board that his state of health requiring his relaxation f r o m some part of his present 30. Roberts Vaux, Memoirs

of Anthony

Benezet,

p. 18.

GENTLE

SCHOOLMASTER

43

Business and a change of air, and that about this time he has thought of removing to Burlington and he still continuing the same disposition, now resigning his school. 31

It has been suggested that Anthony Benezet was induced to give up his school that he might devote himself entirely to the interests of the Negroes,32 but his solicitude for the youth of his day was so profound that only physical disability could have led him to resign. His letters seem to indicate failing health, mental collapse, and a forced retirement. When the year 1760 dawned—he was but forty-seven years old—he wrote John Smith at Burlington: " W e are already got to ye year 60. It's unaccountable how swiftly time appears to pass away with me. It was not so formerly. O Temporal O Mores!" Two years before his resignation he built a house in Burlington, New Jersey, and expected to reside there, for in the year 1765 he wrote John Smith: " T h y kind care in sending the Five Pounds by William Dillwyn was very acceptable; tho' indeed, in almost any but the present situation my building puts me in, it would not have been necessary."33 And when the house is ready for occupation, he writes this note to Edward Catherall, Burlington, dated November 1 1 , 1764: I herewith send by Boatman a Lock f o r the front Door & a bolt for the back door which the sooner the Carpenter putts on the better, as the doors being left open may cause the Fire to be blown about in the house.34

Six months later, he asked John Smith to consider James Sterling's proposal to take the house at the rate of £ 1 8 , "and if you think well of it, I am willing to let it him at that rate for a year. M . Yarnall will not take it." Twice he wrote his friend John Smith in the year 1765 of his inability to go to Burlington because of the state of his health. According to the Burlington records a certificate was granted Anthony Benezet and his wife, the 27th of the 6th month, 31. W i l l i a m P e n n Charter School M S Records. 32. Roberts Vaux, Memoirs of Anthony Benezet, p. 37. 34- See letter on p. 253. 33. See letter on p. 2 6 1 .

ANTHONY

44

BENEZET

1766, from Philadelphia to Burlington, expressing good esteem for them, and especially recommending Joyce as the possessor of the gift of grace in the ministry. Both were well received, and the Meeting recognizing Anthony as an approved elder, appointed him to a similar office in his new sphere of labor. 35 Burlington was the early home of Joyce Benezet, and in the quiet, peaceful surroundings Anthony turned his attention to the preparation of one of his most important works on the vexed question of slavery, A Caution and Warning to Great Britain, which was duly examined and approved by the Y e a r l y Meeting of the Society of Friends in Philadelphia in the year 1766, printed and reprinted often, and distributed in all parts of the world. But even in seclusion he was restless. T o write was good j to teach was better. T h e embers of his zeal were still warm j consequently, after the brief interregnum of nine months the gentle schoolmaster left Burlington and home and wife to return to his fond task of teaching in Philadelphia. T h e School Record continues: 27th of 2nd mo. 1767 Anthony Benezet being returned to reside in this city and now attending and proposing again to keep a morning school for teaching poor girls; after some conversation with him and a consideration of the proposal it is agreed to employ him on £20, to teach twelve poor girls.

" W e are quite easy in our minds here," wrote Benezet to George D i l l w y n , Philadelphia, two months later, though in the same correspondence he admits: " M y school which its with difficulty I keep from being too large imploys far more of my time than I can well spare, the rest being scarce sufficient for small service which will necessarily occurr." 36 H i s interest in the welfare of his pupils was just as keen without as within the school: his pen followed their weal and woe. W h e n George D i l l w y n is about to employ a girl, Benezet presses his claim: 35. M i n u t e s of B u r l i n g t o n M o n t h l y M e e t i n g s . 36. See letter on p. 2 7 1 .

GENTLE

SCHOOLMASTER

45

It gives me much Satisfaction to understand that you have not given up the Thoughts of taking the poor innocent Girl first mentioned; notwithstanding the other is fitter for immediate Business & this has had as yet no instruction, yet was it my own case, I should not doubt one M o ment; but give the poor Girl the preference. 37

A n d when Sarah Dougharty, the widowed daughter of Abraham Shelley, is going to Crosswick to teach a few children, she carries a typical Benezet letter of introduction to a Friend: "as she is a stranger in yr. town & may stand in need of advice I have recommended her to Lissy & M a r y Barker; and doubt not thy kind care." T h e renown of the school increased until Benezet's solicitude for the Negro school forced him to surrender his position in 1782. It is refreshing to observe the vivid impression of a French officer, culled from his diary, dated September 1, 1 7 7 7 , and under the signature of Baron Cromot du Bourg: I met at the house of M . de la Luzerne, M . Benezet, the most zealous Quaker of Philadelphia. I talked with him some time. He seemed to me convinced of the merits of his school of morals, and really a worthy man. 38

Anthony Benezet was also the first noted school teacher of poor Negro children in America. H i s profoundly spiritual nature daily contemplated their natural dullness, their imperfect equipment, and their many mischances. H e discovered that these despised sable-skinned children of Philadelphia were denied the privileges of even a meager learning, and his heart was so moved with compassion toward them that in the year 1750, in addition to his burdensome daily duties, he started an evening school for them in his own home, for twenty years gratuitously taught them the rudiments of education, and provided for them a nursery of piety and virtue. T h e poor must have an education. T h e threshold of his home became to the Negro child the vestibule to a house of understanding, and its hospi37. See letter on p. 276. 38. Pennsylvania

Magazine

t

X V , 3^7*

46

ANTHONY

BENEZET

tality as popular as the street on which it stood, whose walk was then so attractive that it was decreed: Chestnut's fav'rite Street will stand T h e pride and honour of our land. 39

It is said that when Talleyrand, visiting this country, saw the light in Alexander Hamilton's study at midnight, he regarded it as the eighth wonder of the world: here was a man laboring for the support of his family who made the fortune of a nation. But if he could have passed by the home of Anthony Benezet he would have witnessed a much greater marvel. There he would have seen in the dim light furnished by Sarah Barney's spermalty candles40 the unforgettable black faces of children who were living close to want and tragedy—bewildered children left alone without a chart or a star to guide them—eager children receiving from the master's table a few crumbs of an elementary education. Never did a man render greater service in the education of the Negro race than Friend Anthony Benezet! For twenty years, night after night, he carried light into the darkness left over from past centuries, until the proficiency of the pupils under his teaching and his personal testimony of their inherent worth recommended their cause to people everywhere. Attempts to prove that a sable skin cannot possess a rational mind were then fashionable, but the striking testimony of Anthony Benezet is doubtless supported by the important place occupied today by the Negro in literature and art, in song and speech. There is nothing spineless in Benezet's utterance, based upon the experience of many years: I can with truth and sincerity declare, that I have found amongst the negroes as great a variety of talents as amongst a like number of 39. W a t s o n ' s A n n a l s of P h i l a d e l p h i a P e n n s y l v a n i a , p. 1 9 5 .

( M S . ) in Dreer Collection, Historical Society of

40. Sarah Barney informs J o h n P e m b e r t o n in a letter dated the 18th day of the 10th month, 1 7 5 5 : " T h e r e is also a B o x of Spermalety Candels on Board of N a t h a n i e l Coffin out of which I desire thee to deliver to A n t h o n y Benezet 1 5 , and please to accept of the R e m a i n d e r thy self. ( I never saw them but I w r o t e for N e a t clear o n e s . ) " See P e m b e r t o n Papers.

GENTLE

SCHOOLMASTER

47

whites; and I am bold to assert, that the notion entertained by some, that the blacks are inferior in their capacities, is a vulgar prejudice, founded on the pride or ignorance of their lordly masters, who have kept their slaves at such a distance, as to be unable to form a right judgment of them. 41

It was this lover of Negro children who induced the Society of Friends to raise a fund for the building of a large school for their free education. The response to his earnest appeals brought generous gifts; his intimate friends contributed; the Society of Friends in London assisted; and he himself consecrated to the desired object his little fortune. Thus the school for Negro children was erected in the year 1770, with a curriculum including reading, writing, and arithmetic. An eminent historian gives Benezet the whole credit of establishing the Negro school, and asserts that the achievements of that enterprise led the Abolition Society later to establish other schools.42 An engaging chronicle of the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting informs us that the special committee appointed to promote and superintend the new school for the instruction of Negro children secured Moses Patterson as the first teacher.43 The seed sown by the expectant hand of Benezet had fallen into fruitful soil: it began to germinate when the time was ripe. But difficulties soon arose—not from lack of pupils but from lack of teachers. When a master resigned, it was difficult to find a successor, and when on March 1 , 1780, an Act for the Gradual Abolition of Slavery was passed, Benezet, more than any other man of his day, realized the larger responsibility and greater difficulty in the education of the Negroes. It was not enough to set them at liberty: it was necessary to find schoolmasters to instruct them. But where could teachers be found? It was not easy to secure instructors even for the white schools. The wages were very low. On hearing that a young man was coming from England for a schoolmaster's position, Benezet hurriedly wrote the 4 1 . Roberts Vaux, Memoirs of Anthony Benezet, p. 30. 42. Proud'8 Manuscript History of Philadelphia, p. 64. Proud ought to know. He lived at Benezet's house at the time. 43. William Penn Charter School Records.

48

ANTHONY

BENEZET

friend who recommended him this note: "Discourage him! the country people are shamefully penurious. It is uncertain 5 the better he does his duty, so as to bring on the children, so much the sooner is he likely to be out of employ." 44 Then too the petulance of unruly children, the trammels of ignorance, and the reproaches of misguided parents belonged to the station of a schoolmaster. To find qualified teachers for the unhappy blacks was almost impossible. The Negro knew nothing and could know nothing, so people said. In view of the universal prejudice, to teach Negro children was painfully humiliating, irksome, and monotonous, and one discouraged teacher succeeded another. In these unfortunate circumstances Anthony Benezet expressed a desire to assume the responsibility of teaching the school, but the deep concern of his friends prevented it: Philadelphia, 17th 3d mo.

1781.

T h e education of the poor blacks has been so much the object of my consideration that I solicited to be appointed master of the school we have f o r a long time maintained f o r their education, notwithstanding that situation would have been less profitable or in the eyes of most people less honourable than the school I now attend; but my friends from a fear the service would be too arduous or some other cause put me by. I f the place should be vacant I shall renew my application, f o r it has been indeed a matter of concern to me. 45

When in the year 1782 John Houghton relinquished the position of master, the continuation of the school in Willing's Alley seemed hopeless. But Benezet saved the situation. H e could not continue as teacher of the Girls' School and at the same time instruct the Negro children, but his love for the poor and neglected and despised Negroes prompted him to dedicate the last two years of his life unreservedly to their education. With a tender regard for his pupils comparable to that of an old master for his violin he made them his constant care and struck harmonic chords by his loving touch. In addition to the frailties common to a life of three score years and ten, an accident had 4 4 . See letter on p. 3 1 5 .

4 5 . See letter on p. 3 5 2 .

GENTLE

SCHOOLMASTER

49

slightly impaired his vision. On August 6, 1780, he wrote George Dillwyn, of Burlington: A n accident upon one o f m y eyes has f o r some time past been a repeated item o f the weakness o f the human f r a m e ; w h a t a small matter puts us in great disorder & marrs all our so much boasted natural c o m forts. . . .

A grain o f sand will cover one hundred & twenty five thou-

sands, call it only one hundred & twenty five, to me, even then, its w o n d e r f u l that the Machine keeps so long & well together. Surely its Divine Architeck has constructed & supports it f o r some deep purpose. O h the humility, the deep humility which a proper sense of our weakness & utter dépendance upon G o d calls f o r . 4 6

H e had taught the grandmother, mother, and child of the same families, now he returns to spend his last days in the service he so dearly loved. The Negro school, at his suggestion, was removed from the place erected for that purpose, and established for his convenience in his own home on Chestnut Street. He was paid the salary of £ 1 0 0 per annum, plus £20 allowed as rent for the house. The spirit of the man is reflected in his letter of March 5, 1783, addressed to Benjamin Franklin: A f t e r teaching the youth o f this city near f o r t y years, I have solicited & obtained the office o f teacher o f the Black children & others o f that people, an employment which tho' not attended with so great pecuniary advantages as others might be, yet affords me much satisfaction. I know no station in l i f e I should p r e f e r before it. Indeed m y kind friend the object o f slavery is still an object w o r t h y the deepest consideration o f a philosophic mind. 4 7

No artist is required to delineate Friend Anthony and his school. H e was approaching his seventieth birthday, and the travail of his soul had seamed his visage. Nature had not been particularly kind to him. He was far from handsome, as many of his friends testify. Baron Cromot du Bourg described him in this fashion: " H e is small, old and ugly, but his countenance wears the stamp of a peaceful soul and the repose of a good conscience."48 François, Marquis de Barbé-Marbois, pictured 46. See letter on p. 348. 48. See letter on p. 1 3 1 .

47- See letter on p. 387.

5o

ANTHONY BENEZET

him as "a little old man, about eighty years old wearing a long cloak. His white hairs were covered with a gray hat, with a turned-down brim. His worn face had a keen look."49 François Jean Chastellux portrayed him as "an old Quaker, with a diminutive figure and humble and scanty physiognomy."50 But he certainly met the requirements of the national legend by combining a homely exterior with an inner refinement. Many worthy people have lacked physical charm. Professor Boyesen said of George Eliot that if you could by a stretch of the imagination perceive a very sad horse, you would see her face clearly. Vaux states that when a friend of Anthony Benezet expressed a desire to possess his portrait, the schoolmaster replied with his usual French vivacity and picturesqueness, "Oh, no, no, my ugly face shall not go down to posterity!" 51 Vanitas vcmitatuml H e escaped the noisome pestilence of vain publicity, so much so that a diligent search for any kind of photograph of him has yielded only a woodcut, whose art is more antique than the Ark of the Covenant.52 But his unattractive externals did not prevent people from seeing his essentially good nature. His sound emotional and intellectual power, his unassuming and inexhaustible kindness, his effervescent humor and his utter sincerity endeared him to all who knew him. He was wisely human and open-minded. His face was radiant with a light that had the Lord's assurance in it, and his garments were woven of plush, that their service might extend beyond his own use to that of some poor individual. His last thought was for the Negro school, for in 1784 on his deathbed he bequeathed to that institution his little fortune. The estate, with the exception of a few small legacies, was left "to hire and employ a religious minded person or persons to teach a number of negro, mulatto or Indian children to read, write, arithmetic, plain accounts, needle-work, etc."; followed by this suggestion: 49. 50. 51. 52.

See letter on p. 452. See letter on p. 4 5 5 . Roberts Vaux, Memoirs See frontispiece.

of Anthony

Benezet,

p. 1 3 8 .

GENTLE

SCHOOLMASTER

5i

—it is my particular desire, founded on the experience I have had in that service, that in the choice of such tutor, special care may be had to prefer an industrious, careful person of true piety, who may become suitably qualified and would undertake the service for a principle of charity, to one more highly learned not equally disposed.53 This desire for the continuation of a Negro school was crystallized in the erection of Benezet House, which still stands on Locust Street, Philadelphia. Well might Barbe-Marbois ask the question, " W h o could have lived a month in Philadelphia without knowing Anthony Benezet?" The same French officer also paid him this compliment: He would have been able to make a great fortune by trade, but he preferred the profession of schoolmaster, and for more than fifty years his time has been spent in teaching little children to read and write, and in inculcating in them a small number of precepts which seem to me the completest moral catechism which could be offered to their understanding. 54 News of Anthony Benezet's school reached Europe} occasionally financial assistance was given by the Society of Friends in London; but no commendation of the work accomplished could be greater than the superlative praise of J . P. Brissot de Warville, who visited America ( 1 7 8 3 - 1 7 8 8 ) in the interests of Les Amis des Noirs,55 and on returning to France thus described his impressions: There exists, then, a country where the Negroes are allowed to have souls, and to be endowed with understanding capable of being formed to virtue and useful knowledge; where they are not regarded as beasts of burden, in order that we may have the privilege of treating them as such. There exists a country where the Blacks by their virtues and their industry, belie calumnies which their tyrants elsewhere lavish against them; where no difference is perceived between the memory of a black head whose hair is craped by nature, and that of a white one. I have 53. See will on p. 165. 54- See letter on p. 452. 55. A Society organized in P a r i s by Brissot de W a r v i l l e ( i 7 5 4 ~ ' 7 9 3 ) - T o study the conditions of the N e g r o in America was one of the objects of his visit to Philadelphia.

ANTHONY

52

BENEZET

seen, heard, and examined these black children. T h e y read well, repeat f r o m memory, calculate with rapidity. I have seen a picture painted by a young negro who never had a master: it was surprisingly well done. T h e black girls, besides reading, writing, and the principles of religion, are taught spinning, needle-work, &c. and their mistresses assure me, that they discover much ingenuity. T h e y have the appearance of decency, attention, and submission. It is a nursery of good servants and virtuous housekeepers. H o w criminal are the planters of the islands, who f o r m but to debauchery and ignominy, creatures, so capable of being fashioned to virtue! It is to Benezet that humanity owes this useful establishment—to that B E N E Z E T whom Chastellux has not blushed to ridicule, f o r the sake of gaining the infamous applauses of the parasites of despotism. T h e life of this extraordinary man merits to be known to such men as dare to think, who esteem more the benefactors of their f e l l o w creatures than their oppressors, so basely idolized during their life. 5 6

It was Anthony Benezet's deep concern for the education of the young that eventually moved the Society of Friends to concerted action. For a quarter of a century he issued challenging appeals to men of influence, expressive of his keen interest, with little result. There is proof of his early work in the diary of John Smith: 3rd 6th day 1 7 5 0 : Attended our Quarterly meeting. I was appointed one of the Representatives to the Y e a r l y Meeting, who are to consider Anthony Benezet's proposal f o r encouraging Schools in the Country &c. 5 7

Further evidence may be found in his letter to Samuel Fothergill, written on November 27, 1758, in his own characteristic vocabulary: Ought not the education and training of the youth to be, next to our more immediate duty to God, the chief concern of every Friend? W h a t a beautiful and noble prospect do such thoughts open to the view! O u r principles, which, in the present corrupt state of the world, seem to pro56. New Travels in the United States of America, Letter X I X , pp. 1 5 7 f. 57. Albert Cook Myers, ed., Hannah Logan's Courtship, Diary of John Smith, 1752, Philadelphia, 1904.

1736—

GENTLE

SCHOOLMASTER

53

hibit our meddling with offices, etc., naturally point to us as a people, rather than others, to serve God and our Country in the education of the youth. 58

In the year 1777 the Society of Friends appointed a committee of fourteen prominent members to consider seriously the subject, and to report later. Anthony Benezet was selected chairman of that committee, and his statement, recapitulating the steps previously taken, and urging further action, reveals his profound understanding of the school problems of the day. In the report which was printed and circulated under the title, Some Observations Relating to the Establishment of Schools, he recommends that in order to secure qualified teachers there should be a fixed income for their work. A lot of ground should be provided, sufficiently large for a garden, an orchard, grass for a cow, and a suitable house erected for the teacher and his family. H e wisely contends that such a provision would be an encouragement for a staid person with a family to remain for a considerable time, perhaps his whole life, in the service. The desirability of securing only those teachers who would promote the growth of piety and virtue in the children is urged, as is also the creation of an endowment fund, to be made available for the payment of the master's salary, if necessary, thus ensuring the education of the poorer Friends' children. In the same year Benezet wrote an encouraging pamphlet, Some Necessary Remarks on the Education of the Youth in the Country Parts. The dire need of a First Book for the young children, a Spelling Book for the older ones, and a Grammar Instructor for mothers residing far from any school was keenly felt—many people were not able to read or write—so in 1778 Benezet wrote A First Book For Children, and in the same year published The Pennsylvania Spelling Book and An Essay on Grammar. The old primers were quite elementary, consisting of lists of words for spelling as well as matter for reading; occasionally a few rules for punctuation, some grammar, and a little geography were inserted. They are placed among our curiosities 5 8 . See letter on p. 2 3 0 .

ANTHONY

54

BENEZET

now, but they played a very important part in the common education of that day. John Woolman, who during a period of four years "several times opened a school at Mount H o l l y , " published at threepence a copy a small primer of thirty-two pages 4 " x 3" in the year 1769, containing alphabets and words, simple sentences and Scripture passages, but the New Jersey Quaker sensed the need of a more complete volume. Benezet met that need by compiling both a primer and a spelling book which, for convenience, were so bound that they could be used separately or as one book. Its typographical work suffered under the troubled skies of Revolutionary days, as his letter to George Dillwyn, a printer and bookbinder, indicates: 7th month, 1 7 7 8 : I herewith send a copy of a Spelling Book & Primmer, published since thy departure, which I desire, when thy next leisure will permit, thou wouldst read over with particular attention, that the end proposed by our dear friend J. Woolman and myself, who had this work much at heart, might be answered, viz., to furnish not only easy and good instruction, but so properly & gradually brought on as that the good mothers, situate in lonely places, where instruction cannot be procured, may be enabled to instruct first themselves & then their children. T h e printing was done in so broken a manner & in such tempestuous times, by difft. persons ignorant of Grammar &c that there is many errors. 59

Interest in the education of the youth increased with the years, so that the Overseers of Friends' Schools in Philadelphia reported having eleven schools under their trust and inspection by the end of 1779. T h e few helpful books used at that period were Benezet's Primer, Dilworth's Spelling Book, and the Bible; Dilworth's Assistant was the standard work on Arithmetic; English grammar was very rarely taught; and it was only some uncommon genius that advanced to the study of the Mathematics.60 Witness the improvement wrought when Anthony Benezet conferred with David Barclay, of London (grandson of the Apologist); Morris Birkbeck, John Pember59. O r i g i n a l letter in H a v e r f o r d C o l l e g e , H a v e r f o r d , P e n n s y l v a n i a . See p. 327. 60. Friends'

Miscellany,

I, 363 f.

GENTLE

SCHOOLMASTER

55

ton, and Nicholas Wain of Philadelphia; Moses Brown, of Providence, and a host of others, setting forth his ideas of a school curriculum. Here is Benezet's proposed course of study, resulting from forty years of teaching: Penmanship English Grammar T h e useful parts of Arithmetic Mensuration of Superfices and Solids, preparing the way for Mathematics A short but very plain set of Merchants Accompts in single entry A general knowledge of the Mechanical powers Geography Plain elements of Astronomy History Anatomy by a course of lectures. 6 '

In addition to this course of instruction, Benezet, not insensible to the obligation of bringing up the children in the nurture and admonition of the Lord, proposed that addresses should be given to direct the youthful minds in the ways of virtue and wisdom—such discourses to be written out by the pupils, and when corrected by the teacher copied in a neat bound book to be kept for future perusal.62 It must be remembered that Benezet regarded education as something personal, developing the child from within, quickening as well as informing the understanding, in a day when leisure was regarded by some Christians as a temptation to stray from the narrow path, and books were despised unless they had a spiritual flavor. With these facts in mind, he prepared with great care a second edition of the Pennsylvania Spelling Book, clearly defining its purpose in a letter to David Barclay, in 1782: In the course of my concern for the proper instruction and the best welfare of the youth, in which I have been employed now f o r near forty years, I have found a great disadvantage arising from the want of a spelling book and primer, properly adapted, not only to bring children and youth forward in reading, but also to inculcate proper principles in 6 1 . See letter on p. 390.

6z.

See letter on p. 3 9 1 .

56

ANTHONY

BENEZET

them. T h i s led me to procure all the books of this kind I could meet with; and though I found more or less good matter in them all, yet none answered my prospect, I found myself engaged to endeavour the compilation of a book of this kind. 63

This second edition of the Sfelling Book64 was much larger than the first. It consisted of 168 pages, and the few copies now extant are still valuable for the light they throw upon the methods of instruction used 150 years ago. Here are lessons in spelling and pronunciation 5 parables and pious maxims; precepts and poetry; catechism and counsel 5 reflections and rules for pupils within the school, on the street, and at home. No opportunity was lost to imbue them with a reverence for moral and spiritual truths. In fact, Benezet pointed out the danger of too little religion or too much learning. Note his comment on the qualifications of a well-known and highly esteemed teacher of that day: Joseph C l a r k has a pritty deal of knowledge, and I believe his desires f o r a religious growth are sincere, but they both are very undigested; if he would apply himself diligently to understand the ground of the English T o n g u e ; orthography, diction &c. it would more tend to his real benefit and reputation. 6s

Indeed, Benezet feared a large use of the learned languages. Read his letter to Robert Pleasants in 1780: I much desire to see such a knowledge of the English Language taught in our schools, as may make the use of the learned Languages unnecessary; long experience having convinced me that the means of obtaining them, as well as a proficiency therein has a natural tendency to wed to the world & beget an enmity to the cross. 66

Moses Brown, of Providence, agreed with Benezet that a right understanding of the mother tongue may be had without the Latin or other learned language, but felt it might be necessary for geniuses. His opinion of the mental capacity of his neighbors is boldly expressed in his letter to Benezet: 6 3 . See letter on p. 368.

64.. Copy in Historical Society, P h i l a d e l p h i a .

6 5 . See letter on p. 3 3 4 .

66. See letter on p. 3 5 1 .

GENTLE

SCHOOLMASTER

57

I have never had any idea friends in these parts had desire for High learning, for indeed we are an illiterate and I may justly say an Ignorant set of people compared with others, very f e w I think only 5 or 6 in all our yearly meeting that is acquainted with any tongue but their own and many cannot write even their names. I believe that learning in high schools hath a tendency to raise the mind above T r u t h . 6 '

Compiled for the Pennsylvania S-pelling Book was an Essay Towards the Most Easy introduction to the Knowledge of the English Grammar, in twelve pages. In a letter to Robert Pleasants, of Virginia, Benezet stated that the Essay had been prepared to meet the difficulty of teacher and learner arising from the .

.

. obscure and perplexed method in which the knowledge of the

English tongue is communicated in most Grammars: the Authors generally dwell tediously upon each of the eight parts of speech, leaving the learner with numbers of distinctions many of which tho' necessary in the Latin are not so in the English to the great discouragement & perplexity of the Learner. 6 8

Anthony Benezet was able to render an additional service in the cause of education through the Friends' Library. Thomas Chalkley, who died at Tortola (an island of the West Indies) while on a religious errand, bequeathed to the Society of Friends his small library of books by a will dated the 19th day of the 2nd month, 1 7 4 1 . Anthony Benezet was appointed librarian of the H I volumes, and the books were deposited in his home, which became a circulating library and a repository of periodicals.69 Many letters have been preserved which disclose the powerful influence for good exerted through this channel of light and truth. Friends from all over the country were advised of books received and magazines sought forj periodicals were bound and lettered to order; pamphlets were sent out gratis and books charged or lent; while Quakers across the seas occasionally sent literature concerning current topics and press67. See letter on p. 434. 69. Journal of the Friends'

Historical

Society,

68. See letter on p. 3 5 1 . Vol. I, 1903, p. 124.

58

ANTHONY

BENEZET

ing problems. Benjamin Franklin, in one of his intimate notes to Anthony Benezet, wrote on February 10, 1773: I send you a f e w copies of a pamphlet written at Paris by a wellwisher to our Country. It is a little System of Morals that may give distinct Ideas on that Subject to Youth, and perhaps on that Acct. not unfit f o r a School-Book. I will send you more if you desire it. 70

In the Memoirs of Clements Willets there appears one of many proofs of the steady circulation of books made possible by Benezet through the home library: 17th 1st month, 1 7 7 2 : I had an extraordinary visit about the middle of last summer, from Anthony Benezet and John Elliott, of Philadelphia, and Thomas Dobson, of N e w Y o r k . Having heard that our much esteemed friend A n thony Benezet, gave away books, I desired him to send me a f e w little books; and he was so kind as to send me five or six and twenty; and though most of them were small, yet there were four bound books, one pretty large and two half bound. M y friend's books were more prized by me than if he had sent me silver or gold. 71

T o George Dillwyn, Burlington, he sends books that they may afford "useful hints & satisfaction during ye retirement of ye coming winter," and to his friend John Smith, of New Jersey, on the 2nd day of the 3rd month, 1758, he writes: "As thou art likely to be a sickly man, prithee read a little physic; it might be of service to thyself and others} and if it did nothing else, it might preserve thee from being poisoned by some old woman's prescription being mistimed or misplaced." Benezet had a flair for good books; he had a library of his own of more than two hundred volumes, devoted principally to religious and medical subjects. T o be sure, he was educated in the Gospel, and was better acquainted with the prophets than with Shakespeare, though he refers to or quotes more than one hundred authors in his writings. His books he bequeathed to the Friends' Library, of which he had been librarian. Some that still sur70. See letter on p. 424. 7 1 . T h e M e m o i r s of Clements W i l l e t s , of L o n g Island, in Friends'

Miscellany,

V , 363.

GENTLE

SCHOOLMASTER

59

vive may be seen at Haverford College, Haverford, Pennsylvania.72 Fourteen years after Benezet had finished his work of teaching, Joseph Redman wrote Benjamin Rush these lines: Anthony Benezet w a s undoubtedly a most worthy man, and I have little doubt that his universal philanthropy will be rewarded by his divine Master, at a time w h e n his f a v o u r alone will stand us in any stead. But if I mistake not, he had never k n o w n a more exalted situation, and in the first instance commenced teaching f o r a subsistence. I should think that he fell sick o f times, but that I knew him to be so good a philosopher, and to have studied the theory o f this world so much, that nothing could take impression o f him to hurt himself; therefore I am content to believe that his glass run out without any jogging. 7 3

T h e name of this gentle schoolmaster has been preserved in the capital of his own state. In December of 1930, a new building was dedicated to the name of education, and in the frieze extending around the building are carved the names of those who have rendered signal service in that cause in the history of Pennsylvania. And on the cornice at the southeast corner of the magnificent edifice appears this name—worthy of recognition— Anthony Benezet. 72. See an i l l u m i n a t i n g article with list of all the books Benezet g a v e the Friends' L i brary by H e n r y J. Cadbury, of H a r v a r d University, in Bulletin sociation,

of Friends'

Historical

V o l . X X I I I , 1934, pp. 63 if., with a supplement, ibid., V o l . X X V I ,

1937.

73. O r i g i n a l letter dated N o v e m b e r 14, 1798, R i d g w a y Library, Philadelphia.

As-

V

T h e Friend of Exiled Acadians It has been advanced as an argument with resfect to the distress of the Acadians, that it is a matter which the Government

ought to see to, and

which ought not to be laid on particulars. . . . Did the Good Samaritan hold himself excused from relieving the wounded traveller because there were laws in Judea, and persons to whom the duty of taking care of the distressed stranger

belonged? ANTHONY BENEZET

E

V E R Y student of history is familiar with the sad episode of the Acadians, who in the year 1755 were expelled from N o v a Scotia, and scattered like snowflakes along the seacoast to various ports in the British Colonies, from Massachusetts Bay to South Carolina. It stands out as one of the most pathetic incidents in the annals of time, and as long as the deeds of nations are recorded a chapter will be devoted to the melancholy story of their unfortunate exile. Its true historical perspective has been distorted by national prejudices and highly spiced insinuations. T h e character of the Acadians portrayed by the Abbé Raynal as that of " a society of brethren, every individual of which was equally ready to give and to receive what he thought the common right of mankind," is an example of French embroidery and exaggeration; and the aspersion cast on the government of the Pennsylvania Colony in the treatment of the exiles in Philadelphia is grossly unfair. T h e bare, indisputable facts are now available. B y the Treaty of Utrecht, which was consummated in 17x3, the whole of Continental N o v a Scotia was ceded to Great Britain. France withdrew to the island of Cape Breton, and the K i n g encouraged the Acadians to establish themselves in the French province now to be known as Isle Royale. Promises, as brittle as they were sentimental, were made by the K i n g of France that he would furnish transportation for them, their families and their goods; give them lands on which to settle; furnish them with a year's provisions; and exempt them from duties of any kind

FRIEND OF

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61

for a period of ten years. Naturally such liberal offers were promptly accepted, and, thrilled with the hope of a successful adventure—a vision lovely but obscure, something like the outline of far hills on a misty d a y — m a n y Acadians enthusiastically signed this declaration: O n this day, the fête of St. Louis, in the year 1 7 1 4 , we with all the joy and satisfaction of which we are capable, give by this writing, signed by us, everlasting proof that we wish to live and die faithful subjects of His Christian Majesty, and we pledge ourselves to go to Isle Royale and settle there, ourselves and our offspring. 1

A year passed. T h e French king had failed in his promise to furnish transportation for their removal j plans were badly regulated 5 consequently, these industrious Acadians, increasingly contented with their lot, decided it would not be expedient to evacuate their farms. T h e y now preferred to stay. Meanwhile, George I had succeeded Queen Anne on the throne, and all the inhabitants of Nova Scotia, English and French alike, were required to follow the ancient rule—as fixed as the heavenly orbits—and take the oath of allegiance to the new monarch. T h e Acadians demurred. T h e y found themselves in the awkward position of bowing one knee to Louis X I V and the other to George I. Perfectly willing to take an oath that they would do nothing averse to the King's interests, they were ready solemnly to promise not to engage in any service with the King's enemies, savages or others, so long as they were permitted to remain in the province, and such a pledge was actually made by them on January 13, 1 7 1 5 / 6 . It was a halfway covenant: to take an oath of allegiance without any reservation or equivocation they never would. But the British authorities regarded the Acadians' pledge in the light of a modified oath of neutrality—it contained phrases that threw sparks—so they treated it with contempt. T h e two parties were henceforth divided by an im-passe—a chaotic jumble of incidents. O n the one side were the inflexible 1. Collections

of the Maine

Historical

Society,

series 3, V o l . I, p. 2 5 7 .

ANTHONY BENEZET

62

Acadians, now to be known as Neutrals, who, though subjects of the King of Britain, sharing the privileges of citizenship, refused to take the oath of allegiance. On the other side stood the exasperated power and authority of the British King, demanding either their allegiance or their dismissal. For forty years the situation grew steadily worse. One governor after another attempted to bring about an understanding, but every promising effort ended like a mountain stream in desert sands. During the year of 1755, it was charged that some of the young Neutrals had conveyed intelligence to the Indian and French forces, then acting against the Province. With obvious chips on both shoulders, the British decided to punish the whole fraternity for the alleged betrayal. Carefully worded pledges, which like Delphic oracles needed an interpreter, remarkable adroitness and deliberate dexterity strengthened suspicion on the one part and vigilance on the other, until at last the iron hand of Britain broke the bars asunder and forced the banishment of the Acadians from their homes. T h e presence of a British fleet on the coast to meet any emergency that might arise precipitated the decision} the Admirals agreed that it was "now the properest time to oblige the said inhabitants to take the oath of allegiance to H i s Majesty, or to quit the country." T h e peremptory decision was made; the sweeping anathema was pronounced. A t a meeting of the council held at the Governor's house in Halifax, July 28, 1755, "after mature consideration, it was deemed most proper to send them [the Acadians] to be distributed amongst the several colonies on the continent, and to hire a sufficient number of vessels for that purpose with all possible expedition." 2 T h e poet Longfellow wisely threw the purple mantle over the cause of the expulsion of the Acadians when he wrote the immortal lines of Evangeline; nevertheless the poem graphically describes the blow which fell like a knell on the ears of the people. Forced from their homes, dispersed after the manner of shadows when the sun goes down, their departure created 2. Public

Documents

of the Province

of Nova

Scotia,

p. 2 5 8 .

FRIEND

OF

ACADIANS

63

a scene gloomy enough to awake compassion in the most obdurate heart. There was no time for preparation or even farewell—tender ties were ruthlessly severed—parents and children, and some husbands and wives in that moment were separated for ever. Sad was the loss of homes; sadder yet the parting of loved ones 5 saddest of all, however, was the pitiable plight of those Acadians who after weary months reached the various ports—unwelcomed and undesirable aliens. With the first snow of November came the news of the arrival at Philadelphia of a boat carrying 168 men, women and children—a small portion of the seven thousand Acadians who were to be forced upon the colonies. The information was received by letter from His Excellency, Charles Lawrence, Esq., Governor of Nova Scotia, and read at a Council meeting in Philadelphia on November 19, 1755. Immediately it was decided to place sufficient Sergeant's Guards on board to prevent their landing till it was resolved how to dispose of them. Four days later two other vessels arrived with Neutral French, and Governor Morris 3 announced to the Council: A part o f those destined f o r this province are already arrived; but as I did not think it safe in our present circumstances, to permit them to land, I have ordered the vessels that brought them to lie at a convenient distance below the T o w n , and have put Guards upon them and ordered them provisions.

At the same Council meeting it was resolved "that a proper person be sent on board to take account of the numbers of the Neutrals and the Provisions on board, and how much has been expended in the voyage, and to superintend the victualling them and their guards." 4 W h o would be the proper person? Living in Philadelphia were men of French descent, the Lefevres and De Normandies, the Landreys and the Galerms, and others willing to help in any emergency. But where in all the city was there a man who could more pleasantly perform the 3. M . de C h a s t e l l u x describes M o r r i s as " a y o u n g m a n f u l l of w i t a n d v e r a c i t y but u n f o r t u n a t e l y m a i m e d , h a v i n g l o s t a l e g by a c c i d e n t . " Travels, 4 . Colonial

Records,

V I , 7 1 1 f.

p.

385.

64

ANTHONY

BENEZET

unpleasant offices than Anthony Benezet? H e did not live through a day unmoved by the suffering of somebody. So the affectionate side of his nature instinctively and instantly responded to the call, as the report of November 24, 1755, shows: Anthony Benezet, attending without, was called in, and informed the House that he had, at the request of some of the members, visited the French Neutrals now on Board Sundry Vessels in the river, near the city, and found that they were in great need of blankets, shirts, stockings and other necessaries; and he then withdrew, (whereupon) Resolved T h a t this House will allow such reasonable expenses as the said Benezet may be put to in furnishing the Neutral French now in the Province with necessaries.5

A week later, on December 1, the Assembly recommended to the Board of Commissioners the disposing of the £60,000 granted to the King's use, to provide for the subsistence of the said Neutrals, by the purchase and distribution of necessities.6 N o time was lost by Anthony Benezet in securing food and clothing, so that the exiles might be at least presentable when they went ashore. W e know precisely their number, for at the next Council meeting, December 8, it was reported: T h e Captains of the Vessels employed by Governor Lawrence to carry the Neutral French out of Nova Scotia having landed them at the nearest place to the Pest House, demanded their discharge, and such as produced the proper printed receipts had their discharges this day delivered to them. T h e importations are as follows: In the sloop Hannah 137, in the sloop Three Friends 156, in the sloop Swan 1 6 1 , making a total of 454 French Persons.7

T h e condition of these poor, unexpected guests, as they entered the city of strangers, is beyond description. T h e y had come unwillingly into the province without any desire to remain or any ambition to succeed. W h a t privations and troubles they had already encountered! W h a t a baptism of fire they had passed through! A n d now they beheld in perspective a fate yet 5. Votes and Proceedings of the House of Representatives vania, IV, 524. 6. Colonial Records, Vol. V I . 7. Ibid.

of the Province

of

Pennsyl-

FRIEND

OF

ACADIANS

65

more appalling. Bitterly did they lament their lot as they dolorously faced apparent defeat. Four months they had spent on transport vessels, slowly approaching with increasing fear day by day a destination unknown to them. Confusion and neglect, want and misery were their steerage companions. Some were suffering from disease; others were enfeebled by crowded conditions and the scanty fare provided for their passage j little children cried for food, and some aged men decided to end their own misery by self-destruction. Others there were of these homeless and destitute strangers who died of smallpox, that scourge of other days. It is not strange that a close friendship should have grown up between these disconsolate Acadians and Anthony Benezet, for they were fellow countrymen: they possessed mutual friends and similar tastes. On their disembarkation, they were taken charge of by the conservators of the poor, and conveyed to an inadequate building which had been occupied as a lodging for soldiers. The inconvenient construction of the barracks was ill suited to their accommodation. Fortunately Benezet was able to secure the kind permission of his friend, Samuel Emlen, 8 to use part of a square of ground owned by him to erect thereon buildings for the residence of the Neutrals. 9 Land secured, Friend Anthony Benezet solicited gifts from citizens, begging from door to door. Soon he proceeded to erect a long row of onestory wooden houses on the north side of Pine Street, extending from Fifth to Sixth Street. And soon in these clean and respectable huts the Acadians were comfortably sheltered. Evidently the private donations were not sufficient to meet the entire cost of the huts, for among the votes of the Assembly may be found these records: July

25,

1759, Anthony

Benezet, in full for building houses for

French Neutrals £30:0:0. 8. Born in Philadelphia, employed for a time in the counting house of James

Pem-

berton. H e was little in stature but big in charity; traveled in the southern colonies and spent some years in G r e a t Britain. 9. Roberts Vault, Memoirs

of Anthony

Benezet,

p. 97.

66

ANTHONY

BENEZET

October 2 1 , 1 7 6 2 , Anthony Benezet, sundries building cabbins for Neutrals £ 2 9 : 1 8 : 0 . 1 0

There was great excitement in the city when these picturesque adventurers first appeared on the streets. It was a time when a Frenchman and an Indian were suspected rather than esteemed. T o make matters worse, on J u l y of that very year, 1 7 55, General Braddock was defeated, and on the day of the arrival of the Acadians the terrible news of the combined savage attack of the Indians and French on Lancaster was received with feelings of dismay. T o secure the sympathetic help of Anthony Benezet was like the uncovering of a forest spring. With consummate tact and commendable gentleness he devoted himself to the physical and mental needs of these uninvited guests. H e adopted all of them as children of his affectionate care, and like the prophet Ezekiel with the exiles by the river Chebar, he sat where they sat, sharing their poverty and mitigating their sorrow. Able to converse with them in their own language, he was able also to interpret their needs. The truth is, many of their troubles faded under the enchantment of his presence and conversation. It is true, they were of the Catholic faith, and the Benezet family had suffered persecution at the hands of that particular church, but mark his charity! Papists or not, they were French. Not even a passing cloud of resentment darkened his horizon. Rather his soul was moved by their symphony of sorrow. H e became their comrade when they suffered from disease, and their comforter when they were disconsolate; he watched at the bedside of their sick and dying 5 he performed the last sad rites when death ended their pilgrimage. His unbounded sympathy, unflinching courage, and unsleeping interest led him to the special case where distress was at its worst and the need for help most urgent. Day by day he carried among neighbors and friends a subscription list in their behalf, and year by year presented their needy case to the Assembly: 10. Votes of Assembly,

V , 126.

FRIEND OF ACADIANS December 9, 1 7 5 6 — T o

67

Anthony Benezet f o r maintenance

of

French Neutrals £ 2 7 : 1 9 : 9 . " Tuesday the 16th August, 1 7 5 7 : T h e case of the French Neutrals was set forth by Anthony Benezet and they being found worthy of commiseration, it was sent and strongly recommended to the commissioners to do all in their power f o r them. 1 2 November 20, 1 7 5 8 , the Petition of Anthony Benezet was presented to the House, and read, setting forth the extreme Poverty and Distress of many aged and sick Persons amongst the late Inhabitants of Nova Scotia, now in this city, and praying that the House would be pleased to revise and amend the L a w some time ago enacted f o r the Relief and support of the said people, the same having been found, upon experience, unsufficient to answer the good purposes thereby intended. 13

One of his distinguished pupils, Deborah Logan, a witness of his undying devotion to the Acadians, has thus written: He had a great and extremely natural partiality f o r his own nation, and his heart would warm to them in their individual distresses, which he would endeavour to alleviate by every means in his power: witness his unwearied endeavours to assuage the griefs and better the condition of the poor French Neutrals, inhumanly torn f r o m their f a r m s and settlements in Acadia by the policy of war, and brought here to languish away existence and perish amongst us. He appeared almost their only friend, gave liberally of his own, solicited alms f r o m others in their behalf, (to which he endeavoured to turn the attention of the government), and gratuitously

educated many of

their

daughters.

Scarce a day passed without seeing some of these poor people applying to him as their benefactor. 1 4

Unfortunately the casual appropriations of the Assembly soon came to an end. Indeed, the burden and care of the Acadians and their families in one year was almost unbearable. Accordingly on March 5, 1 7 5 6 , a bill seeking to lessen the financial responsibility of the province was passed in the Assembly for the purpose of distributing the refugees among the counties of Philadelphia, Bucks, Chester, and Lancaster, at the same II. Votes of Assembly, IV, 622. 12. Ibid., VII, 7 1 7 . 13. ¡bid., V, 6. 14. The Friend, Vol. X I , 1838, pp. 1 6 9 - 1 7 0 .

68

ANTHONY

BENEZET

time "granting the sum of sixty thousand pounds for the purchase of such stock or utensils of husbandry as shall be judged necessary in their disposition.'" 3 T h e Acadians, however, spurned the clay-cold offer of the Government, and in August of the same year presented a pathetic petition to the Legislature, begging to be sent back to their native land. T h e scheme of the Assembly received another severe blow when the Overseers of the Poor in the several townships refused to comply with the provisions of the Act or to receive the unfortunate people 5 meanwhile, a number of the exiles died of disease or distress. T h e dilemma and the further proposed solution of the problem are set forth in the minutes of the meeting, January 18,

1757:

T h e A c t [ M a r c h 5, 1 7 5 6 ] has not answered the good intentions o f the legislature o f uniting them with his M a j e s t y ' s loyal subjects by granting the said inhabitants o f N o v a Scotia equal privileges and immunities with the inhabitants and settlers o f this province. A n d

the

grievous burden o f maintaining them is greater than the good people o f this province under their present distressed circumstances are well able to bear. T h e r e f o r e be it enacted by the Honorable W i l l i a m D e n n y , Esquire, Lieutenant G o v e r n o r , to bind out such o f the children o f the said inhabitants o f N o v a Scotia, whose parents or friends are incapable to maintain or neglect otherwise to provide f o r , to kind masters or mistresses on the best terms they can obtain, upon conditions with the said masters or mistresses that the said children shall be taught to read and write the English language and such reputable and profitable occupations as may enable them to support themselves at the expiration o f their respective indentures, the male children until they attain the age o f twenty-one years, and the f e m a l e children until they attain the age o f eighteen years respectively, and no longer, maintaining the aged, sick and maimed at the charge o f the Province. 1 6

That shaft went to the heart of the Acadians: with an aching void they implored the authorities to recognize them as prisoners of war or send them back to France. Their vociferous 15. The Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania, 16. Votes of Assembly, V , 278.

V, 215 f.

FRIEND

OF

ACADIANS

69

clamor and bitter anguish stirred the sympathy of the Assembly to confess: W h e r e a s the Overseers o f late have neglected and refused to give the usual subsistence, whereby many o f them are in the most necessitous and distressing circumstances and likely to perish f o r w a n t o f the necessary relief: Be it enacted by the Honorable W i l l i a m D e n n y , Esquire, granting the additional sum o f one hundred thousand pounds. Passed September 2 7 , 1 7 5 7 . 1 7

But at no time were the gifts of the Assembly sufficient to meet the constantly growing burden. So with each panic appeal, Friend Anthony Benezet, the ambassador of goodwill and servant of a tender conscience, started out on his errand of mercy, to soften and sweeten the lot of his fellow countrymen. W i t h what tender solicitude he writes a letter to his friend, John Smith! Its length forbids quotation in full, but the following is enough to convey the mood: I t has been advanced as an argument with respect to the distress o f the Acadians, that it's a matter which the G o v e r n m e n t ought to see to, and which ought not to be laid on particulars, but many people theref o r e sit d o w n easy in their affluence, without giving themselves any f a r ther concern about it. I n h o w different a light would it appear if brought close home to ourselves? Should thou, or I, meet with an accident, such as breaking a limb, &c., in some part where w e were not k n o w n , and lay in the road unable to help ourselves; and should the proper officers either through prejudice or neglect o f duty not take care to relieve us; h o w should w e feel, and w h a t should w e think o f the neighbours w h o saw, or even only heard that w e were in that situation, and unrelieved, if they should suffer us to perish there f o r f e a r o f the trouble, or the charge which might f a l l upon them, and make themselves easy under so palpable a neglect o f duty, by concluding that a charge o f this kind ought to f a l l on the public, and was no business o f theirs? Did the good Samaritan hold himself excused f r o m relieving the wounded traveller, because there were l a w s in Judea, and persons to w h o m the duty o f taking care o f the distressed stranger belonged? 1 8

Discouraging was the task of charitable appeals: " I am tired 17. Votes of Assembly, V , 313.

18. The Friend, Vol. X X , 1846.

70

ANTHONY

BENEZET

with begging, even of those who could spare a Thousand Pounds without having one T e a r the less dropt on that account by their H e i r s , " he informed J o h n Smith, February 8, 1 7 6 0 . T h e charity of many was as transitory as the wind that rustles the leaves and suddenly dies away. N o t so the benevolence of Anthony Benezet. T h a t never failed. F o r more than a decade he ministered to their needs. H i s appeals became as monotonous and as unwelcome as the muezzin's chant is to the tourist at early dawn, but he continued his solicitations. T h e Marquis de Barbe-Marbois tells of his deeds of love in this complimentary fashion: Benezet remembered that they had a common origin. He gathered them together, although he was as poor as they, he consoled them, encouraged them, went from door to door begging bread for them, made the parents of his young Pennsylvanian pupils subscribe help for them, importuned the government of Pennsylvania to grant them the means of subsistence, addressed request after request to the King and Parliament of England, until generous obstinacy had obtained some help for these unfortunates, whom he calls his children. 19 T h e same Marquis has l e f t on record the account of an interesting experience he had with Anthony Benezet, which is too characteristic to be omitted f r o m the text. In a letter to the Chevalier de la L u z e r n e he begins: T h e good Benezet came to see me this morning, accompanied by an Acadian woman and three little children, of whom she carried the youngest in her arms. She was neatly dressed, as were they, but with a simplicity and bareness which approached want. She had a very honest bearing. She seated herself, and Benezet said to me: "You know that I do not understand how to solicit. Someone else should have sounded out your inclinations and spoken to you of my friend before bringing her. But I go straight to business, and you may send us away if you wish." "This friend of mine was born in Acadia, of a very good French family: her husband had never been able to get used to the yoke of the English. Forced to live in a country of which they were masters, he retired to a farm and was living shut off from the world when the war 19. See p. 4 5 3 .

FRIEND OF ACADIANS

71

of 1 7 5 6 began. He was suspected of having relations with the government of Canada, he was taken to England as a political prisoner, he died there. His goods were confiscated, but his w i f e had saved about fifteen hundred guineas, the only remains of her fortune. She sought an asylum in Pennsylvania, and put her capital into the hands of a merchant of this city, who paid her the income from it. M y friend's daughter married an American officer; they are now in Carolina, and these are their children." T h e grandmother had not yet opened her mouth. T h e story of the misfortunes of her family made her shed tears. Benezet, who does not lack skill, whatever he may say about it, asked her to continue, which she did in a f e w words. " I formerly lived in plenty," said she. " I have seen myself in modest circumstances and not complained. But these children ask bread of me and their condition wrings my heart. T h e wretch to whom I sold my land three years ago f o r eight hundred pounds sterling came yesterday to pay me that sum in paper money, which is not really worth more than twenty-five pounds. T h e law is on his side, but I do not want his paper. M y debtor will be ashamed of his action, perhaps, if he learns that people who know him condemn it." She told me the name of the wretch, and I promised to make use of every possible means of making him think better of it. T h e Acadian lady drew away towards the children, and Benezet whispered to me: "She has not confided everything to you. One of her children has the fever, and she has nothing at this minute with which to pay the doctor and to have some broth made." Nothing was clearer. I regret to say, however, that I put the matter off till the next day. 20 I n the year 1 7 6 0 , Anthony Benezet prepared at the request of the Acadians a M e m o r i a l in their behalf to the K i n g of Great Britain, George I I . People had grown weary in well-doing, the Assembly was not able to bear the burden of their support, and the Acadians themselves were becoming more restless and dissatisfied. In five years " w e have . . . seen in this province two hundred and fifty of our people, half the number that were landed here, perish through misery and various diseases"—so runs the petition to the K i n g , the lines of which have come down to us with a broken beginning: 2 0 . See letter on p. 4 5 3 .

72

ANTHONY

BENEZET

Thus we, our ancient parents, and grand parents, (men of great integrity, and approved fidelity to your Majesty,) and our innocent wives and children, became the unhappy victims to those groundless fears. W e were transported into the English colonies; and this was done in so much haste, and with so little regard to our necessities, and the tenderest ties of nature, that from the most social enjoyments and a f fluent circumstances, many found themselves destitute of the necessaries of life, and separated parents from children and husbands from wives, some of whom have not to this day met again. W e were so crowded in the transport vessels, that we had not room even for all our bodies to lay down at once; and consequently were prevented from carrying with us proper necessaries, especially for the comfort, and support of the aged and weak; many of whom quickly ended their misery with their lives. T h e miseries we have since endured, are scarce sufficiently to be expressed; being reduced from a livelihood to toil and hard labour, in a southern climate, so disagreeable to our constitutions, that most of us have been prevented by sickness from procuring the necessary subsistence for our families; and therefore are threatened with that which we esteem the greatest aggravation of all our sufferings; even of having our children forced from us and bound out to strangers, and exposed to contagious distempers unknown in our native country. This compared with the affluence and ease we enjoyed, shows our condition to be extremely wretched. W e have already seen in this province two hundred and fifty of our people, half the number that were landed here, perish through misery and various diseases.21 T h i s M e m o r i a l was sent to Secretary Pitt in L o n d o n for its presentation to the King. Copies were placed in the hands of D r . Fothergill and J o h n H u n t , two English Quakers, with the request that every possible step be taken to ensure its fair consideration. T o meet the expense of solicitation at Court, A n thony Benezet promised to raise £ 1 0 0 sterling, but found difficulty in persuading even one person to accompany him in his efforts to secure the amount. H i s letter to J o h n Smith on the matter is interesting. H e r e are his own words: W e think the only method likely to succeed, is to go amongst the 2 1 . Roberts Vaux, Memoirs

of Anthony

Benezet,

p. 100.

FRIEND OF ACADIANS

73

ablest Friends with a subscription for the purpose, the preamble of which my neighbour Pemberton had wrote and begun the subscription; but I cannot as yet get anybody to go with me, and don't think it prudent to go alone, being looked upon as an importunate solicitor; and people being apt to be soured at the mentioning of subscription, and not making the same allowances for other people's weakness, as for their own, are ready to cast out inconsiderate expressions, which I am not always able to bear with Christian patience.22

W h e n in 1762 supplies f r o m the public treasury ceased, Benezet taught these poor people how to provide a means of existence by the manufacture of wooden shoes and linsey cloth, utilizing waste pieces of cloth torn or cut off garments, and using even discarded rags on the city streets. Sometimes in necessitous cases, he carried goods from his own home to assist them. It is related that on one occasion, finding a family suffering from the winter's cold, he gave from his limited home furnishings a pair of recently purchased blankets, without his wife's knowledge. W h e n asked what had become of them, he replied, with a face as expressive as that of the great Coquelin, " O h ! my dear, I gave them some evenings since, to one of the poor neutrals." 23 It might be well to add, contrariwise, that Benezet's innumerable acts of generosity failed to prevent misapprehension on the part of some of the Acadians. One of the oldest of them, after having witnessed for years the kind deeds of the Quaker, remarked: " I t is impossible that all this kindness is disinterested} M r . Benezet must certainly intend to recompense himself by treacherously selling us." 24 But such base ingratitude and baseless suspicion, accompanied by the sour accents of a dirge, were met not with anger but gleeful laughter, for Friend Anthony Benezet was forever impregnated with the Christian virtue of charity: his faith in humanity, like the sturdy cliffs, was inviolable} his kindness was a never failing spring. H e was deeply interested in the education of the children of 22. See letter on p. 240. 23. Roberts V a u x , Memoirs 24. Ibid.,

p. 99.

of Anthony

Benexel,

p. 98.

ANTHONY

74

BENEZET

these Acadians, and in the year 1762 he requested the Overseers that "certain of the children of the poor French Neutrals be allowed to go to the Public School, which request was granted upon his certification of those he felt sure would attend regularly." 25 H e obtained permanent homes for many of the exiled parents among the French and other residents3 he educated many of their daughters in his own school, and paid out of his own small income annuities to several of the most helpless. For their benefit he experimented in the use of manual arts in education and arranged industrial courses; early in the morning and late at night, with a hand warm from the touch of the Ark, he wrote for their sake letters veined with humanity and infused with compassion. H e paid out of his own pocket sums of money for food and clothing, chargeable to a Government whose appropriations amounted in six years to upwards of £7,000. Not always was he reimbursed, as the following chronicle proves: January 9, 1 7 6 7 A Petition from Anthony Benezet of the City of Philadelphia was presented to the House and read, praying the allowance and payment of his account of money advanced for the Relief of divers of the aged and infirm French Neutrals. 26

But the petition met the same fate as the one presented on January 4, 1766, by John Hill, joiner, who had been employed from time to time to make coffins for the poor French Neutrals who had died in and about the city. H e had made sixteen coffins since his last settlement, so he too prayed, without efficacy, that the House make such provision for his materials and labor "as shall seem meet." 27 But Anthony Benezet was not alone in this respect—neither was the joiner—almost the last bequest made by the benefactor Quaker was the sum of £25 to reimburse a certain Thomas Harrison for money he had spent in relief of the poor. 25. William Penn Charter School Minutes, 26. Votes of Assembly, V, 504. 27. Ibid., 465, p. 143.

I, 244.

FRIEND OF ACADIANS

75

How true a picture of Friend Anthony Benezet is that drawn by Benjamin Rush from personal observation on the streets of Philadelphia! "In one hand he carried a subscription paper and a Petition j in the other he carried a small pamphlet on the unlawfulness of the African Slave-Trade, and a letter directed to the King of Prussia upon the unlawfulness of war."28 28. B e n j a m i n p. 303.

Rush,

Essays,

Literary,

Moral

and

Philosophical,

Philadelphia,

1806,

VI

His Crusade against Slavery If we continually bear in mind the royal law of doing to others as we would be done by} we shall never think of bereaving our fellow

crea-

tures of that valuable blessing liberty, nor endure to grow rich by their bondage. To live in ease and -plenty by the toil of those whom

violence

and cruelty have -put in our power is neither consistent with Christianity nor common

justice. ANTHONY

BENEZET

A T the dawn of the eighteenth century no definite movement had been started in opposition to slavery. A few voices were crying in the wilderness, but there was no clear note calling to a concerted effort to wrest the world from the hideous crime. There were reasons. Slavery was the profitable trade of the prosperous and industrious. Sugar-cane fields were being cultivated by slaves, who were purchased at ridiculously low prices in Africa and sold in America at an average profit of $75 per head. It would be shocking to learn how much wealth Henry Laurens 1 accumulated from this abominable trade before he held his high office. Slavery was also comfortably expedient. Many people looked upon the Negroes as mere instruments of gain—valuable only in proportion to their earnings— an essential part of the normal and heaven-ordained state of society. It cannot be proved that even George Fox, the founder of the Society of Friends, unconditionally condemned slavery fer se, and it is certain that William Penn, the Quaker founder of Pennsylvania was a kind owner of slaves. But signs of promise began to appear in the morning of the century. Samuel Sewall, 2 of Massachusetts, wrote a pamphlet against slavery, entitled The Selling of Joseph. That was in 1700. Six years later, the Society of Friends at Nantucket, in the Massachusetts Bay Colony, put itself on record as opposed to human slavery, declaring that "it is not agreeable to Truth 1. H e n r y Laurens, 1724—1792, President of the Continental Congress,

1777—1778.

2. Samuel Sewall, 1652—1730, a colonial jurist, born in E n g l a n d , emigrated to Massachusetts in i 6 6 i j Chief Justice in Massachusetts,

1718—1728.

CRUSADE

AGAINST

SLAVERY

77

for friends to purchase slaves & keep them for term of Life." 3 Then came a remarkable coterie of four earnest, untiring, inflexible advocates of liberty who aroused the attention of their own Society of Friends, and by their devastating assaults upon the system of enforced servitude excited the interest of people in America and beyond the sea. These crusaders were Ralph Sandiford, Benjamin Lay, John Woolman, and Anthony Benezet, leaders of widely different stamp, yet each in his peculiar way a conspicuous champion of the cause. Ralph Sandiford's power lay in his argumentative acumen; Benjamin Lay's part was marked by dramatic eccentricity 5 John Woolman's contribution was enhanced by solemn and saintly perseverance 5 and Anthony Benezet's personal service was broadened by an epistolary correspondence which kindled the fires of public opinion in America and Europe. Reminiscences of this notable quartet, penned by an unknown author, are to be found among Benezet's Tracts under the title: A Poetical Efts tie to the Enslaved Africans,4 in the character of an ancient Negro, born a slave in Pennsylvania, but liberated some years later, and instructed in useful learning and the great truths of Christianity: L o n g , long remember'd, f r o m my earliest years, Prophetic sounds still tingle in my ears, Still gentle Sandiford

methinks I see,

Proclaiming Blacks by G o d and nature free. T o wasting zeal and sympathy a prey, Methinks I hear the venerable

Lay,

N o w , at distress and w r o n g f o r pity sigh, A n d n o w , " A l l Slave-Keepers, Apostates," cry. Columbia use had sear'd to Negro-groans, A n d distant Europe heard not A f r i c ' s moans, Until thy meeker spirit, Woolman,

rose,

A i m i n g to s o f t e n rather than oppose; A n d thou, lov'd Benezet,

o f kindred mind,

T h e W o r l d thy country, and thy Friends mankind. 3 . A l e x a n d e r S t a r b u c k , History 4. Anonymous, Philadelphia,

of Nantucket, 1790.

Boston,

1924.

78

ANTHONY

BENEZET

Ralph Sandiford, 1 6 9 3 - 1 7 3 3 , son of John Sandiford, was instructed in the faith of the English Church, but later became a Quaker preacher. Firmly believing that the holding of Negroes in slavery was inconsistent with the rights of man, and contrary to the teachings of Christianity, he promulgated the truth at every opportunity. In the thirty-fifth year of his age, 1729, he published A Brief Examination of the Practice of the Times? a small volume packed with brimstone. Benjamin Franklin says: " I printed a book for Ralph Sandiford against keeping negroes in slavery, two editions of which he distributed gratis." 6 A s soon as a copy of this exposé reached the chief magistrate of the province, he immediately threatened the writer with a severe penalty, should he allow it to be circulated. Nevertheless Sandiford persisted in the distribution of the offending book, and continued an attack on slavery in a relentless, crushing, and pulverizing fashion until his death in 1733. Benjamin L a y , 1 6 7 7 - 1 7 5 9 , having lived for a time in Barbados—that lamentable coign of the world—became deeply concerned with the condition of the slaves. H e left the island for the American Colonies in 1735, and settled in Abington, Pennsylvania, where he was grieved to find that the evil of slavery was taking root. N o protest was too vehement in its condemnation. Like the mountain wind, he was a dynamic force, vivifying all he touched, though his zeal often outran his discretion. H e was " a D a y of Judgment in breeches." Imagine a scene like this: Benjamin L a y to show his indignation against the practice o f slavekeeping once carried a bladder filled with blood into a meeting; and, in the presence o f the whole congregation, thrust a sword, which he had concealed under his coat, into the bladder, exclaiming at the same time, " T h u s shall G o d shed the blood o f those persons w h o enslave their f e l low-creatures." T h e terror o f this extravagant and unexpected act produced swooning in several o f the w o m e n o f the congregation. 7 5. T h i s was reprinted in 1730 under the title, The Examination

of the Practice

lin. See The Friend 6. Smyth, Life

1815.

Mystery

of Iniquity;

in

a

Brief

Both editions were printed by B e n j a m i n F r a n k -

( L o n d o n ) , V o l . X V I I , N o . 195, p. 4 1 .

and Writings

7. B e n j a m i n Rush, Essays, and Sandiford,

of the Times, of Franklin,

X , 60.

