Five Mountains: the Rinzai Zen monastic institution in medieval Japan 9780674304970, 9781684172177, 9780674304987

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Five Mountains

HARVARD EAST ASIAN MONOGRAPHS 8&5

FIVE MOUNTAINS The Rinzai Zen Monastic Institution in Medieval Japan

MARTIN COLLCUTT

Published by COUNCIL ON EAST ASIAN STUDIES, HARVARD

UNIVERSITY, and distributed by HARVARD UNIVERSITY

PRESS, Cambridge (Massachusetts) and London 1981

© Copyright 1981 by The President and Fellows of Harvard College

468 1097653

The Council on East Asian Studies at Harvard University publishes a mono-

graph series and, through the Fairbank Center for East Asian Research, administers research projects designed to further scholarly understanding of China, Japan, Korea, Vietnam, Inner Asia, and adjacent areas. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Collcutt, Martin, 1939Five Mountains. (Harvard East Asian monographs ; 85) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Monasticism and religious orders, Zen—Japan. 2. Monastic and religous life (Zen Buddhism)—Japan.

I. Title. II. Series.

BQ9294.4.J3C64 294.3657 0952 80-23316 ISBN 0-674-30498-5

To My Parents

Foreword

In the past two decades, young scholars writing in English on Japan

have increasingly left the well-traveled highroads of traditional historical and cultural studies to explore the byroads and the large tracts of still unstudied terrain in Japan’s past. In doing this they have often been following in the pioneering footsteps of new generations of Japanese scholars, but often enough they have led the way themselves. Through these explorations, they have opened up whole new vistas on Japan’s past and greatly expanded our un-

derstanding of its complexities and diversities. Martin Collcutt, who teaches in the Department of East Asian Studies at Princeton University, leads us in such an adventure into new terrain in his FIVE MOUNTAINS: THE RINZAI ZEN MONASTIC INSTITUTION IN MEDIEVAL JAPAN. It explores the history and organization of the gozan organization within the Rinzai branch of Zen,

which reached its apogee from the late thirteenth to the early fifteenth centuries and played a prominent role in medieval Japanese Buddhism and an even more dominant role in the culture of the time. This volume is an important addition to the Harvard East Asian Monograph Series, which is published by the Council on East Asian Studies at Harvard and is designed to present contributions of lasting scholarly value based on original research. While Buddhism has been Japan’s leading religion for most of the nation’s history, playing a part in its culture only slightly less

important than Christianity in European civilization, we know little about Buddhist institutional development in Japan. There

Vili Foreword has been a great deal written on its sects and their philosophies and the whole theological, philosophical, and even artistic development of Japanese Buddhism, but little on its internal organization and development or its economic and political role in society. We would find strangely distorted an account of European civilization

which, while discussing the development of Christian theology, told us almost nothing about the Christian church. But we have been satisfied with such one-sided portrayals of Buddhism in Japan.

It is ironic that Zen philosophy, which is commonly characterized as being beyond words, has inspired millions of words in English print, whereas Zen institutions, though vastly important in many aspects of medieval Japanese civilization and in no way beyond description in words, have drawn so few. Professor Collcutt goes a long way toward redressing the balance by describing gozan history and organization fully and with meticulous care for accurate detail. Most readers will have much to learn from this book: the gradual introduction of Zen in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries and its easy eclecticism during its early years; the close patterning of Zen institutions on Chinese Sung and Yuan models; the huge role played by a large number of Chinese immigrant monks, many of them refugees from Mongol rule, and by semi-Sinicized Japanese monks who had studied for long years in China; the size and novelty of the Chinese cultural impact that accompanied Zen and made that period in some ways comparable to the time of the first great wave of Chinese influence in the seventh to ninth centuries; the determining role of the patronage of the late Hojo shikken of Kamakura, the ill-fated Emperor Go-Daigo, and the early Ashikaga, particularly Takauji’s brother Tadayoshi; the huge size, the elaborate structure, and the complexity of organization of the whole gozan system; and the deep penetration of this system into the economic and social fabric of medieval Japan. Professor Collcutt takes his reader over fascinating new terrain. The thoroughness of his work and his eye for careful detail make one feel that the trail he has blazed will need little later correction or even widening by others. Edwin O. Reischauer

Contents

FOREWORD by EDWIN O. REISCHAUER V11

PREFACE XV

INTRODUCTION 1 PART I: THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE INSTITUTION 23

1 JAPANESE ZEN PIONEERS AND THEIR PATRONS 25 | Stages of Acculturation 28 Motives of Japanese Zen Pioneers 31 Eisai and the Kamakura Shogunate 36 Enni and Kuj6 Michiie 41 Shinchi and the Ideal of the Recluse 48 Dogen and His Patrons 49 2 CHINESE EMIGRE MONKS AND JAPANESE WARRIOR-RULERS 57

Hojo Patronage 57 Hojo Tokiyori and Lan-ch’i Taolung 65 Hojo Tokiyori and Wu-an P’u-ning 68 Hojo Tokimune’s Patronage of Zen 70 Hojo Tokimune and Wu-hsueh Tsu-yuan 72 Hojo Sadatoki and I-shan I-ning 73

x Contents Hojo Takatoki’s Patronage of Zen 76 The Zen Contribution to Warrior Culture 78 Provincial Diffusion of Zen 80 Imperial Patronage of Zen 84

3 THE ARTICULATION OF THE GOZAN SYSTEM 91 Go-Daigo and Muso-— 92

Reorganization of the Gozan 93 Go-Daigo’s Motives 94 Ashikaga Patronage of Zen 98 Takauji and Tadayoshi 102 The Building of Tenryiiji and Ashikaga Power 103 Ankokuji and Rishotd = 106 Gozan, Jissatsu, and Shozan 109

Regional Distribution 115 Centralization and Control of the Gozan by the Ashikaga 117 The Tenka Soroku and the InrySshoku 119 Zenith and Decline 123 The Emergence of Daitokuji and Mydshinji 125 PART I: THE STRUCTURE OF THE INSTITUTION 131

4 THE ZEN MONASTIC LIFE AND RULE 133 The Development of the Rule 133 The Problem of the Pai-chang Code 136 The Ch’an-men Regulations and the Ch’an-yuan Code 138 Introduction of the Ch’an Monastic Rule to Japan 145 The Rinsenji Code 149 Bakufu Regulation of the Gozan 165

5 THE MONASTERY ANDITS SUB-TEMPLES 171 Transmission of the Ground Plan 172

The Setting 182

Contents x1 The Layout 183 Gates 188 The Buddha Hall 190 The Dharma Hall 194 The Abbot’s Building 197 The Bathhouse, Latrines, and Washstands 201 The Monks’ Hall 206 The Reading Room = 215

The Kitchen-Office 218

6 THE COMMUNITY 221

The Abbot 228 | Population 221

The Officers 236 Acolytes 243 Postulants and Novices 245

7 THE ZEN MONASTIC ECONOMY 249 Ch’an Communities in China 249 Japan: Zen Monastic Domains 253 The Engakuji Economy 255 The Nanzenji Economy 263 The Daitokuji Economy 269 Management of the Zen Monastic Domain 275

CONCLUSION 291

NOTES 301 BIBLIOGRAPHY 335 GLOSSARY 361 INDEX 383

Illustrations

1. East Asia in the Year 1200 6

2. The Provinces of Medieval Japan 12 3. The Monastery of T’ien-t’ung-shan 34 4, Ch’an Master Wu-chun Shih-fan 42 5. The Monastery of Tofukuji | , 44 6. Gozan Woodblock Printed Book 46 7. H6j6 Tokiyori in the Robes of a Zen Abbot 60

8. Document Signed by Hdjo Takatoki 112

9. Ground Plan of T’ien-t’ung-shan 176

10. Ground Plan of Kenchoji | 179

11. The Buddha Hall at Chin-shan 198

12. The Bathhouse at T’ien-t’ung-shan 203

13. The Latrine at Chin-shan 204

14. The Monks’ Hall at Ching-shan 213 15. The Reading Room at Chin-shan 216

Preface

The Buddhist institution was as powerful a force in medieval Japan as the Christian church in medieval Europe; and Buddhist monks, nuns, and shavelings as ubiquitous in medieval Japanese society as nobles, warriors, peasants, or merchants. We know woefully little, however, about the organization of Japanese Buddhist monasteries, the ways in which they acquired, extended,

and managed their lands, the kinds of economic activities they engaged in, or the political and military influence they exerted. Nor have we a very much firmer grasp of the individual character and interaction of the various schools of Buddhism, of the daily religious lives of monks and nuns, or of their social, cultural, and intellectual interests. Without a more detailed understanding of the Buddhist church and its pervasive presence in society, our intellectual map of medieval Japan must remain vague and misleading. Recent Western scholarship on medieval Japan has tended to focus on emerging warriors, declining nobles, militant peasants, and nascent townspeople. Important as these groups undoubtedly were in the shaping of medieval society, a rounded view must also take into account the still potent religious institutions.’

Comprehensive treatment of the many streams of “old” and “new,” or popular, Buddhism in medieval Japan would go well beyond the scope of a single book. Even an adequate discussion of the history of the various schools of medieval Zen Buddhism, just one segment of the whole Buddhist institution, would call

xvi Preface for several volumes. This book describes the institutional develop-

ment and organization of one important branch of medieval Japanese Zen, that embracing the three hundred or so officially sponsored monasteries—and their several thousand sub-temples and branch temples—of the Five Mountains (gozan) schools of

Zen during the period from the introduction of Zen teachings from China by Eisai (or Y6dsai)? and other monks in the late twelfth century, through the zenith of the gozan system under the patronage of the Ashikaga shoguns in the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, to its enervation and eclipse by rival schools of Zen in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Some mention

is made of non-gozan Rinzai Zen, of S6t6 Zen, and of Obaku Zen introduced to Japan in the mid-seventeenth century. The primary concern of the book, however, is with the medieval gozan

network. Many early Chinese Zen (Ch’an) communities were established in remote mountain fastnesses, and most later Zen monasteries, whether built in mountain valleys or on level ground, continued to imply this ideal of a detached and lofty spiritual retreat by adopt-

ing the name of a mountain as part of their official title. Thus the full title of the Kyoto Zen monastery of Nanzenji is Zuiryizan Taihei Kokoku Nanzen Zenji or ‘‘Auspicious Dragon Mountain

Southern Zen Temple for the Promotion of Great Peace and the Prosperity of the Realm.” During the Southern Sung Dynasty some fifty leading Chinese Zen monasteries are thought to have been ranked in a three-tier, officially regulated hierarchy headed by Five Mountains: the Ching-shan wan shou ch’an ssu, Pei-shan ch’ing te ling-yin ch’an ssu, and Nan-shan ch’eng t’zu pao en kuang

hsiao ch’an ssu of Hangchow and the Tai-pai-shan t’ien t’ung ching te ch’an ssu and A-yii-wang-shan kuang li ch’an ssu of Ming-

chou.* This Five Mountains system was imitated and enlarged in medieval Japan and came to include most, though not all, of the medieval Rinzai Zen lineages and one branch of the Sét6 school.

Here, a note of caution should be sounded. Throughout this book, I refer frequently to Five Mountains ‘“‘systems” in China and Japan. In Japan, as the ensuing chapters will demonstrate,

Preface xvii there certainly developed a carefully regulated, centralized system of officially sponsored Rinzai Zen monasteries. In Sung and Yuan dynasty China, however, the character of the Ch’an monastery and the extent of a Five Mountains system are somewhat more problem-

atic. Some doubt may be expressed as to whether so-called Chinese Ch’an Buddhist monasteries ever assumed the exclusive sectarian character that was typical of the great Zen monasteries of medieval Japan. Even if the teaching, practice, and ceremonial in individual Chinese monasteries was dominated by Ch’an monks,

it is possible that the same monasteries also sheltered monks whose primary commitment was to Pure Land or Lu (Vinaya) teachings. Moreover, although Japanese scholars of the history of

Zen all point to the creation of a system of officially regulated Ch’an monasteries in late Sung China, they say little or nothing about the actual operation of that system. The Chinese documentary evidence commonly cited in support of the Five Mountains system is a reference by the early Ming scholar-official Sung Lien

(1310-1381) to the existence of ‘Five Mountains and Ten Temples.”’ Sung Lien provides neither a detailed description nor a history of the network. On the other hand, in spite of the dearth of descriptive evidence,

it would be rash to deny the existence of distinctively Ch’an monastic centers or of a cluster of government-sponsored Ch’an

monasteries in late Sung China. Many monasteries used the characters ‘“‘Ch’an monastery” as part of their formal title; codes such as the Ch’an-yuan ch’ing-kuei were written specifically for Ch’an monasteries; and diagrams made of their distinctive features.

Further, in setting up the Five Mountains system in Japan, Japanese Rinzai monks and their secular patrons were convinced

that they were faithfully reproducing a type of monastery and monastic organization that existed in contemporary China. Japanese monks, many of whom had been to China, had the guidance of Chinese émigré monks. Thus, even if the Chinese Five Mountains system was less sharply defined than its Japanese offshoot, it was unlikely to have been a figment of their imaginations. It is with the above proviso in mind that I refer to the Chinese

xviii Preface Five Mountains. For a clearer picture of Ch’an Buddhism in the

Sung and Yuan dynasties, we must await further research by scholars of Chinese history and religion into the Buddhist institution as a whole and into the religious environment of such Ch’an centers as A-yu-wang-shan or Ching-shan.

Although most modern Japanese Rinzai Zen traces its spiritual

ancestry to the Chinese Zen patriarchs, not via the old gozan schools but through Hakuin (1686-1769), the extra-gozan lineages

of Daitokuji and Myéshinji, and their founders Shihd Mydchs (1282-1337), and Kanzan Egen (1277-1360), the gozan schools and monasteries are worthy of more careful scrutiny than they have hitherto received in Western scholarship on Japan. The gozan was certainly the most socially influential, economically powerful

sector of medieval Zen. Moreover, the fully articulated gozan network spread from Kyoto and Kamakura throughout all the provinces of Japan, and gozan monasteries served as centers for the introduction and diffusion not only of Zen Buddhism but also of Chinese learning and culture, contributing inestimably to the enrichment of medieval intellectual and cultural life. Although eclipsed by other branches of Rinzai Zen in the late medieval period, gozan monasteries—Shdkokuji, Nanzenji, Tenrytji, Kenchoji, Engakuji—continued to play a significant role in Tokugawa society, and some of the former gozan are among the most visited present-day Japanese Zen centers.

The gozan group comprised several distinct Zen lineages, of which those deriving from Musd Soseki (1275-1351) and Enni Ben’en (1202-1280) were the most numerous. Nevertheless, the gozan network lends itself to study as a single unit. All the

monasteries were regulated by similar monastic codes and shared a common pattern of layout and organization. All were linked to the center, eventually regulated from within Shokokuji in Kyoto, and treated as a single group by warrior governments. Famous Zen masters from Kyoto or Kamakura gozan were invited

to head provincial monasteries, while able or well-connected young monks from the provinces could rise to the headship of one of the Kamakura or Kyoto gozan. And, in their style of Zen

Preface x1x and their Chinese cultural predilections, the gozan shared common

traits which distinguished them subtly, but decisively, from non-gozan Rinzai and S6t6 Zen monasteries.

- Surviving documentary source materials for the history of the

gozan are plentiful, but hitherto only partially explored in the Western literature. Zen monastic codes, ground plans of Chinese and Japanese Zen monasteries, the records and diaries of leading gozan prelates, volumes of poetry in Chinese, as well as religious paintings, portraits, and ink paintings all shed light on the daily monastic life and cultural activities of the gozan. While documen-

tation for provincial gozan monasteries is sparse, documents detailing the organization and economic life of some of the major

Kamakura and Kyoto gozan—Engakuji, Kenchoji, Nanzenji, Tofukuji—have survived and been printed, and the copious docu-

mentary record of Daitokuji also throws light on the gozan economy. Gozan monasteries were also frequently mentioned in

secular legal codes and diaries of the day. With this wealth of documentation, the gozan system is one medieval Japanese institu-

tion that invites the writing of a detailed history. A number of fine studies by Japanese scholars have been written. There are excellent studies of Nanzenji and Engakuji by Sakurai Kageo and Tamamura Takeji.© Imaeda Aishin’s Chusei Zenshu-shi no kenkyu

looks in great detail at the articulation of the gozan system. Haga KOshird’s Chisei Zenrin no gakumon oyobi bungaku ni kansuru kenkyu is still the finest introduction to the intellectual life of the gozan.® Three excellent essays on aspects of the gozan

organization and culture have recently appeared in English,’ some gozan poetry has been translated,® and catalogues prepared

for exhibitions of Chinese and Japanese ink paintings at the Boston Museum of Fine Arts and the Art Museum, Princeton, in 1972 and 1975, have also enlarged our understanding of the cul-

tural pursuits and talents of Zen monks.? Most of the work in English to date, however, has tended to focus on the cultural aspects of the gozan.'° This book seeks to describe the monastic environment within which gozan Zen culture emerged; to relate the medieval gozan monasteries to the political and economic

Xx Preface life of the age; and to present the gozan as a working Buddhist monastic system in a warrior-dominated society. To this end, Part One provides a historical survey of the introduction and development of Sung dynasty Zen in medieval Japan

viewed, as far as possible, from the standpoint of the Japanese secular patrons of Zen monasteries. Part Two examines the structure of the medieval Zen monastery, its characteristic buildings,

community organization, monastic rule, and economic life. Throughout the book, the emphasis is on the institutional develop-

ment and organization of Zen monasteries, rather than on the spiritual content of gozan Zen or the intellectual, literary, and cultural activities of Zen monks. Readers seeking an understanding

of Zen enlightenment or of the essence of Zen-related aesthetics are unlikely to find it here."’ They should, however, gain some insight into the importance that Zen monks have always attached to the disciplined organization of monastic life and the careful management of resources in sustaining an environment conducive to the monk’s striving for enlightenment. They should also, it

is hoped, attain a fuller understanding of the place of gozan Zen monasteries in the social, political, and economic life of medieval Japan.

In the course of writing this book, I have become indebted to many friends, fellow research workers, librarians, and foundations.

Professor John M. Rosenfield first stimulated my interest in Muso and his regulations for the Rinsenji community.'* To understand the Rinsenji Code 1 quickly found I had to learn more about the tradition of Zen monastic codes, the organization and economic life of Zen monasteries, and the development of the gozan system. Professors Donald H. Shively, Albert M. Craig,

Masatoshi Nagatomi, and Edwin O. Reischauer have always provided generous guidance and encouragement. Professors Kenneth Grossberg, James Kanda, Marius B. Jansen, Frederick W. Mote, James H. Sanford, Carl Steenstrup, Patricia Tsurumi, Denis

C. Twitchett, Holmes Welch, and Philip B. Yampolsky have provided invaluable criticism of all or parts of the manuscript. The staffs of the Harvard-Yenching Library and the Gest Oriental Library, Princeton, have been unfailingly helpful. Peter Bol and Anders Hansson kindly reviewed the glossary.

Preface xxi A Harvard Traveling Fellowship allowed me to spend 1972-1973

in Japan, where a grant from the Nomura Foundation permitted me to visit many more Zen monasteries than I would otherwise have been able to see. Completion of the book has been facilitated

by a National Endowment for the Humanities Research Fellowship for 1977-1978. In Kyoto I was given generous assistance by Professors Hayashiya Tatsusaburo, Yoshida Mitsukuni, Kumakura Isao, and other members of the Kyoto University Jinbun Kagaku Kenkyijo, and by Professors Yanagida Seizan and Kimura Shizuo of Hanazono University. In Tokyo, Professors Fujiki Hisashi, Haga

Koshird, Hirose Rydkd, Imaeda Aishin, Nagahara Keiji, Sasaki Ginya, Tamamura Takeji, and Tamamuro Fumio answered many questions and directed me to new materials. The temples, universities, and publishers who kindly gave me permission to use illustrations are acknowledged on the appropriate pages. I wish to express a personal word of thanks to Professor Hirose Ryoko, Komazawa University, Tokyo; Professor Isao Kumakura, Tsukuba University, and Professor Kikuchi Yujird of the Historiographical Research Institute (ShiryGhensan-jo), Tokyo University. The Rev-

erend Morinaga Sdk6, Dashu’in in Kyoto, kindly provided the calligraphy for the binding. In Florence Trefethen of the Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard, I found the ideal editor: patient, meticulous, and always ready with suggestions for improvements in the clarity of presentation. Her colleague, Mary Ann Flood, generously undertook the task of providing an index. To Teruko Craig I owe thanks for her calligraphy in the bibliography and the glossary. I owe a special debt of gratitude to my wife, Akiko, who,

in addition to typing drafts, prepared maps and diagrams, and checked translations. If errors of fact or judgment remain in the book, they are the responsibility of the author. Princeton, New Jersey January, 1981

Introduction

Zen monastic life is still carried on in Japan today substantially as it was practiced in medieval Japan or Sung dynasty China. More then 21,000 Zen temples are active. Of these, 15,000 belong to the 7 branches of the Sot6 school, some 6,000 to the 15 Rinzai lineages, and a small number to the Obaku school.' The majority

are small, run by a Zen priest, with his wife and family if he is married—celibacy has been optional since the Meiji period—and perhaps two or three novices. There are also a number of training centers, known as sodo (literally, ‘““monks’ halls’) or senmon dojo (specialized training places), within such historically renowned monasteries as Engakuji in Kamakura; Daitokuji, Mydshin-

ji, Nanzenji, Shokokuji and Tofukuji in Kyoto; Etheiji in Fukui prefecture; SOjiji in Yokohama; Manpukuji at Uji; and many more.

Although their meditation halls do not contain as many monks today as formerly, most sodd probably have between fifteen and thirty monks enrolled at any one time. It is the sodo that most faithfully preserves the spirit and forms of the Zen monastic tradition.’ Those young Japanese who choose the spiritual and physical rigors of Zen monastic life are sent, after several years of preparatory training in meditation, sutra chanting, and basic Zen monastic regulation at a small temple, to one of the large sodo for four, five, six, or more years of intensive Zen monastic practice.

2 Introduction While in the sddo, the young monk lives a communal life in an open hall, rises daily at three or four A.M., sits in meditation for six or seven hours; or for fifteen or sixteen during the monthly week-long retreats known as sesshin. He visits his master frequently for guidance in meditation or to offer his interpretation of a koan (case). With his fellow monks he regularly chants the sutras, engages in manual labor (samu), or goes out seeking alms (takuhatsu). His life is silent, lived within the framework of a detailed rule and under the strictest discipline.

Few Zen monks today spend their whole lives in a sodo. For a typical monk, this rigorous phase ends in his late twenties when he is appointed as an officer or assistant head of a smaller temple. There, administrative duties, the training of novices, discussion with local people and temple patrons, and, perhaps, the demands

of family life will impose their own pattern on the daily life of the Zen priest and inevitably temper the severity and regularity to which he was accustomed in the sodo. There are critics who say that Japanese Zen monastic life is now

little more than a hollow shell, the unthinking repetition of past forms, and that, like many other branches of Japanese Buddhism, it has lost its spiritual energy and been infected by secular values.

