Firekeepers of the Twenty-First Century: First Nations Women Chiefs 9780773575103

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firekeepers of the twenty-first century

m c gill-queen’s native and northern series Bruce G. Trigger, Editors 1 When the Whalers Were Up North Inuit Memories from the Eastern Arctic Dorothy Harley Eber

13 Cold Comfort My Love Affair with the Arctic Graham W. Rowley

2 The Challenge of Arctic Shipping Science, Environmental Assessment, and Human Values Edited by David L. VanderZwaag and Cynthia Lamson

14 The True Spirit and Original Intent of Treaty 7 Treaty 7 Elders and Tribal Council with Walter Hildebrandt, Dorothy First Rider, and Sarah Carter

3 Lost Harvests Prairie Indian Reserve Farmers and Government Policy Sarah Carter

15 This Distant and Unsurveyed Country A Woman’s Winter at Baffin Island, 1857–1858 W. Gillies Ross

4 Native Liberty, Crown Sovereignty The Existing Aboriginal Right of Self-Government in Canada Bruce Clark

16 Images of Justice Dorothy Harley Eber

5 Unravelling the Franklin Mystery Inuit Testimony David C. Woodman 6 Otter Skins, Boston Ships, and China Goods The Maritime Fur Trade of the Northwest Coast, 1785–1841 James R. Gibson 7 From Wooden Ploughs to Welfare The Story of the Western Reserves Helen Buckley 8 In Business for Ourselves Northern Entrepreneurs Wanda A. Wuttunee 9 For an Amerindian Autohistory An Essay on the Foundations of a Social Ethic Georges E. Sioui 10 Strangers Among Us David Woodman 11 When the North Was Red Aboriginal Education in Soviet Siberia Dennis A. Bartels and Alice L. Bartels 12 From Talking Chiefs to a Native Corporate Elite The Birth of Class and Nationalism among Canadian Inuit Marybelle Mitchell

17 Capturing Women The Manipulation of Cultural Imagery in Canada’s Prairie West Sarah A. Carter 18 Social and Environmental Impacts of the James Bay Hydroelectric Project Edited by James F. Hornig 19 Saqiyuq Stories from the Lives of Three Inuit Women Nancy Wachowich in collaboration with Apphia Agalakti Awa, Rhoda Kaukjak Katsak, and Sandra Pikujak Katsak 20 Justice in Paradise Bruce Clark 21 Aboriginal Rights and Self-Government The Canadian and Mexican Experience in North American Perspective Edited by Curtis Cook and Juan D. Lindau 22 Harvest of Souls The Jesuit Missions and Colonialism in North America, 1632–1650 Carole Blackburn 23 Bounty and Benevolence A History of Saskatchewan Treaties Arthur J. Ray, Jim Miller, and Frank Tough 24 The People of Denendeh Ethnohistory of the Indians of Canada’s Northwest Territories June Helm

25 The Marshall Decision and Native Rights Ken Coates 26 The Flying Tiger Women Shamans and Storytellers of the Amur Kira Van Deusen 27 Alone in Silence European Women in the Canadian North before 1940 Barbara E. Kelcey

38 The Making of an Explorer George Hubert Wilkins and the Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913–1916 Stuart E. Jenness 39 Chee Chee A Study of Aboriginal Suicide Alvin Evans 40 Strange Things Done Murder in Yukon History Ken S. Coates and William R. Morrison

28 The Arctic Voyages of Martin Frobisher An Elizabethan Adventure Robert McGhee

41 Healing through Art Ritualized Space and Cree Identity Nadia Ferrara

29 Northern Experience and the Myths of Canadian Culture Renée Hulan

42 Coyote and Raven Go Canoeing Coming Home to the Village Peter Cole

30 The White Man’s Gonna Getcha The Colonial Challenge to the Crees in Quebec Toby Morantz

43 Something New in the Air The Story of First Peoples Television Broadcasting in Canada Lorna Roth

31 The Heavens Are Changing Nineteenth-Century Protestant Missions and Tsimshian Christianity Susan Neylan

44 Listening to Old Woman Speak Natives and Alternatives in Canadian Literature Laura Smyth Groening

32 Arctic Migrants/Arctic Villagers The Transformation of Inuit Settlement in the Central Arctic David Damas

45 Robert and Francis Flaherty A Documentary Life, 1883–1922 Robert J. Christopher

33 Arctic Justice On Trial for Murder – Pond Inlet, 1923 Shelagh D. Grant 34 Eighteenth-Century Naturalists of Hudson Bay Stuart Houston, Tim Ball, and Mary Houston 35 The American Empire and the Fourth World Anthony J. Hall 36 Uqalurait An Oral History of Nunavut Compiled and edited by John Bennett and Susan Rowley 37 Living Rhythms Lessons in Aboriginal Economic Resilience and Vision Wanda Wuttunee

46 Talking in Context Language and Identity in Kwakwaka’wakw Society Anne Marie Goodfellow 47 Tecumseh’s Bones Guy St-Denis 48 Constructing Colonial Discourse Captain Cook at Nootka Sound Noel Elizabeth Currie 49 The Hollow Tree Fighting Addiction with Traditional Healing Herb Nabigon 50 The Return of Caribou to Ungava A.T. Bergerud, Stuart Luttich, Lodewijk Camps 51 Firekeepers of the Twenty-First Century First Nations Women Chiefs Cora J. Voyageur

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Firekeepers of the Twenty-First Century First Nations Women Chiefs cora j. voyageur

McGill-Queen’s University Press Montreal & Kingston • London • Ithaca

© McGill-Queen’s University Press 2008 isbn 978-0-7735-3216-8 (cloth) isbn 978-0-7735-3217-5 (paper) Legal deposit first quarter 2008 Bibliothèque nationale du Québec Printed in Canada on acid-free paper that is 100% ancient forest free (100% post-consumer recycled), processed chlorine free. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Aid to Scholarly Publications Programme, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. McGill-Queen’s University Press acknowledges the support of the Canada Council for the Arts for our publishing program. We also acknowledge the financial support of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (bpidp) for our publishing activities.

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Voyageur, Cora Jane, 1956– Firekeepers of the twenty-first century: First Nations women chiefs / Cora J. Voyageur. (McGill-Queen’s native and northern series; 51) Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978-0-7735-3216-8 (bound) isbn 978-0-7735-3217-5 (pbk.) 1. Indian women civic leaders – Canada -- Biography. 2. Indian women – Canada – Biography. 3. Indian leadership -- Canada. 4. Indians of North America – Canada – Politics and government. 5. Women – Canada – Biography. i. Title. ii. Series. e89.v69 2007

971.004’9700922

Typeset in New Baskerville 10.5/13 by Infoscan Collette, Quebec City

c2007-904545-6

For Brian, Carly, Drew, Reeve, and Liam

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Contents

Tables xi Acknowledgments xiii Preface xv Definition of Terms xix 1 Introduction 3 2 On Being an Indian Chief 17 3 Canada’s First Female Indian Act Chief: Elsie Knott 26 4 Demographic Profile of Female Chiefs in Canada 45 5 Running for Office

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6 On the Campaign Trail: Peggy Richard 69 7 Public Life: Taking and Maintaining Office 89 8 Public Life versus Private Life 105 9 Interview with Chief Kim Baird 111 10 Conclusion 129 appendices a Questionnaire 139 b Letter to Female Chiefs 144 c Peggy Richard Campaign Pamphlet 146 Bibliography 149 Index 155

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Tables

1.1 Dates of Political Gender Equality in Canada 10 4.1 Female Chiefs’ Provincial or Regional Representation by Percentage 46 4.2 Respondents’ Demographic Profile by Demographic Categories and Percentage 47 6.1 Chiefs of Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation since Treaty 8 72

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Acknowledgments

This book came about quite by accident. I was teaching a class at the University of Calgary and students were asking about governance. When asked about women leaders in the First Nations community, I didn’t have an answer. When I explored the topic I realized, to my surprise, that there was little or nothing written on this topic. This is truly an academic’s dream come true. I would like to thank McGill-Queens Press and in particular, Philip Cercone, Joan McGilvray, Ligy Alakkattussery, and Elena Goranescu. A big thank you to Claire Gigantes for all her help with the manuscript. I am grateful to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council for the research grant that made this project possible. Thank you also to the Aid to Scholarly Publications Programme for their support of this book. My husband, Brian Calliou, provided tremendous understanding and support throughout this endeavor. Thank you. Also, thank you to my friends and large extended family who remained interested throughout this project. Lastly, I would like to thank all the women chiefs who trusted me to tell their stories. Their forthright and candid comments made this project come to life. I took their trust to heart and have tried to tell their stories as truthfully and respectfully as possible.

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Preface

A quiet revolution is occurring in Canada’s First Nations community. A great many changes have taken place on the social, political, and economic fronts over the past few decades. Some of these changes have been widespread, affecting virtually every First Nation community in the country. In April 1985 the Indian Act of 1876 was amended with the passage of Bill C-31 to allow enfranchised individuals (those Indian people who had lost or given up their status as Indians, thus severing their legal relationship with the federal government of Canada), most of whom were women, to regain their Indian status. Other changes include constitutional protection under section 35 of the Constitution Act of 1982. There is also a redistribution of power. Governments are responding to First Nations demands for self-government. Indians and lands reserved for Indians as outlined in section 91 (24) of the Constitution Act of 1867 fall under federal jurisdiction. Through its devolution policy,1 Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, the federal department responsible for overseeing Indians, has transferred power from its headquarters in Ottawa or from regional departmental offices to the reserve community, which is also responsible for the delivery of health care, education, and social services among others.

1 The Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development defines devolution as “the transfer of services and programs from Indian and Northern Affairs Canada control to Indian bands, tribal councils and other Indian authorities” (Canada, Indian and Northern Affairs 2004, 110).

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Within First Nations a further distribution of power is underway whereby privileges once held exclusively by men under the paternalistic Indian Act are now being transferred to women. Although women are, and always have been, integral to the day-to-day operation of the community in their roles as wives, mothers, administrators, teachers, counsellors, mentors, healers, and those who “kept the fire” 2 and transmitted culture from one generation to the next, they are rarely given the role of the “government-sanctioned” decision maker. Women have generally deferred to a male authority with respect to community governance. On the reserve, the highest local authority is the chief and council. Federal and provincial governments and the Department of Indian Affairs view the elected chief and council as the official leaders and decision makers in First Nations communities. This male-biased and government-sanctioned authority is of long standing. As we see in chapter 1 below, it was entrenched in the original Indian Act. It was not until 1951 that changes to the Indian Act paved the way for women to become officially involved in reserve politics. Before these changes, only Indian men could hold office or participate in Canada’s Indian reserve governance. Women’s participation in onreserve politics began in 1951, although involvement in politics offreserve did not come for almost another decade because First Nations people were not given a universal franchise until 1960. In this book I examine the experience of women who assume the traditionally male role of leadership in Canada’s First Nations communities. When I say tradition I mean the role of chief and council as defined under the patriarchal Indian Act, not First Nations tradition since many Aboriginal cultures are matriarchal, and Indian women have been involved in tribal politics as advisors and confidants since time immemorial. I shall explore the experiences of female Indian chiefs as they negotiate their multiple roles. I wanted to know who these women were and how they navigated the hierarchies of gender, race, and the sometimes unkind world of reserve politics. I also wanted to set those

2 I would like to thank Violet Soosay of the Samson Cree Nation in Alberta for naming this book. At an Indigenous Women in Leadership Program that I teach at the Banff Centre, Violet told us the meaning of the Cree word for woman, “Iskwao,” which she said derived from their duty to keep the fire lit for the encampment.

Preface

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experiences in context and see those experiences through their eyes. How did they rationalize the events and encounters they had? I gathered demographic information about my subjects and asked how they attained and maintained leadership amid the peculiarities of reserve politics, and what they saw as the costs and rewards involved in holding their positions. I also asked whether they believed that being a woman made a difference in their experiences and in the expectations others had of them. As a First Nations woman I viewed myself as an insider in the community I wanted to study. This insider status allowed me access to the community and permitted me to use my social network and social capital to complete this research. It also placed extra pressure on me to produce an honest, accurate, and compelling account. As an academic and a sociologist, however, I also felt like an outsider. This outsider status is derived from the relationship that has developed between academic researchers and the First Nation community. It has not always been fair and equitable. Some researchers have come to the Aboriginal community, collected their data, and left. Their commitment to the community ended with the data collection. As a result, members of the Aboriginal community have grown suspicious of researchers and are more reluctant to serve as research subjects. However, the community needs data derived from the research and researchers need projects. Thus, an uneasy alliance has formed between community and researcher since both have something to gain from the relationship. Before I began this project, I garnered support from four levels of First Nations government. On the national level, I received verbal approval from the Assembly of First Nations (afn) when I presented my research proposal at the annual general assembly in Vancouver in July 1999. I later received written support from Grand Chief Phil Fontaine. At the provincial level, I received a letter of support from the Treaty 8 chiefs of Alberta. I also received letters of support from the chiefs of the Athabasca Tribal Council and, at the local level, from my own chief, Archie Cyprien, and the council of the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation. All these First Nations representatives enthusiastically endorsed and supported my research program. I felt I had stumbled upon a treasure when I began research on this timely and unique topic. To my knowledge there has never been a comprehensive study that addresses, or has even begun to address, the issues and experiences of female chiefs in Canada. This is their story.

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Definition of Terms1

assembly of first nations (afn) The Assembly of First Nations is a political organization located in Ottawa that represents the interests of the 633 First Nations of Canada. It was formed in 1968 under the provisional leadership of Walter Deiter and was formerly known as the National Indian Brotherhood. band A group of people for whom lands have been set apart and for whom money is held in trust by the Crown. Each band has its own governing council usually consisting of a chief and several council members who are elected through either Indian Act or custom elections. The term band is used interchangeably with First Nation. band council The band council comprises those members elected pursuant to the regulations to hold the offices of chief and councillor, who are empowered to act on behalf of the “First Nation” according to the inherent powers and authorities and pursuant to the Indian Act. band member A band member is a person who is registered as a member of a particular band. This membership is pursuant to the band’s membership code. bill c-31 This bill was enacted on 17 April 1985. It allowed Indian people who had lost their status to regain it. Indian people could lose

1 These definitions have been taken from Carter 1993, Imai 2002, and Voyageur 2004.

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Definition of Terms

their status by getting a university degree, joining the clergy, joining the military, being stricken from the Indian registry by an Indian agent or, in the case of Indian women, marrying a non-Indian man. Status could also be lost if a male head of household agreed to give up his status and the status of his wife and children. chief The chief is the elected leader of a First Nation community and is brought to office through either a custom or an Indian Act election. councillor A councillor is an elected leader of a First Nation community and serves under the chief. indian and northern affairs canada (inac) The Department of Indian Affairs, created in 1880, was initially under the direction of the Minister of the Interior. It has been given various names over the years including Indian Affairs and Northern Development Canada and the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (diand). first nation A First Nation is a band under the Indian Act if one of three criteria applies: it has a reserve; it has governance trust funds for its use; or it has been declared to be a band by the federal cabinet. indian act Federal legislation first passed in 1876 and amended many times since. It sets out federal obligations and regulates the management of Indian reserve lands, Indian monies, and other resources. The act requires the minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development to manage certain monies belonging to First Nations and Indian lands and to approve or disallow First Nations bylaws. indian agent A position established by the federal government in 1875 and eliminated in 1969. Indian agents were the intermediaries between community members and the Department of Indian Affairs. Their duties involved overseeing the day-to-day running of the reserve, which included the distribution of rations and ensuring that government directives were being followed. indian reserve A tract of land, the legal title of which is held by the Crown, set apart for the use and benefit of an Indian band. The reserve has its own local administration.

Definition of Terms

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indian status An individual’s legal status as an Indian as defined by the Indian Act. status/registered indian A person listed in the Indian Register, which is the official record identifying all status Indians in Canada. The Indian Act sets out the requirement for determining who is a status Indian. treaty: An agreement between the Crown and the Indians of Canada that sets out the promises, obligations, and benefits of each party. treaty indian: A status/registered Indian who belongs to a band that signed a treaty with the Crown.

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firekeepers of the twenty-first century

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1 Introduction

The First Nations world is a political world. It is difficult to stay out of politics and political discussions in Canada’s First Nations community. Many people find themselves drawn into the political vortex by such questions as how to redress housing shortages, increase educational attainment among the youth, reduce rates of unemployment, and deliver social services and programs efficiently to those in need. Of course, the uneasy coexistence between First Nations people and Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (inac), the federal department that oversees the everyday lives of First Nations people, and the First Nations’ desire to wrest control from the department are ongoing topics of discussion. When people in First Nations communities get together, the discussion eventually turns to leadership – the chief and council, the composition of which is governed by Indian Act legislation. These elected representatives are the Indian band’s government. They, as band council, make decisions that affect band members’ lives and have the power to allocate scarce resources. The chief and council are the link between the band members, band administration, and Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. This governing system can be compared to the mayor and councillors of a town or city. Most decisions made by chief and council, however, must be ratified by inac. Although band councils have powers similar to those of municipalities, the Indian Act allows only a limited range of governing powers. Self-government agreements provide opportunities for First Nations to opt out of the Indian Act and provide for a broader range of powers (Reiter 2000; Imai 2002).