1798, pp. 305—306. See also Roberts V a u x , Memoirs

of

Lay

CRUSADE AGAINST SLAVERY

79

In 1737, he wrote a treatise which had a title twice the length of the Lord's Prayer. 8 E v e r y one of its 271 pages is an explosion. L a y carried this manuscript condemning slave owners to Benjamin Franklin to be printed, but on scrutinizing the copy, the printer complained that it was not paged, and was without order or arrangement. " I t is no matter," replied L a y complacently, "print any part thou pleasest first." T h e book was published, but even the skill of Franklin could not connect its different parts so as to render it a useful work. Still, the lack of literary ability and the exuberant eccentricities of the "Pythagorean Cynical Christian Philosopher" were pardonable in view of his sincerity in the cause of freedom, for in 1733 he freed his slaves, and at his death bequeathed the sum of forty pounds to be appropriated to the education of poor children. John Woolman, 1 7 2 0 - 1 7 7 2 , another noted apostle of freedom and companion of Benezet, was born in N e w Jersey. T h e injustice of the slave trade dawned on him one day when he was preparing a bill of sale for a negress in the year 1742. Serious reflection led him to make the freedom of the slaves the supreme purpose of his life. Morbidly sensitive, he worked night and day for their interests, and applied himself steadfastly to the many problems that confronted them. Erroneously called the first of the anti-slavery and social reformers in America, he published as early as the year 1754 his famous essay, Some Considerations on the Keeping of Negroes. H i s Journal,9 published in 1774, regarded as a classic by some, bears witness to his undying concern for all oppressed people. It was 8. E v a n s , American

Bibliography,

II,

1 1 4 . " A l l slave-keepers that keep the innocent

b o n d a g e , apostates p r e t e n d i n g t o l a y c l a i m to t h e pure & h o l y c h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n ; c o n g r e g a t i o n so e v e r ; but e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e i r m i n i s t e r s , by w h o s e e x a m p l e the

of

filthy

in

what

leprosy

a n d a p o s t a c y is spread f a r a n d n e a r ; i t is a n o t o r i o u s sin, w h i c h m a n y of the true f r i e n d s of C h r i s t , a n d his p u r e t r u t h , c a l l e d Q u a k e r s , h a s been f o r m a n y y e a r s , a n d s t i l l are c o n c e t n ' d to w r i t e a n d b e a r t e s t i m o n y a g a i n s t ;

A s a p r a c t i c e so g r o s s & h u r t f u l to

religion,

a n d d e s t r u c t i v e to g o v e r n m e n t , b e y o n d w h a t w o r d s c a n set f o r t h , or c a n be d e c l a r e d of by m e n or a n g e l s , a n d y e t l i v e d i n by m i n i s t e r s a n d m a g i s t r a t e s in A m e r i c a .

.

.

.

Written

f o r a g e n e r a l s e r v i c e , by h i m t h a t t r u l y a n d s i n c e r e l y desires t h e p r e s e n t a n d e t e r n a l

wel-

f a r e a n d h a p p i n e s s of a l l m a n k i n d , all t h e w o r l d o v e r , of a l l c o l o u r s , a n d n a t i o n s , as his o w n soul;

B e n j a m i n L a y . " P h i l a d e l p h i a : P r i n t e d for the author.

9. A c a r e f u l study of t h e Journal

a n d Essays

[ B y B. F r a n k l i n ]

has revealed W o o l m a n ' s m a r v e l o u s

1737. knowl-

e d g e of the B i b l e . T h e s e w r i t i n g s c o n t a i n at l e a s t s e v e n h u n d r e d direct a n d i n d i r e c t t a t i o n s f r o m t h e scriptures.

quo-

8o

ANTHONY

BENEZET

very fitting that this intimate friend of Benezet should close his wonderful career on a pilgrimage as America's spiritual ambassador to England, whither he had gone on a religious visit to interpret the new attitude toward slavery. H e crossed the ocean in 1772, and after only four months' labor died at York, England, where in the sequestered old Friends' burial ground at Bishophill a small stone bearing a few words of commemoration marks his resting place. Seventeen hundred and fifty was the year in which Anthony Benezet started his crusade against the slave trade. T o him it seemed a cruel way to carry on the world, for he inherited an intense, passionate love of liberty. What a woeful contribution to history was the African slave trade! What a horrible business—collecting, shipping, and selling African slaves! Possessing a genius for friendship, Benezet gave the impulse to a great current in the tides of world thinking, and enlisted the sympathy and cooperation of influential men at home and abroad. H e was constantly looking at the literary firmament in the hope that a new planet might swim into his ken. Like Thackeray, he created men and women by the magic of his pen, thereby raising an army for the crusade now being launched. H e wrote eloquently in defense of freedom's cause to persons of all ranks and nations, and in this particular labor his work surpassed all others. The first important contribution from his pen was the exceedingly important Efistle presented to the Yearly Meeting of the Society of Friends in 1754, looking forward to definite action in the matter of slaveholding. Three score years and six had passed since the first organized protest in Germantown against the holding of slaves was regarded as "a thing of too great a weight to determine." Now the time was ripe for action. At a Monthly Meeting held in the Meeting House at Philadelphia on the 25th day of the 1st month, 1754, Anthony Benezet read'a challenging epistolet—truly a Magna Charta—which resulted in the most important step yet taken: A proposal of making that Rule of our Discipline respecting the Im-

CRUSADE AGAINST

SLAVERY

81

portation of Negroes or the Purchasing of them after imported, more publick, together with some reasons to discourage that practice being laid before this Meeting by Anthony Benezet, it was read, and Michael Lightfoot and others together with Anthony Benezet are desired to consider it, and prepare it, to be laid before our next Meeting, in order f o r Publication. 10 This Manifesto, ringing in every line with courage, was brought up at several subsequent Monthly and Quarterly Meetings, thence taken to the Yearly Meeting of 1 7 5 4 , and printed in that same year with authority. H o w far this epistle throws its gleam! There is something very touching in the manifest sincerity of its appeal uttered by Anthony Benezet in these moving words: Now, dear Friends, if we continually bear in mind the royal law of doing to others as we would be done by, we shall never think of bereaving our fellow creatures of that valuable blessing liberty, nor endure to grow rich by their bondage. T o live in ease and plenty by the toil of those whom violence and cruelty have put in our power, is neither consistent with Christianity nor common justice." A note of reproach follows as he exposes the past sinister records and asks the searching question: How can we, who have been concerned to publish the Gospel of universal love and peace among mankind, be so inconsistent with ourselves as to purchase such who are prisoners of war, and thereby encourage this unchristian practice? But these are only passing observations: now comes the fervent language of his heart. H i s peroration, disturbing the pillowy contentment of many Friends, roused the Meeting as never before. H e r e are his solemn words: Finally, brethren, we entreat you in the bowels of Gospel love, seriously to weigh the cause of detaining them in bondage. If it be f o r your own private gain, or any other motive than their good, it is much to be feared that the love of God, and the influence of the Holy Spirit, 10. From Copy of Records, through the kindness of the late William T . Philadelphia. 1 1 . See Epistle on p. 475.

Elkinton,

ANTHONY

82

BENEZET

is not the prevailing principle in you, and that your hearts are not sufficiently redeemed f r o m the world, which that you with ourselves may come more and more to witness, through the cleansing virtue of the Holy Spirit of Jesus Christ, is our earnest desire. H a v i n g g i v e n to the w o r l d one of the earliest epistles on the subject of slavery ever sent forth by a religious society, 12 B e n e z e t prepared other works f o r publication, many of which w e r e printed at his own expense. I n 1 7 5 9 , Observations slaving,

Importing

came A Short Negroes

and Purchasing

Account

of that Part

of Negroes of Africa

on the

En-

appeared} next Inhabited,

by

the

in 1 7 6 2 , translated into G e r m a n in 1 7 6 3 513 then in

1 7 6 6 , still one hundred years before the shackles of the A f r i c a n were f o r e v e r broken in America, he wrote A Caution ing to Great

Britain

and her Colonies,

and

Warn-

which created not a little

stir on this continent and in E u r o p e . W i t h Cartesian clearness he sets forth in the booklet of 1 4 4 pages the evils of slavery and the inconsistency of the practice with the religion of Christ: Much might be justly said of the temporal evils which attend this practice, as it is destructive of the welfare of human society, and of the peace and prosperity of every country, in proportion as it prevails. It might also be shown, that it destroys the bonds of natural affection and interest, whereby mankind in general are united; that it introduces idleness, discourages marriage, corrupts the youth, ruins and debauches morals, excites continual apprehensions of dangers, and frequent alarms. But as these and more reflections of the same kind, may occur to a considerate mind, I shall endeavour to show, f r o m the nature of the T r a d e , the plenty which Guinea affords to its inhabitants, the barbarous T r e a t ment of the Negroes, and the observations made thereon by Authors of note, that it is inconsistent with the plainest Precepts of the Gospel, the dictates of reason, and every common sentiment of humanity. 1 4 T w o thousand copies of this book were f o r w a r d e d to the Society of Friends in L o n d o n with the request that it be reprinted in E n g l a n d , and placed in the hands of M e m b e r s of P a r l i a 12. George Keith's group of Friends published an Epistle on the subject in 1693. 13. Eine kurtze Vorstellung des theils von Africa, welches bewohnt wird von Negroes, 1763. 14. Anthony Benezet, A Caution and Warning to Great Britain, London, 1784, p. 5.

CRUSADE

AGAINST

SLAVERY

83

ment. T h e treatise had a tremendous influence upon men of high station and learning, and its wide circulation was further increased by the printing and reprinting of editions in 1771 and 1784. Serious Considerations on Several Important Subjects, printed in 1769 and reprinted in 1778, added weight to his other writings. N o year in the life of Anthony Benezet was more important or more strenuous than 1772. It was a critical period for the Society of Friends. T h e Yearly Meeting in Philadelphia was considering the question of slavery as it related to those members who had not yet wholly given up their slaves. Some Quakers were more willing to condone than to condemn, and it seemed that the crusade might end in hopeless endeavor. A f t e r sitting for a time in painful silence, Benezet rose with a crucified expression, and, weeping like Hosea for the sins of his people, voiced the plaint of an oppressed race asking for justice, admonishing the Meeting with.the words: "Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God." 1 5 T h a t plea, supported by the definite word of H o l y W r i t , turned the tide favorably, even though several months elapsed before Anthony Benezet could answer the question of his friend, Samuel Allinson, as to the source of the prophetic utterance: T w e l f t h M o n t h , 14th, 1 7 7 3 T h e passage w e were seeking f o r is Psalm 68, 3 1 : "Princes shall come out o f E g y p t , Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto G o d , " under which name all that part o f A f r i c a inhabited by negroes may be comprehended; and that these are the people here intended is clear f r o m Jer.. 1 3 , 2 3 : " C a n the Ethiopian change his s k i n ? " 1 6

In that same year of 1 7 7 2 Benezet issued his largest volume, Some Historical Account of Guinea, composed of 144 pages, containing much of the material found in A Caution and Warning to Great Britain—an immense repository of facts and an anthology of quotations. It is brimful of information concerning Guinea and its natives; a history of slavery from its beginning} 15. Roberts V a u x , Memoirs 16. See letter on p. 308.

of Anthony

Benezet,

1 8 1 7 , pp. 108—109.

ANTHONY

84

BENEZET

a discussion of the conduct of the slave trade; and finally, Benezet's own plan for the abolition of slavery, about which more anon. Day and night Anthony Benezet employed his pen in the interests of the poor Negroes. His writings contributed incalculably toward actual emancipation as for thirty-five years he served as a firm advocate, throwing himself into the cause con amore. His Short Observations on Slavery was sent forth in 1 7 8 1 , and he wrote to philanthropists in Europe and America whose kindred minds were soon prepared to unite in the mighty struggle for ridding both hemispheres of such a pollution as slavery. What a mighty army went forth under his inspiration at a time when the fraternal relations between this and the mother country were becoming increasingly strained! Through his writings John Wesley, the great English divine and founder of Methodism, was led to an active interest in the subject. This is evidenced by a note in his diary under the date of Wednesday, February 12, 1 7 7 2 : In going to Dorking read several books: " A Disquisition concerning the Mosaic Distinction of Animals into Clean and Unclean," by W i l liam Jones, of

Maryland;

and, Tuesday, " A

Sentimental

Journey

through France and Italy" by Lawrence Sterne, and Wednesday, in returning, I read a very different book, published by an honest Quaker, on that execrable sum of all villainies, commonly called the Slave-Trade. I read of nothing like it in the heathen world, whether ancient or modern; and it infinitely exceeds in every instance of barbarity, whatever Christian slaves suffer in Mahometan countries. 17

Without a doubt, the unnamed "honest Quaker" was Anthony Benezet3 the book he read was Some Historical Account of Guinea; and in the light of his reading, John Wesley penned his Thoughts on Slavery two years later, 1774. In a century of free plagiarism, the opening chapter of Wesley's treatise required little exercise of thought, as may be seen by the following comparison: 1 7 . Nehemiah Curnock, The Journal

of John

Wesley,

1 8 4 0 , Vol. V .

CRUSADE AGAINST

SLAVERY

85

Some Historical A ccount of Guinea

Thoughts on Slavery

Written by Benezet in 1 7 7 1 .

Written by Wesley in 1 7 7 4 .

That

part

of

Africa

from

which the Negroes are sold to be carried

into

slavery,

commonly

T h a t part of

A f r i c a whence

the Negroes are brought,

com-

monly known by the name

of

Guinea,

Guinea, extends along the coast, in

extends along the coast three or

the whole, between three or f o u r

known by the name of

four thousand miles. Beginning at

thousand miles. From the river

the river Senegal, situate about the

Senegal,

17th

latitude

North of the Line) to Cape Sierra

. . ; f r o m thence to the river

Leona, it contains seven hundred

.

degree

of

North

(Seventeen

Degrees

Gambia, and in a southerly course

miles, including the Grain-Coast

to Cape Sierra Leona,

the Ivory-Coast, the Gold-Coast,

compre-

hends a coast of about seven hun-

and

dred miles; From Sierra Leona,

large kingdom of Benin.

the

Slave-Coast,

with

the

the land of Guinea takes a turn to the eastward, extending that course about fifteen hundred miles, including

those

several

divisions

known by the name of the GrainCoast, the Ivory Coast, the Gold Coast, and the Slave Coast. Benezet acknowledged the receipt of a copy of Thoughts Slavery

on

in a friendly letter dated M a y 2 3 , 1 7 7 4 , which begins:

Having a good opportunity, by means of the bearer, my friend and old pupil, William Dilwyn, a valuable, religiously minded person, who is going on a voyage to your country; I make use of it, affectionately to salute thee. T h e T r a c t thou has lately published entitled, Thoughts on Slavery, afforded me much satisfaction. I was the more especially glad to see it, as the circumstances of the times made it necessary that something on that most weighty subject, not large, but striking and pathetic, should now be published. Wherefore I immediately agreed with the Printer to have it republished here. 18 T h e two leaders continued their correspondence for a decade, Benezet informing W e s l e y of the progress made in his crusade, and the English preacher writing the Philadelphia Quaker of important movements which came under his observation at 18. See letter on p. 318.

86

ANTHONY

BENEZET

home and abroad. There was no uncertain tone in Wesley's writings on the subject of slavery. Witness his letter to Anthony Benezet in 1774: M r . Oglethorp, you know, went so f a r as to begin settling a colony without negroes; but at length the voice of those villains prevailed who sell their country and their God f o r gold, who laugh at human nature and compassion, and d e f y all religion, but that of getting money. It is certainly our duty to do all in our power to check this growing evil, and something may be done in spreading those tracts which place it in a true light. But I fear it will not be stopped till all the kingdoms of this earth become the Kingdoms of our God. 1 9

Living to the ripe age of eighty-eight years, Wesley added to the movement the prestige of a great name. W h o can measure the extent of his influence or the depth of his emotion or the power of his terse and trenchant words? After Benezet had fought a good fight, finished his course, and kept the faith, John Wesley continued. His name became associated with Wilberforce, Clarkson, and Granville Sharp in a combined effort to awaken the public conscience of the British Empire, which finally abolished the slave trade in the year 1807. On August 18, 1787, he wrote with his customary passion to Samuel Hoare: " I have long wished for the rolling away of this reproach from us, a reproach not only to religion, but to humanity itself; especially when I read Mr. Benezet's tracts, and what M r . Sharp has written upon the subject." 20 Out of their mutual concern and labors for the abolition of the slave trade there grew a long and loving intimacy between Anthony Benezet and Granville Sharp, of London. This was the famous barrister who in 1772 obtained the significant verdict in the historic case of the slave, Somerset, whose freedom was celebrated in verse by the poet Cowper: Slaves cannot breathe in England: if their lungs Imbibe our air, that moment they are free. T h e y touch our country, and their shackles fall. 19. Roberts V a u x , Memoirs 20. John T e l f o r d , ed.,

The

Hoare, dated August 18, 1 7 8 7 .

of Anthony Letters

Benezet,

of the

Rev.

p. 53. John

Wesley.

See letter to

Samuel

CRUSADE

AGAINST

SLAVERY

87

Sharp published a pamphlet entitled A Representation of the Injustice and Dangerous Tendency of Admitting the Least Claim of Private Property in Men in the year 1769, copies of which found their way to America. Anthony Benezet, ever on his watchtower, immediately used the tract as an opportunity of friendship and service, and a letter was soon on the way: I have long been desirous to advise with such well-disposed persons in England, as have a prospect of the iniquity of the slave trade, and are concerned to prevent its continuance. . . . W e esteem the whole of thy treatise to be very instructive, and much to the point; nevertheless, it was thought, f r o m the general disposition of the people here, that their attention was most likely to be drawn to it, if limited to that part which immediately concerns us. I trust thou wilt excuse the freedom we have taken in abridging it, even tho' thou should not quite approve our reasons for so doing. 21

The letter reached Granville Sharp on the very day which terminated the famous Somerset case, and the barrister promptly replied: " Y o u need not have made an apology for having abridged my book. It is a sufficient satisfaction to me to find that you thought it capable of doing some service in a cause which we have both of us so much at heart."" In a short review of the cause of freedom, Granville Sharp, writing to the Bishop of London in 1795, did not forget the past associations: " T h e tract which I had drawn up and printed in 1769, was soon afterwards reprinted in America, by Mr. Anthony Benezet, a worthy old Quaker at Philadelphia, whose other publications had already begun to awaken the attention of the Americans to the injustice and danger of tolerating slavery." Benezet introduced to Granville Sharp the Philadelphia physician and Presbyterian, Benjamin Rush, who wrote on May 1, 1773, in this genial manner: From the amiable character which I have received of you, from my 2 1 . S e e l e t t e r o n p. 2 9 0 . 2 2 . See l e t t e r o n pp. 4 1 8 - 4 1 9 . J a m e s S o m e r s e t , an A f r i c a n s l a v e , h a d b e e n b r o u g h t E n g l a n d by h i s m a s t e r , C h a r l e s S t e w a r t , i n N o v e m b e r Somerset w a s seized and b r o u g h t into court, w h e r e t h a t a s l a v e , by c o m i n g i n t o E n g l a n d , b e c a m e f r e e .

1769. Later leaving

the m o m e n t o u s

decision

his

to

employer,

was

reached

88

ANTHONY BENEZET

worthy friend, Mr. Anthony Benezet, I have taken the liberty of introducing myself to your correspondence by sending you a pamphlet, entitled An Address to the Inhabitants of the British Settlements in America. It was written amidst many interruptions from a business which admits of but little leisure for studies or pursuits of that nature—I mean the profession of physic. . . . Great events have been brought about by small beginnings. Anthony Benezet stood alone a few years ago, in opposing negro slavery in Philadelphia; and now three-fourths of the province, as well as of the city, cry out against it. I sometimes please myself with the hopes of living to see it abolished, or put upon another footing in America. 23 Benezet also introduced to Granville Sharp his neighbor and friend, Benjamin Franklin, and expressed in a letter dated April 4, 1 7 7 3 , his pleasure over the new acquaintance formed: I am glad to understand from my friend Benjamin Franklin, that you have commenced an acquaintance, and that he expects in future to act in concert with thee in the affair of slavery. I send thee herewith some pamphlets; and in confidence of thy goodness of heart, which by looking to the intention, will construe the freedom I have taken in the best light. 24 During the years of the war, letters between the two men were few, but on the return of peace correspondence was renewed, though the communications were of short duration due to the death of Benezet in 1784. The spirit of cooperation which bound them together is seen in the letter of Sharp to the Bishop of Peterborough, March 1 7 , 1 7 8 1 : Mr. Benezet, in one of his letters to me, complained of a sermon, preached before the Society for propagating the Gospel, by the late Bishop of Lincoln, Dr. Green, as being very opposite to the doctrine preached two years before by the Bishop of Gloucester (Dr. Warburton). I have not seen Bishop Green's sermon, but whatever sentiments he might have entertained at that time, I am sure he is now fully convinced of the bad consequences of the Slave Trade. 25 23. See letter on p. 445. 24. See letter on p. 298.

25. Prince Hoare, Memoirs

of Granville

Sharp,

1820.

CRUSADE

AGAINST

SLAVERY

89

It should be noted that Anthony Benezet had written to the Society for Propagating the Gospel 26 on April 26, 1767, requesting the members seriously to consider "whether the Necessity of at least endeavouring to put a stop to this infamous Traffick is not an object peculiarly worthy the attention & labour of a Society appointed for the Propagation of the Gospel." Benezet was surprised to receive a reply of crushing brevity stating that "though the Society is fully satisfied that your attention in this matter is perfectly good, yet they most earnestly beg you not to go further in publishing your Notions, but rather to retract them, if you shall see cause, which they hope you may on further consideration."27 But they did not know Friend Anthony Benezet. H e would not surrender principle for policy. From the straight line of duty he did not swerve, nor did he care for all the forces arrayed against him when once the course which seemed right to him was set. The services rendered the cause of African freedom by Granville Sharp were so conspicuous that in the year 1816 a tablet was placed in the Poets' Corner, Westminster Abbey, by the African Institution of London. H e is remembered as the esteemed advocate of African liberty. In a copy of Anthony Benezet's A Caution and Warning to Great Britain, found in Granville Sharp's library after his death in 1813, the following marginal note appears: T h e author o f this book, as printed in Philadelphia in 1 7 6 2 , w a s M r . A n t h o n y Benezet, o f that city; descended o f a French family, which forsook (and lost very considerable property in) France f o r the sake o f their religion; so that at present M r . B. is obliged to earn his bread in the laborious office o f a schoolmaster, and is also unhappily involved in the errors o f Quakerism. Nevertheless, he has a very large and extensive acquaintance, and is universally respected, not only a m o n g the whole body o f Quakers, ( D r . Fothergill, and D r . Franklin, having been his correspondents) but also by others w h o know him. 2 6 . F o u n d e d i n t h e y e a r 1 6 9 9 . T h e A r c h b i s h o p of C a n t e r b u r y w a s u s u a l l y c h o s e n presid e n t of t h e s o c i e t y . S e e l e t t e r o n p. 2 7 2 . 2 7 . S e e l e t t e r o n p. 4 1 7 .

go

ANTHONY

BENEZET

Anthony Benezet enlisted the cooperation of Benjamin Franklin in these laudable efforts abroad. Though the famous statesman once advertised the sale of Negroes in his newspaper, as he grew in years he disapproved heartily of the whole slave system. And no time was spared in soliciting his help in efforts to check the evil. A few of the many letters which passed between them reveal the sincere friendship they shared. It took more courage than we imagine for Franklin to declare his changed attitude on the question of slavery. Benezet was fully aware of that, but in his letter on April 27, 1772, he points out certain compensations: I will grant thou must expect to meet with dissagreeable opposition f r o m too many, w h o sell their country & their G o d f o r gold, w h o laugh at human nature & compassion, & d e f y all religion but that o f getting m o n e y ; but the testimony o f a good conscience; the f a v o u r o f the great father o f the family, f o r having, tho' under difficulties, endeavoured to relieve his children f r o m such horrible oppression, will afford on the winters evening, a satisfaction & c o m f o r t beyond, even the possession o f millions; and beyond w h a t can be expressed. 28

Franklin, in an affectionate letter no longer extant, had expressed the desire to spend some winter evenings with Benezet, conversing "on past dangers & better future prospects," but the present time is precious, and in his reply Benezet urges Franklin to use his influence immediately: N o w as thy prospect is clear, with respect to the grievous iniquity practiced by our nation, towards the Negroes, I venture to take up a little more o f thy time, tho' with reluctance, being persuaded thou hast f u l l business on thy hands, earnestly to request thou would'st deeply consider, whether something may not be in thy power towards an effectual step, & a kind o f basis lay'd f o r the removal, in time ( i f not at present) o f that terrible evil.

The Benezet letter contains information as to the large number of slaves in the English colonies, and of the willingness on the part of many people in New England and in Virginia to give 28. See letter on p. 288.

CRUSADE AGAINST SLAVERY

91

their weight to any reform. Franklin sent the following reply on August 22, 1772: I made a little extract from yours of April 27, of the number of slaves imported and perishing, with some close remarks on the hypocrisy of this country, which encourages such a detestable commerce by laws promoting the Guinea trade; while it piqued itself on its virtue, love of liberty, and the equity of its courts, in setting free a single negro. This was inserted in the London Chronicle, of the 20th of June last. I thank you f o r the Virginia address, which I shall also publish with some remarks. I am glad to hear that disposition against keeping negroes grows more general in North America. Several pieces have been lately printed here against the practice, and I hope in time it will be taken into consideration and suppressed by the legislature. Y o u r labours have already been attended with great effects. I hope, therefore, you and your friends will be encouraged to proceed. M y hearty wishes of success attend you, being ever my dear friend, yours affectionately B.

FRANKLIN.29

Extracts from two letters of Franklin to Benezet are sufficient to show that London was constantly supplied with tracts, pamphlets, books, etc., on the slave trade: London, February 10, 1773. I received with pleasure yours of Sept. 13, as it informed me of your W e l f a r e . With this I send you one of Young's Night

Thoughts

the

largest Print I could find. I thank you f o r the 4 Copies you sent me of your Translation of the French Book; I have given two of them to Friends here, whom I thought the Subject might suit. I have commenced an Acquaintance with M r . Granville Sharpe, and we shall act in Concert in the Affair of Slavery. T h e Accounts you send me relating to Surinam are indeed terrible. G o on and prosper in your laudable endeavours, and believe me ever, my dear Friend. 30 London, July 14, 1773. I received your Favour of April 24 with the Pamphlets, for which I thank you. I am glad to hear that such humane Sentiments prevail so 29. See Albert Henry Smyth, The Writings 30. See letter on p. 423.

of Benjamin

Franklin,

1907.

92

ANTHONY

BENEZET

much more generally than h e r e t o f o r e ; that there is Reason to hope our Colonies may in time get clear o f a Practice that disgraces them, and, without producing any equivalent Benefit, is dangerous to their very existence. I hope ere long to have the pleasure o f seeing you, and conversing with you more f u l l y on that and other Subjects than I can n o w do by Writing.31

Franklin returned to America two years later, 1775, but remained only a year, and because of the strenuous times had little opportunity for conference with Benezet. H e was appointed as envoy to France in September 1776, and did not return until his Friend Anthony had passed away. In the meantime friendly messages were exchanged, one containing a request which clearly shows the intimate relationship existing between the two men— Philadelphia ye 12th o f 7th month 1 7 8 1 H a v i n g several times attempted to get intelligence by letter f r o m m y kindred at St. Quentin, in Picardie, the place o f my nativity, I take the liberty to trouble thee, my kind friend, with the inclosed packet f o r M . Debrissac, my near kinsman, one o f the principal traders there, a person whose acquaintance would, on several respects, be agreeable to thee; requesting thy kind assistance in the conveyance to its destination. A s also thy advice to him o f the safest mode o f making me an answer. I wrote to thee at large by the ship Franklin, about seven months past, as also by our cousin John Benezet, in the Shilley, which w e much f e a r is lost. I shall be very glad to hear f r o m thee w h e n time and occasion will permit. 32 W i t h love thy affectionate friend ANTHONY

BENEZET.

The confidence reposed in Franklin prompted Benezet to write him in behalf of Francis Geay, who deserted the French service in June 1743, and later was denied heirship to his estate. After many fruitless efforts, Benezet wrote Franklin of Geay's difficult situation: 31.

S e e l e t t e r o n p. 4.25.

3 2 . S e e o r i g i n a l l e t t e r at t h e A m e r i c a n P h i l o s o p h i c a l S o c i e t y ,

Philadelphia.

CRUSADE

AGAINST

SLAVERY

93

His relations & heirs, w h o are many, are not willing to admit his heirship on account o f his having deserted f r o m the f r e n c h service, where he served during thirteen years. H e is between 60 & 70 years old, extreemly poor, & has been three times in the hospital, being dissordered in his senses, as its thought f r o m the effect o f a cut he received on the head at the battle o f Dettingen. I don't doubt thy kind interposition in the poor f e l l o w ' s f a v o u r . I intend to make a petition o f the like import to the Chevalier de la L u c e r n the f r e n c h Minister.

T h e letter accompanying the petition fittingly closes with this fervent desire: I should be glad i f thou wouldst return & spend the remainder o f thy time in retirement & quiet amongst thy old friends, w h e n w e might c o n f e r upon those weighty matters which can scarce be done by writing, matters quite different f r o m those which the votaries o f this world pursue either in pleasure or that foolish f a n t h o m called f a m e , arising either f r o m knowledge or w a r , such as are indeed worthy the consideration o f immortal spirits created f o r purity & happiness. 33

Anthony Benezet induced Benjamin Rush, the real founder of medical science in this country, and one of the greatest men of his day, to take a very active part in the crusade against slavery. T h e physician displayed extraordinary versatility, since he contributed to literature, history, religion, psychology, philosophy, temperance, peace, politics, medicine, and education. H i s mind was as broad as it was deep. H e was baptized by an Episcopal clergyman, but joined in membership the Second Presbyterian Church J he accepted Unitarian doctrines, and found comfort in the Universalist belief in the salvation of all men 3 but in 1778 he and his wife were confirmed in St. Peter's Episcopal Church, Philadelphia. In 1 7 7 2 Benjamin Rush wrote a pamphlet, An Address to the Inhabitants of the British Settlements on the Slavery of the Negroes in America. H e informs us that "the Address was written at the particular request of a worthy citizen [Anthony Benezet] to accompany a Petition to the Honorable Assembly of Pennsylvania, to procure an increase of the D u t y upon Negro 33. See letter on p. 387.

94

ANTHONY

BENEZET

Slaves imported into the Province." The author insisted upon one condition in fulfilling the desire: his name must be concealed, because such a subject was foreign to his daily study and business. So the pamphlet appeared under the pseudonym " B y a Pennsylvanian." The address aroused the indignation of a West India planter, who launched a bitter attack upon the attitude of the anonymous writer in a publication entitled Slavery not forbidden in Scripture; or A Defence of the West India Planters. Benjamin Rush, much against his own wish, was compelled to vindicate his position by a second pamphlet. Benezet became press agent for the circulation of the two Rush pamphlets, and obtained the loyal support of Robert Pleasants, Virginia, who did not always spell according to the dictionary: 2nd mo. 22d. 1 7 7 4 I think the Phisition has handled the subject of slavery in a masterly manner, altho I suppose he may have very little reason to expect to share with his antagonist the thanks of the Affrican Company, but let that be as it may, he will receive what I expect will be more agreeable to him, the approbation of Juditious sencible men. 34

Copies of the tracts were sent to England, but the subject of slavery was too unpopular to find a publisher or a market; in fact not one of the crusaders derived even a little pecuniary benefit from any of his writings. Granville Sharp, writing to Benjamin Rush on February 2 1 , 1774, bears witness to that fact: Soon after the time of my last writing to you, I received an answer from Messrs. Dilly, who decline undertaking the publication of your Tract against Slavery, as they think the sale of it would not defray the expence: and I received the same answer also from my Bookseller M r . White, to whom I afterwards offered it. Had the Book been a Novel, a New Play, or an Essay on some Trifling Topic drawn up merely f o r amusement or pastime there would have been no question made or doubt of a quick Sale amongst the Idlers. When I reprinted M r . Benezets acco't. of Africa in 1 7 6 8 , so f e w Copies were sold that I gave away, by degrees, almost the whole impression being determined to make it as 34. See letter on p. 426.

CRUSADE

AGAINST

SLAVERY

95

publick as I could; f o r many w e l l meaning people will read, ( & some worthy talk o f ) Books that are given them, w h o will not put themselves to the trouble & expence o f buying. . . . A n d with respect to my o w n T r a c t s , I have generally given a w a y the greatest part o f the several impressions even before they were advertised f o r sale: so that you need not wonder at the Backwardness o f the Booksellers in undertaking publications o f Books, which are not on entertaining

Subjects,

suited to the

Depravity o f the generality o f Readers. 3 5

Benjamin Rush sailed in 1766 to complete his medical education at the University of Edinburgh with all the buoyant enthusiasm of youth, and in leisure hours created favorable public opinion in the cause of freedom. H i s association in Europe with D r . Witherspoon, whom he persuaded to leave Scotland to become the president of the College of N e w Jersey; his stay at the home of Benjamin Franklin in London, and the opportunities of meeting with such illustrious men as Benjamin W e s t — he introduced him to Sir Joshua Reynolds—Samuel Johnson, Oliver Goldsmith, David H u m e , and D r . Fothergill, helped materially. On his return to Philadelphia in 1769, he became more deeply interested than ever in the cause of the oppressed Negroes. H e advocated the culture of the maple tree, believing that sugar might be obtained from it in sufficient quantities to emancipate the Negro in the W e s t Indies, though he failed to appreciate the portentous problems such an undertaking would present. In all Europe no one so strongly impressed Benjamin Rush as George Whitefield, even though they did not agree on the question of slavery. D u r i n g his stay in London, the physician visited the famous preacher at his home adjoining his church on Tottenham Court Road. T h e very atmosphere was charged with pious fervor. Conducting Rush to one of the windows of the room where they sat, and pointing to several small houses near by, Whitefield dramatically exclaimed: " T h e r e are my life guards! In those houses I maintain twelve poor widows, and their prayers help to keep me a l i v e ! " A n d the mystifying im35. See letter on p. 4 4 7 .

96

ANTHONY

BENEZET

pression created was deepened at the breakfast table the next morning, when Benjamin Rush discovered that even the cups and saucers used in the home were engraved with the scriptural injunction, " H o , every one that thirsteth!" The Benezet family had known George Whitefield intimately in England, and their friendship was renewed on numerous occasions when the eloquent preacher, whom James Logan designated "a whimsical enthusiast," visited Philadelphia. From the pen of Benjamin Franklin comes the word: "Upon one of his [Whitefield's] arrivals from England at Boston, he wrote to me that he should come soon to Philadelphia, but knew not where he could lodge when there, as his old friend and host, Mr. Benezet, was removed to German Town." 36 (This refers to John Stephen Benezet, the father of Anthony.) But the door of hospitality was still open, as the letter of Anthony Benezet to George Dillwyn indicates: 7th month, 1770 I spent some time yesterday with G . Whitefield who appears in a very good disposition in meekness & universal love; the accompt he gave me of the sincere desires after God which prevails in many in Gt. Britain, particularly in Scotland, even amongst those who have been zealous f o r the presbitery, was agreeable. T h e Gospel must and will be preached to every creature under heaven, one way or other & it will prevail except choked with covetousness pride the love of ease of self or lust of other things. 37 ANTHONY

BENEZET.

But on the question of slavery Anthony Benezet and George Whitefield crossed swords. The attitude of the English preacher remains an intricate acrostic. His gospel was liberating: under his powerful admonitions the Dancing School and even the Assembly and Concert Rooms of Philadelphia were closed as inconsistent with that gospel. H e denounced the brutal conduct of slave masters, and spoke disdainfully of the cruel lashings which "ploughed the backs of the slaves and made long fur36. Edward S. Ninde, George 37. See letter on p. 278.

Whitefield,

Prophet-Preacher,

1924.

CRUSADE AGAINST SLAVERY

97

rows," but just as John Newton cheerfully sang " H o w sweet the name of Jesus sounds" to the accompaniment of the cries of Negroes on board his own slaveship, destined to a life of hardship and cruelty, so Whitefield had the audacity to declare: "Whether it be lawful for Christians to buy slaves, & thereby encourage the nations from whence they are brought to be at perpetual war with each other, I shall not take upon me to determine." 38 Selina, Countess Dowager of Huntingdon, at the importunity of Whitefield, had established at Savannah a "college," known as the Orphan House, to promote the enlightenment of the poor, and to prepare students for the clerical profession. The popular evangelist, having no qualmish feelings as to the lawfulness of keeping slaves, sought to maintain the orphanage by the introduction of a large number of Negroes, who perspiringly cultivated the rice and flax plantations of 640 acres of excellent land without pay. From a full heart and a sore one, Benezet wrote a letter to the Countess, pathetically depicting the misery she was unconsciously causing by thus encouraging the slave trade. H e was gratified to learn from the distinguished lady that in founding the institution she had no such purpose in mind, and that she would prohibit the wicked crime, albeit Whitefield continued to own fifty slaves to maintain his orphanage, and finally bequeathed them in his will to Lady Huntingdon. The agitation, however, was not in vain, for a feeling of resentment toward the practice of employing slaves for profitable purposes on the plantation grew under the fostering influence of James Edward Oglethorpe, John Martin Bolzius, and Anthony Benezet, and the abuse was suppressed. The windows of Benezet were open toward all points of the compass, and learning that the Abbé Raynal, of France, had manifested in his celebrated work, The History of the European Settlements in the East and West Indies,39 his sympathetic feelings toward the Africans, the kind Quaker earnestly sought 38. J. P . Gledstone, Life 39. Histoire

Philosophique

péens dans les Deux

Indes,

of Whitefield, et Politique 1770.

p. 135. des Établissements

et du Commerce

des

Euro-

98

ANTHONY

BENEZET

to stimulate further his interest in the crusade. Unfortunately several letters were lost or miscarried, and copies of one noble letter of Benezet which reached its destination and the courteous reply of the Abbé, are all the communications that are available. In the letter of introduction, July 16, 1781, Benezet states: F r o m the idea which I conceived o f the justice and generosity o f thy sentiments, I took the liberty o f writing to thee, about seven or eight months past, under cover o f my friend Benjamin Franklin, and likewise by J

B

, w h o , w e are afraid, w a s lost on his passage.

H a v i n g received no answer by several vessels, nor k n o w i n g whether my letters reached thee, or whether thine miscarried, and a good opportunity offering by my friend D r . Griffiths, I n o w seize it to send thee t w o copies o f a small extract o f the origin and principles o f my brethren the Quakers, w h o m , I observe in such o f thy writings as have come to our hands, thou didst not think unworthy o f thy attention. 40

Abbé Raynal's reply tells its own story: D e c e m b e r 26, 1 7 8 1 A l l your letters have miscarried; happily I received that o f the sixteenth o f J u l y , 1 7 8 1 , with the pamphlets filled with light and sensibility, which accompany it. N e v e r was any present more agreeable to me. M y satisfaction was equal to the respect I have always had f o r the society o f the Quakers. M a y it please Heaven to cause all nations to adopt their principles; men would then be happy, and the globe not stained with blood. L e t us join in our supplications to the Supreme B e ing, that H e may unite us in the bonds o f a tender and unalterable charity. 41

Even before the American Revolution, the Abbé Raynal described this country as "the asylum of freedom, the cradle of future nations, and the refuge of distressed Europeans." His Revolution d'Amérique, which was severely criticized by Thomas Paine, appeared in an English translation in London in 1781, and in the following year he wrote Short Observations 40. See letter on p. 365. 4 1 . See letter on p. 438.

CRUSADE AGAINST SLAVERY

99

on Slavery, for which Anthony Benezet furnished a worthy introduction.42 Anthony Benezet's supplications for the Negro race reached the Royal Court of England. On the return of peace, in 1783, there was an effort to renew the trade of slave selling, which during the war had greatly diminished. So serious was the attempt that a petition, signed by 535 Friends, was presented to Parliament that very year, while Anthony Benezet wrote the Queens of England, France, and Portugal, asking their intervention. Here is his tender appeal to Queen Charlotte, of Great Britain: Impressed with a sense of religious duty, and encouraged by the opinion generally entertained, of thy benevolent disposition to succour the distressed, I take the liberty, very respectfully, to offer to thy perusal some tracts, which I believe faithfully describe the suffering condition of many hundred thousands of our fellow creatures, of the A f r i c a n race; great numbers of whom, rent f r o m every tender connexion in life, are annually taken f r o m their native land, to endure, in the American islands and plantations, a most rigorous and cruel slavery; whereby many, very many of them, are brought to a melancholy untimely end. W h e n it is considered, that the inhabitants of Britain, who are themselves so eminently blessed in the enjoyment of religious and civil liberty, have long been, and yet are very deeply concerned in this flagrant violation of the common rights of mankind, and that even its national authority is exerted in support of the A f r i c a n slave trade, there is much reason to apprehend that this has been, and as long as the evil exists, will continue to be, an occasion of drawing down the Divine displeasure on the nation and its dependencies.

What humility and courtesy are displayed in the last paragraph of the letter: I hope thou will kindly excuse the freedom used on this occasion by an ancient man, whose mind f o r more than forty years past has been much separated f r o m the common course of the world, & long painfully exercised in the consideration of the miseries under which so large 4 2 . See p. 4 9 7 .

IOO

ANTHONY

BENEZET

a part of mankind, equally with us the objects of redeeming love, are suffering the most unjust and grievous oppression: and who sincerely desires the temporal and eternal felicity of the Queen and her Royal Consort. 43

A package containing the letter and a number of tracts44 was sent to William Dillwyn, who was visiting England at that time. Not all letters addressed to the Queen reached her, but Benjamin West, born in Pennsylvania, and later President of the Royal Academy, and a historical painter, graciously offered to present the letter in person. The package was considerably delayed in transit, and the contents were slightly damaged. Dillwyn, to save the situation, went to considerable trouble, as here related: A s the Historical Account of Guinea which the worthy M a n sent over was rather soiled and one of the same edition was found here in the streets, W . D . had it bound in the Manner he wishes the others were done in; but of them none were to be had but those sent f r o m America. W . D . hopes nothing which they, or the Letter, contains, can be in any wise offensive, when the Character of the compiler or writer is a little explained.

According to Roberts Vaux, the Queen, after having perused the appealing letter, accepted the present, engaging also to read the books. One of the tracts being very neatly bound in white vellum without any gilding or other ornament reminded her, so it is said, of the neatly elegant Quaker dress.43 The circle of workers encouraged by Anthony Benezet widened until at last it stretched around the world, but probably the greatest influence of Benezet's writings abroad was that exerted through the impulse given to Thomas Clarkson. A senior at the University of Cambridge, England, in 1784, Clarkson had distinguished himself by winning a prize for the best 4 3 . See letter on p. 4 0 3 . 4 4 . These consisted of the Historical Account of Guinea, A Caution and- Warning to Great Britain and Her Colonies, Elizabeth Webb's Letter to Anthony Boehmy with His Answer, and a miscellaneous collection of smaller pious tracts, published f r o m time to time by Anthony Benezet. 4 5 . Roberts V a u x , Memoirs of Anthony Benezet, p. 50.

CRUSADE AGAINST

SLAVERY

IOI

Latin dissertation. T h e next year a prize was offered for the best essay on the question: Anne liceat invitos in servitutem dare? (Is it lawful to make slaves of others against their will?) L e t Clarkson tell the story of his indebtedness to Benezet's Historical Account of Guinea: Wholly ignorant of the subject, I got access to the MSS of a deceased friend who had been in the trade. I was acquainted also with several officers who had been in the West Indies, and from these I gained something. But I still felt at a loss. I was in this difficulty, when going into a friend's home by accident, I took up a newspaper there lying on the table. One of the first articles which attracted my notice was an advertisement of Anthony Benezet's Historical Account of Guinea, and I hastened to London to buy it. T h e pamphlet contained a clear and distinct development of the subject from the best authorities.46

Clarkson read his essay in due course before the senate of the University and won the first prize. But more important than the reward is the fact that the subject of slavery continued to hold his attention after the contest. Overwhelmed by the horrors of the traffic, he resolved that his future life should be consecrated to the sacred cause of freedom. A n d he carried out his resolution. In the year 1787, John Wesley informed Samuel Hoare 47 that A week or two ago I was favoured with a letter from M r . Clarkson, informing me of his truly Christian design, to procure, if possible, an act of Parliament f o r the Abolition of slavery in our Plantations.

Clarkson gave to the world a work in two volumes, The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomflishment of the Abolition of the African Slave Trade by the British Parliament, 1808, in which he paid tribute to Anthony Benezet as one of the most zealous, vigilant, and active advocates which the cause of the oppressed Africans ever had, and declared that his Historical Account of Guinea became instrumental beyond any other book ever before published in disseminating a proper knowledge of 46. T h o m a s Clarkson, The History

of the Abolition,

I, 67 and 169.

4 7 . John T e l f o r d , ed., The Letters

of the Rev.

Wesley,

John

1931.

102

ANTHONY BENEZET

the slave trade.48 Undoubtedly, Thomas Clarkson labored assiduously toward bringing about the abolition of the slave trade by the British Parliament. Cooperating with this circle of distinguished men—John Wesley, Granville Sharp, Benjamin Franklin, Benjamin Rush, Abbé Raynal, and Thomas Clarkson—were John Pemberton and John Fothergill, Philadelphia Quakers who were spending a few years in England but were deeply interested in the progress of the cause of freedom in America; John and Henry Gurney, leaders in the industrial and social life of Norwich; Thomas Corbyn, John Elliott, Mark Beaufoy, David Barclay of England} and Richard Shackleton, of Ballitore, Ireland. These all were induced, influenced, or stimulated by Anthony Benezet to play an important part in the crusade against the oppression and injustice of slavery. While these influential friends were making progress in Europe, Anthony Benezet was carrying forward a strenuous campaign in the colonies at home. The year 1770 brought with it a strong feeling against slavery, and a more unanimous feeling against the further importation of slaves. Good seed had been sown, and the roots were now deep and had a mighty spread, like those of a Druid oak. Any argument for the continuation of the slave trade was as insecure in public opinion as a house built on the slope of a volcano. Some owners of slaves were disappointingly elusive on the question, others occasionally acknowledged the iniquity of the system, though they admitted their lack of courage to grant freedom to those employed in their own household. Witness the confession of Patrick Henry, the celebrated orator and statesman, who made the continent resound with the ringing challenge, "Give me liberty or give me death!" Two years before that memorable speech, he wrote Robert Pleasants, thanking him for the receipt of Anthony Benezet's book against the slave trade, and laying bare his conscience in the matter. Said he: 48. T h o m a s Clarkson, The

History

of the Abolition,

I, 169.

CRUSADE

AGAINST SLAVERY

103

Believe me, I shall honour the Quakers f o r their noble efforts to abolish slavery. Would any one believe that I am master of slaves, of my own purchase! I am drawn along by the general inconvenience of living here without them. I will not, I cannot justify it. However culpable my conduct, I will so f a r pay my devoir to virtue as to own the excellence and rectitude of her precepts, and lament my want of conformity to them. 49

Anthony Benezet took advantage of the growing opposition to the slave trade by sending forth an increasing number of letters, tracts, pamphlets, and books in every direction. H e raised up a host of friends in Antigua, North Carolina, Virginia, Rhode Island, New Jersey, and Philadelphia. Now began the preparation of petitions to various Houses of Assembly in the colonies and to the King and Parliament. The response of the people was enthusiastic, and the heart of Benezet was cheered when on April 27, 1772, he wrote to his friend Benjamin Franklin, in France, the assuring word: T h e people of the Northern Colonies begin to be sensible of the evil tendency, if not all, of the iniquity of this trade. One of our Friends, a Person of sagacity, who not long since returned f r o m Virginia & Maryland acquainted us, that f r o m what appeared to him, of the disposition of the people there he thought ten or twenty thousand people might be brought to sign a petition to Parliament, f o r the prohibition of any farther import. A n d I am told the people of N e w England have made a L a w which nearly amounts to a prohibition of them there, & have even gone so f a r , as to propose to the Council, the expediency of setting all Negroes f r e e at a certain age. Our friends at their several Yearly Meetings have also had that matter under their serious consideration, those of Maryland did actually, last f a l l , sign a petition to their assembly f o r a law to prevent any farther import, & I am told many friends in Virginia have the same under their consideration; so that if any publick step was taken in this weighty matter, perhaps one of the most weighty which ever was agitated, we should have the approbation & good wishes of many, very many well-minded people of all countries & religious denominations. 50 4 9 . See letter on p. 4 4 3 .

50. See letter on p. 2 8 9 .

104

ANTHONY

BENEZET

The astounding magnitude of the slave traffic in 1 7 7 2 may be judged by the facts supplied by Benezet in the same letter: B y a late computation there is n o w eight hundred &

fifty

thousand

negroes in the English Islands & Colonies; and an hundred thousand more yearly imported, by our N a t i o n ; about a third of this number is said to perish in the passage; & seasoning, before they are set to labour; the remnant are mostly employed to make up deficiencies or sold to the Spaniards. 5 1

The information furnished by Benezet in his writings stirred the soul of his dear friend, John Woolman, to such an extent that the New Jersey Quaker hesitated in his proposed plan to visit the West Indies. In his Journal 52 he states: T h a t which hath so closely engaged m y mind in seeking to the L o r d f o r instruction is, whither, a f t e r so f u l l information of the oppression the slaves lie under, in the W e s t Indies w h o raise the west india produce, as I had in reading a Caution & w a r n i n g to G r e a t Brittain & her C o l o nies, wrote by A n t h o n y Benezet, it is right f o r me to take a passage in a Vessel employed in the west india trade.

W e learn from an informative letter of Benezet, dated April 8, 1 7 7 3 , that the Assembly of Pennsylvania was petitioned so vigorously that year as practically to carry into effect a prohibitive duty upon the importation of Negroes. Happy he was to find unanimity among the Christian people on the subject. " T h e Clergy of the Church of England and Dissenters freely joined us," he wrote, "so that now the duty on Slaves imported is twenty pounds, per head, which will, we think effectually prevent any more being imported, into the province." 53 This growing sentiment was, of course, more opposed to further importation of slaves than to slavery itself. Complete emancipation was kept studiously in the background, the protest being against the slave market alone, though Benjamin Rush, writing to Granville Sharp in 1 7 7 3 , expressed the opinion : "Anthony Benezet stood alone a few years ago in opposing 5 1 . See letter on p. 2 8 9 . 5 2 . A m e l i a M o t t G u m m e r e , The 5 3 . See letter on p. 2 9 9 .

Journal

and

Essays

of John

Woolman,

1 9 2 2 , p. 2 8 2 .

CRUSADE

AGAINST

SLAVERY

105

negro slavery in Philadelphia; and now three-fourths of the province, as well as of the city, cry out against it." 54 The next step was a petition to the King and Parliament requesting that no more slaves be brought from Guinea. Benezet sought and obtained the wise counsel of Granville Sharp as to the form of the petition. The value of his advice may readily be seen in the following statement: Y o u r proposal of petitioning Parliament is certainly very proper, if the subject of the petition be confined to the A f r i c a n slave trade (which is protected and encouraged by Parliament); toleration

of slavery

in the colonies,

but with

respect

to the

I apprehend the British Parliament

has no right to interfere; and that your petition on this head should be addressed

only to the King;

or to the King

must be had to the rights of the Colonies; if addressed

to Parliament,

in Council.

. . . Respect

and a petition from thence

ought to relate to the slave trade

bad effects and consequences) in general,

(with its

and not merely to the im-

portation of slaves into the colonies, because the colonies have a right themselves to prohibit such importation respectively in their own Assemblies, with the King's concurrence; which they will be sure to obtain in this matter, if asked f o r by a majority. 55

Two disturbing problems, however, were made more acute by this new attitude toward slavery. One was harbored by the inhumanity with which escaped slaves and kidnapped Negroes were treated. These escaped slaves were liable to recapture anywhere j moreover, those who were legally free might be seized on fraudulent claims and enslaved in circumvention of the law, or they might be kidnapped outright. In a letter to John Wesley on May 23, 1774, Benezet quotes two advertisements from Virginia and North Carolina papers—Williamsburg Gazette: "Run away Prince George, on the 10th instant, a lusty Negro, named Bob, &c. &c. [describing him]. The said fellow is outlawed, and I will give ten pounds reward for his head severed from his body, and forty shillings if brought home alive." And from a North Carolina paper: "Run away last November from the subscriber, Kent River, a Negro-fellow named Zeb, aged 5 4 . See letter on p. 4 4 6 .

5 ; . See letter on p. 4 2 0 .

io6

ANTHONY

BENEZET

36 years. As he is outlawed; I will pay twenty pounds out of what the Act of Assembly allows in such cases, to any person who shall produce his head severed from his body, and five pounds, if brought home alive." Through the instrumentality of Anthony Benezet a group of kidnapped black people, passing through Philadelphia on their way southward, secured their freedom. His successful effort in protecting the weak against their oppressors led to the formation of a Society for the Relief of Free Negroes Unlawfully Held in Bondage. This society, the first anti-slavery organization ever established in America in which there was a union of persons of different religious denominations in behalf of the African race, was formed in 1775, in Philadelphia. The first meeting was held in the Old Sun Tavern on Second Street, and it is generally understood that Anthony Benezet was its first president.56 Certain it is that he was deeply interested in the society until his death. Writing to John Pemberton on August 10, 1783, he states: The

case o f

the oppressed Blacks becomes rather more &

more

weighty with us. . . . Several have been brought in this C i t y to attend great men members of Congress, some of w h o m to claim their f r e e d o m as legally their due; others are torn children f r o m parents & parents f r o m children &c. &c. T h e matter has been so close with some, that redress being refused or delayed the poor desolate creatures have made a w a y with themselves;

as w a s the case o f a sensible french

Negro,

under m y special care, on whose behalf I requested a Habeas C o r p u s in vain, and redress being thus delayed, he h u n g himself. A n o t h e r h a v ing, pressingly on his knees, solicited a friend without success drowned himself as they were taking him down the river. L e w i s the l a w y e r 5 7 has undertook to plead the cause of several, but he is o f t e n under difficulty & calls upon us f o r the security the l a w requires that they shall not abscond whilst their case is in court, this security being a large nominal 56. Roberts Vaux, Memoirs of Anthony Benezet, p. 1 0 3 . See also Elkinton's Anthony Benezet and His Times, Philadelphia, 1898. 57. William Lewis, 1 7 5 1 - 1 8 1 9 , a lawyer of Quaker stock. In 1 7 7 0 he commenced the study of law under Nicholas Wain, of West Chester and Philadelphia. In 1 7 7 3 he was admitted to the bar, and in 1 7 8 7 became a member of the Pennsylvania Legislature. Dictionary of American Biography.

CRUSADE

AGAINST

SLAVERY

107

sum, tho' no more could be recovered than real damages; Friends are averse to ingage in it; some, whose good will exceeds their fortune, cannot justifie it to themselves. 58

T o this society he willed the sum of appear in behalf of these oppressed charitable disposition bequeathed "towards making up a loss he has of this good service." 59

£50, "to employ lawyers to people," and with his usual £ 2 5 to Thomas Harrison incurred in the prosecution

Another thorny question was that of the disposition of the increasing number of Negroes receiving their freedom. John Fothergill, of London, had a scheme for settling a colony in Africa, where the Negroes could be employed in the cultivation of the sugar cane. For the development of that project he was willing to subscribe £ 1 0 , 0 0 0 ; indeed, for several years he had already employed a person to explore the natural history of that country. Samuel Hopkins 60 suggested to Moses Brown the idea "that a ship of Negroes be fitted out for trade (no spirituous liquors! ) to Africa, as a forerunner of a movement to send blacks to Africa to Christianize the natives and aid in suppressing the slave trade." But Anthony Benezet had a more elaborate program than others. H e proposed first, that the further importation of slaves be stopped j second, that after a certain period of service, they should be declared free by law 5 third, these Negroes should not be returned to Africa. Benezet favored the policy of their colonization in the western territory. " T h e settlement from the west side of the Alleghany mountains to the Mississippi, a breadth of four or five hundred miles," he suggests in a letter to John Fothergill, "would afford a suitable and beneficial means of settlement for many of them among the white people, which would, in all probability, be as profitable to the negroes as to the new settlers." There, according to his plan, the once despised people might build their homes, cultivate a small tract of land, and find profitable employment. 5 8 . See letter on p. 3 9 7 . 60. Samuel H o p k i n s ,

1721-1803,

59-

Se

e Codicil on p. 1 6 7 .

pastor of the First C o n g r e g a t i o n a l

port, R h o d e I s l a n d , and an ardent anti-slavery w o r k e r .

Church at N e w -

io8

ANTHONY

BENEZET

As refreshing as the oasis of the desert to the weary pilgrims was the news to Anthony Benezet of the passing of the law, on March i , 1780, which commenced the gradual abolition of slavery in Pennsylvania. This Act of the Assembly provided: T h a t thereafter no child born in Pennsylvania should be a slave; but that such children, if negroes or mulattoes born of a slave mother should be servants until they were twenty-eight years of age; that all present slaves should be registered by their masters before November I, 1780, and that such as were not then registered should be free. 6 1

True, the slave trade was surreptitiously carried on after the year 1780, but the horrid traffic in slaves had received a deadly blow; the very institution of slavery itself had fallen under condemnation ; the Society of Friends had purged its own members of complicity in the evil; and Friend Anthony Benezet had lived to see the dawning of a better day. For forty years he had aroused public opinion all over the world, and the story of his devotion to the cause of freedom needs no embellishment—the facts alone are enough. His crusade became an inspiration to those who immediately followed him and to succeeding generations. There is no prepared schedule for the victories of mankind, but three years after the death of Anthony Benezet there was not a slave in the possession of an acknowledged Quaker. And the entire Negro population was uplifted as a consequence. In 1809, Watson makes this interesting comment: "Blacks now call themselves coloured people (a modern name) meaning thereby to disdain the appelations of Blacks or Negroes. . . . They never had surnames until lately." 62 W e are given to understand that Warner Mifflin once visited J. P. Brissot de Warville when the Frenchman was sick and discouraged. As they talked together of baffling problems, M i f flin optimistically exclaimed: " O h , my friend, is not the arm of the Almighty stronger than the arm of man? What were we when the Society won its birth in England? What was America thirteen years ago, when Benezet raised his voice against the 61. Statutes at Large, Vol. V, 1 6 7 - 7 3 ; Colonial 62. Cf. Watson, Annals, 1857, II, 261.

Records, X I I , 99.

CRUSADE AGAINST SLAVERY

109

slavery of the blacks?" 63 That same Warner Mifflin had previously asked Anthony Benezet the pertinent question: "Not having the authority of any public body, or the resources of eloquence in your favor, how can you have succeeded?" And the prompt reply was: " B y the help of the inspiration of the spirit of the universe, of the kind disposition of those to whom I spoke, and of my own good will." 64 63. Hilda Justice, The Life 64.. Ibid., p. 59.

and Ancestry

of Warner

Mifflin,

p. 65.

VII

His Faith in Pennsylvania Indians From the carefullest enquiry and observation, I was capable of

making

whilst at Easton, I think the Indians quite in earnest in their desire of peace; they told us that if a lasting peace was not established, it would be our

fault. ANTHONY BENEZET

H E story of the hunger for luxury and land which deprived the Indians of their territory is oft repeated, and the sad revelation of broken faith and violated treaties, which splintered a famous friendship in the long ago, still brings a flush of shame to those who love their country. T h e memory of the infamous W a l k i n g Purchase of 1 7 3 7 — i t s amazing M a r a thon record—is as haunting as the O l d Testament narrative of Naboth's vineyard. For more than seventy years ( 1 6 8 2 - 1 7 5 5 ) the pacific policy of William Penn, based upon the principle of sound justice, preserved unbroken peace with the aborigines of Pennsylvania. During that period other colonies had suffered from occasional outbreaks, but no alarm reached the Quaker province until the autumn of 1755, when hostilities encouraged by the defeat and death of the ill-advised General Edward Braddock near Fort Duquesne provided a foreboding outlook, and imperiled the very existence of the colony. T h e n it came to pass that the French, still brooding over the Treaty of Utrecht, secured alliances with the Indians to return measure for measure, and proceeded eastward in their devastating campaign. E v e n the Delawares and Shawanese, old treaty friends of William Penn, deserted their former fealty and joined the destructive forces to burn property and to scalp and massacre the inhabitants. H o w serious the uprising appeared at the time to the Provincial Council is evident from the Minutes: For several days beginning 18th October, 1 7 5 5 , the first Inroad ever made by Indians upon this Province since its first settlement has occasioned a general consternation and panic. A l l our accounts agree in this,

F A I T H IN

INDIANS

HI

that the French since the defeat of General Braddock have gained to their Interest the Delawares, Shawanese, and many other Indian nations formerly in our alliance. 1

T h e apprehension on the frontier spread when raiding parties of Indians came over the mountains into the German settlements in Berks and Northampton counties. M a n y of the Palatines left their farms to journey to the State House in Philadelphia in the hope of securing protection and help from Governor Morris, but their appeal was unsuccessful, and they returned in dismay to their hamlets. In the meantime, on the night of November 24, a band of Shawanese Indians rushed into the peaceful Moravian village of Gnadenhutten in the Lehigh mountains, and brutally murdered defenseless inhabitants who had remained at home, hoping that the mercy of the invaders might spare them. Great excitement prevailed throughout the back counties. Farmhouses were abandoned. Panic-stricken families hurriedly departed without provisions or even bedding or clothing. Within fifty miles of Philadelphia several people were scalped} some were taken captives and others were slain. Hundreds of refugees trudged with their encumbrances to the City of Brotherly Love. John Woolman in his Journal states that while his committee of Friends was in session conferring on the perplexing situation, "the corpse of one so slain was brought in a wagon, and taken through the Streets of the Citty, in his Bloody garments, to Alarm the people, and rouse them up to war." In the little town of Bethlehem anxiety was intense. Rumors had been circulated that the savages proposed to make an end of the town and clear the region of white people by the time of the great festival of Christmas, but the benign intervention of Benjamin Franklin as the head of the Committee of Defense restored confidence. H e set out for the frontier, and arrived at the Moravian settlement on December 19, where his sympathy, diplomacy, and military strategy saved a vexatious dilemma. 2 1. Minutes of P r o v i n c i a l Council of P e n n s y l v a n i a , V I , 768. 2. See J. Bennett N o l a n , General

Benjamin

Franklin.

Philadelphia,

1936.

ANTHONY BENEZET

112

From Bethlehem and Nazareth came urgent appeals from distressed people for food and clothing and money. In their behalf, the Moravian bishop, Augustus Gottlieb Spangenberg, 3 turned to Anthony Benezet. All—bishop and people—knew his disposition: his kindness was as common as the sunrise, and as cheering. H e was a friend of the blacks: would he not also be a friend of the refugees? T o the numerous engagements of his benevolent and laborious life he promptly added this extra task. In a letter dated December 25, 1755, he gave the Bishop the assurance of his interest, hastily raised by private solicitation the sum of £200 currency, and then sent over rough roads to Bethlehem a wagonload of clothing for distribution. T w o weeks later another wagonload of serviceable goods was sent by this Friend to the distressed people, consisting of warm clothing, forty-seven felling axes costing seven shillings each, and £15 to buy grain for the poor. A n d still another consignment followed sixteen days later, which included fifteen kettles for the Indians, thirty-five yards of flannel, twenty pairs of shoes and one thousand needles. 4 Anthony Benezet proceeded to take up their cause with Isaac Norris, the Speaker of the Assembly and one of the Commissioners, asking that a part of the grant of £5 5,000 be used for their relief. H e urged the bishop and people of Bethlehem and Nazareth to interview Benjamin Franklin, confident of his ability and willingness to lubricate negotiations. Votes of the Assembly show that from the year 1754 several sums of money were trustingly placed in the hands of Anthony Benezet for the relief and maintenance of French deserters and others who in desperation were seeking refuge in the city of Philadelphia. H e was palpitatingly sensitive to human suffering on all sides, especially to those of the household of faith, so that the moment he heard of a family of Quakers who were burnt out beyond the mountain, he immediately sent relief. H e was concerned not 3. Bishop Spangenberg was Commissioner of Supplies as w e l l as titular head of Unitas

the

Fratrum.

4. H o l l a n d Collection of Benezetiana, Historical Society of Western P e n n s y l v a n i a , Pittsburgh. See letters, pp. 2 1 2 - 2 1 9 .