Zen monks are themselves among the first to admit that young men whose fathers are monks and who will in time themselves inherit a family temple may enter the Zen monastic life from a sense of family responsibility as much as from any deeply felt spiritual need. They will also agree that it is possible for monks to treat their sodo experience as a spartan initiation, severe while

it lasts but, thankfully, not a lifetime commitment, and that monks who have “graduated” may sometimes seem to show, by the standards of Theravada or Western monastic and religious life, a too-ready compromise with secular values. But they will go

on to assert that the practice of Zen is a personal experience, depending less on forms than on the sincerity of each individual in meditation, self-examination, and debate with his Zen master;

that a perceptive Zen master, or roshi, will quickly expose hypocrisy; that some young men may enter a monastery out of a

Introduction 3 sense of duty, but that that alone will hardly be sufficient to sustain them through the long and searching years of sodo life. Most important, they urge, is the simple fact that Zen itself has not changed,

that it is today what it has always been—the most direct path for the determined seeker to the intuitive enlightenment experience of the Buddha himself. This book is less concerned with the allegedly

unchanging reality of Zen than with the mutable institutional framework, the Zen monastery, in which the teaching and practice have been borne through time. Although we cannot say with any certainty that Zen today is purer or less pure than it was in medieval Japan or T’ang or Sung dynasty China, there can be no ques-

tion that the Zen institution in Japan today, notwithstanding the impressive number of surviving monasteries, is very much less prominent than in medieval society. Knowledge of Zen teachings and meditation techniques seems to have first been introduced to Japan from T’ang dynasty China by the Japanese monk Dosho (629-700), who founded the Hosso school in Japan and is said to have built a number of meditation halls, and by the Chinese monks Tao-hsuan (Dosen, 702-760) and I-k’ung (Gika), who expounded Zen to Emperor Saga (786-842).° The Japanese monks Saicho (767-822), the founder of the Japanese Tendai school, and Ennin (793-864) were also familiar with

Zen as a result of their travels on the continent. Ennin, for instance, records several encounters with Chinese Zen monks: After the forenoon meal thirteen Zen and other monks came to see us. [They were] Hui-yiin of the Tendai Sect from the Ch’ien-fu-ssu of Ch’ang-an and the Zen Scholar Monks: Hung-chien, Fa-tuan, Shih-shih, Hsing-chtian, Ch’ang-mi, Fa-chi, Fa-chen, Hui-shen, Ch’iian-ku, Ts’ungshih, Chung-ch’iian, and T’an-yu. They wrote by brush:

Together, quite idly and without attachments, like clouds floating about the landscape, we descended from Wu-feng and wandered to Ch’u and Ssu. Now, having reached this region, we are particularly happy to pay you our respects. It is most extraordinary, and great is our rejoicing. We now intend to go to [Mt.] T’ien-t’ai, and so we take leave of you and depart. Our great esteem. Writing by brush, we then replied:

4 Introduction We Japanese monks now meet with you monks because in the past we had important affinities with you. We know for certain that one must dwell in the emptiness which is the nature of the Law. [Our meeting] is most fortunate. If we reach [Mt.] T’ien-t’ai, we shall certainly see you. Our great esteem 4

Later in his travels he met another group of Zen devotees: After we had eaten, we drank tea, and then, heading due north, we went twenty-five li to Hsing-t’ang hsien in the territory of Chen-chou and went to the Hsi-ch’an-yiian inside the walled town and spent the night. There were over twenty Zen monks who were extremely unruly men at heart.°

Zen did not immediately take root in Japan as an independent school of Buddhism, however. For centuries it was incorporated within the Tendai tradition as one element in the fourfold Tendai practice of sutra study, esoteric rituals, the Vinaya, and contem-

plation. It remained in this subordinate position until the thirteenth century. The failure of Zen to establish its independence on initial contact can be attributed to the overpowering vitality and popularity of contemporary Tendai and Shingon Buddhism among the Japanese court nobility, to the extreme novelty and paradoxical character of the Zen teachings, to the relative sectarian immaturity of Ch’an in T’ang dynasty China, and to the interruption of official relations between Japan and China from the close of the ninth century. Contact with China was reopened in the late Heian period (794-

1185), and from the closing years of the twelfth century Ch’an teachings again began to flow into Japan. The religious situation in China had changed in the intervening period. While Pure Land Buddhism was spreading widely among the people, Ch’an had assumed more clear-cut sectarian form and outstripped T’ien-t’ai, Hua-yen, and the other older Chinese Buddhist schools in religious and social influence to become the dominant branch of monastic Buddhism in China.® It was only natural, therefore, that the growing number of Japanese monks visiting Southern Sung China and

Introduction 5 staying in monasteries in the Hangchow region that were filled with Ch’an monks and headed by Ch’an masters should have been impressed by Ch’an monastic life and teachings and should have

wished to introduce them to Japan. For the first half-century or so, growth was slow. Although with monks like N6nin, Eisai (YOsai), Dogen, and Enni Ben’en it was beginning to make its presence felt, in the year 1250 Zen was still a relatively obscure and alien teaching in Japanese Buddhist circles. While many young

monks, discouraged by spiritual decline within the established Buddhist sects in Japan, were being drawn to Zen as a more vital form of reformed Buddhist practice and monastic life, there were still, in the mid-thirteenth century, very few monasteries in Japan where even a diluted form of syncretic Tendai-Zen was practiced.

By the mid-fourteenth century, however, both the Rinzai and Sdto traditions were firmly rooted as independent schools in Japan. Many hundreds of ‘“‘pure” Zen monasteries and temples were scattered throughout the country, with the metropolitan monasteries under shogunal or imperial patronage, and lesser temples supported by provincial warriors. Agvaghosa in the Buddhacarita (Deeds of the Buddha) relates that Prince Gautama suffered a spiritual crisis at the age of twentynine when, venturing for the first time outside the security of his

palace, he saw the evidence of individual human suffering, old age, and death. Shaken by the knowledge that human life was not the round of pleasures to which he was accustomed, the prince set

out on a personal search for liberation and passionless understanding. Failing to find an answer in intellectual speculation or in

mortification of the body, Sakyamuni eventually attained his enlightenment and entry to Nirvana through meditation, the Middle Path.’ According to the Buddhist tradition, therefore, the Buddha was not an enlightened being from birth. He had to seek his own en-

lightenment and found it in meditation. The Zen schools teach that each individual, through the practice of meditation (zazen), can, in his own lifetime, relive the spiritual enlightenment attained

by the Buddha; can ‘‘see into his own nature and become the

FIGURE 1: East Asia in the Year 1200

“ .INNER ~~MONGOLIA Y 3 | -,3 | Liao R, B = o™aE JEHOL = af © Antung Peking © a A 7 :

Ordos Desert . c := = A= : HSI HSIA = CHIN EMPIRE ie_ wi E: ad = KORYO = Ee 9S Kanto

Wei R. & . A TIBET Hakata # a AL ila

= o _ ZyAPaAN Pair} 4 F Kyotog %, nape Kamakura

Changan Loyang Kaifeng = a @ # a Se ae

Huai R. eC me ¥: eb. > ae KYUSHU Hangchowoe4 = Ming-chou of CHEKIANG ; g

Yangtze R. Nanking ¢ Rees ¥ :

Tali o

KWEICHOW :8 SOUTHERN SUNG : f

YUNNAN =o oe. = FUKIEN ,&*

Canton oe“

Annano ‘ ey fe a aw a 0 100 200 300 Mi.

A > 0 200 400 Km.

x FS Hainan Is.

Introduction 7 Buddha.” According to subsequent Zen tradition, the essence of Sakyamuni’s enlightenment experience, a teaching pointing direct-

ly at the heart of man, was passed not in sutras or texts but in secret mind-to-mind “transmission outside the scriptures’’ to his disciple Mahakasyapa and thence, via twenty-six Indian patriarchs,

in uninterrupted succession, to Bodhidharma, who brought the meditative teaching to China in the early sixth century to become the first patriarch of Ch’an in China.’ Although the historicity of Bodhidharma is in question, and the origins of the Ch’an sect obscured by the accretions and deletions of centuries of selective tradition-making, there can be little doubt that Indian yogic and meditation techniques, or dhyana (Ch’an in Chinese), were carried to China with the early waves of Buddhism. While the Chinese do not seem to have been attracted by extremes

of yogic asceticism, there appeared, from a fairly early period, Chinese Buddhist monks like Tao-an (314-385), who practiced meditation or who combined meditation with the study of Buddhist texts and Vinaya regulations and the conduct of Buddhist ritual. Chih-i (538-597), for instance, a founder of the T’ien-t’ai school and a leading protagonist in the Buddhist circles of his day,

regularly engaged in contemplation and produced some of the earliest Chinese guides for meditation.? The Buddhist contemplative practice struck a responsive chord in Chinese society in part, at least, because of its resonance with the older Taoist philosophical mystical tradition and the Taoist ideal of attaining an intuitive awareness of the underlying Way of the natural universe. At first,

contemplative monks lived within the monasteries of the older schools of Buddhism. But as dhyana meditation gained in popular-

ity and was elevated by its adherents from being merely one of several types of Buddhist practice to being the most direct approach to enlightenment, it was natural that some contemplative monks should establish their own small communities. These had begun to appear by the fifth century. In the seventh century, the monk Hung-jen (601-674), who was later designated the Fifth Ch’an Patriarch, is said to have attracted more than five hundred monks to his community at the East Mountain in Hupei.’®

8 Introduction During the T’ang dynasty (618-906), the meditative stream of Buddhism attracted the attention of an increasing number of Chi-

nese monks and laymen, came under occasional imperial and aristocratic patronage—Empress Wu Tse-t’ien, for instance, patron-

ized the venerable Ch’an master Shen-hsiu (d. 706)—and was, as we have already seen, introduced to Japan. In the eighth century,

there was a polarization within Ch’an circles. The crux of the problem was doctrinal, but the conflict was exacerbated by personal rivalries. The monk Shen-hui (d. 762), rejecting the established quietistic or gradualist approach to enlightenment based on the study of the scriptures accepted by such leading Ch’an masters as Shen-hsiu and his disciple P’u-chi (d. 739), urged a “‘sudden enlightenment”’ interpretation that rejected the written word. He claimed that his own master, Hui-neng (638-716), not Shen-hsiu,

was the Sixth Patriarch and heir to the true Ch’an tradition. In time the dynamic subitist interpretation gained the ascendancy and flourished within the Southern school and its offshoots, while Shen-hsiu’s interpretation and the Northern school which advocated it slowly atrophied.'! Lin-chi I-hsuan (Rinzai Gigen, d. 867) and other spirited masters of the Southern school introduced the

use of shouts, slaps, and mind-breaking ‘‘cases” (kung-an, or koan) to shock their followers out of everyday patterns of thought and into spontaneous enlightenment.’ While Ch’an was developing doctrinally and shaping its particu-

lar methods of encouraging enlightenment, it was also taking a

more clearly defined monastic form with the compilation of distinctive Ch’an “pure regulations” or “‘regulations for the pure

community” (ch’ing-kuei). Pai-chang (749-814) is generally thought of as the first Ch’an codifier and as the architect of Ch’an independence from the Li (Vinaya) school. It seems likely, however, that some Ch’an regulations had been drawn up before Paichang’s time.’* He probably did little more than lend his name to a developing corpus. Nor is it certain that the groups of meditating Ch’an monks were all confined to Lii school monasteries prior to

Pai-chang. There is plenty of evidence to suggest that they had already begun to establish their own independent communities,

Introduction 9 like that at the East Mountain, with characteristic buildings and patterns of monastic organization and daily life.’ The communal type of meditation and daily life practiced by

Ch’an monks produced the characteristic Ch’an monks’ hall (sodo). Ch’an stress on the direct transmission from master to disciple and rejection of excessive reliance on textual study also contributed to the development of the Dharma, or preaching, hall,

another distinctive Ch’an building. It is not clear when these buildings first began to appear, but their prototypes may well have been in use in Hung-jen’s day. By the T’ang dynasty, large,

predominantly Ch’an complexes were being built in the major cities as well as in remote mountain areas.

Other features of early Ch’an monastic life were its stress on frugality and the sustenance of the community by the joint labor of all its members. Pai-chang is accepted as the author of the Ch’an work ethic with his famous phrase “No work, no food.” Again, it

is probable that he did no more than advertise a practice already well established.'5 The positive value of manual labor in Ch’an monastic life was strengthened by the acceptance of the concept of sudden enlightenment. If meditation were actively and constantly practiced, enlightenment, it was argued, could be achieved while in the midst of such everyday activity as cutting firewood, heating bath water, tilling the fields, or sweeping the monastery floors. Taken to an extreme, this could have meant the rejection of seated meditation (zazen). In practice, Ch’an masters did not go this far; zazen maintained its central place in Ch’an practice. It was

the still malleable character of Ch’an, its strong rural roots, emphasis on simplicity, frugality, and discipline, together with the directness of the doctrine, that allowed it to weather the storms in which more powerful schools in the capital lost their lands, their tax privileges, and their wealth in the persecutions culminating in that witnessed by Ennin in 845.

By the Sung dynasty, Ch’an was firmly established as the dominant Buddhist monastic school in China. It was, however, not

quite what it had been in the early T’ang dynasty. The simple communities had coalesced into an organized church. Like the

10 Introduction monasteries of other Buddhist schools, Ch’an monasteries now included Buddha halls, with Buddhist images, where monks engaged in elaborate ceremonies and chanting of sutras in addition to medi-

tation, debate with the master, and manual labor. Doctrinally, Ch’an teachings interacted with the ideas of the T’ien-t’ai, Pure Land, and Hua-yen (Kegon) schools. Ch’an monasteries were in intimate contact with society, especially elite society, and Ch’an monks performed religious functions for the intentions of secular patrons. In this way, while imparting Zen Buddhist ideas on the one hand, on the other Ch’an monks absorbed the cultural values and intellectual concerns of the Chinese social elite, while their monasteries shifted from a self-sufficient economic base to reliance upon patronage and incorporation within the general economy.'®

That the Ch’an school was still vital and disciplined is clear from

examination of the Ch’an-yuan Code (1103).'? But even in this code, although meditation and labor are still emphasized, there are

indications of an elaborate formalization of monastic life and ceremonial. Evidence for this tendency becomes more marked in subsequent codes. The height of Ch’an social prestige and influ-

ence was probably reached in the late twelfth century when a group of 5 central Ch’an “mountains” and some 35 lesser provincial monasteries were honored with official status. It was this imposing Sung dynasty Ch’an monastic establishment that the Japanese monk-visitors encountered when contact with China was reopened in the twelfth century.’® In the following pages, we shall be looking at the development and organization of the gozan Zen monasteries in medieval Japan-

ese society. First, however, we should perhaps, as a frame of reference, have some impression of the scale and influence of the whole Buddhist institution of which the Zen schools were to form an increasingly significant part.

There are, unfortunately, no reliable statistics for the total number of monasteries or of monks and nuns in medieval Japan. One estimate, and it is no more than an extrapolation from later

figures, suggests that there may have been as many as 90,000

Introduction 11 Buddhist monasteries and temples.'? In more recent research, Professor Tamamuro Fumio cites figures of 465,049 temples throughout the whole country registered by 10 Buddhist schools in 1872 and 2,377 temples belonging to 11 Buddhist schools registered in a single han (Mito) in 1663. Of the Mito temples, 1,357

were Shingon temples, 206 Tendai, 38 Rinzai Zen, and 136 Soto Zen. According to his researches, only 38 of the 2,377 temples surviving in 1663 had been founded before 1200. A further 419 dated from between 1200 and 1500. An explosion in temple foundation occurred between 1500 and 1650 when 1,219 temples were established. In the small district of Mito, then, there were

some 450 Buddhist foundations in existence by 1500.*° The total for the whole country, whatever it may have been, included the great monasteries of Nara, Kyoto, and Kamakura, the sprawling, mountain-top complexes of Kdyasan, Hieizan, Negorosan, and Hakusan, as well as many thousands of smaller provincial temples, meeting halls, and hermitages. The medieval period saw not only

the survival or recovery of the older schools of Nara and Heian Buddhism and the rapid development of Zen but also the startling srowth of the Nichiren, Pure Land, New Pure Land, and Timely schools.?!

The largest monasteries had scores of buildings and housed several thousand monks and monastery servants. In the year 1211, for instance, more that 13,000 monks participated in a Buddhist

ceremony sponsored by Emperor Go-Toba (1180-1239). Four thousand of these monks came from the single monastery of Kofukuji in Nara.2* Kofukuji was then undoubtedly one of the largest and most powerful monastic centers in medieval Japan, having been revived and rebuilt by the Kamakura shogunate, but there were many other monasteries with populations of well over 1,000 monks and as many, or more, novices, monastery servants, artisans, and field laborers. Even the larger metropolitan Zen mon-

asteries, which came late onto the scene and thus had less opportunity to build up the landed base needed to support a large monastic population, had, by the mid-fourteenth century, monk enrollments of between 500 and 1,000.77 The older centers may

FIGURE 2: The Provinces of Medieval Japan

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Introduction 13 have declined slightly in numbers as Zen and other new schools of

Buddhism gained ground, but the fact that they remained populous and powerful until the late sixteenth century is clear from the numbers slaughtered by Oda Nobunaga and Toyotomi Hideyoshi in their efforts to break the back of the Buddhist institutions as a political and economic force. Estimates of the numbers killed at Enryakuji range upward from 1,000 to 3,000 or 4,000. Koyasan is said to have lost between 600 and 1,300 monk-soldiers (sdhei) repelling an attack by Nobunaga in 1581-1582.”

The Buddhist church was a pervasive economic presence in medieval society. Temples and shrines controlled or held rights in many of the estates (shoen) scattered throughout Japan. To take

one example, the Shingon sect monastery of Toji in Kyoto was founded in 796. According to Professor Takeuchi Rizo, until the late Heian period, its landed base was fairly small, comprising about 500 cho in six different localities. However, in contrast to the Nara monasteries of T6daiji and Kofukuji which did not acquire many new shoen proprietorships in the medieval period, Toji domains grew rapidly between the late twelfth and early fourteenth centuries. During this period, the number of shoen proprietorships and steward rights more than tripled to 30. Most of these were gifts from the imperial princess Sen’yOmon’in

(1181-1252), Cloistered-Emperor Go-Uda (1267-1324) and, later, by Emperor Go-Daigo (1288-1339) and the warrior leaders Ashikaga Takauji (1305-1358) and his younger brother Tadayoshi (1306-1352).?5 According to an Otabumi (register of landholdings) for the year 1197, of the 8,064 cho (about 20,000 acres) of registered land in Hytiga province, southern Kyitisht, 2,106 cho (26 percent) were

shrine domain (sharyo) and 238 cho (3 percent) temple land (jiryo), These are modest amounts. In Buzen, northern Kytsht, at about the same time, out of a total of 13,300 cho, 5,141 cho (39 percent) were classified as shrine domain and 3,809 cho (29 percent) as temple domain. Shrines and temples thus laid claim to well over half the registered rice-producing land in the province.

In Bungo, northern Kyishi, a century later (1285), out of a total

14 Introduction of 6,873 cho, shrine domain included 1861 cho (27 percent) and temple domain 2,663 cho (39 percent), together more than 65 percent of the land included in the registers. Since many Shintd shrines in the medieval period were adjuncts of Buddhist temples, the weight of temple influence was even greater than these figures suggest. The above Otabumi entries all relate to Kytishu. That a similar situation prevailed in other parts of Japan is suggested by Otabumi for Awaji (1223), where 633 cho (51 percent) of the registered total of 1,354 cho were nominally held by Buddhist temples, and Wakasa province (1265), where, out of a total of 2,217 cho, 136 were held by the Enryakuji (Hieizan) branch of the Tendai school, 83 cho by the rival Onjdji (Miidera) line of Tendai and 17 cho by the Shingon temple of Jingoji. Nearly 10

percent of the land was thus registered in the names of these temples alone.” Some provinces were particularly heavily affected by temple

rights. Most of the shoen in Yamato, for instance, had the Todaiji or Kofukuji as proprietor. The province of Kii was dominated by Kongobuji (Koyasan), which claimed an ancient domain

of 10,000 cho around the mountain,?? and by Daidenhdo’in (Negoroji). Shoen in the province of Omi near Kyoto were nearly all under the control of one or other of the many sub-temples of Enryakuji, which loomed over the province, or Onjoji.?* Although the landed interests of Buddhist temples were most extensive and

deeply rooted in the Kinai and western Japan they were by no means negligible in northern and eastern provinces, as a glance at any list of medieval shoen will immediately demonstrate.*° The older Buddhist monasteries suffered a relative decline in their political and military influence with the establishment and

extension of warrior government after the late twelfth century. Moreover, like such other absentee central proprietors as nobles and members of the imperial court, they lost many of their rights in distant shoen holdings to local warriors (ito or Rokujin) or provincial military governors (shugo) during the disturbances of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. However, although this period is frequently described as the age of the dissolution of the shoen

Introduction 15 system,” it would be a mistake to think that all Buddhist monasteries had lost all access to their shoen income by the mid-fifteenth century or even by the early sixteenth century. The erosion of the

shoen was erratic and protracted and only completed by the land reforms of Hideyoshi in the late sixteenth century. Some provincial shoen were still providing tax income for Buddhist temples in the sixteenth century. Partly because of their sacrosanct character, but also because of the ability of large Buddhist monasteries to organize a stout military defense and to mount and sustain effective political pressures, many monastic holdings, though eroded, were more resistant to warrior intrusions than less capably defended civil shoen. Dr. Peter Arnesen, who has investigated the Ouchi provincial governor (shugo) family during the medieval period, finds

that the Todaiji, although increasingly subject to Ouchi juridical

and fiscal authority, maintained some proprietary interests in Sud province until well into the sixteenth century.**

In a more recent study of Toji holdings than that cited by Professor Takeuchi Riz6 above, Professor Nagahara Keiji identifies 71 shoen proprietorships held by Toji at different times prior to 1600.

Of these, he found that 32 had been lost as sources of income by the Kamakura period, a further 25 were reduced or alienated during the wars of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and 14 remained sources of income until the sixteenth century.°” Tachibana Kodsen has found that Buddhist temples were major landholders in

late sixteenth century Tosa,*? while Miyazaka Yusho states that Koyasan in the 1590s still controlled 2,613 villages aggregating an estimated annual yield equivalent to 173,137 koku (about 865,000 bushels) of hulled rice.** Enryakuji, Kofukuji, and many other Buddhist monasteries also maintained extensive landed interests until they were stripped of most of them by Toyotomi Hideyoshi or Tokugawa Ieyasu.

The wealth and economic influence of Buddhist monasteries was not due solely to their enjoyment of tax income from hold‘ings in distant shoen. Monasteries and temples received donations

and bequests from patrons, for whom they provided memorial services. They were exempted from many of the provincial tax

16 Introduction levies imposed by warrior-rulers. They also engaged in sake brewing, medicine making, the sale of lumber and produce from monastic domains, and other commercial activities. The wandering monkpeddlars from Koyasan, the Koya-hijiri, who traveled the length and breadth of the country selling small items, produced a substantial

income for the monastery.** Profits were also derived from moneylending. Enryakuji had interests in the Kyoto pawnshops (doso), and many temples, following the example of Zen monasteries, made loans from “‘mortuary funds’’ (shidosen) at relatively

low rates of interest to the general public or made high-interest private loans to nobles, high-ranking warriors, and merchants.

Guild sponsorship and market licensing were other important

sources of income for some monasteries. Privileged merchant guilds (za) in the Kinai region were major agents of commercial activity throughout the medieval period. Many of these guilds were under the protection of temples and shrines to which they paid regular dues in return for their monopoly privileges. In Yamato province, for instance, the salt, roofing-reed, bamboo-screen,

cypress wood, and metal-casting guilds were all under the sponsorship of Kofukuji, while the carpenters’ guild was attached to the Todaiji and the Kasuga shrine. In Omi province, the salt and paper guilds enjoyed the protection of the Hie shrine which was associated with Enryakuji.*° By the late medieval period, exten-

sive market networks had developed in and beyond the Kinai region, and markets were being held regularly six times a month at

transportation nodes or outside the gates of temples. Traders using such a market paid dues to the temple, but the markets must also have attracted many casual visitors and donors.*” As centers of pilgrimage and nodes in the commercial and mar-

ket network of the medieval economy, some Buddhist temples stimulated the development of quite substantial townships at their

gates (monzenmachi) or within their compounds (jinaimachi). While the deserted capital of Heijo-kyo fell into ruins, the medieval town of Nara developed nearby as the monzenmachi of Todaiji, Kofukuji, and the Kasuga Shinto shrine. Sakamoto, on Lake

Biwa in Omi province, developed rapidly from the mid-Heian

Introduction 17 period as the supply center for Enryakuji. Annual rice taxes and other produce were brought from distant shoen to the warehouses of Sakamoto for storage and redistribution. Sake breweries sprang up, and the town became a center for local packhorse traders. ** Otsu, also on Lake Biwa, began as the monzenmachi of Onjoji. By the sixteenth century, being on a main road to Kyoto, it had become an important rice market in its own right. Kanazawa and Osaka owed much of their early development to the proximity of esrowing Honganji communities.