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Firekeepers of the Twenty-First Century

Opinions about local First Nations politicians are many and approval ratings vary. How is the leadership doing? How is the chief or council operating? Is the leadership living up to expectations? Are chief and council working with the community or for the community? Band members discuss these questions in depth and often. If people are unhappy with their political representative, they will vote in a new leader or they might feel compelled to run for office themselves. Those who want to stay out of politics may have difficulty achieving their goal. Then there are those who may want to be involved in reserve politics but are not allowed to be, according to the Indian Act. Before the 1951 changes to the act, for example, women could not hold political office on Canada’s Indian reserves. Women were officially absent from band politics because of Indian Act legislation, which allowed only men to vote in reserve elections or run for political positions. The Indian Act was established shortly after Confederation as a compilation of policies pertaining to Indians in Canada. This array of policies used to govern Indians included the likes of the Gradual Enfranchisement Act of 1869, which aimed at further civilizing and assimilating Indians into mainstream society. The Indian Act legislation governs virtually every aspect of Indian life including reserves, band membership, repair of roads, management, sale of Indian lands, and many other areas. The selection of leadership was also administered under the 1876 Indian Act. Section 61 of the act states that with regard to councils and chiefs, “at the election of a chief or chiefs, or the granting of any ordinary consent required of a band of Indians under this Act, those entitled to vote at the council or meeting thereof shall be the male members of the band of the full age of twenty-one years; and the vote of a majority of such members at a council or meeting of the band summoned according to their rules, and held in the presence of the Superintendent-General or an agent acting under his instructions, shall be sufficient to determine such election, or grant such consent.” The Indian Act is amended from time to time. For example, government policy and legislation prevented Indian women from holding the elected office of chief since the legislation stated that only male band members over the age of twenty-one were permitted to stand for elected office or vote for chief and council. This remained the case until the 1951 amendments, which did not specifically mention the inclusion of women in reserve politics but did not exclude them either. The new guidelines read as follows: “Section 76 (1) A member of a band who is of the full age of twenty-one years and is ordinarily resident

Introduction

5

on the reserve is qualified to vote for a person nominated to be chief of the band, and where the reserve for voting purposes consists of one section, to vote for persons nominated as councillors” (Canada, Citizenship and Immigration 1951). A year after these amendments were passed Elsie Marie Knott of the Mississaugas of Mud Lake at Curve Lake, Ontario, broke the Indian band leadership’s gender barrier by becoming Canada’s first elected female chief. Women’s overt involvement in band elections followed quickly thereafter. A report by the federal Department of Citizenship and Immigration on its Indian Affairs Branch for the fiscal year ended 31 March 1953 stated that “Indian women played an increasingly active role in band affairs. Twenty-one have been elected to the office of chief or councillor since the new Act came into operation in September 1951” (Canada, Citizenship and Immigration 1953). The report further states, “Election provisions were revised to provide uniform procedures and term of office. The right to vote in band elections and other votes under the Act was extended to all members of a band of the full age of twenty-one years. This, for the first time, extended the franchise in band affairs to women. Indian women [are] now exercising this right and a number of them have already been elected to office. Secrecy of voting has been provided under election regulations. As formerly, those bands to which the election provisions have not been applied may choose their chiefs and councillors according to band custom. The powers of band councils to make bylaws were broadened to correspond in a general way with those exercised by councils in a rural municipality” (ibid.). Eligibility to run for band council is also restricted under the Indian Act. Currently representatives elected by the band members must have reached the voting age of eighteen years. Until recently voting privileges were exclusive to those members living on-reserve. The residency requirement was lifted by the Supreme Court of Canada in the Corbière decision (Supreme Court of Canada 1999), which found the words “and is ordinarily resident on the reserve for the purpose of the election” to be unconstitutional. Although the words have yet to be amended, they should be read out of the section. Indian bands, which are under the jurisdiction of the Indian Act, can elect a chief and council using either of two methods: Indian Act election or custom code election. “Unless ordered by the Minister of Indian Affairs, the band council shall consist of one Chief and one Councillor for every one hundred members of the band but the

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number of councillors should not be less than 2 or more than twelve” (Imai 2002, 119). Current Indian Act legislation states: The Chief of a band shall be elected in two ways: 1. A majority of votes of the electors of the band or 2. A majority of the votes of the elected councillors of the band from among themselves. The Councillors of a band however must have: 1. A majority of votes of the electors or the band or 2. A majority of the votes of the electors of the band. (Ibid).

The term of office under the Indian Act election is two years, although the act allows for First Nations to pass their own “custom election codes,” which can provide terms of up to five years. Currently forty percent of First Nations in Canada choose their leadership using the Indian Act election while the remaining sixty percent have developed their own custom election code (personal conversation with inac representative Marc Boivin, 8 November 2006). In the years between the 1951 changes to the Indian Act and the release of the Red Paper in 1970, First Nations people became increasingly aware of their political and legal rights (Frideres 1998; Satzewich and Wotherspoon 2000). The Red Paper, also referred to as “Citizens Plus,” was released by the Indian Association of Alberta in 1970. It was the Indian’s response to the federal government’s Statement of Government of Canada on Indian Policy (1969), also known as the White Paper, which aimed at reneging on treaty promises made to the Indians of Canada and eliminating the “special status” given to Indians under those treaties. The assimilationist objectives of the White Paper backfired on the government because they only served to galvanize Indian solidarity. First Nations were organizing and demanding that their voices be heard. First Nations women became more politically active, more visible, and more vocal at this time. Alison Prentice et al., in their book on Canadian women’s history, say of Indian women, “There was a feeling that nothing would get done if they [the women] did not organize themselves” (Prentice et al. 1988, 397). They brought health concerns and political and social issues to the foreground in the reserve communities and in the urban areas in which they lived. One organization created by the activist Indian women was the Ontario Native Women’s Association in 1972. Like the Native Women’s Association of Canada

Introduction

7

(incorporated in 1974), the Ontario Native Women’s Association was born at the kitchen tea parties, sewing circles, and craft sessions attended by concerned women who felt they had to look after their own interests and the interests of their children, families, and communities. Women emerged from their purely domestic roles to share in the rebuilding and reshaping of their lives and their communities.

women in politics Women are the majority of the population throughout the world but never comprise more than a handful of its political leaders. Many facets of women’s political activity have been explored in the academic literature. Tolchin and Tolchin (1974) state that women’s loyalties are challenged in many ways when they become politically active. Lured away from the traditional concerns of church, kitchen, and children, they are expanding their spheres of influence within the community. Male dominance has been legitimated in law and in custom (ibid). Politics, or the public life of the polity, has been presumed to be a natural sphere for men, whereas for women, to the extent that they had a space or turf to call their own, the natural sphere was presumed to be private and domestic (Richter 1990–91). Janet Sharistanian (1986, 3) explains the role of women in historical and social settings by using public (primarily male) and private (primarily female) spheres. In her three-point model for the separation of public and private realms she states: First, despite matriarchal assertions, wide cultural variations, and the fact that women are frequently “important, powerful, and influential” in all known societies, male activities are more highly valued than female activities. Second, universal sexual symmetry is always evident in the fact that everywhere men have some authority over women … a culturally legitimated right to [their] subordination and compliance. Third, though women exert important pressures on the social life of the group they generally do so through informal influence and power rather than through formal authority.

Sharistanian further states that in traditional society women spend a great deal of their lives giving birth and raising children. For this reason they spend more time in the domestic and less time in the public realm.

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Genovese (1993) studied female heads of state throughout the world. His case studies included Margaret Thatcher (United Kingdom), Golda Meir (Israel), Benazir Bhutto (Pakistan), Indira Ghandhi (India), Gro Harlem Brundtland (Norway), Corazon Aquino (Philippines), Sirimvo Bandaranaike (Sri Lanka), Violeta Chamorro (Nicaragua), Mary Eugenia Charles (Dominica), Ertha Pascal-Trouillot (Haiti), and Isabel Perón (Argentina). He found that these women shared certain characteristics. Many had male relatives who were involved in politics and had served as their mentors. Genovese uses the term “inherited power” when he speaks of these women; saying that it is a direct result of their ascribed status rather than their achieved status. He also found that they were for the most part very well educated and thus much better educated than their fellow countrywomen. Most were middleaged when they took power. They ruled developing countries that were in a state of political, economic, and social flux. Carrol and Strimling’s study (1983) of female political involvement at the federal, state, and local levels of the United States government found that while it was imperative for a female politician to have her spouse’s support to maintain an effective balance between work and home, the same was not so for male politicians. In essence, men were able to sustain their political careers with unhappy wives, but female politicians could not easily pursue their political lives with unhappy husbands. They also found that female politicians were more likely to be single compared with male politicians and that female politicians were generally older and less likely to have small children. The female politicians also found that the obstacles they faced in unseating an incumbent, withstanding the high personal and financial costs of campaigning, fulfilling work-related duties, and maintaining a home life were best overcome by using their strengths. Their ability to perform multiple tasks, organize, and broker workable compromises helped them become more effective political players (ibid., 6–7). They suggest that organizational skills be used to mobilize other women to participate. With respect to First Nations, the status quo of male leadership is also increasingly challenged by the growth in the number of females entering reserve politics. Women and Politics in Mainstream Canada Although women constitute the majority of the population in Canada, as elsewhere they are underrepresented politically (Brodie 1991).

Introduction

9

Women’s representation among the political elite in Canada has been on the increase in recent years, moving from five percent in 1972 to thirteen percent in 1988, but they are still woefully underrepresented (ibid., 5). Brodie believes that this is due to women’s subordination in Canadian society. She points to the types of work done by women and the fact that women’s work is less well compensated than men’s (ibid., 9). Brodie adds that women are politically underrepresented because most are not socialized to be politically involved and because they have more difficulty entering the political process, which in Canada involves winning the party’s nomination to run in a particular riding, one in which she has a good chance of winning (ibid., 7). The path towards suffrage and political involvement has never been easy for women in Canada, whether Indian or non-Indian. A brief look at the struggle to obtain the vote for non-Indian women in mainstream Canada shows that suffrage was the concern of a small minority of women who were either professionals, self-employed, or the wives of affluent men (Cleverdon 1978). Their privileged socioeconomic position did not guarantee an easy ride for those people intent on obtaining the vote for women. Male opponents of female suffrage offered an array of reasons for denying women the vote. “Women were organically too weak to participate in the broils and excitements of elections; women took no share in the defense of the nations; and women did not have the mental capacity to comprehend complex political argument” (ibid., 5). In 1893 Ontario’s Agriculture minister, John Dryden, invoked the Bible to oppose women’s suffrage. He quoted, “The man was not made for the woman, but the woman for the man … The desire shall be to thy husband and he shall rule over thee” (1Corinthians 11). His speech won the approval of many men and women. He concluded that a woman was to be “in submission to man” (Cleverdon 1978, 10). This line of thinking would probably have played a role in the Indian Act’s barring of Indian women from on-reserve political involvement. There were some, however, who believed that the state, like the home, needed women’s input to create a balanced way of life (Cleverdon 1978). The last non-Indian women to gain federal voting rights in Canada were Newfoundland women, who won the vote when the province entered Confederation on 31 March 1949. Indian women, however, had to wait a couple of years longer before they could vote in reserve elections and more than a decade longer to be able to vote offreserve. Nevertheless, women were involved in political activity for a long time and on many fronts.

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Table 1.1 Dates of Political Gender Equality in Canada Province

Suffrage

Eligible to hold office

Manitoba Saskatchewan Alberta British Columbia Ontario Nova Scotia Dominion of Canada

29 January 1916 14 March 1916 19 April 1916 5 April 1917 12 April 1917 26 April 1918 20 September 1917* 24 May 1918** 17 April 1919 3 May 1922 13 April 1925 25 April 1940

28 January 1916 14 March 1916 19 April 1916 5 April 1917 24 April 1919 26 April 1918 7 July 1919 7 July 1919 9 March 1934 3 May 1922 13 April 1925 25 April 1940

New Brunswick Prince Edward Island Newfoundland Quebec

Source: Cleverdon, Women’s Suffrage Movement in Canada, 1978, 2. ** Female relatives of war veterans only ** All females

Unfortunately, Canadian suffragettes seemed to have little time for, or interest in, securing voting rights for their Indian sisters. The right to political involvement had been denied to non-Indian women because of their sex. For Indian women, political involvement was denied because of their sex and their race. First Nations Women and Politics Women have always played a role in politics in the Aboriginal community. Sometimes their involvement has been overt and sometimes covert. Legal scholar Robert Williams states that in a number of North American tribes the females not only selected male leaders but they could also remove them from power (Williams 1990). The matriarchal social system of the Iroquois confederacy gave females an integral role in the economic and political life of the community (Native Women’s Association 1992). An opportunity to organize politically inadvertently presented itself to Indian women in the form of the Indian Homemakers’ Association. In 1937 the Department of Indian Affairs encouraged Indian women to gather regularly to acquire sound and approved practices for greater home efficiency. The women were also encouraged to form local chapters of the Native Homemakers’ Association on reserves across Canada. Little did the department know that these seemingly harmless women’s

Introduction

11

meetings served as a means for Indian women to organize dissent and create strategies for change in their condition both on the reserve and in the wider Canadian society. Thus, Indian women were primed for official political involvement when legislative changes finally came. As noted earlier, political activity that began as part of communitysanctioned “home economics” gatherings occurring on Indian reserves throughout Canada spawned a plethora of Aboriginal women’s rights organizations. A number of Aboriginal women’s groups crystallized in response to the infamous White Paper, released by the federal government in 1969, which advocated assimilation of Indians into mainstream society and the dismantling of the unique rights held by Indian people. For the most part, these organizations sought to improve the quality of life for Aboriginal women and to help them gain a social, economic, and political voice. The Ontario Native Women’s Association (1972), Native Women’s Association of Canada (1974), and Quebec Native Women’s Association (1975) served as the foundation for other women’s groups that represented more specific sectors of the Aboriginal women’s population in Canada. Pauktuutit, the Inuit women’s association, was formed in 1984 and the Metis National Council of Women began in 1992. Women had emerged from their purely domestic role ready to share in the rebuilding and reshaping of their communities. Political will and political interest, however, had to be accompanied by legislative changes sanctioning the political involvement of women. The first legislative move came in the form of changes to chapter 29 of the Indian Act in 1951. Since then, increasing numbers of First Nations women have become leaders and thus are playing a more prominent role in decision making for the community. The number of female chiefs has increased substantially since the mid-1990s. According to the Assembly of First Nations, currently about ninety chiefs (or approximately fifteen percent) are female. This is lower than the eighteen percent female representation in provincial and approximately twenty-five percent representation in federal politics (Arscott and Trimble 1997). First Nations women are moving from lower-level administrative positions in the reserve communities to decision-making positions as higher-level managers and chiefs and councillors. Gerber (1990) refers to the social situation of First Nations women in Canada as “multiple jeopardy.” They are subordinated as females in a male-dominated society and they are further jeopardized as First Nations citizens in a country

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Firekeepers of the Twenty-First Century

that does not take their concerns seriously. These are some of the tensions and conflicts experienced by First Nations female chiefs as they are tugged and jostled between their multiple roles. In many First Nations communities where elected leadership has been exclusively male, choosing a woman chief is a departure from the norm. It is hard to determine whether gender plays a role in the community decision. Is there a conscious effort on the part of the electorate to elect a woman or simply to elect the best person for the position? The purpose of this book is to give female Indian chiefs in Canada an opportunity to tell their own stories subjectively. In this book the women get to speak for themselves. I did not want to invalidate their voices by testing them against a model. Nor did I want to compare them to men in terms of their leadership experiences or world view. This is not to say that the Indian men’s leadership experience is not of interest or worthy of study, but this study is only about women. Some might ask what makes women chiefs and their experiences so unique. Others might wonder how women chiefs differ from other politicians, other female politicians, or other working women. Granted, women chiefs share many of the experiences of other politicians. Mistrust of the electorate, political jokes, and uncertainty of re-election are all part of the political milieu and are not peculiar to women chiefs. However, there are some aspects of their job that other non-Indian politicians in Canada do not have to contend with. For example, as Indian chiefs they must conduct business under the strict guidelines of the Indian Act. Women chiefs also lead communities that often contain a high percentage of relatives. Most reserves have band members who are related to each other by blood or by marriage. This means that the decisions one makes may have a direct effect on one’s family members, which in turn blurs the line between personal and professional encounters. Women chiefs are much like working women everywhere. They must deal with household chores, children, spouses, and the never-ending struggle to maintain a balance between work and the rest of life. Women chiefs must travel a great deal to perform their duties. This means that child care is required for overnight stays and sometimes for days at a time. This type of reliable child care is sometimes hard to find. It is also expensive. As chiefs, they are the highest-ranking decision makers in the community. This means that all decisions, whether deemed good or bad by the community, government, or industry, fall back on them. They can be the hero or the fall guy. As chiefs they are also expected

Introduction

13

to be jacks of all trades and experts in many different areas. This is more than what is expected of most working women. As Indian women, female chiefs must deal with racism and discrimination. Research has shown that the average Canadian knows little about Indian people or their concerns. Mainstream attitudes towards Aboriginals, which range from indifference to outright hostility, often stem from lack of contact with Aboriginal people. Ponting’s 1987 study of non-Aboriginal Canadian attitudes towards Aboriginals found that the average Canadian did not consider Aboriginal issues important. As members of a group that occupies a low social position and wields little social power in Canadian society, chiefs must serve as ambassadors to mainstream society. As women, the female chiefs must deal with sexism within the First Nations and mainstream communities alike. Some members of the First Nations community do not believe that women should hold the position of chief. Some believe that women are incapable of making hard decisions and base their deliberations on emotion rather than logic. Confronted with such views, the women must work harder to gain credibility and prove themselves. These examples show that there are similarities between women chiefs and other politicians, women chiefs and other female politicians, and women chiefs and other working women. But there are also some profound differences. No study has ever addressed the issues and experiences of female chiefs in Canada. A search of the Canadian Periodicals Index produced a smattering of short biographical articles on individual female chiefs. In Saskatchewan, Mary Ann Day Walker of the Okanese First Nation and Alpha Lafond of the Muskeg Lake First Nation were profiled in a regional magazine, the Saskatchewan Indian (“Women Taking Over” 1997). The Assembly of First Nations newspaper First Perspective featured two brief articles on female chiefs. One deals with a non-Aboriginal woman, Margo Horvorko, who was elected chief of the Washagamis First Nation in Ontario in 1995, and the other with Yvonne Norwegian, who married into the Jean Marie River First Nation in the Northwest Territories (Seddon 1997). An article in Briarpatch features Chief Florence Buffalo of the Samson Cree Nation in Alberta. Chief Buffalo is profiled as a progressive, educated, and committed leader of the oil-rich central Alberta band (Deiter Buffalo 1996). Chief Sharon Bowcott of the Tsawwassen Indian Band in British Columbia was the subject of an article in BC Business, which outlined the political, social, and racial issues faced by this tenacious woman (Laturnus 1997). An interview with

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Firekeepers of the Twenty-First Century

Alderville First Nations chief Nora Bothwell documents the personal and professional struggles experienced by the leader of the 250member band in Ontario. Bothwell cites the problems she has had with members of her own community who are unwilling to accept her as chief because she is a woman. However, she is winning them over one at a time (Hobson 1997). All the women featured in these brief articles are seen as anomalies and curiosities because they have ventured outside the housekeeping and caregiving roles set for women in our society. An academic literature review produced few entries on contemporary First Nations women and community leadership. In a 1994 account of the challenge mounted by the Native Women’s Association of Canada to the Assembly of First Nations’ involvement in the 1992 Charlottetown Accord (the second attempt by the federal government to bring Quebec into the constitution after the failed Meech Lake Accord in 1990), Beaty-Chiste argues that First Nations women are organizing and becoming more politically involved in Canada, and that Aboriginal women are calling for social and political change in their male-dominated communities. This might explain the dramatic increase of female chiefs in Canada during the 1990s. A literature search of leadership in the First Nations community showed a bias. Miller (1994) studied the voting behaviours and election strategies of a Coast Salish community in Washington State. He said that women had an electoral advantage over men in the community elections for two reasons. The first is based on culture and social structure. Voters are more likely to vote for women because they are held in higher regard than men. The second reason is based on gender representation in the community. Miller said that women are more likely to vote for a woman since there are more women than men in the community. He noted that women start their work careers earlier than men and have a more established record of achievement in the community as a result. Miller also found that discrimination against and hostility towards female leaders was more prominent in some communities than in others (ibid.). Other findings show a male bias. Fiske (1995, 3) states that First Nations women are subjugated by a patriarchal system set out by the state and adhered to and supported by male-dominated chiefs and councils. This assertion is supported by my own research, which found that male-dominated reserve administrations generally did not focus resources on “women’s issues” such as family violence, daycare, and education (Voyageur 1997). Arnott’s 1997 study of indigenous