FAITH IN INDIANS

113

merely for the immediate welfare of these refugees. " T h e poor people driven over the mountains," he suggested, "should settle on this side of the mountain for the present as they do in New England, in a Square with the Town. People could then assist them, and government and charitable inhabitants would give money to help them." 5 But the peril of the situation lay not so much in the distress as in the warfare behind it. The Society of Friends was deeply concerned about that, for in spite of all efforts for peace, in the spring of 1756, the Governor and Council declared war against the Delaware and Shawanese Indians. Quakers residing in Philadelphia presented an address to him, urging that every measure possible be taken to prevent further strife, but the harsh, repressive hand of Governor Morris could not be stayed, and he proceeded to a declaration of war. Every settlement became an armed camp. Three events of great importance occurred in the year of 1756. Because of the belligerent agitation, the Quaker control of the Pennsylvania Assembly came to a destined close, though the interest of the Society of Friends in the Indians continued, and everything possible was done to bring about peace. There was also organized the Meeting for Sufferings, appointed by the Yearly Meeting to care for the sufferers for conscience' sake during the period of warfare. But most important of all was the formation of the Friendly Association for Regaining and Preserving Peace with the Indians by Pacific Measures. Anthony Benezet was deeply interested in that movement, organized on November 2: he was several times elected one of the sixteen trustees who managed its affairs. Friends, by private donations, raised several thousand pounds to execute their friendly designs. John Reynell was appointed treasurer of the association. Between 1756 and 1764 upwards of £4,525 (provincial money) was expended by this organization; goods to the value of £ 8 1 5 were received from Friends in England for distribution; gifts of clothing and sundry articles of value were presented to the ¡ . H o l l a n d Collection, Historical Society of Western P e n n s y l v a n i a , Pittsburgh.

ii4

ANTHONY BENEZET

Indians privately for services as interpreters or messengers at treaties; and considerable sums of money were paid for the settlement of claims. In the year 1757, as a memento of good will the Friendly Association had a medal designed and executed in silver, bearing an appropriate device and motto. William Penn sits under a tree, offering an Indian chieftain the peace pipe, and pointing to the sun as the symbol of the enduring friendship that should exist among them. Benezet supervised the execution of the medal. Coining presses were then unknown in this country, and the impressions were therefore cut on punches, fixed in a socket, and struck with a sledge hammer. On the reverse side of the medal the head of George I I was engraved. The work cost £ 1 5 . " I well remember the striking of the Indian medal by my father," writes Joseph Richardson, in a letter to Thomas Wistar, on June 12, 1813. 6 Not always was the Provincial Council willing to acknowledge or approve the attitude of the Friendly Association. When the members asked to be allowed to make presents to the Indians and to attend the Treaty at Easton, they met with expressions of dissatisfaction from the Council.7 Even within the Quaker circle, there were those who were not friendly toward the Indians. John Mifflin and Joseph Fox were two of a group of members disowned by the Society of Friends for being concerned in "promoting and advising to the late Declaration against the Indians and offering Rewards for scalping them." 8 It was a pioneering day when many thought of the Indian as a savage whose extermination was dictated by the sheer necessities of civilization—an enemy who neither slumbered nor slept. Watson records an ancient pamphlet printed at Ephrata (it is supposed by Parson Barton of Lancaster) containing Cloven Foot Discovered, a tirade against the Quakers: 6. See illustration opposite for medal; see also Roberts Vaux, Memoirs of Anthony Benezet, p. 9 1 ; also Jacques Pannier, Antoine Benemel, 1 9 2 5 . 7. See Minutes of Provincial Council, V I I , 637 f. 8. Minutes of the Philadelphia Monthly Meetings.

INDIAN MEDAL AND SIGNATURE

F A I T H IN

INDIANS

"5

In many things change but the name Quakers 8c Indians are the same; I don't say all, f o r there are such, T h a t honest are, e'en of the Dutch: But those who the Indians cause maintain Would take the part of Bloody Cain, And sell their very souls f o r gain. 9

The greatest efforts for the preservation of peace and the exercise of good will toward the Indians, however, were made by individuals. Anthony Benezet and a few Friends believed in the sacredness of all human life ; they had great faith in the sincerity of these Pennsylvania tribes, and unselfishly befriended them whenever they visited Philadelphia to buy and sell or to satisfy their own curiosity. On many an occasion shelter was found for them during their two or three weeks' stay about the State House yard. Here they made baskets out of the ashstrips which they brought with them, and sold them when finished, to visitors. Benezet became very friendly with them: his home was often a wigwam to their traveling chiefs. In the spring of 1 7 5 6 , he was present at a dinner held at the home of Israel Pemberton, to which the Indians then in town were invited to talk of their grievances and prospects of peace. 10 H e was also present at Easton in J u l y of the same year, when a treaty of peace was concluded, eliminating the Delaware and Shawanese tribes from the war. His unbounded confidence in the Indians is reflected in his report of the important Easton Treaty, sent to John Smith, New Jersey, August 20, 1 7 5 7 : F r o m the carefullest enquiry and observation, I was capable of making whilst at Easton, I think the Indians quite in earnest in their desire of peace; they told us that if a lasting peace was not established, it would be our fault. A chief said " w e have gathered up the blood and bloody leaves, but do not know where to lay them out of sight, so that your children and our children, and their children's children, may not see them any more." 9. Watson's Annals, 1 8 5 7 , I, 505. 10. Amelia Mott Gummere, The Journal

and Essays of John

Woolman,

1922, p. 80.

n6

ANTHONY

BENEZET

Benezet knew too well the prejudice of the Governor and Council. H e hated all sham and hypocrisy—he examined under a strong light every maneuver at the conference and laid bare his suspicions in the continued letter: A t the next meeting w h e n the governor expressed his regret that a letter explaining some unimportant matter had been l e f t in Philadelphia, the Indian chief looked indignantly, and abruptly turned to his council, and a f t e r some debate amongst themselves, he said, " T h e s e matters are trifling, compared with the great w o r k o f peace they had come about; there would be time enough to settle such small things h e r e a f t e r . "

What light he throws upon the significance of the solemn treaty made that day! How candid his confession of the fear of being scalped, and how wise and gentle the irony with which he closes the letter: T e d u i s c u n g 1 1 then took out t w o belts o f w a m p u m , one representing the Five Nations, and the other nation he represented, and proclaimed the peace, which I w a s very glad o f , not only on the public account, but also on our o w n w h o were there, f o r I had not been without some apprehension at different times that w e were in danger o f being scalped, which, with all my philosophy, afforded but an uncomfortable thought. T h e Indians assured us that they wished to build houses, cultivate land, have schoolmasters to instruct their children, and honest men to trade with them.

wished

T h e last sentiment w a s not less sig-

nificant than severe. T h e poor natives have just great confidence in Friends, and speak with affection o f W i l l i a m Penn and his associates, w h o m they call " B r o t h e r O n a s . " 1 2

Fortunately, the Indian hostilities that broke out on the Pennsylvania border in 1755 came to an end in 1757, thanks to the important part played by the heroic Moravian, Christian Frederick Post, who was sent out by the Friendly Association in an effort to restore peace. But like the horizon, always yonder though not always visible, was the danger of another uprising. 1 1 . Tedyuscung, i y o o i - i / 6 3 ,

D e l a w a r e Indian Chief. In 1 7 3 0 he settled in the forks

of the D e l a w a r e . In July and N o v e m b e r 1 7 5 6 and again in N o v e m b e r

1 7 5 7 he attended

conferences at Easton, P e n n s y l v a n i a , conducted the negotiations, and refused to take part unless the Friends were present. Dictionary 12. See letter in The Friend,

of American

V o l . V , 1832.

Biography,

Vol. X V I I I ,

1936.

FAITH

IN INDIANS

117

Benezet saw the threatening cloud before it was bigger than a man's hand, and, mindful of the impending trouble, wrote his friend John Smith on June 1 4 , 1 7 5 8 : T h e account of a number of Indians having passed the Delaware was yesterday confirmed by a letter from Fort Allen, written by Charles Thompson, so that we may expect to hear of the destruction of numbers of our back settlers. T h i s is very afflicting to a sympathising mind, and naturally leads, with deep concern, to consider the neglect which so much prevails among your politicians with respect to Indian affairs. Y o u r declaration of war against the Indians is still in force, which, joined to the mutinous and wrathful dispositions of your back inhabitants, may occasion their being guilty of some rash and cruel act. Should they endeavour to destroy the people and settlement now making at W y o m i n g , of which I am not without fear, the consequences might be dreadful both to your province and this. 13

A splendid opportunity for reconciliation and a better understanding presented itself when in J u l y 1 7 6 0 a number of Indians, mostly of the Minusing tribe, whose habitat was Wyalusing, visited Philadelphia. They had refused to participate in the war because of their self-conviction of its injustice and irreligion, asserting that "when God made men, he did not intend they should hurt or kill one another." Now they desired to meet some of the Quakers in a friendly way, confer with Governor Hamilton, and deliver three prisoners whom they had redeemed from Indian captivity. A time was appointed by the Governor for a conference in the Council Chamber. Papunahung, the Indian chief, or as the Indians style him their minister, after surrendering the three prisoners to the Governor, by a string of wampum declared that now they had delivered all the captives, they desired to do justice and love God, and expressed the wish that all the prisoners scattered in the woods everywhere might be brought back. Then by another string Papunahung made this significant request: 1 3 . W i l s o n A r m i s t e a d , Memoirs

of Anthony

Benezet,

revised,

1859.

n8

ANTHONY

BENEZET

Hearken Brother I pray you would have some Pity on us & let us have no Liquor at all here, all we that live at the Place called Wahackloosing, and if any of our young men come down ask them where they come from, & when they say from Wahackloosing I pray you not to give them a drop of Liquor & hope you will hear us. Brother, tho' we are poor we want no Recompence for the Prisoners or for the Horses, we do not return them to you from desire of gain, you are welcome to them, & we are Glad of the opportunity of oblidging you. W i t h fearlessness the Indian chief assailed the unfair tactics used against them, charging that they had not received the price for skins promised, that this put their young men upon playing unfair Tricks with the skins, by leaving on them several parts which were of no use, as the ears, paws &c. this, added he, is not as it ought to be, W e should not Skin our Skins in such a way but our Corrupt Hearts have found out this way of dealing. Brother you see there is no Love nor Honesty on either Side, you do wrong in altering your Prices, & the Indians do wrong in bringing Skins to you with so much badness on them, therefore, Brother, we propose to fling this entirely away, for if it remains we shall never agree, & love one another as we ought to do. Now Brother, I desire you will not raise your goods to too high a price but lower them as you can afford it, that we may live and walk together in one Brotherly Love & Friendship as Brothers ought to do. Anthony Benezet was present at this conference, made copious notes, and transcribed them, sending them out to a number of his friends under the title: An Account of the Behaviour & Sentiments of a Number of Well-Disposed Indians Mostly of the Minusing Tribe.I4 E q u a l l y interesting is the lengthy account written by Benezet of the important Easton T r e a t y , which brought together Papunahung and eighty of his people, in company with four hundred Indians of the several nations, August 4, 1 7 6 1 . T h e conference lasted nearly three weeks around the tents. T h e prevailing spirit was remarkable, and the Friends were deeply impressed by the Indians' method of worship. A t the setting of the 1 4 . See pp. 4 7 9 f .

FAITH

IN INDIANS

119

sun, visitors looked with reverence upon the solemn devotional exercises, described with simplicity by Benezet in these words: In the evening o f the same day, several Friends w h o were then attending upon the T r e a t y , w e n t down to Papunahung's T e n t s & found his People gathering to their worship. A f t e r they were sat d o w n , some time was spent by the E l d e r Indians in Conversation, a f t e r which a short space o f Silence ensued, then Papunahung said something, in a deliberate easy manner, in the W a y o f Preaching and in a little time stopped, then a f t e r a short Pause spoke again a f e w Minutes with somew h a t more earnest, and a more elevated Voice, thus pausing, and speaking he proceeded, until he raised his Voice high enough to be heard by the W o m e n & Children, w h o were the most distant, and at last C o n cluded with a Short Prayer, with which he, and some w h o sat near the Friends seemed much affected but the dim L i g h t the Fire afforded was not sufficient f o r us to observe the People in general. A s soon as he had finished, one o f the oldest M e n got up and shook Hands with the M a n next him, and then with everyone o f the Congregation, old and young, in the order they sate, expressing, with tenderness and affection, a short Salutation & Benediction, in Nearly the same W o r d s , to each o f them. W h e n he had done they moved f r o m their Seats, and, w e suppose, prepared f o r Rest; & Friends took leave o f the Indians, & came a w a y . 1 5

A few days after the conclusion of the Treaty at Easton, Papunahung and a few of his people visited Philadelphia, spending about two weeks in the city and attending meetings of the Friends. A n important conference was held in the hospitable home of Anthony Benezet, when several Friends had opportunities of conversation, and Papunahung appeared by w a y o f Exhortation to his People, several o f w h o m were present, the Substance o f which was to remind them o f the kindness o f the A l m i g h t y particularly in disposing the Hearts o f Friends so kindly towards t h e m ; with an Exhortation, to be c a r e f u l l to make suitable return f o r the Favours received, A f t e r which he addressed himself in T h a n k f u l l n e s s , to the A l m i g h t y f o r the L o v e he had revealed in their Hearts with a Supplication that the Same love might be Continued and encrease, not only in their Hearts, but also in the Hearts o f their 15. A n t h o n y Benezet, An Account the 8th Month,

iy6i.

See p. 4 8 5 .

of Papunahung's

Second

Visit

to Friends

the 4th of

120

ANTHONY

BENEZET

Brethren the Friends, whereby they would jointly know, in the end, a place of rest where Love would Prevail & have the Dominion; a f t e r which a pause ensued and a Friend appeared in Testimony which the I n terpreter repeated in the Indian Language, and the Meeting concluded.

When Papunahung and his companions returned to their home at Wyalusing, they were accompanied by Anthony Benezet and Robert Parrish as f a r as Bethlehem. An extract from the diary of Hannah Callender yields this information: 8th mo. 26, 1 7 6 1 Passed Rowland Evans' and about six o'clock rode pleasantly down a fine descending lane to the widow Evans', distance thirteen miles. In a little time a f t e r Anthony Benezet and Robert Parrish arrived f r o m Bethlehem, having been so f a r with the friendly Indians Papoonhung &c. on their way home. T h e y brought an account that the people were apprehensive the Indians intended to strike a blow soon, which had set them in an alarm, but they thought we might safely proceed. 16

In bidding the Indians adieu, Benezet inquired whether they had any word to send to the Friends in Philadelphia, and Papunahung, after a thoughtful pause, answered: All I have to say is this, I f you, and Friends keep near to the Love which God has given you in your Hearts, and if I keep to that Degree of the same Love, which has been communicated to me we shall have an encrease of that L o v e , and thereby our Love and Fellowship one T o w a r d s another will grow stronger and stronger.

T w o years later, 1 7 6 3 , the frontier war flared up again. Pontiac, a remarkable military genius, united all the tribes of the West in a movement which swept eastward into Pennsylvania, burning, murdering, and destroying many homes. Simultaneously a party of Scotch-Irish, ever since known as the Paxton Boys, entered the village of the basket-making Indians at Conestoga, near Lancaster, brutally murdered them and burned their cabins. What a holocaust! Intoxicated with success, they proceeded with two or three hundred sympathizers toward Philadelphia, boasting that they would destroy a band of Moravian Indians 16. The Pennsylvania

Magazine of History and Biography, XII, 448—449.

FAITH

IN

INDIANS

121

who were harbored in the city. Under the shadow of that warning, Benezet wrote a pleading and powerful letter to Sir Jeffrey Amherst, Commander-in-Chief of the British Forces, beginning thus: Philadelphia, Seventh M o n t h , 1 7 6 3 . D e a r Sir: W i t h much respect, and f r o m , I trust, nothing but love to mankind, and a particular concern f o r the great distress, which will necessarily attend the inhabitants o f our large extended frontiers, should a w a r be once kindled with the Indians; and f r o m a persuasion o f the justice and benevolence o f the General's disposition, I make bold earnestly to request a f e w moments o f thy kind attention.

Continuing, Benezet pointed out the fear the Indians entertained of the English desire to dispossess them of their lands; the promise of the English to evacuate the lands to the westward of the Alleghany mountains} the instructions given to Frederick Post to assure the Indians of the sincere disposition of the English toward peace. Then with a prudence which rarely deserted him he asserted: C o u l d the Indians be made easy in this respect, I much hope that the ancient friendship formerly subsisting between them and the English w o u l d be restored; and extensive and profitable trade would be carried on with t h e m ; and our people might securely settle, though perhaps in a more compact manner, upon those lands already purchased, which it is thought would be f r u i t f u l o f many advantages; and doubtless the I n dians would (as they have always done) let the English have more land to settle it; which is the more likely, because the land back o f the provinces f o r many hundred miles, even as f a r west as the Mississippi, is but thinly inhabited; there being, by credible account, but a f e w thousands o f Indians upon that large extent o f country; yet enough to drive our frontier inhabitants to the greatest extremity, should the English resolve to possess and maintain that land by force o f arms.

The conclusion of the letter had this profound plea: A n d further, may I entreat the general f o r our blessed Redeemer's sake, and f r o m the nobility and humanity o f his heart, that he would condescend to use all moderate measure, if possible, to prevent that

122

ANTHONY

BENEZET

cruel and prodigious effusion of blood, that deep anxiety and distress, that must fill the breasts of so many helpless people, should an Indian war be once entered upon. 17

But nothing in the nature of a protest could save the situation; rather a supreme effort was made to exterminate the Indians. Scalping—an act which in its very nature is barbarous and cruel—was looked upon as a praiseworthy expedient: rewards were offered by the Council in July 1764, for the scalps of enemy Indians at the following attractive prices: 18 Spanish Dollars 19 or Pieces of Eight For every Male Indian Prisoner Above T e n years old, that shall be delivered at any of the Government Forts or T o w n s

150

For every Female Indian Prisoner or Male Prisoner of T e n Years old, and under, delivered as above . . . . For the Scalp of every Male Indian above ten years old For the Scalp of every Indian W o m a n

130 130 50

N o t only by letter but by pamphlets did Anthony Benezet use his influence in the interest of the Indians. A treatise entitled The Plain Path to Christian Perfection had been written in the German language about two hundred and fifty years before, and since translated into the French. Impressed with the plainness and honest simplicity of the author, Anthony Benezet in the year 1758 translated it into English. Then he attached to it a preface of sixteen hundred words, setting forth the idea that true religion still remains the power of God to salvation, changing and purifying the heart, and showing its effectual workings of grace in a number of neighboring Indians. Much of the preface is the narration of his unusual experiences with these sons of the forest at treaties and private conferences. These Pennsylvania Indians he commended in his treatise, 17. See letter o n p. 253* 18. Colonial Records, I X , 188—189. 19. A Spanish d o l l a r was w o r t h about six s h i l l i n g s a t t h a t t i m e .

F A I T H IN INDIANS

123

The Plainness and Innocent Simplicity of the Christian Religion, a copy of which he sent to his friend Benjamin Franklin, on March 5, 1 7 8 3 , requesting his most serious perusal. In the letter accompanying the treatise is a brief account of the tragedy which wiped out the Moravian Indians: T h e Indians mentioned at page 5 were our old friends, the M o ravian Indians, formerly settled at Wechelusing, they were taken to Sandusky at the W t . end of Lake E r y , f r o m whence the Wiandot K i n g permitted them to return to their Homes f o r corn, which they had l e f t in great abundance. Our back inhabitants hearing of their return fell upon them, as thou remembers they did at Lancaster formerly, and murdered ninety six men women and children, who, after some time of prayer & singing hymns, quietly yielded to the knife & hatchet. A plain instance that we are not at home, but only as pilgrims & strangers in this world, candidates f o r a better, as the greatest innocency & goodwill to man which was the case of these Indians, cannot protect us. 20

Benezet wrote to the Governor concerning the situation of the Indians, and was greatly pleased to receive a reply which had for a postscript this kind suggestion: A s I consider myself under peculiar obligations in my present station, to be studious of promoting the true happiness of society—I hope you will, without reserve communicate to me any hint that may occur to you & that I may be able to improve.

Anthony Benezet never lost his confidence or interest in these Indians: many a tiresome and dangerous trip did he make to their forest homes. If they had the vices of uncivilized life they had virtues also. At the penultimate moment, when he was approaching the last milestone of life's journey, he gave to the world the greatest written testimony to the kindness, hospitality, and generosity of the Indians ever offered, in his book,

Some Observations on the Situation, Disposition, and Character of the Indian Natives of this Continent, which was published in 1 7 8 4 , and translated into the German language in the same year. "There are scarce any but Isaac Zane & myself living who 2 0 . See letter on p. 3 8 5 .

124

ANTHONY

BENEZET

have attended treaties & endeavoured to inform ourselves of original Indian Affairs," so he wrote George Dillwyn; therefore, he goes on, in order that our experience of the fidelity & candour of Indians, when uncorrupted by an intercourse with disorderly white people, may not be buried with us, but communicated to such sensible, generous minded youth, who may improve upon it; particularly that instance of the power of grace in those Indians, known by the name of Moravian Indians, under the ministry of Papounaol; their perseverance under the power of true piety, during so long a course of years; their giving up their lives in support of their testimony against war; like their Master, they submitted to be led as Lambs to the slaughter, in resignation & patience, scarce has such an instance occurred, all circumstances considered. I have been straitned & as it were pressed, till I could compleat the Observations on Indians, which I herewith send thee. 21

There are fifty-three pages in the book; its premature publication robbed it of éclat, as Benezet admitted in sending a copy to George Dillwyn: " I am sensible it needs much amendm't & perhaps whole paragraphs left out ; thinking grows a burden to me; my business seems to be praying & watching." Even so, no man in that day knew more about the Indians than Friend Anthony Benezet. H e attended all the important treaties of that period; he knew intimately and conferred often with Christian Frederick Post, Conrad Weiser, Papunahung, Tedyuscung, and other Indian chiefs; he set aside in his will certain sums as a foundation for the education of Indian children; and he continued to the day of his death to gather information concerning Indian affairs, in order that he might pass on to young and old alike books, pamphlets, and reports, and stimulate their interest and faith in a race who in Benezet's estimation had become "a squeezed world that elbows for attention." 2 1 . See letter on p. 3 7 8 .

Vili

His Services in the Interest of Peace Friend, I know thou art a man of letters, and a member of the Academy:

French

the men of letters have written a great many good things of

late, they have attacked errors and prejudices, ance: will they not endeavour

and, above all,

intoler-

too, to disgust men with the horrors of

war, and to make them live together like friends and

brethren?

ANTHONY

BENEZET

P

H I L A D E L P H I A was astir with political excitement in the month of September 1774. A small gathering of distinguished delegates had arrived from the colonies north and south to form the first Continental Congress. Revolution was in the air; war was on the horizon. T h e tension of the situation was clearly felt. Benezet had recently seen the dreadful effects of the French and Indian conflict, and his susceptible heart was deeply grieved as he viewed the disturbing elements now rising. H e lost no opportunity of deploring any resort to arms, which, in his judgment, was inevitably calculated to inflame the passions of men. Before the clouds of war burst, he conversed with all the delegates to Congress on the awful situation j sometimes such an opportunity was accomplished by private interview, and at other times the approach was simplified by a request like that of Robert Pleasants, who prepared the way of introduction to the Commissioners of Virginia: 8 mo. 20th 1 7 7 4 T h i s is intended by the Commissioners f r o m this Colony appointed to meet in General Congress at Philadelphia on American affairs, and to recommend them to thy particular notice as men of influence & capacity, viz., Payton Randolph, Rd. Bland, Patrick Henry, Rd. Henry L e e , Edmund Pendleton, Benjm. Harrison & George Washington, 1 1. Peyton Bland,

Randolph,

1710-1776,

1721-1775,

statesman;

first

Richard

president of the American Henry

Lee,

1732-1794,

Congress;

statesman

Edmund Pendleton, 1 7 2 1 - 1 8 0 3 , statesman and l a w y e r ; B e n j a m i n Harrison,

and

who Richard orator;

I740?-I79i,

signer of the Declaration of Independence; G e o r g e W a s h i n g t o n , 1 7 3 2 - 1 7 9 9 , first president of the United States.

126

ANTHONY

BENEZET

have deserved well f o r their attachment to the interests of their country, and most if not all of them f o r their favourable sentiments & services to Friends, as well in a legislative as private capacity, particularly our Friend Patrick Henry to whose character & sentiments thou art not altogether a stranger. I doubt not thou wilt be well pleased with an acquaintance with several of them, and any marks of friendship or f a vours thou may confer on them (which no doubt will be agreeable to every man in a strange country) will not be unworthily besttiw'd, may tend to promote the good opinion they generally entertain of Friends, and will lay an additional obligation on me and my very kind respects to self & spouse.2 W h a t B e n e z e t said to the delegates m a y be assumed f r o m the conversation he h a d with Patrick H e n r y on October 2 3 , 1 7 7 4 : Patrick Henry gave some attention when I mentioned f r o m whence I apprehended we must look f o r deliverance, even f r o m God alone; by pursuing such methods, as would be most agreeable to the nature, of the Beneficent Father of the family of mankind, whose love and regard to his children, even to such as were influenced by wrong dispositions, remained unchangeable; T h a t we could not conciliate the Divine regard, but by acting agreeable to the Divine attribute which was love, and was to overcome by suffering; T h a t whatever wound might be given or received between us and the mother country, if ever that which was right prevailed, we should mutually mourn over; T h a t as Christianity knows of no enemies, we could not expect deliverance by the violent method proposed, without departing f r o m the true foundation. T o this, with seriousness, he replied, that it was strange to him, to find some of the Quakers manifesting a disposition so different f r o m that I had described. 3 T h o u g h realizing that the colonies w o u l d succumb to the l u r e of w a r , B e n e z e t wrote a courageous letter to his f r i e n d R o b e r t Pleasants, in which he stated: " I f e e l but little a p p r e hension at the prospect of things, which to m a n y is so a l a r m i n g . P e o p l e are a f r a i d of being disturbed in their e n j o y m e n t s , in their ease, their confidence in the w o r l d , and the things of i t . " A n d though the W a r of Independence began the f o l l o w i n g y e a r ( 1 7 7 5 ) , he continued to exercise his judicious counsel and 2. F r o m the original in possession of W i l l i a m and M a r y C o l l e g e , V i r g i n i a . 3. See letter on p. 3 2 1 .

SERVICES FOR

PEACE

127

to proclaim the peaceable principles of Christianity. From his youth he was a writer: to pour out letters was as instinctive with him as breathing. It made little difference what the circumstances were} he wrote just the same. Whether he was ill or well, glad or sorry, still the pen moved, still the words came, without cessation, almost without repose: it was his life. With his pen he had espoused the cause of education; he had pleaded for the exiled Acadians; he had vindicated the rights of the Negro; he had defended the honor of the Indians; now in these seismic times he would set forth the iniquity and cruelty of war. Not all of his writings received the approval of the Publications Committee of the Society of Friends: some important essays waited long, like Thorwaldsen's statue of Lord Byron, for official action before use. Early in the year 1776, to promote the cause of peace, he published a number of pamphlets, "those leaves of an hour, slight and evanescent things, yet in truth, the records of the public mind." First, he wrote Thoughts on the Nature of War, a tract of ten pages. The opening sentences are typical of his style of construction and the vehemence of his attack: W a r , considered in itself, is the premeditated and determined destruction of human beings, of creatures originally formed a f t e r the image of God, and whose preservation, f o r that reason, is secured by heaven itself within the sence of this righteous l a w , that at the hand of every man's brother, the life of man shall be required. T h e consequences of war, when impartially examined, will be found big, not only with outward and temporal distress, but also with an evil that extends itself even into the regions of eternity. T h a t property is confounded, scattered, and destroyed; that laws are trampled under foot, government despised, and the ties of all civil and domestic order broken into pieces; that f r u i t f u l countries are made deserts, and stately cities a heap of ruins; that matrons and virgins are violated; and neither the innocence of unoffending infancy, nor the impotence of decrepit age, afford protection f r o m the rage and thirst f o r blood; this is but the mortal progeny of this teeming womb of mischief; the worst, even the dreadful effect it has upon the immortal soul, is still behind; and tho' remote f r o m those senses and passions that are exercised only by present

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good and evil, must yet, upon the least recollection, impress with horror every mind that believes there is a righteous God, and a state of retribution, that is to last forever.

The pamphlet was distributed widely. One copy was sent to Frederick the Great in 1776, with what effect we do not know. We do know that two years later the monarch was engaged in a war with Austria.4 Another copy was sent, accompanied by a brief letter written with a simple fervor, to Henry Laurens, a president of the Continental Congress: How far, as followers of a Saviour who enjoins us to love one another, even to love our enemies, and who finally gave up his life for our salvation, we can readily continue in a war, whereby so many thousands and tens of thousands of our fellow men, equally with ourselves the objects of redeeming grace, are brought to a miserable and untimely end; not to mention the corruption of manners, the waste of substance, &c. thereby introduced, is a matter which certainly calls for the most serious consideration of those, who retain the least love for mankind. " T h e Thoughts on W a r , " will, I trust, lessen, if not remove any prejudice which our Friends' refusal to join in any military operation may have occasioned.5

Two years passed, and a second effort was penned entitled: Serious Reflections Affectionately Recommended, which, according to the full title, was intended for "the well-disposed of every religious denomination, particularly those who mourn and lament on account of the calamities which attend us; and the insensibility that so generally prevails." It was a i2mo of five hundred words. No member of Congress, no government official, no person of influence was overlooked in the distribution of these tracts, pamphlets, etc. Governor Livingston, of New Jersey, found in them no new argument, for he replied laconically but significantly: The piece on slave keeping is excellent, but the arguments against the 4. See Benjamin Rush, Essays, 5. See letter on p. 324.

Literary,

Moral

& Philosophical.

1806.

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129

unlawfulness o f w a r , have been answered a thousand times. M a y the Father o f Lights lead us into all truth, and over all the commotions o f this world, to his glory, and the introduction o f the kingdom o f peace and righteousness, which will endure f o r ever. Believe me to be your sincere friend. 6

One of the most colorful of all the letters received by Anthony Benezet was from the pen of Lord Howe's secretary, Ambrose Serle,7 who accompanied the British army from 1776 to 1778. It shows the affection in which Benezet was held by those actively engaged in war. There is no passion in it, no laughter, no tears, but a robust faith. Lines like these are full of surprise, written as they were while the British occupied Philadelphia: Philadelphia, June 2, 1 7 7 8 I ought not to omit, my valued friend, the returning you my kindest thanks, f o r your obliging present o f books, which I shall peruse with attention, and f o r your sake keep them by me. It would be happy f o r the world at large, and f o r individuals, if the principles they maintain were rightly understood and cordially received. W e should, in that case, have no occasion to deplore the present miseries and troubles, which, as the certain effect o f sin, naturally result f r o m the ambition, dishonesty and other unmortified passions o f mankind. T h e world on the contrary would be something like a paradise regained; and universal benevolence and philanthropy preside as they ought in the human heart. But though, f r o m long experience, w e may and must despair o f the general diffusion o f Christian sentiments and practice, w e have this comfortable trust, in our o w n particular persons, that w e have a peace which the world can neither give nor take a w a y ; and though the kingdoms o f this world tumble into confusion, and are lost in the corrupted strivings o f men, w e have a kingdom prepared o f G o d , incorruptible, and that cannot fade away. T h e r e , though I see your face no more upon earth, I have hope o f meeting with you again; both o f us divested o f all that can clog or injure our spirits, and both participating that fulness o f joy which flows f r o m G o d ' s right hand f o r evermore. T o his tender protec6. See Roberts V a u x , Memoirs of Anthony Benezet, p. S i . 7. Ambrose Serle, 1742—1812, came to America !n 1 7 7 4 , and accompanied the British army from 1 7 7 6 to 1 7 7 8 . Dictionary

of National

Biography.

130

ANTHONY

BENEZET

tion I commend you, and remain with sincere esteem, your affectionate friend. 8

When John Jay became President of Congress he received the usual appeal from Benezet, with the additional request for special consideration of the Quakers' attitude toward war. Benezet in his letter hopes that his arguments supported by the doctrines and nature of the Gospel will "soften, if not remove, any offence which Friends' refusal to take part in matters of a military nature may have raised." The reply of John Jay was brief, complimentary, and sympathetic: Philadelphia M a r c h 5 ,

1779

Sir-—Agreeable to the request contained in your f a v o u r o f the 7th ult. I have perused the pamphlets you w a s so obliging as to send me. T h e benevolence by which the author appears to have been influenced does him credit—and though I cannot subscribe to all his opinions, m a n y o f his sentiments are liberal, and merit commendation. Civil and religious liberty is a blessing which I sincerely wish to all mankind; and I hope it will ever be the policy o f these states so to e x tend and secure it to all their citizens, as that none m a y have reason to complain o f partiality or oppression. Y o u r favourable opinion of me, and kind wishes f o r m y w e l f a r e , demand m y acknowledgments. 9

The British army occupied Philadelphia from September 26, 1777, till June 19, 1778. What a season of mirth and gaiety in the city! Over at Valley Forge, Washington's troops were in sore straits, passing through the worst winter of the war 5 in Philadelphia, dinners and balls, theatres and pageants were the winter attractions. And watching these scenes were the Quakers, whose most earnest desire was for peace. Written in a vein of delightful informality by Baron Cromot du Bourg on September 1 , is this note: W e n t to dine with the President o f the States, where our generals and their family w e r e (as the aides-de-camp are called in A m e r i c a ) . We

had a very good English dinner. T h e r e w a s a turtle, weighing,

8. Letter in Wilson Armistead's Memoirs 9. See The Friend, Vol. V I I , 1 8 3 3 .

of Anthony

Benezet,

revised.

SERVICES

FOR

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131

perhaps, sixty to seventy pounds, which I found perfect. A t dinner all sorts of healthes were drank. W h e n we left the table I returned home to write by the Franklin, which was to sail in two or three days after for France. I met at the house of M . de la Luzerne, M . Benezet, the most zealous Quaker of Philadelphia. I talked with him some time. He seemed to me convinced of the merits of his school of morals, and really a worthy man. He is small, old and ugly, but his countenance wears the stamp of a peaceful soul and the repose of a good conscience. 10

The hostile attitude of the Quakers toward the war aroused the suspicion of Congress. Feeling ran high, and in the year 1777, when "a certain seditious publication" was published by the Meeting of Sufferings, 11 drastic action was taken by the Executive Council of Pennsylvania, and twenty Friends were exiled to Virginia. Staunton, being considered "the most proper place in the State of Virginia for their residence and security," was their prison from September 1777 until April 1778. And there, suddenly removed from the comforts of home to the bleak quarters of confinement, two of them died during the winter months, and the impaired health of a few was never perfectly restored. To these exiles Anthony Benezet wrote a remarkable letter on January 28, 1778. It was addressed to James Pemberton, a member of the group 5 it contained fewer than one hundred wordsattached to it was a copy of Serious Reflections Affectionately Recommended, which in such time of war the public papers refused to insert. Not a word of praise or even temperate laudation in their sufferings for conscience' sake is to be found in the brief letter: it is hard to tell whether his attitude was a defense of or an apology for their martyrdom. Before the message was sent, however, Benezet read a communication addressed to Mother Lloyd which prompted him to enlarge upon his own letter to James Pemberton. The postscript, three times 1 0 . See Magazine of American History, Vol. I V , 1880. M . Cromot du Bourg was an aide-de-camp of M . de Rochambeau. 1 1 . This publication was signed by John Pemberton on behalf of the Meeting of Sufferings on December 20, 1 7 7 6 . See Worthington Chauncey Ford, Journals of the Continental Congress, Vol. I.

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the length of the letter, is concerned entirely with the cause of the war and a consideration as to how far the Friends themselves had contributed to the calamity: Has not our conformity to the world, our engagements of life, in order to please ourselves & gain wealth, with little regard to the danger to the better part, been productive of all the Evils pointed out in the Gospel? Has it not naturally led us & begot a desire in our children to live in conformity to other people? Hence the sumptuousness of our dwellings, our equipage, our dress; furniture & the luxury of our tables have become a snare to us & a matter of offence to the thinking part of mankind. I trust this, at least, will teach us, in future, to live more agreable to our profession; where by our wants being made less, the perplexing, dangerous snares & engagements which attend the amassing & use of wealth would be much lessened. I f this afflictive providence does induce us to begin anew upon the true foundation of our principles, in that low and humble state of mind & conduct which becomes & indeed constitutes the real followers of Christ, it will have done much f o r u s . "

One of the grim, dusky problems confronting the Quakers in that day was the war tax question. Some Friends refused to pay all taxes, even those for civil uses as well as those for war purposes} others willingly paid taxes for the support of civil government but refused to pay taxes for war. Anthony Benezet agreed with Moses Brown, of Rhode Island, that "when the greater part will be for civil uses and a smaller proportion will be for war, Friends may pay as there is & ought to be according to the Apostle a consciousness in paying to the support of civil government as well as refuse that for war." Here are the words of Moses Brown on this phase of the subject: I understand some Friends have been overpowered by the common argument that Civil Government is Upheld by the sword and therefore they decline paying to its support which appears to me of great weakness, for I see a material Distinction between Civil Government & Military or a State of W a r . 1 3

Anthony Benezet was able to render conspicuous service to 1 2 . See l e t t e r o n p. 3 2 7 .

1 3 . S e e l e t t e r o n p. 4 3 2 .

SERVICES F O R

PEACE

133

the Friends and his country by the congenial associations with the officials of the French Government who occupied an important place in the life of Philadelphia during the years of the war. These French officials doubted the sincerity of the Quakers in certain matters5 charged them with arrogance and espionage; ridiculed their unwillingness to pay taxes for the purposes of war; regarded their religion a mask for hypocrisy. But they knew and trusted Anthony Benezet. Conrad Alexander Gérard, the first minister from any foreign court to this country, arrived at Philadelphia in the middle of July 1778. Bernard Fay makes this amusing comment: " T h e Quakers' great Apostle, Benezet, became so intimate a friend to Gérard that he was in the habit of writing letters to him to explain his duties and those of the King of France, Louis X V I . " 1 4 Gérard, in a lengthy letter to the Foreign Office, tells of a lively discussion he had with Anthony Benezet on the delicate question of taxes for war. The interview is thus described: Finally he came, and w e had several conversations on the history, principles, and career o f his sect. It w a s only at our last interview, t w o days ago, that he at last declared, yielding to my arguments, that, agreeing with most o f the fraternity, he thought that the Quakers ought to submit to the actual government and pay taxes, without questioning the use to which these might be put; but that they had w e a k brethren a m o n g them, whose scruples they were obliged to respect. I made him sensible o f the dangers o f this mistaken policy, one which involved a loss o f public esteem universally, and warranted the distrust and rigorous measures o f the government. I remarked to him that since they had been able to secure the confidence o f the English Administration, the principles o f which differed f r o m their o w n it would be easy to come to terms with a government tolerant in principles, and which did not persecute them w h e n once combined with it. Sieur Benezet seemed to have resolved to expound these truths; he ended by begging me to f a v o r the fraternity, and especially to exercise my good offices in behalf o f some Mennonites affiliated with them, w h o had been imprisoned and fined f o r not taking up arms. I replied that it was not in my mission to 14. Bernard Fay, The

Revolutionary

Spirit

in France

and America,

1927, p. 1 3 1 .

ANTHONY

*34

BENEZET

arrest the energies of the American government, and that when the Quakers had performed their duties they would no longer be in fear of persecution. 15

François, Marquis de Barbé-Marbois, the affable and polite secretary to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, came to America in 1779 on the ship Sensible, and during the six years of his residence in Philadelphia became very popular. Among many amusing and satirical accounts of his experiences is an illuminating letter dated October 16, 1779, in which he describes Anthony Benezet through an interview, and at the same time throws light upon the Quaker's view of Independence : He [Benezet] is still the friend of the French, in spite of all the evils which the government caused his family to suffer. He is none too friendly towards independence, but since it had to be, he is not sorry that a good share of the credit for it should be allowed to us. 16

But Benezet was incessantly at work among friends and foes of American Independence. Christopher Marshall, whose sympathy with the cause of American liberty caused his withdrawal from the sect to which he belonged, has this line in his diary for October 1776: "After breakfast, Anthony Benezet came to pay a friendly visit. W e held conversation for near an hour on religion and politics.'" 7 François Jean Chastellux, commander of the army and fleet, and one of the most enlightened French writers, has recorded a conversation he enj oyed with Benezet at the home of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, in October 1780. After telling of the dance which lasted till 2 o'clock in the morning, Mr. Duane, a member of Congress, being " 1 0 per cent more lively than all the other dancers," he describes the physiognomy of the Quaker, and then in a more serious tone goes on : Confidence being established between us, we fell on the topic of the miseries of war. "Friend," says he to me, " I know thou art a man of letters and a member of the French Academy: T h e men of letters have 15. See letter on p. 4 5 1 . 1 7 . See Diary

of Christopher

16. See letter on p. 4 5 3 . Marshall,

1774—1781,

edited by W i l l i a m Duane,

1877.

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135

written a great many good things o f late; they have attacked errors and prejudices, and, above all, intolerance; will they not endeavour too, to disgust men with the horrors o f w a r , and to make them live together like friends and brethren?" " T h o u art not deceived, F r i e n d , " replied I , " w h e n thou buildest some hope on the progress o f enlightened philosophy. M a n y active hands are laboring at the grand edifice o f public happiness; but vainly will they employ themselves in finishing some parts o f it, as l o n g as there is a deficiency at the base, and that base, thou hast said it, is universal peace. A s f o r intolerance and persecution, it is true that these t w o enemies o f the human race are not bound by strong enough chains; but I will whisper a w o r d in thy ear, o f which thou wilt not perhaps feel all the force, though thou art well acquainted with the F r e n c h ; they are out of fashion;

I should even believe them to be

on the point o f annihilation, but f o r some little circumstances thou art not informed o f ; which are, that they who attack them care now and then imprisoned

and Abbies

stowed on such as favour

of a hundred

them."

thousand

livres a year be-

" A hundred thousand livres a y e a r ! "

cried Benezet, "there is wherewithal to build Hospitals & establish manufactures; this doubtless is the use they make o f their riches." " N o , F r i e n d , " replied I , "persecution must be kept in pay; though it must be confessed that it is but indifferently paid, f o r the most splendid o f those persecutors content themselves with giving a pension o f ten or twelve hundred livres to a f e w satirical poets, or journalists, enemies o f letters, whose works are greatly read, but little sold." 1 8

On the arrival of the Count de la Luzerne in the year 1780, Anthony Benezet waited on him, extended greetings, and became a frequent visitor at his home. It is said that the Quaker presented to the Count a copy of Robert Barclay's Apology. The peaceable character of Friends the Chevalier could not understand, and he was surprised when in answer to the question whether they would not kill an enemy, Anthony Benezet said that they would not under any circumstances destroy the life of another. " Y o u are very good," exclaimed the Count, "but you are too straight." It is remarkable how attached the exuberant Luzerne became to Benezet, and how hearty was the welcome always extended to him. H e said with emotion one day to a 18. See letter on p. 456.

136

ANTHONY

BENEZET

friend, "Though Mr. Benezet has a small body—yet O! what a capacious soul he possesses." The Chevalier left Philadelphia before the lease of "Laurel Hill," the house he occupied, had expired, and Mrs. Shoemaker, who went to live there, has told of the bargaining she made with the Ambassador before a satisfactory arrangement could be reached. Her story discloses the friendliness that existed between Benezet and Luzerne. Mrs. Shoemaker said to a friend: I have had a specimen of French generosity in an Ambassador bargaining with the owner of a little country home for the remainder of a lease. I myself had a good deal of conversation with Anthony Benezet about it. Anthony is intimate with him. Poor Anthony could not say much but that his countrymen did not love to part with their money f o r nothing, and he must own it was inconsistent from their Quaker sentiments: he was very partial to his own nation. 19

On the eve of the departure of the Count de la Luzerne for France in 1784, Benezet visited his home, and after many friends had bestowed their compliments and expressed their best wishes, Friend Anthony addressed him with these endearing words: T h y memory shall always be dear to us. T h o u hast never ceased to be a minister of peace amongst us. T h o u hast spared nothing to soften all that war holds of what is inhuman and to enable those who do not exercise the profession of arms to withstand its calamities.20

To which the Count affectionately replied: "O! Mr. Benezet, you have exceeded them a l l ! " Anthony Benezet's last literary effort in the cause of peace was in the year 1782, when he published The Plainness and Innocent Simplicity of the Christian Religion with Its Salutary Effects, Compared to the Corrupting Nature and Dreadful Effects of War. This pamphlet consists of thirty-eight pages, and 19. The Pennsylvania Magazine, X X X V , 406—407. 20. Records of the American Catholic Society, XVI, 182.

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137

in it, by the use of reason, the feelings of humanity, and the teachings of Christianity as the foundation of his arguments, the writer as an ambassador of good will denounces war and commends peace. But his associations and his writings are absorbed and transfigured by his personal rectitude and singleness of purpose. The memories which his name recalls are for the most part of thoughtful kindness. H e passed through the most stirring times of our history—a great soul walking hurriedly down the avenues of the city to oflfer help to the helpless and support to the defenseless. The story is told by Roberts Vaux of a washerwoman, who had a family of small children dependent on her exertions for subsistence. During the war, six Hessians were quartered at her house, and she was forced to give to them the attention due the children. When the information reached Anthony Benezet, he immediately sought to alleviate the condition. His reputation made easy an approach to the general's quarters, where he related the case with all the pathos he could summon, and accomplished his purpose.21 The services of statesmen and soldiers of the Revolutionary War have been recorded by historians, but the story of the profound influence of Anthony Benezet in shaping the mind and character of early America through the legislative halls, through the schools, and through correspondence has not been told. 2 1 . Roberts Vaux, Memoirs

of Anthony

Benezet,

p. 144.

IX

T h e Model Quaker I f y contrary to my desire, you insist on faying tribute to my you may say: Anthony

Benezet

memory,

was a foor creature, and through

Di-

vine favor was enabled to know it. ANTHONY

BENEZET

A

N T H O N Y B E N E Z E T was a teacher, a reformer, a phiL. lanthropist, and an eminent Quaker. For fifty years he labored zealously in the Society of Friends. H e fostered their interest in the education of the young 5 he set in motion a circulating library of the best available magazines, pamphlets, and books for their enlightenment} he bravely led them to definite, concerted action on the baffling questions of slavery and war and temperance} and he penned the most succinct presentation of the principles of the Society known in that day. " F e w men, since the days of the Apostles, ever lived a more disinterested life"—so wrote Benjamin Rush. And it is not a cause for wonder that the Chevalier de Chastellux should write of him: " M r . Benezet may rather be regarded as the model than as a specimen of the sect of Quakers, wholly occupied with the welfare of mankind.'" A model Quaker indeed, in whom was no guile! Often he carried an armful of books for free distribution among those who needed information concerning the "inner light"} unceasingly he commended to others the Quaker philosophy of life. Years before the lucid statement of his own convictions was published in pamphlet form he made good use of Barclay's Afology.2 Knowing that Richard Peters, a Protestant Episcopal clergyman of Pennsylvania, was not friendly toward Quaker beliefs, Anthony Benezet once lent him a copy. Evidently the minister's prejudice was immediately overcome, for the verbal warfare ended in poetic praise: 1. See letter on p. 4 5 5 . 2. Robert Barclay, Apology

for the True

Christian

Divinity,

1678. It is said that many

copies of the G e r m a n translation were seized and used for cartridges or w a d d i n g in guns and cannon during the Revolution. See Bulletin

of Friends'

Historical

Association,

V o l . 5.

MODEL

QUAKER

139

For Barclay's learn'd Apology is due, My hearty thanks and gratitude to you, The more I read, the more my wonder rais'd I view'd him often and as often prais'd Commanding reason through the whole design And truth Sublime appeared in every line— Sure some Diviner Spirit must inspire This pregnant genius with celestial fire For what he writes seems more than man to be Throughout the whole of his Divinity. Long had I censur'd with stupendous rage And curs'd your tenets with the foolish age— Thought nothing could appear in your defense 'Til Barclay shin'd with all the rays of sense His works at least shall make me moderate prove And those who practise what he writes I'll love— With the censorious world no more I'll sin In wronging those who own the light within If they can see with Barclay's piercing eyes Tho' fools to some, yet I shall call them wise.3

However, Anthony Benezet was not interested in creeds— he was interested in the application of the principles of the Sermon on the Mount. H e was not concerned with theological disquisitions on abstruse or doubtful points—he was concerned about inner contemplation and holy living, so much so that he could truthfully say, "Though I am joined in Church fellowship with the people called Quakers, yet my heart is united in true gospel fellowship with the willing in God's Israel, let their distinguishing name or sect be as it may." 4 Mark you, there was no honeyed sentiment about Church union in the first half of the eighteenth century. The Moravians and Lutherans did not always dwell together in unity, neither did Friends and Episcopalians walk affectionately side by side. Watson's Annals toys with the wooden orthodoxy and narrow jealousy which existed in that day, as religion limped along painfully. 3. Watson's Annals, I, 1 8 4 5 , 3 7 4 ; see also The Friend, 4. Friends' Miscellany, No. 3, 10th month, 1 8 3 2 .

Philadelphia, 76 ( 1 9 0 2 ) .

140

ANTHONY

BENEZET

Let this be said with emphasis, too, even the gentle Benezet was critical of the preachers in general and their manner of living. Usually he exercised toward all men a warm sympathy, but his irony at times was as biting as the North wind and as cold. In a letter to George Dillwyn in 1 7 7 3 , he frankly stated: T h e r e is in the preachers of the times, I will wholly except no particular sort, too much of a love of that which our Saviour alludes to, in contradiction to the behaviour of J o h n the Baptist, that greatest of prophets, that they love to live delicately & ware soft raiment. 3

And in the same letter he passed his judgment upon one of the brethren who talked windily, and rambled on in ungirdled mood. Benezet talked with people—not to people 5 he worked quietly through private interviews—rarely did he speak in Meeting—Murray proclaimed from the housetops. Here is Benezet's comment on Murray's conversational proclivities: Amongst the many strange things of our day, what has thou thought of A . Murray, the preacher, who has spent some time in your town. I have several times conversed with him, or rather heard him, as is the case of most of those who are termed preachers, they expect to be heard; they don't act as f a i r as Dean S w i f t , the author of whose life says he made it a rule a f t e r he had spoken, to give a f a i r opportunity of reply. However I have a tenderness f o r Murray, was careful not to give him offense; nor speak slightingly of him; tho' I have declared my dislike both to himself & others of his doctrine as fearing its evil tendency. He does not seem to have any apprehension of the inward gradual work of grace. 6

As a matter of fact, Benezet regarded Quakerism as the more direct way to holy living than that adopted by competitive denominations. H e remarked that a Friend's sister was "a good woman but in the Methodist way." And on another occasion he complained that "the Methodist & Moravians don't seem to understand. They use care in a certain prospect & mode of expression which may be good for beginners but cannot impart 5. See letter on p. 3 0 5 . 6. See letter on p. 3 0 7 .

MODEL QUAKER

141

teaching to those who have all their hopes from Christ the spring."7 Sometimes he questioned the wisdom of the policy of the Moravians. When his sister Susanna and her husband Pyrlaeus and children planned to go on a missionary trip to England in 1 7 5 1 , Anthony with his brothers, Philip and Daniel, protested in no uncertain manner: We do not believe that any service, civil or religious, calls her to leave her tender children, and cross the seas. W e look upon it rather as a snare, and suggestion of the enemy of her soul, who would keep her busy, and employed in other men's vineyards, while her own remains uncultivated; as she appears to us to be no more qualified for such a service than before she was acquainted with Whitfield or the Moravians. It appears to us, that there is as little reason for her going to Europe, as there was for our sister Judith's ridiculous jaunt with her husband, Bruce amongst the Delaware Indians some time after her marriage, but Count Zinzendorf thought it proper, and therefore it must be complied with. 8 Still, Benezet was willing to acknowledge the discretion of Moravians in some serious matters of church discipline: Part of the Moravians are wiser than we, in allowing some of their members to dissent in ye article of defensive war without casting them from under their religious care, an example which, one day or other, when wisdom & honesty prevail more amongst us, we will make one of the articles of our Christian union.9 There is strong evidence that in the Society of Friends there were diversities of gifts and differences of opinions. Delicate questions pertaining to war and taxes, and the awkward situations resulting from belligerent recognition often jarred the harmony of the Friends. Visitors to the country discovered the discordant note. Jonah Thompson, after returning to England, wrote to Benezet: "I am glad to understand your disputes in 7. See letter on p. 3 0 8 . 8. H o l l a n d Collection of Benezetiana, Pittsburgh, P e n n s y l v a n i a . 9. See letter on p. 2 6 5 .

142

ANTHONY

BENEZET

the Society are pretty much settled, and that you begin to allow every man his right to think for himself, and that no man is bound to believe what he cannot believe." 10 Samuel Spavold, another visitor from Europe, declared in his public testimony that there were two parties amongst them, but "he did not know which he loved best," 11 and John Smith also bore testimony in his diary as follows: 28th 8th 1 7 4 8 I found myself at mtg. under some concern to speak about friends differing with each other, and Anthony Benezet being under the like and speaking his mind, it was like a door to me, and I had an opportunity of fully clearing my mind. 1 2

T h e measure of Benezet's influence in the Society cannot be fully comprehended. Clothed in the armor of humility, he was a power for truth and righteousness. W e l l might the poet Whittier sing of Benezet the mild, Steadfast in faith, yet gentle as a child. 13

But his rare spiritual attainments and his fulfilment of the Golden Rule lifted him above all sectarian limitations. Possessing a mind like a roomy house, he never tried to corner truth. H o w catholic an understanding of the world he had! H e was more practical than mystical. F r o m the difficult path of duty he did not swerve, nor did he fear all the forces arrayed against him once his course was set. About the year 17 70) he was appointed to the important station of elder, which office he was peculiarly qualified to fulfil. H e was consulted about everything. I t was necessary to see him occasionally to keep au courant with matters. Rich and poor alike found in him a guide in the day of perplexity and a comforter in time of sorrow. Members of the Society, young and old, confided to his sympathetic ear the story of their hopes 1 0 . See letter on p. 4 1 6 .

n.

1 2 . Albert Cook Myers, Hannah 1 3 . Albert M o r d e l l , Quaker

Logan's

Militant:

John

See letter on p. 2 4 5 .

Courtship, Greenleaj

Philadelphia, Whittier,

1904.

Boston,

1933.

MODEL

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143

and fears, and whenever troublesome situations arose, his sound wisdom and rare tact were eagerly sought. A n d he was always busy, arousing the indifferent, confirming the feeble, and reclaiming the offender by the fervor of his piety and the sweetness of his spirit. W h a t a multitude of perplexing and embarrassing matters were brought to his attention as an elder! A l l violations of principle or of discipline were dealt w i t h — disorderly procedure in marriage, non-attendance at Meetings, quarreling, giving of unfair wages, non-payments of debts. Sternly ethical, Benezet stressed moderation and plainness in living: the simplicity of his faith was as marked as the unpretentious and unadorned meetinghouse in which he worshiped. A l l his days he walked humbly in the sight of God and man. T h e intimacy of his fellowship with Quakers was remarkable. John Woolman, who was more attuned to mourning than to rejoicing, was his companion for twenty years. John Reynell, of Philadelphia, made Friend Anthony his almoner, and a large part of his wealth was used for charitable purposes.14 Generous donations were received from various parts of the world to help Benezet in his benevolent work and to meet a small part of the enormous expense of printed material. Some of his friends had the idea that he was defraying much of the cost out of his own limited income, but he assured them: I lose nothing by doing this. I once sent to a religious man in North Carolina, with w h o m I had no personal acquaintance, a number o f my tracts, and at his death it w a s f o u n d he had bequeathed to me his whole estate, which amounted to one hundred pounds. 1 5

Cool and critical, though affectionate, in his presence all reserves were broken down, as he counseled with brethren. W h e n his kinsman, Joseph Marriott, was unwisely contemplating the purchase of a piece of land, Benezet induced John Smith to act the part of a tender father to him, remarking that "Joseph has an honest Heart, but his Judgment is too much circumscribed within the first impression he receives, which is mostly as san14. Roberts V a u x , Memoirs 15. Ibid.,

p. 1 1 6 .

of Anthony

Benezet,

p. 1 3 1 .

144

ANTHONY

BENEZET

man." 1 6

guin as that of a French A n d when that same Joseph, reaching the last ditch of ineptitude, decided to assume the responsibilities of matrimony, Benezet again entreated Smith to use his best endeavors "to convince him what must be the end of such an undertaking; and that no woman in her senses would think of marrying him." "Poor little mortal," Benezet wrote, "his situation calls for patience & pity; it was permitted that he should be so framed, his prospect sanguin & resolution strong; but his power of reasoning & receiving advice as weak as his body is small." 1 7 T h e comment on another engagement is just as interesting; in a letter to George Dillwyn, Benezet bluntly stated: " T h e hearing of Josiah White's intended marriage is rather painful to me, I should not have thought it worth the good Man's while to take new Engagements in this poor world, but I do not wonder at it.'" 8 Always solicitous for another's welfare in a disastrous and empty world, Benezet wrote several letters in the interest of unfortunate John Hunt, whose case is sympathetically introduced in a typical Benezet letter to Robert Pleasants: 14th 1st M o n t h 1 7 6 5 . O u r Friend, John Hunt, has met with some difficulties which one w a y or other will to a religious mind mostly attend great Engagements in T r a d e , V i z . difficult affairs & Accompts to settle, the intricacies o f which has made his leaving his family and country necessary, which considering his station in the C h u r c h cannot but be a matter o f uncommon concern to well minded Friends, and yet I trust kind Providence will permit some sweet to proceed f r o m that which, at first sight, appears bitter, his religious service having during the f e w months he has abode amongst us been peculiarly acceptable, and I hope blessed to many. I f it is in thy P o w e r , in any respect, to promote an amicable & speedy settlement o f the difficult affairs he has to transact in your Parts, I earnestly request o f thee, not only f o r his sake, but also f o r T r u t h ' s sake, that thou would'st use thy best endeavours to assist him therein. His Situation & service amongst Friends in E n g l a n d , more especially in L o n d o n , where so f e w are willing to appear on behalf o f the Society makes it 16. See letter on p. 254. 18. See letter on p. 3 1 4 .

1 7 . See letter on p. 263.

MODEL

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145

very desirable to all who wish well to the Cause of T r u t h , that he may as speedily as possible be disengaged f r o m incumbrance, and return to his Family & Friends in and with Peace. 1 9

Anthony Benezet was especially desirous that the Society of Friends should sustain the character which had distinguished its origin. Some members had little faith—their endeavour in the Christian life was as lacking in adventure as a swim in the Dead Sea. Such individuals are mentioned in the diary of Hannah Callender: 1 7 5 8 , 8th mo. 2nd day. Anthony Benezet drank tea with us. Talked of some persons who had been searching f o r a place to dwell in where the Devil had not been, but alas! he is as heretofore, walking to and f r o in the earth. 20

In his judgment, rank, primacy, and preponderance were but the reefs on which Friends might eventually suffer spiritual shipwreck, therefore on hearing of the proposed appointment of one to the office of counselor for the province of New Jersey, he wrote John Smith, in whom his soul delighted, this note of warning: 1st eight month 1 7 6 0 It is now some time, since I heard a commission was come over constituting thee counsellor f o r your province; my affection has begot a fear, lest, if thou shouldst accept of it, it might have a tendency too much to marry thee to the world. I have no doubt of thy capacity to fulfill the duties of that station, nor of the integrity of thy motives if thou shouldst accept of it, but, dear John, remember, human nature is apt to deceive itself, especially when her propensities are flattered. I f e a r the snares consequent on such a station will exceed the good thou canst do in it. T h e common conversation and very breath of the most politicians is earthly and sensual, and too often devilish, not to mention the weakness of flesh and blood, which in spite of all our good resolution, if too much exposed to danger, will, like some combustible matter, catch fire, when only approached near the flame.21 1 9 . See letter on p. 2 5 5 . 20. George Vaux, "Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender," in Magazine of History and Biography, X I I , 4 3 3 . 2 1 . See letter on p. 242.

Pennsylvania

146

ANTHONY

BENEZET

That all fame is evanescent was the opinion of Benezet, and the accumulation of wealth often fatal to Christian simplicity. H e was ever fearful lest business enterprise or public office should create a desire for private gain and become a snare to his friends. As soon as he learned that George Dillwyn was about to embark on a business venture, he wrote to dissuade him: 23rd, 12th month, 1 7 7 1 On reflecting on thy intention of errecting some building to carry on the Potash business an apprehension yet remains least after laying out perhaps double what thou expects it may not answer thy expectation; and if it should answer there is so many catching at every appearance of gain & the business so easy learn't that its not unlikely but such works may be errected in most if not all ye little Towns about ye River, weigh the matter well dear George before thou proceeds too far. And let us turn our thoughts a little another way. 22

Wishing that a greater concern might prevail in the Society for the promotion of true piety, he assailed the sham ethics of some professing Christians, spoke in tones of glacial severity of his opulent brethren, and wrote letters permeated with bitter sarcasm or fearless and spicy wit. There were those who were more interested in money than in the mystery of godliness. One day Jacob Lindley mentioned the decease of a very wealthy member of the Society, and added the fact that forty or fifty thousand dollars were found by the executors in the coffers of the deceased. Benezet was so ashamed of the conduct of the selfish man that he requested Lindley not to spread the news, remarking that " I t would have been quite as reasonable to have had as many thousands of pairs of boots or shoes in the house, whilst the poor are suffering with bare feet for the want of them." Attaching the idea of stewardship with the possession of wealth he could but consider the circumstance of hoarding so much money as a breach of trust calling f o r the decided disapproval of Christians. On another occasion he was able to prevent an unmerciful landlord from seizing for rent the stove of a poor tenant. Ac2 2 . See letter on p. 2 8 1 .

MODEL

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147

cording to Roberts Vaux, a bill predicated on Benezet's suggestion was introduced to the general assembly by Miers Fisher, then a member of that body, and was passed into law, making such a distraint legally impossible.23 Deborah Logan, his devoted pupil, remembered Benezet's influence: In the Society of Friends his influence was deservedly very great and his example in moderation, humility, and the contempt of riches, well worth of imitation. For his mind was wholly unpolluted by avarice, and he used to say that wealth did not agree with our profession,—that men who were Quakers should not be too anxious to leave great possessions to their children, which almost always carried them off from the principles and habits in which they had been educated. 24

In his letter to George Dillwyn on September 11, 1779, the humor is caustic rather than genial as he upbraids his neighbor, whose name he delicately conceals in initials: Perhaps thou wilt say as my great neighbour, L P . 2 5 who has l e f t 60 or 70,000 jewell for ye corruption of his offspring behind him said to me abt. 20 years ago when I was recommending a proper care over his children: Its tiresome to hear Anthony

always saying the same thing,26

The profession which he made of Christianity was never contradicted by his practice, and when he beheld Friends toiling year after year, "enriching themselves, and thus gathering fuel for their own and children's vanity and corruption," he raised his voice with a righteous indignation which, like a squall over a lake, soon spent itself. Observe the flash of the old fire when once again he refers to his neighbor, I.P., in a letter to George Dillwyn: 4th month, 1780: T h a t my neighbour, I.P., a mighty champion for T r u t h , professing to be in a peculiar manner a Follower of Christ, the Meek suffering 23. Roberts V a u x , Memoirs

of Anthony

Benezet,

p. 104.

24. See letter on p. 469. 25. Probably Israel Pemberton, w h o died in 26. See letter on p. 337.

1779.