That the Kinai region around Kyoto and Sakai remained the most economically advanced area in Japan throughout the medieval period was due, in part at least, to the stimulus provided by the presence of many monasteries, monastery-sponsored markets and guilds, and monzenmachi. But monasteries could also impede trade to their own advantage. Many shared in the profits derived

from toll barriers (sekisho). From 1196, for instance, Todaiji reaped profits from the use by rice-bearing vessels belonging to

other temples or merchants of the strategically placed Hydgo barrier. Kofukuji was later given a part share in the proceeds from this same barrier. Tddaiji, in the mid-Muromachi period, anticipated an income of 1,700 kan from the Hyogo barrier. In 1463 Kofukuji collected 2,000 kan from the southern section of the barrier, and in 1484 the same monastery is recorded as taking 1,100 kan from the Kusaba barrier and 500 kan from the Udono barrier. Koyasan is recorded as having an income of 1,500 kan from the Yodo barrier in 1308.°? (One kan, or kanmon, equaled

1,000 copper cash [mon] and was approximately equivalent in value to 1 koku, or 5 bushels of rice.)

It should be evident that the larger Buddhist monasteries, especially those in the Kinai, were able, in a variety of ways, to exploit the growing, increasingly monetized and urban commercial economy of the Kamakura and Muromachi periods. Professor

Kuroda Toshio argues that, as their distant shoen rights were alienated, temples and shrines actively sought new sources of landed and commercial income, including the acquisition of nearby small-scale supplementary rental rights (kajishi myoshu shiki)

18 Introduction and the sponsorship of guilds and markets.*° By these means, Buddhist temples maintained considerable economic influence throughout the medieval period. From the mid-sixteenth century, sengoku daimyo, in their efforts to gain full control over the com-

mercial activities within their domains, sought to abolish toll barriers within domains, to free local markets and guilds from the control of Kyoto- and Nara-based guilds, and the nobles and re-

ligious institutions sponsoring them, and to both encourage the activities of domain-based merchant groups and the centralization of commercial activity within the daimyo’s garrison town.*! Although these policies met with varying degress of success in outlying domains, they were difficult to enforce in the Kinai where sengoku daimyo domains were mostly small and where the power of nobles, religious institutions, and established merchant groups was interlocking and deeply entrenched. As well-organized, enduring institutions, Buddhist monasteries were able to marshall considerable political pressure in defense of their landholdings, tax exemptions, and commercial interests.

Monasteries, temples, and hermitages of whatever school had devoted, politically active secular patrons. Many of the leading prelates in the central monasteries of the older schools had come from Kyoto noble families and naturally made use of these social connections in the interests of their monasteries. Through a system of imperial designation, certain monasteries and nunneries provided havens for imperial princes and princesses who wished to withdraw from the secular world, or for whom it was necessary to provide an office and income. These were known as monzeki temples. The Ashikaga shoguns also made use of such arrangements to provide for some of their offspring. As Zen monasteries developed in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, they quickly established close ties with politically influential nobles and warriors. It has been suggested that, in elite circles, of those who were

to enter the religious life, the children of high-ranking consorts were usually placed in Kyoto and Nara temples belonging to the older schools of Buddhism, while those of lower-ranking consorts

were sent as novices to Zen monasteries.** At lower levels of

Introduction 19 warrior society, too, Zen monasteries and nunneries provided a new and expanding “‘career” alternative for the younger sons and daughters of warrior houses.** As such, Zen monasteries rapidly meshed into the fabric of the political society of medieval Japan. Other new schools of Buddhism, the Nichiren school and the Jodo Shin (New Pure Land or Ikko) school, who drew their adherents principally from among peasants, lower-level warriors, and small merchants, also had powerful, high-ranking secular sponsors and, with their devoted, well-organized followings, were able to exert considerable local and national political influence.” Where family connection, legal complaint, and political pressure failed, some of the larger monastic centers would not hesitate to have recourse to arms. The monk-soldiers (sohei) from Enryakuji

on Mt. Hiei, who periodically terrorized Kyoto throughout the middle ages, are notorious. Enryakuji, however, was not the only monastery to have at hand large numbers of men trained to fight with a halberd. Todaiji, Kofukuji, Koyasan, Onjoji, Negorosan, Kaga Hakusan, and other older monasteries had their own powerful companies of sohei. Sohei were most threatening in central politics during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and their military influence was greatly reduced with the establishment of the warrior government of the Kamakura bakufu. Monasteries, however,

continued to maintain sohei throughout the medieval period. When the complex at Negoro was burned out by Hideyoshi in 1585, there are said to have been nearly three thousand monks and armed men on the mountain.** Moreover, from the late fifteenth century, newer branches of Buddhism began to emerge as military forces. Armed followers of the Honganji New Pure Land school toppled the local provincial warrior governor (shugo) and controlled the province of Kaga from 1488 until their defeat by Nobunaga in 1580. Similar Jodo Shinsht-affiliated leagues (Ikko ikki) based on Ishiyama, Nagashima, and Mikawa fiercely resisted the efforts of Nobunaga, Hideyoshi, and Tokugawa Ieyasu to impose their authority over these areas.*° Within the city of Kyoto, Nichiren (Lotus) school adherents took up arms and assumed the

government of the city in the Hokke (or Lotus) uprising from

20 Introduction 1532, until crushed by Enryakuji sohei.*” Thus, until their eventual disarming by Hideyoshi at the close of the sixteenth century, sohei and adherents of the New Pure Land and Lotus schools contributed to the instability of medieval society by fighting among themselves, pressing their demands on the court and warrior governments, taking sides in political disputes, and struggling with the emerging hegemons (sengoku daimyd) of the Age of Wars.

The spiritual authority and surviving military might of the Buddhist monastic institution in the late twelfth century is well illustrated in an incident involving Enryakuji monks and Minamoto Yoritomo (1147-1199), the founder of the Kamakura bakufu. Yoritomo was one of the most determined and astute military leaders in Japanese history, certainly not a man to be challenged lightly. By 1185, he had destroyed the Taira family, secured effective control of western as well as eastern Japan, and instituted the

Kamakura bakufu. In 1191, Sasaki Sadashige and his father, Sadatsuna, Yoritomo’s housemen, military governors of Omi prov-

ince, and the local proprietors of the Sasaki-no-sho (Omi), of which Enryakuji was the central proprietor, became involved with

Enryakuji in a violent dispute over tax-rent payments in which officials visiting the shoen were killed. At first, Yoritomo supported his vassals but, as Enryakuji raised sohei and applied political pressure in Kyoto and Kamakura, he capitulated and allowed

the exile of Sadatsuna and the execution of Sadashige. Possibly Yoritomo acted out of ultimate respect for a powerful religious sanction. It is at least as likely, however, that he feared continued disorder in Kyoto and perhaps the united opposition of all armed temples if he pressed the case against Enryakuji.** Another four centuries were to elapse before warriors emerged who were sufficiently powerful to challenge directly and finally curb the military might of the powerful religious institutions. That achievement

was one of the marks of the transition from medieval to what is frequently called ‘“‘early modern” society in Japan.*°

It was into this turbulent political and religious environment that Zen teachings and monastic practices were introduced in the late twelfth century. Monks of the established schools, especially

Introduction 21 Enryakuji and the Nara monasteries, were generally unsympathetic,

and used their connections with the court and bakufu to try to impede the activities of the advocates of Zen. At the same time, Zen had to compete for influence at the popular level among local warriors and peasants with the vigorous Amidist and Lotus schools, deriving from Shinran, Ippen, and Nichiren, which gave to medieval Japan much of its vital religious character. Had the Chinese

Zen teachings and their advocates not attracted the attention of some leading members of the Japanese ruling warrior-elite, the chances for the survival and independent development of the Zen schools in Japan would have been slight.

PART ONE

The Development of the Institution

ONE

Japanese Zen Pioneers and their Patrons

It is widely accepted that the Zen introduced to medieval Japan from Sung China by Eisai (YOsai), Dogen, and their successors took root and flourished as an independent branch of Japanese Buddhism because of its intrinsic appeal to the newly dominant class of warriors. Faced daily with the forbidding realities of war, disfigurement, and death, such men, it is believed, were immediately receptive to the stoic, non-scholastic religious philosophy of Zen, which encouraged self-reliance and directness of action derived from relentless introspection, calmness of mind, and discipline of body.’ This general statement obscures some very important features of the transmission and acculturation process. During the first century of Zen development, the mass of Japanese fighting men and many of their leaders were totally ignorant of, or indifferent to, this new form of Chinese Buddhism.” They remained wedded to longstanding beliefs in the promise of the Pure Land, the terrors of the Buddhist hells, or the efficacy of esoteric incantations in time of sickness or adversity. If they had a symbolic patron deity, it was still the fierce-visaged, sword-

brandishing Fudo Myoo rather than the calmly meditating Sakyamuni.? Zen developed—and took the form it did—in medieval Japan not

simply because of a spontaneous spark of affinity between the Zen spirit and Japanese warrior mentality (this affinity was found only

26 Japanese Zen Pioneers on closer acquaintance), but principally because, at critical moments in its early development, the monks who advocated the new religion found powerful secular patrons. Without these patrons, it is inconceivable that Sung Zen could have established its independence in the medieval Japanese religious world. In all likelihood, it would have been absorbed as a subordinate doctrine of one of the powerful established Japanese schools, just as the Ch’an

teachings introduced earlier from T’ang China had for centuries survived passively as one facet of a fourfold Tendai practice.

The early patrons of Zen included Kyoto nobles and members of the imperial family, as well as the warrior-rulers in Kamakura and some of their leading retainers, the military governors (shugo). Impulses to patronage were complex. They included attraction of the forthright personalities, mental alertness, wide learning, and physical vigor of Zen monks; admiration for the strict discipline of

the Zen monastic life and rule; curiosity about the intellectual horizons reopened through Zen to continental secular culture; the occasional temptation to use Zen as a counterbalance to the overweening claims of the established Buddhist sects and, in the case of the warrior-rulers in Kamakura, an awareness of a need to provide themselves with cultural credentials appropriate to their new-

found military and political power. Although it would be an exaggeration to suggest that these early patrons were completely

indifferent to the spiritual potential of Zen, there is very little indication, during the first five or six decades of its development,

that they engaged strenuously in meditation, that they attained much insight into Zen teaching, or displayed any great interest in acquiring such knowledge. Their religious commitment to Zen was

hesitant, and long subordinate to their ingrained devotion to established modes of religious expression. The basic teaching of Zen is starkly simple: each person can, by

his own efforts, relive the spiritual awakening attained through meditation by Sakyamuni himself. The Zen introduced to Japan from China in the thirteenth century, however, involved much more than this call to direct personal enlightenment. The central core of Sung Zen teaching was embedded in a complex intellectual

Japanese Zen Pioneers 27 and cultural exegetical corpus. This corpus was formed from the accretions of centuries of development of Ch’an thought and monastic practice. It was blended with elements derived from other

branches of Chinese Buddhism, and had been influenced by Taoist and Neo-Confucian thought and by the intellectual and cultural assumption of the Chinese literati who were the principal patrons of Sung dynasty Ch’an.* Those Japanese and Chinese monks who introduced Sung Zen to Japan brought the core teaching. They brought it, however, as part of the religious, intellectual, and cultural framework in which they found it in the great Buddhist monasteries of the Hangchow

region of twelfth and thirteenth century China. Japan had only recently reestablished formal contact with China after a lapse of several centuries. Official Japanese embassies to T’ang China ceased from 894. During the early eleventh century, there were some informal cultural and commercial contacts between Japan and Sung China. Active official relations, however, were only reestablished from the mid-twelfth century by Taira Kiyomori (1118-1181). During this hiatus, Japan had moved away from its earlier dependence on Chinese civilization to establish a distinctive culture of its own. On the continent, meanwhile, there had been major developments in Chinese thought and in Ch’an itself. In these circumstances, the complex of Sung dynasty Ch’an teachings was not immediately assimilable by even the most

educated and sympathetic Japanese warriors or courtiers, and was still less accessible and attractive to barely literate fighting men.

The introduction of Sung Zen was made even more difficult by

sectarian rivalry. On the one hand, exponents of the new Zen teachings encountered the determined opposition of the established Buddhist schools in Japan, especially the Enryakuji branch of Tendai, which vociferously pressed their claims for exclusive aristocratic and warrior attention. On the other, they were met by competition from the very vital contemporary devotional religious movements based on faith in the efficacy of the Lotus Sutra or in

the prospect of salvation in the Pure Land of Amida that were

28 Japanese Zen Pioneers winning many thousands of enthusiastic adherents at lower levels of Japanese society.°

The full acceptance of Sung Zen in medieval Japan and its emergence as an independent school was, therefore, a slow and sometimes halting process which extended over the century and a half from the late twelfth to the early fourteenth century. Within this time span, three basic developmental stages can be discerned.° STAGES OF ACCULTURATION

The first active and largely syncretic stage, lasting for approximately fifty years, centered mainly on Hakata and Kyoto. Japanese Tendai monks who had journeyed to China were the principal

agents. This stage was one of uneasy coexistence of Sung Zen teachings within the perimeter of the scholastic and esoteric framework of Japanese Tendai Buddhism. The only major exceptions to this initial syncretic pattern were the Kyoto monk Dainichib6d Nonin, a contemporary of Eisai, and Dogen Kigen, who

introduced S6td6 Zen teachings to Japan. Both these monks rejected accommodation with the established sects. The syncretic phase was followed, during the second half of the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, by a period of consolidation involving the vigorous introduction of what is frequently referred to as “‘pure’? Chinese Zen to Kamakura monasteries by

Chinese émigré monks. These monks were patronized by elite groups in Japanese society, especially the Hojo regents. This stage saw the building of large-scale Zen monasteries on the Sung model,

the imposition of characteristic Zen monastic regulations, and some diffusion of Zen-related Chinese culture. By the end of this | phase, Japanese Zen was free of Tendai domination, and monastic

practice was qualitatively equivalent to that in contemporary Chinese monasteries. Quantitatively, however, Zen was still insecurely and narrowly rooted in Japanese society and understood by very few outside the walls of the new monasteries. The beginning of the third stage of metropolitan Zen develop-

Stages of Acculturation 29 ment can be dated from the opening decades of the fourteenth century, when Japanese disciples of émigré Chinese monks and Japanese monks who had studied in Chinese monasteries began to assume the headships of proliferating Japanese Zen monasteries. One of the most striking developments during this phase was the nationwide articulation of a system of official monasteries (kanji)

known as the “Five Mountains” or gozan system. The mature Japanese gozan network eventually comprised some 300 official monasteries ranked in 3 tiers: gozan, jissatsu (Ten Temples), and shozan (Many Mountains). The network was dominated by the

Muso and Shoichi (Enni Ben’en) lineages of Rinzai Zen and developed rapidly under the patronage of the Ashikaga shoguns and their principal provincial retainers. The Japanese gozan network was an elaboration of the Five Mountains system of official Ch’an monasteries established in Sung dynasty China, which in turn is said to have derived from an early Indian Buddhist system of 5 monasteries and 10 pagodas. In the Chinese and Japanese officially sponsored Zen monasteries, the appointment of abbots and promotions of monks and officers, as well as monastic discipline, were under the supervision of the secular authorities. The powerful, officially sponsored medieval gozan Zen monasteries are sometimes collectively referred to by modern historians

of Zen as the sorin (thicket, grove). Zen schools not included in

the sdrin grouping are known as the rinka or ringe (below the grove). The precise historical origins of these terms are unknown.

It is unclear, at least to this writer, whether these terms were in common use in Sung dynasty Chinese or medieval Japanese Zen monasteries. Whatever its origin, the distinction between sorin

and rinka is used to emphasize fairly obvious differences of style between “insiders” and “outsiders,” between ‘“metropolitans” and “‘provincials.”’ The rinka, for their part, self-consciously

declared that they preserved the true tradition of the early Ch’an

masters, a tradition that had been muddied and obscured in secularized official sdrin monasteries. Japanese rinka included the Rinzai schools centered on the Kyoto monasteries of Daitokuji

30 Japanese Zen Pioneers and Myoshinji as well as most branches of the Sot6 school. During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the rinka expanded rapidly, while the gozan experienced a relative decline.

By the time the third phase was under way in the mid-fourteenth century, although it probably still did not appeal to the mass of Japanese warriors, Zen was firmly rooted as an independent branch of Japanese Buddhism. It was exerting an active influence on Japanese religion and culture, and had become a significant element in Japanese social and political life.

It should be noted that the developmental phases outlined above were neither uniform nor static. During the early phase, degrees of syncretism varied. Eisai, for instance, was more accom-

modating towards the established Buddhist sects than Enni (Shoichi). During the second phase, while most Chinese monks sought to impose the standards prevailing in Sung and Yuan monasteries, some, like Ch’ing-cho Cheng-ch’eng (1274-1339), attempted to modify Chinese monastic regulations to suit Japanese conditions.

The neat three-stage model is also complicated by vertical fissures. The pattern of Soto school development in medieval Japan was very different from that of the metropolitan schools.’ Within the metropolitan schools, there was a major cleavage between the gozan lineages patronized by the Ashikaga shoguns, and the Daitokuji and MyOoshinji rinka lineages, which were patronized

initially by the imperial court and later, from the mid-fifteenth century, by wealthy townsmen from Sakai, by Warring States barons (sengoku daimyo), and by lower-ranking provincial warriors.” With a closer look at the gozan lineages it is possible to detect differences and rivalries among them. In Kamakura, for instance, an ongoing feud developed between monks from Engakuji and those from Kenchoji.? These vertical fissures, however,

significant as they are for understanding Zen sectarian development, do not invalidate the three-stage acculturation model. We now examine the early syncretic phase in greater detail.

Motives of Zen Pioneers 31 MOTIVES OF JAPANESE ZEN PIONEERS

Those Japanese pilgrim-monks, including Chogen (1121-1206), Eisai (1141-1215), Kakua (active late twelfth century), Shunjo (1166-1227), Dogen (1200-1253), and Enni Ben’en (1202-1280), who made the hazardous journey to China during the second half

of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, were moved by a strong reforming impulse. Most were monks from the great Tendai complex of Enryakuji on Mt. Hiei, high above Kyoto. Oppressed by the prevailing mood of decline of the Buddhist Law (mappo) and discouraged by the worldliness and laxity of late Heian Bud-

dhist monastic life, they journeyed to China in the hope that there they would find new texts, practices, and regulations that would help them put new life into Japanese Buddhism. Although some returned to Japan as advocates of Zen, few set out with that intention.*° Other Tendai monks, among them Honen (1133-1212), Shinran

(1173-1262), Nichiren (1222-1282), and Ippen (1239-1289), who were equally dissatisfied with the aristocratic, secular tone and formalized ritualism of their sect, responded by rejecting the monastic life with its rules of seclusion, abstinence, and celibacy. They quit their mountain retreats and moved among the common people, advocating salvation for all through self-denying faith and

constant invocation of the name of Amida, the nenbutsu, or of the Lotus Sutra. Out of the one seemingly exhausted Tendai scholastic tradition thus emerged two powerful currents of medieval Buddhism. One

stream was radical and popular. It appealed to absolute faith in some exterior saving grace during the latter age of the law (mappo)

when man was powerless to save himself or to accumulate merit by his own efforts; it welcomed all men and women, rejected the exclusivity of the monastic life away from the world, and questioned the relevance, in an age of mappo, of formal religious rules and regulations. The other current was more conservative and exclusive. It reaffirmed the monastic life and rule, stressed that each

individual must search for enlightenment by his own spiritual

32 Japanese Zen Pioneers efforts, and turned for inspiration and energy not to the common people of Japan but back to the Buddhist traditions and culture of China.

The Japanese Tendai monk Ennin (793-864) was on pilgrimage

in China during the suppression of Buddhism in 845. He found T’ien-t’ai Buddhism still at the height of its glory, one of the dominant forms of T’ang dynasty Chinese Buddhism. Ch’an does not figure very prominently in his diary. He makes no mention of visiting any Ch’an communities. Those Ch’an monks he encountered on his travels—-some of them, “‘extremely unruly men at heart”’—were, like himself, on pilgrimage to famous T’ien-t’ai centers./?

Japanese Tendai monks who visited China three centuries later

found a very changed religious situation. The Southern Sung empire, although smaller than the T’ang and beset by Mongol pressure from the north and west, must still have seemed, to the eyes of Japanese visitors, a great center of civilization. Its capital, Hangchow, was an elegant city of canals, palaces, and Buddhist monas-

teries, and there were still many thriving Buddhist communities throughout the empire, although, of course, older centers of Buddhism in the north like Wu-t’ai-shan were inaccessible.'? Of the Buddhist schools in the south, however, T’ien-t’ai and the older monastic schools were now moribund. Ch’an had survived persecution better, adapting itself to Chinese intellectual and social values

to become the most vital school of Chinese monastic Buddhism. By the Northern Sung dynasty (960-1127), Ch’an had established

its own history and traditions, compiled distinctive monastic codes, introduced new religious practices, and developed new monastic and architectural forms. Ch’an monasteries—some of them taken over from other Buddhist sects and including monks of very diverse doctrinal interests—were integrated into the Chinese local economy, acted as centers of culture and learning, and enjoyed the patronage of the Chinese gentry class.'* In the Southern Sung and Yuan dynasties, a network of major Ch’an monasteries throughout the empire, headed by the Five Mountains (wu-shan) of Hangchow and Ming-chou, were eventually designated official monasteries—

Motives of Zen Pioneers 33 or at least given the titles of wu-shan, shih-ch’a (Ten Temples) or chia-ch’a (Principal Temples)—and established close ties with the civil government bureaucracy. Japanese monk visitors to Sung China were not completely unfamiliar with Ch’an. T’ang dynasty Ch’an teachings and the meditation posture and breathing techniques used by Ch’an monks had formed one part of Japanese Tendai training in the sutras, esoteric practices, Vinaya precepts, and meditation. Moreover, in Sung

Ch’an monasteries, basic T’ien-t’ai texts, especially the Lotus Sutra, were held in high regard, and some Ch’an masters accepted

varying degrees of accommodation with scholastic and esoteric Buddhism. In many other respects, however, Sung dynasty Ch’an displayed very novel features. The primary emphasis was on the regular com-

munal meditation carried on in the monks’ hall. The use of the koan as an instructional device was widespread. This, in turn, emphasized the individual encounter between the monk and his master rather than the lectures, general debates, or sutra expositions which seem to have been more important in pre-Sung Ch’an.?°

Ch’an had been challenged and deeply affected by the NeoConfucian revival of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Under attack from Confucian and Taoist critics, some Buddhist apologists had fallen back on the doctrine of the Unity of the Three Creeds. They argued that Confucianism, Taoism, and Ch’an Buddhism were simply three facets of a single truth, three different roads to the same end. The elaboration of this synthesis helped bring Ch’an into conformity with Chinese values. It also opened the way for the influx of Chinese secular culture into Ch’an monastic life and thought.’® Much of this Sung culture and learning—whether in the Chinese classics, Neo-Confucian and Taoist thought, poetry, painting, calligraphy, or etiquette—was completely outside the experience of the Japanese monks. Even on the more material level, they found much that was new in the architecture, layout, furnishing, lifestyle, and regulation of Ch’an monasteries. It must have been with feelings of great excitement, therefore,

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36 Japanese Zen Pioneers that the Japanese pilgrim-monks enrolled in the great Southern Sung monasteries and set themselves to pursue their quest for enlightenment under Chinese Ch’an masters. Even if T’ien-t’ai had lost its vigor, in Ch’an they found an impressive, vigorous, and viable substitute. With Ch’an meditation and discipline, they could indeed, they believed, revitalize Japanese Buddhism.*’ EISAI AND THE KAMAKURA SHOGUNATE

Myoan Eisai (1141-1215) is revered as the founder of the Japanese Rinzai school. Eisai, however, performed this role almost by accident. He did not originally go to China in search of Zen, nor did he ever break finally with Tendai, the school in which he received his early training.'* During a first short pilgrimage to China in the summer of 1168, Eisai, in company, it is generally believed,

with the Japanese Shingon school monk Chogen, visited such famous Buddhist sites as the stone bridge at T’ien-t’ai-shan and the Buddha reliquary at A-yii-wang-shan. Like Ennin before him, he

also collected T’ien-t’ai texts and studied esoteric practices. Although he was aware of the dominance of Ch’an and his interest in that teaching was aroused—he put questions about Ch’an teachings to the guest-master of a Ming-chou Ch’an monastery—Eisai did not actively pursue the study of Ch’an under a Chinese master on his first visit. And after his return to Japan, for the next twenty years, it was esoteric Buddhism, not Zen, that Eisai practiced and taught. In 1187, Eisai set out on a second voyage to China. His motive was not to study Ch’an but to make a pilgrimage through China to Buddhist sites in India. Only when his request for a travel permit was refused by the Chinese authorities did he make his way to Wannien-ssu on Mt. T’ien-t’ai, where he enrolled under the Ch’an mas-

ter Hsu-an Huai-ch’ang. Eisai spent more than three years as a disciple of the elderly Chinese monk. When, in 1189, Hsu-an was appointed abbot at T’ien-t’ung-shan, Eisai accompanied him to his new post. Before Eisai returned to Japan in 1191, Hsu-an recognized the Japanese monk’s enlightenment and gave him the seal of direct transmission, authorizing him to spread Ch’an teachings in

_ Eisai and the Kamakura Shogunate 37 Japan. In spite of his long apprenticeship in Ch’an, Eisai did not relinquish his esoteric interests. He had found a compatible mentor in Hsu-an, who was interested in esoteric Buddhism and advocated the unity of Ch’an and esoteric teachings. Hsu-an also stressed the importance of the Vinaya and insisted that Eisai, before proceeding with his studies in Ch’an, should formally profess both the Mahayana bodhisattva precepts and the Hinayana precepts. Eisai’s Ch’an practice, thus, did not involve any great wrench

with his early Tendai training. He was able to learn something of the new doctrines and monastic practices of Sung Ch’an while deepening his understanding of esoteric Buddhism. The emphasis

on discipline and the strict observance of the precepts in Sung Ch’an monasteries provided him with an invaluable means of reforming Japanese monastic practice. The threefold experience of Ch’an meditation, esoteric rites, and the Vinaya gained by Eisai during his second visit to China shaped his subsequent thinking and determined the character of the Zen he taught upon his return to Japan. After his return to Japan in 1191, Eisai proceeded to build temples and introduce Zen teachings, ceremonies, and regulations, first in Kyushu, then in Kyoto and Kamakura. However, attempts

to spread the new Chinese Zen doctrines and meditation practices in the capital by Eisai and others quickly aroused the opposition of Enryakuji supporters who, in 1194, petitioned the imperial

court to have the “Daruma school,” as Zen was then known, proscribed. The court bowed under pressure and a temporary ban was placed on the propagation of Zen in Kyoto. Eisai attempted to defend himself and his teaching. He pleaded that Saicho (767-

822), the founder of Japanese Tendai, had recognized Zen as a genuine teaching of the Buddha introduced by Bodhidharma from

India to China and that Zen had since been accepted as an integral part of Tendai. For Enryakuji followers to reject Zen at this

stage, Eisai argued, would be to deny the intentions of their founder and the traditions of their sect.