Introduction

15

political structure argues that indigenous women must play a direct and indispensable role in any emerging forms of self-determination in the community. Johnson (2000) told the story of seven female Indian chiefs in northern British Columbia in her master’s thesis. She found that living and working under the Indian Act added an extra burden for the women because they had to consult with and get the approval of the Department of Indian Affairs before they could proceed with their initiatives. The women were motivated by a need for justice and their desire to improve conditions for themselves, their band members, and their communities. They also believed that they had to reclaim their traditional systems of governance, which valued them as women. This study will enhance our knowledge and challenge earlier notions about women in leadership. It is original in its focus on First Nations women and their encounters as chiefs with those inside and outside their communities. It also deals with the issue of power and gender relations within the Aboriginal community. I hope to show why women are increasingly being elected as community leaders. It is important to reiterate, however, that this study is not a comparison of male versus female leadership styles.

methodology This study documents aggregate trends in the experiences of First Nations women who currently hold the office of chief. Information about these individuals, their experiences, the social and economic conditions of their reserves at the time of their election, and the circumstances surrounding their accession to the position was collected through personal and group interviews. I assured these women that they would remain anonymous if they agreed to participate in the research, that I would report their words but would not identity them. The research methodology for part one of the data collection process primarily involves face-to-face interviews, telephone interviews, and focus groups. My main resources were a combination of qualitative survey data and quantitative analysis. Throughout the research process the challenge was to construct a project that would meet the empirical standards of the social sciences while staying true to the views of the women. I conducted interviews in person or on the phone with sixty-four women chiefs to gather information about their experiences. I used a

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Firekeepers of the Twenty-First Century

semistructured interview schedule to gather information about their lives, experiences, political preparation, and struggles. The information was qualitatively analyzed using aggregate trends in the data. Since I had promised anonymity and confidentiality to the respondents, I did not attribute comments or experiences to particular individuals. The study contains a profile of one current woman chief, Kim Baird. I travelled to her community, the Tsawwassen First Nation, near Delta, British Columbia, and conducted an in-depth interview that highlighted her life, her ambitions, and her initiatives. What made her remain in the reserve community when so many First Nations people (particularly female) were moving to urban areas? How did she maintain her own identity when she was so busy managing community affairs? I also facilitated discussion groups with female chiefs at the Assembly of First Nations annual general assemblies in 1999 and 2001. I coordinated my discussion groups with the afn Women’s Secretariat meetings, which bring these female chiefs together. I chose this method of data collection because I wanted to gather information about their experience. Did they think they made a difference to political life and public policy within the parameters of their reserves? I was interested in their subjective explanations and interpretations of occurrences both on- and off-reserve.

2 On Being an Indian Chief

The term Indian was more widely used in the past than it is today, and the term First Nation is now used more frequently.1 However, the term Indian has a specific meaning in Canadian law. Section 2 (1) of the Indian Act defines Indian as a person who pursuant to the act is registered as an Indian or is entitled to be registered as an Indian (Imai 2002, 3). In this context the term has a legal connotation as it specifies a type of Aboriginal person with special legal rights. One can therefore interchange the terms registered, legal, and status when referring to those with special ties to the federal government pursuant to the Indian Act. Aboriginals are the indigenous people of Canada. In this analysis I speak only of the largest of the Aboriginal groups, Indians,2 who make up about sixty-four percent of Canada’s indigenous community (Statistics Canada 2003). Being an Indian chief comes with many privileges and many obligations. Chiefs are expected to deal with issues that are fundamental to the lives of band members. In some ways a chief is like the mayor of a small town, dealing with social issues and the local economy. The resources chiefs have to work with, however, can sometimes be limited. Status and authority are aspects of the job, but there are also duties

1 I use the terms First Nation and Indian interchangeably throughout this work. The term Aboriginal is used to denote First Nations, Metis, and Inuit collectively. 2 Statistics Canada uses the term North American Indian to refer to Indians or First Nations individuals.

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Firekeepers of the Twenty-First Century

and expectations. Becoming chief of a community bestows prestige and status on the elected individual. Sociologists define status as a recognized social position that an individual occupies and with that position come duties, expectations, and rights (Macionis and Gerber 1999, 138–9). The chief’s position is recognized by the First Nations community and is among the most prestigious. Chiefs are seen as the official spokespersons for the First Nations they represent. The people trust that their community will be in good hands under the leadership of the chief and council. The chief is also recognized as the community leader by the federal and provincial governments, industry, and mainstream society. The term “ascribed status” refers to the characteristics with which people are born, as opposed to the achievements they work for and obtain by their own efforts. For example, one may be born into a family with a good or a bad reputation. Some are born into wealth, which is also an ascribed status. Ascribed status is involuntary. “Achieved status,” on the other hand, is earned and voluntary. Someone might try to start a business, for example, or become a prize-winning athlete or obtain a university degree. As shown below, female chiefs appear to have a combination of achieved and ascribed status. The ascribed status of being born into a political family in the reserve community has been of benefit to most of the women in this study. Their achieved status is manifest in the type of educational accreditation they have earned or the type of occupational skills they have acquired. Along with the status and prestige of the position of chief or councillor comes a collection of responsibilities and duties. The duties of the chief are many and varied. They span the national, provincial, regional, and local levels on social, economic, and political issues. At the national level, chiefs are expected to participate in organizations such as the Assembly of First Nations. As members of this organization they are responsible for electing the grand chief, who lobbies government on their behalf. They participate in national policy-making and lobbying efforts. At the provincial level, chiefs represent their community in First Nations organizations such as the Federation of Saskatchewan Indian Nations or the Union of British Columbia Indians. There they address issues affecting their provincial territorial boundaries and plan strategies to negotiate with the provincial government. On the regional level, a chief is expected to participate in regional council meetings as part of an aggregate representative group that takes care of the interests of the First Nations community. The issues

On Being an Indian Chief

19

dealt with at these meetings range from economic development and resource-sharing initiatives with industry to tribal police forces. First Nations leadership may also participate in negotiating agreements between the federal, provincial, and local communities. When a school was constructed in a particular First Nations community, for example, there were jurisdictional issues between the partners in the venture, which included the federal government (First Nations fall under federal jurisdiction under section 91 (24) of the Constitution Act, 1867), the province (provinces have general jurisdiction over education and health care, among other issues), and the local school authority, which was bound by provincial legislation. A tripartite agreement solves the interjurisdictional problem. Chiefs often face divided loyalties between the community and Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. They represent the people of the community and are responsible for its smooth running. They are also responsible to the federal government, as are provincial governments, because of the transfer payments made to them. They must ensure that the monies are spent according to the terms of the transfer agreements and report compliance to the government agencies that fund them. Chiefs have the authority to represent their community. This legitimate authority, conferred by election, entitles chiefs to all the powers of the office. They can accept invitations from government, educational institutions, or industry to policy-making sessions, think-tanks, or gala events. They have the right to speak for the community and they have the right to pressure government and industry into respecting the community interests. They are the official spokespersons. They allocate scarce resources according to their vision for the community. With this authority and the corresponding duties, they are answerable to the expectation of the community. Indian chiefs in Canada represent a unique and diverse group of constituents. The First Nations of Canada have undergone a remarkable renewal despite government policies and laws that at times have seemed bent on their extermination. One example is the government’s assimilationist policy of the early twentieth century. In 1920 Deputy Superintendent General Duncan Campbell Scott, an advocate of assimilation, stated, “I want to get rid of the Indian Problem. Our object is to continue until there is not a single Indian in Canada that has not been absorbed in the body politic and there is no Indian question and no Indian Department” (Titley 1986, 50). In Duncan Campbell Scott’s time, Canada’s Indian population, numbering 113,724, was at an all

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time low. Over time the population increased steadily. The largest increase occurred between 1981 and 1991 when the numbers grew by 104 percent, more than doubling. This was due in part to higher fertility rates in the Aboriginal community and the passing of Bill C-31 in April 1985, which allowed those who had previously lost their Indian status to regain it. In 2003 Bill C-31 registrants made up sixteen percent of the Indian registry (Canada, Indian and Northern Affairs Canada 2004). The First Nations population in Canada is diverse and First Nations people inhabit every part of the country. The Assembly of First Nations, a representative political group, lobbies on behalf of the 633 First Nations in Canada. Across the country more than 2,200 parcels of land are governed by these bands. The reserve lands can be vast, like the 136,263-hectare Blood reserve in southern Alberta, or small, like the 3.79 square kilometre reserve of the Tsawwassen First Nation near Delta, British Columbia. Indian and Northern Affairs Canada categorize these lands as follows: thirty-five percent are urban reserves, forty-four percent are rural, four percent are remote, and seventeen percent are special access. A reserve is deemed urban where a First Nation is located within fifty kilometres of the nearest service centre and has year-round road access; rural reserves are located between fifty and 350 kilometres from the nearest service centre and have year round-road access; remote reserves are located more than 350 kilometres from the nearest service centre and have year-round road access; special-access reserves do not have year-round road access. First Nations in Canada comprise eleven language families and fiftythree languages (Elliot 1992). It seems ironic, but English is the universal language among Canada’s First Nations. According to Statistics Canada (Canada, Statistics Canada 2003), 609,000 individuals identified themselves as North American Indian on the 2001 Census of Canada. This number differs somewhat from data gathered from band lists in 2003 by inac’s First Nations and Northern Statistics Section, which places Canada’s First Nations population at 703,800 (Canada, inac 2004, 4). The discrepancy stems from the fact that some band administrations refused community enumeration by Statistics Canada so that some reserves were only partly enumerated or left out completely. In the ten-year period between 1991 and 2001, the North American Indian population increased by thirtytwo percent from 460,680 to 609,000. These trends show rapid increases that in part reflect the higher birthrate of the Aboriginal

On Being an Indian Chief

21

community over that of mainstream society. Population projections forecast that the First Nations population could increase by thirty-four percent in the next two decades. The on-reserve population is expected to increase by sixty percent during the same period. inac’s Basic Departmental Data, 2003 (2004) states that in 2001 approximately sixty percent of First Nations people, or 419,800 individuals, lived on reserves while the remaining forty percent, or 284,000 people, live off-reserve. It also shows that Ontario has the largest number of First Nation citizens in Canada (157,062), followed by British Columbia (112,305) and Manitoba (109,788). The First Nations are a young community. In 2001 29.5 percent of the First Nations population was under the age of fifteen as compared to 18.6 percent of the mainstream population; 47.3 percent was under the age of twenty-five as compared to thirty-two percent of the mainstream population. In addition, First Nation seniors (those over sixtyfive years of age) represent 5.5 percent of the population, whereas the same age cohort represents 12.7 percent of the mainstream population. The median age in the First Nations community is approximately twenty-five, compared to thirty-five in mainstream society. The First Nations population is getting younger whereas the mainstream population is aging. A Canadian man can expect to live to seventy-six years and a Canadian woman to eighty-one. In the First Nations community average lifespans are shorter, sixty-nine for men and seventy-six for women. Life expectancy is increasing in the First Nation community, however, and this is an issue that First Nations leaders are expected to address. Education is one of the prime determinants of social standing and well-being in our society. Educated people are the least likely to be unemployed, they live longer, they are healthier, and they can expect to enjoy more time without illness. First Nations have lower educational attainment levels than the mainstream population: 41.6 percent of non-Aboriginals over the age of fifteen have some form of postsecondary education, whereas in the First Nation community, the figure is twenty-eight percent. In the early 1960s, about two hundred Indians were enrolled in Canadian colleges and universities. By 2002 the number had increased to about twenty-seven thousand (Canada, inac 2004). First Nations people are recognizing society’s need for an educated workforce and gaining credentials at an unprecedented rate. For many years, the obstacles were such that First Nations people were discouraged from pursuing higher

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education. Many communities had no senior high school, which meant that students entering grade ten had to leave home. Now, First Nations students are enrolling and graduating from postsecondary institutions in many disciplines. The diversity of study is beneficial to the First Nations community and a departure from the earlier pattern of enrolment, which showed a heavy concentration in the fields of social work and education. In the 2002–03 academic year, 3,584 First Nations students completed postsecondary studies at Canadian institutions. Of these, sixty percent received non-university certificates or diplomas, while forty percent received undergraduate or graduate degrees from universities. First Nations people who have graduated from postsecondary institutions expect to find employment and many would like to work in First Nations communities. Chiefs and councillors must repatriate these skilled workers into their communities. This educated group of First Nations citizens has many of the skills that First Nations administrators historically have looked to outside professionals and consultants to supply. Housing shortages are a pervasive problem in Canada’s First Nations community. In the 2002–03 fiscal year, 1,899 new houses were constructed across the 633 First Nation communities, and 4,224 houses were renovated. The proportion of adequate housing on reserves in Canada stood at fifty-three percent in 2002–03, which means that almost half of the houses on-reserve (forty-seven percent) were deemed inadequate. Reserve communities differ tremendously in size and in the proximity of their residents to one another. Some reserves consist of a small group of individuals who live in close proximity in one townsite. Other reserves have a small number of band members whose homes are dispersed throughout the reserve. Still others have multiple highdensity townsites. Chief and council must ensure that safe water, sewage services, and road maintenance are provided in each type of situation. The size of band membership also varies greatly. Some First Nations have a very small membership – the Sawridge First Nation in Alberta, for example, numbers about fifty – while others, such as the Siksika, Blood, Saddle Lake, and Bigstone Cree Nation, each have more than five thousand members (Canada, inac 2005). Each band member is entitled to a host of services that may or not be readily available. Whether these services can be obtained, budgeted for, and delivered to band members by the band governance is another issue.

On Being an Indian Chief

23

Economic conditions also very greatly from one reserve to another. A reserve’s proximity to natural resources can be a double-edged sword. Although the community might benefit from jobs and contracting opportunities provided by industry, it can also suffer from the ravages of rapid development. For example, the Lubicon Cree in northern Alberta lived an isolated existence until they found themselves surrounded by hundreds of drilling rigs (Brown 1996). The resource development destroyed their subsistence way of life and propelled them into dependence on social assistance. Other reserve communities, such as the Westbank First Nation located outside Kelowna or the Osoyoos First Nation, also in southern British Columbia, have flourished economically through land leasing ventures, vineyards, and other economic enterprises. Reserve communities differ in their ability to cope with social problems. Many reserves have band members who are dealing with the lingering trauma of the physical, psychological, and sexual abuse they experienced in residential schools. At their peak in 1931, there were eighty residential schools operating across Canada with the exception of parts of the Maritimes (Indian Residential Schools Resolution Canada 2003). In total, 130 operated at one time or another in Canada (Voyageur 2004, 4). The residential school system was a calculated and deliberate assault on indigenous culture and an important instrument in bringing about the transformation of Indian society sought by church and state (Furniss 1995, 13). However, social issues such as poverty, unemployment, and domestic violence also wreak havoc on the community and must be addressed by local elected officials. One of the most distinctive features of the reserve community is the high degree of interrelatedness. In these close-knit communities residents tend to be related to one another either by marriage or by blood. The larger size of reserve families, as compared to off-reserve First Nations and mainstream families, means that individuals are even more likely to be related to others in the community. This influences social patterns, allegiances, and loyalties. There is no anonymity for people in this face-to-face community where people see each other constantly in family, social, recreational, and business settings. Chiefs are responsible to the people who elect them. As with most politicians, they campaign for election on the basis of platforms that outline their intentions for the community with respect to such issues as housing, employment, economic development, and social programming.

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Firekeepers of the Twenty-First Century

Whatever the campaign promises, new chiefs are expected to fulfill them and to be able to show results before the next election. They are expected to govern their community with effective and efficient administrations that serve the needs of their constituents, and to improve the community’s social, economic, and political position. If the community already enjoys prosperity or positive development, the chief and council are expected to continue to move the community forward.

who becomes chief? It is said that anybody can become prime minister in Canada. This may be true in theory, but the long list of lawyers and members of Canada’s upper echelon in our Parliament suggests that some people are more likely than others to enter and succeed in politics. The same can be said of becoming a chief in the First Nations community: not everyone has an equal chance. In his study of leadership in the Aboriginal community in the United States, Miller (1994) found that three types of people seek office: technocrats, heads of large and small families, and family candidates who are not heads of families. Those he termed technocrats – people with specialized education, training, and expertise in dealing with external bureaucracies – were the most likely to seek and attain political office on the reservations. Heads of large or small families are often elected whether or not they are skilled or educated. Family members forming an alliance and voting strategically for one candidate or another can make the difference between a win and a loss. Candidates who are heads of families can expect to garner the support of their family members in reserve elections. The third group of people who vie for reserve leadership, according to Miller, are those who are not heads of families. These individuals might not enjoy the support of those with large families or the skills of the technocrats but they still have the determination and the inclination to run for office. This last group is the least likely to win a reserve election community. Those from small families with little to offer by way of skills, education, or political connections would probably not be elected. The involvement of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal women in politics is marked by similarities as well as glaring differences. On the surface, it seems that women, by virtue of their gender, have had their political activities curtailed both by law and policy. Law and policy under the

On Being an Indian Chief

25

federal government certainly restricted the political involvement of First Nation women both on- and off-reserve. The likelihood that someone will enter political life is also determined by factors external to the individual. In his book Women as National Leaders (1993), Michael Genovese found that the female leaders he studied shared many characteristics. As noted earlier, these women, however accomplished they were in their own right, tended to be the daughters or wives of powerful political leaders. They either grew up in or married into a political family. Can the same be said about female leaders in the First Nations community? In sum, chiefs face many challenges when they are elected, and much is expected of them. They are the link between the community and the government. Increased social status and invitations to exclusive events in government and industry come at a price. Chiefs are expected to serve the needs of all parties even when they are contradictory. As mentioned earlier, the First Nations community is unique, and some of the problems that arise on the reserve such as housing shortages, contaminated water supplies, high unemployment rates, lack of social programming, or alcohol and drug abuse have no easy solutions. A young and burgeoning population brings its own challenges. Band members expect community issues to be addressed before the next chief’s election. Without satisfactory improvement in these areas, the voters may withhold their support for the incumbent and vote for another candidate. The chief must serve many masters and wear many hats. Chiefs have a shared experience in dealing with government, industry, and various Aboriginal organizations such as tribal councils or the Assembly of First Nations. They can seek mentors to help them navigate between representing the interests of the community and implementing the policies and regulations of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. The support network they develop can help them deal with these issues. However, the diversity of issues, complexity of demographic trends, geography, and proximity to resource development are to some extent unique to each particular reserve. In this regard, elected officials might be completely on their own and must depend on their own judgment when making decisions for the reserve and the band membership.