14B

ANTHONY

BENEZET

Saviour, w h o tho' L o r d of all, had not where to lay his head, should a f t e r so much hurry, so much contention f o r the world, leave 60 or 70 T h o u s a n d Pounds, to w h a t good purpose, none that I know o f , not a Farthing in charity, the common tho' mistaken plea f o r

amassing

wealth, but probably as wings f o r his children & Grandchildren to flutter, if not fly off above T r u t h ; to think it an honour to the Quakers if they condescend to be called by their name, & sometimes be seen in their Meetings. T h e eldest son I am informed will have near thirty thousand besides half as much he holds in right o f his w i f e gained by the labour o f the poor Blacks. 2 7

Although Anthony Benezet was ever kindly disposed toward young people, he was shocked at the immodest apparel and general behavior of the young women of his day. T o some of these he confided his reflections and fears, offering advice in such a friendly way that they were constrained to follow it. A striking example of his concern is seen in the account of a visit he once paid to the home of one of his former pupils, who had recently been married. H e found his young friend in full dress for a ball. W h e n he beheld her gala attire, he expressed his surprise and regret in this plaintive manner: I should not have recognized my amiable pupil, but that thy well k n o w n features and excellent qualities, are not to be hidden by so grotesque and lamentable a disguise. T h y kind and compliant temper has yielded, at some expense to thy heart, to the opinions o f others; and I love thee f o r the motive, though I cannot admire the evidence o f it. 28

H e r e are a few gleanings from an undated letter addressed to S.N.: F r o m a sense o f the prevalency of these evils, how can the sincere lovers o f truth but mourn, deeply mourn even over many o f those w h o esteem themselves, and are esteemed, as moderate, comparatively with others! T h e softness and delicacy o f their clothing, more adapted to pagan king's palaces than Christian pilgrims' cottages, the putting on o f their apparel too manifestly calculated to allure the wanton. T o these things may be added that practice formerly used, and n o w come again 27. O r i g i n a l letter, H a v e r f o r d C o l l e g e , H a v e r f o r d , P a . 28. R o b e r t s V a u x , Memoirs

of Anthony

Benezet,

p.

121.

MODEL QUAKER

149

into fashion, o f causing their clothes, even their rich silks, &c. to trail on the ground. 2 9

Benezet took a determined stand on all the vexing problems of the day. A n d during the period of the Revolutionary W a r these were especially acute—there were charges against members of the Society for fitting out a ship of war 3 purchasing Negro slaves j promoting warlike preparations j instructing one in the arts of war; military training; intemperate use of liquors j keeping a beer house 3 or marrying out of the Quaker fold. And members found guilty of these charges were disowned. H o w the Society survived that decade ( 1 7 7 0 - 1 7 8 0 ) is nothing short of a miracle! Standing out conspicuously on page after page of the records is that ugly w o r d — D i s o w n e d ! — a s numerous and apparently as hideous as telegraph poles on a charming country road. T h e voice of Anthony Benezet was one of the earliest to be heard in America on the subject of temperance. It was as unpopular then as it is now. Just preceding the Revolution, the Society of Friends was not nearly so puritanical or strict in this respect as later. Some of the members in good standing were not able or willing to resist their convivial tendencies, even at the cost of an embarrassing and painful gout. One day in Meeting Jacob Lindley, a young Q u a k e r — h e describes himself as a stripling—stood up to express his convictions on the subject of spirituous liquors. H e found himself "oppress'd with the smell of rum from the breaths of those who sat round him," as he urged the Society to forbid completely the use of alcoholic beverages to members. H e testifies that "it was common at that time to keep a decanter of spirits, wine glasses, tea spoons & sugar bowl on the tables in Friends families in the morning that their guests might take a morning dram." Ben Ferris, in the glamour of reminiscence, furnishes us with a picture of this young orator, whose vociferous vocal chords, manner, tone, and action put him in a class by himself. T h e ability and courage of Lindley in attacking the manufacture and 2 9 . See l e t t e r o n p. 4 0 9 .

150

ANTHONY

BENEZET

sale of alcoholic beverages deeply impressed Anthony Benezet, and at the close of the meeting, the fearless speaker was cordially invited to the Benezet home, which he had frequently visited. There, in a small room used as a study, the kind Quaker produced a manuscript work in the course of preparation, which was later published ( 1 7 7 4 ) under the title: The Mighty Destroyer Displayed, or The Potent Enemies of America Laid O-pen. H e tried in vain to persuade young Lindley to add a few paragraphs to the text for publication.30 This essay was Benezet's most valuable contribution on the liquor question. In it, as in other publications, he calls the attention of the people in a forceful and convincing way to the more pronounced of the evils of intemperance. H e quotes from ten doctors of note in support of his statements and introduces Joshua Evans, a native of New Jersey, who was convinced that the use of spirituous liquor during employment in the harvest fields was pernicious. Evans offered sixpence per day more than other farmers to "such labourers as were willing to assist in bringing in his harvest, on condition that no spirituous liquors should be used in his fields."31 Benjamin Rush, a firm advocate of temperance, was led by the reading of The Mighty Destroyer Displayed to write a pamphlet in 1776, Sermons to Gentlemen, or Temperance and Exercise, and later on used the name of Anthony Benezet to support his argument for abstinence: T h e late Anthony Benezet, one of the most laborious schoolmasters I ever knew, informed me that he had been prevented from the love of spirituous liquors by acquiring a love of tea in early life. T h r e e or four cups, taken in an afternoon, carried off the fatigue of a whole day's labour in his school. This worthy man lived to be seventy-one years of age, and died of an acute disease, with the full exercise of all the faculties of his mind. 32

In the light of modern economic arguments against prohibi30. Friends' Intelligencer, Vol. X L I I , 1885, pp. 554-555. 31. The Journal of the Friends' Historical Society, Vols. X V I I I - X I X , 1921, p. 98. 32. Benjamin Rush, A Warning Voice to the Intemperate, 1817, p. 10.

MODEL

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tion—the vulgar cry for revenue—it is interesting to read A n thony Benezet in The Mighty Destroyer Displayed. How strangely like the questions thoughtful people are asking today: Is it a sound policy to encourage vice in a people, because a present revenue arises f r o m their debaucheries? W h e r e will the revenues be w h e n the people, w h o should pay them, are destroyed ? A r e not a hardy, industrious, healthy people always f o u n d to be the most able to contribute amply to the support o f the government? A n d will not temperance, in the end, be f o u n d a more effectual means to encrease the real wealth and strength o f a nation than drunkenness the cheapest o f vices?

In 1778 he published a smaller tract, Remarks on the Nature and Bad Effects of Spirituous Liquors. Much of the material is the same as in the larger work, but attached to it are Some General Maxims, seventeen in number, being a summary of the most important statements in his two tracts. In the year 1780, Benezet wrote an essay, A Short Account of the Religious Society of Friends, Commonly Called Quakers. T h e purpose of the writing, according to the author, was threefold: first, for the instruction of foreigners; next, for persons of some rank and literature} third, for many sensible young people who may not have desire or patience to read larger tracts. T h e manuscript was sent to George D i l l w y n for his "speedy, careful & serious review of it," with the confession that "the matters are very much indigested, and in no regular order." 33 Like all his pamphlets, this essay has a seriousness of tone. H e often wrote carelessly, and did not sufficiently revise his lines, but in all his literary productions there was good sense, strength of argument, and fervent feeling. T h e twenty-seven pages of this essay are devoted to the origin of the Society; the doctrines of the Friends, stressing the universality of the grace of God and its saving effects; their teaching on war, their method of worship, their attitude toward swearing, slavery, and discipline. A copy reached Granville Sharp in London, and disagreeing 33. See letter on p. 336.

152

ANTHONY BENEZET

with the position taken by Anthony Benezet and the Quakers on matters of baptism and prayer, the barrister put his thoughts into the form of a lengthy letter, but before the unpublished tract was sent, the news of Benezet's death reached London.34 The essay was translated in 1783 under the title, Observations sur Vorigine, les principes, et Vétablisement en Amérique, de la Société connue sous la dénomination de Quakers ou Trembleurs. . . . Par Antoine Benezet. It was further translated in the same year into German, as a Kurzer Bericht von den JLeuten, die man Quaker nennet; ihrem Ursprung, ihren Religionsgriinden, und von ihrer Niederlassung in America. Strewn across the records of the Society of Friends are numerous evidences of a Christian fellowship that stood ready to help its members in all the vicissitudes of life. Solicitous not only for the spiritual needs of the flock, the Meeting cared also for their temporal affairs, and the hand of charity was often extended beyond its membership. A considerable sufferer by a fire at Charleston appeals for help and receives one hundred pounds j another asks for the loan of ten pounds and obtains it, "he having occasion to lay it out in a stocking weaver's loom whereby he is in hopes to be better able to support his family" ; another Friend presents the pitiful case of a young woman "who came to this city last summer, was taken ill & dy'd & not leaving effects to defray the expenses of her nursing & burial" 5 one complains against another that "there is a matter of difference between them," while still another bewails the fact that a certain sister "being in his debt refuseth to pay him." We shall never know the extent of the influence of that spirit of comradeship upon Anthony Benezet, who used to say, "Charity is the distinguishing badge of Christianity." This model Quaker filled all his days with good: now he instructs little children 5 now he offers counsel to the poor and discouraged 5 now he investigates cases of injustice ; now he solicits funds for a worthy cause ; now he composes essays that stir the emotions 5 now he addresses letters to strangers and friends all over the 34. See The Yorkshireman,

No. C X V I I I , 1 8 3 7 , pp. 335 f.

MODEL

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153

world 5 now in the dawn he holds conferences with authorities, and now at night he carries bread to destitute families. Nothing of value to humanity passed by unnoticed. Learning of a new invention introduced in Europe as a means of artificial respiration, he immediately approached François Jean Chastellux, secured information, and passed it on to a society interested in the subject. Here is the reflection of the Marquis: Benezet still exercises his benevolence: he came to get some i n f o r m a tion

respecting

the n e w

methods

invented

in

France

of

restoring

drowned persons to life. I promised not only to send them to him f r o m N e w p o r t , but to transmit to him such a box, with the necessaries, as our government had distributed in the seaport towns. 3 5

His private life he surrendered to the cause of mankind. E v e r y other interest he subordinated to the welfare of humanity. H e was always on the side of the weak. His time was so wholly occupied with the service of needy people that when his wife was away from home he could not spare the precious moments required for letters of conjugal affection: I w o u l d willingly write to m y dear w i f e , but as nothing has occurred to communicate, have nothing to say more than that much, very much love dwells in m y heart towards her, & that I shall be very pleased to have her with me, w h e n consistent with her o w n satisfaction & peace. 3 6

Benezet found occasional relaxation and recreation in gardening. For several years he paid £ 1 6 per annum to the Overseers for rent which would permit the use of " a piece of ground fenced off for a garden by itself" near the school, and when later he moved to his permanent home on Chestnut Street, he secured in addition to the garden lot at the rear of the dwelling a large portion of the garden belonging to a kind neighbor. Let Deborah Logan, 37 the neighbor's daughter, tell briefly the story: A n d here he used to cultivate those vegetables which f o r m e d so large 3 5 . See letter on p. 4 5 ; .

36. See letter on p. 2 7 6 .

3 7 . Deborah N o r r i s , born October 1 9 , 1 7 6 1 , a pupil of Benezet's school. See letter on p. 4 6 7 .

154

ANTHONY BENEZET

a portion of his diet; and here, often, of an afternoon, he came with his garden tools and his little attendant, and when his pleasant labour was done, would come in, and take his tea with us, and in cheerful and agreeable conversation, would draw f r o m every passing event reflections that illustrated his maxims of piety and virtue.

He read extensively on the subject of gardens—his private library proves that—and his own, which he planted to the glory of God, consisted of herbs for medicinal purposes, flowers and fruits, and vegetables for his own diet. To his friend Edward Catherall he sends "seed of the water lily, some with the shells on & some unshelled," and to his friend John Smith he makes a present of a species of Indian Corn of peculiar quality which, "when held over the flame for a few minutes in a warm shovel, will open its contents, and will readily boil in milk &c as to be easy & agreable food." H e forwards to the same John Smith little orange trees for Samy Burling, then later sends nine doses of bark as good medicine. H e does not hesitate to state that he has not known his vines to fail during a course of twenty years.38 Strange as it may seem, the last decade of the life of Anthony Benezet was the most strenuous. H e could not be idle. He once remarked that he could not reconcile a habit of slothful indulgence with the activity of Christian fervor. 39 As his strength diminished, his memory failed, but even in that limitation he saw some benefit. " I t gives me one advantage over thee," said he to a young friend concerning the lapse of memory, "for thou canst find entertainment in reading a good book only once, but I enjoy that pleasure as often as I read it: for it is always new to me." 40 H e restrained himself from all needless expense, and being in a store one day where many fine and costly goods were sold, he was led to exclaim aloud, "What a number of beautiful things are here, which I do not want! " 4 I Doubtless the intensity of his vision of evil subdued and darkened his laughter in the closing years of his life, but his spirit never failed. He kept go38. 39. 40. 41.

See letters on pp. 267 and 259. Roberts Vaux, Memoirs of Anthony Benezet, p. 140. Watson's Annals, I I , 358. The British Friend, 12th month, 1 8 5 0 , p. 293.

MODEL

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ing by his will and conscience after his vital fires had burned low. He lingered like a lengthened twilight, as if loath to go. So many interests held him. He longed for the gradual emancipation of the slaves, he coveted a just and generous treatment of the Indians, a way to contentment for the Acadians, he pleaded for sobriety instead of intemperance, peace among all the nations of the earth, and simplicity and modesty in living. His benevolence brooded over his home and school j it infused itself into his daily work 5 it bound him to a multitude of friends j and it endeared him to people of different races and languages. He was a model Quaker; he was more than that: he was Friend Anthony Benezet—an institution of kindness! Saint John de Crèvecœur spoke of him as "a man whom I have loved for twenty years:42 And the questions asked by Jean Pierre Brissot 150 years ago are still seeking an answer: Where is the man in all Europe, of whatever rank or birth, who is equal to Benezet? W h o is not obliged to respect him? H o w long will authors suffer themselves to be shackled by the prejudices of society? W i l l they never perceive that nature has created all men equal—that wisdom and virtue are the only criterion of superiority? W h o was more virtuous than Benezet? W h o more useful to society, to mankind? W h a t author, what great man, will ever be followed to his grave by four hundred negroes, snatched by his own assiduity, his own generosity, f r o m ignorance, wretchedness, and slavery? W h o , then, has a right to speak haughtily of this benefactor of men? 4 3

Nil tetigit, quod non ornavit. 42. Howard C. Rice, Le Cultivateur 43. See p. 4 6 1 .

Américain,

Paris, 1 9 3 3 .

X

Mourners G o about the Streets JEREMY

BELKNAP1 to EBENEZER

HAZARD

I see that old Anthony Benezet is dead: and I find he has preserved a consistency of character in giving his estate for the purpose of

educat-

ing negro children. I wish we had more such good men. Let them appear in what garb or belong to whatever denomination soever, my heart will always love them. EBENEZER

HAZARD'S2

REPLY

Yes, honest Anthony Benezet is dead, and in my opinion this State has lost one of her most valuable citizens when he died. I believe no man ever died here who was more justly loved: he was truly a Friend who embraced all mankind in the arms of his benevolence; practicable, I have no doubt his Beneficence

and had it been

would have been equally

extensive.

WHEN

Friend Anthony Benezet died in Philadelphia, on M a y 3, 1784, at the age of seventy-one years, his departure was intensely mourned by a wide circle of people. H e had carried more than the common load of the anguish of the world 5 he had exemplified in his daily life his own teaching that the highest charity in the world is to bear with the unreasonableness of mankind. Intimate memoirs of this illustrious benefactor written by his faithful companions describe the closing days. H i s tender thoughts remained with the poor until the end. Benjamin Rush says: T h e last time Anthony Benezet ever walked across his room was to take from his desk six dollars which he gave to a poor widow whom he had long assisted to maintain.3

H i s last illness was of short duration, though he had not been r. Jeremy Belknap, 1744—1798, clergyman. H e published the first v o l u m e of his tory of New

Hampshire

His-

in Philadelphia the year A n t h o n y Benezet died. He strongly op-

posed the slave trade. Appleton's Cyclopedia

of American

Biography.

2. Ebenezer Hazard, 1 7 4 4 — 1 8 1 7 , author and publisher. H e aided in the publication of Belknap's History

of New

Hampshire.

T h e correspondence between them covers a period

of about twenty years. Appleton's Cyclopaedia 3. B e n j a m i n Rush, Essays, Literary,

Moral

of American

Biography.

and Philosophical,

1798.

MOURNERS

IN T H E

STREETS

157

in good health f o r more than a year. When the end came, James Pemberton sent the sad news to his brother John in London: Philadelphia 4th, 5th month, 1 7 8 4 . I have now the sorrowful tidings to send thee of the decease of our valuable friend Antho: Benezet which occasions a general mourning among all Ranks of our fellow Citizens, he died last evening about eight oclo: a f t e r just a week confinement with a disorder in his stomach and bowells, which proved beyond the reach of medicine, was favoured with his understanding thro' his illness, and to the last hour of his life, preserving the same humble state of mind which he manifested in the course of his active industrious life spent in doing good. 4

John Pemberton acknowledged the letter, and wrote in his private journal under date of sixth month 29th [ 1 7 8 4 ] : Received letters f r o m my brother, with the sorrowful tidings of the decease of our worthy friend, Anthony Benezet, who will be much missed in our City; being not only a pious example, but greatly devoted to serve mankind.

So Anthony Benezet departed in the gloaming, bequeathing to a shadowed world the radiance of a rare faith and the beauty of a singularly blameless life. For fifty years he had filled every cranny of Philadelphia with the spirit of true charity. In the streets at eventide the common people wept, for in his passing the poorest among them had lost a comrade, and the friendless Indians and oppressed Africans would sorely miss the greatest friend they had ever known. Fortunately the faculties of his unusual mind never went into eclipse, and while the mute multitude stood without, people of many walks of life stood by his couch in the outer room, where, conscious of his approaching dissolution, his affections already seemed engaged in another world. Among those who came into that hallowed chamber to receive his benediction was a young woman to whom Anthony Benezet had written a letter, calling her attention to the immodesty of dress and the unseemly conduct of young females. 4. Pemberton Papers, X L , 1 8 2 .

ANTHONY

I58

BENEZET

Now he requested her to preserve the letter in the hope that it might be productive of good. Profoundly affected by the aweinspiring presence of the man, the visitor was constrained in later years to publish this grave admonition: Young Women! Listen to the injunctions which salute your ear! T h e language of a Benezet now issues from the tomb, in which his ashes have long since reposed. It speaks intelligibly to you, ye giddy, and ye gay! Its precepts cannot be mistaken, may you hear them, therefore, with attention. I f they should prove ineffectual, proceeding, as they do, from the dead, thus will the voice of the Songster in Jerusalem be heard no more, and her "mourners will go about the streets." 5

In that outer room sat Joyce, his wife and faithful companion for the past forty-eight years. "Poor Joyce is sustained in resignation, and calmness, beyond all expectation in her weak state," wrote James Pemberton. 6 That humble dwelling had been a shelter to many in time of storm, and its hospitality had gladdened the hearts of distinguished men and women. Always it was a sanctuary dedicated to the service of mankind. When an officer of the Spanish army was shipwrecked near the bay, the door of the humble Benezet home was wide open to him. H e found in Anthony his greatest friend. Strangers of rank rarely left Philadelphia without calling on the Benezets. Jacob Lindley has given us a glimpse of the simplicity of the table and the warm affection of that home: They had for dinner corn beef cabbage and potatoes, and for dessert a huge pye on an earthen dish like those made for labourers on a farm, the whole season'd with a most cordial hospitality & warmth of affection, truly characteristic.7

Benezet and his wife took an affectionate farewell of each other, as in that most solemn moment he comforted her with the tender word: " W e have lived long, in love and peace." 8 Then thoughtfully he gave many directions to divers friends respecting the care of his wife, and an agreeable proposal was 5 . The

Evening

Fireside,

V o l . I , 1 8 0 5 , p. 1 6 9 .

6. Pemberton P a p e r s , X L , 1 8 2 . 8. See letter on p. 1 7 4 .

7 . See letter on p. 4 6 5 .

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159

made that Joyce "continue to reside in the house, and that Zachary Jess and his wife, who have lately opened a School in T o w n should occupy the back part of it at a moderate rent, which she seems pleased with." 9 Scenes witnessed in the last hours are brought vividly to our imagination by the letters of James Pemberton to his brother John: May 14, 1784: He [Benezet] conversed freely during the time of his illness, and about an hour before his departure, on my stepping over from the Meeting House to see him, he directed his maidservant to hand him some papers, one of which he inspected saying it was right, & delivered it to me, being some orders about his pamphlets; tho' he appeared then to be in greater pain of body than I had seen him, and his hands were cold; soon after which he lay quiet and went off with seeming great ease laying on his couch in the outer room about Sunsett. 10

T h e last care of Friend Anthony Benezet, however, was for the poor Negro and the school. W i t h diminishing strength and trembling hands he slowly read once again his will. Was everybody cared for? T h e small estate which his liberality had allowed him to leave, being about seven hundred pounds, besides his dwelling house, was transferred to his wife for her use during her life, and at her death was willed to the trustees of the public school, "to hire and employ a religious minded person or persons to teach a number of Negroe, Mulatto, or Indian Children to read and write, Arithmetic, plain Accounts, Needlework," then Benezet reads on: " A n d it is my particular desire founded on the experience I have had in that service that in the choice of such a tutor special care may be had to prefer an industrious careful person of true piety, who may be or become suitably qualified, who would undertake the service from a principal of Charity, to one more highly learned not equally so disposed." 11 Then, in perfect accordance with the dominant purpose 9. See letter on p. 4 5 9 . I I . See Benezet's will on p. 165.

10. Ibid.,

p. 459.

i6o

ANTHONY

BENEZET

of his whole life, when he comes to the last line of his will, he makes this provision: " A n d I leave unto Margaret T i l l an opprest & much afflicted black woman now in John Dickinson's service the sum of five pounds." Those are the most important matters. Forty pounds had been sent to him from abroad for the purpose of printing and binding edifying books. Now he gives to his executors detailed instructions to follow: T h e greatest number of these pamphlets which I desire may be strongly stitched such as f o r the Black and other young people should be strengthened with a strip of Linen as I shewed Zachy. Jess. T h e r e are about 500 of L a w ' s Extracts, which with the Plainness & Innocent Simplicity of the Christian Religion, & Raynals Remarks on Slavery, should be half bound. Also 500 of the Plain Path to Christianity with Webbs Letter & on Slavery should also be half bound of that piece in the C o l lection f o r Negroes at page

which begins with a verse f r o m Luke's

Gospel. There are a thousand printed Single these I proposed should be stitched with Lady Hastings L i f e & E d w a r d Andrews Conversion of which there are a number sufficient. Will be a small present to stir up in grown People who have any good in them a Serious thought at least all these I desire may be done by my Executors as the occasion of distributing such books amongst the youth & back inhabitants may make it necessary.

Anthony Benezet industriously used his time and talent in useful pursuits, yet at the close he humbly said: " I am dying, and feel ashamed to meet the face of my Maker, I have done so little in his cause." And among his last words were these: "Alack! Alack! we are poor creatures5 I can take no merit for any thing I have done; there is mostly something underneath that is selfish, which will not bear sifting." 1 2 No man ever lived who was more friendly to more people than Friend Anthony Benezet; yet he deprecated all encomiums, and for posthumous triumph he had no desire. His sympathy was without dissimulation. There was no parade of erudition on his part. H e sought not fame, but would gladly have drawn about himself the curtain of oblivion. The testimony con1 2 . Roberts Vaux, Memoirs

of Anthony

Benezet,

p. 1 4 7 .

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cerning John Woolman had been placed in his hands twelve years before, for his careful perusal and comment. H e remarked: "O! that I may have reason to believe, that my name is written in the meanest page, (if there is any difference,) of the book of life; and I care nothing about testimonies." Anthony's dearest friends desired for him a memorial: it was contrary to his wishes. "But," said this uncanonized saint, "if my friends will not regard my desire, they may say: 'Anthony Benezet was a poor creature, and, through Divine favor, was enabled to know it.' ' " 3 The funeral was planned for May 5, 1784, but the warmth of the day following his death made it necessary to bury the body sooner than was intended; the burial therefore was solemnized in the evening of May 4. 14 Elizabeth Drinker's diary for May 4, 1784, has this line: "Our much valued Friend and School-master, Anthony Benezet, departed this life yesterday afternoon, after a short illness." And in the same journal for the next day this record is made: "Billy went to ye funeral of Anthony Benezet—it was very large—a great number of Blacks attended.'" 5 Men of all ranks and beliefs attended, manifesting the universal esteem in which he was held. Roberts Vaux adds his testimony: A t the interment of Anthony Benezet's remains, which took place two days a f t e r his death, the greatest concourse of people that had ever been witnessed on such an occasion in Philadelphia, was present; being a collection of all ranks and professions among the inhabitants; thus manifesting the universal esteem in which he was held. Among others who paid that last tribute of respect, were many hundred black people, testif y i n g by their attendance, and by their tears, the grateful sense they entertained of his pious efforts in their behalf. 1 6

And Watson, in his Annals, corroborates this: "Anthony Bene1 3 . Roberts Vaux, Memoirs of Anthony Benezet, p. 1 5 2 . 14. Permit9 for interment in Friends* Burial Ground, as recorded in the original papers at Arch Street, include the following: " 5 , 4, 1784, Anthony Benezet, 72 years; 7, 9, 1786, Joyce Benezet, widow, 74 years." 1 5 . Henry D. Biddle, Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker, 1889, p. 1 5 3 . 16. Roberts Vaux, Memoirs of Anthony Benezet, p. 150.

162

ANTHONY

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zet, as I have been told by eyewitnesses, had the largest funeral that had ever been seen in Philadelphia. One third of the number were blacks, who walked in the rear." 17 With supreme appropriateness John Houghton and William Savery conducted the simple services at the grave. They represented two generations. John Houghton had taught the Negro school for five years previous to 1782, when he had to retire due to failing health. H e had endeared himself to all by his systematic visitation of families with the purpose of fostering the interest of parents in the education of the children. T h e result was that during the five years of his service 250 children and grown persons had entered the school. How fitting his presence at the grave of Benezet! T h e younger generation was represented in the person of William Savery. H e had sat at the feet of Anthony Benezet—a pupil in his school. Now he was a minister of the Society of Friends. James Pemberton, writing to his brother John in London of the service, mentions William Savery's part: "This young man grows finely in his Gift, and if preserved in humility is likely to become a brave minister." John Houghton died in the same year as Anthony Benezet ; William Savery lived on to carry the spirit of Anthony Benezet to the Indian treaty conferences in 1793 and 1794. Benjamin Rush, who labored for many years with Anthony Benezet on the subjects of temperance and slavery, has handed down the tribute of an unnamed colonel (probably Colonel Johnston) 18 to the work and worth of this servant of humanity: Colonel J

n, who had served in the American Army during the

war, in returning from the funeral, pronounced an eulogium upon him: " I would rather be Anthony Benezet in that Coffin than George Washington with all his f a m e . " 1 9 17. W a t s o n , Annals,

I , 184.5, 373-

18. H e i t m a n ' s Historical Register of the Continental Arm's, P- 3*2, records a C o l o n e l F r a n c i s J o h n s t o n , of P e n n s y l v a n i a , w h o served t h r o u g h the R e v o l u t i o n a r y W a r in a P h i l a d e l p h i a r e g i m e n t . See also B e n e z e t ' s l e t t e r to S p a n g e n b e r g , d a t e d the 24th 1st m o n t h , 1756, on p. 219. 19. B e n j a m i n R u s h , Essays,

p.

23.

p. 304; also G e o r g e W . O g d e n , Letters

from

the

West,

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IN

THE

STREETS

163

Many citizens read this in the Pennsylvania Packet for May 6, 1784: L a s t M o n d a y night a f t e r a short illness, departed his life, in the seventieth year of his age, M r . A n t h o n y Benezet, one of the People called Quakers. His Catholicism in religion; his universal philanthropy; his unwearied acts of benevolence, endeared him to all w h o knew h i m ; — h e w a s kind without reserve, courteous without deceit, and charitable without ostentation; the fertile bosom o f the poor, which yields an h u n dred f o l d , w a s the receptacle of his annual income, he industriously laboured throughout a long and most useful life, to advance the best interest o f mankind in an humble and private sphere. F o r some years past he devoted his attention considerably to the education o f negro and mulatto children f r o m a desire that they might hereafter prove useful members of Society, and worthy o f that freedom to which the humane and righteous l a w o f this commonwealth passed in 1 7 8 0 has restored t h e m ; and to this use w e understand he has given all his property, above t w o thousand pounds, a f t e r providing f o r his ancient and feeble w i d o w .

As the news of the death of this illustrious benefactor slowly spread, glowing tributes were paid to his memory by distinguished men and women in various parts of the world: from New Hampshire, South Carolina, Rhode Island, England, and his own city of Philadelphia. That no memorial has been dedicated to his memory in St. Quentin, the city of his birth, is certain from a courteous letter of the mayor received by the author. Furthermore, accepting the judgment of the Society of Friends half a century before that monuments, either of wood or stone, generally have their origin "in vanity, ostentation or pride," no tombstone marks the spot where Anthony Benezet was interred in the Friends' Burying Ground in Philadelphia. But it is fitting that the man who changed the face of history and cared so little for the esteem of the world should sleep in an unmarked grave. Of a truth, stone records reveal nothing of character—they are mere records of existence, mementoes of the past—some of them extravagant epitaphs and unremembered dates. Anthony Benezet is immortal without a memorial of stone.

164

ANTHONY

BENEZET

His name was recognized when a brother of Grover Cleveland's grandfather was called Anthony Benezet Cleveland. A reliable authority states: Dr. Anthony Benezet Cleveland was named for an anti-slavery man, evidently Anthony Benezet, an early agitator against slave trade here, a son of Jean Etienne Benezet, a Huguenot, who fled from France at the time of the Nantes edict.

This Anthony Benezet Cleveland, born in 1789, five years after the death of Anthony Benezet, was the author of poetry and of several school textbooks.20 Friend Anthony Benezet's charitable spirit influenced for good those who were brought into close contact with him. It is well known that the founder of Wills' Eye Hospital, James Wills, Jr., was the son of Anthony Benezet's coachman, and kept a grocery store near Second and Chestnut streets j he left the city more than $50,000 to found the hospital, and learned the lesson of philanthropy before he had means to give. 21 Time which erases so many reputations has added dignity and strength to the name of Benezet. The piety of the twelfthcentury Saint Benezet; the remarkable adroitness of the fifteenth-century Louis Jean Benezet ; and the dynamic personality and practical Christianity of Anthony Benezet ought to influence men of the twentieth century in a time when the complications of a restless civilization cloud our vision and oppress our souls. We repeat the question asked long ago by Yvan Raiz, the Russian traveler: "Although the academies of Europe resound with praises decreed to illustrious men, the name of Benezet is not found on their list. For whom, then, do they reserve their crowns?" There is no death f o r such a man; He is the spirit of an unclosed book. 20. See Edmund J . and Horace G . Cleveland, The Genealogy of the Cleveland and Cleaveland Families, I, 5 1 3 ; also I I I , 2 3 5 5 . W . J . Holland in a letter to the author of this book states: " G r o v e r Cleveland had an uncle who was named Anthony Benezet Cleveland. Oddly enough he claimed that slavery was a Biblical and justifiable institution. President Cleveland and I on several occasions had our little joke with each other about this matter." This letter is dated August 1 7 , 1 9 3 0 . 2 1 . Charles J . Cohen, The Origin of Carpenters' Hall, also The Public Ledger (Philadelphia), J u n e 22, 1 9 3 0 .

Philadelphia, 1 9 1 7 , p. 40. See

M O U R N E R S IN T H E

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THE WILL OF ANTHONY

165

BENEZET22

Be it remembered T h a t I, Anthony Benezet, a teacher of the Free School f o r the Black People in Philadelphia, being of a Sound and well disposed Mind and memory, do make this my last Will and Testament. First I nominate and appoint my dear W i f e Joice and my Friends James Pemberton, John Field, Samuel Pleasants, Richard Wells, Henry Drinker, David Evans & James Cresson, Executors of this my last will, revoking all f o r m e r Wills by me made. And I give to my three Brothers James Benezet, Philip Benezet & Daniel Benezet, to each of them the sum of five Shillings, And I do give unto my said dear W i f e if so much remain of my personal Estate at the time of her decease the sum of fifty Pounds to be by her given away by will, or made such use of as she shall judge convenient. And f r o m a sense of the tender care which is due f r o m me to my said W i f e as well as my duty as a steward of what substance is committed to my care I give all my remaining Goods and Chattels, Bonds, Mortgages if any there be, and other of my personal Estate, except as hereafter reserved, both principal and interest, as also the income of my real Estate to my said Executors during the natural life of my dear W i f e in trust f o r this purpose only, that is to say, f o r the reasonable and f r u g a l Support of her my dear W i f e in d e f r a y ing every necessary expence f o r her comfortable support; And if during my W i f e ' s life my personal Estate shall be so f a r spent as that the residue, together with the income of my House and Lot & other of my real Estate of which I may be seized at the time of my decease shall not be sufficient f o r the support of my said W i f e , or that by loss of fire, the income of my said House and Lot shall fail, and my wife's situation shall make it necessary, then and in such case only I do hereby impower my said W i f e , together with my Executors before named, or the survivers of them their Executors or Administrators, to sell my House and Lot on a perpetual Ground Rent and to make good & sufficient Title to the purchaser his or her Heirs and assigns forever and the said Ground Rent to apply to the support of my said W i f e during her natural life. And a f t e r the death of my W i f e I give my above said House & Lot or Ground Rent proceeding f r o m it and the rent and residue of M y Estate which shall remain undisposed of a f t e r my W i f e ' s decease, both real and personal to the overseers of the Publick School of Philadelphia, founded by Charter, and to their successors forever in trust that they shall sell my House and Lot on perpetual ground Rent forever if the same be not already sold by my Executors as before mentioned. And 2 2 . Pemberton Papers, Historical Society of P e n n s y l v a n i a .

ANTHONY

BENEZET

that as speedily as may be they receive and take so much of my personal Estate as may be remaining and herewith purchase a yearly Ground Rent or Ground Rents, and with the income of such Ground Rent proceeding from the sale of my real Estate, hire and employ a religious minded person or persons to teach a number of Negroe, Mulatto, or Indian Children to read and write, Arithmetic, plain Accounts, Needlework &c. And it is my particular desire founded on the experience I have had in that service that in the choice of such a tutor special care may be had to prefer an industrious careful person of true piety, who may be or become suitably qualified, who would undertake the service from a principal of Charity to one more highly learned not equally so disposed. This I desire may be carefully attended to, sensible that f r o m the number of pupils of all ages the irregularity of attendance their situation subject them to &c. will not admit of that particular inspection in their improvement usual in other schools but that the real well doing of the Scholars will very much depend upon the master making a special conscience of doing his duty; and shall likewise defray such other necessary expence as may occur in that service. And as the said remaining income of my Estate after my Wife's decease will not be sufficient to defray the whole expence necessary for the support of such a School, it is my request that the overseers of the said Publick school shall join in the care and expence of such a School or Schools for the educating of Negroes, Mulattos & Indian Children with any Committee which may be appointed by the Monthly Meeting of Friends of Philadelphia or with any other body of benevolent persons who may join in raising Money and employing it for the education of such Children, my desire that as such a school is now set up it may be forever maintained in this City and I give to my kinsman, Joseph Marriott, School master in Burlington County, the sum of ten Pounds and I give unto my two Nieces Mary & Charity Pyrleus of Bethlehem to each of them the sum of ten Pounds. Dated in Philadelphia the third day of the fifth Month called May in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four. Signed, Sealed & declared by the Testator to be his last Will & Testament in the presence of

US

ANTHONY

BENEZET

John Parrish Joseph Clark Barberry Brown 23 2 3 . T h e signature is that of the unsteady hand of B a r b e r r y B r o w n , the hired maid. See p. 1 6 7 .

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CODICIL I, Anthony Benezet, being sick in body but of a good and well disposing memory do make this Codocille to my will viz. I give all my Books manuscripts &c. except those in sheets or Collections intended to be given a w a y and m y Quarto Bible in two volumes which a f t e r my w i f e ' s decease I give to my friend John Field, to the Library belonging to the Quakers which is now kept by John T o d d in the fourth street meeting, on condition that regular list of those & the other Book be printed in order to make that Institution as profitable to our youth & others as maybe. A n d I give unto Barberry Brown my hiremaid the sum of Six pounds and I give unto M a r y Reinier, M a r g a r e t Bujo & M a r y Vincent French people to each & every of them the sums of five pounds also to Pelagie Minot the Sum of t w o pounds. Dated in Philadelphia the thirtieth Day of the fourth month called April in the year one thousand seven hundred & eighty-four. ANTHONY

BENEZET

I also give unto J a m e s Star & T h o m a s Harrison the sum of fifty pounds in trust for the use of a certain Society who are forming themselves for the relief of such Black People & other who apprehend themselves illegally detained in Slavery to enable them to employ lawyers &c. to appear on their behalf in l a w & in all other cases afford just relief to these oppressed people. And I do give unto T h o m a s Harrison twenty five pounds towards making up a loss he has incurred in the prosecution of this good service. Nevertheless if this kinsman's loss is made up by the free contribution of well disposed people which it ought to be then & in such case I am willing the said sum may be added to the fifty pounds mentioned l e f t to the said Society. And I leave unto M a r g a r e t T i l l an oppresst & much afflicted black woman now in John Dickinson's service the sum of five pounds. ANTHONY B E N E Z E T

PARADISE OF NEGRO SLAVES—A

DREAM23

I thought I was conducted to a country which, in point of cultivation and scenery, f a r surpassed anything I had ever heard or read in my life. 1 23. Benjamin Rush, Essays,

Literary,

Moral

and Philosophical,

Philadelphia, 1806.

168

ANTHONY

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This country, I found, was inhabited only by negroes. They appeared cheerful and happy. Upon my approaching a beautiful grove, where a number of them were assembled for religious purposes, I perceived at once a pause in their exercises, and an appearance of general perturbation. They fixed their eyes upon me, while one of them, a venerablelooking man, came forward and, in the name of the whole assembly, addressed me in the following language: "Excuse the panic which you have spread through this peaceful and happy company. W e perceive that you are a white man. T h a t colour, which is the emblem of innocence in every other creature of God, is, to us, a sign of guilt in man. T h e persons whom you see here were once dragged by the men of your colour from their native country, and consigned by them to labour, punishment, and death. W e are here collected together, and enjoy an ample compensation in our present employments for all the miseries we endured on earth. W e know that we are secured by the Being whom we worship f r o m injury and oppression. Our appearance of terror, therefore, was entirely the sudden eifects of habits which have not yet been eradicated from our minds." "Your apprehensions of danger from the sight of a white man," said I, "are natural. But in me you behold a friend. I have been your advocate, and" here he interrupted me, and said, "Is your name Rush ?" I answered in the affirmative. Upon this he ran and embraced me in his arms, and afterwards conducted me into the midst of the assembly, where, after being introduced to the principal characters, I was seated upon a bank of moss, and the following account was delivered to me by the venerable person who first accosted me: " T h e place we now occupy is called the Paradise of Negro Slaves. It is destined to be our place of residence till the general judgment; after which time we expect to be admitted into higher and more perfect degrees of happiness. Here we derive great pleasure from contemplating the infinite goodness of God, in allotting to us our full proportion of misery on earth, by which means we have escaped the punishments to which the free and happy part of mankind too often expose themselves, and endure after death. Here we have learned to thank God f o r all the afflictions our taskmakers heaped on us, inasmuch as they were the means of our present happiness. Pain and distress are the unavoidable portions of all mankind. They are the only avenues that can conduct them to peace and felicity. Happy are they who partake of their portion of both upon the earth!" Here he ended.

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A f t e r a silence of a f e w minutes, a young man, who bore on his head the mark of a wound, came up to me, and asked if I knew anything of M r .

, of the island of

. I told him I did not. " M r .

, " said he, " w a s my master. One day I mistook his orders and saddled his mare instead of his horse, which provoked him so much that he took up an axe and with a stroke on my head dismissed me f r o m life. I long to hear whether he has repented of this unkind action. Do, Sir, write to him, and tell him his sins are not too great to be forgiven; tell him his once miserable slave, Scipio, is not angry with him; he longs to bear his prayers to the offended Majesty of Heaven, and, when he dies, Scipio will apply to be one of the convoy that shall conduct his spirit to the regions of bliss, appointed f o r those who repent of their iniquities." B e f o r e I could reply to this speech, an old man came and sat down by my side. His hair was white as snow. With slow, but gentle voice, he thus addressed me: "Sir, I was the slave of M r .

. I served him

faithfully upwards of sixty years. No rising sun ever caught me in my cabin; no setting sun ever saw me out of the sugar-field, except on Sundays. M y whole subsistence never cost my master more than forty shillings a year. Herrings and roots were my only food. One day, in the eightieth year of my age, the overseer saw me stop to rest myself while I was at work. He came up to me, and beat me till he could endure the heat and fatigue, occasioned by the blows he gave me, no longer. N o r was this all; he complained of me to my master, who instantly set me up at public vendue, and sold me f o r two guineas to a tavern keeper in a distant parish. T h e distress I felt in leaving my children and grandchildren, twenty-eight of whom I l e f t on my master's plantation, soon put an end to my existence, and landed me on these happy shores. I have no wish to gratify but one, and that is, to be permitted to visit my old master's family. I long to tell my master that his wealth cannot make him happy; that the sufferings of a single hour in the world of misery, f o r which he is preparing himself, will over balance all the pleasures he ever enjoyed in this l i f e ; and that f o r every act of unnecessary severity he inflicts upon his slaves, he will suffer tenfold in the world to come." He had hardly finished his tale, when a decent-looking woman came forward, and addressed me in the following language; "Sir, I was once the slave of M r .

, in the State of

. From the healthiness

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of my constitution I was called upon to suckle my master's eldest son. T o enable me to do this office more effectually, my own child was taken f r o m my breast, and soon afterwards died. M y affections, in the first emotions of my grief, fastened themselves upon my infant master. He thrived under my care, and grew up a handsome young man. Upon the death of his father I became his property. Soon a f t e r this event he lost £ 1 0 0 at cards. T o raise this money I was sold to a planter in a neighbouring State. I can never forget the anguish with which my aged father and mother followed me to the end of the lane, when I l e f t my master's house, and hung upon me when they bade me f a r e well. M y new master obliged me to work in the field, which in a f e w weeks ended my life. Say, my friend, is my young master alive? I f he is, go to him and tell him his unkind behaviour to me is upon record against him. T h e gentle spirits in heaven, whose happiness consists in expressions of gratitude and love, will have no fellowship with him. His soul must be melted with pity, or he can never escape the punishment which awaits the hardhearted equally with the impenitent, in the regions of misery." A s soon as she had finished her story, a middle-aged woman approached me, and, a f t e r a low and respectful curtsey, thus addressed me: "Sir, I was born and educated in a Christian family in one of the southern States of America. In the thirty-third year of my age, I applied to my master to purchase my freedom. Instead of granting my request, he conveyed me by force on board a vessel, and sold me to a planter in Hispaniola. Here it pleased G o d " — u p o n pronouncing these words she paused, and a general silence ensued. All at once the eyes of the whole assembly were turned f r o m me directed to a little white man who advanced towards them, on the opposite side of the grove in which we were seated. His face was grave, placid, and full of benignity. In one hand he carried a subscription paper and a petition; in the other he carried a small pamphlet on the unlawfulness of the A f r i c a n SlaveT r a d e , and a letter directed to the King of Prussia, upon the unlawfulness of war. While I was employed in contemplating the venerable figure, suddenly I beheld the whole assembly running to meet him; the air resounded with the clapping of hands, and I was awakened f r o m my dream by the noise of a loud and general acclamation o f — " A n thony B e n e z e t ! "

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A MEMORIAL FROM THE MONTHLY OF FRIENDS OF PHILADELPHIA CERNING ANTHONY

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MEETING CON-

BENEZET24

READ AND APPROVED IN T H E QUARTERLY MEETING HELD IN P H I L A D E L P H I A T H E 2ND DAY OF T H E F I F T H MONTH, I 7 8 5 .

O n this Occasion we may pertinently adopt the lamenting address of the Disciples at Joppa to the Apostle Peter, on the death of Dorcas their sister, who had been " F u l l of good works, and Almsdeeds which she had done." And all the widows stood by him weeping, and shewing the Coats & Garments which Dorcas had made while she was with them." Acts ix, 36-39. Although they "who are departed hence in the L o r d " have no need of those sepulchral ornaments which the fond affection of surviving Friends to illustrate their characters in many Instances improperly bestow; yet to the wise in heart more precious than fine gold, is the memory of the upright, whose humble walking before God has been a living Testimony against the appearance of evil in its various transformations; their comformity in spirit, and conduct, to the law of the Lord, evincing the delight to be found therein, and that "Verily there is a Reward f o r the Righteous, verily there is a God that judgeth in the Earth." Those therefore whose lights have so shined before men, as to induce such who have beheld their good works to give glory to God, it is fit should be had in remembrance; that they "being dead" the lustre of their pious example may "yet speak" the instructive language, "Follow us as we have followed Christ" in which number we are persuaded this our endeared Friend may with great propriety be placed; through the diligent labours of whose remarkable life of active benevolence, it may justly be said the Gospel was powerfully preached to the Poor, as also holding up to the Rich the necessity of redemption from servile subjection to worldly attachments. Unwearied in his endeavours to promote the essential interests and well being of men, it seemed "his meat and drink" to tread the path of his Divine Master in "going about doing good"—his labours for the 24. T h e E t t i n g Collection, Historical Society of P e n n s y l v a n i a ; also printed with minor changes in A Collection of Memorials, Philadelphia, 1 7 8 7 , pp. 411—4.19. His letter to Charlotte, Queen of Great Britain, 4 1 9 - 4 2 0 .

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relief of the afflicted, and oppressed, particularly that much injured People the enslaved Africans, and their descendants, having been unabated and successful, beyond almost any Advocate they have had in his time, devoting no small portion of his L i f e , and worldly substance, in vindication of their violated rights as men, and their instruction in things relating to their temporal and everlasting interest. By an innocent unreserved affability he gained esteem and acceptance among all classes of men, that love of his neighbour which was conspicuous throughout his communication, having a softening effect, even on rough untractable Spirits, and so generally did his useful l i f e and inoffensive demeanour engage the affections and regards of all ranks of the people among whom he dwelt, that at his decease they seemed to unite in one common sentiment, and declaration of "Blessed are the Dead which die in the L o r d . " He wanted neither abilities nor opportunity f o r using endeavours in the acquirements of wealth, but his moderation in this, as in other respects was uniformly manifest to all observers, being content with little more than a bare competency; rich and liberal beyond most of those who are incumbered with the superabundant goods of this L i f e . He was born in France at a town named St. Quentin in the province of Picardy on the 3 1 s t of that now called the 1st month of 1 7 1 3 , at which time Romish bigotry and superstition subjected the Protestants in that Kingdom to very rigorous persecution, which occasioned many thousands of them to leave it, among whom were the Parents of our deceased friend, who removed f r o m thence on the 3rd of the 2nd month called February, 1 7 1 5 , and after spending a f e w months in Holland, proceeded to London, where they resided about 1 6 years, and in the n t h month called November 1 7 3 1 , they arrived in this City, being recommended by divers Friends. In the 5th month 1 7 3 6 he was married to our friend Joyce Marriott of this city, in whom he experienced a truly religious help-mate almost to the end of 48 years. Being dissatisfied with following mercantile Business to which he was brought up, he declined that occupation and sought other employments f o r the maintenance of his family; and they also engaging more of his time, and attention, than he found consistent with his peace of mind, he willingly embraced an opportunity which offered, favorable to his inclination, and concern f o r the instruction of youth in useful learning, by supplying a vacancy which happened in the Y e a r 1 7 4 2 in the English School under the direction

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o f Friends in this City, which by their encouragement he undertook, and continued in this employment through the remaining part o f his L i f e , except a small intermission o f less than two Years, which he spent at Burlington, where he sought f o r greater retirement and more leisure to attend to his religious concern f o r the general good o f mankind; but did not find his mind at the ease he desired, until he returned to resume his employment of School keeping in this C i t y ; where he experienced greater opportunity o f extensive usefulness, in which he was assiduously diligent, suffering a small portion o f natural rest to satisfy him, employing his pen day and night in the compilation o f Books & other writings, f o r profitable instruction on religious subjects, chiefly extracted f r o m various Authors o f eminence, particularly to inculcate the peaceable temper and doctrines o f the Gospel, in opposition to the spirit o f w a r and bloodshed, as also to expose the

flagrant

injustice o f slavery and the abomination o f the A f r i c a n trade, lamenting the s o r r o w f u l defection o f professed Christians in these respects, which deeply grieved his tender heart; the distribution o f his labours have been f o u n d productive o f much good, to render which more extensive he held a correspondence with such persons in various parts o f Europe & America, as united with him in the like concern, or were so circumstanced, as to be likely to promote his pious well-meant views. O n the late cessation o f war between Great Britain & America, apprehending the revival o f commerce would be likely to renew the ignominious trade to A f r i c a f o r Slaves, which had in some measure been obstructed, among other endeavours to dissuade f r o m this cruel traffic, and having entertained a favourable opinion o f the disposition and sentiments o f the Q u e e n o f G r e a t Britain, hoping her influence might be useful to discourage it, he was religiously induced to transmit her a letter in 1 7 8 3 on the subject, with a present o f a f e w Books o f a pious tendency, which he committed to the care o f two o f his friends in London to deliver, in such manner as they should judge to be most suitable, this service being performed soon a f t e r his decease; one o f them by a letter received within a f e w days past, informs his friends here that the Letter from

him with the books had been delivered to

the Queen, w h o on her reading it, expressed her persuasion "that the writer was a truly good man, and that she kindly accepted his present," engaging also to read the Books, which the person w h o delivered them says he had no doubt she did attentively. He was employed the t w o last years as teacher in the School f o r I n -

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struction of the Black People and their offspring, established and supported by the voluntary contributions of friends in this city, which by the indisposition of the former teacher, had lain some time vacant; undertaking this employment f r o m an apprehension of religious duty, and an earnest solicitude that they might be better qualified rightly to enjoy the freedom to which great numbers of them had been of late restored, f o r which purpose he surrendered (with the consent of his Friends) his other school, though to the manifest disadvantage of his worldly interest. His confinement by his last illness was not of long continuance, although he had not been in perfect health f o r more than a year before, but being of a lively disposition, and remarkably temperate in his food, which was principally vegetables, he attended his school and other a f fairs until the increase of his disorder disabled him. He endured the bodily pains he suffered with much patience, and was favoured with great calmness and composure, being sensible of his approaching dissolution, receiving his numerous visitors with much kindness, but expressed little to any concerning himself, abiding under that humble diffidence, which was conspicuous in his conduct through l i f e , considering himself but as an unprofitable Servant. A short time before his confinement, in a familiar conversation, he took occasion to remark, that had he attended with due care to the prospects of Duty given him in his younger years, he thought it was probable he might have been made instrumental f o r more extensive usefulness to mankind. O n the day preceding his death, he took an affecting farewell of his w i f e , who was then also in a weak infirm state, when he reminded her of the affections, and concord, which had been maintained between them through the course of their union, and having some time before reviewed, and executed his will, in which he had devised his whole Estate to her during her natural l i f e (excepting his small library and other books) and on her decease to certain Trustees, the income thereof to be applied to the use and support of the Negro School; he had in the time of this Illness added a Codicil confirming the same, with a reservation of some small legacies to a f e w of his relations, indigent widows and other poor persons, and having copies transcribed with instructions f o r the distribution of the Books he had on hand, and f o r binding divers tracts on religious subjects, which remained in sheets, he delivered them to some of his executors f o r their government, the last of which he

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put into the hands of one of them, not more than three hours before he departed, which was about sunset on the third day of the fifth month 1784 being the day of our Quarterly Meeting, and on the fifth day of the same he was buried in our Grave Yard in this city, on which solemn occasion a great concourse of Inhabitants of all ranks and professions attended, manifesting the universal esteem in which he was held, among whom also several hundred Black People in like manner testified the grateful sense they had of the benefits derived to them, through his acts of Friendship and pious Labours on their behalf. This is a summary Narrative of our valuable Friend and as we mean not to extol the Instrument but to render to the Lord our Creator the Praise of his own works, let this account suffice, and excite in each mind a due observance of that Gospel Monition, " G o and do thou likewise." Signed in and on behalf of the Monthly Meeting of Philadelphia the 29th of the 4th month, 1 7 8 5 , By the Clerk.

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Bibliography Adair, James. T h e History of the American Indians. London, 1 7 7 5 . Albanès, Abbé J . H. Le Vie de Saint Bénézet. Marseille, 1876. Alexander, Anna. Gathered Fragments, briefly illustrative of the L i f e of George Dillwyn. London, 1858. Allen's American Biographical Dictionary, 1 8 5 7 . Allen, James. M S Diary, 1 7 7 0 - 1 7 7 8 . Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. Allinson, E . P. and Penrose B. Philadelphia 1 6 8 1 - 1 8 8 7 , a History of Municipal Development. 1887. American Museum, volumes I V and I X . American Weekly Mercury. Americana, volume I I I . An Account of the Religious Experience of Susanna Lightfoot, Compiled from the Testimony given by Friends in America. Manchester, 1844. Applegarth, Albert C. T h e Quakers in Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1892. Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, volumes I I I and V. Arminian Magazine for the year 1 7 8 7 , volume X . Armistead, Wilson. Memoirs of Anthony Benezet, revised. London, 1859. Aveling, T . W . Memorials of the Clayton Family. London, 1867. Baird, Charles W . History of the Huguenot Emigration to America. T w o volumes. New York, 1885. Balch, Thomas Willing. The French in America during the W a r of Independence of the United States, 1775—1783. Philadelphia, 1891— 1895. Barber, John W . Historical, Poetical and Pictorial American Scenes. New Haven, 1850. Barclay, Robert. Apology for the True Christian Divinity. London, 1678. Barclay, Robert. T h e Inner L i f e of the Religious Societies of the Commonwealth. 1 8 7 7 . Barker, Peter. Vindiciae Veritates. Philadelphia, 1 7 7 4 . Bassett, John Spencer. T h e Federalist System, volume I I , Philadelphia, 1817. 'Baxter's Direction to Slaveholders, revived, 1 7 8 5 . First printed in Lon-

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don, 1 6 7 3 , to which is subjoined a letter from Anthony Benezet to the celebrated Abbé Raynal. Beck, William. T h e Friends-—Who they are—what they have done. 1893. Belknap MSS, series 5, volume I I . Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Mass. Berean, T h e , volume I I , April 1 8 2 5 — J u n e 1826. Besse, Joseph. Collection of the Sufferings of the Quakers. T w o volumes. London, 1 7 5 3 . Bible, George P. An Historical Sketch of the Acadians, their deportation and wanderings. Philadelphia, 1906. Biddle, Henry, ed. Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker from 1 7 5 9 to 1807. Philadelphia, 1889. Bidwell, W . H. Annals of an East Anglian Bank. Norwich, 1900. Biographical Directory of the American Congress. Washington, Government Press, 1928. Boucher, Jonathan. A View of the Cause & Consequences of the American Revolution. London, 1 7 9 7 . Bowden, James. History of Friends in America. T w o volumes. London, 1884. Bradford's Pennsylvania Journal. Brainerd, David. Mirabilia Dei inter Indicos. Philadelphia, 1746. Brecht, S. K . The Genealogical Record of the Schwenkfelder Families. New York Schwenkfelder Church, 1 9 2 3 . Brief Statement of the Rise and Progress of the Testimony of the Religious Society of Friends against the Slave-Trade. Philadelphia, 1843. ¡Brissot de Warville, Jean Pierre. Critical Examination of the Marquis de Chastellux's Travels in North America in a letter addressed to the Marquis. Philadelphia, 1788. New Travels in the United States of America. Great American Historical Classics Series, 1 9 2 2 . Browning, William S. A History of the Huguenots. London, 1840. Brumbaugh, Martin G . T h e L i f e and Works of Christopher Dock. Philadelphia, 1908. History of the German Baptist Brethren in Europe and America. 1899. Bulletin Historique et Littéraire, June 1 5 , 1 8 7 5 . Bulletin of Friends' Historical Association (Philadelphia).

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Crèvecœur, Hector St. John de. Letters from an American Farmer. London, 1 7 8 2 . Cromet du Bourg. Anonymous Diary. (Magazine of American History, 4.) Curnock, Nehemiah, ed. T h e Journal of T h e Rev. John Wesley. Eight volumes. London, 1909—16. Cyclopaedia of American Biography. New York, 1898. Daullé, Alfred. L a Réforme à Saint-Quentin et aux environs. 1905. Dictionary of American Biography, volume I I . Dictionary of National Biography, volume I V . Diplomatie Correspondence of the American Revolution, edited by Jared Sparks. Volume X . Boston, 1 8 5 3 . Dobrée, Bonamy. William Penn, Quaker and Pioneer. Boston and New York, 1 9 3 2 . Dreer Collection of Autographs. Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. T w o volumes, 1890—93. Duane, William. Extracts from the Diary of Christopher Marshall during the American Revolution, 1774—1781. Philadelphia, 1 8 7 7 . DuBois, Burghardt W . E . T h e Suppression of the Slave Trade. 1896. Durand, John, ed. New Materials for the History of the American Revolution. New York, 1889. Egle, William Henry. History of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1883. Elkinton, Joseph. Anthony Benezet and His Times, 1713—1784. Philadelphia, 1898. Encyclopaedia Britannica. Evans, Charles. American Bibliography. Volumes I—XII, 1903—1934. Evans, Jonathan. Journal of the L i f e , Travels and Religious Labours of William Savery. London, 1844. Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. By George Vaux, in Pennsylvania Maga%ine of History and Biography, Volume X I I , pp. 4 3 2 - 4 5 6 . Philadelphia, 1888. Faris, John T . Old Churches and Meeting Houses in Philadelphia. 1926. Fay, Bernard. T h e Revolutionary Spirit in France and America. 1 9 2 7 . Franklin—the Apostle of Modern Times. 1929. Félice, G . de. History of the Protestants of France. New York, 1 8 5 1 .

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Fisher, Sidney G. The Quaker Colonies. New Haven, 1 9 1 9 . Fiske, John. American Revolution. T w o volumes. 1889. The Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America. T w o volumes. Boston, 1899. Ford, Paul Leicester. The Many-sided Franklin. New York, 1899. Ford, Worthington Chauncey. Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789. Foulet, Lucien. The Correspondence of Voltaire, 1726—1729. Paris, I

9I3-

Fox, George. Works, volume V I I , New York and Philadelphia, 1 8 3 1 . Fox, R. Hingston. Dr. John Fothergill and His Friends. London, 1 9 1 9 . Friend, The (Philadelphia). Friend, The (London). Friends' Intelligencer, volumes X I I I and X L I I ( 1 8 5 6 and 1 8 8 5 ) . Friends' Library, edited by William and Thomas Evans. Philadelphia, 1837-50. Friends' Miscellany, volumes I I , I I I , V. Biographical notices of Anthony Benezet. Friends' Monthly Magazine, volume I I , 1 8 3 1 . Friends' Quarterly Examiner, volume X V I I , 1883. Friends' Review, volume X I V , 1 8 6 1 . Futhey, J . S. and Cope, Gilbert. History of Chester County, Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1 8 8 1 . Gardiner, S. R. Students' History of England. London, 1923. Genealogy of the Cleveland and Cleaveland Families. Edmund J . and H. G. Cleveland. Hartford, 1899. Gentleman's Magazine, The. Gilpin, Thomas. Exiles in Virginia. Philadelphia, 1848. Gledstone, J . P. The L i f e and Travels of Whitefield. London, 1 8 7 1 . Good, Harry G. Benjamin Rush and His Services to American Education. 1 9 1 8 . Graham, J . W . The Faith of a Quaker. Cambridge, 1920. Grubb, Isabel. Quakers in Ireland. London, 1927. Gummere, Amelia Mott. The Quaker in the Forum. Philadelphia, 1910. The Journal and Essays of John Woolman. New York, 1922."' Papunahung, the Indian Chief. (Bulletin Friends' Historical Society, volume I X , 1 1 6 . )

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Hagenbach, Karl Rudolph. History of the Church in the 18th and 19th centuries. New Y o r k , 1869. Hanna, C . A . T h e Wilderness Trail. New Y o r k , 1 9 1 1 . Harley, L . R . L i f e of Charles Thomson. Philadelphia, 1900. Hazard, Samuel. T h e Register of Philadelphia, 1 8 2 8 - 3 5 .

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Heitman, Francis Bernard. Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army during the W a r of the Revolution. Washington, D.C., 1893. Henderson, Archibald. Contemporary Immortals. 1 9 3 0 . Henry, William. Patrick Henry, His L i f e , Correspondence Speeches. Volumes I and I I I . New Y o r k , 1 8 9 1 .

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Hicks, E . , J r . Quakeriana. Volume I, No. 1 , March, 1894. Higginson, Thomas Wentworth. Anti-Slavery T r a c t No. 4, "Does Slavery Christianize the N e g r o ? " 1 8 5 4 . Hildeburn, C . R . T h e Issues of the Press of Pennsylvania, 1685—1784. T w o volumes. Philadelphia, 1 8 8 5 . Sketches of Printers and Printing in Colonial New Y o r k . New York, 1895. Hinchman, Lydia S. Early Settlers of Nantucket. Philadelphia, 1 8 9 6 , and later editions. Hipsley, Henry. Anthony Benezet (in Friends' Quarterly Examiner, volume X V I I , 1 8 8 3 ) . Hirst, Margaret E . Quakers in Peace and W a r . London, 1 9 2 3 . Hoare, Prince. Memoirs of Granville Sharp. 1 8 2 0 . Hocker, Edward W . Germantown 1683—1933. Germantown, Philadelphia, 1 9 3 3 . Hodgson, William. L i f e and Travels of John Pemberton. London, 1844. Holder, Charles F . T h e Quakers in England and America. New Y o r k , I

9I3-

Holland Collection of Documents, Family Traditions, etc. Historical Society of Western Pennsylvania, Pittsburgh. Hopkins, Samuel. A Dialogue concerning the Slavery of Africans, showing it to be the Duty and Interest of the American States to Emancipate all their African Slaves. Norwich [ R . I . ] , 1 7 7 6 . Horder, Garrett W . Quaker Worthies. London, 1896. Horsfield, Timothy. Letter Book 1 7 5 4 - 5 5 . Historical Society, Philadelphia.

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Howard, Eliot. The Eliot Papers. T w o volumes, 1893. Jackson, Joseph. Encyclopaedia of Philadelphia, volume I. Harrisburg, I

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Leach, J . G. History of the Bringhurst Family. Philadelphia, 1 9 0 1 . Leadbeater, M . S. Biographical Notices of the Society of Friends who were resident in Ireland. London, 1 8 2 3 . Memoirs and Letters of Richard and Elizabeth Shackleton. London, 1844. Learned, Marion Dexter. L i f e of Francis Daniel Pastorius. Philadelphia, 1908. ¡Lettsom, John Coakley. Some Account of the late John Fothergill, M.D. 1783. Levering, Joseph Mortimer. A History of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, 1 7 4 1 - 1 8 9 2 . Philadelphia, 1903. L i f e of Anthony Benezet: A pamphlet read before the Benezet Auxiliary Freedman's Relief Association, 1867. Boston Public Library. Lippincott, Horace M . Early Philadelphia. Philadelphia, 1 9 1 7 . Lippincott's Pronouncing Biographical Dictionary. Locke, J . Fundamental Constitutions for Carolina. London, 1 7 2 0 . Locke, Mary Stoughton. Anti-Slavery in America, 1681—1808. Radcliffe College Monographs, No. 1 1 , 1 9 0 1 . Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth. Evangeline. 1847. Loskiel, G . H. History of the Mission of the United Brethren among the Indians in North America. London, 1794. Lossing, B. J . Harper's Encyclopaedia of United States History. London, 1909. Madison, Lucy Foster. Peggy Owen at Yorktown. Philadelphia, 1 9 1 1 . Malcolm, J . P. T h e Benevolence of Mr. Benezet (in the August number of the Gentleman's Magazine, 1 7 9 2 ) . Mason, G . C. Reminiscences of Newport. 1884. May, George Lacey. Some Eighteenth-Century Churchmen. London, 1920. McCann, Horace F . History of Old Germantown. 1907. Memoirs of Anthony Benezet. London, 1 8 1 6 . (Park's Travels in A f r i c a ) , New Juvenile Library. Memoirs of Clements Willets, of Long Island. (Friends' Miscellany, volume V, 1 8 3 4 . ) Memoirs of the life of Catherine Phillips. London, 1 7 9 7 . Memorials, A Collection o f , concerning divers deceased Ministers and Others of the People called Quakers. Philadelphia, 1 7 8 7 .