As part of his defense, Eisai also compiled the Kozen gokokuron (Promulgation of Zen as a defense of the nation). In this

38 Japanese Zen Pioneers long apologia, Eisai argued, in a characteristic Tendai fashion, that it was to the advantage of the ‘Secular Law” to protect the “‘Religious Law,” since Buddhist deities would, in return, protect the state and Buddhist monks serve as a spiritual leaven in society. He

then asserted that the essence of Buddhism was to be found in Zen, and that the life of Zen was itself maintained in the regulations and precepts of the monastic life. Since Zen was the purest and most vital expression of Buddhism, it clearly merited the most active patronage of the secular authorities. Eisai’s arguments won him some sympathy in court circles but did nothing to deflect the

opposition of Enryakuji. In 1199, he decided to make his way to Kamakura, the center of warrior rule, where Enryakuji influence was less oppressive.

In his youth, prior to his entry to Enryakuji, Eisai had studied at the monastery of Onjoji or Miidera. Onjoji had close ties with the Minamoto family, and this connection may have helped Eisai to gain a favorable audience in Kamakura.’? H6Oj6 Masako (11571225), the widow of Minamoto Yoritomo, founder of the Kamakura shogunate, appointed Eisai founder (kaisan) of the monastery

of Jufukuji, the first Zen center in Kamakura. Minamoto Yoriie (1182-1204), the second shogun, later provided lands and funds for the building of Kenninji in Kyoto (completed 1205) and appointed Eisai founder. It was for Yoriie’s ailing younger brother, Sanetomo (1192-1219), the third Minamoto shogun, that Eisai wrote his treatise on tea, the Kissa yojoki (1214). With the backing of the shogunate, by making himself useful to the imperial

court as a rebuilder of temples, and by adopting a deferential attitude towards the Buddhist establishment in the capital, Eisai was able to establish a small but active Zen community at Kenninji.

Eisai was not the only monk who attempted to introduce Sung Zen teaching to Kyoto in the last decades of the twelfth century, and the anti-Zen polemics of Tendai supporters were not aimed exclusively at him. Kakua, who was probably the first Japanese

monk to go to China deliberately in search of Zen, introduced Rinzai Zen to Kyoto before Eisai.*® According to the Genko shakusho, Kakua, when invited by Emperor Takakura (1161-1181)

Eisai and the Kamakura Shogunate 39 to explain the tenets of the Chinese Zen schools, answered with a melody on the flute.” If this was the first expression of Sung Zen in Japanese court circles, it must have mystified the young monarch and disturbed his scholarly Buddhist advisors. Kakua, how-

ever, seems to have established no temples and trained few disciples.

The monk Dainichibs Nonin was also active in Kyoto in the late twelfth century.?* Nonin never visited China. In his place he sent two disciples with a copy of a verse he had composed to demonstrate his enlightenment. They had this authenticated by a Chinese master. Thereafter, NOnin devoted his energies to spreading his

brand of Sung Zen, the teaching of the Daruma (Bodhidharma) school, in Japan. He was an uncompromising opponent of any accommodation between Zen and Japanese Tendai scholasticism. His defiance was an invitation to hostilities which Enryakuji supporters could not allow to go unchallenged. Eisai seems to have been embarrassed by the aggressive purism of Kakua and Nonin and sought to disassociate his Zen from their Daruma sectarianism. Eisai never finally rejected Tendai. He was

syncretic in outlook. His aim was to reform and strengthen Japanese monastic Buddhism both by substituting the newer Sung Zen teachings for the T’ang Zen hitherto accepted within Tendai and by reemphasizing the importance of taking and keeping the Vinaya precepts. Moreover, in addition to his interest in Zen and the Vinaya, Eisai maintained a lifelong interest in esoteric Buddhism.”? He taught esoteric rites as well as Zen to his followers and built halls of worship within Kenninji dedicated to the Shingon

and Tendai patriarchs. It is sometimes suggested that Eisai’s accommodation with established Buddhism was carefully contrived to allow him to practice Zen secretly. His writing and actions, however, suggest that his eclecticism derived from conviction rather than convenience. Even the practice of tea drinking, which he had probably learned in Ch’an monasteries in China, was advo-

cated not as a stimulant during meditation but as an esoteric ritual conducive to the harmonious functioning of the bodily organs.”4

40 Japanese Zen Pioneers The eclectic Zen espoused by Eisai was continued by his princi-

pal disciples, Gyoyu (d. 1241), Eicho (d. 1247), and their followers who were active in the Kanto region. Gyoyt, besides teaching Zen, opened a temple in the Shingon stronghold on Mt. Koya. He also acted as the officient at the esoteric Buddhist temple attached to the Tsurugaoka Hachiman Shinto shrine in Kamakura and, like Eisai before him, held the office of intendant of the Todaiji in Nara. Eicho, likewise, combined esoteric Buddhism with Zen.?* It was only in the third generation, with Daikatsu Rydshin (fl. mid-thirteenth century), who studied Zen in China and converted Jufukuji into a pure Zen monastery, that esoteric and scholastic elements were filtered out and Eisai’s line began to advocate Zen exclusively.

Although Eisai eventually established amicable relations with the imperial court in Kyoto and was granted honorary titles by exEmperor Go-Toba in return for his temple restoration activities, his principal patrons remained the warrior-rulers in Kamakura. Eisai’s disciples were also patronized by the shogunate and by such

leading Kanto warrior families as the Nitta, Shiba, Uesugi, and Ashikaga. To judge from the Azuma kagami and other contemporary sources, however, Eisai and his immediate disciples were not

engaged by the shoguns and their retainers as teachers of Zen meditation or philosophy. Their principal function was to conduct invocations and prayers for the memory of the deceased or the intention of the living, and to make appropriate incantation in time of warfare, drought, or natural disaster. Their religious function, therefore, hardly differed from that of Tendai or Shingon priests who had previously performed these very same activi-

ties.° The shoguns and warriors who patronized Eisai and his disciples were neither very knowledgeable in, nor exclusively de-

voted to, Zen, nor did they make any great effort to distinguish it clearly from existing forms of Buddhism. They may have admired Eisai’s practical character and been curious about the new knowledge he had gained in China, but they treated him and his followers as a local, more amenable branch of Tendai than the

Enni and Kujo Michiie | 41 unruly, militant enclave at Enryakuji which was so closely linked to the imperial court and the Kyoto aristocracy. ENNI AND KUJO MICHIE

Like Eisai, Enni Ben’en (Shdichi Kokushi, 1202-1280) began his monastic training.in the Miidera (Onjoji) branch of Tendai.?’ He then studied syncretic Zen with Eisai’s followers Eicho, Gydyi, and Daikatsu Rydshin. In 1235, conscious that there was nothing more to be learned from Rydshin, Enni made his way to China.

His passage was paid for by a wealthy Chinese merchant from Hakata. After visiting a number of Ch’an monasteries in the Hang-

chow region, Enni enrolled at Ching-shan, the foremost of the Five Mountains, under Ch’an master Wu-chun Shih-fan (11771249). Wu-chun was a central figure in the Yang-ch’i school which dominated Ch’an circles in the thirteenth century. By accident or

design, Enni had thus introduced himself into the mainstream of Sung dynasty Ch’an Buddhism. In nearly seven years spent in China, Enni gained a deep under-

standing of contemporary Ch’an-related Chinese culture. Before his return to Japan in 1241, he was accepted as a direct disciple by Wu-chun. In addition to the many Buddhist and Neo-Confucian texts, monastic regulations, and medical manuals Enni carried back to Japan, he also took a portrait (chinso) of Wu-chun and samples of his master’s calligraphy. Enni and Wu-chun corresponded regularly until the latter’s death. After Enni, a steady stream of Japanese monks made their way to Ching-shan to study under Wu-chun and his disciples. The Chinese master, for his part, took an active interest in the propagation of orthodox Sung Zen in Japan and played a decisive role in shaping its development.

Upon his return to Japan, Enni established, with the financial backing of the Chinese merchant who had helped him make the journey to China, a number of temples in Hakata. With these as his base, he sought to spread Zen in northern Kyushu, but his activities stirred the resentment of local Tendai supporters who, in

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Enni and Kujo Michiie 43 1243, petitioned the court to have the new Zen temples closed down. This move was blocked at court, possibly because Enni had

by this time come to the attention of a very powerful figure in contemporary Kyoto court (kuge) society, the regent Kujd Michiie (1193-1252).

Michiie had already conceived the ambition of building in Kyoto a temple to rival the great Nara monasteries of Todaiji and Kofukuji. The new monastery was to be known as Tofukuji. Work began in 1235. Built at the very considerable cost of 138,500

kanmon, Tofukuji took more than ten years to complete and remained for centuries one of the most impressive monastic compounds in Kyoto. Although Michiie was not averse to the incorporation of the latest continental Ch’an monastic elements, there is nothing to suggest that he deliberately set out to build Tofukuji as a pure Sung-style Ch’an monastery. What he seems to have had in mind as an expression of his devotion and as a symbol of Buddhist guardianship of and association with the Japanese state

and its capital was a grandiose complex, incorporating the very

latest and finest of the Indian, Chinese, and Japanese Buddhist traditions. Thus, although the original Tofukuji had a Sung-style

Ch’an ground plan and such characteristic Zen buildings as a Dharma hall and monks’ hall, like Kenninji it also included halls for Shingon and Tendai observances.”*

In Enni, who had been trained in the Indian metaphysical niceties of the Nara Buddhist schools as well as the esoteric and scholastic doctrines of Japanese Tendai and who was accepted as a full-fledged member of the leading school of contemporary Chinese Buddhism, Kuj6 Michiie had found an ideal religious advisor

and founder-abbot for Tofukuji. Enni’s religious posture was eclectic. He accepted the Unity of the Three Creeds synthesis and lectured frequently on such texts as the Dainichikyo, one of the

three principal esoteric sutras of the Japanese Tantric schools, and on the syncretic Tsung-ching-lu (Sugyoroku) and Fo-fa taming-lu (Buppo daimeiroku), texts he had brought back from China, both of which argued the basic identity of Zen thought with scholastic and esoteric Buddhist teaching.*? Enni was also deferred to on doctrinal matters by leading prelates of other

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Enni and Kujo Michiie 45 Buddhist sects. Many of the monks who enrolled in the monks’ hall of Tofukuji had a Tendai or Shingon background and combined their textual or esoteric studies with the practice of Zen. Thus, the Shoichi school, centering on Tofukuji and its many sub-

temples, preserved a strong eclectic bent throughout the middle ages.

In spite of his eclecticism, however, there is no doubt that Enni thought of Tofukuji as a Zen monastery and of himself as a Zen monk who had inherited, and would establish in Japan, the Ch’an teachings of Wu-chun Shih-fan: ‘With the practice of seated meditation (zazen) as the core... [we] should be faithful to the teachings of the Master of Ching-shan.””° In his Jushu yodoki (Essentials of the Way of the ten sects), Enni adds to the eight traditional Japanese Buddhist sects two new ones—Pure Land and Zen. Although he

outlines the essentials of all ten sects, his exposition of Zen takes

up one third of the whole and is clearly the centerpiece of the work.*' Moreover, although Tendai and Shingon buildings were in regular use at Tofukuji for the first half-century of its history, and

Enni himself taught esoteric rites and practices to his disciples, the monastery was organized as a Zen monastery under Zen regulations, with Zen ceremonial, Zen bureaucratic structure, and the four daily sessions of zazen mandatory in Sung Ch’an monasteries. Whereas Eisai had hardly been more than a tolerated intruder in Kyoto, and Nonin and Dogen were both forced to withdraw from

the city, Enni, from the first, was welcomed into the Buddhist elite in the capital. This easy acceptance was due in part to his formidable learning, to his long experience in China and direct association with the major school of contemporary Chinese Buddhism, and to his tolerant attitude towards other Japanese sects. The most important reason for Enni’s success, however, was his good fortune in finding a secular patron who exercised unrivaled influence, not only with the Kyoto court and aristocracy, but also over the Buddhist establishments in Kyoto and Nara. Among Kujo Michiie’s progeny were abbots of such powerful non-Zen monasteries as Enryakuji, Onjoji, Toji, Ninnaji, Shogo’in, Todaiji, and Kofukuji.*? With Michiie’s patronage, Enni was thus guaranteed

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Transmission of the Ground Plan 177 of the various halls; together with schematic diagrams of

| the various bell and drum signals used to set the pace of monastery life. (7) Sample documentary and calligraphic forms: for the reading

of the Ten Buddha Names during the circumambulation ceremonies; and for the wooden tablets assigning officers and monks to their places during ceremonies.

This is far from being a complete inventory of the contents of the Daijoji Gozan jissatsu zu.* Sufficient has been given, however, to indicate that the diagrams and illustrations cover the most characteristic features of Ch’an monastic life. The illustrations vary in detail. Some are hardly more than sketches. Most are very detailed, drawn to approximate scale, labeled, and including basic measurement. There can be no doubt that they were drawn by somebody familiar with the details of Ch’an monastic architecture. To a skilled carpenter they would have served as a comprehensive and reliable source of reference.

As the title of the document suggests, the plans illustrate the large official Ch’an monasteries in the Five Mountain or Ten Temple categories. Ching-shan, the senior “mountain,” was most frequently used as a model, followed by T’ien-t’ung-shan, Peishan, and A-yii-wang-shan. These plans suggest that a very small number of Chinese monasteries shaped the development of Japanese Zen monastic life.°

With this kind of illustration to assist them, reinforced by the suidance of those monks and the few artisans who were familiar with Ch’an monasteries, and by reference to such documents as monastic codes (ch ’ing-kuei), where buildings and their furnishings

are frequently mentioned, the builders of the early Zen monasteries in Japan could feel confident they were producing a fair facsimile of the Chinese model. Illustrations also survive which allow us to see clearly what the earliest medieval Japanese Zen monasteries were like, and to gauge their faithfulness to their continental models. Of these, the earliest and most detailed is the Kenchoji sashizu (Kench6dji ground plan).’°

The history of this document is checkered. In 1319 a fire de-

178 The Monastery and Sub-Temples stroyed many of the buildings at Tofukuji in Kyoto. To help them

in their work of reconstruction of what was to be a pure Zen monastery with no tincture of Tendai or Shingon, the Tofukuji artisans in 1331 made a copy of a master plan of the recently rebuilt Kenchoji. Kenchdji lost its master plan in a disastrous fire early in the fifteenth century, and later (1723) Kenchoji monks recopied the copy handed down in the family of the Tofukuji artisans. It is this later version that survives.'' Although it does not show the earliest form of the monastery, it does show Kench6ji as it was at the peak of its prosperity in the early fourteenth century. Since the Kenchdji style of layout was copied by

Tenrytji and other Japanese Zen monasteries, as well as the rebuilt Tofukuji, the ground plan, which is very detailed, can be

said to reflect the classical stereotype of the fully articulated medieval metropolitan Zen monastery. Other helpful early Japanese illustrated documents include the

Engakuji keidai ezu (Plan of the Engakuji compound), a ground plan showing the layout, setting, and boundaries of this compound in about 1330;'? the Sanshoji garanzu (Sanshdji ground plan), showing Sanshdji, an affiliate of Tofukuji, in the late fourteenth

century;'* the Eiheiji garanzu (Eiheiji ground plan)'* and the detailed painting, attributed to Sesshii, of Tofukuji in the second half of the fifteenth century.'* When these sources are combined with the Kenchdji ground plan, it is possible to build up a very clear picture of the layout and furnishing of medieval Zen monastic buildings. The authenticity of these early plans is attested by the fact that they tally very closely with the descriptions of these

monasteries and their buildings given in contemporary diaries, shingi, and other written documentary sources. The reader may wonder why so much reliance has to be placed on reconstruction through documentary evidence when so many

Zen monasteries still stand in Japan. Zen monastic buildings dating from before the Onin War do survive. The Buddha reliquary (shariden) at Engakuji (c. 1285),’®° the Buddha hall of Kozanji (Yamaguchi prefecture, c. 1320),'’ the monks’ hall (c. 1340), bathhouse (1459), and latrines (Muromachi period)

I

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The Abbot’s Building 199 as “entry to the chamber” (ju-shih, nisshitsu) and “asking for instruction” (ch’ing-i, shoeki), and held some of the occasional general evening assemblies known as the “little assemblies,” here that he conducted the day-to-day administrative and organizational business of the monastery in discussion with the various monastery officers, and here that he entertained local Buddhist dignitaries, monastery patrons, and officials of the civil bureau-

cracy. Since the building had to be capable of accommodating the whole community for evening assemblies or occasional tea ceremonies and be appropriate to the entertainment of ecclesiastical and civil dignitaries, there is little doubt that, by the twelfth

of buildings. |

century at least, the fang-chang was an imposing building or group

On the mid-thirteenth century ground plans of Ch’an mon-

asteries, the fang-chang is shown as comprising three component

buildings located directly north of the Dharma hall. At T’ient’ung-shan, there were two front fang-chang, an inner fang-chang and a meditation chamber and at Wan-nien-ssu (T’ien-t’ai-shan) a front fang-chang, fang-chang, and inner fang-chang.*? Of these, the innermost building was used as the residential chambers of the

abbot, the outer buildings as formal public reception and ceremony chambers. Taken as a block, these three buildings made up a very substantial area of the monastery. Around the ceremonial chambers and the abbot’s residential section were the offices of the monastery acolytes (shih-che, jisha) and rooms for assistants (hsing-che, anja).

In medieval Japanese monasteries, the hdjo occupied the same position to the north of the Dharma hall; however, the main area

of the building tended to be off the central axis. At Sanshoji, the hojo proper was set within its own compound to the northeast of the front hojo, which in turn was linked by a corridor to the rear entrance of Dharma hall.*°

The Kenchoji sashizu shows a ceremony chamber (raima), corresponding to the foremost fang-chang of the Chinese monasteries, immediately north of the Dharma hall. In other medieval Japanese monasteries, this building was also known as a tea hall

200 The Monastery and Sub-Temples (sadd) or rest hall (shindd). North of the ceremony chamber lay the great guest pavilion (daikyakuden) and 2-story inner pavilion known as the “moon-gaining tower.” These corresponded to the inner fang-chang of the Chinese monastery, comprising formal reception and guest chambers and the abbot’s private quarters. These inner buildings were approached by a covered and flagstoned passageway with a double folding door at its center known

as the “‘gateway to the mysterious” (genkan). The word genkan has now passed into everyday Japanese speech to mean a hallway or entrance porch, and few people are consciously aware of the

strong Taoist-Zen overtones of its components “mysterious realm” and “barrier.” The word was in use among Taoist-influenced T’ang poets; adopted by Ch’an as a fitting term to describe the entrance to the august presence of the Ch’an masters; transferred to Japan and later borrowed from the Zen monastery by aristocrats and warriors, becoming part of the aesthetic vocabulary of the Muromachi period.** It is not too far-fetched to assume

that this term played some small part in shaping Zeami’s consciousness of yugen, ‘“‘mysteriousness,’’ nor to suggest that the no actor, moving slowly along the bridge onto the stage, felt some-

thing of the sense of awe a monk might feel passing through the genkan to enter the chamber of his spiritual guide. Perhaps the most striking feature of the hojo of Japanese Zen monasteries is that, from a very early stage, they were built in

the Japanese aristocratic residential shinden-zukuri or shoinzukuri styles of architecture, whereas all other buildings in the compound were in the continental style. The Kenchdji ground plan of the inner hojo clearly shows the vertically opening wooden

shutter doors of the kind known as shitomido, a characteristic feature of shinden-zukuri architecture. There is also the suggestion

of a fishing pavilion (tsuridono) built out over the pond. The inner hojo at Sanshdji and Engakuji were also built in the Japanese

manner on wooden supports, not on a stone pediment. The early Tenryuji hojo is said to have been originally the residential section

(shinden) of one of the palaces of the Emperor Kameyama and

would certainly have been in the aristocratic Japanese style,

Bathhouse, Latrines, Washstands 201 with board floors and the rooms divided by the sliding paperpanel doors (fusuma), which provided a natural surface for ink, and later gilt, painters.

At least one part of the Kenchdji inner hdjo was 2-storied, the “moon-gaining tower.’ The 2-storied hojo was a common feature of medieval Zen monasteries. The Kenninji, Nanzenji, Sanshoji, and Engakuji ojo all had upper chambers, as did the hojo of many prominent sub-temples. That these upper chambers

were carefully decorated and used by the abbots as studies or guest chambers is indicated by references in the Inryoken nichiroku to the shogun admiring the view of Kyoto’s eastern hills from

the hojo pavilion at Kenninji. Although no 2-storied hdjo pavilions survive, the founder’s hall (kaisandd) at Tofukuji probably gives an accurate impression of what they looked like.

It was these elegant Zen monastic buildings with their fine views over gardens, ponds and into mountains, and with their moon-viewing platforms and airy rooms, that provided the model for those two symbols of Muromachi period culture, the Golden and Silver Pavilions.