3 Canada’s First Female Indian Act Chief: Elsie Marie Knott “The difficult was easy, the impossible took a little longer.” Father Paul Heffernan 1995b

When Elsie Knott decided to throw her hat into the political ring for her band election in 1952, she had no idea that, if elected, she would be making history. She was not aware that there had never before been a female Indian chief in Canada. By electing Chief Knott, the then five hundred members of the Mississaugas of Mud Lake Indian Band, now known as Curve Lake First Nation, broke the gender barrier for Indian chiefs set forth by regulations in the Indian Act, which said that only men could serve as the formal representatives of an Indian band. The Curve Lake First Nation are an Ojibway band in southeastern Ontario that was established in 1829 with a land base of about sixteen hundred acres in the area covered by the Williams Treaty of 1923, which was signed with the Chippewa and Mississauga Indian Nations in southern Ontario. The Curve Lake First Nation is located about twenty miles north-west of Peterborough on a peninsula, surrounded on three sides by Buckhorn and Chemong lakes. It has year-round road access. After winning that historic election, Chief Knott went on to win an additional seven campaigns. She was elected a total of eight times in accordance with Indian Affairs election regulations, which gave chief and council two-year mandates. Thus, her tenure lasted for sixteen years, from 1952 to 1962 and then from 1970 to 1976. In the 1976 election, she was defeated by only twelve votes (“Williams Upsets Knott” 1976). In this chapter I explore Elsie Knott’s personal and professional experiences in her groundbreaking role as chief. My depiction is based on newspaper and magazine articles, diaries, published works, personal papers, and family interviews. While conducting my research, I found

Canada’s First Female Indian Act Chief

27

that this energetic woman was not only Canada’s first female chief under the Indian Act but also a committed worker who aimed to improve the lives of band members and an entrepreneur determined to overcome financial uncertainty and improve her lot in life.

early life Elsie Marie Taylor was born on 20 September 1922 to Esther Mae and George Henry Taylor. She was the fourth child in a family of seven. Her six siblings were Hollis, Perry, Donald, Rolland, Joyce, and Stella. The Taylors were a large and well-established family in the Mud Lake Reserve community. Her parents had both been born on the reserve and each had enjoyed the benefits of a large traditional extended family. Elsie grew up on the reserve surrounded by her maternal and paternal grandparents and many aunts, uncles, and cousins. Elsie’s father worked as the caretaker of the band office. Partly out of interest and partly out of obligation, George Taylor attended band and community meetings held at the office and then stayed to clean up afterward. Elsie, who often accompanied her father to these events, discussed current issues with him and asked about community concerns and why particular decisions were made by the chief and council. As a small child she developed an appetite for the band politics, community issues, and social matters she had heard being discussed at the band meetings she attended with her father. Even at a young age, community politics was not entirely alien to Elsie. Some of her family members were politically involved at the community level. Her uncle, George Coppaway, had been chief of her community at one point, and her cousin, James Coppaway, had been the youngest chief ever elected in Canada. In addition to relations who served as chief, her brothers, Hollis and Rolland Taylor, were both elected to band council at various times during their lives. In fact, each served on council with her while she was chief (telephone interview with Elsie’s daughter, Rita Rose, 2003). As a child Elsie sensed that she was different. She knew that Indians were underdogs and wards of the government. At this time in Canadian history, Indians were warehoused on reserves and thought to be a “vanishing race” that would simply disappear over time. Their mobility was strictly curtailed by Indian Affairs policy that forbade them to leave the reserve without a pass from the Indian agent. In part, this policy was developed to prevent Indians from travelling to distant residential

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schools to see their children. The segregation experienced by the Indians at this time meant that there was little contact between Indians and non-Indians. Elsie’s childhood was spent in isolation from the outside world, and she spoke only the Ojibway language until she started school at nine years of age. This late start was the result of a childhood illness that prevented her from walking. After recovering from her infirmity, she joined the other reserve children at the local Indian Affairs–run school. The Department of Indian Affairs provided teachers and supplies for the children who attended the Mud Lake Indian Reserve School. The department also determined the curriculum. The school only taught grades one to eight, which was common at the time. Elsie never obtained formal educational training beyond what she got on the reserve. “When I went to school,” she recalled, “there was no mention of high school. We stopped at grade eight” (cited in Canada, Secretary of State 1975, 101). The government’s assimilation policy dominated the curriculum and practices at Indian schools. The intent of the policy was to eliminate the “Indian Problem” by eliminating the Indians, their culture, and their language. Indian children were expected to cast off all notions of Indian identity and culture, and doing so involved learning and speaking English. The use of Ojibway was discouraged. Elsie recalled that when she started school, speaking an Indian language was strictly prohibited. The names of students “caught talking Indian” were listed on the blackboard with big xs beside them (Post 1998, 1). Proponents of the assimilation policy thought that allowing traditional languages would slow the assimilation of Indian children. Elsie’s formal educational level was low by today’s standards, though it was on a par with that of other First Nations people at the time. The nearest high school was in Lakefield, a town sixteen miles away. No transportation to public schools was provided for the First Nations children and most ended their education with grade eight. Although she lived relatively close to Peterborough, Elsie recalled that as a child she only went there about once a year. She said that going to town was “like a fairy tale. All those stores and seeing all the things they had” (cited in Franks 1980, 16). She was fascinated by what she saw in the city, but she was also frightened whenever she went outside the reserve borders. As a child she was afraid of white people: her parents would tell her to go to sleep because the white man was coming (ibid., 15).

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family life Elsie grew up at a time when most people believed that women should marry and stay at home with their children (“Canada’s First Women Chief” 1996). This was what Elsie’s parents had in mind for her when they arranged her marriage to a fellow band member when she was fifteen years old. Their choice for Elsie was Cecil Knott, a man twelve years her senior. “Nobody ever talked to me about a career. Women just got married” (cited in Franks 1980, 21). Her husband suffered from tuberculosis for their entire marriage and was often unable to work because of the illness. Elsie soon became a mother; she had three children in five years. At the age of twenty, Elsie was disheartened that her husband could not support the family and disappointed to find herself and her family living on social assistance. Her impoverished living conditions had ramifications for her later life and influenced her future decision making. Although her husband found seasonal guiding employment, mainly for hunters from the United States in the summer and fall, they relied mostly on the twelve dollars a month they received from welfare. Elsie said, “Living on welfare let me down a bit” (ibid., 21). Her relative, Kathleen Taylor, remembered, “Elsie’s late husband was never really healthy. So I suppose, someone had to be the breadwinner and so Elsie took it upon herself” (ibid., 12). Her husband’s sickness and the family’s depressed financial situation led Elsie to look for work. She was not above doing menial work to support her family, and at one point early in her marriage she dug worms and caught minnows to sell to fisherman for bait. Her first paying job was picking berries in a town past Toronto. She explained that after picking for five weeks she barely made enough to get back home because her wages were eaten up on rainy days when they could not work. Elsie had a variety of jobs. She worked as a chambermaid at the Lakefield hotel. She sewed pajamas for Indian children in federal hospitals at thirty-five cents a pair. She also sewed quilts to sell to tourists. She was creative and had an entrepreneurial spirit and seemed to have a keen sense of what services were in demand – a trait that manifested itself throughout her life. Elsie’s first opportunity to make a steady income for her family came by chance. Five children from the Mud Lake reserve wanted to continue their education beyond grade eight. The Indian agent hired a local man for fifteen dollars a week (three dollars a day) to drive the

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students to and from the main highway where they were picked up by the county school bus. Once, the man forgot to pick the children up after school and they had to walk the five miles home. The Indian agent approached Elsie about driving them until he could find someone else. Elsie saw the opportunity and her entrepreneurial mind led her to establish Knott Bus Service, which eventually grew to include two seventy-eight-passenger school buses and still operates today. She drove a school bus for the next thirty-one years (including when she was chief). In 1978 she received an award from the then minister of Indian Affairs, the Honorable Hugh Faulkner, for her twenty-five years of accidentfree driving (“She Has Driven Bus for Twenty-Five Years” 1978). She retired completely from driving in 1993 because of chronic knee problems only two years before her death at the age of seventy-one (personal interview with Rita Rose, Curve Lake First Nation, August 2002). At first Elsie drove the school children in her family car. However, as more children wanted to go to school, the car soon became too small. She applied for a bank loan but was turned down (“Canada’s First Woman Chief” 1996). She convinced the Indian agent to cosign a loan for two hundred dollars and bought an old hearse, converting it into a school bus by placing bench seats on the floor (“Elsie Marie Knott” 1995). She was an enterprising woman. Elsie also had seasonal employment as a domestic and cook during the summer months at a nearby cottage owned by Sidney Thompson and his family from New Jersey. For seventeen years she cooked, cleaned, helped take care of the children, and did the laundry. Every Christmas Mrs Thompson would send Elsie a place setting of china as a gift. One year she sent a platter. Elsie was puzzled by the gift because it was unlike any dish she had ever seen before. Elsie recalled, “I told her she got gypped because the platter was warped. I didn’t know that platters had grooves in them to catch the grease” (cited in Franks 1980, 26). The Thompsons were perhaps the only family in Canada to have an Indian chief washing their dishes and making their beds.

political life Elsie agreed to run for office because there were many things about reserve life that she wanted to change. For example, she did not agree that the government should have total control over Indian people. She believed that the community should have some autonomy and control. She also wanted the reserve children to be successful in school, believing that education would help them (Post 1998, 2). She was unhappy to

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see that the Indian children were not well accepted at the Lakeview school. She recalled that the town children taunted the reserve children, calling them names and throwing rocks at the school bus (ibid.). Despite these challenges, some of the children she drove to school became successful adults. In newspaper interviews, Elsie described herself as shy and slightly afraid when she entered the political world. Being unsure of herself, she thought it was “the biggest joke ever when community members asked her to run for chief” (cited in ibid., 8). The first time she ran against two other candidates, including the incumbent, Dan Whetung. Her eldest son, Edward, then a teenager, was afraid his mother would lose, so he crossed the lake in a boat to avoid hearing the election results (“Elsie Knott” 1995). Even Elsie was unsure that she could beat the two men running against her, but she liked a challenge: “When I went in by a real big landslide it never dawned on me that I was making history” (cited in Franks 1980, 8). People were ready for a change in leadership. “I think women can be good at politics. They are more demanding. Everyone helps a woman” (cited in Canada, Secretary of State 1975, 100). Some local people said that a woman had won because of her strong electioneering campaign. Elsie was joined on council by her aunt, Adeline Coppaway, who was elected as one of the five band councillors (personal interview with Rita Rose, August 2002). Like Knott, Coppaway was one of the first women to serve in this capacity. After the election, Elsie felt as if she had a heavy burden on her shoulders. At only thirty-one she had become chief of a band of five hundred members and worked with five councillors. The community wanted a leader who would produce results. This was a daunting task, however, because band elections were held every two years and bringing about tangible results in such a short time was difficult. Despite the pressure, Elsie met the challenge. It was a steep learning curve for Elsie. All activities took place under the watchful eyes of the electorate. Those in leadership usually need the first year to familiarize themselves with the job and the community, assess the issues, and become fully informed. The second year may be spent trying to address programming, and at the end of the second year there is another election. The short term of office was a significant challenge for Elsie. She found that one of her biggest obstacles when she became chief was speaking in public. Besides the fear of being in front of a crowd, Ojibway was her first language and she did not believe that she had a

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good command of English: “I could explain myself better in Indian than in the white language. I would think in Indian and it was hard to translate that in my head. I was afraid to make a mistake in English. I used to start off my talks with a joke. When you have them laughing you know they have accepted you and it used to give me a good feeling and then I’d lose my shyness right off (cited in Franks 1980, 59). As time went on, Elsie became more comfortable with public speaking and ultimately became a good orator. As the excitement of winning the election waned, Chief Knott knew that she had much work ahead of her. The reserve was mired in poverty and remedies had to be found. Band secretary Hannah Johnson recalled, “Elsie always seemed to know what she wanted and she seemed to know how to get it. And she wasn’t afraid of saying what she wanted. She was a real worker too” (ibid., 8). Over time Elsie grew into the leadership role and became more outgoing. She had lived in her community her entire life and knew what needed to be changed. Her daughter Rita Rose said, “I think her main goal seemed to be helping the Indian people have a better life. She did not like it when a lot of them were poor and abusing alcohol” (interview with Rita Rose, 2003). Elsie focused a great deal of effort on these social issues and later prohibited the sale and consumption of alcohol on the reserve through a referendum. As Elsie became more active in politics and community activities, life in her household changed for everyone. Her husband did not cope well with her success and was envious that she was young and full of energy, especially as he was in ill health. Rita was eleven when her mother became chief. “I guess we were expected to do more housework. I cooked a lot when I was young” (interview with Rita Rose, 2003). All the children were expected to support Elsie by helping out at home. Her husband also helped with the running of the household, taking care of the children, and this allowed Elsie to concentrate on band issues. Rita said that her mother either worked around the children’s schedules or took them along with her (Post 1998). When asked how their mother managed all that was expected of her, her children said she coped well with the frustration and demands of the job. She had close friends and talked to them frequently. She would also go to church for spiritual strength. She was heavily involved in the church community and was a strong and devoted Christian (ibid.). Elsie married young and was widowed young. In 1962 her husband Cecil died after a stroke at the age of fifty-one. After twenty-four years

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of marriage, Elsie found herself a widow at thirty-nine. She never remarried but kept herself busy with family, community issues, and political advocacy.

the years in office Politics became a mainstay in the Knott household. Elsie’s husband was a councillor for two terms while she was chief. He tired of politics, however, and decided not to run again after his second term. Most band members accepted Elsie as leader, but a few disagreed with the direction in which she led the community. These band members seemed to cling to the past and did not wish to move forward; they seemed to fear change. Elsie’s opponents were not especially happy with the poor living conditions or the lack of services on the reserve. They were also unhappy about the amount of power and authority the Indian agent had over their day-to-day lives. But they were afraid that if they were too vocal or too harsh in their criticism, they would lose what little they had. Elsie was not concerned about whether she was popular but made difficult decisions that she believed would advance her people. She developed a good relationship with the Indian agent, a man named A.E. Adams, who worked out of the Peterborough Indian Affairs office. She told him firmly and directly what she thought the community needed. She earned the agent’s respect and was able claim him as an ally. She dealt with many barriers and hardships during her term as chief. Negotiating with the government and obtaining funding for reserve programs were difficult jobs. There was never enough money to do what was needed and it was hard work to find funds for even the most basic needs. Knott said many times that she never viewed being a woman as an impediment in her political life. During an interview with a British newspaper in September 1973, Chief Knott said, “I think I can honestly say I never encountered discrimination because I was a woman. I didn’t think about it really. I wanted to play my part” (“For a Start” 1973). Others who worked with Elsie tended to disagree with this view and believed that gender did play a role in Elsie’s political life. Although some people thought a woman should not be chief, she persevered and proved that a woman could carry out all the chief’s duties. One of her first tasks was to solicit funds from the Department of Indian Affairs to dig wells and upgrade the roads. Her artist nephew Norman

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Knott said of his aunt: “She had enough spunk to get out there and she was right for the job. That’s the way they thought in those days. She made a lot of people realize that women can do a lot of things that men can do … she opened our eyes” (cited in Post 1998, 3). In her first year in office, Elsie revived cultural events such as the community powwow. She viewed the cultural activity as a means of upgrading the reserve and preserving its culture. The proceeds from the powwow helped to fund Christmas hampers for needy families (Franks 1980). Since the powwow was open to people from outside the community it served as an opportunity for non-Aboriginal people to experience First Nations culture in a welcoming and non-threatening way. Chief Knott used these events to promote awareness and appreciation of First Nations people. Newspaper accounts of Elsie’s early years in office portrayed her as a housewife who took on community duties but who had not lost sight of her responsibilities to home and family. She was shown heading a variety of social activities such as fish fries or corn roasts. A 1954 photograph of “Mrs C. Knott” accompanies a short article that refers to her as ruling both home and band affairs. A 1955 photograph shows her canning preserves (Peterborough Examiner, 1955, n.d., n.p.). In another undated newspaper photo she is reading to children wearing a headdress. She was portrayed as a benevolent, affable individual who was not in any way threatening towards mainstream society. Elsie’s meek and mild demeanour changed over time. In later years she became more outspoken and radical in her opinions. She did not shy away from controversy. Her daughter Rita Rose remembers her mother publicly burning the 1969 White Paper on Indian Policy introduced by the government of Pierre Trudeau. The White Paper said: ”The Government believes that its policies must lead to the full, free and non-discriminatory participation of the Indian people in Canadian Society. Such a goal requires a break from the past. It requires that the Indian people’s role of dependence be replaced by a role of equal status, opportunity and responsibility, a role they can share with all other Canadians” (Canada, House of Commons 1969, 2). To fulfill the plan contained in the White Paper, the government proposed to eliminate the special and unique status of Indian people and integrate services to the Indian people with those of mainstream society (Coates 2000). These proposed actions touched off a firestorm of Indian protests across the country and were eventually withdrawn in 1971.