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Memorials concerning several Ministers and others. Baltimore Yearly Meeting, 1875. Michener, Ezra. Retrospect of Early Quakerism. Philadelphia, i860. Minutes of Abington Monthly Meetings, 1740. Minutes of Friends' Quarterly Meetings, Philadelphia and New Jersey. Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania. Mitchell, Julia Post. St. Jean de Crevecoeur. New York, 1 9 1 6 . Montgomery, Thomas Harrison. A History of the University of Pennsylvania from its Foundation to A.D. 1770. Philadelphia, 1900. Moon, R. C. The Morris Family. Philadelphia, 1 8 9 8 - 1 9 0 9 . Mordell, Albert. Quaker Militant: John Greenleaf Whittier. Boston, I

933Morgan, George. The True Patrick Henry. 1907. Morgan, Robert H. The L i f e and Writings of Anthony Benezet: A Study in Quaker Literature of the Time of John Woolman. MS thesis, 1933. Morton, T . G. and Woodbury, Frank. History of Pennsylvania Hospital. Philadelphia, 1895. Mott, Alexander. Biographical Sketches and Interesting Anecdotes of Persons of Color. New York, 1837. MS Bill to William Wilson (Benezet selling chocolates). New York Public Library. Mulhern, James. A History of Secondary Education in Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1933. Myers, Albert Cook, ed. Sally Wister's Journal. Philadelphia, 1902. Hannah Logan's Courtship, Diary of John Smith, 1736—1752. Philadelphia, 1904. Narratives of Colored Americans. Sketch of the life of Benezet. New York, 1882. National Cyclopaedia of Biography. Volume V. New International Encyclopaedia, The. New York, 1 9 1 4 . Ninde, Edward S. George Whitefield, Prophet-Preacher. 1924. Nolan, J . Bennett. General Benjamin Franklin. Philadelphia, 1936. Non-Slaveholder, The, volumes I, I I , I I I , IV. Philadelphia, 1846-50. Norris Family letters, papers and schoolbooks. Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. Oberholtzer, Ellis Paxson. The Literary History of Philadelphia. 1906.

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Ogden, George W . Letters from the West. New Bedford, 1 8 2 3 . Okely, Francis. Dawnings of the Everlasting Gospel Light. 1 7 7 5 . Osgood, Herbert L . T h e American Colonies in the Eighteenth Century. T w o volumes, 1924. Overton, J . H. T h e Evangelical Revival of the Eighteenth Century. 1886. Oxley, Joseph. Journal. Volume V (in John Barclay's Select Series of Biographical Narratives, London, 1 8 3 7 ; reprinted Philadelphia, 1838). Pannier, Jacques. Antoine Bénézet, un Quaker Français en Amérique. Toulouse, 1925. Parkman, Francis. Conspiracy of Pontiac. 1 8 5 1 . Parrish, Samuel. Some Chapters in the History of the Friendly Association. 1 8 7 7 . Parton, James. The L i f e and Times of Benjamin Franklin. T w o volumes, 1864. Pemberton Papers at the Pennsylvania Historical Society, Philadelphia. Penn, William. Some Fruits of Solitude; in Reflections and Maxims Relating to the Conduct of Human L i f e . London, 1693. Penney, Norman. T h e First Publishers of Truth. London, 1907. Pennsylvania Archives, Philadelphia, 1 8 5 2 . Pennsylvania Colonial Records. Pennsylvania Evening Post, 1 7 7 5 . Pennsylvania Gazette, 1 7 4 3 . Pennsylvania Ledger. Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, volumes V I , 1 8 7 7 ; X I I , 1888; X V , 1 8 9 1 ; X X X V , 1 9 1 1 . Pennsylvania Packet, May 6, 1784. Pennsylvania School Journal f o r April, 1930. Pennsylvania Testament of Zinzendorf, The—Buedingsche Sammlung, volume I I I , printed at Buedingen, 1744. Pennypacker, Samuel Whitaker. Historical and Biographical Sketches. Philadelphia, 1883. T h e Settlement of Germantown, Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1899. Philadelphia Monthly Meeting Minutes, volume I I I , 1 7 3 0 - 1 7 8 5 . Philips, Edith. T h e Good Quaker in French Legend. Philadelphia, 1932.

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Phillips, Ulrich. American Negro Slavery. New York, 1918. Poetical Epistle to the Enslaved Africans. Philadelphia, 1790. Proud, Robert. History of Pennsylvania, 1681—1742. (Written between 1776 and 1780.) T w o volumes. Philadelphia, 1797—1798. Public Ledger, T h e (Philadelphia), June 22, 1930. Quaker Biographies. Series 2, volume I I I . Philadelphia, 1926. Ragatz, Lowell J . A Guide f o r the study of British Caribbean History, 1 7 6 3 - 1 8 3 4 . Washington, 1932. Rawle, E . J . Records of the Rawle Family. T a u n t o n , 1898. Raynal, Abbé. T h e History of the European Settlements in the West Indies. 1770. T h e Revolution of America. Norwich, 1782. Short Observations on Slavery. 1782. Records of the American Catholic Historical Society, volume X V I . Records of the Yearly Meetings of the Religious Society of Friends. Reichel, W . C. Moravians in N e w York and Connecticut. N e w York, i860. Rice, Howard C. Le Cultivateur Américain; étude sur l'œuvre de Saint John de Crèvecoeur. Paris, 1933. Ritter, Abraham. History of the Moravian Church in Philadelphia. 1857. Roberts, C. U . Early Friends' Families of Upper Bucks. Philadelphia, 1925. Roberts, Daniel. A Quaker of the Olden T i m e . London, 1898. Rupp, I. Daniel. History of the Counties of Berks and Lebanon. 1876. Collection of thirty thousand names of Immigrants in Pennsylvania, 1727—1776. Rush, Benjamin. An Address to the Inhabitants of the British Settlements on the Slavery of the Negroes in America. Philadelphia, 1772. Sermons to Gentlemen, or Temperance and Exercise. Philadelphia, 1776. Essays, Literary, Moral and Philosophical. 1798 and 1806. • A Paradise of Negro Slaves—A Dream. Philadelphia, 1806. A W a r n i n g Voice to the Intemperate. 1817. Rutty, John. History of Quakers in Ireland. London, 1811. Sandiford, Ralph. A Brief Examination of the Practice of the Times by the Foregoing and the Present Dispensation. Philadelphia, 1729.

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Sands, David. Journal. London, 1848. Schaff, Philip. T h e New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopaedia of Religious Knowledge. New York, 1908—1912. Scharf, J . Thomas and Westcott, Thompson. History of Philadelphia, 1609-1884. Three volumes. Philadelphia, 1884. Schermerhorn, W . E. The History of Burlington, New Jersey. Burlington, 1927. Schweinitz, Bishop de. T h e Life and Times of David Zeisberger. Philadelphia, 1870. Serious Address to the Rulers of America on the inconsistency of their conduct regarding Slavery. By a Farmer. Trenton, New Jersey, 1783; Liverpool, 1784. Sewall, Samuel. The Selling of Joseph. 1700. Sewel, William. History of the Rise, Increase and Progress of the Quakers. Burlington, 1774. Sharp, Granville. A Representation of the Injustice and Dangerous Tendency of Tolerating Slavery in England. 1769. • An Appendix to the Representation against Slavery. 1772. Sharpless, Isaac. A Quaker Experiment in Government, volume I, 1902. Political Leaders of Provincial Pennsylvania. New York, 1919. Shephard, Charles. An Historical Account of the Island of Saint Vincent. London, 1831. Simpson, Henry. Lives of Eminent Philadelphians Now Deceased. Philadelphia, 1859. Simpson, M. Cyclopaedia of Methodism. Philadelphia, 1878. Small, Samuel, Jr. Genealogical Records of Daniel Benezet and others. Philadelphia, 1905. Smith, Joseph. A Descriptive Catalogue of Friends' Books. London, 1878. Smith, R. M. T h e Burlington Smiths. Philadelphia, 1877. Smith, Samuel. History of New Jersey. 1765. Smyth, Albert Henry. T h e Writings of Benjamin Franklin. T e n volumes. New York, 1907. Société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Français, Bulletin, volume X I I . Somervell, John. Isaac and Rachel Wilson. London, 1924. Stabler, William. Memoirs of the Life of Edward Stabler. Philadelphia, 1846.

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191

Stanton, Daniel. A Journal of L i f e , Travels, etc. Philadelphia, 1 7 7 2 . Stapleton, A . Memorials of the Huguenots. 1 9 0 1 . Starbuck, Alexander. T h e History of Nantucket. Boston, 1924. Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania, 1724—1744. Volume I V . Stubbs, W m . Registrum Sacrum Anglicanum. Oxford, 1897. Tallack, William. Friendly Sketches in America. London, 1 8 6 1 . Tanner, William. Three Lectures on the Early History of the Society of Friends in Bristol and Somersetshire. Philadelphia, 1858. Taylor, Francis R. T h e L i f e of William Savery of Philadelphia, 1750— 1804. New York, 1925. Telford, John. The Letters of the Rev. John Wesley. Eight volumes. London, 1 9 3 1 . Thomson, Charles. An Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians, London, 1759. Philadelphia, 1867. Thwaites, Reuben Gold, ed. Early Western Travels, 1 7 4 8 - 1 8 4 7 . Volume X I X , 1905. Townsend, W . P. Brief Narrative of the L i f e of Jacob Lindley. Philadelphia, 1893. Turner, Edward Raymond. T h e Negro in Pennsylvania, 1639—1861. Washington, 1 9 1 1 . Tyler, Moses Coit. History of American Literature during the Colonial Time, 1607—1765. T w o volumes, New York, 1897. Literary History of the American Revolution. T w o volumes, New York, 1905. Vaux, George. Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. In Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, volume X I I , pp. 4 3 2 - 4 5 6 . Philadelphia, 1888. Vaux, Roberts. An Eulogium on Benjamin Ridgway Smith. Philadelphia, 1809. J — — Memoirs of the Lives of Benjamin Lay and Ralph Sandiford. Philadelphia, 1 8 1 5 . Memoirs of the L i f e of Anthony Benezet. Philadelphia, 1 8 1 7 ; reprinted, York, 1 8 1 7 ; translated into French, London, 1824. Wallace, David Duncan. T h e L i f e of Henry Laurens. 1 9 1 5 . Walton, Joseph S. Conrad Weiser and the Indian Policy of Colonial Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1900.

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ANTHONY

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Washington, Booker T . T h e Story of the Negro. 1909. Watson, John F . Annals of Philadelphia. 1887, and earlier editions. Historic Tales of Olden Time. Philadelphia, 1883. Watts, Isaac. Divine and Moral Songs for Children. 1720. Watts' Bibliotheca Britannica, 1 8 2 4 , volume I. Weeks, Stephen B. Southern Quakers and Slavery. Baltimore, 1896. Wesley, John. Thoughts upon Slavery. London, 1 7 7 4 . Westcott, T . Historic Mansions and Buildings of Philadelphia. Philadelphia, 1 8 7 7 . Westonian, T h e (3rd month, 1 9 0 7 ) containing picture of Benezet's house. Wharton, Francis, ed. The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States. Six volumes, 1889. Wharton, Samuel. Plain Facts. First published under the title—Plain Facts: being an Examination into the Rights of the Indian Nations of America to their respective Countries, etc. Philadelphia, 1 7 8 1 . Whittier, John G . T h e French Neutrals and Anthony Benezet (in National Era, 1 8 4 9 ) . Wickersham, James Pyle. A History of Education in Pennsylvania. Lancaster, 1886. William and Mary Quarterly, volumes I and I I . William Penn Charter School Records—Minutes of the Overseers— 1 7 1 2 - 1 8 9 0 . (Alfred G . Scattergood, Custodian.) Wilson, Henry. History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America. 1 8 7 3 , volume I. Winsor, Justin. Narrative and Critical History of America, volume I I . Wister, Sally. Worthy Women of our First Century. Philadelphia, 1877. Wood, George B. T h e Early History of the University of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1 8 3 4 . Woodson, Carter G . The Journal of Negro History. Volume I I , 1 9 1 7 . Woody, Thomas. Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania. New York, 1895-98. Yorkshireman, The, a religious and literary Journal. 1 8 3 7 . Young, Edward. Night Thoughts on L i f e , Death and Immortality. London, 1 7 4 5 . Young, J . R . Memorial History of the City of Philadelphia. New York, 1895. Young, William. An Account of the Black Charaibs. London, 1795.

BIBLIOGRAPHY T H E WRITINGS OF A N T H O N Y

193 BENEZET

EDUCATION A first book f o r children. T h e letter N is omitted from the printed alphabet. Printed and sold by Joseph Crukshank, Philadelphia, 1 7 7 8 . Do. Dover, N . H. Printed by Eliphalet Ladd, 1 7 9 3 . Do. London, James Phillips and Son, 1 7 9 8 . T h e Pennsylvania Spelling Book, or Youth's Friendly Instructor and Monitor. Philadelphia, printed by Joseph Crukshank, 1 7 7 8 . Do. Second edition, improved and enlarged, 1 7 7 9 . Philadelphia, printed by Joseph Crukshank. Do. Providence, Rhode Island, Wheeler, 1 7 8 1 , third edition. Do. Fourth edition ( ? ) Providence, Rhode Island, Wheeler, 1 7 8 9 . Do. Sixth edition, Dublin. Printed by John Gough, 1800. Some Observations Relating to the Establishment of Schools. [Philadelphia, 1 7 7 8 . ] Some Necessary Remarks on the Education of the Youth in the Country Parts of this and the Neighbouring Governments, n.p. [ 1 7 7 8 . ] A n Essay towards the most easy Introduction to the knowledge of the English Grammar compiled for the Pennsylvania Spelling Book. [Crukshank, Philadelphia, 1 7 7 9 . ]

INDIANS A n Account of the behaviour & sentiments of a number of well-disposed Indians, mostly of the Minusing tribe. Philadelphia, 1760. M S copy in the Huntingdon Library, San Marino, California. A n Account of Papunchung's second visit to Friends the 4th of 8th month, 1 7 6 1 . M S copy in the Huntingdon Library, San Marino, California. Some Observations on the Situation, Disposition, and Character of the Indian Natives of this Continent. Printed and sold by Joseph Crukshank, Philadelphia, 1 7 8 4 . Etliche Anmerkungen über den Zustand une Gemüts-beschaffenheit, der Indianischen Einwohner dieses Welt-Theils. Ephrata, 1 7 8 6 .

194

ANTHONY

BENEZET

RELIGION

T h e Plain Path to Christian Perfection.

[ A translation from the

French by Anthony Benezet.] Philadelphia, 1758. Also preface by Anthony Benezet. Do. Philadelphia, 1 7 7 2 . Do. Philadelphia, 1 7 7 3 , in a collection of Religious Tracts. Do. Philadelphia, 1780. Do. Philadelphia, 1831. Published by Joseph Rakestraw. Do. Philadelphia, 1837.

do.

do.

Do. Philadelphia, 1855. Published by Henry Longstreth. Do. Philadelphia, 1877.

do.

do.

A Collection of Religious Tracts. Printed in Philadelphia, 1 7 7 3 . T h e Plainness and Innocent Simplicity of the Christian Religion. With its salutary effects, compared to the corrupting nature and dreadful effects of war. Bound with A n Extract from a treatise on the spirit of prayer. Philadelphia, 1780. Printed by Joseph Crukshank. Do. Philadelphia, printed by Joseph Crukshank, 1782. Do. Bound with Serious Reflections Affectionately

Recommended.

Philadelphia, 1783. Do. Philadelphia, printed by Joseph Crukshank, 1793. Do. London, reprinted and sold by Darton and Harvey, 1800. A Short Account of the People called Quakers; their rise, religious principles and settlement in America, mostly collected from different authors, for the information of all serious inquirers, particularly f o r eigners. Philadelphia, printed by Joseph Crukshank, 1780. Do. T h e second edition. Philadelphia, Joseph Crukshank, 178—? Do. T h e third edition. Philadelphia, printed by Enoch Storey, 1783. Do. N e w Bedford, printed by Abraham Shearman, 1799. Do. Philadelphia, published by Kimber and Conrad, 1814. Observations sur l'origine, les principes, et l'établisement en Amérique de la société de Quakers: extrait de divers Auteurs. Rédigés en faveur des étrangers. Philadelphia, 1780. Do. Paris, 1780. Do. Philadelphia, 1783. Do. Reprinted at London by J. Phillips, 1783.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

195

Do. N e w Y o r k , 1816. Do. Londres, G . Phillips, 1 8 1 7 . Do. Nouv. ed. Paris, de l'imprimerie de Cellot, 1822. Kurzer bericht von den leuten, die man Quäker nennet; ihrem ursprung, ihren religionsgründen, und von ihrer niederlassung in America. Philadelphia: Gedruckt bey Melchior Steiner, in der Rees-strasse, I783Do. Philadelphia, C . Cist, 1 7 9 1 . WAR

Thoughts on the Nature of W a r , and its Repugnancy to the Christian L i f e , published in A n Extract from a Treatise by William L a w called the Spirit of Prayer. Philadelphia, printed by Henry Miller, 1766. Do. Printed with Some Extracts from the Writings of William L a w and Thomas Hartley. Philadelphia, printed by Henry Miller, 1766. Do. Philadelphia, 1776. Christian Piety, Freed from many delusions of modern enthusiasts of Denominations, not written by Benezet but published by him. n.p., n.d. Do. London, 1756, second edition. Do. Philadelphia, 1766, third edition. Do. n.p., n.d. Philadelphia, 1780, Crukshank? bound with the L i f e of Armelle Nicholas. Serious Reflections affectionately recommended to the well-disposed of every religious Denomination, particularly those who mourn and lament on account of the calamities which attend us; and the insensibility that so generally prevails, n.p., n.d. [Philadelphia, 1 7 7 5 . ] Do. n.p., n.d. [Philadelphia, 1 7 7 7 ? ] Do. n.p., n.d. [Philadelphia, 1 7 7 8 ? ] Do. n.p., n.d. [Philadelphia, 1 7 8 0 ? ] Do. (not reset but pages renumbered) in Christian Piety: By Philalethes, With Extracts from different Authors. [Philadelphia, 1780.] Serious Considerations on several important subjects; viz. on W a r and its inconsistency with the Gospel. Philadelphia, printed by Joseph Crukshank, 1778.

196

ANTHONY

BENEZET

TEMPERANCE

T h e mighty destroyer displayed, in some account o f the dreadful havock made by the mistaken use as well as abuse o f distilled spirituous liquors. B y A L o v e r of Mankind. Philadelphia, printed by Joseph Crukshank, 1 7 7 4 . D o . T r e n t o n , printed by Isaac Collins, 1 7 7 9 . D o . Philadelphia, printed bv J. James, 1788. Same as above, with the title: T h e potent enemies of America laid open; being some account o f the baneful effects attending the use of distilled spirituous liquors, and the slavery o f the negroes. Philadelphia, Joseph Crukshank [ 1 7 7 4 ] . Remarks on the Nature and Bad E f f e c t s of Spirituous Liquors. [ 1 7 7 8 . ] Some General Maxims based on the nature and bad effects o f spirituous liquors, 1 7 7 8 . Branntewein und Verderben, aus Englischen Sprache, übersetzt von J. M . Jorck [Philadelphia, 1 7 8 3 ] . SLAVERY

A n Epistle o f Caution and Advice, concerning the buying and keeping o f Slaves ( f r o m the Y e a r l y Meeting f o r Pennsylvania) &c. Philadelphia, printed and sold by James Chattin, 1 7 5 4 . Observations on the Enslaving, Importing and Purchasing of Negroes. Germantown, printed by Christopher Sower, 1 7 5 9 . D o . Second edition. Germantown, printed by Christopher Sower, 1 7 6 0 . A Short Account o f that part o f A f r i c a , inhabited by the Negroes; with respect to the fertility o f the country; the good disposition of many o f the natives, and the manner by which the slave trade is carried on. Philadelphia, 1 7 6 2 . D o . Second edition, with large additions and amendments. Philadelphia, printed by W . Dunlap, 1 7 6 2 . D o . T h i r d edition. Philadelphia, printed by W . Dunlap, 1 7 6 3 . D o . London, third edition. Reprinted by W . Baker and J. W .

Gala-

bin, 1768. Eine kurtze Vorstellung des theils von A f r i c a , welches bewohnt wird von negroes. Darinnen beschrieben wird die fruchtbarkeit desselben landes, die gutartigkeit dessen einwohner, und wie man daselbst den

BIBLIOGRAPHY

197

sclaven-handel treibt. Ephrata, drucks der societàt auf kosten etlicher freunden, 1 7 6 3 . A Caution and W a r n i n g to Great Britain and her Colonies, in a short representation of the calamitous state of the enslaved negroes in the British dominions. Philadelphia, printed by H . Miller, 1 7 6 6 . Do. Philadelphia, printed by D . Hall and W . Sellers, 1 7 6 7 . Do. Reprinted in London, 1 7 6 7 . Do. London, reprinted and sold by James Phillips, 1 7 8 4 . Do. Reprinted in London, 1 7 8 5 . Do. Reprinted in Views of American Slavery T a k e n a Century A g o , published by Philadelphia Association of Friends f o r diffusion of religious and useful knowledge, 1 8 5 8 . Avertisement à la Grand-Bretagne et ses Colonies, ou tableau abrégé de l'état miserable des negres esclaves, etc. Philadelphia, 1 7 6 7 . Short Observations on Slavery, etc. [Philadelphia, Crukshank,

1781.]

Do. Introductory to some extracts f r o m the writings of the Abbé Raynal, on that important subject. [Philadelphia, 1 7 8 2 , printed by Enoch Story.] Thoughts on Slavery, by John Wesley [with extensive notes and additions by A . B . ] . Reprinted, Philadelphia, 1 7 7 4 . Serious Considerations on several important subjects. Philadelphia, 1 7 6 9 . Do. Philadelphia, 1 7 7 8 . Letter to the Celebrated Abbé Raynal, with his answer (printed in \ Baxter's Directions to slaveholders revived. First printed in London in the year 1 6 7 3 . First published in the Brussels Gazette March 7, 1 7 8 2 . Philadelphia, 1 7 8 5 ) . Notes on the slave trade, &c. Philadelphia, Crukshank, 1 7 8 1 . Do. Bound with his Plain Path to Christian Perfection. 178—? Do. Another edition bound with his Short Account of the People called Quakers. 1 7 8 - ? T h e Case of our Fellow-creatures, the oppressed Africans, recommended to the serious consideration of the legislature of Great Britain. B y the people called Quakers. London, J . Phillips, 1 7 8 3 . Do. Philadelphia, reprinted by Joseph Crukshank, 1 7 8 4 .

198

ANTHONY

BENEZET

Some Historical account of Guinea, its situation, produce and the general disposition of its inhabitants. With an inquiry into the rise and progress of the slave trade, its nature and lamentable effects, Philadelphia, printed by J . Crukshank, 1 7 7 1 . Do. London, reprinted and sold by W . Owen and E . and C. Dilly, 1772. Do. A new edition. London, printed by J . Phillips, 1788. Do. London, 1 8 1 5 . Relation historique de la Guinea, avec une recherche sur l'origine et les progrès . . . quatrième edition, Londres, 1788. ACADIANS

Extract of the Memorial to the King of Great Britain (King George I I ) in behalf of the Acadians. Philadelphia, 1760. W R I T I N G S BOUND W I T H RELIGIOUS T R A C T S , P A M P H L E T S , AND BOOKS, A T T H E H I S T O R I C A L S O C I E T Y OF

PENNSYL-

VANIA, PHILADELPHIA

Api. 292. 1. An Extract from a Treatise by William L a w , M . A . called T h e Spirit of Prayer. 2. A Discourse on Mistakes concerning Religion, Enthusiasm, Experiences, &c. by Thomas Hartley, rector of Winwick, Northamptonshire. 3. Christ's Spirit a Christian's Strength, by William Dell. 4. A Short Account of that Part of Africa Inhabited by the Negroes, by Anthony Benezet. Api. 404. 1 . A Short Account of that Part of Africa, etc. by Anthony Benezet. 2. Extracts from a Pamphlet intituled T w o Dialogues on the ManTrade, printed London, 1760. Api. 497. 1. An Extract from a Treatise by William L a w , T h e Spirit of Prayer. 2. Daily Conversation with God, exemplified in the Holy L i f e of A r melle Nicolas, a poor ignorant maid. 3. T h e Plague.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

199

4. The Emptiness and Vanity of a L i f e spent in the pursuit of worldly profit. 5. A Caution and Warning to Great Britain, by Anthony Benezet. 6. Extract from the Virginia Gazette of March 19, 1 7 6 7 . Api. 575. 1. A Historical Account of Guinea, by Anthony Benezet. 2. Extract from a Representation of the Injustice and Dangerous Tendency of Tolerating Slavery, by Granville Sharp. Api. 5 9 1 . 1. A Collection of Religious Tracts. Accounts of the pious lady Elizabeth Hastings and Armelle Nicolas. 2. T h e Plain Path to Christian Perfection, by Anthony Benezet. 3. T h e Dreadful Visitation of the Plague. 4. Thoughts upon Slavery by John Wesley. 5. Sermons by Stephen Crisp, taken in Short Hand as they were delivered by him 1 7 7 3 . Api. 626. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

T h e Mighty Destroyer Displayed, by Anthony Benezet. A Sermon by the Bishop of Gloucester. Extract letters by David Brainard to his brothers. T h e Dreadful Visitation of the Plague. Sermons by Stephen Crisp.

Api. 822. 1. A View of the Internal Evidence of the Christian Religion by Soame Jenyns, Esq. 2. An Extract from a Treatise by William L a w , The Spirit of Prayer. 3. Thoughts on War, by Anthony Benezet. 4. Remarks on the Nature and Bad Effects of Spirituous Liquors, Anthony Benezet. 5. Thoughts on Slavery by different authors. 6. Serious Reflections Affectionately Recommended, by Anthony Benezet. Api. 806. 1. An Extract from William Law's Treatise called T h e Spirit of Prayer.

200

ANTHONY

BENEZET

2. Thoughts on W a r , Anthony Benezet. 3. Remarks on the Nature and Bad Effects of Spirituous Liquors, A n thony Benezet. 4. Thoughts on Slavery by different authors. Api. 854. 1. T h e Plainness and Innocent Simplicity of the Christian Religion, Anthony Benezet. 2. Remarks on the Nature and Bad Effects of Spirituous Liquors, A n thony Benezet. 3. Extract of a letter by the Earl of Essex to the Earl of Southampton. 4. Extract from letters of David Brainard to his brothers. 5. A letter from Elizabeth Webb to Anthony William Boehm with his answer. 6. Short Observations on Slavery, an Introduction to some Extracts from the writings of the Abbé Raynal, by Anthony Benezet. Api. 912. 1. Plainness and Innocent Simplicity of the Christian Religion, A n thony Benezet. 2. Extract of a letter wrote by the Earl of Essex to the Earl of Southampton. 3. Extracts of letters of David Brainard to his brothers. Api. 4 9 7 1 . 1. Christian Piety: By Philalethes, with extracts from different authors, 1776. 2. Daily Conversation with God, exemplified in the life of Armelle Nicolas, " w h o was so ignorant, that she could neither read nor write, and withal a servant, constantly employed in business and hard labour." 3. Thoughts on W a r (a sermon 29th November, 1759, being the Day of Public Thanksgiving f o r the successes obtained in the late w a r ) . 4. A n Extract from a treatise by William L a w , called T h e Spirit of Prayer. 5. A Discourse on Mistakes concerning Religion, Enthusiasm, Experiences, &c. by Thomas Hartley. 6. A Caution and Warning to Great Britain, by Anthony Benezet. 7. A sermon by the Bishop of Gloucester.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

201

Api. 8 5 4 1 . 1. T h e Plainness and Innocent Simplicity of the Christian Religion, Anthony Benezet. 2. Extract of a letter wrote by the Earl of Essex to the Earl of Southampton. 3. Extract of letters of David Brainard to his brothers. 4. A letter from Elizabeth Webb to Anthony William Boehm, with his answer. 5. The Plain Path to Christian Perfection, translated from the French by Anthony Benezet. 6. Serious Considerations on Several Subjects, war, slavery, liquors, by Anthony Benezet. 7. Extract from an address in the Virginia Gazette of March 19, 1767. 8. Serious Reflections Affectionately Recommended to the well-disposed of every Religious Denomination, by Anthony Benezet. Api. 8542. 1. T h e Plainness and Innocent Simplicity of the Christian Religion, by Anthony Benezet. 2. Extract of a letter wrote by the Earl of Essex to the Earl of Southampton. 3. Extract from letters of David Brainard to his brothers. 4. A letter from Elizabeth Webb to Anthony William Boehm, with his answer. 5. Notes on the Slave Trade. 6. Serious Reflections Affectionately Recommended, Anthony Benezet. Ac. 279. 1. Observations on the Inslaving, Importing and Purchasing of Negroes, Anthony Benezet. 2. Advice from the Yearly Meeting Epistle of London, 1759. Ac. 660. 1. T h e Emptiness and Vanity of a L i f e spent in the pursuit of worldly profit. 2. A Caution and Warning to Great Britain, Anthony Benezet. Aa. 9984. 1. A Short Sketch of the evidence presented to the House of Commons against Slavery.

ANTHONY

202

BENEZET

2. A n Address to the People of Great Britain on the propriety of abstaining from West India sugar and rum. 3. Observations upon Slavery by Charles C r a w f o r d , Esq. 4. A Mite Cast Into the Treasury, or Observations on Slavekeeping. 5. Baxter's Directions to Slaveholders Revived, to which is subjoined a letter from the worthy Anthony Benezet (deceased) to Abbé Raynal. Wxb3. 1. Thoughts on the nature of war, Anthony Benezet. 2. Some necessary remarks on the Education of the Youth in the country-parts of this and the neighbouring Governments, Anthony Benezet. 3. Christian Piety, exemplified by Armelle Nicolas. 4. Some Reflections Affectionately Recommended to the well-disposed of every Denomination, Anthony Benezet. 5. T h e Blessed Effect of a Holy L i f e and Daily Conversation with God, exemplified in a short extract of the life of Armelle Nicolas. 6. A Short Account of Africa, Anthony Benezet. 7. A Caution and Warning to Great Britain, Anthony Benezet. 8. A n Address from extracts of a letter from Granville Sharp. 9. Extract from the Minutes of the House of Burgesses in Virginia, Wednesday, April 1, 1 7 7 2 . 10. T h e Potent Enemies of America laid open, Anthony Benezet. 11. Extracts from letters of David Brainard to his brothers. 12. Observations sur l'origine, les principes de Quakers, Anthony Benezet. 13. A Short Account of the Quakers, Anthony Benezet. 14. T h e third edition of the same. 15. Some Observations of the Indian Natives, Anthony Benezet. 16. Kurzer Bericht von den Leuten, die man Quaker nennet, Anthony Benezet. T w . 41. 1. T h e Potent Enemies of America laid open; the Mighty Destroyer Displayed, By a Lover of Mankind (Anthony Benezet). 2. Some General Maxims mostly drawn from the foregoing, Anthony Benezet. 3. Thoughts upon Slavery by John Wesley.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

203

4. Extract of a Sermon preached by the Bishop of Gloucester, before the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel at their Anniversary Meeting on the 21st of February, 1766. Tw*99. i . An Eulogium on Benjamin Ridgway Smith, by Roberts Vaux. 2. Debate on the Abolition of the Slave Trade in the House of Commons, London, 1789. 3. Continuation of the above Debate. 4. T h e Case of our Fellow-Creatures, the Oppressed Africans respectfully recommended to the serious consideration of the Legislature of great Britain by the People called Quakers, London, 1783. 5. Objections to the Abolition of the Slave Trade, with answers. 6. Speech of William Pitt on a motion for the Abolition of the Slave Trade in the House of Commons on Monday the second of April, 1792. 7. T h e Constitution of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abolition of slavery and the relief of Free Negroes unlawfully held in bondage, begun in 1 7 7 4 and enlarged 23rd April, 1 7 8 7 , Benjamin Franklin, President. 8. An Enquiry into the Truth of the Tradition concerning the Discovery of America. 9. Farther Observations on the Discovery of America. 10. A Short Account of the People called Quakers, Anthony Benezet. 1 1 . A summary of the History, Doctrines and Discipline of Friends. 1 2 . Poem. 1 3 . T h e Defence of Warner Mifflin against aspersions cast on him on account of his endeavours to promote righteousness, mercy and peace among mankind, Philadelphia, 1796. Gpp*24. 1. Forderung der Christenheit vors Gericht nach der Amsterdamer Ausgabe von 1678. 2. Eine Freundliche Heimsuchung in der Liebe Gottes. 3. Kurzer Bericht von den Leuten, die man Quäker nennet, Anthony Benezet.

BENEZET LETTERS

Benezet Letters T o : SUSANNA P Y R L E U S 1

and her husband 1751

Historical

Society

Holland

of Western Pennsylvania Pittsburgh Collection of Benezetiana

As some of us are sensible that many Christians, when under the influence of a divine call, have found a necessity to leave their homes and family, in order to declare to others the glad tidings of Salvation through Jesus Christ, we say in a sense of this, we are not surprised to hear that our brother Pyrleus intends for Europe, knowing that he has formerly thought this his duty. Whether it be, or be not, his duty at this time to go abroad on this errand we will leave to the great Judge and tryer of hearts; though we would caution him not to take it upon trust, because other men think proper; but by humiliation and prayer, try as Gideon did the fleece, again and again, lest he should be as one beating the air, and it be said in conclusion, Who has required this at thy hand? However, we wish him good speed in the Lord. But as to our Sister Susanna, we must declare our dislike and our disunion with her intended voyage. It is certainly her duty to take care and watch over the children that God has given her. Whether it is her duty to leave them & go abroad, must certainly be a matter of grave doubt, even with her. Let people say what they will none are so proper to watch over the wants and weaknesses of children, as their own mother. W e do not believe that any service, civil or religious, calls her to leave her tender children, and cross the seas. W e look upon it rather as a snare, and suggestion of the enemy of her soul, who would keep her busy, and employed in other men's vineyards, while her own remains uncultivated; as she appears to us to be no more qualified for such a service, than before she was acquainted with Whitfield or the Moravians. W e would have her seriously consider, whether the desire of going abroad, and seeing new places and strange things, may not be chiefly what induces her to consent to go. W e think it would be much more edifying to the church of God in general, if she was to stay where she is, and, as the Apostle advises the young women in his day, mind her own business, and learn in silence, and by watching and prayer seek after true acquaintance with her own heart. It appears to us, that there I. Protesting against her proposal to go with him on a missionary trip to England. She went and apparently took the children with her.

ANTHONY

2O8

BENEZET

is as little reason for her going to Europe, as there was for our Sister Judith's ridiculous jaunt with her husband, Bruce, amongst the Delaware Indians some time after her marriage—but Count Zinzendorf thought it proper, and therefore it must be complied with! 2 I f it be at your option to go or not, we desire brother Pyrleus, who is best acquainted with the world, to consider how unreasonable and unchristian it will appear to all sober, thinking people, that a woman unqualified, in every respect, as our Sister is, should leave her children and her infirm mother, to follow her husband through so many dangers and difficulties, without any reasonable end being proposed thereby: more especially as her husband may die abroad, and she be l e f t among strangers, and perhaps in a country, some thousands of miles from home. O u r mother, who has been very like to die,3 and who continues weak, desires that we may let you know she is very much grieved, and disapproves thy wife's intended voyage for the reasons above mentioned. However, dear brother and sister, we would not have you take anything amiss that we have said. It is in consequence of our love and regard; for we certainly wish you well in every respect and remain your affectionate brethren. 4 A N T H O N Y , PHILIP AND DANIEL

T o : A SCHOOLMASTER

BENEZET

Friends' Miscellany, vol. I l l , 1833. about the year 1752

Loving

Friend:

I am glad to hear that thou art satisfied with thy situation, and that thy school is likely to increase. I doubt not, if thou art careful, but it will afford thee an innocent and comfortable living. T h y brother-inlaw desired me to procure f o r thee some copperplates, for copies for thy 2. David Bruce became a Moravian missionary to the Indians at Wechquadnach in February, 1749, and died five months later. 3. T h e mother, Judith Benezet, however, did not die until fourteen years later, in the year 1765. 4. This letter is in a large ledger in the Holland Collection at the Historical Society of Western Pennsylvania, Pittsburgh, labeled Notes & Materials for a Genealogical Record of the Benezet Family.

LETTERS

209

scholars; but being very dear, viz. 2s. 6d. f o r t w e n t y - f o u r copies, I thought it best not to purchase any. I think thy o w n writing, if done with care, is sufficiently good f o r copies f o r thy scholars; besides its by writing copies that thou wilt preserve and improve thy round hand, which is materially necessary in a schoolmaster. I am apprehensive thy good nature and ease o f temper may induce thee to indulge thy scholars in a low, and yet hurrying manner o f reading; which, i f allowed, will be h u r t f u l to thy scholars, and greatly augment thy trouble in teaching them. But i f , on the contrary, thou oblige them early to speak loud, slow, and intelligible, and be sure make them observe the proper stops, it will g r o w habitual. T h e elder scholars will example and encourage it in the lesser, and both thou and they will reap the advantage. I shall always be glad to hear from thee. D o n ' t be discouraged from writing on account o f the difficulties attending it. W h a t letters I have seen o f thine, have appeared to be as well expressed as could be expected, considering the little opportunity thou hast had in this w a y . W r i t i n g letters is an expression o f our desires & wants, or a relation o f something that has happened; which is best expressed simply as w e w o u l d speak it; observing to use as little repetition as possible. A s occasion serves, alter thy expressions; some people always begin or conclude their letters with the same words, which appears childish. A n d be particularly careful o f thy orthography, or spelling. T h o u may quickly attain to proficiency therein, if thou let no writing go out o f thy hands without first reviewing it, and observing by the help o f a spelling book or dictionary, whether every word thou art doubtful o f be properly spelt. In order to which, I would advise thee, as soon as thou canst spare the money, to buy thee a good dictionary. Bailey's Dictionary

with an

English grammar at the end, is a very good one. I t is to be had at B. Franklin's, 2 f o r about twenty shillings. I t will also be o f use in explaining any hard word that thou may not understand. A Young

Mans

Comf anion* may also be very serviceable to thee in several respects, more especially in furnishing thee with proper expressions in writing 1. N a t h a n Bailey, Universal Etymological English Dictionary, 1st edition, 1 7 2 1 , 30th and last, 1802. Bailey was an E n g l i s h philologist and lexicographer and his dictionary formed the basis of D r . Johnson's great work. Dictionary of National Biography. 2. B e n j a m i n F r a n k l i n , 1706—1790, A m e r i c a n statesman and philosopher. Franklin's printing establishment was at 51 H i g h Street ( n o w M a r k e t Street) Philadelphia. Lippin1917. cott, Early Philadelphia. 3. Probably A Young Man's Companion, by W i l l i a m Mather, of Bedford, E n g l a n d , first edition 1 6 8 1 , and many later editions.

210

ANTHONY

BENEZET

letters. I would also pressingly advise thee to endeavour to get some f u r ther insight into grammar: it is of more consequence to thee than thou art aware of. As thy province will probably be to teach youth, thou ought not to neglect any thing that may qualify thee f o r that purpose. Many people are glad of an opportunity of criticising a schoolmaster's writing, which I would have thee put it out of their power to do. I would have thee freely to communicate to me any difficulty that thou may be under, as I shall always be willing to grant thee any assistance in my power. But above all things, dear William, let it be thy chiefest concern to seek and serve God. His care and love is extended to thee, and he is nearer to thee than any thing thou can conceive. T h e only end f o r which thou wast created in this world is, that by living in a state of obedience, by constant watching & prayer, thy soul may, with the assistance of divine grace, become so purified, as to be fitted to dwell with God f o r ever. T h o u wilt see most men acting quite contrary to what Christ requires, and pursuing some fancied happiness of their own, quite contrary to what the gospel proposes—some in riches or honour, others in divers excesses, and forgetting God days without number. But be not surprised at this, it being declared in Scripture, that "wide is the gate and broad the way that leads to destruction." O n e thing I would earnestly press upon thee, and that is, to give a diligent attendance to your meeting of worship. D o n ' t be discouraged because you have no preacher amongst you. T h e end of all preaching is but to direct people where they are to wait, and seek, and breathe, for divine strength and comfort, even to Christ alone; and this may be done f o r years together without an outward preacher; it being a sincere seeking disposition alone which entitles them to the regard of God. W h e r e two or three, saith our blessed Savior, are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them. Whatever happens to thee in the course of God's providence, is an effect of his love, and if thou endeavour to love God with all thy heart, will work f o r thy good. D o n ' t be discouraged because thou may think thyself disregarded by worldly men, or because thy talents, or station in life, may seem mean, compared with others. T r u e greatness consists in humility and favour with God. For "God withstands the proud, but giveth grace to the humble." None so noble as a true Christian, who is willing to take up his daily cross, to be crucified to his own desires, to renounce the world, the flesh,

LETTERS

211

and the devil. These are termed in Scripture, the friends of God, a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, a peculiar people, who are called to inhabit the city of the living God, to be companions to the innumerable company of angels, to the general assembly of the first born, which are written in heaven, to the spirits of just men made perfect, and to Jesus the mediator of the new covenant. Heb. 12, 22. I Peter 2, 9. ANTHONY BENEZET

* T o : BENJAMIN COFFIN,1 School Master Nantukett.

The Friend, vol. X V I I I , 1845.

Phila. ye 9th 3rd mon. 1755. Esteemed

Friendy—Our

friend Israel Pemberton, 2 having several

times made a respectful mention of thee, since his return from your parts, a kind of religious fellowship, with a desire of acquaintance and correspondence with thee, sprung in my mind. Notwithstanding which, I have been hitherto prevented from writing to thee; which was chiefly, if not wholly, owing to an unexpressible feeling of inward poverty of spirit. O , my leanness, my leanness! W h a t can a beggar that is clothed as it were with rags, and sits but at the King's gate, say of the beauty and order of his house? Would it not be presumptuous and making to ourselves images of things which we possess but by report? And yet, what else is worthy our meditation or corresponding upon? Is greatness, riches, worldly wisdom, or philosophy, vainly so called? No, by no means. T h e time has been when these things had a comeliness in my eyes, but, thanks be to God, I am now sensible they are not worth a thought. Having found the field in which the pearl lies, what now remains but that we sell all to purchase the same. M y thus writing will, I 1. Benjamin Coffin, schoolmaster at Nantucket for many years. He succeeded a man of ability—a stranger—named Collins, who " l e f t the Island suddenly, without g i v i n g information to anyone where he was going. He spoke to Benjamin Coffin, Isaac Coffin's father, to take charge of the School while he stept out; he never was seen afterwards." A . Starbuck, History of Nantucket. z. Israel Pemberton, 1715—1779, American Quaker philanthropist, known in Philadelphia as "the K i n g of the Quakers." He visited Nantucket in 1 7 5 4 - 5 5 with Samuel Fothergill. They found there a large and commodious building for a Meeting House, with a capacity of 1500, and it was filled with worshippers. See Lydia S. Hinchman, Early Settlers of Nantucket, also Charles F. Holder, The Quakers in England and America.

212

ANTHONY

BENEZET

doubt not, appear odd to thee, but I trust in thy kindness that thou wilt receive it in that charity, that beareth and hopeth all things. Had I delayed longer, I feared it would appear as a slight, thou having made mention of me in thy letter to Israel Pemberton. I salute thee in an unfeigned measure of the best love I am at present capable o f ; heartily wishing the Almighty may support and assist thee every way, more especially in thy calling as an instructor of children, the difficulties and discouragements of which I am not unacquainted with, having laboured therein many years. I herewith send a f e w books, which I hope may be of service amongst thy scholars and friends. I shall be glad to hear from thee, and remain thy friend, ANTHONY

BENEZET

* T o : JOSEPH SPANGENBERG1

Holland Collection of

Benezetiana

Philada ye 25th I2th mo. 1 7 5 5 . My dear Friend: Upon the receipt of thine by Geo: Klein 2 I lay'd ye contents thereof before several of our Friends, who being affected with true Sympathy towards you, more especially the distressed People that have taken r e f uge at Bethlehem, Nazareth, &c agreed that we should endeavour to raise some Money f r o m amongst ourselves for the immediate relief of such as actually suffer for want of Clothing, Bedding, &c amongst you. And yesterday with ye assistance of our Friend Joseph Norris 3 & John Pemberton 4 we raised about two Hundred Pounds Currcy the greatest 1. T h i s refers to Bishop Spangenberg, who was called affectionately by the brethren, "Brother Joseph." 2. George K l e i n , 1705—1783, was born in Rueckstadt, and emigrated from Kirchardt in the Palatinate to Pennsylvania in 1 7 2 7 . He lived in Lancaster County, and in 1755 donated his farm to the Moravians to whom he had become attached. He conducted a stage line from Bethlehem to Philadelphia for some years} at the same time was frequently engaged in various congregational matters. He died in Bethlehem in 1783, and was buried in the old Moravian cemetery there. Moravian Historical Society Transactions and Moravian Memorials. 3. Joseph Norris, a Philadelphia Quaker. 4. John Pemberton, 1 7 2 7 - 1 7 9 5 , the youngest son of Israel Pemberton and Rachel Read. He became a very able preacher and a true friend of the Indians. In the year 1 7 7 7 he was a prisoner with his two brothers in Winchester, V i r g i n i a ; he died at Pyrmont, Germany, in I795> and was buried there. Amelia M o t t Gummere, ed., The Journal and Essays of John Woolman.

213

LETTERS

Part o f which w e immediately lay'd out in such T h i n g s f o r clothing as w e T h o u g h t might be most immediately w a n t i n g ; and n o w send them by your W a g g o n , viz. 6 Pieces o f Blanketing & 1 pee C r o w n Role loose in the W a g g o n & the rest in t w o chests, as by the A c c o m p t annexed T h o u wilt doubtless commit the distribution thereof to such tender, prudent Persons, as will have a regard to the particular Necessity o f each, giving the P r e f e r e n c e to such as have no means o f

procuring

themselves Necessaries, as there is doubtless amongst these distressed People some w h o altho' now in great w a n t yet have Friends or Substance, by w c h . they may a f t e r a while procure themselves R e l i e f , and there are others, perhaps, whole Families w h o have no resource at all but in ye L o r d , & altho' w e would not withhold our immediate Assistance f r o m ye first Sort, yet the last ought to have the preference, more especially in ye quantity. W h e n the Goods are paid f o r , there will still remain some M o n e y in our hands; A n d as w e suppose your Necessity will call f o r farther help, let us hear f r o m thee, by ye next opportunity w h a t you most stand in need o f . M y dear Brother, I am truly affected with sympathetick love to you in general but more especially with those w h o truly love and confide in our blessed L o r d & Saviour, may he be your stay & Staff. A n d dear Friend, I hope the blessed Testimony he has given us to bear f o r his N a m e & to the Strength and efficacy o f his L o v e & P o w e r will be truly precious in our Eyes. M y best love is to f a i t h f u l Brethren and Relation amongst you f r o m thy affectionate and sincere Friend ANTHONY

BENEZET

P.S. I believe it would be necessary so to manage & dispose o f w h a t w e send, that it may be in no Degree to prevent or lessen the Assistance which you & your distressed Neighbours are to receive f r o m the G o v ernmt. in common with ye rest o f the suffering Inhabitants. T h e r e is a Family o f Quakers I understand were burnt out beyond ye mountain, be so kind to inquire & assist them if near you. T h e contents o f the t w o Chests sent up to Bethlehem to the care o f Joseph Spangenberg f o r the use o f the Distressed People w h o have taken r e f u g e there is as f o l l o w s : In O n e Chest are 4 Pieces Cotton cloth Colour'd, f o r w a r m Clothing

214

ANTHONY

2

do.

BENEZET

stripped Flannell & i pee white flannell 73 pees red Flan-

nell 244 yards 4 Pieces red half Thicks & 1 pee blue half Thicks 150 yards 2

do.

Ofembriggs qt. 133 Ells

10 Pair Girls & 2 pair Boys shoes 7 pieces long Ells qt 25 yds 120 Paire Stokins 2 pr half Thicks 1 pee Stuff 1 Bundle ye Sundry Flannells &c 1 R u g & 25 yds Stuff. T h e other Chest contains 6 pees fine brown Role Linen qt 216 Ells fit for Shirts or other such uses. 3 pees coarse brown Role qt 124^/2 Ell, to be sewed up & filled with straw for Beds 26 paire Men's shoes 33 paire Boy's shoes 20 paire Woman's do. 8

do

Children's shoes, 8c some striped Flannel.

There is also sent by ye W a g g o n f o r ye above mentioned distressed People. 3 Pieces blanqueting each Piece qt 15 Blankets is 45 Blankets 3 Pees

do.

each Piece qt 20 Blankets is 60

do

105 Blankets also 1 pee brown Role qt 33^2 Ells for Beds

* To:

AUGUST SPANGENBERG

^ „ . , Dear Friend

Holland Collection of

Benezetiana

Philada. ye 8th 1st M o n : Tany 17 London, August 2 1 , 1 7 7 2 .

Y o u need not have made an apology f o r having abridged my book. 1. D r . Daniel

B u r t o n w a s s e c r e t a r y of this society f r o m

p r e v i o u s l y e l e c t e d a m e m b e r of the society i n cese of O x f o r d

a n d R e c t o r of

had

been

1 7 5 8 , w h e n he w a s C h a n c e l l o r of the

Dio-

'St. Peter's P o o r . '

s t i l l c a r r y i n g o n its w o r k at W e s t m i n s t e r .

1761

Information

to

1773.

He

f r o m the society, which

is

LETTERS

419

I t is a sufficient satisfaction to me to find that you thought it capable o f doing some service in a cause which w e have both o f us much at heart. I not only approve, sir, o f the abridgment 1 you have made o f my arguments in particular, but o f your whole performance. Some copies o f it arrived here very opportunely, just before the case o f James Somerset came to a hearing in the Court of K i n g ' s Bench; and, by D r . Fothergill's kindness, I was enabled immediately to dispose o f six: one to L o r d Mansfield, the C h i e f Justice, one to L o r d North, first L o r d Commissioner o f the T r e a s u r y ; and f o u r to the learned Counsel w h o had generously undertaken to plead gratis f o r Somerset. I had thought indeed o f reprinting it, as I did your f o r m e r tract in 1 7 6 8 , but M r . Clark, the printer, was luckily beforehand with m e ; so that I had an opportunity o f purchasing more copies to distribute. I send you a copy of your o w n book 2 as reprinted here, and some other pamphlets lately published on the subject; with a f e w little tracts o f my o w n , o f which I beg your acceptance, as a token o f my esteem. I have likewise sent a copy o f the judgement given by L o r d Mansfield in the case o f Somerset. T h i s judgment would have done L o r d M a n s field honour, had he not all along seemed inclined to the other side o f the question. A f t e r the second day's argument, before any judicial determination was given, he advised the West-India merchants to apply to Parliament while it continued to sit, and M r

accordingly

made a motion in the House f o r securing property in negroes and other slaves in this kingdom. H o w e v e r , he did not succeed; but it is apprehended that he and the other West-India merchants will use their utmost endeavours to carry their point next session. I t is on this account that I have n o w undertaken to write once more upon the subject, in order to apprise disinterested people o f the dangerous tendency o f such a measure; and I shall endeavour to prepare what f e w friends I have in Parliament, f o r an opposition to such a destructive proposal, in case it should be renewed. M y f o r m e r tracts were built chiefly on the laws o f E n g l a n d ; but my present w o r k is f o r the most part founded, Scripture/

on

to obviate the doctrines o f some late writers and disputers,

w h o have ventured to assert that slavery is not inconsistent with the W o r d of God. 1. G r a n v i l l e Sharp's Extract from Tendency of Tolerating Slavery.

a Representation

of the

Injustice

and

Dangerous

2. A n t h o n y Benezet's Some Historical Account of Guinea, London, 1 7 7 2 . 3. Sharp wrote A Representation of the Injustice of Tolerating Slavery in 1 7 6 9 ; in 1 7 7 2 he wrote An Appendix to the Representation against Slavery.

then

420

ANTHONY

BENEZET

I had thoughts once of addressing myself to the bishops and clergy, in order to show them the necessity of uniting their influence and interest on this occasion; but I have since had an opportunity of throwing this business upon the Archbishop of York, D r . Drummond, 4 whose application to his brethren (the clergy) would certainly be effectual, if he should think such a measure likely to be attended with success. I have the satisfaction to be informed that he is become a zealous advocate f o r the freedom of the negroes, and is desirous of doing every service to the cause that he can. Your proposal of petitioning Parliament is certainly very proper, if the subject of the petition be confined to the African slave trade (which is protected and encouraged by Parliament); but with resfect to the toleration of slavery in the colonies, I apprehend the British Parliament has no right to interfere; and that your petition on this head should be addressed only to the King, or to the King in Council. M y reason f o r this opinion I wrote at large in a letter to Lord N o r t h ; a copy of which I enclose, because I think our brethren of the colonies cannot be too much upon their guard with respect to the dignity and independence of their own Assemblies on this point. M y letter was indeed a private one, and, therefore, if you should think proper to communicate it, it will be right to suppress the name of the nobleman to whom it was addressed. You mention the information you have received f r o m Maryland and Virginia, that ten or twenty thousand people would freely join in petition to Parliament against the f u r t h e r importation of Negroes. Such a petition would retrieve, in some respects, the honour of those colonies and be a glorious proof that they are not destitute of Christian and social principles; and it would probably lay the foundation f o r a total prohibition of that most abominable branch of the African trade, the buying and selling of men. Yet, as I have mentioned above, respect must be had to the rights of the Colonies; and a petition f r o m thence if addressed to Parliament, ought to relate to the slave trade (with its bad effects and consequences) in general, and not merely to the importation of slaves into the colonies, because the colonies have a right themselves to prohibit such importation respectively in their own Assemblies, with the King's concurrence; which they will be sure to obtain in this matter, if asked f o r by a majority. With respect to a petition to Parliament against the slave trade in general, if you could procure even less than a tenth part of the lowest 4. Robert Hay Drummond,

1711-1776.

LETTERS

421

number of petitioners mentioned in your letter, I should think it a very considerable point gained; as it would afford an excellent argument against the pretended necessity of holding slaves in the colonies, which is always alleged as a reason for the encouragement given by Parliament to the African trade. A petition also to the King from a small number (if a larger number, or a majority, cannot be obtained), against the toleration of slavery in the colonies, might have very good effects; for though it would not be likely to succeed in the whole, yet it might at least occasion the setting on foot some wholesome regulations by way of restraint on the masters. I am told of some regulations that have taken place in the Spanish colonies, which do the Spaniards much honour, and are certainly worthy of our imitation, in case we should not be so happy as to obtain an entire abolition of slavery; and probably you will find many American subjects willing to promote such regulations, though the same people would strenuously oppose the scheme of a total abolition of slavery. Be pleased to inform me, whether you shall be likely to procure any such petitions or memorials as are mentioned above; because I would endeavour to prevail on some of the bishops to present the memorials that are for the King; as also on Sir George Saville,5 or some other respectable member of the Lower House, to present the petitions to Parliament. Yet this matter will require good consideration, because the business is certainly in the regular channel when conducted by your own agent. Lord Dartmouth, 6 who is lately appointed Secretary for the colonies, is esteemed a humane and religious man, and his mediation with the King and Council might probably be very efficacious, were he applied to from your side of the water, by way of memorial accompanying the •petition, &c., if signed by any respectable number of American subjects; and then the business would be in a regular track. I need not assure you, sir, how much you have my good wishes for prosperity and success in your benevolent undertakings, and that I shall 5. Sir George Savile, 1 7 2 6 — 1 7 8 4 , politician, was born at Savile House. H e was educated at home, then at Cambridge. I n 1 7 7 4 he protested against the bill f o r regulating the government of Massachusetts Bay. On J a n u a r y 26, 1 7 7 S , he asked that Franklin be heard at the bar in support of an address f r o m the American colonists to the K i n g , but the House refused his petition. He supported Burke's bill for composing the troubles in America, November 1 6 , 1 7 7 5 . See Dictionary of National Biography. 6. W i l l i a m L e g g e Dartmouth, 1 7 3 1 - 1 8 0 1 ; 177S-

Secretary of State for the Colonies,

1772-

422

ANTHONY

BENEZET

always think myself happy in lending what little assistance may happen to be in my1 rpower.

TIT .

. _ t With great esteem GRANVILLE

SHARP

* FROM: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

The

Writings

of

Benjamin

Franklin

Albert Henry Smyth, New York, 1907

London, August 22: 1772. Dear Friend, I made a little extract from yours of April 27, of the number of slaves imported and perishing, with some close remarks on the hypocrisy of this country, which encourages such a detestable commerce by laws for promoting the Guinea trade; while it piqued itself on its virtue, love of liberty, and the equity of its courts, in setting free a single negro. This was inserted in the London Chronicle, of the 20th of June last. I thank you for the Virginia address,1 which I shall also publish with some remarks. I am glad to hear that the disposition against keeping negroes grows more general in North America. Several pieces have been lately printed here against the practice, and I hope in time it will be taken into consideration and suppressed by the legislature. Y o u r labours have already been attended with great effects. I hope, therefore, you and your friends will be encouraged to proceed. M y hearty wishes of success attend you, being ever, my dear friend, yours affectionately B.

FRANKLIN

* F R O M : SAMUEL ALLINSON

In •possession of Caroline Yardville,

New

Allinson

Jersey

Burlington 19th n t h mo. 1772. Esteemed

Friend

Enclosed I now send thee two more petitions, perhaps some might call them remonstrances They are partly so or rather argumentative 1. Dr. Lee's Address to the members of the Assembly of Virginia on the subject of slavery, 1 7 7 1 . R . H . Lee's brother, Arthur Lee, received the degree of M . D . from the University of Edinburgh and is addressed as Dr. Lee.

LETTERS

423

Petns. but I choose to call them briefly petns—they have been conceived I may truly say in much weakness as their contents may show, indeed I almost despaired finishing letter, though they are rather too hastily f o r m e d and as I said respecting them if they contain anything deserving o f a little trouble they may be improved. I f they are signed it will be as easy almost to get three as o n e — t h e y should be engrossed on skin o f parchment f o r signg with columns f o r the n a m e s — t h e one to the House o f L o r d s I seem to have as much hopes f r o m as any, and a line or t w o o f B. Franklin's letter as well as G . Sharp's gives my drooping spirits some encouragement that perhaps one o f the three may do some little good, if its only in preventing harm they are . . . [ t w o inserted lines illegible] . . .

if others besides Srs in M a r y l a n d and Virginia could

be spirited up to sign the petition the style may be allowed f o r them if they chose or they may draw a better f o r m themselves perhaps it may be thought some parts o f them are too plain and striking I am apt to write in that w a y and under a belief that too much complaisance is rather superficial in serious important matters, and that truth never suffers in a plain honest dress, if the spirit o f love is her attendant I sent the one to meeting and A . James 1 last First day a little before I reed thy letter such as they are I submit them to thy order as thou art their father and am easy that I have at least by this attempt tho a feeble one showed my willingness to serve the cause. Hope I shall hear f r o m thee in answer to my last as w e l l as this when leisure permits. M y love to thy good w i f e I am thy afF f r d S . A . Copies o f both and with B . F . ' s piece published in the London C h r o n I would have sent with the petition.

* FROM: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

The Writings of Benjamin

Franklin

Albert Henry Smyth

Dear

Friend—

London, Feb. 10, 1 7 7 3 .

I received with Pleasure yours o f Sept. 13, as it informed me o f 1. Abel James, a partner in the importing- business with Henry Drinker. James and Drinker owned the ship Polly, and sent back their tea-ship from Philadelphia without "breaking bulk," before the Boston tea-party. Both were Quakers. W h e n Joyce Benezet died, Abel James wrote James Thornton: " I was requested to acquaint thee therewith, & let thee know that thou, thy Son in law, & John Townsend & your families are particularly Invited and such others as may Occur to thee."

424

ANTHONY

BENEZET

your W e l f a r e . With this I send you one of Young's "Night Thoughts" 1 — t h e largest Print I could find. I thank you for the 4 Copies you sent me of your Translation of the French Book; 2 I have given two of them to Friends here, whom I thought the Subject might suit. I have commenced an Acquaintance with M r . Granville Sharp, and we shall act in Concert in the Affair of Slavery. T h e Accounts you send me relating to Surinam are indeed terrible.3 G o on and prosper in your laudable Endeavors, and believe me ever, my dear Friend, Yours most affectionately B. F R A N K L I N

I send you a f e w [copies] of a Pamphlet written at Paris by a well wisher to our Country. 4 It is a little System of Morals that may give distinct Ideas on that Subject to Youth, and perhaps on that Acct. not unfit for a School-Book. I will send you more if you desire it.

* Memoirs of Anthony

F R O M : G R A N V I L L E SHARP

Benezet

Wilson Armistead

7th July, 1 7 7 3 Dear Sir: I hope you will not measure my esteem for you by my negligence in writing. I found myself obliged to defer acknowledging your very sensible letters, for want of proper leisure; f o r I am really a sort of slave myself, being obliged to employ every day in the week constantly in the ordinary business of my office, and having no holidays but Sundays, as the branch that I am in requires more attendance than any in the whole office. However, every opportunity that I could possibly get to myself (and Sundays in particular, after service) 1 has been employed 1. Night Thoughts English poet. 2. The Plain 1758.

on Life,

Death

Path to Christian

and Immortality,

Perfection,

by Edward Young,

1683—1765,

translated by Anthony Benezet in the year

3. See Anthony Benezet's letter on page 289. 4. Barbea Durbourg, ed., Petit Code de I'Humanite. 1. He was a devout member of the Church of England.

LETTERS

425

in reading and collecting materials to forward the undertaking which you have so much at heart. With great esteem, GRANVILLE SHARP

* FROM : BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

The

Writings

of Benjamin

Franklin

Albert Henry Smyth

London, July 14, 1773. Dear

Friend,

I received your Favour of April 24 with the Pamphlets, for which I thank you. I am glad to hear that such humane Sentiments prevail so much more generally than heretofore; that there is Reason to hope our Colonies may in time get clear of a Practice that disgraces them, and, without producing any equivalent Benefit, is dangerous to their very Existence. I hope ere long to have the Pleasure of seeing you, and conversing with you more fully on that and other Subjects than I can now do by Writing. In the meantime, believe me ever, dear Friend, Yours most affectionately, BENJAMIN

FRANKLIN

* FROM : ROBERT PLEASANTS

William

and, Mary

Williamsburg,

College

Virginia1

Virginia 2nd mo. 22d. 1774. Dear

Friend:

I have now to acknowledge the receipt of thy Favours of the 8th 4 I. Published in William and Mary College Quarterly, series 2, volume 1.

426

ANTHONY

BENEZET

mo. 8c ist i mo. last together with the Books directed to my care for Edwd. Stabler 8c Patrick Henry, which were duly forwarded; I have had very little opportunity of being in P. H's company for some months past, but think to call to see him at his own House towards the latter part of this week, if I should be favour'd with Health &c. to attend our Quarterly Meeting in that neighbourhood; when I propose presenting him with one of the last two Collections thou wert so kind to send, and have much reason to believe both that as well as the other Books sent him will be very kindly accepted, as those are which thou hast at divers times presented me with, and wish I could meet with anything this way which would afford thee pleasure or agreeable amusement. I think the Phisition2 has handled the subject of Slavery in a masterly manner, altho I suppose he may have very little reason to expect to share with his antagonist the thanks of the Affrican Company, but let that be as it may he will receive what I expect will be more agreeable to him, the approbation of juditious sencible men. I highly approve 8c sincearly wish the several petitions to the King 8c parliament may have the desired effect, but I fear there is not virtue 8c resolution sufficient to forgo or withstand a present (tho false 8c imaginary) interest in the continuation of a wicked 8c distructive Trade. I have sent one of the papers containing the Address 8c advice to those Merchts., to the Printer, and doubt not they will shortly appear in our Gazettee, and as it seems the attempts of our Assembly to prohibit the further Importation of Slaves by an imposion of high Dutys, has been frustrated (as I find is the case in N. Y o r k ) dost thou not think that Acts of the Coloneys, making all free after a certain term of servitude like other foreigners taking place at a future period so that all concerned in the Trade might have notice of such laws would not be (when accompanied with pertinant reasons) more effectually to put an end to it, and be more likely to be approved by the King 8c Council than a prohibition by Duties, f o r I have been told our Governor (& its not unlikely others also) has instructions to pass no such laws. I just drop this hint for thy consideration, and am my kind friend with love to thee 8c wife T h y Affect. Friend ROBT. 2. Benj amin Rushj whose pamphlet A71 Address ments on the Slavery of the Negroes in America, West India planter.