The hojo was thus the instructional and administrative center of

the monastery or sub-temple. It was also, in Sung and Japanese gozan monasteries, a cultural matrix. It was around the hojo of the great monasteries and their sub-temples that the characteristic Zen garden developed. In its elegantly simple rooms the tea ceremony and art of flower arrangement were cultivated. Its alcovesandscreens provided space for talented calligraphers, ink painters, and painters of Zen portraits (chinso). And it was here that the study of Chinese poetry and thought was encouraged. It is probably to the hajo of the

metropolitan monasteries, to their incumbent abbots and their guests, rather than to some abstract notion of “‘Zen,” that we should look if we are to understand the precise nature of the influence of Zen on the art and culture of the Muromachi period. THE BATHHOUSE, LATRINES, AND WASHSTANDS

The Kenchoji sashizu shows the monastery bathhouse (yokushitsu)

202 The Monastery and Sub-Temples to the southeast of the main gate, linked to the other buildings of

the monastery by a short corridor. The latrine, referred to at Kenchoji as “western purity” (seijin), but in most other monasteries as the “eastern office” (tOsu), was located in a correspond-

ing position to the southwest of the main gate. From the ground plans of other medieval monasteries, it is clear that the locations of these two buildings were formalized in Japanese monasteries, although their positioning had been somewhat more functional in Sung monasteries. To the south of the monks’ hall was a small

building housing washstands referred to as the “rear stands” (goka or koka). The importance attached to these buildings in the Zen monastery is indicated by the facts that the bathhouse and latrine were included among the Japanese list of the basic seven halls, and that Zen monastic codes devote considerable attention to the etiquette and attitude of mind to be maintained in using these buildings.**

The bathhouse at T’ien-t’ung-shan in the mid-thirteenth century was a building 7 bays wide by 4 deep, situated to the southwest of the main gate.*® Over the door hung a plaque reading ‘“‘clarity”

(hsuan-ming), a reference to the lay Buddhist sage Bhadrapala who, with 16 followers, attained enlightenment and was granted bodhisattvahood through contemplation of water while bathing. Bhadrapala is the accepted patron figure in Zen bathhouses.

Above the entrance to the bathhouse proper hung another plaque reading “perfumed sea,” perhaps a reference to the perfumed water used in the traditional purification ceremony of bathing a statue of the Buddha. A statue of Bhadrapala was set on an altar table near the entrance. Before it stood an incense burner, with candleholders at either side. To the right of the altar was a hand-washing basin, to the left a large washtub. Left and right of these again were towel racks and stoves for airing damp towels. Platforms around three walls served as places for monks to disrobe and put on their bathing wraps. They hung their outer robes and the cloth wrappers containing their under-robes over the trellises around the bath. The bath, consisting of two large basins, was heated by a stove

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Bathhouse, Latrines, Washstands 205 A rail running down the length of the center of the hall served as a place to hang towels and outer robes, with tags provided for

identification. Damp towels could be dried and aired over the stoves and drying racks. In the interior of the hall was a furnace and cauldron of hot water for final hand-washing. This was super-

intended by the “stoker,” whose office is shown beside it. Five lanterns along the center of the hall provided illumination when needed. The patron deity of the Zen latrine was Ususama Myoo (Uccusma), whose compassion for those in the bonds of life was such that he was prepared to enter and purify the foulest places. Before using the latrine, monks were required to remind themselves of his virtue.

The Kenchdji ground plan is less detailed. It does, however, show the same kind of long, narrow building with cubicles along one wall and what looks like a stove and wash place in the southeast corner. The only surviving Japanese Zen monastery latrine (tosu) is that at Tofukuji in Kyoto, a long single-storied building to the south of the monks’ hall.*® The interior of the building is now in disrepair, making it difficult to reconstruct its original appearance. However, a plan of the building made before deterioration shows rows of cubicles on both sides of the entrance door, urinals farther in, and a cauldron and washstand at the far end of

the building. There is little doubt, therefore, that the furnishing and use of the latrine in the medieval Japanese Zen monastery followed the Chinese model very closely. Dogen’s description of the proper etiquette and attitude of mind to be observed while using this building, included in the regulations he compiled for his Japanese disciples“? echoes the descriptions given in earlier Chinese

codes and tallies precisely with the illustration of the latrine at Chin-shan-ssu.

The ‘rear stands” (goka or kdka) was a building in which monks washed their faces and cleaned their teeth in the mornings,

and washed their legs and feet before entering the monks’ hall after a journey.°° This wash house was always located very near the monks’ hall, either directly behind it or, as at Kenchoji, immediately to the south of it. Originally the building was nothing but a wash house. By the Southern Sung dynasty, however, it

206 The Monastery and Sub-Temples became, in some monasteries, an outer annex to the latrine. An

early stage in this transition can be detected on the Kenchoji ground plan. By the sixteenth century, the word koka had passed

into colloquial Japanese as a synonym for kawaya, meaning latrine.

The plan of the “rear stands” at A-yii-wang-shan in the midthirteenth century shows a large washstand, “two feet six inches high,” in the middle of the room.*' At the center of this stand was a bath containing cold water, and arranged around this several dozen washtubs and some containers for tooth-cleaning powder. Hot water, if needed, was taken from a cauldron at one end of the stand. A smaller stand held water pitchers and bowls of salt and ginger for cleaning mouth and teeth. Although there is no sign of them, the split willow twigs used for brushing the teeth were probably also kept here. In this building, too, stoves and trellises were provided for drying and airing towels. These, then, were the carefully arranged and furnished hygienic

facilities of a medieval monastery. In some larger Chinese monasteries, where 600 or 700 monks and as many attendants (anja) were in residence, separate latrines and wash houses were also provided for the assistants and itinerants. The abbot’s building would also have had its own self-contained conveniences. The product of the latrines, gathered in huge earthenware jars, was used to fertilize the monastery lands. THE MONKS’ HALL

The monks’ hall (sodo) was the spiritual powerhouse of the medieval Zen monastery. Where the monasteries of other Buddhist

sects housed their monks, as at Toshddaiji (Nara), in individual cells built in blocks around the central lecture and worship halls, Ch’an regulations, from an early date, stressed that all monks should live a communal life in a single open hall.*? In the space of the single mat allotted to him, each monk sat for long hours in meditation, took his meals in silence, and stretched out for the few hours of rest allowed.

The Monks’ Hall 207 Since it was on the meditation platforms of the monks’ hall that “Buddhas were made,” the hall was frequently referred to as the “place for the selection of Buddhas” (senbutsujo). And since

it was to this hall that monks came from all directions ‘ike clouds and vapors” to pursue their individual struggles for enlightenment in communal meditation around their patron, the “holy monk” (shds0; usually represented by a figure of Monju, the bodhisattva of intuitive wisdom), the hall was also referred to as the “cloud hall” (undo) and the “hall of the holy monk” (shosodo).

The origins of the monks’ hall are as obscure as the origins of

the Ch’an sect. The generally accepted model of early Ch’an monastic development is that, for the first few generations after Bodhidharma, Ch’an practitioners moved from place to place as solitary mendicants or in small groups who meditated out of doors or used the facilities of the monasteries of other sects. From the fourth and fifth generations, the number of Ch’an devotees increased sharply and more settled communities began to appear, frequently in remote areas, with their own distinctive pattern of monastic life. It was probably at this stage that the monks’ hall began to develop as a communal center for meditation and that rules for the conduct of Ch’an monastic life were first laid down. Pai-chang (749-814) is usually given credit for drawing up the first Ch’an code of rules, for liberating the sect _ from dependence upon the buildings and regulations of monasteries of the Vinaya (Lt) school. We have already suggested that there is little concrete evidence to support this assertion.

One of the earliest unequivocal descriptions of the Ch’an monks’ hall is to be found in the Ch’an-men kuei-shih (1004).°?

Thus, although we cannot pinpoint the precise origin of the Ch’an monks’ hall, there is no doubt that, before the Sung dynasty, it had already taken on a very characteristic form and was regarded, together with the abbot’s building and Dharma hall, as one of the most essential Ch’an monastic buildings. The Ch’an-yuan Code (1103) stresses the priority of the monks’

hall and makes frequent reference to the activities conducted

208 The Monastery and Sub-Temples there. The first volume of the code, for instance, after emphasizing

the importance for Ch’an monks of receiving and keeping the Vinaya precepts, goes on to describe the equipment needed by monks in the monks’ hall, the correct way to pack and carry this equipment, the procedure for entering the itinerant monks’ hall, the procedure for enrolling in the monks’ hall, and the manner in which meals should be taken there. In a later section of the code, the procedure and posture for meditation are described in detail. Moreover, newly appointed abbots, like any ordinary monks, were instructed by the code to go first to the monks’ hall and enroll: The new abbot enters the monastery. At the great gate he offers incense and delivers a sermon. He then proceeds to the monks’ hall, in front of which he takes off his bundles, goes to the washstands and washes his feet, then enters the hall, salutes the “holy monk,” and offers incense. When he has completed enrollment in the monks’ hall he may proceed

to the great hall...”

During the Southern Sung dynasty, the centrality of the monks’ hall in the monastery seems to have been eroded. Later Ch’an codes are more concerned with the niceties of organization of

ceremonial functions conducted in the Buddha hall than with strict monks’ hall practice. The Ch’i-hsiu Pai-chang Code regrets that monks’ halls had been adversely affected by the development of private retreats (tu-liao or tan-liao) set up by monks who, on retirement from office, not only declined to return to the monks’ hall themselves but also used monks from the hall as assistants or servants. These independent halls are already mentioned in the

Ch’an-yuan Code as guest quarters for dignitaries but not yet condemned as a cause of degeneration of the communal life and discipline of the monks’ hall.**

In spite of these hints of declining vigor, the monks’ hall was still a dominant feature of Southern Sung Ch’an monasteries and was copied faithfully in Japan. This is clear from a comparison of illustrations of the monks’ halls at Ling-yin-ssu and Ch’ingshan with those at Kenchoji and Tofukuji.

The Kenchoji sashizu provides a very detailed plan, with

The Monks’ Hall 209 measurements, of the monks’ hall at Kenchdji in the early fourteenth century. The hall was situated to the west of the central axis of the monastery, between the great gate and the Buddha hall and linked to both by the western corridor system. At Kenchoji, this hall was known as the “great attainment hall’? (daitetsu-

do). The three characters making up the name were engraved on a wooden plaque and hung above the front entrance, which opened to the east. Externally, the building was 7 bays wide by 8 deep (exclusive of the encompassing corridors). Internally, it was divided into an outer hall (gaido), linked by a passageway to

an inner hall (naidd). Between the inner and outer halls were 2 light wells (mindo).

The most prominent features of the inner hall were the kneehigh meditation platforms arranged in blocks around the walls and in the body of the hall. On these platforms the monks who were formally enrolled in the hall sat in meditation, took their meals, and slept. In Japanese monasteries, the platforms were surfaced with tatami mats. In Chinese monasteries, rush matting was used in summer and rugs in winter. Since the long northern

and southern platforms were counted as double blocks, the Kenchoji monks’ hall would be described as a 12-block hall. Single blocks were each 2 bays long. At 5 tatami mats to a bay

(the average at Tofukuji) this would have allowed 10 monks to a block, making a total seating capacity for the Kenchdji hall of about 120 monks. The platforms were just deep enough to allow monks to stretch out and sleep. Against the rear walls were shallow cupboards into which were put bedding, under-robes, the blade used for shaving, and the monks’ few other possessions. Each monk’s set of bowls

used for eating and taking tea was placed on a ledge above this cupboard and his spare outer robes on a rail running the length of the back wall. The outer edge of the platform was made of a length of polished, but untreated, timber about 12 inches wide running the length of the platform. This lip was treated with the greatest respect. During meditation, the monks’ kasaya (kesa) rested on the lip. It was also used as a meal table and as a headrest

210 The Monastery and Sub-Temples at night. All Ch’an codes stress that monks should be careful not to set foot on this “pure area” when getting up onto or down from their places. During meditation, monks sat on cushions facing the back wall. For meals they turned and faced the body of the hall, laying out their bowls in a carefully prescribed manner on the lip of the platform before them. Above each monk was a tablet bearing the four characters making up his name. While he was on the platform he left his sandals neatly under it. Other features of the inner hall were a central altar dais and the abbot’s chair. The altar bore an image of the patron and spiritual leader of the hall. This was always referred to as the “holy monk” (shOso). In most monks’ halls, the figure represented was MafijusrT

(Monju), dressed in the robes of a monk and armed with the sword of perception. The “holy monk” faced east, that is towards

the front door of the hall. Before the dais was an altar table bearing an incense burner, flanked by candles and flowers, and on the southern side of the dais a wooden block and mallet used to signal meals or the beginning of meditation sessions or hall ceremonies. Movements in the hall, as elsewhere in the monastery, were done to prescribed sound signals. There was thus little cause for speech or confusion. The abbot’s meditation chair was placed just inside the northern

portal of the entrance to the inner hall. He sat facing the “holy monk.” A screen stood behind his chair; a small table set in front of it was used at meal times. The order of seating position in the hall was determined in relation to the “holy monk.” Those platforms in front of the altar dais were known as front hall (Zendo), those behind as rear hall (godo), those to the left of the “holy monk” as upper places (jokan), those to the right as lower places (gekan).

The senior officers in the hall thus sat on the platform to the right of the abbot’s chair; other hall officers and senior monks sat on the platform to his left and on the “upper” and “lower” platforms at the rear of the hall. Other monks were placed in order

of the length of time since their ordination. In a large hall, new entrants would thus be placed on the platform just behind and to

The Monks’ Hall 211 the right of the “holy monk” and would “move up” in serpentine fashion as monks above them left the hall.

The abbot made his entrances and exits through the front door, always using the upper, northern side. Ordinary monks used the back door, or, if they should use the front, were careful to use the lower, southern side. To avoid jostling or stumbling

and to encourage constant mindfulness, the codes direct that, when entering the hall, monks should raise the left foot over the lintel first.

The inner hall was reserved for monks who had formally enrolled (kata) in the monks’ hall for the season. Even the abbot was

not exempt from this requirement. The administrative officers (chiji) of the monastery, whose duties meant that they had to be elsewhere in the monastery for much of the time, sat on the inner platforms of the outer hall. They were required to return to the platforms of the inner hall when they had finished their term in office, though, as we have seen, some did not do so but set themselves up in private retreats. Monks in charge of sound signals, itinerant monks, monks who intended to enroll but had not yet done so, elderly monks, and lay visitors used the platforms just inside the front door of the outer hall. Since those who used the platforms in the outer hall did so only for meditation or meals, and slept elsewhere, the platforms in this area were only half the depth of those in the inner hall. In the open space in the center of the outer hall stood trestle tables upon which the tubs of rice, soup, and vegetables and the pitchers of hot water and urns of tea carried from the kitchen by the assistants (anja) were rested before the meal and between servings. When not engaged in distributing food, the servers stood

beside the tables. The only other furnishings of the outer hall were the drums and bells for signaling assemblies, meals, washing, bathing, and other daily activities.

The spaces on either side of the passage linking the outer and inner halls were intended to allow more light and fresh air to reach the inner hall. Even so, the interior of the inner hall was always gloomy. This half-light was conducive to meditation. Moreover

212 The Monastery and Sub-Temples the hall was not intended for study but for Zen practice through meditation; meditation carried on during meals and into slumber. Deepening of the understanding acquired through meditation and discussion with the elder by study of sutras and the writings of

earlier Zen masters was done in the reading room, not in the monks’ hall.

The main doorway of the outer hall gave directly onto the western corridor of the monastery. On its other three sides, the hall was bounded by a covered corridor used for walking meditation (kinhin) to ease the legs during extended sessions of seated meditation (zazen). The corridor also served to insulate the hall

against any extraneous noise. Monks going to the washstands, bathhouse, latrines, or one of the other halls normally made their exit from the rear door of the inner hall. The section of the corridor between the rear door and the washstands was known as the illuminated hall (shddd) because extra windows were provided

to relieve the near-darkness of this out-of-the-way corner. This section of the corridor was also occasionally used by monks’ hall officers to lecture to the monks.

The basic similarity of the Kenchoji monks’ hall with the monks’ halls of Ling-yin-ssu and Ching-shan is evident from a glance at the plans of the monks’ halls in these monasteries. However, the inner hall at Ling-yin-ssu was a 16-block hall, bigger

than anything known in Japan, capable of accommodating upwards of 200 monks. This in turn necessitated a larger outer hall. The hall at Ching-shan was a massive 20 blocks, capable of accommodating between 300 and 400 monks.*® The Ching-shan monks’ hall plan is particularly valuable, since it gives the seating positions of the various monastery officers and

functionaries as well as the basic measurements of the hall.*’ North of the abbot, on the first platform sat the prefects (t’ouchu, choshu): the chief seat (shou-tso, shuso), scribe (shu-chi, shoki) and the eastern and western sutra hall stewards (hsi-ts’ang,

seiz6 and tung-ts’ang, tozd). Senior monks who did not hold formal office, known as the western hall (hsi-t’ang, seido), sat

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FIGURE 14 The Monks’ Hall at Ching-shan

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eee ee: oe NGoe PUES ey NOs Ceeen oe eeooOo 7ee : c iparen cc :ie y yy :aee . .es) Lo. Co. — eaee eee Tee ee aaiedhe oe Ve oo 7ee We ee eS:8Ss ee UE ne ee 2Eeaeee oo ase Poe oy Ne cee ae ue ee Picea ere ane as GOs ee Sig eee aa Ve VO ee oe 8 nn : 78a.| Wess eee ee ee EM Te are ae ae Ce OM GS Oe oe ee eS ee we o ee |ae ” eo ao a , . 8 i c oe oe oo Oe ge Se Ca) Oe TE Perens 7 oe ee 4) ae Bs eas | \: :(creer: DsBe ay oo oo Hi a. eR LE assoeeee oe EC ee eee ee See aLo a oe a en ee ee ee es oo oe © oe a rs ae nee cee i ey Bete omnia aaoaen EE ee AUSee IES USE Feldees vaso eeRe Mee 7 oe ae eety ee eeaeeyy ee igs. esDee ees peea. . 4 +41 ae ;‘ coe ae. ee ee Cag i . Le :Pete fae a Baas os ape ose BURNS Ronnie Rupe carer ees ees ee EASES OARS RUBS IN ay eee ere ae eee Se) seem UTE Es EN ENED | oe we a ee 7 ESS OG ae 2 oo Uhm CC ee oe a o 3 - DEE OBIS Usha Bee gee Be ee ke ee eee ONE SIV ne IE Gees Sey ean ee eee : a AE A? Cur 7. amen Begs: 7ee|Uy: ES so ee SEY IG 9 eee EE Renee PGs HS eG CO eee oe CE es ESE eh OE 8 eT Poe ee eae Ce ho asia Boe Sigs ee is

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—, ed. Shoen oh Gohé Myoo 2 x& 9 Z Harima t& € goka (koka) eB Hatakeyama Yoshitsuna gokenin tip He A 2, v4 Be Z1h) Gokoku shobogi Hatano Yoshishige

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Index

A-yii-wang-shan, xviii, 36, 206;asa model Andojd (certificates of confirmation of

for Japanese monasteries, 177 land rights), 103 Abbot (jiji or chdrd), 228-236; duties of, Ankokuji (Temples for Peace in the 77, 143, 154, 164, 170, 196, 211, 232; Realm), 101, 103, 106-109, 110, 113, bakufu regulations on, 88, 167, 168- 114, 294 169, 231; installment of, 155-156, Appointment, certificates of (zakumon or 169, 189, 194, 208, 227, 232-233; as inari kumon), 233; selling of, 234, 235 the Buddha, 195; bodhisattva vows of, Architecture, styles of, 200 228; appointment of, 228-231, 233;in Arhats, 189-190, 196 China (shang-tso), 236; training of, Arhat hall (rakandd), 190

244;income of, 269, 270 Arnesen, Peter, 15

Abbots’ halls (fang-chang; hojd), 35, 124 Artisans (ninku), 245 180, 181, 189, 197-201, 215; func- Ashikaga family, 18; patronage of Zen by,

tions of, 126, 143, 197-199, 201; xvi, 29-30, 81, 84, 91, 98-102, 180, ground plans of, 179, 199-200; archi- 222, 253, 254, 258, 260, 293; and Zen

tectural style of, 200 culture, 80, 102; and gozan system, 91,

Absentee guarantor (honke), 255 98-102, 109, 287, 288; and Go-Daigo,

Accountant (chih-sut), 236 95-96, 104-105; Zen practice of, 98-

Acolyte (jisha), 169, 227, 228, 229, 237, 99; and conflict with Enryakuji, 105243-245; monks’ hall (shdsd jisha), 106, 287; temple of, 106; proliferation 157; appointment fees for, 236; kinds of shozan under, 115; protection of of, 239, 243; training of, 243; income gozan by, 124; regulation of gozan by,

of, 270 165-170, 246; ties with Nanzenji, 263

Agents (azukari-dokoro), 255 Ashikaga Mochiuji (1398-1439), 262

Aizen Mysoo, 49 Ashikaga Motouji (1340-1367), regulation Akamatsu Norisuke (1314-1371), 118, of gozan by, 165

121 Ashikaga Sadauji (c. 1274-1333), 81

Akamatsu Toshihide, 96 Ashikaga Tadayoshi (1306-1352), 13, 84, Altar platform (shumidan): tablets for, 95, 98, 259; and Muso Soseki, 102,

191-192 107; and division of power with TakauAnalects, 79 ji, 103; household government of, 104, Amida, 27, 31, 80-81, 145; hall of, 99. 118; trade mission organized by, 105;

See also Pure Land building under, 107; expansion of milli-

Andogata (Commissioner for Confirming tary power by, 108-109; assassination

Rights to Land), 104 of, 109; gozan system under, 110, 260,

384 Index Ashikaga Tadayoshi (1306-1352) (con- invasions, 61-62, 71; regulation of

tinued) | monasteries by, 74-78, 83, 88, 103,

294; jissatsu under, 114; regulation of 165-170; and Go-Daigo, 76-77, 92, Zen by, 117-118, 167, 169, 222, 235- 94; cultural interests of, 78-80, 83-

236 84; income for, 101; gozan system

Ashikaga Takauji (1305-1358), 13, 86, under, 103, 110, 260, 294 93, 101; Zen patronage by, 84, 98, Bakufu, Muromachi: gozan system under, 102, 151, 260, 294-295; against Go- 101-102, 106, 109, 113, 119, 125, Daigo, 95; and division of power with 236, 241, 266; and foreign trade, 101, Tadayoshi, 103; death of, 109; regula- 124, 284; founder of, 102; power tion of Zen by, 117-118, 170; and structure of, 103, 104; establishment monastic domain management, 259, of Rishoto and Ankokuji by, 107-

264 108; military expansion of, 108-109;

Ashikaga Yoshiakira (1330-1367), 261; jissatsu under, 113, 115; income of,

gozan system under, 110; jissatsu 234-236, 279-280, 288 under, 114; regulation of Zen by, Bakufu, Tokugawa, 268

117-118 Bathhouse (yokushitu), 178, 184, 201-

Ashikaga Yoshihisa (1465-1489), 125 206; ground plans of, 175, 201-202; Ashikaga Yoshimasa (1436-1490), 98, at T’ien-t’ung-shan, 202, 203 266; succession of, 124; gozan re- Bell tower (shoro), 184 building under, 125, 267; debt edicts Benddhd (Regulations for the monks’

by, 282 hall, 1245), 148 Ashikaga Yoshimitsu (1358-1408), 97, Benddwa (Distinguishing the Way), 49

98, 99, 101; gozan system under, 110, Bhadrapala, 202 119, 222, 270; building of Shékokuji Bodaiji (family temple), 106, 273 by, 111; jissatsu under, 114; patronage Bodhidharma, 7, 37, 39, 50, 137, 139,

by, 123; and MyGshinji land confisca- 190 tion, 128; gozan regulations by, 167, Bodhisattva: precepts of, 37, 162, 202, 170, 232-233; foreign trade policy of, 228, 245; Dogen’s teachings on, 53;

284 Jizs, 69, 80, 84, 102, 191; Kannon,

Ashikaga Yoshimochi (1386-1428), 98, 49, 80, 102, 172-173, 196; Mafijusri

266 158

127; sdroku and Inrydken offices (Monju), 162, 197, 207, 210, 238; under, 123; patronage by, 123; gozan Zenzai Doji, 189 regulations by, 233; assassination of, Bonmdkyo (Sutra of the Brahma’s net), Ashikaga Yoshinori (1394-1441), 101; Bonten, 190

assassination of, 124, 288 Boshi nyuminki (1468), 284 Asoka, 64 Buddha. See Sakyamuni

Assemblies, monastic, 142-143, 199;kinds Buddhacarita (Deeds of the Buddha), 5

of, 195 Buddha halls, 35, 72, 111, 178, 190-194;