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After burning the White Paper, Chief Knott danced on the ashes. This incident occurred at the opening of the annual Curve Lake powwow. Local Member of Parliament Hugh Faulkner was present and later remarked that “the incident was done in good fun.” Faulkner further said that if the Indians did not like the White Paper, it was their prerogative to suggest a replacement (Post 1998, 3). The replacement suggested by Faulkner came in the form of “Citizens Plus” (also known as the Red Paper), which was created under the guidance of the Indian Association of Alberta in 1970. The Red Paper suggested that the government abandon all plans to renege on treaty promises and eliminate Indian status and focus instead on improving living conditions in the communities and promoting economic development. On another occasion in 1975, Elsie led a protest against provincial legislation that encroached on Treaty Indians’ rights to hunt and fish. Three band members had been charged by provincial wildlife authorities for fishing out of season. More than two hundred people representing ten First Nations in Ontario and the Union of Ontario Indians participated in the protest. The newspaper account of the incident said: “They fished through half a dozen holes in the ice in open defiance of provincial wildlife authorities who witnessed the four-hour demonstration from shore … The 200 year old Indian Act, and revisions in 1923 [under the terms of the Williams Treaty] give native people rights to self-determination including control over the wildlife and band members’ use of it. Fisheries legislation of 1951 gives the provinces power to control, among other things, fishing seasons. Ontario has recently started enforcing the fishing laws, claiming they supersede the Indian Act” (Armstrong 1975, n.p.). Elsie, along with other First Nations individuals, opted for civil disobedience to defend their treaty rights. Being an Indian chief and the first female chief in Canada brought Elsie into some exclusive circles. She met every prime minister from John Diefenbaker to Jean Chrétien. While on vacation in England in June 1973, she was invited to a luncheon with Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip. The event was covered by the West Sussex County Times in an article that described Chief Knott as “an energetic, exuberant, and most exceptional woman. She is the chief of the Curve Lake Indian Reserve, a 700 acre, 3-mile-long strip of land surrounded on 3 sides by water” (“For a Start” 1973, 21). Although delighted to meet the queen and Prince Philip, she was less than impressed with the Spartan meal she was served: a little piece of filet mignon, three tiny potatoes,

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and two slices of fried cucumber. On the way home, she stopped for a Denver sandwich because she was still hungry. (“Elsie Knott” 1995). Elsie remembered England as a beautiful place. She loved the country’s history, the flowers and the gardens, and the hospitality she received from the British people. While there, however, she felt out of sorts. She was homesick and unaccustomed to leisure time. She was so used to being busy that having free time made her uneasy. She was happy to get back to work, back to her family, and back to her own community; she was happy to be home.

contributions to community life Elsie was committed to improving the lives of Curve Lake community members. She took steps throughout her political career to heighten cultural awareness both on the reserve and in the surrounding area by getting people involved in the community. Her daughter Rita said that Elsie wanted to change situations that she believed were wrong. “She was right against the Indian Act and how it put us on little pieces of land. She made a lot of changes. And she liked to get other people involved … to be leaders. She didn’t do it just to help herself. If she had … she could have been rich but she wasn’t” (Post 1998, 3). Commenting on Elsie’s initiatives, reserve resident William Whetung said that she was able to secure money to improve roads and provide better social services. Curve Lake was one of Ontario’s most progressive reserves at the time (ibid.). Dalton Jacobs described how Chief Knott and her council consulted the community. “What made us so successful,” she said, “was sitting there and listening to the people. Keep your mouth shut and your ears open. Sound them out” (cited in Franks 1980, 50). He further remarked, “We were involved in everything. We went for long-term improvements to the community, not just the dayto-day stuff” (cited in Post 1998, 3). Elsie was involved in a variety of community, regional, provincial, and national organizations. On the reserve she was a dedicated community worker and organizer and a great fundraiser. Funds raised through dances, regattas, and other activities brought in revenues that she used to buy groceries for the whole village. She wanted to get everyone in the community involved in some form of activity and organized everything from Boy Scouts and Girl Guides for the children to men’s baseball tournaments. As an avid sports fan who loved baseball, she was a pitcher for the married women’s baseball team for many years (interview

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with Rita Rose, 2005). Later she served as the sports representative for the southeastern region of the Union of Ontario Indians and participated in hosting an Aboriginal hockey tournament with participants from sixty Ontario reserves (Clifford 1977). For the women she organized the Curve Lake Indian Homemakers’ Association, which had been created in 1937 by the Indian Affairs Branch to promote home economics. Under Elsie’s guidance this club became a breeding ground for political activism for Indian women (Canada, Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples 1996). Elsie and the other reserve women had opportunities to discuss women’s issues and community politics. At the provincial level Elsie was involved in the Union of Ontario Indians, which was formed in 1890 on the New Credit Reserve near Brantford in southern Ontario with a mandate to deal with matters within the Indian Act and obtain Indian representation in the House of Commons. The union was reorganized in 1969 with an extended mandate that included the protection of culture and heritage of Ontario’s First Nations people (Union of Ontario Indians 2005). This organization mirrored Elsie’s concerns about the loss of culture and language among her community members, which led her to hold language instruction classes for children in the community school and in the evenings for community members and other interested people. She served in this organization while she was chief and later as its Southeastern Region elder. On the national level, Elsie pushed for universal franchise for Indians. She said “that Indians felt left out of things as long as they could not vote” (“Indians Want Vote Rights” 1960). She was commenting on Governor General George Vanier’s Throne Speech at the opening of the second session of the twenty-fourth Parliament on 14 January 1960, in which he said, “Legislation will be introduced to give Indians the franchise in Federal elections” (Canada, House of Commons 1960). She also served on the board of directors of the National Indian Brotherhood, the forerunner to the Assembly of First Nations. Elsie wanted better living conditions for reserve residents. When she took office there were no wells, the roads were poor, and most of the houses were run down. Housing was a major concern for Elsie and in five years, she was able to obtain the resources to have forty-five houses built on the reserve (Franks 1980). She worked to bring better roads, streetlights, new wells, and better social services. “I took advantage of money available. The government wanted to improve the reserves so

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there were lots of grants out there. We took everything they handed out” (cited in ibid). “I had a new daycare centre built when I was chief” (cited in Post 1998, 3). Elsie noted that with the daycare centre, the women of the community would be able to go out to work or go to school to improve their education to help them get better employment (Canada, Secretary of State 1975). Chief Knott started a number of community initiatives. One of them was Decoration Day, which was started the year she was elected. It was a day of beautification that got community members together to clean up the cemetery. They planted flowers and painted. The community members had a picnic and fish fry afterwards, serenaded by the Salvation Army band from Peterborough. It was a great community building effort that brought the people closer together. Many of Elsie’s community initiatives did not involve great cost but relied instead on volunteer efforts. Elsie viewed the community as lacking in Ojibway culture due to the assimilationist efforts of church, school, and Indian Affairs. She brought teachers to the reserve to help revive traditional drumming, dancing, and singing, and to teach people to make their own regalia. Beginning in 1970, Elsie also taught weekly Ojibway language classes on the reserve with Gladys Taylor. Ojibway language classes were included in the schools as part of the educational curriculum for children. Classes for adults, which were open to band members and other interested individuals, had about a dozen participants at any given time and continued for about two years (interview with Rita Rose, 2005). Elsie also translated fourteen Christmas carols for children to sing at a concert (ibid.). Elsie believed in education. She wanted reserve children to succeed in school, and she helped them in various ways. Referring to Elsie’s strong leadership, artist Randy Knott said, “I was so scared to leave the reserve and go to the other school. But through her we all got brave” (cited in Post 1998, 2). Former student Winston Taylor recalled, “Her example inspired me when I went back to school. She was that kind of lady who made up her mind to do something and she just did it” (ibid.). Judge Tim Whetung often stopped to visit Elsie and thanked her for having driven him to school when he was a boy (ibid.). Members of the community appreciated Chief Knott’s efforts in education.

political defeat Elsie Knott’s eight two-year terms as chief spanned twenty-four years. While long, her political career was not easy and she had her critics.

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Hannah Johnson, band secretary, said that people had strong feelings against her (Franks 1980). In 1976 Elsie lost to Doug Williams by twelve votes, and this loss was a blow to her. The new chief was critical of Elsie and her council, saying that “the council she was heading then was a ‘yes’ council. It was practising nepotism at this time. A lot of grants were forthcoming and many on the council were getting jobs. I was just clearly dissatisfied with the way things were going. I ran because I wanted to let Elsie know there were ill feelings on the reserve” (cited in Franks 1980, 65). Chief Williams also claimed that Elsie had taken the election loss hard and that she was vengeful (ibid.). Elsie took the criticism personally. “I worked hard for the little I got. Some say I got ahead too fast” (ibid., 70). She was disappointed at losing the election and losing her role as chief. “I should have given it up instead of losing it. I think that was a shock. Afterwards, I didn’t know who my friends were. I didn’t trust anyone. My nerves bother me sometimes. I took things personally. If someone criticized me just a little bit of what I did or didn’t do it would bother me for a night. I would toss and turn just thinking about that one subject. But I think I did my best anyway” (ibid.). Elsie believed she had lost the election because “the old people did not come out to vote. My supporters thought I would win by a landslide and thought that their votes would not be needed. The young people were pushing for the other guy” (ibid.). She said, “The first thing that Williams guy did was change the law that you could not work for the band and run for public office. I could not run as long as I have the bus contract for the band” (ibid., 68). When asked if she would run again she said she would have to think twice. Given her long term in public office, the electorate believed they wanted a change in leadership. Elsie’s leadership style had been a mix of gentleness and resolve. She was remembered as having good people skills and became more outgoing as time passed. She kept abreast of First Nations and other social issues by reading. Her son Glenn said, “She used to read a lot to find out what was going on with other Indian people in Canada” (interview with Glenn Knott, Curve Lake, Ontario, 2003). She said it was hard at first because there were no other female chiefs, but she had a good rapport with the male chiefs at their meetings. William Whetung, band administrator, said, “Being a woman was never a stumbling block for Elsie. She was a strong person. I don’t think she was scrutinized more because she was a woman. People don’t hesitate to criticize a man or a woman if they think they deserve it” (cited in Franks 1980, 21). Elsie recalled, “I used to break up fights at

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dances. I wouldn’t hesitate to step in. But people respected me because I was a woman” (ibid., 61). Social services administrator Katherine Taylor commented: “I think they would have been easier on a man. They could have given her more support. I think her own native people watched her to see if she measured up. It was an extra burden being a woman, an Indian, and in public life to boot” (ibid.). However, Elsie said, “Being a woman was an advantage because men seemed to have more ambition to help me” (ibid.). She made it her life’s work to improve the community into which she had been born and where she spent her entire life. Later in life Chief Knott received accolades and recognition from across the country and she was the subject of many newspaper and magazine articles. In 1980 Lois Franks of Boston University wrote a play about her called “Elsie, Indian Chief, Bus Driver, Shopkeeper, Grannie” (“Elsie Marie Knott” 1995). She was named one of Ontario’s twenty-five outstanding women in 1975, International Women’s Year, along with geneticist Irene Ayako Uchinda, women’s advocate Grace Hartman, and academic librarian Margaret Beckman, among others. Chief Knott was called the “Ojibway Charlotte Whitton.” Charlotte Whitton, Canada’s first female mayor, was elected in Ottawa in 1951 (Struthers 2004). The first female Indian chief in Canada and the first female mayor both broke gender barriers at a time when women were still expected to stay at home and take care of their families. They were both energetic and determined to have their way on matters that were important to them and their communities. Elsie continued to influence people in the community. Her son Glenn said, “Later in her life she could not really go around and do much because her legs were getting bad. People would still call her up and ask advice” (interview with Glenn Knott, 2003). She was a wellrespected advisor even when she was no longer chief. “People asked her about everything. Cars, housing, all sorts of stuff” (interview with Rita Rose, 2003). Elsie was a spiritual person and a devoted member of the United Church of Canada. She served in many positions in the church, among them superintendent, a position that paid her a salary of one hundred dollars per year (Franks 1980). She sang in the church choir and taught Sunday school. When the church in Curve Lake was closed and padlocked in 1991 because its foundation was discovered to be unsafe, Elsie took it upon herself to raise funds to erect a new church (Irwin 1995). She said, “I wanted a church so bad, but the government

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wouldn’t give money for anything spiritual” (cited in “Canada’s First Woman Chief” 1996). Elsie raised $4,200 from a walkathon and then took her public appeal to Global Television, where she raised a further $64,000 (ibid.). Elsie continued to pursue her entrepreneurial ambition and opened a small store called the tp Trading Post in 1970 (Franks 1980). She later sold the store to her niece who continues to operate it today. She continued to serve as the community’s postmistress until a year before her death. Elsie drove her bus until 1993 when chronic knee problems forced her to give it up at the age of seventy-one. She still looked after a few old people in the community. She would buy them clothes, pay their bills, get them firewood, and put a little in the bank for them (ibid.). Elsie Knott died on 3 December 1995 at the age of seventy-three. Three children, ten grandchildren, and thirteen great-grandchildren survived her. Honouring her passing in the Ontario legislature, Member of the Legislative Assembly R. Gary Stewart described her as a friend, mother, and leader of a community that benefited from her hard work and love of life (Ontario, Legislative Assembly 1995). She was an unlikely political leader. She started out as a shy woman married to an unhealthy older man. Over the years she was transformed into a dedicated and effective leader who worked hard to improve the lifestyles and living conditions of members of her community. Financial circumstances caused her to move beyond her comfort zone and take chances that she might not ordinarily have taken. Living through the Great Depression left its mark on her. She was determined to work hard and take chances to maintain a comfortable living for herself and her family. She worked until a year before she died. Her work gave her financial security but also social contact. She liked working with children; “she said they kept her young” (cited in Franks 1980, 29). Dalton Jacobs said, “She was someone with tenacity and a strong work ethic. She would have done well in any community but I am just happy that she was part of my community” (cited in Heffernan 1995a, 15). Community members remembered her fondly and commented on her community work. “She was a pioneer and she made real accomplishments,” according to band member Margaret Spencely (cited in Franks 1980, 67). Marlene Brant Castellano, former director of the Department of Native Studies at Trent University, said of Elsie: “She was a pioneer who redefined her role. Today a higher value is placed on skills that permit an individual to work effectively with bureaucracy and plan budgets.

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When Elsie was chief, the struggle was to wrestle some of the control of the day-to-day events of reserve life out of the hands of the government” (ibid.). Elsie’s nephew Randy Knott said, “She wasn’t afraid of consequences. She knew that to take a chance, it had a cost. But if you put it out to the people like she did you get the people to volunteer. You get the people to care” (cited in Post 1998, 2). None of Elsie’s children followed in their mother’s footsteps and entered politics. Her daughter Rita said, “I was proud that she was chief but I never wanted to grow up to be the chief because I knew what the chief’s life was like. It was hard work. It was hard work in the service of others” (interview with Rita Rose, 2003). Elsie Knott lived her entire life on the Curve Lake reserve where she was surrounded by a large extended family. This family provided the support and advice she needed as she entered the unfamiliar situations she encountered as a community leader. In many regards this was an ideal situation for someone so young who had lived a relatively sheltered life on the reserve. She could solicit the advice of a variety of family members who had political experience. They could help her plot strategies and negotiate agreements. They could also serve as trusted and loyal confidants who could help her make difficult decisions. In the early years of her leadership, Elsie was singled out continually as the “woman chief.” This could have been a blessing or a curse. The recognition that came with the position of chief could work to one’s benefit. Elsie mentioned that people were more likely to help a woman and less likely to refuse her requests for assistance. Elsie was portrayed in the media as a community worker but also as a woman who maintained the traditional caregiving role of wife and mother. She appeared to have simply increased her family size to include the entire band when she became chief. She was non-threatening as an Indian leader and this characteristic would have been comforting to local nonAboriginal people who had limited contact with and knowledge of First Nations people. Being the sole woman in a man’s environment brought isolation and loneliness. Her fame and her deep sense of duty invaded her privacy. Her work impinged on family time and occasionally caused resentment among family members. It also left her little time for personal rejuvenation and reflection. Elsie dedicated her adult life to the community. She had many personal and professional successes. Most of the initiatives she undertook – Decoration Day, Ojibway language lessons, fishing derbies, and various events – were embraced by the community.

Canada’s First Female Indian Act Chief

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Raising money for the new church was an example of how relentlessly she worked for the initiatives she believed in. Elsie was good for the community but the community was also good for her. Working tirelessly, she brought much-needed services to the community and derived a great deal of satisfaction from knowing that her efforts resulted in a better standard of living. Many opportunities manifested themselves to Elsie and she acted upon them. She worked as a domestic, postmistress, bus driver, store owner, and church superintendent. For Elsie these jobs represented financial security. In a community with high unemployment, however, some people saw her as an elected person seizing opportunities for herself and her family instead of allowing others to compete for those opportunities. She was accused of conflict of interest, nepotism, and benefiting from confidential information. In short, her multiple jobs caused resentment in the community, and this resentment was the basis of her political defeat. Unfortunately, Elsie Knott did not have the opportunity to leave community politics on her own terms. She was forced out. Her final campaign was bitter and she was hurt by allegations that her financial assets had been gained by other than honourable means. She protested that she had worked hard for everything she had and had never been dishonest. She was defeated. The defeat took a big personal toll on her and she was shaken to the core. She suffered both physically and emotionally from the loss. She had trouble sleeping and suffered from anxiety. She felt betrayed by her community. This was the community that she had worked so hard for and it had turned its back on her. Although she had supporters, she also had detractors. The detractors won the day and ousted her from office. This was not the way she would have wanted it to end. For Elsie Knott, being chief was more than just a job. It had served as a means to transform herself from a shy young woman into a respected leader. She used her skills and her innovative ways to bring to her community improved living conditions and upgraded services such as new roads and better housing. The job kept her busy and helped her cope after the death of her husband. As chief, she moved from anonymity to fame. The position gave her many opportunities to meet influential people, from high-ranking government officials to royalty, and attend important events. Her opinion mattered and she was able to influence policy.

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As with most jobs, there are benefits and drawbacks. In Elsie’s case the drawbacks were the time commitment needed to run the community and the slow pace at which the federal bureaucracy moved. The benefits included making history and the accompanying recognition. Forty years after she was elected, she was still sought out for interviews and rewards. In his eulogy, Father Paul Heffernan (1995b, 1) intimated that sometimes one person can make a difference in a community. Summing up Elsie’s character, he said, “With Elsie, the difficult was easy, the impossible took a little longer.”