PLEASANTS

to the Inhabitants of the British Settle* in 1 7 7 2 , brought a bitter reply from a

LETTERS

427 Moses Brown

F R O M : MOSES B R O W N

Providencey

School

Rhode

Island

Prov. 9th o f the 3d mo. 1780. Dear

Friend,

I have to acknowledge the receipt o f thy several favors of the 12th of 9th month, 5th o f the 10th mo, and the n t h of the n t h month, with the t w o packets accompanying, except thy thoughts on the payments o f taxes f o r war, which by some mistake I conclude was l e f t out in closing the packet. A s that is a subject much under the consideration o f Friends would have been particularly satisfactory to have seen thy thoughts upon it. Inclosed I send a f e w o f mine o f that subject on the occasion therein mentioned as they are the first I have communicated to any friend in writing. I f there be anything too strongly suggested I shall take it kindly if thou'l note it, as I have a care on me that we do not, in f u r thering this testimony which I have faith to believe is founded in the truth, do anything to support it in a w r o n g zeal and not according to knowledge. A s it is a step in the reformation that crosses a received testimony in Society more than perhaps any other, we had need to step wisely in it. T h y quarto sheet of various reflections 1 I am pleased with and hope it may be useful. M y inability, was it not f o r other engagements, will prevent my remarking much on the spelling book; 2 however if opportunity offers, I may hereafter note what I may think o f f o r correction or amendment. A s such a book is what I have wanted should be published. T h y first book 3 f o r children would be worth republishing here, but our printer's type are so worn that they are not fit f o r such a use, and the same cause has prevented our reprinting the " T h e Necessity of Silent W a i t i n g " by M . Brooks 4 which our Meeting f o r Sufferings had sometime past directed to be reprinted. Should you think it best to reprint it soon we should be glad to have 500 copies o f which please to advise me: 1. Serious Reflections Affectionately Recommended to the Weil-Disposed of Every Religious Denomination, by Anthony Benezet, published in 1778. 2. T h e Pennsylvania Spelling Book, 1 7 7 8 ; second edition, 1 7 7 9 . 3. Anthony Benezet's A First Book for Children, 1778. 4. M . Brooks, Reasons for the Necessity of Silent Waiting, is among Anthony Benezet's gifts to the Friends' Library.

ANTHONY

428

BENEZET

T h e want of thy thoughts on paying taxes has hitherto prevented my sending Timothy (Davis) 5 an account of thy care and concern for him, hoping they would ere long come to hand. I have not seen him for some time but often hear from him; he is doubtless too much in the love of, and conformity to the world, and not enough the meekness and simplicity becoming his profession, as, indeed is the case with too many others. Our friend, Abraham Griffith 6 had a large opportunity with him and his adherents who stand out against the body, Please to be referd ( ? ) to him for his state and that of the shattered meeting where he lives. He has been writing against Friends under the character of vindicating of himself, with which I was grieved and sent him word by his and my friend, who had seen his performance, my prospects of such a procedure. He has not thought fit yet to publish it. 7 I have several times felt much for Timothy and longed for his restoration, and though I have several times begun to write to him I have felt a cautious fear, and though when I saw him while under dealing, the way to freedom, seemed open between us, yet it is not to write. Perhaps thou may'st not be so restrained. His letter to Abraham upon the subject of taxes shows him to be in the reasoning. I am glad to find thou hast now in thy advanced years to rejoice in the opportunity of promoting the welfare of the youth in their education, and it is a satisfaction to me to find there is reviving a concern among Friends on this important subject. W e have made some essays to promote the pious education of our youth this way, but the want of suitable persons qualified for the service and a greater openness amongst Friends to be more liberal to en5. Timothy Davis' name appears in the list of Free Quakers. These Friends parted company with the majority of the Meeting because of the testimony against war held by most of the members. They formed a small society of their own in N e w England and Philadelphia. This Timothy Davis joined the smaller body in 1 7 8 2 , but his attitude in 1 7 8 0 would no doubt account for the concern felt by Moses Brown and Anthony Benezet. T h e name of Timothy Davis occurs before this period as a minister. Wetherill, History of

the Free Quakers;

see also Comly, Friends'

Miscellany.

6. Abraham Griffith, born at Byberry, Pennsylvania, 1 7 1 3 . He was a miller by trade, a recognized minister of Gwynedd Monthly Meeting, and traveled much in the ministry. In 1 7 4 2 , he married in Philadelphia Elizabeth Lynn, whose father was a merchant in the city. He settled in Burlington County, N e w Jersey, but in 1 7 7 5 he took his certificate to Haverford, Pennsylvania. He visited Rhode Island and Nantucket in 1 7 7 9 . Roberts, Early

Friends'

Families

7. Timothy

of Upper Davis

Quakers concerning Publishing a Piece

Bucks.

published

the manner on Taxation.

lished at Watertown in

1775.

in

1784

at Boston

An

Address

to

the

People

Called

in which they treated Timothy Davis for Writing and His Letter . . . on the Subject of Paying Taxes was pub-

429

LETTERS

courage persons to engage, there is not that prospect o f so extensive usefulness at present as I should be glad to see. Instead o f the one hundred, please to send me t w o hundred of thy spelling books covered plain, and two hundred of thy First Book, to pay f o r which, and thirty of John Woolman's Journals, I have wrote John Drinker 8 and Joseph Bringhurst 9 to pay thee £32 Pennsylvania currency (the money being advanced here f o r the poor) which sum please to call on them for. Please to let the books be forwarded with the 350 John Churchman's Journals, or by the first conveyance. T h y love to my w i f e is very acceptable; she desires hers to be returned thee and thy w i f e . A n d please to accept the same f r o m thy f r i e n d — M . B. 1 0 [ O n the next page of the same sheet occurs the following:] T h y remarks respecting the treasures of this life is very just. I have o f t e n thought of the accusation o f a libertine person against us which I wish might be opposed by an opposite conduct. But alas! it is too true with some [undecipherable] He said that they pursue with a step as steady as time and an appetite as keen as death, yet as to the person mentioned, f r o m a correspondent and personal knowledge of him, I have no doubt he was favored, and had had the cause of truth at heart though perhaps had he early and more fully surrendered the cares o f this life it might have been better yet. I trust he went well.

* F R O M : MOSES B R O W N

Moses Brown

School

Providence 2 d o f the 10 t h M ° 1780. Dear

Friend

Anthony

Benezet:

T h i n e of the 1st, 7th M o . with the pamphlets therein mentioned came duly to hand as also thy L r of the 12th 8th M o by

Hillery

I reed a f e w days Since and that by the post of the — of 8th M o yester8. John D r i n k e r , 1733—1800, was of a literary turn and contributed to the newspapers of his day. H e also wrote poems. He married in 1 7 5 6 Rachel Reynear. See Biddle, Drinker

The

Family.

9. Joseph Bringhurst, 1 7 3 2 / 3 3 - 1 8 1 1 . H e was apprenticed to the trade of a cooper, but eventually followed the business of his father as a merchant. He was a contributor to the P e n n s y l v a n i a Hospital, and a member of the American Philosophical Society. Leach, tory of the Bringhurst 10. Moses B r o w n .

Family.

His-

430

ANTHONY

BENEZET

day. I have been much f r o m home o f late on Society Service and w h e n at home so much the more E n g a g e d that I have not had Suitable O p p e r tunity to Acknoledge thy first mentioned f a v o r . M y last to thee o f the 26th o f the 6th M o I dont find had reached thee I hope it has not miscarryed as I therein Sent thee the doings o f our Y e a r l y M e e t i n g respecting Schools, some A c c t o f the L a s t E n d o f our Esteemed friend Moses F a r n u m 1 D e e d &c &c. I t w a s very agreeable to find thou hadst put in Execution thy C o n cern to Publish in F r e n c h some A c c o u n t o f O u r principles &c and that the same has been also printed in English. 2 I have Introduced them to some o f the f r e n c h officers at N e w p o r t & here and believe they may be o f Use, a Selfseeking W o r d l y Spirit the Emassing o f W e a l t h f o r posterity & L i v i n g in Ease & L u x u r y &c as thou observes is doubtless too much the Case amongst us, and I have T a k e n Ocation to lay thy remarks before some w h o are Evidently geting into that spirit, and there is no doubt with me it would be U s e f u l l to Society & Individuals i f the Engrossing or Emassing o f W e a l t h and the W a y s & means to it w a s more U n d e r the Notice o f Society & that advice & Restraints on these Accounts were more Incouraged, tho perhaps in the present State o f society it would be Difficult to D r a w a Line. I have o f t e n tho't Since I came A m o n g friends that there w a s too much L o o k i n g a f t e r great things and those in L o w e r Circumstances in L i f e were Striving to W a r e E a t & G e t Possession Equal to the greatest Steward and I have a Cross to bear on these aspirers A c c o u n t Least by my Example I might do more hurt than good amongst them and Seeing so many promising youth f r o m the C o u n t r y in your City & C o n sidering the Expense & Shew many friends L i v e in I have tho't those youth w a s in D a n g e r o f being hurt, and have Wished as f o r my Self tho in much I n f e r i o r Circumstances that those in Affluence A m o n g you might be D u l y t h o u g h t f u l l on this A c c o u n t , Y e t much C a r e is Necessary f o r those in Smaller Circumstances Least they E n v y or covet the Suffosed

Easy Situation o f their Brethren in Affluence, an Engine the

Adversary Uses to D r a w them in to E n g a g e m e n t s & pursuits a f t e r the W o r l d to the Loss o f Usefulness & their o w n peace. I have many times tho't iff I hope U s e f u l l y o f w h a t passed in a Committee when with you, respecting Riches being a Blessing, but there are f e w L a r g e Estates got together in the Pure H a r m o n y in this age & that there were 1. Moses F a r n u m was a member of the R h o d e Island M e e t i n g . 2. A n t h o n y Benezet, A Short

Account

of the People

Called

Quakers,

etc.

LETTERS

431

many that would prove as Curses instead of Blessings to the Families, and I am more & more Convinced that Less Care to L a y up Treasures here f o r our Children would be more Likely to Insure to them Durable Riches. Having had a Concern f o r sometime f o r Timothy Davis I took an oppertunity with our friend John Lloyd 3 & paid him a Vissit and While there Introduced thy Concern f o r him & Read thy Observations concerning him and his state which he seemed to take well and said they would be of service if attended to, and on the Whole I believe Timothy Sees he has missed it but cant get down Enough to Submit to the Cross & acknoledge his mistake Whereby he might be Reconsiled to his Brethren he seems to think friends have been too hard with him but yet Said he tho't at T i m e s Friends was as near or Nearer than E v e r he continues to have Meetings by him Self and goes some in the Neighbourhood round and preaches to his Adhearants, as to T a x e s he told us he Expected One Acct that he could not pay Which I have had sinse to mention to others who have payd all even some who had been on appointment to T r e a t with Timothy. I think if he Could be prevailed on to Drop his Meetings at home & not go abroad preaching to others he would very soon Apply to be R e stored which I mention believing if thou attend to thy Concern on his Acct it may be U s e f u l to him. T h y Notes on T a x e s are sattesfactory. W e having f o r some time an Apology f o r those who R e f u s e the payment of T a x e s , our meeting f o r Sufferings have of late appointed a Committe to Examine it which has been Done & alterations & additions made & it has been proposed to send it to your meeting f o r Sufferings f o r your Approbation before it is printed & I Expect it will be forwarded soon a f t e r our Next Meeting f o r Sufferings it is prety Extensive on the Subject Containing near 60 Quarto pages Should friends think it Suitable at this T i m e to Publish it I have thot it might Come in as an A p pendix altho it has been Wrote by one friend Diverse others having Assisted in Collecting material and Sugesting their prospects it is at present undetermind wether it will be best f o r One or more to Sign it, which ocationd the proposal of Sending it to you. T h e Subject is Weighty and should be well Considered, those friends in Our Meeting who pay the T a x e s of whom there are a Number of Concernd friends and leading members Seem to be Much More Cordialy Concerning to the Publication than Could be Expected, the principle Difficulty, with 3. Son of M o r d e c a i and H a n n a h I s l a n d in J u n e ,

1780.

L l o y d , Quakers, of P h i l a d e l p h i a .

H e visited

Rhode

432

ANTHONY

BENEZET

Some of them and those of us who decline is we f e a r some take up the Testimony, more on Acct of the Authority that Demands the T a x e s than because they are Used f o r W a r Such we f e a r instead of f o r w a r d ing will Eventually Retard the Testimony, and as some Friends R e f u s e all T a x e s E v e n those f o r Civil Uses as well as those Clear f o r W a r & other that are mixed and thereby Dropping our Testimony of Supporting Civil Goverment by readily Contributing thereto, it has been a f e a r Weither this Variety of Conduct wont M a r Rather than promote the W o r k Could we be more United in the Ground of our Testimony & in our practice in it I should have more hopes of its speedy Obtaining in Society. A time will Doubtless Come when a Smaller proportion will be f o r W a r than at present when the greater part being f o r Civil Uses Friends may pay as there is & ought to be according to the apostle a conscientiousness in paying to the support of Civil Government as well as R e f u s e that f o r W a r , to refuse the payment of such when even a Lesser part be mixed f o r W a r before we Applyd to the Authority to Seperate them would not at present be my place but probably before that time Come when the Lesser part will be f o r W a r friends may be agreed to Ask a Seperation which if it should be Refused W e might be United in Refusing E v e n those the greater part of which may be f o r Civil Uses. I understand Some Friends have fallen in with or been Overpowered by the Common Argument that Civil Government is Upheld by the Sword, and therefore they decline paying to its Support which Appears to me a great Weekness, f o r I See a material Distinction between Civil Government & Millitary or a state of W a r and on this Distinction Our Antient Testimonies was and remain to be Supportable of

paying

Tribute & Customs f o r the Support of the Civil and yet to R e f u s e paying Trophy money and other Expences solely f o r W a r . Civil Government is in the Restoreing & Supporting Power, yet there is a Seperation, as of the Precious f r o m the Vile in respect of this subject through the lusts and fallen ages under the specious claim of being the disciples and followers of the Prince of Peace have greatly contributed to cloud and obscure it. I f Friends were to study to be more passive in their minds respecting this, and the commotion, and put a patriotism [sentence unfinished] yet as Soam Jonnes [Soame J e n y n s ] says, universal practice cannot alter the nature of things nor universal error change the nature of truth. His remarks upon valor and patriotism [illegible] are worthy the attention

LETTERS

433

o f all, and I hope that some extracts f r o m his [piece? ] leaving out the obscurities might contain a valuable summary of

the peaceable dis-

pensation. Sensible I am 'the Difficulties in Religious Society more Especialy Ocations at T i m e s a Depression o f

Spirit' which the

Comfortable

Countinance o f an Upright hearted Friend Sensibly aleviates and when I Consider my o w n Propensity to be Depressed & Discouraged at Such Difficulties I cannot but think it a f a v o r to find my Faith & patience Encouraged & Inreched with a feeling Sence that to make our Union to Consist in a C o n f o r m i t y o f Sentiments & practices in matters in which faithfull men are not agreed f r o m their Different Apprehension o f w h a t the Gospel Requires is a great Mistake, f o r f r o m this Sensibility arises that Charity which Covers a Multitude o f Faits & a Restoration is Witnessed and w e are Enabled to go f o r w a r d in that part o f the Labour assigned us, f o r the promotion o f the Cause & our own Stability & Peace and tho some now may Conclude them Selves as it were alone as the Lords faithfull prophet o f old did when he was very Jealous f o r the L o r d G o d of Hosts because the Children o f Israel had forsaken his Covenants &c. E v e n yet that State may be preparative o f f u r t h e r Usefulness f o r he being thus Reduced to have N o Dépendance on or Assistance f r o m M a n but Rather pursued than helped by them, yet in this state he became Q u a l i f y e d f o r that E m m i n e n t Service o f Annointing others & E v e n appointed one w h o was to Distroy the remainder o f the Troublers o f Israel in [undecipherable] to those thousands still surviving that had not bowed unto baal. T h y Essay on G r a m m a r 4 I have not had T i m e f u l y to Examin but so f a r as I have I think it will be U s e f u l & especialy f o r the Correction o f that Impropriety o f Speech which has much obtained E v e n in your City and other places amongst many w h o would K n o w better if there was not a Willingness to be more pleasing & S o f t by Using the W o r d thee Impropperly instead o f thou, I have given it into hands much better Q u a l i f y d than my Self and if any thing N e e d f u l l O c c u r s I will advise thee, I have directed the printer to Send me an IOO. I have no doubt a right understanding of our mother T o n g u e may be had without the Lattin or other L a r n e d L a n g u a g e yet I have thot weither it was not U s e f u l f o r some Geniouses w h o may be Concerned in Physick &c to K n o w the Lattin as it is a L a n g u a g e most o f the European Nations 4. Anthony Benezet, An of the English

Grammar,

Essay towards

the most Easy Introduction

compiled for the Pennsylvania Spelling Book,

to the 1779.

Knowledge

434

ANTHONY

BENEZET

Write in if so it will be Necessary that there be a School Capable of Teaching of it, tho it may not be Use full but to a f e w I shall be glad of thy thots upon this Weither the French or some other modern L a n guage ought not to be Incouraged, these are points I am not Determined in, how f a r it will be best f o r O u r Yearly Meeting School to Extend in Instruction of Language According to our conclusion in this respect we must procure a master, Jillet E m m e t of Nantucket a friend who Understands the Latin & french Wants a School here abouts I have never had any Idea that friends especialy in these parts E v e r had a Desire of or Expectation f r o m high Learning f o r in Deed we are an Illiterate and I may Justly Say an Ignorant Set of people Compared with others, very f e w I think only 5 or 6 in all our yearly meeting that is acquainted with any T o n g u e but their own and many Cannot Write feven their Names, and Y e t a Wordly Spirit is much amongst us tho very f e w may be said to be Rich, I am Sensible this is not the Case amongst you especialy in the City where Education hath been more attended to, yet f r o m my observation of those f e w I have

Known

amongst them some were I thot as much favoured as most of the I l literate, yet I am sensible where there is a Dependency on Learning as an Essential Quallification f o r a Gospel Minister or officer in the Church there will be Darkness & Disappointments and I also believe with thee that Learning in high schools hath a Tendency to Raise the mind above T r u t h , yet we have an instance of two of our six mentioned above who have of late taken up the Cross and on the whole are useful members. But I expect a Desire after Riches to lay up f o r the Children and to be like the World in other respects hath been a much greater hurt amongst us as a people than that of Learning. T h e r e is no doubt with me that if the Rechabitish faithfulness was more conspicuous less wine and other expensive and deleterious ways of living would be coveted. I have thot of you at your yearly meeting & tho my Engagements in Society affairs here was bar Enough to my being with you, yet I thot so much of it that had there been a Concerned friend to have Lead the W a y I believe I should have given up to Accompany him. Indeed I mentiond it to some friends but there appeared none to go. I hope you have been favoured to Conduct the Weighty affairs of the Church in best Wisdom. I shall be glad to hear how & what you have Concluded. M y Love is to friends, M y W i f e desires hers to be Remembered to thy Self & W i f e , with my own. I have given thee a very L o n g Letter I hope it

LETTERS

435

will not Discourage thee Accept it in L o v e as it is sent f r o m thy friend who is better in health than when he W r o t e thee last, though yet not well.

MOSES B R O W N

* Moses Brown

F R O M : MOSES B R O W N

School

Prov. 24th of the 12th mo. 1780. Dear

Friend)

I've several of thy favors which I should gladly have given particular attention to but my present infirmity is such that I cannot, yet I cant be easy to let slip this opportunity o f acknowledging them and of acquainting thee I have wrote T i m o t h y 1 and received his answer. Part o f his letter giving some idea of his sentiments and disposition. I've got my daughter to copy and here enclose. I f I should recover my health and find myself able [ I ] think I shall again write T i m o t h y as he has received my plain open freedom in which I addressed him in a friendly manner. I hope thou'l continue thy engagements f o r him. I have received thy packages f r o m Nantucket. T h y essay f o r a grammar is approved o f . I've discovered no material correction, yet [ I ] observed on page 6 the past tense, second person the letter t l e f t out and "thou w a s " instead " w a s t " Page 5 the word deviate spelled diviate, which in a second edition may be corrected. T h e book thou recommended will be attentively read when I get able. I intended to have gone through Some Jemy's Evidences 2 with attention and wrote thee my thoughts and furnished means to effect the work, but it must be suspended at present. T h e thoughts on paying taxes of Samuel Allinson is well thought o f even by those who yet pay them and as he has got divers arguments not in the piece now sent to the clerk of your Meeting f o r Sufferings I have suggested to him if Friends with you should agree to the publication of anything I thought some Friend might, out of them all make the Apology much more complete, which I could wish was done in preference to publishing this now sent. 1. T i m o t h y Davis (see page 4 2 8 ) .

2. Soame Jenyn's

Evidences.

436

ANTHONY

BENEZET

I have apologized f o r its incorrect appearance to the clerk, that the one w h o wrote it is a young man unused to writing, but is a man of sense and feeling. I have not received Samuel's letter which I shall be glad to [ g e t ] . Please to give my love to him and George D i l w y n . I have distributed to the French officers and Priests a number of thy " A c c o u n t o f Friends" These people in general behave very orderly, but I have not fallen in with much religious engagement amongst them. T h e i r priest or Abba, w h o has been here appears to be a light vain man; none amongst them that I have seen exceed him. He has been with some physician twice at my house, but I could have no satisfaction in his company, yet being their linguist have had occasion to make use o f him in that way. Please to acquaint Joseph Crookshank I received his letter and books via Nantucket but not that mentioned he intended by land. T h e money is ready and if I was able to attend to get it exchanged in gold should be glad to send it by this opportunity. I hope by relaxation and a blessing on the means now applying to be able to attend to it soon, and if I can get able will endeavor to f o r w a r d it by post. I shall be glad to know the cost of the book on "Silent W a i t i n g " and the Epistle, that the whole may be sent, I think it best to conclude. I hope my present infirmity may be sanctified f o r good to me, and that patient contentment may be vouchsafed in every dispensation is the desire o f thy affectionate Friend

MOSES B R O W N

* FROM : ROBERT PLEASANTS

William

and Mary

College

Curies, 2d mo. 1 7 8 1 . Dear

Friend:

T h y acceptable f a v o u r o f the 23rd 10 mo. last came duly to hand, together with the Pamphlets directed to my care, as also those f o r E . Stabler, which were safely forwarded to him. T h e r e are but f e w people o f speculation of the French nation in these parts. Members o f our Assembly or others who were judg'd had little opportunity o f an acquaintance with Friends or their principles, f o r being

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437

appointed, with some others to attend that House, at their late session, in behalf of Negroes, who have been manumitted under hand & seal or l e f t free by will & detained or sold by Heirs of Exectrs. we had an Operty. of conversing with divers of them, & hope those Books will not be altogether unserviceable, however we failed in the business, f o r altho in consequence of our application a Bill was brought in & twice read, f o r confirming all such wills & manumitions, already executed, without much objection, yet enemies there were to so just & reasonable an act who I suppose f r o m an apprehension that it would be amended at the next reading, took the advantage of a thin House, and the absence of many members who most favoured it to make a motion f o r refering the considerations to the next session, on a pretence of its interfering with business of more importance, which was agreed to, but f r o m the disposition of many of the members I hope the time is not f a r distant when that, if not a more extensive step towards a general liberty to that unhappy people will be brought about. Whether the present rulers enact such a law or not, f o r in the late expedition to the T o w n of Richmond, I suppose, many hundreds have joined the English A r m y f r o m an expectation no doubt of having their freedom confirmed to them, and among the rest it is said about forty or all that was valuable, belonging to B . Harrison (formerly member of Congress but now Speaker of our House of Assembly) who appear'd to be the greatest enemy to the passing the aforesaid Bill are gone o f , beside sustaining other very great damage in his House, stock &c., indeed I am inclined to believe that what with the uncertainty of keeping negroes & the excessive high T a x e s , people in a general way will not be so attached in future to that sort of property as heretofore, and friends who have manumitted & discharged those who are of age, will find it very difficult, if not impossible, to keep the young & old ones together & support them properly, even without schooling which indeed is not always to be procured, were they ever so able & willing. Would it not therefore be an act worthy of such who have been concerned f o r the enlargement and instrumental in convincing many of the injustice of keeping that people in Bondage, to lend a helping hand and assist in their education. I have been sorry to hear it said, that our friends in Phila'a. are very warm in the cause of freedom, but very careful to avoid the promotion of their welfair except there be some prospect of advantage f r o m their service, and have actually refused to take young ones except they are of

438

ANTHONY

BENEZET

age to do service to keep them free of wages until they come o f age. N o w if that is the case I can't help thinking it rather blameable, f o r altho' Parents may give up the services o f their children f o r seven years f o r the sake of a good T r a d e yet Masters possest of divers of these poor people have not always in their power to be at the expence of maintenance &c. until they arrive at that age, and then to give up their service to others. Nor do I think it would be reasonable were they ever so able. I should rather think the same benevolent disposition which hath induced friends to step forth in respect to their freedom would be more consistant were they freely willing to sacrifice something towards their future welfair in life, and contribute towards their maintenance, by discovering a willingness to take them young, or if at an age capable o f doing service to a low reasionable wages, so as to r e f u n d the expence to those who have raised them; I have been the more perticular in this matter because I once mentioned something of the sort to a Friend of your City, and was answered that he did not believe young negroes could be placed out on such terms which I must confes I much admired at. I have not as yet had an operty. o f perusing Jenyn's piece, f o r soon a f t e r it came to hand, I suppose, some one o f my acquaintances being desirous of reading it, hath taken it away and not return'd it. I think thy observations on the teaching of G r a m m a r are very Just and I have heard some ( w h o I take to be good judges) say thy Treatise on English Grammar is a very good one. I should be glad to hear f r o m thee w h e n ever opertunity & leisure f r o m more agreeable & necessary affairs will admit thy remembrance o f a distant 8c lonesome friend w h o remains with love to thee & my good friend thy w i f e . T h y Affect. Frd. ROBERT PLEASANTS

* F R O M : ABBE R A Y N A L

The Independent

Ga%eteer

Philadelphia, June 15, 1782

Bruxelles, December 26, 1 7 8 1 . A l l your letters have miscarried: happily I received that of the six-

LETTERS

439

teenth of July, 1781, with the pamphlets filled with light and sensibility, which accompany it. Never was any present more agreeable to me. M y satisfaction was equal to the respect I have always had f o r the society of the Quakers. May it please Heaven to cause all nations to adopt their principles; men would then be happy, and the globe not stained with blood. Let us join in our supplications to the Supreme Being, that He may unite us in the bonds of a tender and unalterable charity. I am, &c. RAYNAL

LETTERS CONCERNING BENEZET

Letters Concerning Benezet The True Patrick

FROM : PATRICK HENRY

Dear Sir:

Henry

George Morgan, 1907

T o : ROBERT PLEASANTS

Hanover, Jany. 18th, 1 7 7 3 .

I take this Oppertunity to acknowledge ye receipt of Anthony Benezets Book against the Slave T r a d e . 1 I thank you f o r it. It is not a little surprising that Christianity, whose chief excellence consists in softening the human Heart, in cherishing & improving its finer Feelings, should encourage a Practice so totally repugnant to the first Impressions o f right & w r o n g ; what adds to the wonder is, that this abominable Practice has been introduced in the most enlightened Ages. T i m e s that seem to have pretensions to boast of high Improvements in the Arts and Sciences & refined Morality, have brought into general Use, & guarded by many L a w s , a Species of Violence & T y r a n n y , which our more rude barbarous, but more honest Ancestors detested; is it not amazing, that at a time when the rights of Humanity are defined & understood with precision in a Country above all others fond of Liberty: that in such an A g e and such a Country, we find M e n , professing a Religion the most humane, mild, meek, gentle & generous, adopting a Principle as repugnant to humanity, as it is inconsistant with the Bible & destructive to Liberty? Every thinking honest M a n rejects it in Speculation, how f e w in Practice f r o m conscientious Motives? T h e W o r l d in general has denied your People a share of its Honours, but the Wise will ascribe to you a just Tribute of Virtuous Praise, f o r the Practice of a train of Virtues among which your disagreement to Slavery will be principally ranked. I cannot but wish well to a People, whose system imitates the E x ample of him whose L i f e was perfect.-—-And believe me I shall honour the Quakers in their noble E f f o r t to abolish Slavery. It is equally calculated to promote moral & political Good. W o u l d any one believe that I am Master o f Slaves of my own purchase ! I am drawn along by ye general Inconvenience o f living without them; I will not, I cannot justify it. However culpable my conduct, I will so f a r pay my devoir to Virtue, as to own the excellence & rectitude of her Precepts & to lament my want of conformity to them. I believe a time will come when an oppertunity will be offered to I. Some Historical Account of Guinea, 1772.

ANTHONY

444

BENEZET

abolish this lamentable Evil. Everything w e can do, is to improve it if it happens in our day, if not, let us transmit to our descendants together with our Slaves a pity f o r their unhappy L o t , and an abhorrence f o r Slavery. I f we cannot reduce this wished f o r Reformation to practice, let us treat the unhappy Victims with lenity, it is the furthest advance we can make towards Justice. It is a debt we owe to the purity of our Religion to shew that it is at variance with that law which warrants Slavery. Here is an instance that silent meetings (the scoff of reverend doctors) have done that which learned and elaborate preaching could not effect: so much preferable are the genuine dictates of conscience and a steady attention to its feelings, above the teachings of those men w h o pretend to have found a better guide. I exhort you to persevere in so worthy a resolution; some of Y o u r people disagree or at least are lukewarm in the abolition of Slavery. M a n y treat the Resolution of your Meeting with ridicule: and among those w h o throw contempt on it are Clergymen, whose surest Guard against both Ridicule & Contempt is a certain A c t of Assembly. I know not when to stop. I would say many things on this Subject, a serious review of which gives a gloomy perspective to future times. Excuse this scrawl & believe me with esteem, Y r . hbl. Servt. PATRICK HENRY, JUNR.

N o t e . — R o b e r t Pleasants sent a copy of the book to Patrick Henry, and Henry's Letter acknowledging the courtesy is now in the possession of Mrs. Matthew Bland Harrison, at Red Hill.

* FROM : ROBERT PLEASANTS T o : WILLIAM

Kesfected

William

and Mary

College

DAVIS 1

rrtend:

Curies 4th mo. 19th, 1 7 7 3 .

I some time ago took the freedom to send my worthy Friend Anthy. 1. A W i l l i a m Davis is mentioned on the Minutes of the South River Monthly Meeting in Southern Virginia. See Minutes for I, 1783, and V I , 1786, cited in W . C. Dunlap, Quaker Education in Baltimore and Virginia Yearly Meetings, 1936, pp. 171 f.

LETTERS

445

Benizett a copy of thy letter acknowledging the rect. of his treatise on Slavery, and thy remarks on that T r a d e ; induced thereto f r o m my approbation thereof & expecting it would be very agreeable to him & not displeasing to thee which hope thou wilt excuse. I have lately reed, a letter f r o m him acknowledging the rect. thereof & expressing much satisfaction to find that a principle of

Justice

towards that unhappy people gains ground in this Colony where people are so generally involved in the practice especially among men in thy station so capable of painting so detestable a T r a d e in its proper Colours. I have also reed, a small bundle of Books f r o m him directed to thee which I shall take care to forward by thy neighbour John Harris or some other suitable conveyance that may offer. I should be glad to know what success the Petition f r o m our Assembly to the K i n g had in regard to a prohibition of the further importation of negros; I find most o f the Northern Colonies have & are following so good an Example and am pleas'd that our House of Assembly should have carried the lead in that as they did in another matter o f great consequence to America & must ever reflect great Honour to the Members which compose that ^0USe"

I am respectfully thy friend ROBERT

PLEASANTS

P.S. I have still on hand several of A . B.'s treatises intended chiefly to be distributed among the members of the House of Assembly. I f therefore thee knows of any among thy acquaintances to whom they would be acceptable should be glad to furnish them.

* FROM: BENJAMIN

RUSH

T o : GRANVILLE SHARP

Memoirs of Granville Sharp Prince Hoare, 1820

Philadelphia, M a y I, 1 7 7 3 . Sir: From the amiable character which I have received of you, f r o m my worthy friend, M r . Anthony Benezet, I have taken the liberty of introducing myself to your correspondence, by sending you a pamphlet, 2. V i r g i n i a ' s l e a d e r s h i p i n t h e protest a g a i n s t the p o l i c y of P a r l i a m e n t a r y m a t t e r of h i s t o r y . S a i d G e n e r a l G a g e : " V i r g i n i a g a v e t h e s i g n a l to t h e

t a x a t i o n is a

Continent."

446

ANTHONY

BENEZET

entitled " A n Address to the Inhabitants of the British Settlements in America." It was written amidst many interruptions from a business which admits of but little leisure for studies or pursuits of that nature—I mean the profession of physic. Few of the arguments are new; and yet I have endeavoured, by their conciseness, to give them new force. A spirit of humanity and religion begins to awaken, in several of the colonies, in favour of the poor Negroes. T h e clergy begin to bear a public testimony against this violation of the laws of nature and Christianity. Nothing of consequence, however, can be done here, till the axe is laid to the root of the African Company. Great events have been brought about by small beginnings. Anthony Benezet stood alone a f e w years ago, in opposing Negro slavery in Philadelphia; and now threefourths of the province, as well as the city, cry out against it. I sometimes please myself with the hopes of living to see it abolished, or put upon another footing in America. T h e pamphlet will be left at the Pennsylvania Coffee-housein Birchin Lane. Should you incline to reprint it, please to make such alterations as you think proper. With esteem for your virtues, and in particular f o r your zeal in behalf of the Negro slaves in America. I am, Sir, with great respect, &c., &c., B E N J A M I N RUSH

* F R O M : G R A N V I L L E SHARP

Ridgway

Library

T O : B E N J A M I N RUSH

London 21 Febr'y. 1 7 7 4 Old Jewry Dear Sir: In another letter of this date I have given you my reasons at large f o r sending you a Copy of Dr. Tucker's Book; 1 & as I have sent a 1 . Newspapers and letters carried ashore by the captains of ships were often distributed at the Coffee-house, a real institution in the eighteenth century. 1 . Dr. Josiah Tucker, dean of Gloucester, England, died in 1799. He was distinguished by his vigorous and independent mind. A Universal Biographical Dictionary.

LETTERS

447

Copy of the said Book, also, to our friend M r . Benezet I must request you to communicate the said Letter to him, which will save me the time of writing to him also on that subject. I have also sent you 2 Copies of M r . Westley's T r a c t ag't. Slavery, mentioned in my last letter to M r . Benezet, & a Dissertation on the distinct Powers of Reason & Revelation by my worthy friend the Dean of Durham, 2 (Brother to the late Earl Cowper) who sent me a Dozen Copies of it. Soon after the time of my last writing to you, I received an answer from Mess'rs. Dilly, who decline undertaking the publication of your T r a c t ag't. Slavery as they think the Sale of it would not defray the expence: and I received the same answer also from my Bookseller M r . White, to whom I afterwards offered it. Had the Book been a Novel, a N e w Play, or an Essay on some Trifling Topic drawn up merely for amusement or passtime there w'd. have been no question made or doubt of a quick Sale amongst the Idlers. W h e n I reprinted M r . Benezets acco't. of A f r i c a in 1768, so f e w Copies were sold that I gave away, by degrees, almost the whole impression being determined to make it as publick as I cou'd.; for many well meaning people will read, (& some worthy talk o f ) Books that are given them, who will not put themselves to the trouble & expence of buying. T h e Person also who reprinted M r . Benezet's Historical Acco't. of Guinea, with the Extracts from my Book & several others ag't Slavery, has been a considerable loser by it f o r want of Sale. I believe I was his principal Customer, for I sent Copies to all the Judges, to several of the Nobility, & many others. And with respect to my own Tracts, I have generally given away the greatest part of the several impressions even before they were advertized for sale, or published in the Bookseller's sense of the word; so that you need not wonder at the Backwardness of the Booksellers in undertaking publications of Books, which are not on entertaining Subjects, suited to the Depravity of the generality of Readers. I am with great esteem Dear Sir Y o u r much obliged humble Servant GRANVILLE

SHARP

2. Spencer Cowper, 1 7 1 3 — 1 7 7 4 , dean of Durham, published in 1 7 7 3 A Dissertation the Distinct

Powers

of Reason

and

Revelation.

on

448

ANTHONY

BENEZET Ridgway Library

F R O M : G R A N V I L L E SHARP T o : B E N J A M I N RUSH

London 2d July 1 7 7 4 O l d Jewry Dear Sir: I received your very obliging Letter dated in M a y last, & called this morning at the Pensilvania Coffee House to enquire for the Book which you was so obliging as to send me & which I have but just now received. T h e Captain, of a Pensilvania Ship, I am informed, sails in less than an hours time, so that I have but just time to return you my thanks. Y o u r Account of my worthy Friend M r . Anthony Benezet gives me sincere pleasure. T h e T r u t h of the Character you have drawn of him is sufficiently demonstrated by his constant & assiduous endeavours in behalf of the oppressed Negroes; f o r by such excellent Fruits we are enabled to judge of the T r e e ; and therefore some expressions in my last Letter to him concerning the plain path of Christian perfection 1 certainly require a further explanation, which indeed I have drawn up, as I promised, & had nearly finished sometime ago, but have not yet had leisure to revise & Copy it my attention having been taken off by the alarming progress of

the unconstitutional & illegal

resolutions

of

Par'mt. respecting the Rights of our Brethren & fellow Subjects at Boston, 2 the consideration of which has employed all the leisure that I could spare. I am with great esteem Dear Sir Y o u r much obliged Humble Servant G R A N V I L L E SHARP

1. The Plain Path to Christian Benezet in 1758.

Perfection

was translated from the French by Anthony

2. On December 16, 1 7 7 3 , occurred the famous Boston T e a Party, which caused Parliament to pass the Boston Port Bill, virtually closing the harbor to commerce, June I, 1774-

LETTERS FROM : GÉRARD DE

RAYNEVAL 1

T o : COUNT DE VERGENNES2

449

New Materials for the History of the American

Revolution

translated f r o m

Documents in the French

Archives

and edited by John D u r a n d .

New

Y o r k , 1889, pages 178 f .

September 18, 1 7 7 8 . T h e f o l l o w i n g details in regard to the Quakers, which I have the honor to transmit to you, are o f a mixed character. A t the beginning o f the troubles, w h e n the colonies rebelled against the ( E n g l i s h ) project o f deriving a revenue f r o m America, the Q u a k ers had the most influence in the government o f Pennsylvania with one exception, all agreed to d e f e n d by f o r c e o f arms the exemption f r o m every tax. Previous to this they had voted f o r the w a r against the I n dians, and w h e n the question o f independence came up, the Quakers opposed it with all their might. Steps were then taken to excite the E n g lish and G e r m a n population o f the remoter sections o f the colony, and Pennsylvania fell in with the sentiments o f the other colonies. Upon this the Quakers made an outcry against w a r taxes, which placed them in such contradiction with themselves as to increase their discredit. D u r i n g the occupation o f Philadelphia by the English, proofs were obtained o f the services rendered to them by the Quakers; some o f these were caught acting as spies; and, as it has been thus f a r the mistaken policy o f the fraternity to support all individuals belonging to it, the odium and blame o f this have reacted against the whole body. T h i s devotedness did not preserve them f r o m the exactions o f the English, w h o disposed o f whatever suited them, even o f the furniture inside their houses. T h e Quakers furnished General H o w e 3 with money to redeem themselves, notwithstanding which their houses and gardens in Philadelphia were destroyed; a prominent man among them, w h o had given a considerable sum to L o r d H o w e , publicly reproached him, and 1. Conrad Alexander Gerard, Minister Plenipotentiary from the Court of France to America and the first Minister from any foreign court to this country. He arrived at Philadelphia in the middle of July, 1778, but poor health compelled him to return to France 17th of September, 1 7 7 9 . 2. Charles Gravier Comte de Vergennes, 1717—1787, successor to D ' A i g u i l l o n at the foreign office. 3. Sir W i l l i a m Howe, 1 7 2 9 - 1 8 1 4 , succeeded Gage as commander of British forces in the American colonies in 1776*

450

ANTHONY

BENEZET

declared that he would follow him wherever he went to recover the value of his dwelling. These barbarous proceedings, which have made more Whigs in America than there are Tories now, have not had the same effect on the Quakers. Y o u will remember, Monseigneur, a document f u l l of a kind of arrogance which they had circulated in the State of Pennsylvania, where they no longer are representatives. T h e only result was the indignation and contempt of the Whigs: but real or affected sentiment has no shame, and they rather borrowed glory f r o m this on the ground of persecution. T h e feeling, however, did not last, and when the news came of the evacuation of N e w Y o r k (taken by the British), it was believed that, through secret intelligence, they were aware of it, and, afterward, that they would try to make up with the actual G o v ernment. T h e President of Congress notified me that they would confer with me. T h e y sounded him beforehand, and several deputations waited upon him, who confined themselves to recommending private matters. T h e y went further with me. I will relate, Monseigneur, how this embassy was prepared and carried out. Only the Quakers possessed any merchandise; they had bought it at low prices of the English, at the time of the evacuation (of Philadelphia), and re-sold it very dear. T h i s furnished me with opportunities to have relations with many of them, and the desire to judge f o r myself of the actual state of such a celebrated sect led me into conversation with them, which turned only on general matters relating to their sect and principles. One day, one of them bluntly said to me: " T h e e hast a good deal of trouble in finding furniture. Come into our houses and select what thee likes; thee wilt then address thyself to Congress, and Congress will take f r o m us to give to thee at any price thee pleases!" I felt the f u l l force of this rejoinder. I asked him why he did not pay voluntarily. " O u r religion forbids us," he replied. " I

fear

then," said I in turn, "that, as people accuse you, you have an easy conscience when called upon to pay money and to concern yourselves f o r things not to your taste; and that a religion which has no other public influence in Society than to produce avarice and an inordinate love of ease and indolence must strike enlightened people as a mask f o r hypocrisy." I manifested a desire to have this doubt cleared up. T h i s led to a discussion which ended by the Quaker telling me that he would bring a person who knew more than himself, able to solve my doubts, and with

LETTERS

451

whom I could explain myself in French. T h e name of this person is Benezet, son of a French refugee, who has turned Quaker, and who is a man of intelligence and learning. He prepared me f o r the mission by sending me one of the brethren, who praised highly the merit and virtues of this sort of patriarch. Finally he came, and we had several conversations on the history, principles, and career of his sect. I t was only at our last interview, two days ago, that he at last declared, yielding to my arguments, that, agreeing with most of the fraternity, he thought that the Quakers ought to submit to the actual government and pay taxes, without questioning the use to which these might be put; but that they had weak brethren among them, whose scruples they were obliged to respect. I made him sensible of the dangers of this mistaken policy, one which involved a loss of public esteem universally, and warranted the distrust and rigorous measures of the government. I remarked to him that since they had been able to secure the confidence of the English Administration, the principles of which differed f r o m their own it would be easy to come to terms with a government tolerant in principles, and which would not persecute them when once combined with it. Sieur Benezet seemed to have resolved to expound these truths; he ended by begging me to favor the fraternity, and especially to exercise my good offices in behalf of some Mennonites affiliated with them, who had been imprisoned and fined f o r not taking up arms. I replied that it was not in my mission to arrest the energies of the American government, and that when the Quakers had performed their duties they would no longer be in fear of persecution.

* F R O M : FRANÇOIS, MARQUIS DE BARBÉ-MARBOIS1

The Letters of Marquis ¿Le BarbéMarbois 1JJ9-1785, Philadelphia, 1779-1780

I n a time of homesickness, we remember that it is in Paris that our i . François, Marquis de Barbé-Marbois ( 1 7 4 5 - 1 8 3 7 ) , French diplomat and secretary to the Chevalier de la Luzerne. This account professes to have been written to a fiancée in France in the years 1779—1780, but was really written later. See Bulletin Friends' Historical Society, vols. X V I I and X I X for full discussion.

452

ANTHONY

BENEZET

friends and acquaintances live, and that we, forgetting all its advantages, have come to a coldly beautiful land, where friendship does not extend outside the family, where religious and national prejudices are not really wiped out, where they cannot yet believe in the sincerity of a Frenchman. I was given up to these reflections one day, when there entered my house a little old man, about eighty years old, 2 wearing a long cloak. His white hairs were covered with a gray hat, with a turned-down brim. His worn face had a keen look. He leaned on a huge stick, and as soon as he saw me he came to me eagerly, threw back his cloak, clasped me in his arms, and said in excellent French: "Friend Marbois, I am delighted to see you." It was certainly heaven which, at the moment, when I was deploring the lack of the society of my friends, presented me suddenly with him. But I tried in vain to recall who he could be, f o r I had not the slightest remembrance of him. Years and a long separation might have blotted him out of my memory, and it would have seemed very uncivil indeed to reply to this intimate friend that I did not know him. T h e good Quaker saw my embarrassment. I understood, without further explanation. F o r who could have lived a month in Philadelphia without knowing Anthony Benezet! But since he is less known in Paris, 3 I will tell you that he deserves respect as much as any man on the face of the earth. He gave himself up to the Quaker principles in all their austerity (not to those of the "white Quakers," as people call those whose moral strictness is modified). He would have been able to make a great fortune by trade, but he preferred the profession of schoolmaster, and f o r more than fifty years 4 his time has been spent in teaching little children to read and write, and in inculcating in them a small number of precepts which seem to me the completest moral catechism which could be offered to their understanding. Benezet has intelligence, wit, and fire, and if I may express it, he carries his love of humanity to the point of madness. His eloquence is very persuasive when, excited by hii zeal, he talks of universal tolerance and of the good which it would accomplish f o r the kingdom and forbidding to admit protestants to the rank of citizen. " I ought to be allowed," he says, "to talk with eager2.

H e w a s s i x t y - s i x y e a r s o l d at t h a t t i m e .

3 . A n t h o n y B e n e z e t l e f t F r a n c e w h e n h e w a s but t w o y e a r s o l d , a n d n e v e r 4.

His

first

s c h o o l w a s in G e r m a n t o w n i n

1739.

returned.

LETTERS

453

ness about such an important subject. It was by the intolerants that one of my uncles was hanged, that an aunt was sent to a convent, that two of my cousins died at the galleys and that my father, a fugitive, was ruined by the confiscation of his goods." He tells of these persecutions as another man might talk of his titles of nobility. T h e r e are in Philadelphia one thousand to one thousand two hundred 5 Acadians who look upon him as their father. T h e unfortunate inhabitants of that peninsula, separated f o r half a century f r o m France, their motherland, preserved f o r themselves up to the w a r of 1 7 5 6 , the right of not bearing arms against her. A t that time the English, their masters, suspected that they had betrayed this neutrality and that they had furnished information to the French. T h e English government had them torn f r o m the land which they had cleared, and scattered them among the other colonies. About one thousand two hundred of these wretches were set down on the banks of the Delaware and abandoned without resources to the pity of Pennsylvanians. Benezet remembered that they had a common origin. He gathered them together, although he was as poor as they, he consoled them, encouraged them, went f r o m door to door begging bread f o r them, made the parents of his young Pennsylvania pupils subscribe help f o r them, importuned the government of Pennsylvania to grant them the means of subsistence, addressed request a f t e r request to the King and Parliament of England, until generous obstinacy had obtained some help f o r these unfortunates, whom he calls his children. He is also the protector of the negroes: He was one of the most zealous promoters of the law which has just assured their liberty and banished slavery f r o m Pennsylvania. 6 He is still the friend of the French, in spite of all the evils which the government caused his family to suffer. He is none too friendly towards independence, but since it had to be, he is not sorry that a good share of the credit f o r it should be allowed to us. A later interview: T h e good Benezet came to see me this morning, accompanied by an Acadian woman and three little children, of whom she carried the youngest in her arms. She was neatly dressed, as were they, but with a simplicity and bareness which approached want. She had a very honest bearing. She seated herself, and Benezet said to me: 5. T h e exact number of persons was 4 5 4 . 6. T h e law was not passed until

1780.

454

ANTHONY

BENEZET

" Y o u know that I do not understand how to solicit. Someone else should have sounded out your inclinations and spoken to you of my friend before bringing her. B u t I go straight to business, and you may send us away if you wish. This friend of mine was born in Acadia, of a very good French family: her husband had never been able to get used to the yoke of the English. Forced to live in a country of which they were masters, he retired to a f a r m and was living shut off f r o m the world when the war of 1 7 5 6 began. He was suspected of having relations with the government of Canada, he was taken to England as a political prisoner, he died there. His goods were confiscated, but his w i f e had saved about fifteen hundred guineas, the only remains of her fortune. She sought an asylum in Pennsylvania, and put her capital into the hands of a merchant of this city, who paid her the income f r o m it. M y friend's daughter married an American officer, they are now in Carolina, and these are their children. T h e grandmother had not yet opened her mouth. T h e story of the misfortunes of her family made her shed tears. Benezet, who does not lack skill, whatever he may say about it, asked her to continue, which she did in a f e w words. " I formerly lived in plenty," she said. " I have seen myself in modest circumstances and not complained. But these children ask bread of me and their condition wrings my heart. T h e wretch to whom I sold my land three years ago f o r eight hundred pounds sterling came yesterday to pay me that sum in paper money, which is not really worth more than twenty-five pounds. T h e law is on his side, but I do not want his paper. M y debtor will be ashamed of his action, perhaps, if he learns that people who know him condemn it." She told me the name of the wretch, and I promised to make use of every possible means of making him think better of it. T h e Acadian lady drew away towards the children, and Benezet whispered to me: "She has not confided everything to you. One of her children has the fever, and she has nothing at this minute with which to pay the doctor and to have some broth made." Nothing was clearer. I regret to say, however, that I put the matter off till the next day. A f e w days later: I have just found the usurer, and I withdrew fairly well satisfied with my negotiations.

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455

Travels in North America, Chastellux, Volume I, 276 f .

REFLECTIONS OF FRANÇOIS JEAN

CHASTELLUX

( 1 7 3 4 - 1 7 8 8 ) W H O C A M E T O A M E R I C A I N 1780 AS A M A J O R - G E N E R A L U N D E R CHAMBEAU, COMMANDER THE ARMY AND

ROOF

FLEET October, 1780.

I knew that there was a ball at the Chevalier de la Luzerne's 1 . . . There were near twenty women, twelve or fourteen of whom were dancers; each of them having her partner, as is the custom in America. T h e ball was suspended, towards midnight, by a supper served in the manner of coffee on several different tables. T h e ball continued till two in the morning, as I learned the next morning on rising, f o r I had seen too many attacks and battles the day before not to have learnt to make a timely retreat. O u r young folks standing in need of repose after their journey and exercise of the evening, did not appear at breakfast. In their stead, we had an old Quaker of the name of Benezet, whose diminutive figure and humble and scanty physiognomy formed a perfect contrast to M r . Pendleton. 2 This M r . Benezet may rather be regarded as the model than as a specimen of the sect of Quakers: wholly occupied with the welfare of mankind, his charity and benevolence made him beheld in great consideration in happier times, when the virtues alone sufficed to render the citizen illustrious. A t present the noise of arms deafens the ears agt. the sighs of charity and the amor fatriae has prevailed over the love of humanity. Benezet, however, still exercises his benevolence: he came to get some information respecting the new methods invented in France of restoring drowned persons to life. I promised not only to send them to him from Newport, but to transmit to him such a box, with the necessaries, as our government has distributed in the seaport 1. Caesar A n n e de la Luzerne succeeded M . Gérard as Minister Plenipotentiary. arrived in Philadelphia 2 i s t September, 1 7 7 9 , and stayed here more than five years.

He

2. M r . Pendleton, Chief Justice of South Carolina, a remarkably tall man, with a very distinguished countenance; he had the courage to h a n g three T o r i e s at Charles T o w n , a f e w days before the surrender of the town, and was accordingly in great danger of losing his life, had he not escaped out of the hands of the E n g l i s h .

456

ANTHONY BENEZET

towns. Confidence being established between us, we fell on the topic of the miseries of war. "Friend," says he to me, "I know thou art a man of letters and a member of the French Academy: the men of letters have written a great many good things of late; they have attacked errors and prejudices, and, above all, intolerance: will they not endeavour too, to disgust men with the horrors of war, and to make them live together like friends and brethren?" "Thou art not deceived, Friend," replied I, "when thou buildest some hope on the progress of enlightened philosophy. Many active hands are laboring at the grand edifice of public happiness; but vainly will they employ themselves in finishing some parts of it, as long as there is a deficiency at the base, and that base, thou hast said it, is universal peace. As for intolerance and persecution, it is true these two enemies of the human race are not bound by strong enough chains; but I will whisper a word in thy ear, of which thou wilt not perhaps feel all the force, though thou art well acquainted with the French; they are out of fashion; I should even believe them to be on the point of annihilation, but for some little circumstances thou art not informed of; which are, that they who attack them are now and then imprisoned and Abbies of a hundred thousand livres a year bestowed on such as favour them." "A hundred thousand livres a year!" cried Benezet, "there is wherewithal to build Hospitals & establish manufactures; this doubtless is the use they make of their riches." "No Friend," replied I, "persecution must be kept in pay; though it must be confessed that it is but indifferently paid, for the most splendid of those persecutors content themselves with giving a pension of ten or twelve hundred livres to a few satirical poets, or journalists, enemies of letters, whose works are greatly read, but little sold." "Friend," said the Quaker, "this persecution is a strange thing: I can hardly believe what has happened to myself. My father was a Frenchman, and I am a native of thy country. It is now sixty years since he was obliged to seek an asylum in England, taking with him his children, the only treasure he could save in his misfortunes. Justice, or what is so called in thy country, ordered him to be hung in effigy, for explaining the gospel differently from thy priests. My father was not much better pleased with those of England; wishing to get out of the way of all hierarchy, he came and settled in this country, where I led a happy life until this war broke out. I have long forgot all the persecutions my family underwent. I love thy nation, because it is mild and

LETTERS

457

sensible, and as for thee, friend, I know that thou servest humanity as much as in thy power, when thou shall get to Europe, engage thy brethren to second thee, and, in the meantime permit me to place under thy protection our brethren of Rhode Island." He then recommended to me specifically the Quakers living in that State, and who are pretty numerous; after which he took leave, desiring my permission to send me some pamphlets, in his way, which were principally apologies for his sect. I assured him I would read them with great pleasure, and he did not fail to send them the next morning.

* F R O M : DAVID C O O P E R 1

Friends' Review, vol.

XV,

1861—2

T o : SAMUEL ALLINSON

Woodbury, 6th mo. 15, 1783. Loving Son: I received the accompanying pieces2 this morning, with two from thyself, and a letter from Anthony Benezet. W h y they are without date, or name of author or printer, I cant conceive unless he has not consulted the overseers of the press, which I suppose has been the case, as he tells me the difficulties arising there have occasioned him to lay aside the essay upon which he had bestowed so much care. Thou'lt see he hath quoted the words of Congress 3 out of my manuscript, which he ought not to have done. He tells me he hears there's a pamphlet on the same subject lately come out at Trenton, which he supposes to be mine, and proposes to have his and that stitched together; 4 which is 1. D a v i d Cooper, 1724.—1795, was born in Gloucester County, N e w Jersey. H e was a member of the General Assembly 1761—1768. H e married Sibyl Mattack in 1747 and became a minister of the Woodbury M o n t h l y M e e t i n g , N e w Jersey. See N e w Jersey Votes of Assembly; also Comly's Friends' Miscellany, Volume I. 2. One of these was Short Observations on Slavery, published in 1 7 8 2 by Anthony Benezet. 3. T h e words quoted were: " W e hold these truths to be self-evident, That all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator, with certain inalienable rights j that amongst these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." A n d in the declaration of the 6th of July, 1 7 7 5 : "That reverence for our great Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates of common sense, must convince all those w h o reflect upon the subject, that Government was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for the attainment of that end." 4. A Serious Address

to the Rulers

of America,

without author's name, was printed in

ANTHONY

458

BENEZET

odd enough as he knows how careful I was of having the author suspected. I regret he saw it, concluding I might near as well have put my name to it. He has sent one to each member of Congress, and to our Assembly at Burlington, and is about writing to our Governor.

* FROM : J A M E S PEMBERTON T o : JOHN

PEMBERTON

Historical Society of Pennsylvania Pemberton Pafers

Philada. 5th mo: 14th 1784* Dear Brother: I wrote thee the 4th Instant via New Y o r k , and mentioned the loss we then had sustained by the decease of our dear friend Anthony Benezet the evening before, being the time of our Quarterly Meeting; the warmth of the day following made it necessary to bury the body sooner than was intended, fifth day morning being the time proposed; the burial was therefore solemnized on fourth day evening attended by a great number of People of all ranks and professions, among whom were between 2 and 300 Blacks (invited) testifying their regard to the memory of a friend, whose time and talents had been assiduously employed to promote the essential happiness of mankind; J . Haughton 1 appeared at the Grave acceptably, and W m . Savoury 2 had also a f a voured opportunity; this young man grows finely in his G i f t , and if preserved in humility is likely to become a brave minister;—What small Estate Anthony's liberality has suifered him to leave, being about £ 7 0 0 besides his dwelling house &c., is wholly given to his w i f e during her life, when after payment of a f e w small legacies to some poor persons, Trenton in 1 7 8 3 , and A Short Account of that Part of Africa Inhabited by the Negroes, 1762, was stitched with it. The author of the former was David Cooper. 1. John Houghton had taught the negro school for five years previous to 1782, when he had to retire due to failing health, and Anthony Benezet took charge. Very devoted to his task of teaching, it is said that during the five years he was employed he taught 250 children and grown persons. See Woody, Early Quaker Education in Pennsylvania; also J . Bringhurst's Diary. 2. William Savery, 1 7 5 0 - 1 8 0 4 , was born in Philadelphia. He attended the school in which Anthony Benezet taught. He was a minister of the Society of Friends and by trade a tanner. He attended the Indian Treaty Conferences of 1 7 9 3 and 1794. In 1796 he visited Europe and stayed there for two years. See Taylor, Life of William Savery.

LETTERS

459

the remainder is devised to the benefit o f the negro School; his books he gives to be added to the monthly meeting L i b r a r y ;

appoints seven

Executors, and has l e f t written directions f o r distribution o f his small compilations o f Religious tracts, which had been reprinted, and lay by him in Sheets, and has recommended Jos: C l a r k to succeed him as T e a c h e r o f the N e g r o School; he conversed freely on these Subjects during the time o f his Illness, and about an hour before his departure on my stepping over f r o m the M e e t i n g House to see him, he directed his maid servant to hand him some papers, one o f which he inspected saying it was right, & delivered to me, being some orders about his pamphlets; tho' he appeared then to be in greater pain o f body than I had seen him, and his hands were cold; soon a f t e r which he lay quiet and w e n t off with seeming great ease laying on his Couch in the outer room about Sunsett; most o f our Physicians o f his acquaintance voluntarily visited him, agreeing in judgment his disorder was on account o f his advanced age being 7 1 , beyond the reach o f medicine; and some days before his last he was fully sensible o f his approaching dissolution, spoke little o f himself, but with the same humble diffidence he was at all times desirous to dwell under; a short time before his confinement, in the course o f conversation between us, some remark leading to it, he told me, that had he attended more carefully to the prospects given him in his younger days he might probably have been called forth into more extensive services than he had been, seeming to regret his too readily passing over the manifestations he then was favoured with, as thou well knew his manner o f l i f e , and diligence in doing good, I need not add on that subject. Joyce is admirably supported under her affliction, tho' having just recovered f r o m a very low State, it is visible her J u d g m e n t is weakened, they took an affectionate farewell o f each other the day before his death, and Anthony gave a particular charge to my w i f e and M : Pleasants 3 to advise and assist h e r — i t is proposed that she continue to reside in the House, and that Zachary Jess 4 and his W i f e , w h o have lately opened a School in T o w n should occupy the back part o f it at a mod3. Doubtless M a r y Pleasants, w i f e of Samuel Pleasants, one of the Quaker exiles in V i r g i n i a . She was one of the four ladies w h o on A p r i l 6, 1 7 7 8 , waited upon G e o r g e W a s h ington at V a l l e y F o r g e , and asked his permission to proceed to Y o r k t o w n so that they could endeavor to secure the release of their husbands. 4. Zechariah Jess appears in minutes of W i l m i n g t o n M o n t h l y Meetings, Delaware, as a teacher of poor children ( X I ,

1799)

then. See W . C. Dunlap, Quaker •9361 PP'

f., 481 f.

or in the evening school for Negroes

Education

in Baltimore

and Virginia

(III,

Yearly

1798)

Meetings,

46O

A N T H O N Y BENEZET

erate rent, which she seems pleased with, and I expect it will answer to satisfaction. His removal necessarily occasions a chasm in many respects not easily supplied, and an additional weight which few will be disposed to bear, the spirit of Trade and business engrossing too much the time and attention of some who might take a share of it to the relief of others. I am with due affection Thy loving brothr, JAMS.

PEMBERTON

* E X T R A C T S F R O M A CRITICAL MARQUIS

EXAMINATION

DE CHASTELLUX'S1

AMERICA

IN A LETTER

MARQUIS

TRAVELS IN

ADDRESSED

BY J E A N PIERRE

TO

OF THE NORTH THE

BRISSOT. 2

Philosophy has been the instrument of cheating in the hands of the sophists, but as it would be absurd to throw on real philosophers that odium which belongs only to the cheats who have usurped this title to acquire riches or reputation, so it would be unjust to confound George Fox, Penn, Benezet and the rest of the true Quakers, with the false, if there are any, who, as you tell us, make use of this covering to conceal their vices and interested views.3 I quote that Benezet, whom you cannot but esteem, that Mifflin, 4 of whom M. St. John de Crèvecoeur gives us such an amiable character, that Fothergill, 5 whose life was one continued scene of great and good actions, in a word, I quote their general emancipation of the Negroes. Where shall we meet with such another sublime instance of regard for the public good? Can you suppose that the restoration of millions of wretched beings to life, to virtue, and to society; and the abolition of the most detestable trade that ever was undertaken, a trade in human blood! Can you suppose, I say, that there are objects of less importance 1. 2. that 3. 5.

François J e a n de Beauvoir, Marquis de Chastellux, see page 4 5 5 . Jacques Pierre Brissot, 1 7 5 4 - 9 3 , whose principal charges against the Marquis were he had calumniated the Quakers and vilified the Negroes and mankind. Page 35 of the Extracts. 4. Warner Mifflin, see note on page 374. John Fothergill, see note on page 239.

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461

to the public welfare than the massacre of thousands of Englishmen out of patriotism? 6 You knew, Sir, you conversed with this wonderful person, this angelic benefactor of mankind, and yet you ventured to traduce the Quakers! Did not his spirit confuse your imagination, while your pen was falsifying his brethren, those whom he cherished and led by the hand; did not your own heart ask you, can Benezet belong to a band of rogues and hypocrites? Is it possible that his noble reply 7 on your telling him of our rich livings, of an hundred thousand livres a year "that would build a great many hospitals," is it possible, I say, that this itself could not disarm your rigor? It does not indicate the warm benevolence of one man only, it breathes the spirit of his brethren. Such fervency is not to be found in a declining sect; it no longer inspires it. Benezet could not have been the member of a corrupted body. His f e r vent charity would f o r m too striking a contrast to the selfishness of hypocrisy. 8 Postscript: I had just finished this letter, when a friend handed me the review of your travels, which appeared in the Mercure of the first of July. T h e following passage in which the Quakers are mentioned, struck me particularly: " A conversation with one M r . Benezet leads the author to speak of the Quakers. Some think he has not done them justice. W e also doubt whether his reproaches may be generally deserved by them. T h e religious principles of these people do not inspire them with bad motives, besides it appears improbable that theirs should differ f r o m those of their fellow-citizens, &c., &c." I do not know the writer of this article—Whoever he was, it is astonishing that he should take the liberty to speak in this contemptuous style of M r . Benezet and the Quakers. W h e r e is the man in all E u rope, of whatever rank or birth, who is equal to Benezet? W h o is not obliged to respect him? H o w long will authors suffer themselves to be shackled by the prejudices of society? Will they never perceive that Nature has created all men equal—that wisdom and virtue are the only criterion of superiority? W h o was more virtuous than Benezet? W h o more useful to Society, to Mankind? W h a t author, what great man, will ever be followed to his grave by four hundred Negroes, snatched, by his own assiduity, his own generosity, f r o m ignorance, wretchedness, 6. P a g e s 4 2 and 43 of Extracts. 8. P a g e s 5 0 and 5 1 of Extracts.