Assistants (anja): rules for, 76; duties of, function of, 10, 123-124; development

187, 211, 219, 237 of, 10, 140; in Ch’an centers, 35, 194;

Ateokonatjo (certificates of reward), 103 elevations of, from Chin-shan-ssu, 175;

Attendants (shoji), 245 KenchOji, ground plan of, 179, 190,

Avatamsaka sutra (Kegon-kyd), 217 198; golden (kondd), 184, 191; Eiheiji,

Awajiya Jugen, 126 ground plan of, 190; annexes of, 190, Azuma kagami, 40 altar platform of, 191-192; importance of, 193; rejection of, 193

Bakufu, Kamakura, 19, 20, 58-80; pa- Buddhist Law, 162; decline of, 31, 145 tronage of Zen by, 26, 40; and Eisai, Bukk6 lineage, 116. See also Muso Soseki; 36-41; and Dogen, 53-54; and Mongol Wu-hsueh

Index 385 Buninjod (letters of appointment), 103 Ching-te ch’uan-teng-lu (Transmission of Bursar (tsibun), 78, 239, 287; duties of, the lamp, 1004), 138, 194, 251 78, 240, 241, 242, 276-277, 278; Ch’ing-cho Cheng-ch’eng (Seisetsu Shocho,

moneylending by, 280-281 1274-1339), 30, 77, 79, 83, 92, 149; Bushi, 93, 98, 226, 228, 247, 276; relli- writings of, 135 gious inclinations of, 59, 61, 291 Chinsé (portrait), 41, 42, 79, 201

Butsuden. See Buddha hall Chiyoku. See Prefect, bath

Butsunichi’an kOmotsu mokuroku, 79 Chégen (1121-1206), 31, 36 Chirakuji, 114 Ceremonies, monastic, 11, 78, 100, i144, Choshu. See Prefect

145, 151, 155, 160-161, 175, 208, Chu Hsi, 97

232-233, 270, 271, 280 Chu-hsien Fan-hsien (Jikusen Bonsen, Ceremony chamber (raima), 199 1292-1348), 77, 102 Ch’an: monasteries, xvii, 43, 172, 186, Chuang-tzu, 79 187; development of, 7-9, 26, 37; in Chtho Chiisho, 123 Sung dynasty, 9-10, 26, 27, 32, 33, Chung-feng Ming-pen (Chuhd Mydhon, 41, 134; influences on, 10, 33, 79; and 1263-1323), 129, 152 Tendai, 26, 33; and Japanese pilgrim Closed monastery (tsuchien), 93, 116,

monks, 26, 32-33, 36, 48, 50, 63, 150, 231 134, 146; opposition to, 55-56;appeal Commissioners of Religion, 119

in Japan of, 61, 78-80, 83-84, 85,87, Comptroller (kansu), 239; duties of, 99-100, 147; monk emigrations, causes 154, 277 of, 64-65; monastic codes, 134-149; Comptroller, Assistant (fusu), 239; duties community life of, 137; monasteries as of, 154, 277 Japanese model, 172-182, 186-189, Confucianism, 33, 63, 97, 182

292 Contemplation. See Meditation

Ch’an-lin pei-yung ch’ing-kuei (1311),135 Controller (tien-tso), 236 “Ch’an-men kuei-shih” (1004), 135, 136, Cook, monastery (tenzo), 219, 230, 239,

138-145, 193, 195, 197, 207 240; regulations for, by Dodgen, 148

Ch’an-yuan ch’ing-kuei (Ch’an-yuan Code, Council of State (Hydjoshu), 83

1103), xvii, 64, 135, 137, 138-145, Court of Pleas (zasso ketsudansho), 259 146, 149, 186, 197-198, 203, 207208, 215-216, 240, 251-253, 278

Ch’en-hsu, 138 Daidenho’in. See Negoroji

Chia-ch’a. See Principal temples Daigo, Emperor (885-930), 96 Chiao-ting ch’ing-kuei (1274), 135, 194 Daigoji,95 |

Chiden. See Prefect, hall Daigon Shuri Bosatsu, 190 Chief monk (fuji), 155 Daijdji: ground plans of, 174

Ch'ih-hsiu Pai-chang ch’ing-kuei (1336), Daikaku-ha, 70

63, 135, 137, 145, 146, 152, 208 Daikakuji, 85, 263

Chiji. See Steward Daikan. See Estate deputies “Chiji shingi” (Regulations for monastery Daikatsu Ryéshin, 40, 41

officers, 1246), 148 Dainichibd NGénin, 28, 39, 45

Chin-shan-ssu: Buddha hall of, 175, 198; Dainichikyd, 43 latrine of, 204, 205; reading room of, Daisen’in. See Daitokuji

216-217 Daitd Kokushi. See Shthd Mydchsd

Ching-shan-ssu, xviii, 41, 42, 48, 174, Daitokuji, 1, 29, 30, 91, 127-129, 180, 175, 214; as model for Japanese mon- 181, 225, 228, 286, 289, 291, 295;

asteries, 66-68, 173, 177, 208, 212; founder of, xviii, 86, 92, 127, 270;

monks’ hall of, 213 gozan status of, 93, 110, 112, 269,

Ching-t’ang chueh-yuan, 72 270; jissatsu ranking of, 114, 125;

386 Index Daitokuyji (continued) Eihei shingi, 135, 148 monks’ hall of, 125; patronage of, Eiheiji, 1, 146; ground plans of, 174, 175, 125-126, 127, 222, 273; Dharma hall 178, 190; monks’ hall of, 214 of, 126, 196, 197, 272; abbot’s hall of, Etheiji garanzu, 178, 190

126, 272; natural features of, 183; Eihdji: Kannon hall of, 180; founder’s bathhouse of, 204; economy of, 254- hall of, 180 255, 269-275, 278, 288; income of, Eikoji: pagodas in, 107 269, 270, 274, 281-282; shden rights Eisai. See Myoan Eisai of, 269, 274; tea ceremony at, 273 Eison (1201-1290), 70

Daitokuji hatto, 135, 152 Engakuji, xix, 1, 30, 72, 94; abbots of, 72, “Daitokuji jiyO gegyO sadamebumi,” 269 74; regulations for, 75-76, 77-78, 103, Daruma school, 37, 39. See also Bodhid- 222, gozan status of, 76, 93, 110, 222;

harma ground plan of, 178; Buddha reliquary

Debate. See Mondo of, 178, 261; Buddha hall of, 194; Deities, protective, 25, 156, 190; principal architectural style of, 200; hajo of, (honzon), 191; of bathhouses, 202; of 201; population of, 221-223, 256,

latrines, 205 257; youths in, 246; economy of, 254, Dengaku, 102, 127 255-263; landholdings of, 255, 259; Dharma hall (hattd), 43, 111, 126, 154, stewardship rights of, 256, 257, 268, 184, 194-197; development of, 9; in 276; income of, 256, 260, 262; and Ch’an centers, 35, 41, 171, 194-195; domain instability, 258-259, 262

functions of, 123-124, 140, 143; ele- Engakuji keidai ezu, 178 vations of, from Ching-shan, 175; ‘‘Engakuji seifu josho” (1327), 117 ground plans of, 179; importance of, Enlightenment: through Zen practice, 3, 193; as seat of mondd, 195; oldest in 5, 7, 146, 160, 190, 292; of Buddha, 3, Japan, 196, seating positions in, 237 5, 189; transmission of, 7; ‘‘sudden,”’

Dharma Realm of Absolute Reality 8, 9, 194; Nonin’s, 39; Ddgen’s, 50;

(shinnyo hokkai), 158 mindfulness as a vehicle to, 148; Bhad-

Dhyana. See Ch’an rapla’s, 202

Ddgen Kigen (1200-1253), 25, 28, 45, EnniBen’en(ShdichiKokushi, 1202-1280),

49-56, 145, 147-148, 172-173, 185, xviii, 30, 31, 41-48, 84, 92, 146, 172, 205, 214, 217, 240; writings of, 49- 174, 214; writings of, 45, 135, 149 51, 135, 148, 173; rejection of syncre- Ennin (793-864), 3-4, 9, 32, 65, 82 tism by, 50, 52, 193; court rebuke of, Enpd dentdroku, 226 52, devotion to Lotus Sutra by, 52- Enryakuji (Hieizan line of Tendai), 40,

53; successors of, 54; monastery build- 45, 88, 105, 288; landholdings of,

ings, views of, 193 14-15; sources of income of, 16;

Dormitory head (rydgen), 157 monk-soldiers of, 19, 20, 59, 95, 121;

Dosen. See Tao-hsuan and conflict with Zen, 27, 37, 105, Dosho (629-700), 3 112, 293; pilgrim-monks of, 31; conDos6. See Pawnshops flict with Dédgen, 51, 52; imperial patronage of, 94; abbots of, 45, 95; East Mountain, 7, 8-9 military strength of, 95-96; commerEastern hall (todd), 230-233 cial activities of, 95, 283; and Ashi-

Eastern ranks (tohan), officers of, 169, kaga conflict, 105; and Nanzenji Gate 237, 239; functions of, 242, 270, 276- incident, 120-121, 293 277, 287, 296; finances of, 279-280, Entairyaku, 106

284 Esoteric Buddhism, 4, 43, 45, 88, 92; Ten-

Echizen, 49, 51, 54 dai version of (taimitsu), 52; and JapaEicho (d; 1247), 40, 41, 48 nese emperors, 85, 94

Index 387 Estate deputies (daikan), 277, 279 110; political motives of, 94-98; resEstate . overseers (shosu), 241, 277-279 toration by, 94, 96-97, 222, 264, 269; memorial site for, 103-105; as a

Fa-hsiang, 249 Zen monk, 149; Court of Pleas of,

Finance, monastery: sources of income, 259

Japan, 15-16, 17, 124, 270-272; ac- Go-Fukakusa, Emperor (1243-1304), 47,

count keeping of, 128, 169; economic 48, 68 self-sufficiency of, 137, 144; fund- Go-Fushimi, Emperor, 261 raising by, 144; management of, 154, Go-Murakami, Emperor (1328-1368), 85 241, 270, 276-277; sources of income, Go-Saga, Emperor (1220-1272), 47, 51,

China, 249-253, 254, 256, 257; east- 84,92 ern rank control of, 242; expenses of, |. Go-Toba, Emperor (1180-1239), 11, 40

279-280, 287-288 Go-Tsuchimikado, Emperor (1442-1500}, Finance office (nassho), 272, 277 279

Five Mountains. See Gozan Go-Uda, Emperor (1267-1324), 13, 48, Fo-fa ta-ming-lu (Buppd daimeiroku), 43 84-85, 93 Founder’s hall {kaisandd), 180, 271; of Goho Myoo, 190

Tofukuji, 201 Gokoku shdbdgi (Principles of the true Fudd Myoo, 25, 49 Buddhist law in defense of the coun-

Fukan zazengi (Principles for the universal try), 51. See also Dogen

promotion of zazen)}, 50, 53 Golden Pavilion, 201

Fumonji: jissatsu status of, 114 Gosaie, 111

Fuse Shochin, 119 Gottan Funei. See Wu-an P’u-ning “Fushukuhanpd” (Method of taking meals, Gozan (Five Mountains), xvi, xvii, xii;

1246), 148 in China (wu-shan), xvi, xvii, 10, 29,

Fisu. See Assistant Comptroller 32, 41, 100, 177; development of,

xvi, 29, 76, 84, 85, 91, 103, 109, 146, Gakuji (inscribed tablets): by Wu-chun, 174 222-223; lineages of, xviii; historical

Gakuonji: pagoda in, 107 studies of, xix, 109; in India, 29; de-

Gansho, 48 cline of, 30, 123-125, 234, 262, 289; Gates, monastery, 188-190; inscriptions Ashikega patronage of, 29-30, 84, 91, for (gakuji), 174, 179; mountain (san- 98-102; hierarchy of, 47, 88, 109-110; mon), 184, 232; characteristics of, as cultural centers, 61, 74, 91, 99-100,

188-189; symbolic meaning of, 189 124, 293; reorganization of, 93-94, “Gateway to the mysterious” (genkan), 119; peak of, 98, 109, 123-125, 291;

200 diaries of, 100; incorporation of Anko-

Ga’un nikkenroku (1446-1473), 100 kuji and Rish6téd into, 108; numbers of

Gautama. See Sakyamuni monasteries in, 115-116, 291; finances

Gazan J oseki (1275-1365), 54 of, 124, 275, 284-289; enrollments in, Genpo Reisan (d. 1608), 268 221-224, 225; branch temples of, 225,

Genji lineage, 129 288; administrative hierarchy in, 123, _ Getsud Chiky6, 66 come from, 234-236; landholdings of, Getsugai Chéja (Sudhana), 189 227-228, 234; abbots, in, 229-230; inGid6 Shtshin (1325-1388), 99, 120; 265-266, 285; and Onin War, 267

diary of, 100, 122 Gozan jissatsu zu (Illustrations of the Five

Gikt. See I-k’ung Mountains and Ten Temples), 174; Go-Daigo, Emperor (1288-1339), 13, 74, composition of, 175-177; latrines 76-77, 80, 84-85, 91, 112, 113, 149, shown in, 204 264, 289; patronage by, 92-93, 254, Guardian deity, hall of, 156, 190 258, 294; gozan system under, 93-94, Guest pavilion (daikyakuden), 200

388 Index Guilds, merchant (za): as a source of and Dégen, 54; patronage of Zen by, monastery income, 16, 18, 254, 283 57-58; enlightenment of, 60, 69, 72;

Gyoji, 77-78, 117 and Lan-ch’i, 65-68; and Wu-an P’uGyoyt (d. 1241), 40, 41, 48 ning, 68-70 Hojo Yasutoki (1183-1242), 58 Hachiman, 59, 71 Hojo Yoshitoki (1163-1224), 58 Hakudo Bon’i, 124 Hokke uprising. See Lotus uprising

Hakuin (1686-1769), xviii, 125 “Holding the whisk’ (hinpotsu), 229-

Hakusan, 11, 19, 53 230, 231, 244, 296

Hall, John W., 96 “Holy monk” (shdsd), 238 Hanazono, Emperor (1297-1348), 85-86, Hdnen (1133-1212), 31

112,127 Honganji, 288 Hanzei, 124 Horinji, 118 Hatakeyama Yoshitsuna (d. 1545), 127 Hdsenji: jissatsu ranking of, 114 Hatano Yoshishige, 53-54, 56 Hosokawa Mochiyuki (1400-1442), 128

Heijo-ky5, 16 Hosokawa Takakuni (1484-1531), 128 Hekizan nichiroku, 100 Hosokawa Yoriyuki (1329-1392), 109; Hie shrine, 16, 95 regulation of gozan by, 120; and NanHieizan, 11, 14, 53, 183, 225 zenji Gate incident, 120-121

Hikitsukegata (Commissioner for Appeals), Hottd Kokushi zazengi (Principles of

104 meditation, Shinchi Kakushin}, 49

Hinayana, 37, 139, 147; monks of, 162 Hsu-an Huai-ch’ang (Kian Eshd), 36-37

Hino (Fujiwara) Arinori, 119 Hua-yen (Kegon), 4, 10, 249 Hinpotsu. See ‘‘Holding the whisk” Huan-chu-an (Genjii’an), 129 HodOji: jissatsu ranking of, 114 Huan-chu-an ch’ing-kuei (1317), 135, 152

Hojo. See Abbot’s hall Hui-ch’ang: persecution of, 250

Hojo family: patronage of Zen by, 28, Hui-neng (638-716), 8, 137, 139; and 57-80, 83, 84, 87, 88, 253, 254, 257, “sudden” enlightenment, 194. See also 293; cultural influence of Zen on, 78- Patriarchs 80; and Nichiren, 81; increased power Hui-tsung, Emperor, 80 of, 83; overthrow of, 86,91, 222;regu- Hung-chih Cheng-chueh (Wanshi Shogaku,

lation of Zen under, 117, 165-170; 1091-1157), 74 shozan status started by, 115; gozan Hung-jen (601-674), 7

system under, 288 Hyojoshiu (Council of State), 104

Hojo Masako (1157-1225), 38, 58

Hojo Sadatoki (1271-1311), 47, 82, 93, I-k’ung (Gikt, 786-842), 3 224, 257; and I-shan I-ning, 73-76; I-shan I-ning (Issan Ichinei, 1247-1317), regulations for monks by, 75-76, 167, 77, 92, 149, 222; and Hojo Sadatoki,

222; policies of, 83, 237, 246 73-76; and the Unity of Three Creeds, H6jo Takatoki (1303-1333), 47, 112; 79;as abbot of Nanzenji, 85 patronage of Zen by, 76-78; regulation Ishuso, 112

of gozan by, 167, 222, 246 IchijS Kanera (1402-1481), 184 H6jd Tokimune (1251-1284), 58,69;and lio Sadayuki, 119 Mongol invasions, 63, 71;and Lan-ch’i, Ikk6 school. See New Pure Land 70; patronage by, 70-73, 221;and Wu- = [kkyii Sdjun (1394-1481), 125, 133, 228,

hsueh Tsu-yuan, 72-73; death of, 73; 272, 273, 296 Buddhist name of, 73; policies of, 83; Imaeda Aishin, 107, 115 establishment of Engakuji by, 255; Imamura Fukumanji, 257, 258

memorial services for, 260 Income, monastic: land tax, 15, 154, 241, Hojo Tokiyori (1227-1263), 47, 57-65; 253, 286; donations, 15, 241, 253,

Index 389 254, 258; tax exemptions, 15; from Jdrakuji kishiki, 135 shoen, 15-17, 256, 257; sake brewing, Josetsu (1386?-1428?), 99 16, 260, 282, 283; pawnshops, 16,95, Joshi Jiishin (Chao-chou Ts’ung-shan,

280, 281, 282, 283;shiddsen, 16, 270, 778-897), 160 274, 281, 282, 283; medicine making, J6dzan Sozen (d. 1374), 121 16; monk-peddlars, 16; money-lending, Ju-chung jih-yung ch’ing-kuei (1209),

16, 124, 241, 253, 254, 262, 266, 277, 135, 194 280, 282, 283, 286; guild sponsorship, Jufukuji, 38, 40, 47, 66; gozan ranking 16, 18, 254, 283; market licensing, 16, of, 110; enrollments in, 223 18, 254; toll barriers, 17, 18, 254, 260, Juko’in, 273 268, 287; trade, 101, 124, 241, 253, Jun-gozan (associate gozan), 93, 110 254, 262, 283-284, 286, 295, 296;tax Jushii yoddki (Essentials of the Way of rice, 17, 256, 257, 264; temporary tax the ten sects), 45 levies, 260

Inka (seal of succession), 69, 129 Kaisan (founding abbot): of Jufukuji, 38;

Ind. See Registrar of Tofukuji, 43; of Kenchoji, 66, 113;

Inryoken, 123, 124, 232, 266 of Engakuji, 72; of Mydshinji, 86; of

Inrydken nichiroku, 100, 201, 246, 267, Daitokuji, 92; of Tenryitji, 104; of

278, 279, 280 Shokokuji, 111

Ippen (1239-1289), 21, 31, 61, 82, 294; Kakua (b. 1143), 31, 88-89 as Ji sect founder, 81; rejection of | Kamakura, xviii, 11, 20; warrior-leaders in,

monastic life by, 145 19, 26, 66-68; monasteries in, 30, 38,

Ishin Stiden (1569-1633), 123, 268 66-67, 68, 116; introduction of Zen Intendants, provincial (kokushi), 97 to, 37; shrines of, 40, 59; and Hdjé Iwashimizu Hachiman shrine, 71 regents, 58-80, 91;compared to Kyoto,

59, 79; and Mongol threat, 71; and

Jimy3’in line, 84, 85-86, 257 Chinese cultural influence, 79-80, 87;

Jingoji, 14 gozan system of, 93, 96, 110, 222-

Jinaimachi (monastic compounds), 16 223; loss of political centrality of, 93

Jinju. See Steward, sanitation Kameyama, Emperor (1249-1305), 47,

Jinnd shotdki (1339), 94 48, 84-85, 200-201, 263; palace of, 104

Jisect, 81-82 Kamikaze (divine winds), 62

Jissatsu. See Ten Temples Kangiten, 102

jito (military stewards), 14, 53-54, 88, Kanji (official monasteries), 29, 112

101, 115, 255, 276, 294 Kannon (Kuan-yin), 49, 80, 102, 172-173, Jizo, 84, 102, 191; statue at Kenchoji, 217, 271; Thousand Armed, 49, 196

69 Kannon hall, 173, 180 Joao Rodrigues (1561-1634), 133 Kanrei, 109, 120 Jochiji: gozan ranking of, 110; enroll- Kansu. See Comptroller

ments in, 223 Kanto bugyd, 104 Jodoji, 107 Kanzan Egen (1277-1360), xviii, 86, Jodo Shin school. See New Pure Land 127-128

Joei shikimoku (1232), 83 Karamono, 79 Jogakuji (imperially sponsored monastery), Kasho (customs-barrier permits), 103

93 Kasuga shrine, 16, 95

Jomyodji: gozan ranking of, 110, 113; Katsurayama Kagetomo, 48 jissatsu ranking of, 114;enrollments in, | Kegon school. See Hua-yen

223; abbots of, 230 Keichin, 94

Jérakuji: Lan-ch’i as abbot of, 66;monks’ Keizan Jokin (1268-1325), 54 hall of, 66, 214; regulations for, 149 Keizan koki, 135

390 Index Keizan shingi (1325), 135 Kodhd Kennichi (Bukkoku Zenji, 1241Kenchoji, xviii, xix, 30; patronage of, 60, 1316), 47, 73, 92 66; abbots of, 66, 69, 70, 72, 74;com- Kokan Shiren (1278-1346), 109

position of, 66-68; gozan status of, Kokawadera, 95 76, 93, 110; funding for construction Kokokuji, 48 of, 105; regulations for, 149; ground Kokubunji system, 107 plan of, 177-178, 179, 185, 187, 206; Kokufin (local warriors), 14, 276 Dharma hall of, 196; architectural Kokushi (National Master), 149 style of, 200; latrines of, 202, 205; K6émy6, Emperor (1321-1380), 86 bathhouse of, 203-204; washstands of, Komydin shinki, 106 205; monks’ hall of, 208, 209, 212, Konchi’in, 123 215; reading room of, 217-218;kitchen Kondé Rydichi, 250, 251 office of, 218, 219, 220; enrollments Kongdbuji. See Kdyasan in, 223; commercial activities of, 283 K6 no Moronao (d. 1351), 106

Kenchdji kishiki (1278), 135 Kdsatsu. See Principle Temples Kench6ji sashizu (Kenchdji ground plan), Késeiji, 114 177, 185-186, 190, 196, 199, 201, Kosen Ingen (1295-1374), 106, 129

208-209, 215 Kdshdji, 51, 52

Kenmu Restoration (1333-1336), 91,94, Kéyasan, 11, 48, 183, 225, 288; monk-

96-97, 222, 259, 264, 269. See also soldiers of, 13, 19; landholdings of,

Go-Daigo, Emperor 15, 241; toll barrier of, 17; military

Kenmu shikimoku (1336), 118 strength of, 88, 96; neutrality of, 95 Kenninji, 38, 43, 51, 173, 214; abbots of, | Kdzanji: Buddha hall of, 178 74, 230, 284; gozan status of, 93,110, Kdzen gokokuron (Promulgation of Zen as

113; destruction of, 125; sub-temple a defense of the nation), 37-38, 147, of, 192; hdj6 of, 201, enrollments in, 192. See also Eisai 224; commercial activities of, 284 Kuan-yin, See Kannon

Kenshun (1299-1357), 94 Kuga Michimune, 52

Khubilai (1225-1294), 62-63, 64 Kuge, 43, 48, 75, 87, 92, 93,100, 113, 226

Kian Soen (1261-1318), 73 Kiuge nichiyo kufu ryakusht, 100

Kichizan Mincho (1352-1421), 48 Kuj6 Michiie (1193-1252), 43, 45, 84

Kikei Shinzui (1401-1469), 124 Kujo Noriie, 51

103 Kumedadera, 107

Kensei (regulatory codes for monasteries), Kuakoku Meid (1328-1407), 122

Kissa yojoki (Treatise on tea), 38 Kumon bugyo (scrivener), 119

Kitayama palace, 111 Kung-an. See Koan

Kitchen, small (Ruri), 218-219 Kuro Genzaemon Morishige, 173 Kitchen-office (kuin), 180, 184,185, 218- Kuroda Toshio, 17, 96