4 Demographic Profile of Female Chiefs in Canada

The information in this chapter is drawn from the semistructured interview schedule that served as the basis for this study (see appendix A). Among other questions, I asked the sixty-four participants about their age, community affiliation, marital status, parenthood, grandparenthood, educational attainment levels, and family status. These questions were aimed at determining the similarities and differences between the types of people the reserve community chooses to elect. Data provided by Indian and Northern Affairs Canada show the 633 First Nations scattered across the entire country. With thirty-three, the Atlantic provinces have the fewest number of reserves: fifteen in New Brunswick; thirteen in Nova Scotia; two in Prince Edward Island; and three in Newfoundland and Labrador. A list of female chiefs provided upon request by Line Pare of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada showed that women were elected chief in every province and territory in Canada with the exception of Nunavut. The lowest number of female chiefs was found in the Atlantic region. The respondents in my study represent all parts of Canada including the North. Table 4.1 shows the provincial and regional representation of the female chiefs who participated in this study. Almost half the respondents were from British Columbia, which may be due to the large number of First Nations communities in the province and the fact that so many of them chose to be interviewed. In the First Nations community British Columbia is viewed as progressive and cohesive in Indian politics. The data in Table 4.2 show the personal and domestic characteristics – age, birth location, domestic situations, marital status, parental status,

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Table 4.1 Female Chiefs’* Provincial or Regional Representation by Percentage Province/Region

Number of Respondents

Percentage of Respondents

British Columbia Alberta Saskatchewan Manitoba Ontario Quebec Atlantic Region Northern Region Total

31 4 2 4 11 7 1 4 64

49.0 6.0 3.0 6.0 17.0 11.0 2.0 6.0 100.0

*This refers to the respondents in this study.

and educational attainment – of the sixty-four female chiefs who participated in this study. Age. This category shows that the female chiefs varied greatly in age, a span of forty-three years. They ranged from twenty-nine years of age to seventy-one. The respondents were separated into three age categories: younger (up to forty years of age); middle-aged (between the ages of forty-one and fifty-five); and older (fifty-six years and up). Thirty-six of the women, or slightly more than half, were in the middle-aged category. The younger category had twenty-one (thirty-three percent), while the remaining seven women (eleven percent) made up the older category. More respondents were forty-five years old than any other age. This wide range of ages captures women in varying stages of life. Participants included those who were barely out of postsecondary school to those well past the usual retirement age in Canada. Women of varying ages bring their own strengths to community leadership. The younger women have energy, enthusiasm, new ideas, and a willingness to learn, while the older women can offer wisdom, stability, patience, and experience. Significant differences emerged in the concerns, experiences, and treatment of female chiefs of differing ages. As political leaders, the women were open to the criticism that most politicians face. The younger women found politics and political life particularly harsh and had difficulty dealing with the criticism that they received from the members of the community. As relatively young fledgling politicians they would not have experienced the sort of criticism that goes with a long political career. After all, these politicians garnered enough

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Table 4.2 Respondents’ Demographic Profile by Demographic Categories and Percentage Respondents’ Demographic Profile N = 64 Category

Number

Percentage

Cumulative Percentage

Age Category Younger Middle Older total

21 36 7 64

33 56 11 100

33 89 100

Born into Band Yes No total

52 12 64

81 19 100

81 100

Marital Status Single Married Common Law Other total

8 39 10 7 64

12 61 16 11 100

13 73 89 100

Parent Yes No total

59 5 64

92 8 100

92 100

Parent with Children at Home Yes No total

50 14 64

78 22 100

78 100

Grandparent Yes No total

33 31 64

52 48 100

52 100

Educational Attainment Less than Grade 12 Grade 12 College University Incomplete University Undergraduate University Post Graduate total

19 7 15 10 7 6 64

30 11 23 16 11 9 100

30 41 64 80 91 100

community support to win the office of chief while they were still relatively young. Personal attacks and attacks on their families were especially troublesome to them, perhaps because they lacked the selfassurance that comes with age and experience. Older females were the least concerned with personal attacks and personal criticism from the

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community. In general, older women had settled into a more stable lifestyle than the younger women. They had experience in education, the workplace, and life. As with most middle-aged people, the women chiefs were more likely to trust themselves and their own judgment and more likely to know their strengths and limitations. The chief embodies the community’s values and interests, and in middle age people are still relatively energetic and healthy, which is an asset in a job that demands both energy and health. Many middle-aged women were part of what is called the “sandwich generation,” which Statistics Canada defines as individuals who are caught between the conflicting demands of caring for their own children as well as for aging parents (Canada, Statistics Canada 2004, 1). As mentioned earlier, the life expectancy of First Nations people in Canada is increasing but it is still lower than that of non-Aboriginals by about seven years. However, the 2001 Census of Canada found that the number of First Nations seniors (those over the age of sixty-five) increased by about forty percent between 1996 and 2001 (ibid. 2003, 1). Most of the care provided to these seniors would be offered by female family members (ibid. 2004, 1). In addition to caring for elderly relatives, women in the First Nations community also have larger families than women in mainstream Canadian society. In 2001 the Aboriginal birthrate was about one and a half times higher than the Canadian average (ibid.). The larger family size meant that Aboriginal women would have more family demands to deal with. The respondents in my study were dedicated family members and responsible people who felt that they could not neglect their families even when the responsibilities of chief demanded most of their time and energy. In fact most said that they were approached by community members to run for chief because they were so responsible. They had to balance their responsibilities as chief with their roles as mothers, grandmothers, daughters, community workers, and so forth. Community affiliation. Asked whether they were born into the band they now led or had married into the community, fifty-one of the respondents (eighty-one percent) said they had been born into the band, while nineteen percent had married into the community. A woman who married into the band could simply have her Indian status transferred from one band to another. However, non-Indian women could also marry into the band. Before 1985, such women gained Indian status by marrying Indian men; this was sometimes called “the Red

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Ticket.” Through an oddity of the Indian Act, whereby candidates do not have to be Indian to run for the office of chief, ‘a person must be an Indian to vote in a band election. Non-Indian women could be elected chief in some First Nations communities. In 1985 the act was changed to ensure that Indian status could no longer be lost or gained through marriage. Being born and growing up in a community can have advantages for people with political aspirations. They are perceived as having their historical and ancestral roots in the community. In many respects, First Nations communities are closed to people born outside the community. Some people still refer to themselves as being from the First Nations community in which they were born even after living in another community for decades. Coming from a well-respected family, particularly a family that is politically involved or wealthy, serves a woman with political aspirations well because she can rely on her family’s reputation and community alliances to help win support for her campaign or for her initiatives. Someone raised in the community would probably have had opportunities to work at various jobs where their commitment and performance could be assessed. A positive assessment could support a person’s later bid for political office. Being born into a community means growing up under the watchful eye of community members. A candidate’s behaviour and leadership potential would have been gauged over her lifetime. If deemed suitable for community leadership, community members would approach her to run for office. However, being from a community can also be a disadvantage. For example, animosities that have built up over generations could affect someone’s chance for election. A hostile band member might refuse to vote for anyone from a particular family. Such sentiments have little to do with the candidate or her ability to perform the job and everything to do with withholding a valuable commodity from the opposing faction in a feud. Someone born in a community may also be seen as too close to certain issues; or she or her family members may have had past encounters with community members that resulted in personal grudges. A reserve community is much like a small town where everybody knows everybody else and people know each other’s business. Gossip is an effective form of informal social control in this environment. Anybody familiar with reserves knows that community members have long memories and that people are judged by their actions. Reputations are borne not only by individuals but by their families as well. If a person has at some point behaved with youthful exuberance, the

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community might not let that person forget it. Bad behaviour can be a blemish on the family name. However, the community also notices when people improve their behaviour and work for family and community. The community is not completely rigid and people can be given a second chance to overcome their past. If the community sees a particular woman as responsible they may come to view her as a leader if she addresses issues that affect the entire community. A candidate must understand the community and its history. A person born in the community will understand its politics and, by virtue of her birth links to the community, will have a stake in its development. People born into the community are viewed as authentic and legitimate. They are seen as “one of us” and not as “outsiders,” as people who marry into the community are sometimes seen. This authenticity and legitimacy holds well for them when they run for office. Those who have worked in the community have a further advantage when entering local politics. Voters will already have witnessed their good judgment, organizational skills, and ability to complete projects. Marrying into the community. Nineteen percent of the women in this survey had married into the communities they led. Some were First Nations from other bands, others were non-First Nations and still others were Metis. As noted above, if they had married into the First Nation before 1985, they would have gained Indian status. Before the passage of Bill C-31, the Indian Act allowed non-First Nations females to become Indian legally. Through marriage, some of these non-First Nations women had been elected chief. This situation can be controversial. In a northern Alberta community in the late 1980s, for example, a Metis woman who had married into the reserve was elected chief. Though the other contenders for the office would have been from the reserve communities, she obviously gained more support than any other candidate. So an outsider won the election. Generally, nonIndian females who marry Indian men do not integrate well into the reserve setting. The common perception among Indian women is that such “outsiders” are “stealing our men.” Some Indian women resent Indian men who marry non-Indian women. This sentiment is occasionally echoed in other visible minority cultures whose men marry outside the culture. The Metis respondent was able to overcome these obstacles and gain enough acceptance and support to win the election. She said that at first she had been reluctant to run but was asked repeatedly to do so by community members. She reported that while she was treated

Demographic Profile of Female Chiefs

51

reasonably well by community members, she was treated better by the community elders. This good relationship with the elders means a great deal to her, and she says she can go to them for advice. The respondent overcame the obstacles of race and gender in obtaining the role of chief. She said that she worked to obtain support for her initiatives and led by example. The data show that none of the participants in the younger age category, twenty-one of sixty-four, married into their communities. This might be explained by the reserve population’s increasing sufficiently in size to accommodate intermarriage between band members. In the past bands were small and consisted primarily of closely related individuals and marriage partners were sought from the outside. Marital status. The majority of respondents, seventy-seven percent, were living with their partners. Of these, sixty-one percent were married and sixteen percent were living common law. The percentage of participants who were cohabiting is higher than the overall figure for reserves: sixty-two percent (ibid.). The reserve community may be reflecting its desire for secure and stable governance by electing women who are in steady marital relationships. Cohabiting women. Participants who were cohabiting stated that they relied heavily on their spouses for support. The women were primarily responsible for the running of the household – making sure that bills were paid, buying groceries, providing child care, and seeing to the general upkeep of the home. A small minority of these women said that they did not have to take care of household matters; since they were in the older age category, they probably had grown children who were able to take on some the responsibilities of the home. The women with children still living at home had responsibilities relating to the children including school, child care, and any extracurricular activities like figure skating, school sports, or hockey. They were also responsible for domestic duties, which included cooking and cleaning, buying groceries, and doing laundry. These women spoke of trying to balance work and home in this way. This is what Meg Luxton (1981) called the “double day” – when women complete a full day’s work at the office and then go home to their domestic job of running a household. Although we like to think that we live in an egalitarian world, most domestic chores fall to women. Most of the female chiefs with partners

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carried all the domestic responsibilities. Only two of forty-nine cohabiting respondents said that they had no such responsibilities. Balancing the demands of home, family, and job was overwhelming for most women. One commented, “It’s different when you are a man. You have a wife. She is there to cook and clean. A man comes home, he puts down his briefcase, and his wife brings him some tea. He gets to relax. Even if he is unmarried, he generally has a mother or sisters who ‘take care of him.’ That would be the day that my brother would come over and clean my house because I had been at meetings all week!” These women with domestic duties dealt with their responsibilities in a number of ways. Many relied on family members for help including spouses, children, and sometimes siblings. Others enlisted outside help, hiring housekeepers, nannies, and other people. They were busy trying to do everything that was expected of them at work but when they came home to a messy house or bare cupboards they felt as if they were not taking proper care of their family. They knew that things would have to change soon. The women thought their families had understood that they would have to manage since the demands of their job made it impossible for them to maintain their previous level of household upkeep. Their families felt somewhat neglected, which also made them feel guilty. Recognizing their time constraints, they resolved to delegate duties and find help. Some women were embarrassed that they had to hire someone to clean their house as if they were not fulfilling their role as family caretaker. When asked about their domestic responsibilities and how they dealt with them when they were out of town, most said that they relied on their spouse. Forty-two percent of the females said that their spouse would take care of all of the domestic responsibilities that were normally theirs when they were at home. Others said they relied on family members including mothers, sisters, daughters, or other relations to help them when they were away from the community. Many female chiefs said they had consistent domestic help and that housecleaning and other domestic duties could wait until they returned. Thirteen percent of the women said that they had no one to help them with their domestic duties when they were out of town; they simply had to accept that things could not always be in order. Just coming to this conclusion has helped them to realize that they cannot do everything. They prioritize and manage their time as best they can. When a woman decides to run for office she must realize that changes will occur. For those who are married or in a common law

Demographic Profile of Female Chiefs

53

relationship, it is vital that they have the support of their spouse, as Carroll and Stirmling found in their 1983 study of female state and congressional politicians in the United States. Single women. A small percentage of respondents were single. Single females in this study include those who have never been married (and who not currently living in a common law relationship) and those who are divorced. Sixteen percent of the respondents were either single or divorced, which means they were living alone or with children. These chiefs tended to be younger and childless. Single chiefs thus had fewer domestic responsibilities than those with spouses and children and could more easily concentrate on their official duties. They noted, however, that in the absence of domestic responsibilities they were consumed by their official role. They had to make a conscious effort to “get away from work” because there were always so many problems that needed their attention. Being a workaholic was not healthy: they needed time for themselves as well. Being a chief is especially difficult for young single women who have never been married; they have to make the classic choice between work and marriage and family. My youngest respondent, at twenty-nine years of age, will have to make that choice soon. The lives of the respondents consisted primarily of work and they had little or no time for dating or romance. Parenthood. Almost all the respondents were mothers (ninety-two percent) with between one and eight children. Seventy-eight percent of the mothers had anywhere from one to six children still living at home. The largest number of respondents had two children. Just over half the women had three or more children. Sixty percent of the older women had three or more children compared to fifty-five percent of the middle-aged women and forty-five percent of the younger women. These findings are consistent with Canadian population trends that show that families are getting smaller. Women with children living at home found it difficult to juggle home and work. After an all-day meeting with government officials, one woman had to go to the grocery store to buy something for dinner because she had been too busy to shop and the refrigerator was empty. She commented, “Who else was there to do it?” Half the women were grandmothers, with between one and thirtyfive grandchildren. Of the grandmothers, eight had between one and

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five grandchildren living with them; this is not uncommon in Aboriginal communities. Grandmothers are an important part of the Aboriginal community. They are expected to be the stable influence in the family and are part of the extended family system. Many Aboriginal children are raised by their grandparents. Many of the chiefs with grandchildren were dealing with the same child-care issues as their younger colleagues. Grandchildren sometimes live with grandparents to keep them company and to take care of them. Grandparents sometimes provide short-term child care and provide a stable environment for grandchildren whose parents are too busy, having difficulties in their personal lives, or travelling a great deal. Many of the female chiefs said that they often had to travel out of the community as part of their job. Of these women, the greatest number said that their spouses took care of the children while they were away. Others said that relatives took care of the children including mothers and sisters. Two of the chiefs said they had nannies who helped them tremendously, that it was comforting for them to know that their children were taken care of consistently and that they did not have to worry. Others had no consistent person to take care of their children when they were out of town, which was particularly worrisome for them since they often had to travel on short notice. Educational attainment level. The female chiefs were well educated, better educated than the average Aboriginal person in the community. Approximately sixty percent had some form of postsecondary education, compared to approximately twenty-eight percent of the overall Aboriginal community, according to the 2001 Census of Canada. Twenty percent of these women had a university degree, compared to only about six percent of the First Nations community overall. The formal education of the female chiefs in this study ranged from less than grade nine to graduate university degrees; seventy percent had completed grade twelve. The younger women generally had higher levels of education than the older women and a few even had law degrees. Although their formal education had provided them with the fundamentals to do the work, half the chiefs said they nevertheless had to learn on the job. Many commented that they just had to go with their gut feeling when it came to decision making. The female chiefs are what Miller (1994) calls the technocrats in the community. Technocrats are people who have some form of education

Demographic Profile of Female Chiefs

55

or occupational qualifications or credentials that help them in their job. When asked whether they believed that their academic training had helped them in their role as chief, fifty-two percent said yes, the skills they had learned as part of a postsecondary education had helped. They learned some of their more tangible skills in programs such as business administration, political science, community development, and law. They acquired other skills such as meeting deadlines, multitasking, and setting priorities while they were postsecondary students. They learned to organize, analyze data, communicate results, and think critically. Many noted that the formal credentials they acquired in mainstream society did not necessarily ensure success and support in the community. As one woman put it, “The credentials are more for the outside world; non-Indians seem to respect you more if you have an education.” Some believed, as many educated indigenous people do, that they had to prove themselves again to the community and win the people’s trust. They thought they had to prove that they had not “sold out” to mainstream society, that their hearts and minds were still in the community, and that they had legitimacy. Political family. Although formal education was important, a more significant factor in the political preparation of these female chiefs was the informal training they received during their socialization process – that is, what they learned from their families when they were growing up. They learned a great deal from listening to relatives and close friends of the family who were politically involved discussing politics, strategies, government policies, and band concerns. Most believed that this informal training had prepared them better for their positions than their formal academic training. The vast majority of female chiefs, fifty-one of the sixty-four respondents, came from families that had at some point been politically involved. Half the female chiefs had a politically active father or grandfather. Almost seventy percent had male relatives, and ten percent had female relatives, who had been involved in band politics. A review of the position that these relatives had held in band politics reveals that about sixty percent of the respondents had relatives who had been chiefs in the past. Sixteen percent of the relatives had been band councillors. About five percent of the respondent’s relatives had worked in local, provincial, or federal government in some capacity. When asked whether they thought their relatives had influenced both their decision to go into politics and the types of decision that

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they made while they were in band politics, sixty-four percent of the respondents said yes. They had been influenced by the way their relatives had dealt with issues in the past and by the involvement of those relatives in improving the community. Many had served as role models for the female chiefs, who still sought their advice. The respondents understood the struggles that their relatives had had because they observed them at first hand. They saw how their relatives had made decisions and how those decisions affected the community. For the most part they saw their relatives as proud and dignified people who dealt with others fairly, people who were concerned about the land and resources. The female chiefs in this study benefited from growing up in this environment. The chiefs saw how respected their family members were in the community. They were taught to keep abreast of what was going on: information and knowledge were viewed as positive. In addition, by being part of a politically involved family they had contact with other influential people. The female chiefs learned to file information away until such time as it might be useful. They also learned about politics at an early age and became accustomed to the political realm of reserve politics. Many believed that they had been groomed, however unknowingly, for their present positions.

The demographic profile in this chapter has shown that the female chiefs varied somewhat in age, community affiliation, marital status, and familial situation, but they also shared many similarities both among themselves and with other female politicians. In general they were middle-aged and had been born into the community they led; more were married than not; all but one maintained a household; and most had to care for children, and in some cases grandchildren. Their concerns were similar to those of any working mother juggling home and family. The female chiefs were an educated group. Not only were they better educated than the average person in First Nations communities but they were also better educated than the average person in mainstream society. The skills they had acquired as students in the formal education system had helped them in their position as chief. The substantial knowledge they had acquired in courses in business administration and law had given them the fundamentals of running an organization. The more intangible skills such as multitasking, time

Demographic Profile of Female Chiefs

57

management, and meeting deadlines were also of great use to them as leaders. Most of these women came from political families, which generally form part of the elite in First Nations communities. Usually only a few families on the reserve vie for leadership. One family may win a series of elections or the leadership might alternate between two or three families, not unlike federal political parties in Canada.