7 . See letter on page 4 5 6 .

ANTHONY

462

BENEZET

and slavery? W h o , then, has a right to speak haughtily of this benefactor of men? 9 T h e letter is dated: Paris, July 1, 1786. It was printed by Joseph James, Philadelphia, 1788, having been translated in that year. There is a copy of the English edition at the Watkinson Library, Hartford, Connecticut.

* F R O M : JOHN THORP T o : RICHARD

REYNOLDS1

Letters of the late John

Thorf

Liverpool, 1820. Letter X L I V

Manchester, 12th M o . 25, 1804. My dear Friend, I will relate to thee, at this time, a short anecdote which I had from James Thornton, 2 of America, one of the first of the first rank who have visited us from that quarter of the world. He said, when Anthony Benezet was in his last illness, and very near his death, he went to see him. Anthony had been long distinguished, as a lover and benefactor of mankind; but when James came into the room, he said he never had been more deeply impressed, with a sense of spiritual poverty, than he was at that time; and as he sat under these feelings, a view opened, how 9. P a g e 85. 1. Richard Reynolds, 1735—1816, philanthropist, of Bristol, England. I n early manhood he entered the iron trade, soon became one of the leading partners in the wellk n o w n Coalbrookdale Iron Company, and eventually its head. Through untiring personal industry, he acquired great wealth, which he used with the greatest generosity and Christian philanthropy. His bounties through private almoners, who were instructed to take no account of color, nation, or creed, were very large, for it has been asserted that he gave away at least £200,000, and that £10,000 a year was about the average amount of his charitable disbursements. A m o n g his most intimate friends was W i l l i a m Roscoe, the poet and historian. For over twenty years he had, as inmate of his mansion, Priscilla Hannah Gurney, cousin to the well-known brothers Joseph John and Samuel Gurney. He died at Cheltenham at the age of 81 years, and was interred in the Friends' burial ground at the Friars, in Bristol. See Biographical Catalogue of London Friends' Institute, 1888. 2. James Thornton, 1 7 2 7 - 1 7 9 4 , was born in Buckinghamshire, England. He was an orphan when about fourteen years of age, became a minister when twenty years old, and two years later decided to settle in Pennsylvania. Friends in E n g l a n d gave him a certificate of their unity with him, and his service in the ministry. He landed in Philadelphia in 1750, proceeded to Bristol, where he resided for a time, then settled at Byberry. His religious services were well accepted in Great Britain and America. See Memorials Concerning Deceased Friends of the Yearly Meeting for Pennsylvania, 4th edition, 1879. (Testimony of Horsham Monthly Meeting.)

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463

little all the merits of good works can avail, or be relied on, at such a time, or any thing short of our holy Redeemer. He took leave of him under these impressions, and the good man died I think very soon after, and James attended his burial; but, he said, when he entered into the house, it felt to him as if it were Divinely perfumed; something so like the opening of heaven, and a sense of the Divine Presence, as he had at no other time experienced. W h a t a striking conformity between the death of this good man and that of his blessed Master! I thought this little story deserved to be remembered. With the salutation of love, in which I wish us both a continual increase, I am thy affectionate JOHN THORP 3

* FROM : BENJAMIN FERRIS

Haver ford

College

T O : ROBERTS VAUX 1

Wilmington Brandywine 7 mo 28, 1816. My dear friend Thine needed no apology; from me is the apology—my delay to send thee the little account (wh° fell from the lips of our late friend Jacob Lindley) 2 of a circumstance connected with the character of the venerable Anthony Benezet has been occasioned by a variety of circum3. John Thorp, 1742—1817, was born in Chestershire, England. He was the youngest son of Jonathan Thorp, a member of the Church of England. John Thorp became a member of the Society of Friends when he was about twenty years old. He lived in London for four years, but in 1767 settled at Manchester. He first appeared as a minister about the thirty-second year of his age. He was a tailor by profession, from which he retired in 1806. See The Friend, Volume L, 1876. Also a biographical sketch in Piety Promoted, Volume I V , page 120. 1. Roberts Vault, 1 7 8 6 - 1 8 3 6 , was born in Philadelphia. A t the age of eighteen he was placed in the counting house of John Cook, merchant, and three years later entered the mercantile business. He was admitted to the bar in 1808, and soon gained prominence in the legal profession. H e wrote Memoirs of Benjamin Lay and Ralph Sandiford, 1815, and Memoirs of the Life of Anthony Benezet, 1 8 1 7 . 2. Jacob Lindley, 1 7 4 4 - 1 8 1 4 , born in Chester county, Pennsylvania. Affable ners, excitable in feelings, and very energetic, he became a powerful minister of pel. I n 1793 he was appointed to accompany a commission to consult with the near Detroit. In 1797 he made a religious visit to Canada, and later to Carolina. deeply interested in the temperance movement. See Townsend, Brief Narrative Life of Jacob Lindley.

in manthe gosIndians He was of the

464

ANTHONY

BENEZET

stances but by none half so much as by the consciousness of inability to convey to thee the impressions made by it on my own mind—Any one who has known the character of J . Lindley f r o m personal intimacy must recollect his inimitable manner of conveying to his auditors any idea that interested him. Many of his anecdotes derived so much of their interest f r o m the manner, the tone, the action of the narrator that f e w could venture to repeat them with the hope of producing any interest at all—and I have been afraid after what I said to thee on the subject alluded to, that more of the interest which I f e l t was due to this source than I was aware o f . O f this however thou wilt be the best Judge and if it prove so, thou wilt excuse what was an error of the understanding and not of intention. Once when at the dwelling of our friend aforementioned—a conversation on the subject of Spirituous Liquors was introduced, a theme which his benevolent heart was deeply interested in. O n reverting to the origin of the "concern" (against the unnecessary use of them) in our Yearly Meeting he said he believed he was either the first or one of the first men that open'd the subject to the Y . M e e t i n g — I recollect he described himself as a Stripling and standing up in the back part of the meeting house—oppress'd with the smell of R u m f r o m the breaths of those who sat round him, 3 and expressing himself on the subject in that loud way f o r which he remained in after l i f e to be remarkable—I believe little or no notice was taken of it in the meeting—he was probably considered as some overzealous Youth, but a f t e r meeting he saw a little Figure of a man 4 pressing thro' the crowd to get to him which having effected he took him ( J . L . ) by the hand in the most affectionate manner and said to him " M y dear Y o u n g Friend I was very glad to hear thy voice in meeting today on the subject of Sp. Liquors. I had much unity with thy concern and hope that no discouragement may have been received f r o m its not being further noticed—and now I want thee to go home with me to dinner having something further to say to thee on the subject"—and on J . L . ' s agreeing to the proposal he said " K e e p thy eye on me, I must try to find some other Friends who are going home with m e " — w i t h this he bustled thro' the crowd, got in train a 3. L i n d l e y said that it was common at that time to keep a decanter of spirits, wine glasses, teaspoons and sugar bowls on the tables in F r i e n d s ' f a m i l i e s that their guests might take a m o r n i n g d r a m . 4. Anthony

Benezet.

LETTERS

465

number of his Frds and took the way home young Lindley following in the rear.—There follow'd an interesting description of the house and manner of living of his host—much of which I cannot recollect to repeat with any accuracy, but one part of the description, I well remember, the description of the simplicity of his Table—they had for dinner corn beef cabbage and Potatoes and for Dessert a huge Pye on an earthen Dish like those made for labourers on a Farm, the whole season'd with a most cordial hospitality & warmth of affection, truly characteristic. A f t e r the Dinner was clear'd away and a suitable opening occurr'd Anthony Benezet took his young Guest into a little room used as a study where he produced a Manuscript work, on the subject of Spirituous Liquors in an unfinish'd State, 5 a work which was afterwards publish'd and the date of which will perhaps nearly fix the period of this anecdote.—He opened the Book and laid it on a Table before them and thus address'd his young f r d . — " T h i s is a Treasure which I have been for some time engaged in writing on the subject of thy concern in meeting today—and now if thou hast a mind to sit down and write a Paragraph or two I will embody it in the work and have it published—J. Lindley alarm'd at the Idea of appearing in print begg'd off and his friend fearing that unprofitable diffidence was the cause endeavour'd to remove his scruples and again affectionately press'd him to put the matter of his concern in writing by which it wou'd obtain a more extensive circulation—and though he fail'd to persuade him yet the disposition to encourage an obscure and illiterate youth ( f o r such at that time was Jacob Lindley) and to make use of so humble an auxilliary in his labour for the suppression of this enormous evil evinced a humility of mind as rare as it was worthy of imitation. At a period of time long after the above mentioned occurrence and probably not more than three or four years before the decease of A. Benezet J . Lindley was at Anthony's where in the course of conversation Jacob mention'd the decease of a very wealthy member of Society and added that forty or fifty thousand Dollars in Specie were found by the Executors in the coffers of the deceased. Anthony hereupon earnestly requested him to give as little currency as possible to a fact which he express'd great abhorrence of and consider'd as highly disgraceful to the religious profession which the deceased had made— J . The

M i g h t y Destroyer

Displayed,

thony Benezet, and published in 1 7 7 4 .

signed A L o v e r of M a n k i n d , but written by A n -

466

ANTHONY BENEZET

he said it would have been quite as reasonable to have had forty or fifty Thousand pair of Boots or Shoes in the house whilst the Poor were suffering in bare feet for the want of them. Attaching as he always appears to have done the Idea of "Stewardship" with the possession of wealth he cou'd but consider the circumstance of hoarding so much money as a breach of trust calling for the decided disapprobation of the Disciple of Christ. I f , my dear R 6 the above anecdotes will throw any light on the character of the illustrious A. Benezet or if they may serve to confirm any trait more clearly exemplified by other communications it is all I had in view. In turning my mind toward the task thou had undertaken I supposed that any thing which might tend to illustrate the character of thy subject would be acceptable—and I have sometimes received more insight into characters by the relation of simple anecdots, than from more laboured modes of description. Please excuse my delay and believe me as I am, thy truly affectionate frd. B. F. (Benjamin Ferris) 7 Since writing the above I requested my Fanny who was by when J . L. related the foregoing, to repeat what she recollected to have fallen from J . L.'s lips at that time, she did so and agreed in all the material particulars.

* F R O M : DEBORAH LOGAN

The

Friend,

vol. X I , 1 8 3 8 , pp.

169-70

T o : ROBERTS VAUX

My resfected

Friend:

Philadelphia about the year 1825.

Understanding that thou art about to publish an enlarged edition of thy Biography of Anthony Benezet, and that letters of his, or any additional particulars which could be recollected of this truly excellent man would be acceptable to thee, I send thee my copy of the work as first published, because of the incidents respecting him which I have written 6. Roberts V a u x . 7 . B e n j a m i n Ferris,

1780-1867,

a watchmaker on Second Street near Christ

Church,

Philadelphia. H e married F a n n y Canby in 1 8 0 4 , and about 1 8 1 2 moved to W i l m i n g t o n .

LETTERS

467

on a blank leaf, and which perhaps thou wilt think may merit an insertion. And when I would fain tax my memory with a recollection of this good man it would seem as if one might undertake to write an essay on the most extended benevolence, and a commentary on the divine maxim of doing to others as we would they should do unto us, and then cite Anthony Benezet, as the Christian who entertained the God-like sentiment, and practised at all times, and on every occasion, the holy duty. As it is, I should feel myself much gratified if I had it in my power to furnish any of his letters, but it is not; and if my reminiscences will be of any use they are at thy service. I was f o r many years one of his scholars, and have often thought, that even in this age of improvement, many of the regulations of his school might be adopted to advantage; of which the following practice is a specimen. O n e day of the week we wrote what we called " E x ercises," for which purpose papers of a suitable size were distributed to us neatly marked down the margins on either side with the foot of a compass, at the distance we were to rule the lines; when this was performed he gave out the subject on which we were to write, in sentences, which was again repeated when all had got through the first given, and so continued until the piece was finished. W e then severally presented our papers and stood by him whilst he corrected the spelling and pointing: and we afterwards wrote it out fair in our copy books. And least his pupils should be injured by too strict confinement during school hours, we were divided into three classes and suffered to go, one class at a time, into a very large apartment adjoining, where abundance of means were provided for means of recreation and exercise; and he used to be attentive to improve every occasion of passing events to impress us with sentiments of truth, compassion, and charity. As his character had become known f o r philanthropy, and the just views he entertained against oppression and wickedness of every kind, a gentleman of fortune who resided ( I understood) in the West I n dies, sent his son at a very early age, over to him to be educated in principles like his own. T h e little fellow was brought to the Christian philosopher decked in his gay summer-island suit, and, report said, with a little sword by his side. However that might have been, when he was my school fellow he was f a r otherwise attired, in a drab coloured cotton-velvet, of the same material and cut as the clothes worn by the Master himself; and whether there was a natural insensibility to appear-

468

ANTHONY

BENEZET

ances, or that the disposition f o r finery had been overcome, not the most remote indication o f discontent at the circumstances was ever apparent, but the pupil seemed quite content to be at school among the girls, and at all other times the constant friend and companion o f his tutor, w h o m in f a c t he so much resembled, that the observation o f the blacks respecting Benjamin L a y and his w i f e might well have been repeated, and a like wonder expressed at the suitableness o f the little B U C K A R A R A 1 boy to his aged companion. T h e pains taken f o r his improvement had not been ill-bestowed. H e had become a perfect Master o f the French language, and had made a considerable proficiency in all branches o f a useful education, w h e n , upon the threatening appearances o f the w a r o f the revolution, he w a s sent home to his parents, and o f his history a f t e r w a r d s I have never been informed. A n t h o n y Benezet w a s well acquainted with my honoured mother, 2 and greatly esteemed by her, and as he was very f o n d o f gardening, and the lot in the rear o f his o w n dwelling was not extensive enough f o r his purpose, there w a s a large bed at the bottom o f our garden in Chesnut Street ( w h e r e the B a n k o f the United States n o w stands) reserved especially f o r him. A n d here he used to cultivate those vegetables which f o r m e d so large a portion o f his diet; and here, o f t e n , o f an a f t e r n o o n , he came with his garden tools and his little attendant, and when his pleasant labour w a s done, would come in, and take his tea with us, and in c h e e r f u l and agreeable conversation, would draw f r o m every passing event reflections that illustrated his maxims o f piety and virtue. H e had a great and extremely natural partiality f o r his o w n nation, and his heart would w a r m to them in their individual distresses, which he would endeavour to alleviate by every means in his p o w e r : witness his unwearied endeavours to assuage the g r i e f s and better the condition o f the poor French neutrals, inhumanly torn f r o m their f a r m s and settlements in Acadia by the policy o f w a r , and brought here to languish away existence and perish amongst us. He appeared almost their only friend, gave liberally o f his o w n , solicited alms f r o m others in their behalf, (to which he endeavoured to turn the attention o f the government), 1. B u c k a r a r a

and

Indian

The

dialect,

negroes

white.

their

marking

When

the

Lay

daughters. the

crook-backed.

negro

of

was

and

West

many

in

in stature

in

educated

i s l a n d s o n his b e n e v o l e n t m i s s i o n , h e w a s a c c o m p a n i e d by his w i f e , w h o l i k e h i m s e l f , diminutive

signified,

gratuitously

singular

was

resemblance,

g u e s s e d : " D a t l i t t l e b u c k a r a r a m a n g o a l l d e w o r l d o v e r f o r see dat b u c k a r a r a w o m a n his s e l f . " 2. M a r y , w i f e of C h a r l e s

Norris.

for

LETTERS

469

Scarce a day passed without seeing some of these poor people applying to him as their benefactor. A n d his charity in the extended sense of the apostle flowed towards the whole human family, realizing the beautiful description of the poet as it acted on his mind; only that instead of the moving principle being " s e l f - l o v e , " I think in him it was an emanation f r o m the pure fountain of light, and life, and love itself, which "Served the generous mind to wake A s the small pebble stirs the peaceful lake. T h e centre moved—a circle straight succeeds, Another still, and still another spreads. Friends, parents, kindred, first it will embrace, Our country next, and next all human race; Wide, and more wide, the overflowing mind T a k e s every creature next, of every kind." T o give an idea of his peculiar manner of conveying instruction in conversation, f r o m the ordinary occurrences of l i f e : — H e one day told my mother that he had been on a little journey f o r health and relaxation, to the Capes, and whilst there had been induced to join a company to sail a short time in a pilot-boat. T h e wind, however, prevented, and they were blown out to sea much further than they had intended or desired; most of the passengers became sick and uneasy, "but f o r my part," continued the good little man, " I thought, Dear me! what business have I here." A t another time, in a store where there was a great display of fine goods and fancy articles, he pleasantly exclaimed, with the spirit of one of the old philosophers, " w h a t a number of beautiful things are here which I do not w a n t . " In the Society of Friends his influence was deservedly very great and his example in moderation, humility, and the contempt of riches, well worthy of imitation. F o r his mind was wholly unpoluted by avarice, and he used to say that wealth did not agree with our profession,— that men who were Quakers should not be too anxious to leave great possessions to their children, which almost always carried them off f r o m the principles and habits in which they had been educated. I f I remember correctly it was before the period of our revolutionary w a r that a ship belonging to the Spanish navy was wrecked, or met with some disaster at sea, near our bay, on board of which was an offi-

47o

ANTHONY

BENEZET

cer of rank in the Spanish army, and his suite, returning from some of the colonies to old Spain. As it was near winter, and there was no probability of their obtaining a passage home whilst that season lasted, they remained in Philadelphia, in the unpleasant situation of strangers unacquainted with the language of the country in which they were. Anthony Benezet went to see them, offered his services, and in fact became their most efficient and useful friend. He went with them about the city, introduced them to some of its best inhabitants, explained its institutions, showed them what was worthy of their observation, and served them with obliging alacrity in the best way in his power. They were sensible of the value of his acquaintance, and upon returning one of his visits, when he was from home, they went into his humble dwelling to take leave of his wife, a plain but dignified and well-behaved gentlewoman, when the general told her in his lately acquired English, that he had now verified that experience of the apostle, " T h a t in truth God was no respecter of persons, but that in every nation those who feared him and worked righteousness would be accepted of him." Having mentioned his dwelling, I may say that I am glad a view of its front was taken before it was demolished. It was in such houses that the good and worthy man "who first made Pennsylvania a country," lived and died, and it is a pity more of them should not have been left standing for posterity to mark the difference between them and the palaces which their descendants have since reared. One of the former description I well remember that stood at the corner of Trotter's Alley and Second Street, inhabited at that time by a man who, like Nathaniel of old, was an Israelite indeed, in whom was no guile. It was a truly primitive habitation, and its inhabitants and furniture were all in good keeping. It seemed to realize the days of William Penn, and imagination without much aid might have believed that the group of "Old Friends" seated round the hearth with their hats on, and pipes in their hands were of that band of worthies who early sought an establishment in Pennsylvania. But to return to my first subject, and finish this long letter. Anthony Benezet told my mother that the historian R A P I N D E T H O R Y A S was his maternal great-uncle. If what I have here offered should prove acceptable to thee I shall be much gratified, being with affectionate recollections and respect, Thy sincere friend D. LOGAN

LETTERS

471

EXPLANATION OF ANTHONY LETTER

TO

BENEZET'S

S. N .

From the Evening Fireside, Vol. I, 169

F i f t h M o . 7th, 1805. T h e following are extracts from a letter written by Anthony Benezet, near thirty years ago, to a young woman in this city. It was evidently composed when his mind was very seriously affected with the subjects contained in them. A f e w hours before the death of that great and good man, she to whom the letter was addressed called to see him: and unexpectedly, amid the agonies of his expiring moments, he enquired if she had the letter in her possession. She answered in the a f firmative. He informed her, that the concern which had long rested on his mind, then returned with renewed weight; and he was impressed with a serious belief, that on some future occasion she would find it to be her duty to publish some extracts from it. He therefore requested her not to permit it to be lost; adding, that he felt confident that it would one day be somewhere productive of benefit. Agreeably with his departing expressions she has imagined the period to be arrived, when she could with propriety offer some parts of it to the particular attention of the young women, which appeared to point very remarkably to the manners of the present times; and in thus presenting them, "she considers herself performing the will of her much loved friend." And while it now first assumes a typographic dress, it may be remarked, that the excellence of the sentiments, and the importance of the subject to the Christian mind, entirely supersede the necessity of a comment on them. Much has been written, and many exhortations have been made, to attract the attention of our young females to a due consideration of the tendency and consequences of their conduct, in respect to the immodesty of their dress; and, while beholding these efforts, the pious and the reflecting frequently regret that so many have been exerted—in vain. It is hoped, however, that a subject which a Benezet, who was no doubt, in many branches of his conduct one of the greatest preachers of righteousness we ever had amongst us, a subject, which a Benezet felt in his dying moments to be deeply interesting to the youthful fair, will not continually be treated with entire neglect by these: and there is

472

ANTHONY

BENEZET

much reason to believe, that if it were duly considered, the stain, Immodesty, which now rests on the conduct of females, will with the blessing of that Spirit under whose influence this letter was dictated, be no longer observed to sully Creation's

Pride.

Y o u n g W o m e n ! Listen to the injunctions which salute your ear. T h e language of a Benezet now issues from the tomb, in which his ashes have long since reposed. It speaks intelligibly to you, ye giddy, and ye gay! Its precepts cannot be mistaken, may you hear them, therefore, with attention. I f they should prove ineffectual, proceeding, as they do, from the dead, thus will the voice of the Songster in Jerusalem be heard no more, and her "Mourners will go about the Streets." A LOVER OF F E M A L E MODESTY

WRITINGS OF BENEZET

SOME

HISTORICAL

ACCOUNT

O F G U I N E A , Its Situation, Produce and the general Difpoiition ofits I N H A B I T A N T S . WITH \ An inquiry into the Rife and Progrefs of the S L A V E - T R A D E , its Nature and lamentable Effects, ALSO A Re-publication of the Sentiments of feveral Authors of Note, on this interefting Subject ; particularly an Extratt of a Treatife, by G R A N V I L L E S H A R P . _i

By

A N T H O N Y

B E N E Î E T .

Atfs xvii. 24, 26. Cod that made the World- —hath

made of oris Blood all Nations of Men,for ts> dwell on ait the Face of the Earthy and hath determined the—Bounds ; , of their Habitation. Eccles. viii. n . Becaufc Sentence again]} an evil Work is not executed fpecdily, therefore the Heart of the Sons of Men isfullyfet in them to do Evil. • Deut. xxxii. 3 4 . U mt this laid up in Store with me and Jealed u{ among my Treafure. To vie belonged, Feneean e anJRecompence, Day of tier Calamity is at Hand ; and the Things that 6 Jhall come upon them make kafle. PHILADELPHIA.. «HANK,

Printcd b

in Third-area, oppdfite & M.DCC.LXXI,

j

7~ ^ f i S T

0 S E P H

th

Some Minor Writings of Benezet Historical Society of

THE

EPISTLE

OF

Pennsylvania.

1754

PRESENTED TO T H E YEARLY M E E T I N G OF T H E SOCIETY OF FRIENDS

Dear

Friends:

It hath frequently been the concern of our Y e a r l y Meeting to testify their uneasiness and disunity with the importation and purchasing of negroes and other slaves, and to direct the Overseers of the several Monthly Meetings to advise and deal with such as engage therein. A n d it hath likewise been the continued care o f many weighty Friends, to press those that bear our name to guard as much as possible against being in any respect concerned in promoting the bondage of such unhappy people. Y e t , as w e have with sorrow to observe that the number is o f late increased among us, w e have thought proper to make our advice and judgment more publick, that none may plead ignorance of our principles therein; and also again earnestly exhort all to avoid in any manner encouraging the practice of making slaves of our f e l l o w creatures. N o w , dear Friends, if we continually bear in mind the royal law of doing to others as we would be done by, we shall never think of bereaving our fellow-creatures o f that valuable blessing liberty, nor endure to grow rich by their bondage. T o live in ease and plenty by the toil of those whom violence and cruelty have put in our power, is neither consistent with Christianity nor common justice, and we have good reason to believe draws down the displeasure of Heaven; it being a melancholy but true reflection, that where slave-keeping prevails, pure religion and sobriety declines, as it evidently tends to harden the heart and render the soul less susceptible of that holy spirit of love, meekness, and charity, which is the peculiar character of a true Christian. H o w then can we, who have been concerned to publish the Gospel of universal love and peace among mankind, be so inconsistent with ourselves as to purchase such who are prisoners o f war, and thereby encourage this unchristian practice; and more especially as many of those poor creatures are stolen away, parents f r o m children, and children f r o m parents, and others, who were in good circumstances in their native country, inhumanly torn f r o m what they esteemed a happy situation, and compelled to toil in a state of slavery, too often extremely

476

ANTHONY

BENEZET

cruel? What dreadful scenes of murder and cruelty those barbarous ravages must occasion in these unhappy people's country, are too obvious to mention. L e t us make their case our own, and consider what we should think, and how we should feel, were we in their circumstances. Remember our blessed Redeemer's positive command, "to do unto others as we would have them do unto u s ; " and that "with what measure we mete, it shall be measured to us again." A n d we entreat you to examine whether the purchase of a negro, either born here or imported, does not contribute to a further importation, and consequently to the upholding of all evils above mentioned, and promoting manstealing, the only theft which, by the Mosaic law, was punished with death? " H e that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death." T h e characteristic and badge of a true Christian is love and good works; our Saviour's whole life on earth was one continued exercise of them. " L o v e one another" (says he) "as I have loved you." How can we be said to love our brethren who bring, or f o r selfish ends keep them in bondage? D o we act consistent with this noble principle, who lay such heavy burdens on our fellow-creatures? D o we consider that they are called, and sincerely desire that they may become heirs with us in glory, and rejoice in the liberty of the sons of God, whilst we are withholding f r o m them the common liberty of mankind? O r can the spirit of God, by which we have always professed to be led, be the author of those oppressive measures? or do we not thereby manifest that temporal interest hath more influence on our conduct herein, than the dictates of that merciful, holy and unerring guide? And we likewise earnestly recommend to all who have slaves, to be careful to come up in the performance of their duty towards them, and to be particularly watchful over their own hearts; it being by sorrowf u l experience remarkable, that custom, and a familiarity with evil of any kind, hath a tendency to bias the judgment and deprave the mind. And it is obvious, that the future welfare of these poor slaves who are now in bondage is generally too much disregarded by those who keep them. I f their daily task of labor be but fulfilled, little else perhaps is thought o f . Nay, even that which in others would be looked upon with horror and detestation, is little regarded in them by their masters, such as the frequent separation of husbands f r o m wives and wives f r o m husbands, whereby they are tempted to break their marriage covenants and live in adultery, in direct opposition to the laws both of God and man, although we believe that Christ died f o r all men,

WRITINGS

477

without respect of persons. How f e a r f u l then ought we to be of engaging in what hath so natural a tendency to lessen our humanity, and of suffering ourselves to be inured to the exercise of hard and cruel measures, lest thereby we in any degree lose our tender and feeling sense of the miseries of our fellow-creatures, and become worse than those who have not believed? And, dear Friends, you who by inheritance have slaves born in your families, we beseech you to consider them as souls committed to your trust, whom the Lord will require at your hands, and who, as well as you, are made partakers of the Spirit of Grace, and called to be heirs of salvation. And let it be your constant care to watch over them f o r good, instructing them in the fear of God and the knowledge of the Gospel of Christ, that they may answer the end of their creation, and God be honored and glorified by them as well as by us; and so train them up, that if you should come to behold their unhappy situation in the same light which many worthy men who are at rest have done, and many of your brethren now do, and should think it your duty to set them free, they may be the more capable of making a proper use of their liberty. Finally, brethren, we entreat you in the bowels of Gospel love, seriously to weigh the cause of detaining them in bondage. I f it be f o r your own private gain, or any other motive than their good, it is much to be feared that the love of God, and the influence of the Holy Spirit, is not the prevailing principle in you, and that your hearts are not sufficiently redeemed from the world, which that you with ourselves may come more and more to witness, through the cleansing virtue of the Holy Spirit of Jesus Christ, is our earnest desire.

* Memoirs of Anthony Benexet Roberts Vaux

E X T R A C T OF T H E MEMORIAL T O T H E KING GREAT

B R I T A I N IN B E H A L F OF T H E

DIANS, D R A F T E D A T T H E I R IN T H E Y E A R

OF

ACA-

REQUEST,

1760

Thus we, our ancient parents, and grand parents, (men of great in-

478

ANTHONY

BENEZET

tegrity, and approved fidelity to your Majesty,) and our innocent wives and children, became the unhappy victims to those groundless fears. W e were transported into the English colonies; and this was done in so much haste, and with so little regard to our necessities, and the tenderest ties of nature, that f r o m the most social enjoyments and affluent circumstances, many found themselves destitute of the necessaries of life, and separated parents f r o m children and husbands f r o m wives, some of whom have not to this day met again. W e were so crowded in the transport vessels, that we had not room even f o r all our bodies to lay down at once; and consequently were prevented f r o m carrying with us proper necessaries, especially f o r the comfort, and support of the aged and weak; many of whom quickly ended their misery with their lives. And even those amongst us who had suffered deeply f o r your Majesty, on account of their attachment to your Majesty, were equally involved in the common calamity, of which Rene Lablanc, the notary public before-mentioned, is a remarkable instance. He was seized, confined, and brought away among the rest of the people; and his family, consisting of twenty children, and about one hundred and fifty grandchildren, were scattered in different colonies, so that he was put on shore at N e w Y o r k with only his w i f e and two youngest children, in an infirm state of health, f r o m whence he joined three more of his children at Philadelphia; where he died without any more notice being taken of him than any of us, notwithstanding his many years labour, and deep suffering f o r your Majesty's service. T h e miseries we have since endured, are scarce sufficiently to be expressed; being reduced f o r a livelihood to toil and hard labour, in a southern climate, so disagreeable to our constitutions, that most of us have been prevented by sickness f r o m procuring the necessary subsistence f o r our families; and therefore are threatened with that which we esteem the greatest aggravation of all our sufferings; even of having our children forced f r o m us and bound out to strangers, and exposed to contagious distempers unknown in our native country. T h i s compared with the affluence and ease we enjoyed, shows our condition to be extremely wretched. W e have already seen in this province two hundred and fifty of our people, half the number that were landed here, perish through misery and various diseases.

WRITINGS

479

Henry E. Huntington Library San Marino,

Calif.

M S in Benezet's writing.

AN A C C O U N T OF THE BEHAVIOUR & SENTIMENTS OF A NUMBER OF WELL-DISPOSED M O S T L Y OF THE MINUSING

INDIANS

TRIBE

About the beginning of the 7th. Month 1760 some Indians came to Philadelphia from an Indian T o w n called Wahackloosing 1 situated on a Branch of Susquehanna, about two hundred miles from this City. Their Principal Business was to pay a Visit to Friends who, they understood, had sent them an invitation to come down, which apprehension of theirs, was barely owning to that upon some Friends hearing those Indians were religiously disposed, & refused to join the other Indians in the W a r , might say we should be glad to see them, which being repeated to them, was the occasion of this Visit, yet they thought it their Duty also to wait upon the Governor as well to manifest their Respect to him as to deliver three Prisoners which they had redeemed from the other Indians, who had taken them Captives & some Horses, which they had brought with them. A time was appointed, by the Governor to confer with them, and a Conference was held in the Council Chamber, the most Material Part of which was as follows, vizt. Papunahung the Indian Chief, 2 or as the Indians stile him their Minister, Spoke to the following Effect vizt. T h a t Teduiscung 3 had called at their T o w n on his way to Assintzing and had held Council which he had applied for their Assistance in a Matter which he had much at Heart which was the Redemption of the Prisoners which were still Captives amongst the Indians, that they had willingly complyed with this Request as far as was in their Power, by giving up the three only Prisoners that were 1. W y a l u s i n g , Pennsylvania, a corruption of the Indian M ' h w i k i l u s i n g , or Mahackloosing, " T h e Place of the Hoary V e t e r a n . " See Gummere, The Journal of John Woolman. 2. Papunahung or Papoonahal, 1705—1775, a native D e l a w a r e Indian Chief of the M i n s i tribe. He was early converted by the M o r a v i a n Pastor Zeisberger, and consistently led a Christian life. He was baptized in 1763 at W y a l u s i n g , and received the name of John Papunahung, or " M i n s i J o h n . " See page 484, also Reichel, Transactions of the Moravian Historical Society. 3. Tedyuscung, the famous D e l a w a r e Chief, who became a Christian through the efforts of Friends, and used all his influence in the cause of peace.

480

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amongst them, who they had brought with them & now delivered to the Governor. And by a String of Wampum further declar'd T h a t now they had delivered all the Captives that were in the Hands of those Indians which belonged to their Society or T o w n , f o r , says he, we desire to do Justice and love God, and wish it was in our Power to assist, so that all the Prisoners that are Scattered in the Woods every where might be brought back. B y another String he spoke again Brother I am well pleased to hear of that good Peace that is so well established, I heartily Join in it and desire to live in Peace. Hearken Brother I pray you would have some Pity on us & let us have no strong Liquor at all here. All we that live at the Place called Wahackloosing, and if any of our young Men come down ask them where they come f r o m , & when they say f r o m Wahackloosing I pray you not to give them a drop of Liquor & I hope you will hear us. Brother, tho' we are poor we want no Recompence f o r the Prisoners or f o r the Horses, we do not return them to you f r o m a desire of gain, you are welcome to them, & we are Glad of the opportunity of obliging you. T h e Governor returned them a kind answer & told them he had prepared a f e w things f o r them, & Desired their acceptance of them, upon which Papoonahoal Spoke again Brother I do not come here to do any Publick business with the Government, I am not in that Character, I came on a Religious account on an Invitation Sent me by Some R e ligious People, about twelve months ago, therefore it frightens me by what you have just now Spoken vizt. that you have provided some Goods f o r me & mean to make us a Present of them, I thank you f o r your good will, but I cannot allow my self to take them, Since this would look as if I was come as other great ones to Receive Presents. N o Brother I am Perfectly Satisfied with the many good things I have heard in Religious Conferences that we have held since we came here with the Quakers. Brother, I will tell you the Reason why I say I am frightened, should I lay my Hands on your Presents it would raise a Jealousy in the Breasts of those round about me who transact the publick Business and are used to receive Presents on such Occasions. It would moreover be apt to corrupt my own Heart, & make me proud, & others would think I wanted to be a great man, which is not the Case. I think on God who made us, I want to be instructed in his service, and

WRITINGS Worship. I am a great Lover of peace, & have never been Concerned in W a r Affairs. I have a Sincere Remembrance of the Old Friendship which subsided between the Indians, and your Forefathers, & shall always observe it. I love my Brethren the English, & they shall ever find me faithfull. I was invited to Come and f o r these reasons did Come, & not to receive Presents which spoil, & Corrupt the receivers of them, many have misbehaved a f t e r they have received them, & many, I am afraid, come only to Receive them. Papoonahoal then Complained of some abuses in T r a d e , & Said that they had not received the price for skins which had been Promised them, that this put their young upon playing unfair Tricks with the skins, by leaving on them, Several parts which were of no use, as the ears, paws & this, added he, is not as it ought to be, W e should not Skin our Skins in such a way but our Corrupt Hearts have found out this way of dealing. Brother you see there is no Love nor Honesty on either side, you do wrong in altering your Prises, & the Indians do wrong in bringing Skins to you with so much badness on them, therefore, Brother, we propose to fling this entirely away, f o r it remains we shall never agree, & love one another as we ought to do. Now Brother, I desire you will not raise your goods too high a price but lower them as you can afford it, that we may live & walk together in one Brotherly Love & Friendship as Brothers ought to do. Brother I must once more acquaint you, that my Chief design in making this Visit, is to confer about religious matters, & that our young M e n agree with me in this, & want to love God, & leave off their f o r m e r bad Courses. Brother, with regard to what I have mentioned about Religious matters, it may be, some may not think as I do, or may think Slightly of these matters, but I am fixt in my principles & shall always abide by them. I am glad I have an opportunity of Mentioning these several Matters, in Presence of such a large audience of young & old People, T h e Great God observes all that passes in our Hearts & hears all that we say to one another. He then finished with a Solemn act of Prayer, & thanksgiving which he performed very Devoutly. T h e Next Day the Governor returned them a kind & suitable answer, Promising them that care should be taken to prevent the cause of Complaint in T r a d e , encouraging them to Persevere in their Religious Progress and wished them a Prosperous Journey. It appears, that there has been f o r some years an immediate awaken-

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ing amongst some of these Indians, more especially of late, when Papoonahoal, who is now their Chief apprehended himself called to preach to them, in which service he was some time after Joyned by two, or three more, they appear very earnest in promoting true Piety, which they apprehend is an inward work, by which the Heart is changed from bad to Good, which they express by the Heart's becoming Soft, & being filled with Good. In this disposition they absolutely refused to Join the other Indians in the Prosecution of the W a r , letting them know, that they would not Join them in it though they should kill or make Slaves (or as they express it) Negroes of them, 8c I understand, that their Chief declared, that what ever argument might be advanced in defence of W a r , yet he was fully persuaded, that when God made Men he never intend they should kill or destroy one another. Friends had several solid opportunities with them, they regularly attended our Meetings during their stay in T o w n , kept themselves quite free from Drink, & behaved Soberly & orderly, after expressing their Satisfaction with what they had heard, from friends, which they said exactly answered to their own Religious Prospect; they returned home & were accompanied as f a r as Bethlehem by a Friend who made some further observations upon their Conversations & Conduct on the way & is as follows vizt. T h e Behaviour of these Indians in General was comendable but particularly the Behaviour of Paponahoal their Chief which afforded me much Satisfaction and Instruction. His Deportment was such as manifested his Mind to be quiet & easy, accompanied with a becoming Solidity & Gravity. He dropt several Expressions, which as they were interpreted to me appear'd worthy of Note. Being ask'd what he thought of W a r , He answer'd, It has been told to my Heart, that Man was not made for that End; therefore I have ceas'd from W a r ; yet I have not Labour'd to bring about a peace so much as I ought to have done: I was made weak for that W o r k by the bad Spirit striving to over come the bad, and then I shall be strong, to Labour heartily to bring People from W a r to Peace. I have often thought it Strange that the Christians are such great Warriors, & I have wondered they are not greater lovers of Peace, for said he, from the Time God first show'd himself to my mind & put his Goodness in my Heart, I found myself in such a Temper, that I thought if the Flesh had been whipt off me with Horse whips, I could have borne it without being angry at these that did it. As we were riding upon the way X had a IVIind to say something to him concerning our Saviours Words, and good examples when

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on Earth, I desired the Interpreter to ask him if he was disposed to hear such things. He answered such words are very good and would be very acceptable at a fit T i m e , such things are a w f u l , and should be spoken at a Solemn T i m e , f o r then the Heart is soft & they would go into it, and not be lost. But when the Heart is hard they will not go into it, but fall off f r o m the Heart and so are lost, and such words should not be lost; but at a fit T i m e I would be glad to hear of those things. Concerning People Reasoning about Religion he said, when People speak of these things they are apt to stand up in opposition one against the other, as tho they strove to throw each other down or to see which is the wisest, now these things should not be, but whilst one is speaking the other should hold his Head down till the first has done, & then speak without being in a heat or angry. I asked him, what he thought was the cause of alterations of the Times, & W h y they were so changed f r o m what they had been some years past. He answered, People are grown cross to each other, if they Lived in Love it would not be so, but they grow Proud & Covetous which causes God to be angry & to send dry & hot summers, & hard Winters, & also Sickness amongst the People, which he would not do if they loved one another; & would do as he would have them. Being at the Indian T o w n near Bethlehem & setting in Company with two or three Persons which were conversing on Religion matters, he said I am apprehensive that I have a feeling Sense, in my own heart, whereby I know, when People Speak f r o m the Head, or when they speak f r o m the Heart. I told him many of my Friends as well as myself had been answered about the Indians last Winter, & had desires f o r their w e l f a r e , & that my Heart was made to Love many of them, tho' I had never seen them; He Replied, I believe this love was of God, f o r tho you did not know we should come down, nor we ourselves did not know it, yet God did, therefore he inclined your Heart towards us that you might be the more glad & make the more welcome when we did come. I understood, by the Interpreter, that this Indian no sooner f e l t the power of God on his Heart to his C o m f o r t , but he endeavoured to make the other Indians sensible of the same, & Laboured to turn their Minds to a search after what he himself had so happily found. One of those Indians who a f t e r some time joined him in this work was at first approved of by Papoonahoal but shewing an inclination to fall back to some of his old corrupt ways, Papoonahoal desired him to be Silent,

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f o r says he, you will spoil the People by speaking f r o m a bad Heart, go get your own Heart made clean first and then come and speak to the People. T h e Interpreter gave me an account of the manner in which Papoonahoal was first enlightened, which was as follows. He was f o r merly a Drunken M a n , but the Death of his Father bringing sorrow over his Mind, he fell into a thought full melancoly state in which state his Eyes were turned to behold the Earth and consider the things that are there on, & seeing the folly & wickedness that prevailed, his sorrows encreased, and it was given to him to believe there was a Great Power that had created all these things and his mind was turned f r o m beholding this lower W o r l d to look towards him that had created it, & strong desires were begot in his Heart f o r a farther knowledge of his Creator. Never-the-less the almighty was not yet pleased to be found of him, but his desires encreasing he forsook the T o w n & went to the woods in great Bitterness of Spirit, the other Indians missing him & fearing evil had befallen him went f r o m the T o w n in search of him, but could not find him; but at the end of five days it pleased God to appear to him to his comfort, 8c to give him a sight not only of his own inward state, but also an acquaintance into the works of Nature. He also apprehended a sense was given him of the Virtues, and Nature of Several Herbs, Roots, Plants 8c T r e e s and the different Relation they had one to another, & he was made sensible that M a n stood in the nearest Relation to God, of any other part of the Creation. I t was at this T i m e he was made sensible of his Duty to God, & he came home rejoycing & endeavouring to put in practice what he apprehended was required of him. T h e Morning I parted with them at Bethlehem, I told them, that I intended to set my Face homewards, and if any of you, said I, have a word of advice to give Me, I shall hear it Gladly; a f t e r some pause Papoonahoal spoke as follows: Brother, it discovers a good disposition in you to love to hear good councill, there are some People that set light by what I say, 8c will not hear me. Since I first had desires a f t e r God, People of different Notions about Religion have spoken to me, all directing me to their particular way, but there is but one to the place of Happiness which God has prepared f o r His Creature M a n . Brother, there are none that spoke such good words to me as I have heard f r o m the Quakers; f o r what they say answers exactly to what has been told my Heart before I saw them; when I l e f t home I re-

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solved not to speak to the Quakers, but hearken and hear, what they have spoken to me, I have heard a Voice speak to my Heart and say T h e Quakers are right, it may be a voice but I believe it is the true voice, However if the Goodness, which I feel in my Heart remains with me I shall come again to see the Quakers and I f I Continue to grow Strong I hope the time will come that I shall be joined in Close fellowship with them.

* Henry E. Huntington MS. in Benezet's

AN ACCOUNT

Library writing

OF PAPUNAHUNG'S SECOND VISIT

FRIENDS T H E 4TH OF T H E

8TH M O N T H ,

TO

1761

Papunahung came to Easton with 80 of his People, in Company with about four Hundred Indians, of several Nations, who came on Business to the Government. He acquainted the Friends who attended the Treaty, that he had concluded to pay Friends of Philadelphia a Visit about this T i m e ; but the Mingoes, as they came through his T o w n to the Treaty, insisted, that he should come with them, and hear what they had to say to the Governor, he consented thereto, and the more freely, as he was told there would be a number of Friends at the Treaty, and that the small Pox was at Philadelphia, but as to Publick Affairs he declared, he had nothing to say, only to Acquaint the Governor, that he had delivered the Message he had sent, last year, by him, to the Jusies, and to return him their Answer. In the evening of the same day, several Friends who were then attending upon the Treaty, went down to Papunahung's Tents & found his People gathering to their worship. A f t e r they were sat down, some time was spent by the Elder Indians in Conversation, after which a short space of Silence ensued, then Papunahung said something, in a deliberate easy manner, in the W a y of Preaching and in a little time stopped, then after a short Pause spoke again a f e w Minutes with so much more earnest, and a more elevated Voice, thus pausing, and speaking he proceeded, until he raised his Voice high enough to be heard by the Women & Children, who were the most distant, and at last Concluded with a Short Prayer, with which he, and some who sat near the Friends seemed much affected, but the

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dim Light the Fire afforded was not sufficient for us to observe the People in General. As soon as he had finished, one of the oldest Men got up and shook Hands with the Man next him, and then with every one of the Congregation, old and young, in the order they sate, expressing, with tenderness and affection, a short Salutation & Benediction, in Nearly the same Words, to each of them. When he had done they moved from their Seats, and, we suppose, prepared for Rest; & Friends took leave of the Indians, & came away, the interpreter accompanying us. We were informed, by him, T h a t the Substance of what Papunahung had Said, was to excite, & advise them to Care and Circumspection in their Conduct, & thereby, to Manifest their retaining a true Sense of their Makers Goodness & Favour continued to them, And that in his Prayer, or Address to his Maker, he acknowledged & returned Thanks for his Mercy & Goodness in still affording them a Sence of his Mercy & loving kindness, & Begging the Continuance thereof. T h e Old Man's farewel Salutation was expressive of his good Wishes for each Person & his Desires, that we should individually be preserved, by our Maker, & remain sensible of his Goodness. W e understood, that when not scattered in their hunting time, they constantly meet in this Manner, in the Morning before Sunrise, & in the Evening after Sunset. Papunahung declaring it to be early revealed to him, from above, that Men ought daily to begin and end the Day with the worship of their Maker. About Six, in the Morning of the 6th of the Month, Papunahung, with upwards of twenty of his Men, came to the House where a Friend lodged, & expressed his desire of some religious Conversation, notice of which being sent to several Friends and some of them attending they spent near two hours, in a very satisfactory Manner in Conversing, on divers weighty Subjects; after the Conclusion of which, a Friend was concerned to supplicate the Almighty, during which the Indians expressed the deep Sense, they had, of the Manifestation of the Love, the Goodness of God, not only by Tears, but some of them, by Sighs & Groans. T h e next day our Friend Susannah Hatton, 1 with the Friend who accompanied her, came into the T o w n , and were soon after visited by Papunahung's W i f e , the eight of her Companions, with a few of the Indian Men, and after a short setting in Silence Susanna being conI . Susanna Hatton, 1 7 1 9 - 1 7 8 1 , born in I r e l a n d , was visiting A m e r i c a at this time. She stayed more than a year, attended the I n d i a n Conference at Easton, and preached acceptably in various places. See The Friend ( P h i l a d e l p h i a ) , V o l u m e C X I , page 1 0 .

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487

cerned in Prayer; there was such a display of the tendering Power of divine Grace, more especially over the Indians, that several Friends, present, declared they never saw the like before. A f t e r the Meeting there was a string of wet where the Indians had sat f r o m the plentiful tears they had shed. O n the eighth in the Morning divers Friends visited Papunahung in his Camp, and had some Satisfactory Conversation with, in the course of which, he informed us, T h a t he was thankfull to our Maker, that he had given success to his young M e n in hunting, so that they had killed a great many Beaver, & Deer, and by that means, he was enabled to bring his Friends some of their skins, and pointing to some Bundles of skin in his T e n t , he said, he had brought them f o r us: And his young M e n had freely brought them to him f o r a Present to us; as he always thought it right, when he had Plenty of anything, that was good, to communicate it to his Friends. This being an offer unexpected by us, and the value of the Present much greater than appeared fit f o r us to accept it was replied, that we did not think it was right f o r us to receive Presents f r o m them, it being more suitable f o r us to give than to receive, as it had pleased God to bless we had not a greatfull Sense of his kind intention, tho we should not accept of so great a Present, f r o m him. This Refusal grieved him so much as appeared by his Countenance, & Expression, that we informed him we should accept his Present, rather than give any uneasiness and occasion to doubt of our sincere regard, and Friendship f o r him, but as the Governor might not approve of our accepting Presents without his Knowledge, it might be Expedient to inform him of their kind offer to us, as we apprehend on f u r t h e r Consideration, they would think it best to Present him with Part of them, we could not then, nor f o r sometime a f t e r engage Papunahung to Converse with the same Openness and Freedom, as he had done before, the exchanging Presents being with them so firmly Established, as a Testimony of Friendship, that the not freely accepting them, when offered, is constantly understood as a declaration of it not being well grounded in them that refuse. Before the Distribution of the Publick Present, to the Indians, several of us went to Papunahung & his People, who were in their Camp, & informed them of the Governor's having l e f t the Present, & of their having a right to a Share of them; in answer to which, a f t e r consulting Tonquakena his Bosom Friend, Papunahung, told us, that as he had nothing to do with publick Business, he did not intend to take any Part

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of the Public Presents; unless the Mingoes, who had invited him thither should out of their Share offer him any Part, which he thought he would accept. Some Days after the Conclusion of the Treaty, Papunahung came to Philadelphia, with a few of his People, having sent the rest back with the other Indians; they stayed about two weeks, and behaved in an orderly becoming Manner, & attended most of our Meetings of Worship. Several Friends had solid opportunities of Conversation with them, in their Houses, in one of which many Friends being Collected together, and after a time of Conversation falling into Silence, Papunahung appeared by way of Exhortation to his People, several of whom were present, the Substance of which was to remind them of the Almighty particularly, in disposing the Hearts of Friends so kindly towards them; with an exhortation, to be care full to make suitable return for the Favours received, after which he addressed himself in Thankfullness, to the Almighty for the Love he had revealed in their Hearts with a Supplication that the Same love might be Continued and encrease, not only in their Hearts, but also in the Hearts of their Brethren the Friends, whereby would jointly know, in the end, a Place of rest where Love would Prevail & have the Dominion; after which a pause ensued and a Friend appeared in Testimony which the Interpreter repeated in the Indian Language, and the Meeting concluded. At another Friends' House where Papunahung spoke with much Freedom & appeared in great tenderness of Spirit he expressed himself in Substance as follows Vizt. T h a t it was a Matter of much Sorrow to him, that Men should make so bad a use of the breath of L i f e which God breathed into them, which he said, ought continually to be improved to his Honor and to the mutual Benefit to Mankind. T h a t it was not good to speak of things which relate to the Almighty, only, from the Root of the Tongue, but that in order that such Words should be good they must proceed from the good Principle in the Heart. T h a t he had for many Years felt the good Spirit in His Heart, but wanting to try and prove it, in order to come to some certainty he was kept in an unsettled State, till about four Years ago, when he received an assurance that Love was good, and that he needed no farther inquiry upon it, being passed all Doubts that it was the right way, and in that way he had endeavoured since that time steadily to W a l k . That this Spirit was a Spirit of Love and that it was his daily Prayer to his

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Maker, that it might continually abide with him, that, when he f e l t it prevalent f r o m saying any thing that was wrong. T h a t M e n not keeping to that Love which our Maker had given us in our Hearts, the Evil Spirit gets possession there, and destroys all that is good in us; and this is the Cause why M e n dislike one another; grow angry, and endeavouring to kill one another; but that whenever they follow the leadings of the good Spirit, it causes our Hearts to be tender to love one another, to look upon all Mankind as one, and so to become as one Family. He farther added that when at any T i m e , a Thought arose in his Mind, that would persuade him, that he knew more than other People a f e a r would also spring up in his Heart, least this should cause him to f a l l back inward in his Religious Progress, which made him often pray to his Maker, that he would help him to keep out such Thoughts; and that he might be preserved in Love and Affection to all M e n , so that he might never slight or undervalue the Poor, or the Mean nor set up the great ones; but be kept in that Love which preserves the Heart lowly, humble, and in respectfull regard to all our Fellow Creatures. About the same time some other Sober, well disposed Indians came to T o w n one of whom was named Samuel Curtis of the Nanticoke Tribe, living at a different T o w n , about fifty Miles above Wahackloosing. He was formerly much given to Drink, but having been awakened, to a sense of Religion by Papunahung's Ministry, was become a Sober M a n , and a f t e r a while apprehended himself called to preach amongst his People; during his abode in T o w n he attended our Meetings where he appeared in a remarkably retired frame of Mind, and one first day in the Afternoon, very unexpectedly to Friends, stood up & after speaking a f e w Words, with his face to the Galery, turned to the People and, by degrees raising his Voice, spoke f o r about a quarter of an Hour, with great earnestness; his delivery was very much like that of Friends, in the like Service. A s there was no Interpreter present, we can have no Account of what he expressed, but from himself, which by the Relation he gave, to one who, kindly, inquired of him was, as follows, T h a t whilst he was sitting in a retired frame of Mind, a Sense of Love arose in his Heart, with a Desire to Communicate his Apprehension of it to the People, but it returned with greater Pressure, till he was like a Bottle ready to burst, that then he stood up, and spoke of

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that Love which God had put in his Heart and which he felt at that T i m e ; observing that as God had T h u s made us Partakers of his Love, it ought to be strong inducement to us likewise to love one another. A f t e r some days the time was fixed f o r the Indians Departure, but it happening to be on one of our W e e k Day Meetings as they were getting ready to, Samuel acquainted them, he must go to the Meeting before he set out, which he did, and there again appeared, in a decent becoming manner, during the Space of 10 or 15 Minutes; and it was the opinion of most Friends that his appearance had had effect, but rather begot a religious awe over the Meeting especially amongst the Younger People. And here it may not be amiss to mention, that altho' Religion has been but little the Subject of Conversation between the Indians & the English, yet we have reason to believe, some of the most Sober & thoughtfull amongst those People have not been without an a w f u l l Acknowledgment of the Providential Care and tender regard of the Almighty for Mankind, as also of a deep sensibility of the nature and effect of Grace, in the Heart, as has been manifested on some extraordinary Occasions. Several Instances of this kind are related in a printed Letter wrote by Conrad Weiser, 2 who f o r Many years was Indian Interpreter for the Province of Pennsylva., and so well acquainted with & in favour with the Indians as to be adopted as a Child or Brother by the Six Nations Indians; two particular Instances he relates as follows viz. I was sent by the Governor of Penna. to Shamokin on account of the Murder of John Armstrong, the Indian Trader. A f t e r I had performed my Errand, there was a feast prepared to which we were invited. There was about one hundred Persons present, to whom the oldest of the Chiefs made a speech, in which he said, that by a great Misfortune, three of their Brethren, the White M e n , had been killed, by an Indian; T h a t nevertheless, the Sun was "not set" (Meaning that there was no war) it had been only darkened by a small Cloud, which was now done away. He that had done the Evil was like to be punished, and the land to remain in Peace, therefore he exhorted his people to thankfulness to God, and thereupon began to sing with an awfull 2. Conrad Weiser,

1696-1760,

born in Germany,

emigrated to N e w

Y o r k in

1729,

moved to P e n n s y l v a n i a in 1 7 3 3 . T h r o u g h his influence with the six nations on the one hand and the colonial g o v e r n m e n t of P e n n s y l v a n i a , N e w Y o r k , M a r y l a n d , V i r g i n i a , and Carolina, on the other he succeeded in deferring the alliance between the French and Indians until the American colonists had g r o w n strong enough to defend themselves successfully. See Lossing in Harper's Encyclopaedia

of United

States

History.

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491

solemnity, but without expressing any words; the other accompanied him with their voices. A f t e r they had done, the same Indian, with great earnestness, spoke these words, "Thanks, thanks, be done to T h e e , thou great Lord of the World, in that thou hast again caused the Sun to shine, and hast dispersed the dark Cloud; T h e Indians are thine." T h e other instance was at a time when he had undertaken a long and painf u l Journey by order of the Governor, into the Indian Country, when being quite spent, & overcome with fatigue, M y spirits, says he, failed, trembling seized my body, and I therefore thought Nature could no longer exist on which I stepped aside, and sat me down under a T r e e , expecting there to die. M y companions soon missed me. T h e Indians came back and found me sitting there. T h e y remained silent a while, at last the old Indian said, " M y dear companion, thou hast hitherto encouraged us, wilt thou now quite give up. Remember that Evil Days are better than good Days: f o r when we "suffer much, we do not sin, and Sin will be drove out of us by suffering; But good Days cause Men to sin, and God cannot extend his Mercy to them, but contrariwise, when it goes Evil with us, God had compassion on us." These W o r d s made Him ashamed; He rose up and travelled on as well as he could. O n e deeply remarkable Instance of the Workings of T r u t h upon the Spirit of Papunahung appears f r o m the Account he gives of some Prospects he had of the Path he was to tread, in order to attain to happiness, one instance of which is as follows " T h a t at a time, when his natural Faculties were, in a Manner, overcome, by something superior to Nature, he saw figuratively, as a Fire, burning before him, and a sense was given him, that he was to go thro that fire which whilst he was attentively beholding & Pondering upon, he saw, as it were, a small N a r row Path, very near the Fire, and yet which might be trod in, so as to escape the Flame. This, he was given to know, was the Path in which the wise Indians had trod in. I understood he meant, those Indians who were wise according to the Goodness and Wisdom amongst men and yet had found means to shun the purifying Fire of T r u t h , tho' they had gone as near it, as that distant Beholders could not see but they had gone thro' it. W h e n they returned home a f t e r their Second Visit, and were about to part with the Friends who accompanied them Part of the W a y , those Friends inquired, W h e t h e r they had any W o r d to send to the Friends in Philadelphia. A f t e r a pause Papunahung answered in Substance as follows vizt. All I have to say is this, I f you, and Friends keep near to

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the Love which God has given you in your Hearts, and if I keep to that Degree of the same Love, which has been Communicated to me we shall have an encrease of that love, and thereby our Love and Fellowship one T o w a r d s another will grow stronger and stronger.

* Historical Society of

SOME OBSERVATIONS RELATING T O ESTABLISHMENT

OF

Pennsylvania

THE

SCHOOLS

SUBMITTED BY T H E COMMITTEE, ANTHONY BENEZET AND ISAAC Z A N E , T O T H E Y E A R L Y M E E T I N G O F T H E SOCIETY OF FRIENDS, I 7 7 8 .

It is the opinion of the Committee, that Friends having united with others, in employing such persons f o r Masters, who have not submitted to the operation of truth, hath had a tendency to strengthen a disposition in our youth to avoid the Cross, and unite with the spirit of the world; whereby many hurtful and Corrupt things have gained ground amongst us. O n reviewing the Minutes of the Yearly Meeting, we find, that at several Meetings, particularly at and since the year 1750, the consideration of the importance of training up our Youth in useful Learning, under the tuition of religious, prudent persons, suitably qualified for that service, came weightily before the Meeting, when it was recommended, that Friends should exert themselves therein as fully as their circumstances would permit, and that the likeliest means to induce persons, properly qualified, to undertake the business, would be to have some certain income fixed, in consideration of which, the Master should be obliged to teach so many children, on behalf of each Monthly, or particular Meeting, as the said Meeting shall judge adequate to the Salary; and that no Master should be employed, but with the approbation of a Committee of the Monthly Meeting, appointed for that and other services, relating to such Schools: But we find, that notwithstanding those pressing recommendations, very little has been eifectually done therein. W e , therefore, think it necessary, that it be recommended to the Quarterly and from thence to the Monthly and Preparative Meet-

WRITINGS

493

ings, that the former advice of collecting a fund, for the establishment and support o f schools, under the care of a standing Committee appointed by the several Monthly or Particular Meetings, should generally take place, and that it be recommended by the Yearly Meeting, to Friends o f each quarter, to send up the next year an account o f what they have done therein. And we also think it necessary, that this weighty concern should in future become the continued care of the Yearly Meeting, by an annual Query; that so the matter may rest on a solid foundation, and every possible encouragement and assistance may be afforded to Friends in the Settlement of schools, procuring Master &c. thro' the whole extent of the Yearly Meeting. And notwithstanding some difficulties may appear in the raising of a sufficiency, fully to answer the end proposed, yet as improvements of this kind have often arisen from small beginnings, it is desired, that Friends be not discouraged, by their inability, but having faith in the Divine Blessing, being conferred on their benevolent intentions, would begin, by making some provision, agreeable to the circumstances of their respective Meetings. T h a t within the compass o f each Meeting, where the settlement o f a school is necessary, a lot of ground be provided, sufficient for a garden, orchard, grass for a cow, &c. and that a suitable house, stable 8tc. be erected thereon. T h e r e are but few meetings but which may, in labour, in materials or money, raise so much as would answer this charge. Such a provision would be an encouragement for a staid person, with a family who will likely to remain a considerable time, perhaps his whole life, in the service, to engage therein. This will obviate the necessity Friends often think themselves under, of hiring no other but a single person, for a Master, on account of boarding him, from one house to another, amongst themselves; hence they are induced to bargain with transient persons, often o f doubtful characters; some o f whom have proved to be men of corrupt minds, and even their conduct immoral, yet they are seldom likely to remain in the service any longer than some employ more agreeable to support themselves offers: Whereby the Teachers miss the opportunity o f improvement, which nothing will give, equal to that experience gained by long practice, in the education of the Youth. A service, which, however it may be slighted by many, if duly performed is as arduous to the teacher, as it is of advantage to the Youth: And which if it was sometimes undertaken by pious minded Persons, more from an inclination of benefiting the Youth, than from a desire of gain, would afford a satisfaction far exceeding that of

494

ANTHONY

BENEZET

spending their time either in supineness and ease, delighting themselves in the enjoyment of their wealth, or in the pleasure of amassing more. F o r indeed as the Apostle observes i Cor. 6, 2 0 ; 2 Cor. 5 , 1 5 , " Y e are not your own, f o r ye are bought with a price—that they which live should not henceforth live unto themselves but unto him which died f o r them." A n d here a sorrowful consideration occurs, which we desire to mention with caution & tenderness that is the backwardness so apparent amongst us to contribute that part of our substance, which the circumstance of things and the necessities of the people, have on different occasions made necessary; if this had not been the case, a matter of so great importance, as the virtuous education of our Youth, would not have lain neglected, f o r so long a course of years; a f t e r such pressing advices had been, so expressly, handed down f r o m the Yearly Meeting: Hence arises a Query, how f a r our neglect of applying to the necessary service of our fellowmen, such part of the goods many have laid up in store, is one of the causes of the deep affliction which now so feelingly attends, and how small a part of what has been forcibly taken f r o m many, if it had been seasonably, and cheerfully contributed, would have answered the several good purposes, which have either been refused, or neglected by us. T h e giving proper encouragement to such teachers as are capable by example and precept, to promote the growth of piety and virtue; as well as due instruction in our youth, and are likely to continue in the service, would be attended with farther advantages as well f r o m the experience the teachers would necessarily gain, who in other respects may be incapable of supporting themselves by labour, to be educated and qualified to serve as School-Masters; a consideration well worth our particular care, as well f r o m duty, as interest. T h e benefit of the youth and the means of a comfortable living f o r the Master, may be encreased by the conveniency which might be made, f o r boarding some children, under his care, whose distant situation might otherwise impede their instruction. And if to what has been proposed, Friends were willing to add the promoting a subscription, towards a f u n d , the increase of which might be employed in paying the Master's Salary, if necessary, and promoting the Education of the poorer Friend's children; such a f u n d tho' it might be but small in the beginning being a fixed object, would draw the attention of Friends to contribute, whereas so long as there is no beginning made, this weighty service is neglected, by many who would

WRITINGS

495

be glad of giving encouragement to so necessary and good a work. And altho' many may not be able to give much, yet as they are willing to contribute, in proportion to their abilities, it will, like the widow's mite, entitle them to the blessing: People frequently appear to think it is at their option to do what they will with their substance, which they call their own, to give or to withhold, at their pleasure, forgetting that they are but as stewards; accountable to him who has entrusted them: Others think they are justifiable, tho' in the neglect of this plain duty, in order to heap up the more riches f o r their offspring, contrary to our blessed Saviour's express Command, " L a y not up f o r yourselves treasures on the earth," and notwithstanding the multiplied experience, daily before our eyes that riches, generally prove as wings to raise their children above truth; or as thick clay to bind them to the earth; but neither of these conclusions will stand the test of that Gospel Injunction, " T h o u shalt love thy neighbour as thyself;" nor enable them to give a satisfactory account when that alarming proclamation will be made, "Steward give an account of thy stewardship, for thou mayest be no longer steward." Signed on behalf of the Committee, ANTHONY

BENEZET

ISAAC Z A N E

29th, 9th Month, 1778 James Pemberton, Clerk of said Meeting this year. *

SERIOUS REFLECTIONS A F F E C T I O N A T E L Y

RECOM-

M E N D E D T O T H E W E L L - D I S P O S E D O F E V E R Y RELIGIOUS DENOMINATION, THOSE WHO

PARTICULARLY

MOURN AND LAMENT

A C C O U N T OF THE CALAMITIES A T T E N D US; A N D T H E

ON

WHICH

INSENSIBILITY

T H A T SO G E N E R A L L Y W R I T T E N IN T H E Y E A R

PREVAILS 1778

I f people had never seen W a r kindled in countries & between neighbouring Nations, they could hardly believe that man would be so inat-

496

ANTHONY

BENEZET

tentive to the dictates of Reason, the tender feelings of humanity, and the more sublime nature and precepts of the Gospel, (Matt. 5, 4 4 ) as deliberately to engage in battle f o r the destruction of each other, T h a t loaded as men are with their own frailties and miseries, they should industriously labour to increase them and contrive new ways f o r the ruin and slaughter of one another. T h e y have but a short and uncertain time to live, a work of the greatest importance to perform, (Phil. 2, 1 2 ) and yet will not suffer these a w f u l moments to pass away in peace. " W a r s , " says an Ancient Father, "are spectacles by which the devil doth cruelly sport with M a n k i n d . " 1 A n d Bishop Taylor 2 well observes " T h a t as contrary as cruelty is to mercy, tyranny to charity, so is W a r and Bloodshed to the Meekness and Gentleness of the Christian R e ligion." T h e apostle James hath clearly answered the question with respect to the occasion of W a r , (Chap. 4, 1 ) , " F r o m whence come wars & Fightings among you? Come they not hence even of your lusts?" How extreme then must be that corruption which produces so desperate an effect. It is now several years since the hand of God has been lifted up in judgment, great distress and sufferings have and still do attend us; multitudes of our Fellowmen have been hurried into eternity and yet the people do not appear humbled nor careful to inquire into the true cause. Sinners are chastised, and yet remain unconverted. L e t us look nowhere else but in ourselves f o r the cause of our miseries; our sins are our greatest enemies and draw upon us all the rest. W e fight against those we esteem our foes, and instead of labouring to overcome our sins, we basely yield to their temptations. It is the sighing & supplications of the contrite hearted which God will hear, and when his anger is passed over, He will remember his former mercies. L e t us, beloved Brethren, not forget our profession as Christians; nor the blessing promised by Christ to the Peacemakers (Matt. 5, 9 ) but let all sincerely address our common Father f o r ability to pray, not f o r the destruction of our enemies, who are still our Brethren, the Purchase of our blessed Redeemer's blood; but f o r an agreement with them. N o r in order to indulge our passions in the Gains and Delights of this vain world, and forget that we are called to be as Pilgrims and strangers in it; but that we may be more composed and 1 . A footnote on page 7 of Anthony Benezet's Thoughts on the Nature of War reads: " W a r s , says Augustine, are spectacles by which the devil cruelly sports with mankind. iy 2. Jeremy Taylor, 1 6 1 3 - 1 6 6 7 , an English prelate and author.