220; offices in, 240 Kyéchi (‘‘grounds’’), 182

Kéan (‘‘case’”’), 2, 48, 49, 67, 81, 86, 98, Kyogen, 126

129, 149, 180-181, 215, 244 Kyoto, 11, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 19-20, Kofukuji, 11, 43, 45, 95, 116;landholdings 28, 45, 48, 51, 59; monasteries, in, of, 14, 15; guild sponsorship by, 16; 1, 29-30, 31, 38, 43, 106, 114, 116, toll barrier of, 17; monk-soldiers of, 19, 223-224: introduction of Zen to, 37; 59, 105; military strength of, 96; com- compared to Kamakura, 59, 79; cul-

mercial activities of, 283 tural tradition in, 87, 193; political

Kdgakuji, 114 power shift to, 91, 92, 93, 222; AshiKodgon, Emperor (1313-1364), 86, 104, kaga takeover attempts of, 95; military

105, 261 power in, 105-106; ascendence of Zen

Index 391 in, 106; gozan system in, 110, 111, Matsuji (branch temples), 106, 115

145, 180, 222-223 Matsumoto Shinhachiré, 96 Kytshi, 37, 41, 72 Meals, monastery, 206, 209-210, 211, 214, 218; rules for, by Dogen, 148

Labor, manual (samu), 2, 9, 100, 134, Meditation, 45, 49, 50, 87, 129, 297;

137, 144 introduction to Japan of, 3, 5; as a

Laborers (ninku), 76 vehicle to enlightenment, 5, in Ch’an, Lan-ch’i Tao-lung (Rankei Diryt, 1213- 7, 9, 134; and Taoism, 7; Tokiyori’s

1278), 42, 71, 84, 112, 146, 214; practice of, 69; and warrior rulers, line of, 65; and H6jd Tokiyori, 65- 81; Ashikagas’ relation to, 98-99; 68; as founder-abbot of Kenchdji, decline of, 100, 129, 133, 160, 192, 66-67, 113; and H6jo Tokimuni, 70; 288; and monastic regulations, 134school of, 70; successor of, 72; writ- 149, 157-161; in monks’ hall, 139,

ings of, 135, 149 211-212; time devoted to, 142-143,

Lao-tzu, 79 147, 158-160; salvation through, 145Latrines (tdsu), 178, 184, 201-206 146; walking, 212

Lecture hall (kodd), 184 Merchants, 18; Zen patronage by, 126, Lin-chi I-hsuan (Rinzai Gigen, d. 867), 273, 281, 289, 295; trade ventures

8, 190, 193; school of, 50; lineage by, 284

of, 64 “Merit certificates’ (kudokunari), 234-

Ling-yin-ssu. See Pei-shan 235 Literature of the Five Mountains (gozan Metropolitan Zen. See Gozan bungaku), 74 Middle Path. See Meditation

Local deities, hall of (dojidd), 156, 190 Minamoto Sanetomo (1192-1219), 38, 58

Lotus school. See Nichiren school Minamoto Yoriie (1182-1204), 38, 58 Lotus Sutra, 27, 31, 33, 67, 145, 162; Minamoto Yoritomo (1147-1199), 106; and Dogen, 52-53; and Nichiren, founder of Kamakura bakufu, 20, 58;

80-81 and Enryakuji tax dispute, 20; and

Lotus uprising, 19-20 ties with Onjoji, 38; wife of, 38, 58; Lu (Vinaya) school, xvii, Ch’an inde- and H6jo family, 83 pendence from, 8, 136, 139, 207 Ming-chi Ch’u-chiin (Minki Soshun, 12621336), 77, 85, 92

Mahakasyapa, 7 Missionaries, Christian, 125 Mahayana, 37, 52, 139, 147; monks Miura family, 57, 83 having taken precepts of, 162, 228 Miyazaka Yusho, 15

Maitreya, 151 Miyoshi Nagayoshi (1523-1564), 127 Mandokoro (Administrative Board), 104 Monasteries: background of, 1-21, 162-

Mangen Shiban (1626-1710), 226 163; number of, 10-11; enrollments Manjuji: gozan ranking of, 110, jissatsu in, 11, 168, 214, 221-228; ceremonies

ranking of, 114; enrollments in, 224 in, 11, 78, 100, 144, 145, 151, 155, Manjusri (Monju), 162, 197, 207, 210, 238 160-161, 175, 208, 232-233, 270,

Manpukuji, 1, 196 271, 280; landholdings of, 13-14, Many Mountains (shozan), 29, 112, 115, 265-266, 275-276; political power 120, 129, 151, 288; numbers of, 116, of, 15-20, 75-76, 93, 96; finances of,

225: destruction of, 125; enrollments 15-18, 128, 137, 144, 169-170, in, 225; offices in, 230; landholdings 240-241, 253-254, 256-257, 260,

of, 285 262, 279-286; monk-soldiers of, 19,

Mappo. See Buddhist law 20; Ch’an, 27, 79, 146, 249-253, 292;

- Master builders, 173 Sung model of, 28, 43, 66-68, 72, 86,

392 Index Monasteries: (continued) 2; development of, 9, 66, 171, 181, 98, 173, 177, 208, 212; and Mongol 207, 214; Sung model of, 43, 66-67; threat, 71; bakufu regulation of, 74- communal life in, 139; functions of, 78, 83, 88, 103, 165-170, 231; gozan 139, 141, regulations for, by Dodgen, status of, 76, 93, 109-115; ‘‘open”’ 148; ground plans of, 175, 179; im(jippd satsu), 93, 150; “‘closed’’ (tsu- portance of, 193; seating arrangements chien), 93, 116, 150, 231; construction in, 211-214; decline of, 296 of, 107, 172-173; pagodas in, 107- Monzeki, 18, 229 108; military strength of, 124, 295;de- Monzenmachi (monastic gates), 16 struction of, 124-125, 180, 289; rotat- ‘““Moon-gaining tower,’’ 200, 201

ing abbacy of, 128; life in, 134-149, Morinaga, Prince (1308-1335), 95 208; codes of, 134-139, 151-165; as- Mortuary funds (shiddsen), 16, 270, 274, semblies in, 142-143, 195, 199; rejec- 281, 282, 283 tion of life of, 145; offices in, 155- | Moss Temple. See Saihdji 159, 237-241, 242; ground plans of, Mt. Hiei, 19, 31, 76 from China, 172~182, 187; layout of, Mt. Kiya, 40, 48 184-188; hierarchy in, 227, 230, 236, Mt. Sumeru, 191 239; management of, 241-243, 275- Mt. T’ien-t’ai, 3-4, 36 289; lay workers in, 245; boundary Mu Ch’i, 80 disputes among, 275-276; estate offi- Muchi mondo (Questions and answers

cials of, 241, 270-271, 277; spiritual in dreams), 102

decline of, 296 Muin Genkai (d. 1358), 129 Monastery representative (zassho), 277- Mujaku Dochti (1653-1745), 184

278; fees paid to, 270, 272 Mujii chien (1226-1312), 47 Monchijo (Records Office), 104 Mukan Gengo (Fumon, 1212-1291), 47 Mondo, 58, 69, 98, 100, 129, 134, 140, Mumonkan, 48, 49. See also Kdan 142, 144, 180, 232; in Dharma halls, Murakami, Emperor (926-967), 96

194 Murata Juko (d. 1502), 127

Money-lending, 16, 95, 124, 169; as Muso lineage: gozan domination by, source of monastic income, 241, 253, xvili, 295; conflict with Hosokawa 254, 262, 266, 277, 280, 282, 283, Yoriyuki, 121; control of sdroku 295; bakufu levies on, 280; capital for, office by, 122-123; growth of, 150

284. See also Mortuary funds Muso Soseki (Kokushi, 1275-1351), xviii, Mongols: invasions by, 61-63, 72, 83; 47, 71, 84, 85, 113, 128, 149, 192, patronage by, 63; and emigration of 264, 292, 294; and I-shan I-ning, 74; monks, 64-65, 87; rumored spies of, Ashikaga patronage of, 93, 94, 98, 69-70, 74; Japanese prayers for sur- 102, 222; as kaisan of Tenryuji, 104, vival from, 71, 192. See also Kamikaze 150; lineage, monasteries of, 106, 111,

Monju. See Manijusri 114; temple and pagoda building by,

Monkan (1278-1357), 94 107; writings by, 135, 136, 296; reguMonks, Chinese émigré, xvii, 3, 7, 28, 77, lations by, 151-165, 166, 167, 169,

171; Japanese disciples of, 29, 172; 246; and Go-Daigo, 149; gardens and Japanese rulers, 57-89; reasons for designed by, 183 emigration, 64-65, Lan-ch’i Tao-lung, Myoan Eisai (Y6sai, 1141-1215), xvi, 25,

65-70; Wu-an P’u-ning, 68-70; Wu- 28, 30, 31, 51, 146, 172-173, 188, hsueh Tsu-yuan, 72-73; I-shan I-ning, 214; and the Kamakura shogunate,

73-76, 92 36-41, 81; teachers of, 36; writings of,

Monks’ domitories (sdbd), 184 37-38, 135, 147, 192; monasteries Monks hall (sddd), 43, 72, 89, 125, 144, founded by, 38; disciples of, 40; 156, 178, 184, 206-215, 219; numbers lineage of, 64 of monks in, 1, 214; daily schedule in, Myoko Séei, 128

Index 393 Myokoji, 114 temples in, 1, style of buildings, 181, My6shinji, 1, 20, 91, 127-129, 180, 181, 215; layout of, 185

225, 228, 289, 291, 295; founder of, Obaku shingi (1672), 135 xviii, 86, 127; spiritual decline of, 129; Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582), 19, 274 monks’ hall of, 129; Dharma hall of, Oeci disturbance, 124 196, 197; bathhouse of, 204; econom- Office of chief seat (shuso), 229, 237,

ics of, 288 239; appointment of, 230, 231; duties of, 238

Nagahara Keiji, 15, 96 Officers, monastery, 236-243; regulations Nakamura Hajime, 250 for, by Dogen, 148; regulations for, by Nanpo Jomy6 (1235-1308), 127 Muso, 155-159; kinds of, 157, 212,

Nanzenji, xviii, xix, 1, 47, 48, 85, 183, 213, 219, 229; regulations for, by

222; abbots of, 74, 85, 92, 122, 230, bakufu, 167, 168-169, 237; in monks’

264; gozan status of, 76, 93, 110; hall, 211-214; in reading room, 217; Gate, incident of, 120; sub-temples of, precepts taken by, 228; fees paid for, 123, 128; destruction of, 125, 267; 234-235; in China, 236; western rank, hojo of, 201, enrollments in, 223, 263; 237-239, 242; eastern rank, 239-240, youths in, 246; finances of, 254-255, 242, 276-277; lay (yakunin), 245

262, 263-269 Ogasawara Sadamune (1291-1347), 82, 83

Nara, 11, 13, 16, 18, 21, 45, 59, 183, 184, Onin War (1467-1477), 91, 115, 124-125,

190 126, 150, 178, 180, 223, 263, 267,

Nassho. See Finance office 273, 283, 287, 289, 295

Nature: in Ch’an thought, 182; monastery Onjoji (Miidera line): landholdings of, 14;

integration with, 182-183 monk-soldiers of, 19; and Eisai, 38;

Negoroji, 14, 88 and Enni, 41; abbots of, 45; Dogen’s

Negorosan, 11, 19, 288 relation to, 53; influence of, 88; and Nenbutsu, 31, 50, 59, 81, 99, 145. See Nanzenji Gate incident, 120-121

also Amida; Pure Land Onshdgata (Commissioner for Rewards),

Neo-Confucianism, 27, 33, 79 104

New Pure Land school, 11, 19-20 Open monasteries (jippd satsu), 93, 150 Nichiren (1222-1282), 21, 31, 80, 87, Otabumi (register of landholdings), 13-14 294; rejection of monastic life by, 145. | Otaka Shigenari, 118

See also Lotus Sutra Otomo family, 82, 84 Nichiren school, 11, 19-20, 61, 67 Otomo Sadachika (1248-1311), 82

Nijo Yoshizane (1216-1270), 47 Otomo Sadamune, 82

Ninnaji, 45 Otomo Sorin (1530-1587), 127 Ninsho (1217-1303), 70 Otomo Ujiyasu, 82

Nippo Sdshun (1358-1448), 128 Ouchi family, 84, 128

Nippon tdjo rentoroku, 226 Ouchi Yoshihiro (1356-1399), 124, 128

Nirvana, 5, 189 Owa Shirozaemon SOrin, 126, 273

No: actors’ patronage of Zen, 126; and concept of yugen, 200; kasshiki mask Pagodas (td), 101, 103, 106-109, 111,

in, 247. See also Zeami 184

Northern court, 81, 121 Pai-chang Huai-hai (Hyakujo Ekai, 749-

Northern school. See Ch’an 814), 135, 148, 160, 190, 193; as Novices (shami), 18, 76, 159, 166-168, Ch’an codifier, 8, 77, 136, 138, 139,

187, 227, 245-247 156, 207, 250; work ethic of, 9, 136, Nunneries, 225 137, 144 Nyoi’an, 274 | Pat-chang ch’ing-kuei, 135, 137, 138, 149

Pai-chang Code. See Ch’ih-hsui Pai-chang

Obaku school, xvi; number of active ch’ing-kuei

394 Index Patriarchs, 7, 8, 49, 137; hall (soshidd), P’u-ch’ing. See Mondo

156, 190-191 P’u-sa ying-lo-ching (Necklace sutra), 139

Patronage: by Ashikaga, xvi, 29-30, 81, Pure Land of Amida, 27, 80 84, 91, 98-102, 222, 253, 354, 258, Pure Land School, xvii, 4, 10, 11, 45, 87,

260, 293; imperial, 8, 18, 26, 30, 84- 99,129 89, 92, 93-94, 254, 258, 294; reliance

on, by monasteries, 10; as political Reading room (shuryd), 144, 180, 215force, 18; reasons for, 26; by Hojo 218; regulations for, by Dogen, 148,

regents, 28, 57-84, 87; by Kujo 217; ground plans of, 175; decline of, Michiie, 41-48; by sengoku daimyo, 181; staff of, 217

283 240

91, 126, 127, 128, 129, 273, 289, Rector (ssu-chu), 263

295 Refectory (jikido), 184

Pawnshops (dosd), 16, 95, 280, 281, 282, Registrar (ind), 237, 239; duties of, 78, Peasants: religious inclinations of, 81,145; Registrar General of Monks (sdroku), 123,

uprisings by, 124, 267, 282, 283; taxes 229, 232, 268; administrative control upon, 252, 266, 280; rental rights of, of gozan by, 117, 119, 120; duties of,

285-286 122, 231, 234, 235, 239, 280

Pei-shan: ground plans of, 175, 186; as Regulations, monastic, 28, 31, 49; Ch’an, model for Japanese monasteries, 177, 8, 49, 63, 64, 67, 134-149, 150, 152,

208, 212; Dharma hall of, 196 186, 194, 197-198, 206, 207-208,

Pei-yung ch’ing-kuei (1311), 143, 145, 215-216, 251-253; by Hojo family,

152 75-76, 77-78, 88, 117, 165-170, 222,

Pioneers, Japanese Zen: first, 25; Eisai, 246; by Ashikaga family, 103, 117-

25, 36-41, 171, 172; Dogen, 25, 45, 118, 165-170, 222, 232-233; by

49-56, 171, 172-173; early patrons Hosokawa Yoriyuki, 120-121;breaches of, 26, 28, 53, 56; motives of, 31-36; in, 141; by Dégen, 148; by Muso, 151-

Enni, 41-48, 171, 172; Kujd Michiie, 165 41-48; Shinchi Kakushin, 48-49 Reinan Shijo (1675-1752), 226 Postulants (kasshiki), 76, 159, 166-168, Renga, 126, 127

245-247 Rest hall (shindd). See Ceremony chamber

Precepts: importance of, 147; observance Rinka (“‘below the grove’’), 29, 291;

of, 161-162, 192 monasteries included in, 29, 30, 291

Prefect (chdshu), 154, 239; duties of, 237 Rinsen kakun (1339), 135, 136, 151-165, Prefect, bath (chiyoku), 238; duties of, 239 296; regulations for San’e-in, 152-155;

Prefect, guest (shika), 237, 239; duties of, regulations for the community, 155-

238 159; regulations for monastic life, 159-

Prefect, hall (chiden): duties of, 239 165; relationship to Tadayoshi’s codes, Prefect, sutra (zdsu), 229, 239; duties of, 170. See also Muso Soseki

238; training of, 244 Rinsenji, 112, 149; jissatsu ranking of,

Principal Temples, 33; in China (chia-ch’a), 114; characteristics of, 150; patronage

109, 115 of, 151; gozan ranking of, 151; sub-

Prior (kan’in), 240 temple of, 151; estate management of,

Prior (tstiisu), 237, 287; duties of, 154, 154-155; abbot of, 155-156; officers 239-240, 276-277, 278; money-lend- in, 156-157; women in, 162-163;

ing by, 280-281 leave from, 162, 163-164; youths in,

Proprietor (rydke), 255, 256 246; commercial activities of, 283

Provinces: in medieval Japan, 12; shden Rinzai school: establishment of in Japan, rights in, 13-16; taxes levied on, 257- xvii, 5, 78, 146-147; number of active

258, 264-265 temples in, 1; lineages contained in,

Index 395 29, 50, 64-65; Dogen’s criticism of, Seidd. See Western hall 50; in China, 64; and relation to medi- Seihan. See Western ranks eval society, 87; development of, 88; Seikenji, 114

modern derivation of, 125 Seisetsu Shdcho, 192. See also Ch’ingRishoto (Pagodas of the Buddha’s Favor), cho Cheng-ch’eng

101, 103, 106-109, 110, 294 Sekisho (toll barriers): as sources of

Ritsu sect, 70 monastic income, 17, 18, 254, 260, Rokuon’in, 122-123, 180 268, 287; Nanzenji Gate, 120-121

Roku’on nichiroku, 100 Sekk6 Sdshin (1408-1486), 128

Roshi, 2 Sen no Rikyt (1522-1591), 127 Ryoan Keigo (d. 1514), 44 Seng-lu, 119

Rytigen’in, 273 Sengoku daimyd, 18, 20, 30, 254, 267;

Ryushoji, 113; jissatsu ranking of, 114; patronage by, 91, 126, 128, 129,

finances of, 274 273, 289, 295

Seng-t’ang. See Monks’ hall

Saichod (767-822), 3, 37 Senmon dojo, 1

Saihdji, 149, 150 Sennyiji, 197

Saihoji ikun (1345), 150 Sen’y6mon’in, Princess, 13

, Saikyojo (judicial rulings), 103 Sera ShinnG, Prince, 149, 151 Saiokuken Soch6 (1448-1532), 127 Sesshin, 2. See also Meditation

Saish6k3G’in, 53 Sesshi Toyo (1420-1506), 44, 178,

Saitd Ritei-ni, 128 227-228

Sake brewing, 16, 18, 260, 282, 283 Sesson Yiibai (1290-1346), 118 Sakyamuni, 26, 189-190, 196; life of, 5, Setsudd Sdboku, 128 7, 50; as patron deity, 25; contempla- Seven halls (shichidd), 184 tion of, 158; as Buddha of the Present, Shaka Nyorai, 158, 162, 163

191 Shasekishi, 47

Salvation, 145, 146 Shen-hsiu (d. 706), 8

Samu. See Labor, manual Shen-hui (d. 762), 8

Samurai-dokoro (Board of Retainers), 104 Shiba Takatsune (1305-1367), 261 San’e-in, 151-154; estate management of, Shiba Yoshimasa (1350-1410), 109, 120

154-155 Shidisen, See Mortuary funds

San’e-in ikai (Final instructions for the Shih-ch’a. See Ten Temples

San’e-in, 1339), 151 Shihon, 105 Sangha, 164, 227 Shika. See Prefect, guest

Sangen’in, 273 Shiina Hiroo, 250

Sanpo’in, 94 tion

Sankyo itchi. See Unity ofthe ThreeCreeds shikan taza, 50, 53, 54. See also MeditaSanshdji, 199; architectural style of, 200; Shiki (rights), 255

hoje of, 201 Shikken (regent office), 57, 58, 69, 71, 76

SanshGji garanzu, 178 Shinchi Kakushin (Hotts Kokushi;Muhon,

Sanzen (discussions on Zen), 72, 78 1207-1298), 48-49; writings of, 49,

Sasaki Ginya, 274 135

Sasaki Sadashige, 20 Shingi (Ch’an regulations),67,150 Sasaki Sadatsuna (1142-1205), 20 Shingon Buddhism, 4, 40, 48, 61, 87, 147,

Sasaki Takauji (1306-1373), 118 293; landholdings of, 14; deities of, 49,

Sasaki Ujiyori, 121 191; imperial patronage of, 85, 94, 95; Sato Shin’ichi, 96, 97, 103 sohei of, 94, 95; pagodas of, 107; hierScribe (shoki), 229, 239; duties of, 238; archy in, 227

training of, 244 Shingon hall, 192

396 Index Shinju’an, 273 Shukke taiko (1195), 135 Shinnyoji, 114 Shunjo (1166-1227), 31 Shinran (1173-1262), 21, 31, 61; rejec- Shun’oku Mydha (1311-1388), 111, 119,

tion of monastic life by, 145 120-122, 151

Shinsho Shonin (1443-1495), 99 “Shuryod shingi’ (Regulations for the Shintd: shrines of, 40, 58, 94, 95; appeal reading room, 1249), 148

to warriors of, 59 Shuso. See Office of chief seat

Shin’yo (portable shrine): of Enryakuji, Shuzenji, 74

105,121 Sick-room head (dos), 157

Shissui. See Steward, labor Silver Pavilion, 201

Shdbd genzd (An eye-treasury of the true S&d6. See Monks’ hall

Dharma), 51, 147, 173 Sdhei (monk-soldiers), 19-20, 59, 94,

Shdden’an hatto, 135, 152 95-96 Shden (estates): temple and shrine rights Soyjiyi, 1

to, 13-16, 54; dissolution of, 14-15, Sdkan, 273 254, 262, 285, 286; taxes of, 17, 20, Sorin (thicket; grove), 29 256; monastic funding by, 104, 274, Sodrin Zenmon, 281 285; management of, by San’e-in, 154- Sdroku. See Registrar General of Monks 155; officials for, 241, 277; steward- Sdshobun (1250), 196 ship rights of, 255-259, 261-262, 265- Sdtd school, xvi, 50; number of active

266, 285 temples in, 1, 291; establishment of,

Shogaku, 51 in Japan, 5, 54, 293; development of, Shdgen’in, 274, 281 30, 88; reading rooms of, 215; expanShdgo’in, 45 sion of, 289. See also Dogen Shdichi. See Enni Ben’en Southern court, 81, 116, 289 Shoichi school, 47, 93, 113, 295; affiliated Southern school, 8

monasteries of, 116 Sravaka, 162

Shoki. See Scribe Steward: in China (k’u-ssu), 236; in eastShékokuji, xviii, 1, 106, 112, 182, 227; ern rank (chiji), duties of, 239, 241, and gozan system, 101, 110; construc- 275, 276-277 tion of, 111; sub-temple of, 122-123; Steward, labor (shissui), 239, 240 destruction of, 125; Dharma hall of, Steward rights (jitd shiki), 73, 256 196; enrollments in, 224; finances of, | Steward, sanitation (jinju), 157 242, 279, 280; shden rights of, 276, Sugydroku, 46, 47 289; peasant damage to, 283;commer- Suko, Emperor (1334-1398), 86

cial activities of, 283-284 Sijuji: shozan status of, 115

Shdsd. See “Holy monk”’ Sung-i, 138

Shodsu. See Estate overseer Sung kao-seng-chuan (988), 136, 251 Shozan. See Many Mountains Sung Lien (1310-1381), xvii, 109 ‘‘Shozan juen kinsei j6j5,” 120 Sung-wen-hsien-kung-ch’uan-chi, 109 Shrines: landholdings of, 13-14, 16; in- Sung-yuan ling (Shdgen-ha): emigre monks

come for, 17-18; Shintd, 94-95 from, 65

Shugo (provincial military governor), 82, Superintendent (tu-wei-no), 236 97, 118, 124, 254, 260, 266, 294; Supervisor, monastery (chien-ssu), 236

shéen rights of, 14; patronage by, 26, Sutras, 2, 43, 139, 158, 161, 193, 217, 81, 87, 101, 107-108, 113, 115, 226, 271; in Tendai school, 4; and medita-