5 Running for Office

Research conducted on women in leadership has found that women are more liberal than men. Every political system limits women’s access to elite roles by tacitly or overtly erecting a set of initial hurdles based on background or demographic traits (Genovese 1993). First Nations women have also moved into roles in public office and have begun to overcome the paternalistic limitations set by the Church and the Indian Act. One factor determining the success of a political candidate is the extent to which she reflects the characteristics of the community she will lead. My analysis of demographic information shows that in many ways the chief has similar traits to those of the electorate, although they also appear to differ in many ways. In their study of female political involvement in the United States, Carrol and Stirmling (1983) found that women overcame obstacles most successfully by using their strengths to become more effective political players. They suggest that organizational skills can be used to mobilize other women who want to participate in politics. Female leaders serve as mentors for such women.

deciding to run for political office When the women in this study were asked why they ran for election they gave a variety of answers. Almost all of them wanted to make changes in the community. Some were dissatisfied with the status quo that they, as Indians, had to live under. This dissatisfaction was aimed at the federal government. As one participant put it: “I did not approve of how the system treated women and the categorization of Indians as

Running for Office

59

non-status, status, and Bill C-31. There was also the issue of Indians losing status altogether. This is total discrimination and a plan to eventually eliminate the Indian population. This act is contrary to our custom where children born to unwed mothers were raised by grandmothers.” Others’ dissatisfaction was aimed at the former reserve leadership. “I had concerns for the well-being of our people and the perception that not many leaders were actually dealing with the major issues including the health of our people, children and families, substance abuse, and poverty. I had hoped to make a difference for our future generations,” said one woman. Yet another said, “Although I do not consider myself a politician, I could no longer continue to sit back and just watch events and band business carry on as they were.” In any event, the women believed that they had it in themselves to make changes within the community and were determined to do so. Many women believed that there was a need for change in leadership. “Leaders become complacent after a while and sometimes lose touch with the people who put them in office,” said one respondent. Another woman stated, “We had the same chief for fifteen years. A change was needed since there was some corruption involved with the past chief and council. There was not involvement with the membership and I wanted to turn that around with the help of those interested in making a change in a healthy and positive way.” Yet another woman said, “Because the community had gone to the dogs in the ten years the previous chief was here, people wanted a change from the mismanagement and corruption. I felt it was important to establish a model of effective administration and honourable leadership. If I set the standard, when I leave the people will have a standard to hold the next leader to.” Leadership in the reserve community can be held by one person through several elections and many of the female chiefs sought to bring new ideas and new ways of governing to their communities. They believed that the skills and work experience that they gained from their former jobs could be easily transferred to the political realm and help move the community forward. “I was the band manager for more than a decade,” said one participant. “I did not see many changes in the community since I left that position. I did not want to go back to being the band manager again so I decided to be ‘boss’ instead.” Another stated, “With my personality, it seemed like the natural progression for me. I had been a councillor for ten years. I was asked to run by family, friends and other community members.” Similarly, “I have something

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to offer my community – experience, commitment, honesty, and I am hard working. These are just a few of my qualities.” A fourth decided to run “based on my knowledge of my community and by my capabilities. I knew I would be able to help by working hard and depend on all the experience I had accumulated over the years.” In addition to the skills and experience they gained from previous employment, many of the woman felt that they had received little acknowledgment for their past efforts. “I worked hard in band administration for years but the politicians seemed to take all the credit,” said one woman. “Everyone who knows the reserve community knows that women work to keep the community together. We work in the offices, agencies, and schools. There is a lack of recognition for all that we do.” This lack of recognition made some women move to front and centre in the community and become the official decision makers. A couple of women chiefs said that they ran in the election to carry on family tradition, having been raised in political families. They believed that this affiliation augmented their skills and gave them the knowledge to help the community. “I come from a political family,” said one woman. “The community expected that someone from our family would run for chief. I decided to run after talking with my family. I had their support.” Many wanted social conditions in the community to improve. They pointed to the devastating legacy of the residential school experience and its impact on community members. One chief said, “My focus is on healing and education. Our community was affected by [the] residential school since one was located in our community. Sexual, physical, mental, and emotional abuse took a toll on our community. I believe in being a role model in order to break the cycle of abuse that is occurring with some people. I don’t drink or take drugs. I support and promote healing amongst all. I would love for children to become independent and educated.” Another woman felt she was fulfilling her father’s dream for a healthier community: “I watched my father grieve for his people. He wanted to see the community healed so when he died I decided to get involved and honour my father’s dying wish to see the community set right.” Many of the respondents were asked to run by the members of the community, including elders and family members. “Elders and community members encouraged me. I was tired of complaints of how things were done in the past. I want to give something back to my community by being instrumental in changing the way things were being done and to provide accountability to the members.”

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Some women wanted to bring harmony to the community. One woman said, “Two families were in a dispute. I thought someone from the outside would make a difference. So far we are still having problems with these individuals. But we are doing the best we know how in all aspects of every day.” Resentment can develop between people or families over the years. In a remote or rural community, where resources are scarce, each individual’s input ensures an easier time for everyone. The effects of estrangement and ill feeling are not confined only to the people having the disagreement. How hard the women had to work to become chief varied greatly. Some had to run against a number of candidates. “Four out of seven candidates said they would step down if I decided to run. In all honesty, I did not think I had a chance of succeeding since two of the other candidates were also well qualified – as a result, I ran.” Some had an easier time running for chief after being endorsed by a popular former chief who had decided not to continue. One woman explained, “Our former chief decided to retire from political life after twelve years. He asked me to think about running. I talked it over with my family and we thought I could be successful. They wanted someone who understood the ‘big picture’ with the business world. They thought I could best fill the job without having to go back to square one.” In a few cases there were no other candidates for the position so the chief was acclaimed and did not have to campaign. Community members essentially recruited these leaders because they had the skills, experience, and knowledge to help the community. Most of the women were asked by community members, especially elders, to run for the position of chief. The women said they that were honoured to be asked to run but wanted to determine whether they had enough support to win. A combination of support from family, encouragement, experience with community administration, and a desire to enhance reserve life persuaded most of the women to throw their hats into the ring. “I was the acting chief for two years when my father, the chief, [grew] sick. The community asked me to take over from him.” Another woman recalled, “I was asked by band members to run for chief because of problems with the councillors regarding financial problems in our band office.” Elders were more likely to ask young and middle-aged women to run for office than older women. Younger people are believed to bring new energy, ideas, and commitment to the community. Women in the youngest age group said that it was time for a change and that this was one of the reasons, or the most significant reason, why they chose to

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run. “I am interested in community development; I like being a vocal person on what is just and fair. I felt our affairs needed to be managed honestly, fairly, and in an organized fashion. I felt I could make a difference using my skills and abilities. I am a quick learner.” The younger women saw the need for change in the community, and they had ideas about how they might help effect these changes. However, they also seemed to have more difficulty with the leadership role in the community, especially when they were asked to advocate for the community. Most of those in the middle-age category, between the ages of forty-one and fifty-five, ran for the office of chief because they wanted to see change in the community. They too were asked to run by community members who thought that they had the necessary skills to bring about change. Most of those who were asked to run for the chief’s office were middle-aged. Surprisingly, women in the older age group were the least likely to be asked to run despite their community involvement, reputation, and experience. Legislation and policies have changed. The increased visibility of women in the workplace and their higher education levels have changed society’s view of women. They now have many career options besides homemaking. They contribute to the household income and are active participants in the workplace. Women are now being groomed and elected as leaders.

other political involvement Forty-five percent of the female chiefs had been involved with political organizations prior to becoming chief, including a variety of native women’s associations, trade unions, student organizations, professional associations, and native friendship centres. Many commented that being involved with these organizations had educated them in the idiosyncrasies of politics and taught them to deal with personalities and hidden agendas; they had to learn the fine art of allocating scarce resources. Their earlier political experiences were not seen entirely as trials by ordeal: many said they had come to know themselves, “trust their own judgment,” and learn to “live with their choices.” Many gained confidence, knowing that they could “live through the battle and come out the other side.” This also taught them to “choose their battles wisely” since battles take much energy. When asked what types of organization they had been involved in, about twenty percent said women’s groups and Aboriginal women’s groups. Some had also been involved in tribal councils in varying

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capacities. Some had experience on school boards and with governments and friendship centres as well as other First Nations representative groups. Indeed, some had been involved at the national level with the Assembly of First Nations. Thus, these women had a vast array of political experience when they went into office. The amount of time that the participants had spent in other political organizations also varied. Many had in excess of ten years’ experience, others more than twenty years’. Their political experience in offreserve organizations had helped them in dealing with political situations as chief. Sixty-three percent of women in this study had been band councillors at one point. Most of the women had been councillors for fewer than five years. This was long enough, however, for them to learn about the issues on the reserve and to understand how the political machinery worked both on the reserve and off. The women had been given a variety of portfolios during their tenure as councillors, and many had also been administrators on the reserve before they became councillors. Thirteen percent had had no involvement in band politics before they became chief and thus experienced a steep learning curve on the job. Those women with prior experience in local politics were already aware of issues, agencies, and protocol by the time they assumed the chief’s role. Many mentioned that serving as a band councillor had been a good stepping stone to the chief’s position. Council tenure ranged from one year to twenty-three years. Personal attributes, experience, education, and training had helped the participants to maintain their positions as councillor. Once they had become chiefs, the women said that open dialogue with community members was crucial. ”Transparency is the name of the game,” said one woman. She ran “an open-door operation,” since it was the only way to retain support. “If the community members think you are hiding something from them, look out!” Most women sought support and advice from the community elders, who hold a great deal of respect and exert considerable political influence off-reserve. Others said that they had worked with the federal government and that the experience had helped to prepare them for the job of chief. Others had come to understand community issues through volunteer work. To summarize, more than sixty percent of these participants had some type of affiliation with the band before taking on the role of chief, either as a band council member or as a band administrator.

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the election and the campaign The women in this study became chiefs either through customary election, in which the community decides how the election is run, or through Indian Affairs election. Both types of election are explained in detail in chapter 6. Customary election was used in sixty percent of the elections and Indian Affairs election was used in the remaining forty percent. Generally, customary election confers longer terms for chief (up to five years) than Indian Affairs elections. Again, most women found themselves in two-year terms, which is problematic given the amount of work that needs to be done. It takes a certain amount of time, especially for first-time chiefs, to become familiar with the position, so many of the initiatives that they take may not come to fruition before they have to go to the polls again. Most of the women ran against other people in the election. In a few cases, the chief was acclaimed and thus spared the rigours of the campaign trail. Sixty-one percent were elected the first time they ran for chief. High name recognition, the desire for new leadership, and the candidate’s strong work ethic contributed to this outcome. Name recognition could result from being a member of a politically involved family, but it could also stem from service as a band councillor or from working in other positions in the community. Respondents said they were known by community members for their past job performance. They had been effective community administrators and agency workers and this instilled confidence in their constituents. Their first election campaign was a shock for many female chiefs. They were unaware of how unpleasant an election campaign could be. Much is at stake: power, prestige, status, and income. The winner has the power to make decisions that can have long-lasting effects on the community, and the prestige of being an Indian chief brings membership in exclusive circles such as the Assembly of First Nations. The winner is raised to a higher status and wins the opportunity to deal with other community, government, and industry leaders. Chiefs can influence local, provincial or territorial, and federal politicians. Finally, the chief has the opportunity to earn a steady income. In many reserve communities, unemployment is relatively high. Statistics Canada states, for example, that the on-reserve labour force participation rate is only fifty-six percent, which is ten percent lower than the Canadian labour force participation rate (Canada, Department of Indian and Northern Affairs 2001).

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Usually only a few families on the reserve vie for leadership and most of the women in this study came from politically involved families. They experienced many of the electoral peculiarities found only in reserve politics. For example, the candidate with the largest family can win an election, since family members are expected to vote for relatives. Voting for relatives is less likely to occur in mainstream society where family members are more dispersed and therefore less likely to live in the riding of the relative running for office. As with any election, it may be better to vote for the winning side than for the losing side if one hopes to obtain political favours. The chief and council have the power to allocate scarce resources on the reserve and will assume that their relatives voted for them. Election time was particularly stressful for many of the women. Running for re-election and having to prove their worth or track record was difficult. Some felt as if they had been ambushed by their detractors or by those who had decided to support another candidate or who threatened to vote for the other candidate, which felt like blackmail. The campaign was hectic and tiring with too many tasks to complete in too short a time. The women candidates believed they had to be on their best behaviour at all times, no matter how disrespectful or insulting the behaviour of voters. The women spoke honestly about their campaign experiences. Female chiefs pay a high price for their decision to enter reserve politics. The choice to seek office affected some of them just where it could do the most damage – within their family. Some said that their children were bullied and taunted at school following their election. One respondent said that once when she was away on band business, she received an anonymous telephone call in her hotel room saying “her old man was running around.” One commented, “If it is a close race, it seems that all the stops are pulled out. Anything becomes fair game: family, children, indiscretions as a teenager, something your cousin did – anything. When I think about it now it seems pretty pathetic but it was hurtful at the time.” Some felt personally attacked by their fellow candidates during the election. The irony in this situation is that the qualities that made them favourable candidates, such as commitment to the community, willingness to work hard, and assertiveness, could be used against them in the campaign. “If you are too assertive you get called a bitch. If you don’t stand up for yourself and your beliefs, you get walked on. You just can’t win!” These attacks made many of them dig in their heels and work

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harder to succeed. One woman said that people seemed to think that they could take liberties with her once she had assumed a public role and say whatever they wanted with impunity. She found this disheartening; she thought that some people were envious of her authority and her success. All the female chiefs agree that during election time residents become particularly aggressive. It is expected that as chief one must be especially kind to band members in return for their vote, and requests for favours can sometimes be outrageous. During elections campaigning takes precedence over most other activities on the reserve and leaders do little work for the duration. Band election results can cause great divisions in the community. In small reserve communities, they can also cause family rifts. Rarely in mainstream politics do siblings or other close relatives vie for the same seat in an election, but it is a common occurrence in band elections. One of the women in this study had an interesting perspective on her win. She experienced resistance from parents and siblings because her brother had run against her in the election and lost. Her family believed that he would make a better chief and had supported him. In the end, she won the election with the support of people outside her immediate family. This kind of situation causes problems for voters since siblings may have similar attributes: the same upbringing, the same family connections, and the same community support. This woman suggested that to alleviate the problem, families should decide on one person to run in an election. Many reserves practise block voting whereby all family members agree to back one particular candidate, thus ensuring that the vote will not be split between candidates. Another unique electoral situation arose when a band election in one community saw a woman candidate pitted against her husband for the office of chief. She won. She said that relations with her husband were cool for a while after the election. “My husband believed he had been rejected by the community but he was also too embarrassed about losing to me, a woman. He got teased.” These examples illustrate that reserve politics, because of the close-knit community, create some unusual situations not normally found in mainstream politics. Some people who run in an election and lose may feel embarrassed and unhappy about the loss. They may form a faction in opposition to the chief and make it difficult for the chief to do his or her job. Other people refuse to work for a woman and thus make it difficult for the new female chief. In a few cases, staff members said that the chief had

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changed and that she was no longer the same person. These staff members found it difficult to take orders from someone whom until recently they had viewed as “one of us.” Some of the women were treated differently after their election by those who did not want a female chief. One woman said that people had told her that they believed she was rich now that she was chief. In fact, the female chiefs feel they are not paid as much as managers in the private sector who do the same type of work and have the same responsibilities that they have. The female chiefs said that had they encountered resistance in the community from a number of quarters. For some there was resistance from people working in the band office who did not like working for this particular chief. They also mentioned discord between themselves and council members who could sometimes be resistant to ideas or policies suggested by a female leader. “Some people think that women are not as smart as men. As women we have to work harder than men,” said one woman. Then there were those, both men and women, who did not believe that a woman should be chief. They were either intimidated by a female chief or believed that the women were breaking with tradition by running for office. ”I am a woman; this is something that I cannot change. I ran because the community could not stay the way it was.” Some resistance appeared to come from family rivalries. Socially or economically prominent families who either had a candidate running in the election or who had been in power in the past sometimes caused problems for a female chief. Others who put up resistance may have run for office or been candidates in the same election and lost. Past chiefs could also be a problem because they seemed to find it difficult to relinquish control and change back from a person of prominence and power in the community to an ordinary citizen. Other people who did not want change in the community for one reason or another also resisted the new chief. Many female chiefs wanted to work towards a healthier community, and sometimes people with alcohol or drug problems caused havoc for them. People who benefited from the status quo in other ways also tended to resist change in leadership. “Some people just want things to stay the same. But the way things were was not good or healthy. That had to change,” said one woman. As mentioned earlier, a woman chief’s success as a political candidate depends on the extent to which she reflects the characteristics of her

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community. In many respects she is exactly like the community she leads since many of the members are family with whom she shares ancestry and experiences. This close relationship can cause the line between personal and professional to blur. Separating the person from the duties and authority of the office is difficult when the electorate knows the candidate personally and knows her history, whether good or bad. Carrol and Strimling’s observation that the female candidates’ strengths helped them become effective political figures is true in this case. These women were able to use their strong organizational skills, family connections, and personal fortitude to help them win the office of chief. The participants were deeply committed to change. They encountered resistance from those who had not supported them or who saw the new leadership as a threat to the status quo. But their supporters had worked hard to get them elected, and they were expected to fulfill the voters’ expectations.

6 On the Campaign Trail: Peggy Richard

It is often said that everyone is related in the Aboriginal community and my community of Fort Chipewyan is no exception. An example of this manifested itself in a recent election for chief and council of my band, the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation. Two of the three candidates running for the office of chief were my relatives. The election race began with three candidates: the incumbent chief, Archie Cyprien, a former chief, Patrice Marcel, and Peggy Richard. Patrice Marcel is my mother’s first cousin (which in First Nations tradition makes him my uncle), and Peggy Richard is my first cousin (which in First Nations tradition makes her my sister). The other band in our community, the Mikisew Cree, has had one female chief in the past, Rita Marten, who served from 1986 to 1988. There was also one acting chief, Margaret (Cookie) Simpson, who served briefly in 1999. The Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation, however, had never had a female chief. Although I had gained campaign experience working in provincial and federal elections in the past, documenting a band election was a new experience for me. I had the unique opportunity to follow my cousin Peggy, the female candidate for chief of our band, around the campaign trail during the closing days of her campaign. It provided an opportunity to augment my study of female chiefs in Canada with first-hand information about the First Nations election process. Many of the female chiefs I interviewed mentioned their experiences on the campaign trail, but this allowed me to observe the process for myself. Documenting Peggy’s experiences was invaluable to my research on the workings of a First Nations woman’s campaign for chief. Here I report the factors she took into consideration before deciding to run,

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her preparation for the campaign and her campaign strategy, the results, and the aftermath. I also compare Peggy’s election experience with the experience reported by other female chiefs. But I first provide some background about our region, our community, and our family. This history will help readers to understand the community. Fort Chipewyan is a small, isolated community in northeastern Alberta located about fifty miles from the Northwest Territories border. Our reserves are scattered around the Fort Chipewyan region. The largest reserve, Richardson Lake (or Jackfish Lake as it is called by locals), is located across the lake from Fort Chipewyan and takes about an hour to reach by boat. It is a community of about fourteen hundred people with a mixed population that is about eighty-five percent Aboriginal. This includes First Nations people who are mainly Cree or Chipewyan, the Metis, and the remaining fifteen percent who are non-Aboriginals. Fort Chipewyan is located on the north-western tip of Lake Athabasca, a body of water that straddles the Saskatchewan and Alberta border. It is accessible only by air and water for most of the year though hardy individuals can venture down an ice road that links Fort Chipewyan to Fort McKay and Fort McMurray to the south. Depending on the weather conditions, the ice road exists from early December until late March. The trek from Fort McKay to Fort Chipewyan takes about four hours and the scenery consists mainly of swamp and low hills with many pine trees. Our southern tribal neighbours, the Cree, named us Chipewyan, which translates as “pointed skins.” Pointed skins described the hoods on our jackets that were sewn into a point so that the snow would fall off. Our First Nation is Dene, part of the Athapaskan-speaking linguistic group of people that include the Tsuu T’ina who live outside of Calgary, Alberta, and the Apache and Navajo from the United States. We call ourselves Dene, which means “the people.” Our community has a rich history. It is the oldest continuously inhabited European settlement in the province of Alberta. It was settled by Northwest Company traders in 1788. Of course, the indigenous peoples of the region, the Chipewyan, Slavey, Beaver, and Cree, occupied the area for at least ten thousand years. John Ives (1990), the director of the Archeological Survey of Alberta, has determined that artefacts from Eaglenest Portage and Clear Lake in the Birch Mountains (southeast of Fort Chipewyan) represent ten thousand years of prehistory. In spite of its isolation, Fort Chipewyan has been affected by outside forces – first the fur trade, then the Church, then government. Fort Chipewyan became a government services centre in the early 1960s.