WRITINGS

497

better fitted f o r the K i n g d o m of G o d ; that in the dispensations of his good pleasure he may grant us such a Peace, as may prove to the consolation of the Church, as well as the Nation, and be on earth an image of the tranquillity of heaven. O u r Savior enjoins us to pray to our Father, ( M a t t . 6, 1 0 ) . A h ! W h y will K i n g s f o r g e t that they are men, A n d men that they are brethren—why delight I n human sacrifice ? — - W h y burst the ties O f nature, that should knit their souls together I n one s o f t bond of amity and love? Father of men, was it f o r this T h y breath divine, kindled within his breast T h e vital flame? F o r this, was thy f a i r I m a g e Stampt on his soul, with god-like lineaments? F o r this, dominion given him absolute O ' e r all thy works, only that he might reign Supreme in woe? T h e 28th day of the 1st month, 1 7 7 8 .

Historical Society of

SHORT

OBSERVATIONS

ON

Pennsylvania

SLAVERY

P U B L I S H E D I N I 7 8 2 AS A N I N T R O D U C T I O N T O S O M E E X T R A C T S F R O M T H E WRITINGS OF T H E R A Y N A L ON T H A T I M P O R T A N T

ABBÉ

SUBJECT

W h e n the General Congress first assembled, they prefaced the reason of their separation f r o m G r e a t Britain, with the following sentence, ' W e hold these truths to be self-evident, T h a t all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator, with certain inalienable rights; that amongst these are l i f e , liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.' A n d in the declaration of the 6th of J u l y , 1 7 7 5 , Congress have in very forcible language declared their opinion that it was contrary to

498

ANTHONY

BENEZET

the intent of the Divine Author of our existence that a part of the human kind should hold an absolute and unbound power over others, marked out by infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a Legal Domination. ' T h a t reverence f o r our great Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates of common sense, must convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that Government was instituted to promote the w e l f a r e of mankind, and ought to be administered f o r the attainment of that end.' A s these reflections apply to human nature in general, however diversified by colour and other distinctions, how f a r the situation of the negroes still kept in slavery on this continent is consonant thereto, is a matter which calls f o r the most serious attention of all those who, indeed believe in a general Providence, and that the good Author of our being multiplies his blessings in proportion as we render ourselves worthy by the practice of Justice and Love. Hence it becomes a matter of the utmost weight to the Americans, in a peculiar manner, duly to consider how f a r they can justify a conduct so abhorrent f r o m these sacred truths as that of dragging these oppressed Strangers f r o m their Native land, and all those tender connections, which we hold so dear; the violence exercised over them, to oblige them to do the servile offices of life, f o r those whose superiority has been obtained by an illegal f o r c e ; under the sanction of unjust laws; laws framed to hold in bondage, a bondage often rigorous and cruel, a people over whom they have not the least shadow of right; a bondage without condition, without end, and without appeal. Under this prospect of the situation of these Black People, must not every sensible, feeling heart be filled with sympathy and f e a r f u l apprehensions? W e l l may the words of Scripture be applied to them, "Behold the tears of the oppressed and they had no c o m f o r t e r ; " and indeed, W h a t r e f u g e , what appeal can a slave have, when cruelly used by an inconsiderate master, or by a hard-hearted overseer? How inconsistent is this abhorrent practice, with every idea of Liberty, every principle of humanity! Nay is it not of publick notoriety that those masters or overseers, who by ill usage, or by an unrelenting Scourge, have brought their Slave to an untimely end, have scarce been called to any account, by those who ought not to bear the sword in vain? Scarce an instance can be mentioned even of any man's being capitally arraigned f o r the w i l f u l murder of a slave. Nay, dreadf u l to mention, do not the laws in some of the islands, and frequent advertisements in the Southern States, in effect encourage the murder of a Negroe, who has absented himself f o r a certain time f r o m his

WRITINGS

499

master's service, by giving a reward greater f o r the poor fugitive's head than f o r bringing him home alive? W h e n this unjust and cruel treatment of the Negroes is considered, and brought to the test of the above declarations, will it not appear wonderfully inconsistent and a matter of astonishment, to the whole world, that an alteration of conduct towards them, has not yet taken place, preparatory to a general abolition of slavery on the continent; a step which every principle of honour, reason, and humanity call f o r , and which may well be effected in such a manner as will conduce to the happiness of the master as well as the slave. But such is the force of the habitual depravity, when supported by the practice of great numbers especially in that which flatters our interest and sooths our passions, that the most striking instances of oppression and cruelty, such as would make a stranger, at the first glance, shudder, lose all their force upon minds accustomed, f r o m their infancy, to see oppression reign uncontrolled; these can see the failing chains, the cruel stripes; the dying groans without pain; and without reflection or pity, can disregard the heart-rending suffering, which many of these their afflicted fellow-men undergo, before the remembrance of past enjoyments and their native vigour and love of liberty, can be broke down into tame submission to the absolute will of their lordly oppressors. N o plead of difficulty ought to prevent our speedily doing that justice to these oppressed people, which the nature of their several cases will allow, such as declaring their offspring free at a suitable age; and instead of extorting their service by severity of discipline, make way f o r their freedom, by giving them such an interest in their own labour as may stir them up to the utmost exertion of their vigour and industry, and encourage them to employ those talents and ingenuity, which are now depressed by slavery, f o r the general good; thus f r o m grudging dangerous Slaves they may become willing minded labourers, equally concerned with their masters in promoting the safety and happiness of their country. It will be when measures of this kind takes place in America, and when a final end is put to a horrible Slave T r a d e in England, that both countries may expect to flourish, under the blessing of Him who delights in Justice and M e r c y ; and has promised to reward every country, as well as individual, according to their deeds. A striking instance of this kind appeared in the case of a Negroe residing near Philadelphia. From his first arrival he appeared thoughtful and dejected, frequently dropping tears, when fondling his master's

500

ANTHONY

BENEZET

children; the cause of which was not known till he was able to be understood, when he gave the following account, T h a t he had a w i f e and children in his own country, that some of these being sick, he went in the night time to fetch water at a spring, where he was violently seized and carried away, by persons who lay in wait to catch men;

from

whence he was transported to America; that the remembrance of his family and friends, whom he never expected to see any more, were the principal cause of his dejection and grief. How can any whose mind is not rendered quite obdurate by the practice of oppression, or the love of gain, hear this relation without being affected with sympathy and sorrow; and doubtless the case of many of these afflicted people will be found to be attended with circumstances equally tragical and aggravating. And if we enquire of those Negroes who were brought f r o m their native Country, when children, we shall find many of them have been stolen away, when abroad f r o m their parents on the roads, or watching their cornfields. N o w tender parents; and all who are real friends of Liberty; and you who are willing to read the book of Conscience, and those that are learned in the law, what can you say to these deplorable cases? W h e n and how these oppressed strangers forfeited their liberty; must not your heart assent to the declaration publickly made by a respectable member of the Assembly of Virginia? ' T h a t there cannot be in N a ture, there is not in history, an instance in which every right of men is more flagrantly violated.' 1 Does not justice loudly call f o r Liberty being restored to them? Is it not the duty of every dispenser of justice, who is not f o r g e t f u l of his own humanity, to remember that they are men, and to declare them free? W h e r e evils of such magnitude are neither inquired into nor redressed by those whose whole duty it is, 'to seek judgment, to relieve the oppressed, to judge f o r the fatherless, and plead f o r the widow,' J a . i , 1 7 , what can be expected but that the groans and cries of these sufferers, will reach Heaven, and what shall ye do when God riseth up, and when 'he visiteth.' W h a t will ye answer him? Did not he that made them make us; and did not one fashion us in the womb? Job, x x x , 1 , 1 4 . 1 . See letter on page 4 4 3 . P a t r i c k H e n r y expresses these sentiments to Robert Pleasants.

LETTERS

SOME L E T T E R S AND NOTES NOT IN THIS

501

INCLUDED

BOOK

Letter from Benezet to Elias Boudinot, dated 17 April, 1 7 7 5 , on slavery and war. A mutilated copy is in Boston Public Library. At Moses Brown School, Providence, Rhode Island, letters and notes: Letter of Moses Brown to William Wilson, dated 2nd of 12th mo. 1 7 7 3 , stating that he has recently manumitted his slaves; mentions having received a letter from Anthony Benezet. A fragment dated 26th 6th mo. 1780, Moses Brown to Anthony Benezet, declaring that "for a long time education has been at a very Low Ebb." Letter of Sarah Barney to Israel Pemberton, dated 18th of ye 10th mo. 1 7 5 5 . Letter of Moses Brown to Samuel Hopkins, dated 14th & 15th 5 mo. 1784, including a copy of Anthony Benezet's pamphlet on the occasion of the Treaty with Indians. Brief letter of Sarah Barney to Moses Brown, ye 1 ith of ye 3 mo. 1780. Letter of Moses Brown to Joseph Crukshank, 24th 1st mo. 1 7 8 1 , and a reply of Crukshank, 3rd, 9, 1 7 8 1 , with a supply of Benezet's Spelling Books and First Books. Pemberton Papers, Historical Society, Philadelphia: William Dillwyn to John Pemberton, 6th mo. 1784. William Dillwyn to John Pemberton, 7th mo. 1784. Moses Brown to James Pemberton, Philadelphia, dated 20th 7th month, 1784, refers to the death of Benezet, and asks that " a proper evidence of pure religion be manifested" toward Joyce. John Kirk writes to James Pemberton from Charleston, South Carolina, 6th month 4th, 1784, deploring the death of Anthony Benezet. Joseph Bringhurst, Philadelphia, on the 14th of 5th mo. 1784) writes John Pemberton at London of the death of Benezet. Haverford College, Pennsylvania: Letter of Benezet to George Dillwyn, dated in another hand, 4th mo.

502

ANTHONY

BENEZET

1780, quoted in this book on page 147 briefly. Benezet makes the request: "When thou hast read this please to commit it to the flames, its wrote in a hurry & perhaps all the contents will not bear scrutiny." Another letter to Dillwyn is in the Evans Collection, undated. In the Rush MSS there are several letters and notes, including some correspondence between Granville Sharp and Benjamin Rush, and in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania letters undated and anonymous. In the Huntington Library, San Marino, California, a manuscript, " T h e following relation of the unhappy occasion and effect of the war between the Cherokee Indians and the People of South Carolina. . . . " The first leaf of the 4to M S is in the handwriting of Anthony Benezet, the remainder in other hands.

INDEX

Index Abridgment Account

of Hopkins'

Andrews, Account

Bartram, J o h n , 253

380

of

Edward

of

the

European

Settlements

in

the

Benezet, Anthony: Ancestry, 1—8;

parent-

age, 8—12 j birth and baptism, 13 j taken

285 of

Beaufoy, Mark, 102, 288 Belknap, Jeremy, 1 5 6

393

America, Account

Memoirs,

of the Convincement

Religious

Susanna Lightfoot,

Experience

of

by parents two years later to Rotterdam, 145

277

family is established near London,

Adams, J o h n T i l l , 3 1 5

1 5 , 1 6 } as a boy, brought under the in-

Albanès, J . H., 4

fluence

Alday, Alica, 378

Wandsworth,

of

the

Society

175

Friends

at

came to America

of

in

Alexander, Anna, 261

1 7 3 1 , 195 his serious frame of mind, 225

Alexander, William, viii

reluctantly buying and selling commodi-

Allinson, Caroline, 280, 3 1 1 , 3 2 1 , 407, 4 2 2

ties, 2 3 ; naturalization, 235 marriage to

Allinson, Samuel, 83, 280, 283, 296, 297,

Joyce Marriott, 23, 245 character of the

308, 3 1 0 , 3 1 1 , 3 1 2 , 3 1 7 , 3 2 1 , 340, 407,

bride, 24, 2 5 ; his unsuccessful experiment

4 2 2 , 4 3 5 , 436, 457

in manufacturing in Wilmington, Delaware, 26 ; home shadowed by death of in-

Allinson, W . J . , 2 2 1 American

Biographical

Dictionary,

fants, 275

373

American Philosophical Society, 287,

357,

experience of in

spare

teaching, time,

27*

liam Penn Charter School, 285 terms on

Amherst, Sir J e f f r e y , 1 2 1 , 248, 2 5 2

which engaged, 30 j for twelve years the

Andrews, Edward, 1 6 0 Cyclopaedia,

116,

156,

228,

2 3 7 , 249, 2 6 1 , 268, 2 8 1 , 305, 365, 380, 384, 385, 4 1 5 Armistead, Wilson, viii, ix, 1 1 7 , 1 3 0 , 227, 248, 290, 293, 296, 298, 302, 308, 3 1 7 , 324, 4 1 0 , 4 1 8 , 4 2 4 Arminian

first

proof-reading

commences life work as teacher at Wil-

384

Appleton's

275

Magazine,

The, 3 1 8

Armstrong, John, 490 Arndt, J o h n , 338, 339

kind and humble teacher of children, 3 0 375

establishes

a

public

school

exclu-

sively for girls, 375 caused by ill-health to resign the work, 38} returns as teacher of girls' school, and continues for nine years, 38—425 failing in health seeks retirement

at

Burlington,

New

Jersey,

where he begins the preparation Caution

and Warning

of

to Great

A

Britain,

Augustine, 496

4 4 ; returns to Philadelphia and resumes

Bailey, Nathan, 36, 209

negro children in his home for many

teaching, 45 ;

Baird, Charles W., 1 2 , 1 3 Baltimore Memorials,

299, 377

Barbé-Marbois, François Marquis de, 5, 2$, 49> 5 i ) 70» i34> 451» 4 5 2 Barclay, David, 54, 55, 1 0 2 , 288, 358, 368, 3 7 3 , 388, 406 Barclay, M . , 385 Barclay, Robert, 1 3 5 , 1 3 8 , 1 3 9 Barker, Elizabeth, 45, 258, 337, 357 Barker, Mary, 45, 277, 3 1 1 , 337, 357 Barker, Peter, 3 1 4 Barney, Sarah, 23, 26, 46 Bartlett, Benjamin, 283 Bartlett, Elizabeth, 283 Barton, Parson, 1 1 4

teaches gratuitously

poor

years, 45—48 ; devotes the last two years of his life to the negro school, 48—51 j services to education through the Society of

Friends,

52,

535

through

Book, Essay on Grammar, Children, circulating

Spelling

First Book

For

and pamphlets, 5 3 - 5 7 ; through library,

5 7 - 5 9 > friendliness

toward exiled Acadians, 6 0 - 6 6 ;

appeals

on their behalf to K i n g and people, 6 6 7 5 ; organizing a crusade against slavery at

home

and

abroad,

76—80;

famous

epistle of 1 7 5 4 , 80—82; induces influential men to join him, 8 3 - 9 9 ; tender appeal to Queen Charlotte, 99; writes Observations

on the Enslaving

of

Negroes,

A N T H O N Y BENEZET

5 o6 Short

Account

of Africa,

torical Account

and Some

of Guinea,

His-

82—1005 prob-

Samuel

Allinson,

280,

296,

297,

308,

3 1 1 , 3 1 2 , 3 1 7 , 321

lems and policy suggested, 105—1105 his

John and Henry Gurney, 283

confidence

B e n j a m i n F r a n k l i n , 92, 287, 357, 384

in

the

services

to

through

Friendly

tendance

refugees,

Association,

and

Natives,

1115 appeals

1145

at-

1 1 4 - 1 2 0 5 reports

on the Indians,

Observations

position,

110,

111—114 5

at Treaties,

and writings Some

Indians,

including

on the Situation,

Character

of

Dis-

the

Indian

120—1245 efforts for peace when

G r a n v i l l e Sharp, 290, 298 Richard Shackleton, 293 J o h n Fothergill, 302 J o h n Wesley,

James Pemberton, John Jay, 330

Thoughts

on the Nature

E . G . , 343

terviews

and

cause of

peace,

rious

efforts

promoting

the

publishes

Se-

127—1375

Reflections

mended,

in

Affectionately

Recom-

1285 the character of the m a n —

teacher, reformer, philanthropist, and

Quaker,

Mighty

138-1555

Destroyer

Spirituous

Liquors,

of the Religious

published

Displayed,

marks on the Nature

writer,

and

and Bad Effects

and A Short

Society

The Reof

Account

of Friends,

151;

the peaceful passing with the sunset, 1 5 6 1 6 1 } funeral and tributes, 161—176

325

John Pemberton, 331, 388, 395

clouds of war gathered, 125, 1265 writes of War, 1275 in-

318

H e n r y Laurens, 324

Morris Birkbeck, 358 G . E w e n , 363 Abbé R a y n a l l , 365 D a v i d Barclay, 368 J o h n G o u g h , 375 Charles Moore,

371

W i l l i a m D i l l w y n , 381 Christopher Shultz, 394 Charlotte, Queen of Great Britain, 402 S.N., 407 H . Haines, 4 1 0 Letters to Benezet f r o m J o h n Wesley, 86

His letters to: Susanna Pyrlaeus, 207

Governor Livingston,

Schoolmaster, W i l l i a m , 208

Ambrose Searle, 129

B e n j a m i n Coffin, 2 1 1

J o h n Jay,

Joseph Spangenberg, 212, 2 1 7

B e n j a m i n Coffin, 4 1 5

August Spangenberg,

Jonah T h o m p s o n , 4 1 6

214

128

130

Joseph P o w e l l , 2 1 6

Society for P r o p a g a t i n g the Gospel, 4 1 7

Jonah Thompson, 220

Nathaniel Gilbert, 4 1 8

Samuel Fothergill, 222, 229, 280

G r a n v i l l e Sharp, 4 1 8 , 4 2 4

John Smith, 39, 1 1 5 , 1 1 7 , 224, 225, 226, 227> 247,

233,

235,

238,

239,

243,

244,

254, 256

B e n j a m i n F r a n k l i n , 9 1 , 422, 423, 425 Samuel A l l i n s o n , 422 Robert Pleasants, 1 2 1 , 4 2 5 , 436

Sir Jeffrey Amherst, 248

Moses B r o w n , 4 2 7 , 429, 435

E d w i n Catherall, 253

Abbé R a y n a l l , 438

Robert Pleasants, 255, 298, 351

Letters concerning

Samuel Smith, 263 George

Dillwyn,

Benezet:

N o a h Worcester to Obadiah B r o w n , viii 147,

268,

270,

276,

Joseph R e d m a n to B e n j a m i n Rush, 59

277,

278,

279,

281,

304,

313,

327,

G r a n v i l l e Sharp to the Bishop of Peter-

328,

332,

336,

338,

339,

342,

344,

345,

348,

353,

355,

367,

37°,

372,

377, 399, 403 Society for P r o p a g a t i n g the Gospel, T h o m a s Seeker, 273 Parmenas Horton, 2 7 4

borough, 88 Baron

Cromot

du Bourg

(anonymous),

130 272

James

Pemberton

to

John

Pemberton,

1 5 7 . 458 Patrick Henry to Robert Pleasants, 443

INDEX R o b e r t P l e a s a n t s to W i l l i a m

507

Davis,

444

Philip,

B e n j a m i n R u s h to G r a n v i l l e S h a r p ,

445

D a n i e l , 1 8 , 1 9 , 2 4 , 1 4 1 , 1 6 5 , 208

G r a n v i l l e S h a r p to B e n j a m i n R u s h , 4 4 6 ,

Madelaine,

448

Gertrude,

Gérard

de

Rayneval

gennes,

to

Count

de

Ver-

Jean,

449

François,

Marquis

de

Barbé-Marbois

to

John

Cooper

to

Samuel

J o h n T h o r p to R i c h a r d R e y n o l d s ,

457

462

D e b o r a h L o g a n to R o b e r t s V a u x , 4 6 6 Fireside,

Minor

471

475

479

Account

of

Papunahung's

second

relating

to

Schools,

492 Serious Reflections R e c o m m e n d e d , Short Observations on Slavery,

495

497

Birkbeck,

1 6 5 . 221,

Saint (Benoît),

1, 4 ,

365

283 54, 358,

373,

377,

Bishop

of

Gloucester,

Dr.

Warburton,

88,

B i s h o p of L i n c o l n , D r . G r e e n , 88 87

B i s h o p of P e t e r b o r o u g h , 88 Bland, Elias,

260

Bland, John,

260 125 19

Anthony

346,

William,

100,

338,

Boulds, Samuel,

97

35

B o u r g , B a r o n C r o m o t du, 4 5 , 4 9 , 1 3 0 ,

13

Bowne, George,

C h i l d r e n — J e a n Etienne, Pierre,

Jacques,

J e a n Jacques, C y r u s , M a d e l a i n e ,

Mar-

Boyesen, Professor,

50

Brackenridge, H u g h H e n r y , 378, 379

14,

15,

B r a d f o r d , W i l l i a m , 236, 260

J u d i t h de l a M é j e n e l l e , 8, 9, 1 0 , 1 2 ,

13,

Bray, Dr.,

12,

Brief

E t i e n n e , 7 , 8,

10,

12,

13,

Brainerd, David,

164

Madelaine

Judith,

13

Susanne,

14,

411

395 of

the

Practice

of

the

Brissot, J e a n Pierre, 5 1 , 52, 108, 1 5 5 ,

460

78

Bringhurst, John,

13

Anthony,

394,

Examination

Timesy

14

381,

i n

236

B r e c h t , S. K . ,

1 4 , 1 J, 1 7 , 2 2 , 24, 208 Children—Marie

131

401

B r a d d o c k , G e n e r a l E d w a r d , 66, n o ,

guerite, M e l c h i o r and P i e r r e , 6

339,

402

Bolzius, John Martin,

4

5

Marie Madelaine, 6

Marianne,

383,

399

Boehm,

164 4

E t i e n n e , of V é z e n o b r e , F r a n ç o i s , of V i g a n ,

30

Bringhurst, Joseph, 245, 429, 458 15

1 7 , 20,

207

Friend,

165

The,

154

Bromley, T h o m a s , 236, Brooks, M . ,

17

J a m e s , 9, 1 9 , 2 4 ,

British

21

S u s a n n e , 1 7 , 20, 2 1 , 2 4 , Pierre,

423, 459

299

Morris,

Boehler, Peter,

A n t h o n y , of N i m e s ,

Marianne,

20,

309

Bland, Richard,

genealogy:

Jean

19,

27

B i s h o p of L o n d o n ,

Observations

6,

18,

267

visit, 4 8 5

Jean,

M a r y , daughter,

J o h n , cousin, 357,

388,

Benezet

17,

27

Bidwell, W . H., Britain,

A n A c c o u n t of the M i n u s i n g T r i b e of I n -

Some

44. 158. 159. 1 6 ' .

Berry, James,

477

An

16,

Biddle, Henry D., 161, 429

M e m o r i a l to t h e K i n g of G r e a t

dians,

10,

Berry, Benjamin,

Writings:

T h e E p i s t l e of 1 7 5 4 ,

18

Stephen,

A n t h o n y , son,

B e n j a m i n F e r r i s to R o b e r t s V a u x , 4 6 3

Evening

18

Joyce M a r r i o t t ( A n t h o n y ' s w i f e ) , 24, 27,

Allinson,

J e a n P i e r r e B r i s s o t to C h a s t e l l u x , 4 6 0

Some

18

2 1 , 22, 23, 24, 96

R e f l e c t i o n s of C h a s t e l l u x , 4 5 5 David

1 6 5 , 208

18

Elizabeth,

t h e C h e v a l i e r de l a L u z e r n e , 4 5 1

The

18, 19, 24, 1 4 1 ,

267

427

B r o w n , Barberry, 166,

167

508

ANTHONY BENEZET

Brown, Moses, 55, 56, 107, 1 3 2 , 328, 347, 427, 428, 429, 4 3 5 , 4 3 6

Cleveland, Grover,

164

Cleveland, Horace G., 1 6 4

Brown, Obadiah, vii

Cloud

Brown, William, 266

Cloven

Browning, William S., 264

Codicil of Benezet, 1 7 4

Bruce, David, 20, 1 4 1 , 208

Coffin, Benjamin, 2 1 1 , 4 1 5 , 4 1 6

Bruce, Judith, 1 4 1 , 208, 2 1 5

Cohen, Charles J . , 1 6 4

Brumbaugh, M . G., 28

Colden, Cadwallader, 403

Buckarara, 468

Collection

of Genealogical

Society,

Bujo, Margaret, 167

Collection

of Memorials,

1 7 1 , 226, 227

Collection

of Religious

Bulletin

of 'Friends' Historical

Association,

59) I3 8 » 252> 393. 410» 4 5 1

of Witnesses,

356

Foot Discovered,

114

Tracts,

Collins, Isaac, 280, 2 8 1 ,

Burke, Edmund, 293, 296, 4 2 1

271

239

282,

309,

314,

3 1 5 . 380

Burling, Sammy, 1 5 4 , 248, 267

Colonial Records, 63, 64, 108, 1 2 2

Burling, William, 267

Comly, Isaac and John, 2 6

Burr, Mary, 284

(See Friends'

Burton, Daniel, 4 1 8

Miscellany)

Confucius, 405

Byron, Lord, 1 2 7

Cook, John, 463 Cooper, David, 399, 457, 458

Cadbury, Henry J . , ix, 59, 308

Coquelin, 73

Callendar, Hannah, 1 2 0 , 1 4 5

Corbyn, Elder Thomas, 1 0 2 , 288

Canby, Fanny, 466

Cowper, Earl, 447

Cannon, James, 269, 2 7 1 , 340, 342

Cowper, Spencer, 447

Carlton, Elizabeth, 293

Cowper, William, 86

Cartel, Pierre, 1 3

Cox, John, J r . , 270, 4 0 1

Casas, Bartolomé de las, 285 Catherall, Edward, 43, 1 5 4 , 2 2 1 , 227, 238, 242, 243, 244, 247, 248, 253, 259

Cox, Sarah, 24 Cresson, James,

165

Crevecceur, Saint John de, 1 5 5 , 460

Catherall, Hannah, 247

Crommelin, Rachel, 6

Cave, William, 408

Crukshank, Joseph, 280, 282, 309, 436

Chalkley, Thomas, 57 Chalmers, Alexander, 339

Cunnersdorf, Battle of, 385

Charlemagne (Charles I ) , 3

Curnock, Nehemiah, 84

Charlevoix, Pierre François X a v i a r de, 404,

Curtis, Samuel, 252, 489

405 Chase, Eugene Parker, 5, 26

Dalrymple, M a j o r General, 302

Chastellux, François J e a n , 8, 50, 52, 63,

Dartillon, M . Antoine de Benezet, 1 3

1

Dartmouth, William Legge, 4 2 1

34> 1 3 8 , 1 5 3 . 4 5 5 . 4-So

Daullé, Alfred, 6, 1 3

Chauncey, Charles, 283 Cheselden, William, 348

Davies, Richard, 283

Cheyne, George, 348

Davis, Timothy, 428, 4 3 1 , 4 3 5 Davis, William, 444

Child, Alfred T . , J r . , ix Christian

Disciple,

The,

Debrissac, M . , 92, 357

viii

Churchman, John, 240, 243, 266, 429

Dell, William, 236, 2 3 7

Clark, Joseph, 56, 166, 227, 246, 3 1 6 , 334,

Denny, William,

459 Clark, printer, 4 1 9 Clarkson, Thomas, viii, 86, 100, 1 0 1 , Cleveland, Anthony Benezet, 1 6 4 Cleveland, Edmund J . , 164

lieutenant-governor,

68,

69 102

Dickinson, J o h n , 160, 167 Dictionary

of

American

Biography

y

106,

328,378,381,385 Dictionary

of

National

Biography,

129,

INDEX 209, 248, 250, 253, 261, 273, 296, 328,

Encyclopaedia

339, 348, 354. 421

Evans, Charles, 79, 381

Britannicay

239, 348

Evans, D a v i d , 165

D i l l w y n , Charles, 354 D i l l w y n , George, 44, 49, 54, 58, 96,

124,

Evans, Joshua,

150

140, 144, 146, 1 4 7 , 1 5 1 , 2 6 1 , 268, 270,

Evans, R o w l a n d , 120

276, 277, 278, 279, 281, 304, 306, 309,

Evening

310, 313, 327, 328, 332, 336, 339, 341,

Everard, John, 223, 304, 305, 313

342. 344. 345, 347. 348, 353, 355, 367,

Everyman's

3 7 ° , 372. 377, 3^1, 382, 399, 4 ° 3 , 43^

E w e n , G . , 363

Fireside,

The,

158, 407, 4 7 1

Encyclopaedia,

376

D i l l w y n , John, 29 D i l l w y n , Sarah H i l l , 335 Dillwyn, William,

34, 43,

Falconer, Captain Nathaniel, 287, 373 85,

100,

261,

Farnum, Moses, 430

270, 2 7 1 , 309, 310, 3 1 7 , 318, 358, 373,

Fay, Bernard, 133

374, 377, 381, 383, 388, 396, 399, 400

Fenn, Elizabeth, 284

D i l l y , Messrs., 4 4 7

Ferris, B e n j a m i n , 149, 463, 466

D i l w o r t h , T h o m a s , 54, 349, 359, 369

Field, John, 165, 167, 349

D i x o n , Joshua, 220

Fisher, Joseph, 277

Dobson, T h o m a s , 58

Fisher, Joshua, 268, 269

Dock, Christopher, 31

Fisher, Miers, 147

Dodsley, Robert, 225

Fisher, Samuel R o w l a n d , 268

Dougharty, Sarah, 45, 357

Fisher, Sidney G . , 30, 36

D o v e , D a v i d James, 30

Fletcher, John, 354, 367

Drinker, Elizabeth,

Ford, W o r t h i n g t o n Chauncey, 131

161

Drinker, Henry, 1 6 ; , 325, 423

Foster, Rebecca,

Drinker, John, 429

Fothergill, D r . John, 72, 89, 95, 102, 107,

Drinker, W i l l i a m ,

161

Drummond, Robert H a y , 420 Duane, W i l l i a m , 1 3 4

314

2 2 1 , 239, 288, 302, 374, 4 1 9 , 460 Fothergill, Samuel, 52, 2 1 1 , 221, 222, 229, 280, 3 1 6

Duché, Jacob, 373

Foulke, Cadwallader, 19, 29

Duke of Marlborough (John Churchill), 248

Fox, G e o r g e , 76, 347, 460

Duke of Mecklenburg, 402

Fox, Joseph, 1 1 4

Dunlap, John, 236

Fox, R . Hingston, 288

Dunlap, W i l l i a m , 236, 260, 444, 4 5 9

F r a n k l i n , B e n j a m i n , 20, 28, 49, 58, 78, 79,

Durand, John, 449 Durbourg, Barbea, 4 2 4

88, 89, 90, 9 1 , 92, 95, 96, 98, 102, 103, hi,

1 1 2 , 123, 209, 216, 2 1 7 , 218, 235,

238, 239, 245, 283, 287, 290, 291, 297, Eavitt, A n n , 326

298, 303, 320, 324, 3J7, 365, 384, 406,

Edge, Rachel, 298

4 2 1 , 422, 423, 424, 4 2 5

Edmonds, W i l l i a m , 2 1 8

Franklin, G o v e r n o r W i l l i a m , 254

E . G . (letter), 343

Franklin,

E l f r e t h , Sarah, 378

Frassen, Curate, 13

Eliot, H o w a r d , 288 Eliot, G e o r g e

( M a r y A n n E v a n s ) , 50

E l k i n t o n , Joseph, ix, 106 E l k i n t o n , W i l l i a m T . , 81 Elliott, John, 58, 102, 288, 374 Ellis, Margaret, 3 1 1 E m l e n , A n n , 40 E m l e n , Samuel, viii, 65, 237, 261, 276, 288 Emmet, Jillet, 4 3 4

ship, 1 3 1 , 357

Frederick the Great, 128 French Margaret, 228 Friend, Captain, 240 Friend,

The

( L o n d o n ) , 5, 78, 154, 244

Friend,

The

( P h i l a d e l p h i a ) , 34, 39, 67, 69,

1 1 6 , 130, 139, 2 1 1 , 239, 274, 282, 330, 363, 4 1 5 , 466 Friends'

Intelligencer,

150

Friends' Library, 222, 225, 229, 346

ANTHONY BENEZET

5io Friends'

Miscellany,

26, 54, 58, 1 3 9 , 208,

Harris, John, 445

244, 246, 3 2 3 , 348, 375, 377, 378, 394,

Harrison, Benjamin, 1 2 5 , 4 3 7

428, 4 5 7

Harrison, Mrs. Matthew Bland, 444

Friends'

Quarterly Examiner,

Friends'

Review,

281

457

Harrison, Thomas, 74, 1 0 7 , 1 6 7 Hartley, Thomas, 236, 243, 245, 246, 267

Frontenac, Count, 228

Harvey, William, 326

Fry, Elizabeth, 293

Hastings, Lady, 160

Futhey, J . S., and Cope, Gilbert, 298

Hatton, Joseph, 277 Hatton, Susanna, 486

Gage, General, 445, 449

Haverford College, 40, 54, 59, 148, 220,

Galloway, Joseph, 368

2 2 3 , 226, 2 3 3 , 235, 243, 2 5 3 , 263, 268,

Garos, M . Conseiller du Roy, 384

270, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 2 8 1 , 282,

Gawthorp, Thomas, 222

298, 304, 3 1 3 , 327, 328, 332, 336, 338,

Geay, Francis, 92, 384

339, 342, 344. 345. 348, 3 5 1 , 3 5 3 , 355.

George I, 16, 6 1 , 62

367, 3 7 ° . 372. 377. 399. 4 ° 3 . 463

George I I , 16, 7 1 , 1 1 4 , 239, 4 7 7 , 478

Hawkesworth, Elizabeth, 2 7 1 , 277

George I I I , 2 9 1 , 292, 295, 3 1 7 , 3 1 9

Hazard, Ebenezer, 1 5 6

Gérard, Conrad Alexander, 1 3 3 , 449, 4 5 5

Heitman, Francis Bernard, 1 6 2

Gilbert, Nathaniel, 308, 3 1 3 , 3 1 9 , 4 1 8

Henry I V , 1 1

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 308

Henry, Patrick, 102, 1 2 5 , 1 2 6 , 298, 299,

Gledstone, J . P., 97 Goldsmith, Oliver, 95 Gough, James, 3 1 5 , 375 Gough, John, 375, 394 Green, John, 274 Griffith, Abraham, 428 Griffiths, Dr. Samuel Powell, 98, 365 Grubb, Isabel, 2 2 1 , 375 Guion, Madame, 3 1 4 , 3 1 5 Gummere, Amelia Mott, ix, 40, 104, 1 1 J , 2 1 2 , 2 2 1 , 222, 2 3 7 , 240, 243, 2 5 2 , 254, 263, 264, 280, 282, 3 1 5 , 326, 372, 377, 409» 479 Gurney, Elizabeth, 283 Gurney, Henry, 1 0 2 , 283 Gurney, John, 1 0 2 , 283 Gurney, Joseph John, 462 Gurney, Lucy, 283 Gurney, Priscilla Hannah, 462 Gurney, Samuel, 462

3 2 1 , 426, 443, 444, 500 Herberton, Mrs. Harriet Stephenson, 9 Hildeburn, C. R., 260 Hill, Hannah, 372 Hill, John, 74 Hill, Milcah Martha, 276, 372 Hill, Richard, 276, 3 8 1 Hill, Sarah, 261 Hinchman, Lydia S., 2 1 1 Hirst, M . E., 269 Historical

Society

of

Pennsylvania,

325,

334, 388, 395, 458, 475. 492, 497 History

of the Church of Scotland,

355

Hoare, Prince, 88 Hoare, Samuel, 86, 1 0 1 Hoch

Deutsch

Schreiber,

Pennsylvanische

Geschickt

27

Hocker, Edward W., 22, 27 Holder, Charles F., 2 1 1 Holland

Collection

of

Benezetiana,

207,

208, 2 1 2 , 2 1 4 , 2 1 6 , 2 1 7 Haines, Hinchman, 4 1 0 Haines, Reuben, 377

Holland, William J . , 4, 9, 10, 14, 1 6 , 22, 1 1 2 , 1 1 3 , 1 4 1 , 164, 207, 208

Hall, David, 235, 238, 260

Homer, 389

Hamilton, Alexander, 46

Hopkins, Rev. Samuel, 107

Hamilton, Governor James, 1 1 7 , 239, 250, 326

Horace, 352

Hanna, C. A., 228 Hannah,

Hopkins, Samuel, 394

sloop, 64

Harley, S. R., 227

Horsefield, Miss Sally, 9, 1 0 Horsefield, Timothy, 2 1 8 , 2 1 9 Horton, Parmenas, 274

INDEX

511

Hoskins, J o h n , 340

K n i g h t , Peter, 275

Houghton, John, 48, 162, 458

K u h n , A d a m , 365

H o w a r d , Eliot, 288

K u w e i d t , J o h n , 17

H o w e , Sir W i l l i a m , 129, 449 Hudson, Susanna, 277

Lablanc, Rene, 478

Hume, D a v i d , 95

Languedoc, 1

Hunt, John, 72, 144, 239, 255, 262, 286,

Lapierre, Peter, 16

289, 325

Largilliere, Nicholas de, 9, 10

Huntington Library, 479, 485

Latimer, H u g h , 1

Huss, John, 265

Laurens, Henry, 76, 128, 324

Hutchinson, Thomas, 403

L a w , W i l l i a m , 160, 243, 349, 367 Lawrence, Charles, 63, 64

Independent Irish Friend,

Gazeteer, The,

365, 438

Lay, B e n j a m i n , 7 7 , 78, 79, 468

311

Leach, J. G . , 429 Leadbeater, M . S., 293, 375 Lee, D r . A r t h u r H . , 301, 332, 422

James, Abel, 221, 423 James, Joseph, 462

Lee, Richard Henry, 125, 422

Jay, John, 130, 330

Leeuwenhoek, A n t o i n e V a n , 348

Jenyns, Soame,

347, 3 5 1 ,

352,

363,

432,

Lehaucourt, 6 Lehre, Jacob, 316

435. 438 Jess, Zechariah, 159, 160, 4 5 9

Leighton, Robert, 259, 278

Jewish

Les Freres

Spy,

22

du Font,

I

Johnson, Colonel, 2 1 9

Letuve, A n n e , 13

Johnson, Samuel ( L o n d o n ) , 9J, 209

L e v e r i n g , Joseph Mortimer, 218

Johnston, Colonel Francis, 162

Lewis, W i l l i a m , 106, 397

Johnston, Sir W i l l i a m , 406

Lieurard, Charlotte, 13

Jones, Blathwaite, lieutenant colonel, 334

Lieurard, M a d a m e Judith, 10

Jones, D a v i d , 380

L i g h t f o o t , Michael, 2 1 , 24, 81, 226

Jones, M a r y , 334

Lightfoot, Susanna, 277

Jones, O w e n , 264, 266

Lightfoot, Thomas, 277

Jones, P r i n g l e , 10

Lindley, Jacob,

Jones, Rebecca, 40, 4 1 , 261, 409

146,

149,

150, 158, 463,

464, 465, 466

Jones, W i l l i a m , 84

Lippincott, Horace M . , 209, 279, 393

Jordan, John W . , 259, 268, 269, 352, 406

Lischy, John Jacob, 17, 20

Jordan, Robert, 261

Livingston, G o v e r n o r , 128

Journal

of the Friends'

Historical

Society,

4 1 , 57, 150, 260, 288 Justice, Hilda, 109, 374

Livingston, Parson, 407 L i v i n g s t o n , Robert, 285, 385 Lloyd, Hannah, 270, 326, 431 L l o y d , John, 431

K a l m , Pehr, Swedish traveler, 20, 32

L l o y d , Mordecai, 270, 326, 431

K e i t h , G e o r g e , 82, 244

Lloyd,

K i n g of Prussia, Frederick W i l l i a m I, 75, 170 Kinsey, James, 3 1 7 Kinsey, John, 30

Mother

Hannah

Fishbourne,

131,

Logan, Deborah, 5, 4 1 , 42, 67, 147,

153,

326 L o g a n , Charles, 352 234, 466, 4 7 0

K i r k , Elisha, 375, 393

L o g a n , George, 25

Kirkbride, Joseph, 238

L o g a n , Hannah, 244, 246, 247

Kirkpatrick, J., M . D . , 282

Logan, James, 221, 239, 261

K l e i n , George, 2 1 2 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 7

L o g a n , W i l l i a m , 268, 269, 352, 4 1 5

K n i g h t , John, 379

L o n g f e l l o w , Henry W a d s w o r t h , 62

ANTHONY BENEZET

512 Lossing, B. J . , 490

Morris, Elizabeth, 2 2 1

Lovell, James, 384

Morris, Governor, 63, i l l ,

Louis X I V , 9, 10, i l , 1 2 , 61

Morris, James, 334

Louis X V I , 1 3 3 , 366

Morris, John, 3 7 2

Ludolf, H. W., 338

Morris, Margaret, 335, 347

Luzerne, Chevalier de la, 5, 45, 70, 93,

Morris, Sarah, 24, 2 2 1

1 3 1 , 1 3 4 . 1 3 5 . 1 3 6 , 3 8 ; , 4 5 1 , 455 Lynn, Elizabeth, 428

Morton, T . G., 227, 239, 287, 3 7 1

113

Mosely, John, 320 Mott, Sarah, 276

Maine Historical Society Collections, 61

Mulhern, James, 37

Magazine

Murray, N., 140, 307, 3 1 3 ,

of American

History,

131

314

Myers, Albert Cook, 2 1 , 24, 40, J 2,

Mansfield, Sir James, 296, 4 1 9 Marriott, Anna, 24

142,

239, 258, 261

Marriott, Joseph, 1 4 3 , 144, 166, 247, 254, 260, 2 6 1 , 263

Nathaniel

Marriott, Joyce, 23, 24, 25, 1 7 2

Coffi-n, ship, 46

Neale, Samuel, 293, 294, 296

Marriott, Mary, 23, 24, 25

Nelson, W., 260

Marriott, Samuel, 23, 25

New

Marriott, Sarah, 25

Encyclopaedia

edge,

Marriott, Thomas, 24

of

408

Marsillac, J e a n de, 237

Newton, John, 97

Martin, Josiah, 261

New

Mason, George, 244

York

Historical

272,

381,

New York Public Library, 292

Massey, Thomas, 243

Nicholson, Thomas, 309

Mather, William, 209

Nide, Elizabeth, 358

Matlack, Sibyl, 457

Ninde, Edward S., 96

Matthews, William, 368, 377, 388 Méjenelle, Judith de la, 8, 9, 1 0

Nitschmann, Bishop, 20

Méj enelle, M . Leon de la, 1 0

Nolan, J . Bennett,

Memorials

Society,

402, 4 1 7

Massey, Sarah, 243

of Catherine

Knowl-

New International Encyclopaedia, 20, 324,

Marshall, Christopher, 1 3 4 , 3 3 4

Memoirs

Religious

264

Phillips,

Concerning

Deceased

462 Mettayer, S., pastor, 6 Mifflin, John, 1 1 4 Mifflin, Warner, 108, 109, 374, 460 Minot, Pelagie, 167

ill

Norris, Charles, 25, 4 1 , 468

221 Friends,

Norris, Deborah, 25, 4 1 , 1 5 3 Norris, Isaac, 1 1 2 , 2 1 7 Norris, Joseph, 2 1 2 Norris, Mary Parker, 25, 4 1 , 234, 468 North, Lord Frederick, 4 1 9 , 420 Numa Pompilius, 364, 366, 386, 393

Minsi, John, 479 Molinos, Michael de, 330

Ogden, George W., 1 6 2

Montour, Andrew, 228

Oglethorpe, James Edward, 86, 97

Montour, Madame, 228

Okely, Francis, 334, 345

Montour, Roland, 228

Okely, John, 2 1 8 , 34S

Moon, R . C., 244, 334, 368, 373

Ovid, 352, 389

Moore, Dr. Charles, 276, 3 7 1 , 372

Owen, Griffith, 24

Moore, Samuel Preston, 372

Oxley, Joseph, 220, 283, 284, 293

Mordell, Albert, 1 4 2 Morgan, Evan, 239 Morgan, George, 443 Morris, Anthony, 29, 2 2 1

Paine, Thomas, 98 Pannier, Jacques, 14, 1 1 4 Papunahung, Indian Chief, 1 1 7 , 1 1 8 ,

119,

INDEX

513

1 2 0 , 1 2 4 , 252. 3 7 8 . 479. +80, 4 8 1 , 482,

Pitt, Secretary William, 72

483, 484, 485, 486, 487, 488, 489, 4 9 1

Pleasants, Mary, 352, 459 Pleasants, Robert, 56, 57, 94, 102,

Parker, James, 260, 304, 305

125,

1 2 6 , 144, 255, 298, 3 2 3 , 3 5 1 , 352, 4 2 5 ,

Parkman, Francis, 249

426, 436, 438, 443, 444, 445, 500

Parrish, John, 166, 374, 394 Parrish, Robert, 1 2 0

Pleasants, Samuel, 165, 325, 459

Pastorius, Francis Daniel, 27, 30

Pleasants, Thomas, 326

Patterson, Moses, 47

Plutarch, 364, 386

Paxton Boys, 120, 269, 405

Poetical

Payton, Catherine, 23, 2 2 1

Epistle

to the Enslaved

Africans,

19. 77

Payton, Henry, 2 2 1

Ponceau, Pierre Etienne du, 385

Peckover, Edmund, 260

Pontiac, 120, 248

Peisley, Mary, 24, 2 2 1 , 293

Porter, Miss Helen Benezet, 9, 4 1 6

Pemberton, Hannah, 378

Post, Christian Frederick, 1 1 6 ,

Pemberton, Israel, 30, 1 1 5 , 1 4 7 , 2 1 1 , 2 1 2 , 240, 325, 326

121,

124,

249, 250, 380, 401 Powell, Joseph, 2 1 6 , 2 1 7 , 2 1 9

Pemberton, Israel, J r . , 30, 3 3 7 , 380, 392, 394. 4 1 5

Powell, Samuel, 30 Powell, Thomas, 35, 257, 328

Pemberton, James, 65, 1 3 1 , 1 5 7 , 1 5 8 , 159, 162, 165, 237, 239, 264, 270, 297, 3 1 4 , 325, 326, 368, 394, 458, 460, 495 Pemberton, John, 46, 54, 1 0 2 , 106, ' 5 7 . 159. 162, 212,

Preston, Samuel, 29 Proud, Robert, 32, 47, 264, 277, 348 Pryor, Thomas, 328

131,

Public

Documents

3 1 4 , 32S, 3 3 1 , 346,

Public

Ledger,

of Nova

The,

368, 377. 378, 383. 388, 394. 395. 399.

Pyrlaeus, Charity, 166

458, 460

Pyrlaeus, J o h n

Pemberton Papers, 46, 1 5 7 , 1 5 8 , 1 6 5 , 3 3 1 , 388, 395

Scotia, 62

164

Christopher,

1 7 , 20,

141,

207, 208 Pyrlaeus, Mary, 166

Pendleton, Edmund, 1 2 5 , 455

Pyrlaeus, Susanna, 1 4 1 , 207

Penington, Edward, 325 Penn Charter School Records,

33, 47, 74

Queen Anne of Great Britain, 6 1 , 253

Penn, John, 250

Queen Charlotte

Penn, Richard, 250

Sophia of England,

100, 1 7 1 , 1 7 3 , 383. 4 %

Penn, William, 30, 36, 37, 76, 1 1 0 ,

114,

99,

4°3

Queen Marie Antoinette of France, 99

1 1 6 , 228, 239, 306, 307, 329, 368, 389,

Queen Maria of Portugal, 99

3 9 1 , 408, 460, 470 (Brother Onas), 1 1 6

Quebec, Peter, 228

Pennock, Elizabeth, 2 2 1 Pennsylvania

Gazette,

Pennsylvania

Magazine

21

Ragatz, Lowell J . , 302

of History

and

Bi-

Raiz, Y v a n , 1 6 4

ography, 20, 27, 45, 1 2 0 , 1 3 6 , 1 4 5 , 2 6 1 ,

Raleigh, Sir Walter, 308

277. 378

Ramsay, Andrew Michael, 354

Pennsylvania

Packet,

163

Pennsylvania

Testament

Randolph, Peyton, 1 2 5 of Zinzendorf,

20

Rapin, de Thoyras, 5, 470

Peters, Richard, 138

Rawle, William, 373

Philip I I , 8

Raynal, Abbé de, 60, 97, 98,

Philips, Edith, 1 7 Phillips, J . , 382, 396 Phillips, William, 2 2 1 Pickering, Jeremiah, 277 Piety Promoted, Pike, Sarah, 293

463

102,

160,

365. 374. 376. 382, 387, 394, 397, 438, 439 Read, Charles, 228 Read, Rachel, 2 1 2 Rechabites, 3 6 1 , 390, 4 3 4 Reckitt, William, 274

ANTHONY BENEZET

5 i4

Records of the American Catholic

Society,

136

Sewall, Samuel, 76 Sewel, W i l l i a m , 2 8 1 , 282

Redman, Joseph, 59

Shackleton, Richard, 102, 293, 320

Reichel, W . C., 216, 4 7 9

Sharp, G r a n v i l l e , 86, 87, 88, 89, 9 1 ,

Reinhold, George, 259, 332

94,

102, 104, 105, 1 5 1 , 280, 290, 296, 298,

Reinier, M a r y , 167

3 1 1 , 3 1 7 , 332, 373, 377, 382, 396, 4 1 8 ,

Reynear, Rachel, 429

4 1 9 , 422. 423. 424» 42S, 4 4 5 , 446. 4 4 7 .

Reynell, John, 30, 1 1 3 , 143, 227, 240

448

Reynolds, Sir Joshua, 95

Sharpless, H a n n a h , 348

Reynolds, Richard, 462

Sharpless, W i l l i a m T . , 4 1 0

Rice, H o w a r d C., 1 5 5

Shelley, Abraham, 45, 357

Richardson, Joseph, 1 1 4

Shephard, Charles, 302

Richardson, Sarah, 368 Ridgway

Library,

Shilely,

Philadelphia,

59,

224,

22s, 238, 244, 247, 254, 256, 258, 260, 261, 262, 265, 266, 267, 269, 368, 446, 448

Shoemaker, Mrs., 136 Short Specimen

of Apostolic

Preaching,

314

Shultz, Christopher, 394

R i d l e y , Nicholas, 1

Simon & Benezet, 17

Ritter, Abraham, 21

Simpson, M . , 308

Roberts, C. M . , 428

Slavery

Roberts, Daniel, 358

Not Forbidden

in Scripture,

94, 297

Small, Samuel, Jr., 5, 7

Roberts, M a r y , 226 Rochambeau, Commander, 1 3 1 , 4 5 5 R o d m a n , Hannah, 268

Smith, A b i g a i l , 401 Smith, Captain John, 403 Smith, E d w a r d W a n t o n , 371

Romulus, 366

Smith, H a n n a h L o g a n , 239, 270

Roscoe, W i l l i a m , 4 6 2

Smith, James, 271

R o w l a n d , Sarah, 269 Rush, B e n j a m i n , viii,

ship, 92, 3S7

Shippen, W i l l i a m , 268, 348

16, 59, 7 5 , 78, 87,

93. 94) 95» 96» 102, 104, 128, 138, 150, 156, 162, 167, 168, 297, 302, 303, 3 1 7 , 331, 382, 396, 426, 4 4 5 , 446, 448 Rutty, John, 238

Smith, Jane, 238 Smith, Jemy, 258, 267 Smith, John, 2 1 , 22, 24, 38, 39, 43, 58, 69, 70, 72, U S , " 7 .

52,

142, 143, 145.

154, 2 2 1 , 224, 225, 226, 227, 233, 235, 238, 239, 242, 243, 244, 247, 254, 256, 258, 260, 2 6 1 , 262, 263, 265, 266, 267,

Salmon, W i l l i a m , 253

269, 2 7 1

Sandiford, John, 78

Smith, John, son of J o h n , 270

Sandiford, Ralph, 7 7 , 78 Saurin, R e v . Jacques, 10

Smith, Joseph, 288, 346, 358, 396

Savery, W i l l i a m , 15, 32, 162, 4 5 8

Smith, M a r y Gertrude, 9

Savile, Sir G e o r g e , 421

Smith, Richard ( i n f a n t ) , 2 2 1 , 243

Schermerhorn, W . E., 262

Smith, Samuel, 227,

238, 243, 254,

Schwenkfeld, Caspar, 264

Smith, Samuel, historian, 403

Schwenkfelder Historical Library,

394

Smith, Sarah L o g a n ,

270

Scipio, 169

Smith, W i l l i a m , 278, 403

Seeker, T h o m a s , Archbishop of Canterbury,

Smyth,

273

Albert

Henry,

78,

91,

422,

423,

425

Selina, Countess D o w a g e r of

Huntingdon,

Société

de

l'Histoire

du

Protestantisme

."Française, 4

97 Sensible,

263,

282

Schoolmaster W i l l i a m , 208

ship, 1 3 4

Serle, Ambrose, 129

Society

for P r o p a g a t i n g

272, 4 1 7

the

Gospel,

236,

INDEX Somerset, James, 86, 87, 296, 4 1 9

515

Todd, John, 167, 370

Somervell, J o h n , 277

Tonquakena, 487

Sower, Christopher, 22, 27, 2 2 3 , 225, 226,

Townsend, John, 4 2 3 , 463 Trapp, Joseph, 367

243 Spangenberg, Augustus

Gottlieb, 20,

112,

Treatise

on the Trade,

319

Trotter, Benjamin, 248

162, 214, 2 1 5 Spangenberg, Joseph, 2 1 2 , 2 1 3 , 2 1 6 , 2 1 7

Tucker, Josiah, 446

Spavold, Samuel, 1 4 2 , 245

Turpin's, 3 4 1

Stabler, Edward, 256, 302, 309, 352, 353, 426, 436

Universal

Stabler, Mary, 353

Biographical

Dictionary,

349, 403,

446

Stabler, William, 256 Stanton, Abigail, 409

Valentine, Robert, 298

Stanton, Daniel, 409

Vaux, George, 1 4 5

Stapleton, A., 1 2 , 2 1

Vaux, Mrs. George, J r . , 226, 255

Star, James, 1 6 7

Vaux, Margaret, 224

Starbuck, Alexander, 77, 2 1 1

Vaux, Roberts, viii, ix, 16, 37, 4 1 , 42, 43,

Statutes of Pennsylvania,

68, 108

Sterling, James, 43, 262

47. S ° .

65. 72. 73, 78, 83, 86,

100,

106, 1 1 4 , 1 2 9 , 1 3 7 , 1 4 3 , 1 4 7 , 148, 1 5 4 ,

Sterne, Lawrence, 84

160, 1 6 1 , 224, 273, 297, 3 1 2 . 343. 4 ° 7 .

Swan,

463, 466, 477

sloop, 64

Swarthmore College, ix, 358, 375

Vergennes, Charles Gravier Comte de, 449

Swift, Jonathan, 140, 307

Vermalette, Pierre, 1 3

Talleyrand, Charles Maurice, 46

Vincent, Mary, 1 6 7

Tanner, William, 220

Virgil, 352, 389

Taylor, Francis R., 1 5 , 32, 458

Voltaire, François Marie Arouet, 5, 9, 1 7 ,

Vezenobre, 4

Taylor, Jeremy, 496

2 6 1 , 386

Taylor, Sarah, 243

Votes and Proceedings

Tedyuscung, 1 1 6 , 1 2 4 , 479

Voles of Assembly,

of Pennsylvania,

64

66, 67, 68, 69, 74, 457

Telford, John, 86, 1 0 1 Tennent, Rev. Gilbert, 2 1 , 22, 236

Wagener, Melchior, 394

Testart, Marie Madelaine, 6

Wagstaffe, Thomas, 288, 3 7 3 , 388

Testart, M . Pierre, 6

Walking Purchase of 1 7 5 7 ,

Thackeray, William M., 80

Wain, Nicholas, 55, 106, 368, 374,

Thomas, Governor George, 20 Thomson, Charles, 1 1 7 , 227, 228, 380 Thompson, John, 2 8 1 , 326 Thompson, Jonah, 1 4 1 , 220, 224, 242, 2 8 1 , 3J8, 416, 4 1 7

no 381,

383, 388, 394, 39S, 399 Washington,

George,

10,

125,

130,

162,

334. 373. 459 Watson, John F., 30, 3 1 , 32, 36, 37, 46, 108, 1 1 4 , 1 3 9 , 1 5 4 , 1 6 1 ,

162

Thompson, Thomas, 358

Watts' Bibliotheca

Thornton, Ann, 40

Watts, Isaac, 243

Thornton, James, 3 8 1 , 4 2 3 , 462, 463

Wayne, General Anthony, 380

Thorp, John, 462, 463

Webb, Elizabeth, 100, 160, 3 1 3 , 346, 349,

Thorp, Jonathan, 463

355. 375. 393. 394. Webb, Thomas, 305, 308, 3 1 3 Weeks, Stephen B., 255, 2 6 1 , 274, 309 Weigner, George, 395 Weiser, Conrad, 1 2 4 , 380, 490 Wells, Richard, 165, 244, 270, 2 7 1

Thorwaldsen, 1 2 7 Three Friends,

sloop, 64

T i l l , Margaret, 160, 1 6 7 Tissot, Charles V., 282 Tissot, Simon Andre, 282

Britannica,

330

5

ANTHONY BENEZET

I6

W i s t e r , M a r g a r e t , 377

W e s l e y , Charles, 279 W e s l e y , J o h n , 84, 85, 86, 1 0 1 , 102,

105,

2 1 6 , 279, 2 9 1 , 308, 318, 382, 396, 447 W e s t , B e n j a m i n , 95, IOO, 402

W i s t e r , Sally, 40, 4 1 W i t h e r s p o o n , D r . J o h n , 95 W o o d y , T h o m a s , 246, 253, 2 5 7 , 3 5 7 , 370,

Westcott, T . , 268

458

W e t h e r i l l , Samuel, 334, 335, 337, 340, 428

W o o l m a n , A b r a h a m , 372

W h a r t o n , Samuel, 406

W o o l m a n , A s h e r , 372

W h i t e , H a n n a h , 328

W o o l m a n , Eber, 372

W h i t e , Robert, 252

W o o l m a n , J o h n , ix, 54, 7 7 , 79, 104,

W h i t e , bookseller, 447 W h i t e f i e l d , G e o r g e , 95, 96, 97, 1 4 1 ,

207,

2 1 6 , 236, 279, 283 W h i t t i e r , John G r e e n l e a f ,

111,

143, 1 6 1 , 236, 244, 278, 288, 304, 3 1 2 , 3 1 3 , 3 1 6 , 328, 382, 396, 4 2 9 W o o l m a n , Rebecca, 372 142

Worcester, N o a h , vii

W i a n d o t , K i n g , 1 2 3 , 385

W o r r a l l , Peter, 253

W i l b e r f o r c e , W i l l i a m , 86

Wycliffe, John, 1

W i l l of Benezet, 165 W i l l e t s , Clements, 58 W i l l i a m and M a r y C o l l e g e , 4 2 5 , 436, 4 4 4 William

and Mary

College

Quarterly,

425

W i l l i a m P e n n Charter School Records, 29, 34. 35) 37> 4 ° . 4 3 . 4 7 W i l l i a m , P r i n c e of O r a n g e , 5 W i l l i a m s , Isaac, 25

Xantung,

306

Xantung,

Exhortation

to, 405

Y a r n a l l , M a r y , 226 Y a r n a l l , M o r d e c a i , 43, 226, 262, 348 Y a r n a l l , P e t e r , 348 Y e r k e s , Joseph, 370

W i l l i n g ' s A l l e y , 48 W i l l s , James, Jr., 1 6 4

Yorkshireman,

W i l s o n , Christopher, 240

Young, Edward, 91, 424

W i l s o n , Elizabeth,

Y o u n g , W i l l i a m , 302, 350

349

The,

152

W i l s o n , Isaac, 2 7 7 W i l s o n , Rachel, 277

Z a n e , Isaac, 36, 1 2 3 , 378, 492, 495

W i n s o r , Justin, 285

Zeisberger, D a v i d , 4 7 9

W i s t a r , Caspar, 381, 382, 384, 396, 400

Z i m m e r m a n , Salome, 259

Wistar, Thomas,

Zinzendorf,

W i s t e r , J o h n , 259

114

von

1 4 1 , 208, 265

(Brother

Ludwig),

20,