288; Hdjd control over, 83 tion, 7, 143; repository (kydzd), 184

Shih6 Myodché (Daitd Kokushi, 1282-

1337), xvili, 86, 92, 93, 94 Ta-hsiu Cheng-nien (Daikyu Shonen, 1214-

Shukke (leaving the world), 145 1288), 70

Index 397 Tachibana Kosen, 15 Tenryuji-bune, 105

Tachikawa school, 94 Tenryuyji kinen koryaku, 105 “Taidai kohd” (Deference toward seniors, Ten’yo Seikei, 284

1244), 148 “Tenzo kydkun’’ (Instructions for the Taiheiki, 81, 253 monastery cook, 1237), 148 Taikan shingi (1332), 77, 135 ~ Tetto Giko (1295-1369), 118; writings

Taira Kiyomori (1118-1181), 27 of, 135, 152

Takakura, Emperor (1161-1181), 38 Tettsu Gikai (1219-1309), 174

Takeuchi Rizo, 13, 15 The Tale of Genji, 78, 127

Takuhatsu (alms seeking), 2 Thousand Buddha Pavilion, 173, 196

Tamamuro Fumio, 11 T’ien-jan Ch’an-shih (738-824), 194

Tamamura Takeji, 102, 181 T’ien-t’ai school: Japanese contact with,

Tao-an (314-385), 7 3-4, 32; founders of, 7; influence on Tao-hsuan (Dosen, 702-760), 3 Ch’an, 10

Taoism, 7, 27, 33, 79, 182, 200 T’ien-t’ai-shan, 36, 173, 249; ground plans Tatchi (sub-temples), 115, 117, 150, 170, of, 175, 199 273, 274, 285; functions of, 124, 219; T’ien-t’ung Ju-ching (Tendo Nyojo, 1163-

growth of, 181, 215, 224 1228), 50

Te-shan Hsuan-chien (780-865), 193 T’ien-t’ung-shan, 34, 36, 173; ground Tea: treatise on, by Eisai, 38; ceremony, plans of, 175, 176, 186, 187, 203; as 39, 76, 100, 201, 233, 271, 273; a model for Japanese monasteries, 177, meetings (cha yoriai), 79; masters of, 179; setting of, 182; bathhouse of,

126, 127, 273, 295 | 202, 203

Tea hall (sadd). See Ceremony chamber T’ien-t’ung-ssu: Dharma hall of, 196 Ten Temples (jissatsu), 29, 76, 106, 112- Timely school, 11

115, 129, 288; numbers of, xvi, 116, Tdédaiji, 13, 40, 43, 45, 95, 106; land224; in China (shih-ch’a), 33, 109, 113, holdings of, 14, 15, 241, 255; guild 177; destruction of, 125; enrollments sponsorships by, 16; toll barriers of, in, 224; offices in, 230; landholdings 17;monk-soldiers of, 19, 105

of, 266, 285 Todd. See Eastern hall

Fendai hall, 193 Tofukuji, 1, 45, 47, 48, 52, 68, 69, 112,

Tendai school, 87, 147; founder of, 3; 214, 228, 267; construction of, 43; fourfold practice of, 4, 26; and Sung gozan ranking of, 110; regulations for, Zen, 28, 39, 121, 293; lineages of, 14, 149; ground plans of, 175, 177, 196, 53; and Lotus Sutra, 52; sdhei of, 94, 208-209; monks’ hall of, 178, 180, 121; pagodas of, 107; hierarchy in, 208: bathhouse of, 178, 204; latrines

227. See also T’ien-t’ai. of, 178, 205; Dharma hall of, 196-

Tenka soroku (Registrar General ofMonks), 197; founder’s hall of, 201; enroll-

119-123 ments in, 224; income of, 262; land-

Tenrytji, xviii, 68, 84, 101, 103, 112, holdings of, 289 149, 183; building of, 103-106; con- Tofukuji jaojogoto, 135 flict with Enryakuji, 105; gozan rank- Togan Ean (1225-1277), 71 ing of, 110; destruction of, 125; char- Togudo, 99

acteristics of, 150; ground plans of, Toji, 13, 45, 288; landholdings of, 15, 178; setting of, 183; architectural style 241, 255, 276; abbots of, 45; patronage

of, 200; enrollments in, 224; abbots in, of, 95 230; finances of, 242, 279; income of, Tojiji, 101, 103, 112; rebuilding of, 106; by province, 265, 269; shden rights of, as Ashikaga family temple, 106, 113; 276; peasant damage to, 283; commer- abbots of, 106; jissatsu status of, 106

cial activities of, 283 Tok6dji: shozan status of, 112

398 Index Tokugawa Hidetada (1579-1632), 268 Warriors: affinity to Zen, 25-26, 58-59,

Tokugawa Iemitsu (1604-1651), 268 61, 116, 225, 292, 294; affinity to Tokugawa Ieyasu (1542-1616), 19, 262, Shintd, 59; cultural influence of Zen

268 on, 78-79, 83-84; and Lotus and

Tokusei (demands for interest payment re- Pure Land schools, 80-84; patronage

lief), 282 of Rinzai Zen, 81, 92; expanded power Tokuzenji hatto, 135, 152 of, 96

Tomydji: pagodas in, 107 Washstands (goka or koka), 201-206

Toshoddaiji, 206 Weapons: prohibition of, 96, 165, 167,

Toshoji, 114 168

Totoku Shinno. See Sera Shinnod Wei-no (registrar), 141, 144 Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1536-1598), 127, Western hall (seido), 230, 233 196, 262, 268, 274; land reforms of, Western ranks (seihan): officers of, 237, 15, 285, 289; burning of Negorosan, 238, 239; functions of, 242

19 Wu-an P’u-ning (Gottan Funei, 1197-

Tozenji, 114 1276), 60, 92; and Hojo Tokiyori, Trade, foreign, 101, 105; as source of 68-70; teachings of, 69; disciples of,

monastery income, 124, 241, 253, 71, 89 254, 262, 283-284, 286, 295, 296; Wu-chun Shih-fan (1177-1249), 41, 42, 45,

profits from, 285 48, 68, 72, 174; P’o-an line of, 65

Transmission, mind-to-mind, 7, 140; D6- Wu-hsueh Tsu-yuan (Mugaku Sogen, 1226gen’s teachings on, 53; Wu-an to Tokti- 1286), 42, 47, 92, 149; lineage of, 65,

yori, 69 116; political views of, 71; and Hojo

Ts’ao-tung. See Sotd Tokimune, 72-73, 255; disciples of, 89 Tsubun. See Bursar Wu-men Hui-k’ai (Mumon Ekai, 1183Tsung-cning-lu (Sugydroku), 43 1260), 48 Tsurugaoka Hachiman shrine, 40, 58, 59 Wu-t’ai-shan, 32

Tstusu. See Prior Wu Tse-t’ien, Empress, 8

Tung-ming Hui-jih (Tomyod Enichi, 1272-

Tungchen ig. Yamana Tokiuji (1303-1371), 106, 121 Yanagida Seizan, 152

. Yoga-sastra, 139

Uesugi Zenshu (d. 1417), 124 Yang-chi school, 41

Ui Hakuju, 250 Yoko Gonnokami Yoshiharu, 173 Ujidera, 82, 106, 108, 116 okoyama onnokami ©ossmam

Unganji, 47 Yosai. See Eisai

Unity of the Three Creeds, 33, 43, 79; YOso Soi (1376-1458), 120,272

Dogen’s criticism of, 52 Yotokw'in, 274

Unsen Taikyoku (1421-7), 100 Yuasa Soken, 258-259, 261 Ususama Myoo, 205 Zassho. See Monastery representative

Varley, H. Paul, 96 Zazen. See Meditation Vimalakirti, 197 Zeami: concept of yugen, 200

Vinaya, 4, 7, 37; precepts of, 208 Zekkai Chushin (1336-1405), 122, 124

Vinaya School, See Lu school Zendo, 181, 210, 215 Zenkaku, 244, 245

Waka, 78, 86 Zenkdji: abbot of, 70; fissatsu rank of,

Wan-nien-ssu. See T’ien-t’ai-shan 113,114

Wang Hsuan-ts’e, 197 Zenkyo’an, 192 Wanshi school, 74-75, 88 Zenpukuji, 114

Index 399 Zenrin shdkisen, 184 Zenritsugata tonin, 118

Zenritsu bugyd, 118-119 Zenzai Ddji (Somachattra), 189 Zenritsugata (Commissioner for Zen Zdsu. See Prefect, sutra and Ritsu Monasteries), 103, 104, Zuikei Shthd (1392-1473), 100, 122

229 Zuisenji, 114

TERT ES Harvard East Asian Monographs

1. Liang Fang-chung, The Single-Whip Method of Taxation in China | 2. Harold C. Hinton, The Grain Tribute System of China, 1845-1911 3. Ellsworth C. Carlson, The Kaiping Mines, 1877-1912 4, Chao Kuo-chiin, Agrarian Policies of Mainland China: A Documentary Study, 1949-1956

5. Edgar Snow, Random Notes on Red China, 1936-1945 6. Edwin George Beal, Jr.. The Origin of Likin, 1835-1864

7. Chao Kuo-chiin, Economic Planning and Organization in Mainland China: A Documentary Study, 1949-1957 8. John K. Fairbank, Ch’ing Documents: An Introductory Syllabus

9. Helen Yin and Yi-chang Yin, Economic Statistics of Mainland China, 1949-1957

10. Wolfgang Franke, The Reform and Abolition of the Traditional Chinese Examination System

11. Albert Feuerwerker and S. Cheng, Chinese Communist Studies of Modern Chinese History 12. C. John Stanley, Late Ch’ing Finance: Hu Kuang-yung as an Innovator 13. S.M. Meng, The Tsungli Yamen: Its Organization and Functions 14. Ssu-yti Teng, Historiography of the Taiping Rebellion 15. Chun-Jo Liu, Controversies in Modern Chinese Intellectual History: An Analytic Bibliography of Periodical Articles, Mainly of the May Fourth and Post-May Fourth Era 16. Edward J. M. Rhoads, The Chinese Red Army, 1927-1963: An Annotated Bibliography

17. Andrew J. Nathan, A History of the China International Famine Relief Commission

18. Frank H. H. King (ed.) and Prescott Clarke, A Research Guide to China-Coast Newspapers, 1822-1911 19. Ellis Joffe, Party and Army: Professionalism and Political Control in the Chinese Officer Corps, 1949-1964

20. Toshio G. Tsukahira, Feudal Control in Tokugawa Japan: The Sankin Kotat System

21. Kwang-Ching Liu, ed., American Missionaries in China: Papers from Harvard Seminars

22. George Moseley, A Sino-Soviet Cultural Frontier: The Ih Kazakh Autonomous Chou 23. Carl F. Nathan, Plague Prevention and Politics in Manchuria, 1910-1931 24. Adrian Arthur Bennett, John Fryer: The Introduction of Western Science and Technology into Nineteenth-Century China

25. Donald J. Friedman, The Road from Isolation: The Campaign of the American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression, 1938-1941

26. Edward LeFevour, Western Enterprise in Late Ch’ing China: A Selective Survey of Jardine, Matheson and Company’s Operations, 1842-1895

27. Charles Neuhauser, Third World Politics: China and the Afro-Astan People’s Solidarity Organization, 1957-1967

28. Kungtu C. Sun, assisted by Ralph W. Huenemann, The Economic Development of Manchuria in the First Half of the Twentieth Century 29. Shahid Javed Burki, A Study of Chinese Communes, 1965 30. John Carter Vincent, The Extraterritorial System in China: Final Phase 31. Madeleine Chi, China Diplomacy, 1914-1918 32. Clifton Jackson Phillips, Protestant America and the Pagan World: The First Half Century of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, 1810-1860

33. James Pusey, Wu Han: Attacking the Present through the Past 34. Ying-wan Cheng, Postal Communication in China and Its Modernization, 1860-1896

35. Tuvia Blumenthal, Saving in Postwar Japan 36. Peter Frost, The Bakumatsu Currency Crisis 37. Stephen C. Lockwood, Augustine Heard and Company, 1858-1862 38. Robert R. Campbell, James Duncan Campbell: A Memoir by His Son 39. Jerome Alan Cohen, ed., The Dynamics of China’s Foreign Relations 40. V.V. Vishnyakova-Akimova, Two Years in Revolutionary China, 19251927, tr. Steven I. Levine 41. Meron Medzini, French Policy in Japan during the Closing Years of the Tokugawa Regime

42. The Cultural Revolution in the Provinces 43. Sidney A. Forsythe, An American Missionary Community in China, 1895-1905

44. Benjamin I. Schwartz, ed., Reflections on the May Fourth Movement: A Symposium

45. Ching Young Choe, The Rule of the Taewon’gun, 1864-1873: Restoration in Yt Korea

46. W.P.J. Hall, A Bibliographical Guide to Japanese Research on the Chinese Economy, 1958-1970

47. Jack J. Gerson, Horatio Nelson Lay and Sino-British Relations, 1854— 1864

48. Paul Richard Bohr, Famine and the Missionary: Timothy Richard as Relief Administrator and Advocate of National Reform 49, Endymion Wilkinson, The History of Imperial China: A Research Guide 50. Britten Dean, China and Great Britain: The Diplomacy of Commercial Relations, 1860-1864 51. Ellsworth C. Carlson, The Foochow Missionaries, 1847~—1880

52. Yeh-chien Wang, An Estimate of the Land-Tax Collection in China, 1753 and 1908

53. Richard M. Pfeffer, Understanding Business Contracts in China, 19491963

54. Han-sheng Chuan and Richard Kraus, Mid-Ch’ing Rice Markets and Trade: An Essay in Price History

55. Ranbir Vohra, Lao She and the Chinese Revolution 56. Liang-lin Hsiao, China’s Foreign Trade Statistics, 1864-1949 57. Lee-hsia Hsu Ting, Government Control of the Press in Modern China, 1900-1949

58. Edward W. Wagner, The Literati Purges: Political Conflict in Early Yi Korea

59. Joungwon A. Kim, Divided Korea: The Politics of Development, 1945— 1972

60. Noriko Kamachi, John K. Fairbank, and Chazo Ichiko, Japanese Studies of Modern China Since 1953: A Bibliographical Guide to Historical and Social-Science Research on the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Supplementary Volume for 1953-1969

61. Donald A. Gibbs and Yun-chen Li, A Bibliography of Studies and — Translations of Modern Chinese Literature, 1918-1942

62. Robert H. Silin, Leadership and Values: The Organization of LargeScale Taiwanese Enterprises

63. David Pong, A Critical Guide to the Kwangtung Provincial Archives

| Deposited at the Public Record Office of London 64. Fred W. Drake, China Charts the World: Hsu Chi-yii and His Geography of 1848

65. William A. Brown and Urgunge Onon, translators and annotators, History of the Mongolian People’s Republic

66. Edward L. Farmer, Early Ming Government: The Evolution of Dual Capitals

67. Ralph C. Croizier, Koxinga and Chinese Nationalism: History, Myth, and the Hero 68. William J. Tyler, tr., The Psychological World of Natsume Séseki, by Doi Takeo

69. Eric Widmer, The Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Peking during the Eighteenth Century 70. Charlton M. Lewis, Prologue to the Chinese Revolution: The Transformation of Ideas and Institutions in Hunan Province, 1891-1907 71. Preston Torbert, The Ch’ing Imperial Household Department: A Study of its Organization and Principal Functions, 1662-1796

72. Paul A. Cohen and John E. Schrecker, eds., Reform in Nineteenth-Century China 73. Jon Sigurdson, Rural Industrialism in China 74. Kang Chao, The Development of Cotton Textile Production in China 75. Valentin Rabe, The Home Base of American China Missions, 1880-1920 76. Sarasin Viraphol, Tribute and Profit: Sino-Siamese Trade, 1652-1853 77. Ch’i-ch’ing Hsiao, The Military Establishment of the Yuan Dynasty 78. Meishi Tsai, Contemporary Chinese Novels and Short Stories, 19491974: An Annotated Bibliography

79. Wellington K. K. Chan, Merchants, Mandarins and Modern Enterprise in Late Ch’ing China

80. Endymion Wilkinson, Landlord and Labor in Late Imperial China: Case Studies from Shandong by Jing Su and Luo Lun

81. Barry Keenan, The Dewey Experiment in China: Educational Reform and Political Power in the Early Republic 82. George A. Hayden, Crime and Punishment in Medieval Chinese Drama: Three Judge Pao Plays 83. Sang-Chul Suh, Growth and Structural Changes in the Korean Economy, 1910-1940

84. J. W. Dower, Empire and Aftermath: Yoshida Shigeru and the Japanese Experience, 1878-1954

85. Martin Collcutt, Five Mountains: The Rinzai Zen Monastic Institution in Medieval Japan 86. Kwang Suk Kim and Michael Roemer, Growth and Structural Transformation

87. Anne O. Krueger, The Developmental Role of the Foreign Sector and Aid

88. Edwin S. Mills and Byung-Nak Song, Urbanization and Urban Problems

89. Sung Hwan Ban, Pal Yong Moon, and Dwight H. Perkins, Rural Development

90. Noel F. McGinn, Donald R. Snodgrass, Yung Bong Kim, Shin-Bok Kim, and Quee-Young Kim, Education and Development in Korea 91. Leroy P. Jones and Il SaKong, Government, Business, and Entrepreneurship in Economic Development: The Korean Case 92. Edward S. Mason, Dwight H. Perkins, Kwang Suk Kim, David C. Cole, Mahn Je Kim, et al., The Economic and Social Modernization of the Republic of Korea

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98. R. David Arkush, Fe: Xiaotong and Sociology in Revolutionary China 99. Kenneth Alan Grossberg, Japan’s Renaissance: The Politics of the Muromachi Bakufu 100. James Reeve Pusey, China and Charles Darwin 101. Hoyt Cleveland Tillman, Utilitarian Confucianism: Ch’en Liang’s Challenge to Chu Hs1 102. Thomas A. Stanley, Osugi Sakae, Anarchist in Taisho Japan: The Creativity of the Ego 103. Jonathan K. Ocko, Bureaucratic Reform in Provincial China: Ting Jthch’ang in Restoration Kiangsu, 1867-1870 104. James Reed, The Missionary Mind and American East Asia Policy, 19111915

105. Neil L. Waters, Japan’s Local Pragmatists: The Transition from Bakumatsu to Meiji in the Kawasaki Region 106. David C. Cole and Yung Chul Park, Financial Development in Korea, 1945-1978

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112. Luke S. K. Kwong, A Mosaic of the Hundred Days: Personalities, Politics, and Ideas of 1898 113. John E. Wills, Jr., Embassies and Illusions: Dutch and Portuguese Envoys to K’ang-hsi, 1666-1687 114. Joshua A. Fogel, Politics and Sinology: The Case of Naité Konan (18661934)

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116. C. Andrew Gerstle, Circles of Fantasy: Convention in the Plays of Chikamatsu

117. Andrew Gordon, The Evolution of Labor Relations in Japan: Heavy Industry, 1853-1955 118. Daniel K. Gardner, Chu Hsi and the Ta Hsueh: Neo-Confucian Reflection on the Confucian Canon 119. Christine Guth Kanda, Shinzé: Hachiman Imagery and its Development 120. Robert Borgen, Sugawara no Michizane and the Early Heian Court 121. Chang-tai Hung, Going to the People: Chinese Intellectual and Folk Literature, 1918-1937 122. Michael A. Cusumano, The Japanese Automobile Industry: Technology and Management at Nissan and Toyota

123. Richard von Glahn, The Country of Streams and Grottoes: Expansion, Settlement, and the Civilizing of the Sichuan Frontier in Song Times 124. Steven D. Carter, The Road to Komatsubara: A Classical Reading of the Renga Hyakuin 125. Katherine F. Bruner, John K. Fairbank, and Richard T. Smith, Entering China’s Service: Robert Hart’s Journals, 1854-1863

126. Bob Tadashi Wakabayashi, Anti-Foreignism and Western Learning in Early-Modern Japan: The New Theses of 1825 127. Atsuko Hirai, Individualism and Socialism: The Life and Thought of Kawai Eyir6é (1891-1944)

128. Ellen Widmer, The Margins of Utopia: Shui-hu hou-chuan and the Literature of Ming Loyalism 129. R. Kent Guy, The Emperor’s Four Treasuries: Scholars and the State in the Late Ch'ten-lung Era

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131. Susan Chan Egan, A Latterday Confucian: Reminiscences of William Hung (1893-1980)

132. James T. C. Liu, China Turning Inward: Intellectual-Political Changes in the Early Twelfth Century 133. Paul A. Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity: Wang T’ao and Reform in Late Ch’ing China 134. Kate Wildman Nakai, Shogunal Politics: Arai Hakuseki and the Premises of Tokugawa Rule 135. Parks M. Coble, Facing Japan: Chinese Politics and Japanese Imperialism, 1931-1937 136. Jon L. Saari, Legacies of Childhood: Growing Up Chinese in a Time of Crisis, 1890-1920 137. Susan Downing Videen, Tales of Heichii

138. Heinz Morioka and Miyoko Sasaki, Rakugo: The Popular Narrative Art of Japan 139. Joshua A. Fogel, Nakae Ushikichi in China: The Mourning of Spirit 140. Alexander Barton Woodside, Vietnam and the Chinese Model: A Comparative Study of Vietnamese and Chinese Government in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century

141. George Elison, Deus Destroyed: The Image of Christianity in Early Modern Japan

142. William D. Wray, ed., Managing Industrial Enterprise: Cases from Japan’s Prewar Experience 143. T’ung-tsu Ch’ti, Local Government in China under the Ch’ing 144. Marie Anchordoguy, Computers, Inc.: Japan’s Challenge to IBM

145. Barbara Molony, Technology and Investment: The Prewar Japanese Chemical Industry 146. Mary Elizabeth Berry, Hideyoshi 147. Laura E. Hein, Fueling Growth: The Energy Revolution and Economic Policy in Postwar Japan 148. Wen-hsin Yeh, The Alienated Academy: Culture and Politics in Republican China, 1919-1937 149. Dru C. Gladney, Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People’s Republic

150. Merle Goldman and Paul A. Cohen, eds., Ideas Across Cultures: Essays on Chinese Thought in Honor of Benjamin I. Schwartz 151. James Polachek, The Inner Opium War 152. Gail Lee Bernstein, Japanese Marxist: A Portrait of Kawakami Hajime, 1879-1946

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154. Mark Mason, American Multinationals and Japan: The Political Economy of Japanese Capital Controls, 1899-1980

155. Richard J. Smith, John K. Fairbank, and Katherine F. Bruner, Robert Hart and China’s Early Modernization: His Journals, 1863-1866 156. George J. Tanabe, Jr., Myoe the Dreamkeeper: Fantasy and Knowledge in Kamakura Buddhism

157. William Wayne Farris, Heavenly Warriors: The Evolution of Japan’s Military, 500-1300 158. Yu-ming Shaw, An American Missionary in China: John Leighton Stuart and Chinese-American Relations 159. James B. Palais, Politics and Policy in Traditional Korea 160. Douglas Reynolds, China, 1898-1912: The Xinzheng Revolution and Ja-

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162. William Johnston, The Modern Epidemic: History of Tuberculosis in Japan 163. Constantine Nomikos Vaporis, Breaking Barriers: Travel and the State in Early Modern Japan 165. James C. Baxter, The Meyi Unification through the Lens of Ishikawa Prefecture 166. Thomas R. H. Havens, Architects of Affluence: The Tsutsumi Family and the Seibu-Saison Enterprises in Twentieth-Century Japan

167. Anthony Hood Chambers, The Secret Window: Ideal Worlds in Tanizaki’s Fiction