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The British Columbia government created the W.A.C. Bennett Dam in the early 1970s. This caused water levels in the lake to decline, which had an enormous effect on the trapping and fishing activities of the people of Fort Chipewyan. Major resource developments to the south (the Athabasca tar sands and numerous pulp mills on the Athabasca River) and to the east (uranium mining in northern Saskatchewan) also had a great effect on the community. Uranium discoveries in northern Saskatchewan in the late 1940s and early 1950s caused many Fort Chipewyan men to move their families across the lake to Uranium City where they joined the wage labour force. Although these jobs were new to those from Fort Chipewyan, the wage labour market was not. First Nations people had worked at the fur trading posts as wage labourers for more than a century. The community’s mixed economy consisted of both wage labour and subsistence from hunting, gathering, fishing, and trapping. The Athabasca tar sands, to the south of our community, also brought increased exploration and pollution to the region. The presence of oil in the sands south of Fort Chipewyan was well known. In 1793 the explorer Alexander Mackenzie had noted that “tar and oil could be found oozing from the banks of the Athabasca” (Daniel 1999, 58). Serious exploration did not begin until 1912 (Ferguson 1985). Many First Nations people left our community to take jobs in the tar sands plants. Our band owns companies that hold contracts with the major resource developers including Syncrude, Suncor, and others. My family lives in the Treaty 8 region of Alberta. This treaty was negotiated between local Cree and Chipewyan Indians and government representatives on 4 August 1899. Treaty 8 Indians surrendered 324,000 square miles of resource-rich land, an area about threequarters the size of Ontario (Oberle 1986). Our immediate family, the Voyageurs, and our extended family make up a large portion of the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation membership list. We are a political family. My great-grandfather, Alexandre Laviolette, was a treaty signatory. According to the treaty commissioners, “the Chipewyan confined themselves to asking questions and making brief arguments. They appeared to be more adept at cross-examination than at speech making (Mair 2000, 174). The commissioners went further: “The Chief at Fort Chipewyan displayed considerable keenness of intellect and much practical sense in pressing the claims of his band. They wanted as liberal, if not more liberal terms, than were granted to the Indian of the plains” (ibid.). The

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Table 6.1 Chiefs of Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation since Treaty 8 Name

Relationship

Date

Alexandre Laviolette Jonas Laviolette Benjamin Marcel Auguste Fredolin (Fred) Marcel Archie Cyprien Patrice (Pat) Marcel Joseph (Tony) Mercredi Archie Cyprien

Treaty signatory brother of Alexandre Nephew of Jonas (acting chief) Nephew of Jonas (traditional chief) 1st elected chief Nephew of Auguste Fredolin

1899–1921 1921–52 1952–56 1956–83 1983–87 1987–91 1991–95 1995–present

Source: Indian and Northern Affairs Alberta Regional Office Letter from David Pare dated 1 December 2004. File number 4218–463.

government made us many promises, some of which have never been fulfilled; those form the basis of specific claims. Alexandre Laviolette served as our chief from the signing of the treaty in 1899 until his death in 1921. After the death of our first Indian Affairs chief (see below), the office was passed to Alexandre’s brother, Jonas (telephone interview with Patricia McCormack, January 2005). Jonas Laviolette served as our chief for thirty-one years from 1921 until his death in 1952. Jonas Laviolette’s nephew, Benjamin Marcel (who at the time was elected as a band councillor), served as acting chief from 1952 until 1956. At that time Jonas Laviolette’s other nephew and Benjamin’s brother, Auguste Fredolin (Fred) Marcel, was our last traditional chief. Fred Marcel (Uncle Fred, as he is known in the family) served as chief of our band for twenty-seven years, from 1956 until 1983 (Pare 2004). Archie Cyprien is our current chief. Family members who have been involved in band politics included Fred’s nephew Patrice, who served as chief from 1987 to 1991. Other family members who have served over the years as band councillors include my uncles Charlie Voyageur and John Marcel and my aunts Patricia Lepine and Lilly Marcel. My uncle Ernie Voyageur served as band manager from the late 1970s until 1983. It was in this context that our band held its election on 24 October 2003. Peggy was the first family member of my generation to seek elected office.

types of election As noted in the previous chapter, there are two ways to elect a chief and council under the Indian Act: through Indian Act elections and customary

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elections. By the first method, as stipulated in the Indian Act, most bands hold elections by secret ballot every two years. A voter must be a band member and at least eighteen years old to be eligible to vote for chief or council. As Indian Act elections now stand, it is not necessary for the chief to be a band member or to live on the reserve. Theoretically, a non-band member and a non-reserve resident could be elected as chief of a reserve. In some cases, a member of another band could run for chief or council. Additionally, a non-Aboriginal person married to a band member could also be elected chief. However, elections for council are different. Non-band members or non-reserve residents are not allowed, under the Indian Act, to vote for council members. A person must be a band member to run for council; the candidate must be nominated, and the nomination must be seconded by band members. The notice of election must be posted by the electoral officer at least six days before the nomination meeting and twelve days before the election. The electoral officer must prepare and post a voters’ list. The election is conducted between 9:00 am to 6:00 pm. A candidate or an elector can appeal the results of the election to Indian Affairs within thirty days. A person can be removed from office by Indian Affairs upon conviction of an indictable offence, or they might resign (Imai 1999). Customary elections are recognized by the Indian Act but are not defined by it. A chief can be elected or hereditary. When drafted, the customary election allows the band members and the band leadership to tailor the band election to their own needs, and they can incorporate some of their own values into the process. In this voting situation, the band itself has control over many aspects of the election. For example, the community decides who may vote, how the voting will be carried out, and when the elections will be held (ibid.). The tenure of a chief and council elected by customary election can be up to five years. The Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation follows the customary election regulations that were established in 1983 and amended and adopted by the band membership on 16 September 1999. Our chief and council have a four-year term, and the band elections are held during the last week of October. The following is a brief synopsis of the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation customary election regulations and the election process. The chief electoral officer is appointed by a band council resolution at least twenty-one days before the nomination meeting. The chief

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electoral officer cannot be a member of the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation, a permanent employee of the band or any other First Nation in the region, or of the Athabasca Tribal Council (Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation 1999). The chief electoral officer has a number of duties to fulfill, for example, drafting the notice of the nomination meeting. This notice states the full name of the chief electoral officer and the date, location, and time of the nomination meeting. The chief electoral officer also prepares the electors’ list of those band members who are eligible to vote, which is presented to the band council for approval and signature. As well as the list of eligible electors, the notice includes the positions open for election, the date of the election, and a copy of the customary election regulations. The chief electoral officer then posts the notice of nomination meeting at least fourteen days prior to the event. The notices are posted at the Athabasca Chipewyan band office in Fort Chipewyan, as well as in Fort McMurray, Edmonton, and any other place designated by the band council resolution. This is unique among First Nations because so many members live off the reserve. The chief electoral officer chairs and takes minutes of the nomination meeting in Fort Chipewyan. The meeting is held open for nominations for a minimum of two hours and a maximum of three hours (ibid.). Nominees and nominators must be eligible to vote and be present at the nomination meeting. Any elector who has been convicted of a criminal offence involving theft, fraud, or misuse of First Nations funds cannot be accepted for nomination. A person can be nominated for only one position, either chief or councillor, but not both (ibid.). The nominee must be nominated and seconded by electors. If at the close of the nomination meeting the number of people nominated equals the number of positions for election, the chief electoral officer will declare the nominees to be elected by acclamation. If the number of nominees exceeds the number of positions an election will be held. The chief electoral officer appoints polling clerks and assigns their duties. The polling clerks must collect the ballot boxes for the polling station, construct the polling booths to ensure privacy, and if necessary, appoint an interpreter who is not a band member or a resident of Fort Chipewyan (ibid.). The polls are open from 10:00 am until 10:00 pm. The polling clerk must initial each ballot before giving it to an elector. The ballots contain the names and photographs of the candidates. All candidates are entitled to have three agents witnessing an assisted ballot, for which the polling clerk reads the names of the candidates to the elector who then makes his or her choice. Any band member whose

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name does not appear on the voters’ list can present identification to be verified by the electoral officer and fill out a statutory declaration in order to be allowed to vote (ibid.). After the polls close, the electoral officer or his or her designates open the ballot box in the presence of the candidates or their agents. Ballots that do not bear the polling clerks’ initials, have more votes than the voter is entitled to cast, contain any marks or writing that can identify the elector, or are defaced or torn or not marked with an x or a check mark are rejected. All remaining ballots are counted. The polling clerk gives a written statement of the number of votes for each candidate and the number of rejected ballots (ibid.). Immediately after the votes are counted, the electoral officer announces the successful candidates’ names and posts them at the polling station and band office. The ballots are placed in a sealed envelope for the fourteen-day election appeal period. Within twentyfour hours after the election the electoral officer completes the electoral report, which contains a list of all candidates, the number of ballots cast, the number of votes for each candidate, and the number of assisted or interpreted votes (ibid.). A comparison of Indian Act elections and Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation customary elections reveals many differences. First, in the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation election process, the candidate must be an elector: a person whose name is on the First Nation membership list and who is eighteen years of age on or before both the nomination and election day (ibid.). This is not the case with Indian Act elections where those running for chief do not need to be band members. As noted earlier, in Indian Act elections only those running for the office of councillor must be band members. Second, the time between the appointment of the chief electoral officer and the nomination meeting is longer under the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation customary election process: three weeks as opposed to six days under the Indian Act elections. The Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation election process also allows more time between the nomination meeting and election day: two weeks as opposed to twelve days under the Indian Act. This gives the candidate more time for campaigning and voters more time to decide. It also gives people travelling from out of town to the polling stations more time to make travel arrangements. The Indian Act election is held every two years while the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation election is held every four years. The longer term allows the leadership more time to settle into the job and bring

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projects to fruition. A two-year term means that leaders spend the first quarter of their time in office learning the position and the last quarter campaigning to keep it if they choose to run for re-election. The polling station hours are longer during an Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation election than during an Indian Act election. As noted earlier, the Indian Act election sets polling station hours from 9:00 am to 6:00 pm, giving voters three hours less to get to the polls than during a customary election. Nor does the Indian Act election make provision for an advance poll, which means that those who are unable to vote on election day are not able to exercise their franchise.

the athabasca chipewyan first nation election, 2003 Candidates for the office of chief of the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation ran for office in the fall of 2003. Three people were nominated at the meeting held in Fort Chipewyan in early October: Archie Cyprien, Patrice (Pat) Marcel, and Peggy Richard. Archie Cyprien, the incumbent chief of the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation, was serving his second consecutive term when the election was called in 2003. In 1983 he became the first elected chief of the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation. He served from 1983 to 1987 but chose not to run again in 1987, deciding instead to serve as a councillor between 1987 and 1991. Cyprien was born in Point Brule, Alberta, in 1952. Early in his adult life he was a construction worker and later became a journeyman welder. He is married and has four children (telephone interview with Archie Cyprien, January 2005). Patrice Marcel is a former chief of the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation, having served in that position from 1987 to 1991. He is the son of a former acting chief, Benjamin Marcel (1952–56), and nephew of the last traditional chief of the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation, Auguste Fredolin (Fred) Marcel (1956–83). Patrice was born in Jackfish Lake, Alberta. He worked for many years with Alberta’s Department of Fish and Wildlife. He was chairperson of the traditional land use and occupancy study committee. Pat accepted his nomination in 2003 but withdrew from the election (telephone interview with Pat Marcel, January 2005). Peggy Richard is the third daughter and fourth child in a family of nine children. Her parents were Emma (Voyageur) Laviolette and Frank

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Laviolette, who are now both dead. Peggy was born in Uranium City, Saskatchewan, in the mid-1950s and raised by her mother in Fort Chipewyan with her siblings. Peggy is the great-granddaughter of Alexandre Laviolette, one of the signatories of Treaty 8. Peggy is married and has three children and three grandchildren. She is also the niece of Pat Marcel, the candidate for chief who withdrew from the election. Peggy attended high school in Fort Smith, a community north of Fort Chipewyan in the Northwest Territories, since there was no high school in Fort Chipewyan until the early 1980s. She completed grade twelve through adult upgrading at Keyano College in Fort McMurray in 1978. After completing high school she worked in industry in various capacities including managing employment and training programs for Aboriginal people. She worked with Syncrude Canada for nine years in the company’s Native Development office and with the Athabasca Native Development Corporation for five years. She also worked in administrative capacities in First Nations communities near Fort McMurray including the Chipewyan Prairie First Nation in Janvier and the Fort McKay First Nation north of Fort McMurray. She was the finance manager of the Denesoline Environmental Services, a band-owned business that holds contracts with the oil sands industry, in Fort McMurray. Among her other jobs, Peggy owned a small office services business that offered support such as typing, copying, desktop publishing, and temporary office workers to the Fort McMurray business community. She currently runs a construction training business in Fort McMurray that helps Aboriginal people learn the scaffolding field. At the same time, she has continued her education by attending Keyano College in Fort McMurray for three years and acquiring a Bachelor of Arts degree in general studies. Few people run for elected office without some expectation or hope of winning, and Peggy decided to run shortly after the 1999 band election. She prepared herself for the campaign office by making both long-term and short-term plans. In the long term she knew that she would have to continue her education, which included language training and enrolling in the general studies program. She had many issues to resolve before she could finalize her decision. In our interview she said, “I wanted to run because I am a businessperson and I know how finances should be run. I have a strong idea of what I expect from my chief. From what I can see the current chief is not doing what he should for the band. There has been a lot of criticism of the current chief because he does not let people know what is going on with our

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band companies. People are mad because other people are getting jobs instead of band members. We should be giving those jobs to our own people” (personal interview, Peggy Richard, October 2003). These concerns reflect what many First Nations leaders face. Peggy considered such issues and decided that she should run for chief to address these concerns. As the election approached, Peggy told people that she wanted to run for chief to gauge whether she had enough support to meet her goal. She spoke with key people in the community and in her family. She asked the community elders whether they would support her campaign for election. She wanted to ensure that she had a broad base of support among community members and not just among her close friends and family members. She made many personal contacts and also spoke with some of our uncles who are respected elders in the community. They encouraged her to run. After these consultations, she decided that she had enough support to proceed. Peggy found it difficult to know whether she really had people’s support. Whenever she asked people whether they would support her during an election, the answer was almost always yes. But whether they meant it was another matter and ensuring that they got to the polling booth on election day was something else again. As we saw in chapter 5, family plays a key role in band elections. Candidates with the largest families sometimes win. Peggy, however, said that her family contained some of her worst critics. Family members know the weaknesses of the candidates. By the same token they can also give constructive criticism that can help a candidate succeed. Peggy was given advice on which issues were important and told how to respond to questions asked by community members. All her family members said they would vote for her. Peggy lived in Fort McMurray, not Fort Chipewyan, and this was a sticking point in the election. She had to move back to the community and thought that by renting a post office box and a house from a relative in Fort Chipewyan the issue had been resolved. She had also furnished the house in Fort Chipewyan. In retrospect, she realized that this gesture was not enough to instill confidence that she would remain in the community should she be elected. To date every chief has lived in Fort Chipewyan. Peggy also had to gauge the reaction of her own family to her decision to run for chief. Since they lived in Fort McMurray and she would have to live in Fort Chipewyan most of the time, she would be

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separated from her husband and children. Would her absence put undue strain on her family? Peggy and her husband, Charlie, made the most important decision. Peggy’s children are grown and busy with their own lives and no longer needed her to be at home. Her husband owned a business and worked long hours, which meant that he did not need her at home either. She realized that it would be hard to do without the daily support of her husband, but much band business is conducted in Fort McMurray since it is the seat of the oil sands industry and it also houses the tribal council of which the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation is a part. There are a number of forty-minute flights each day between Fort Chipewyan and Fort McMurray and Peggy believed that she would be able to see her family in Fort McMurray on the weekends and when meetings for the regional tribal council were held. Peggy recognized that, should she be elected, she would be on a steep learning curve for the first six months or so. But she is a hard worker and likes challenges. She knew it would be overwhelming at times and that she would have to create a network of support to help her through the rough spots. She could call on a number of good friends and many family members for help and advice if and when she needed it. She felt secure in her work experience. She could rely on the skills she had acquired and on her connections with industry people from her years at Syncrude, the Athabasca Native Development Corporation, and Denesoline Environment. She had managed staff before and had encountered many of the same issues that would arise in running the band office. The formal training she had received over the years in her finance and accounting courses at Keyano College would enable her to understand the financial aspects of band governance. Peggy was self-aware, recognizing her strengths and weaknesses from the outset. She saw herself as personable and able to speak to people sincerely on a personal level. Public speaking was not difficult for her, and she felt comfortable addressing crowds. She had lived all her adult life in the Wood Buffalo region and knew the issues confronting Aboriginal people there. She came from a well-known family that had been heavily involved in band politics. She was well grounded in the issues both from her own experiences and from what community members had told her of their concerns. She was aware of the vast wealth of the region and wanted to ensure that her community benefited from the resources being extracted from their traditional lands. Her experience

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with band businesses meant that she knew the industry players and had a vast network of personal and business associates with whom she was confident she could work. Peggy also knew that she would have to make herself more accessible to the voters and be willing to move back to the community. She knew her limitations and recognized that she would have to rely on outside expertise on some issues. Numerous experts were already in place and she decided to continue the band’s association with many of those who had worked with the band in the past. Peggy was willing to learn and believed that she had much to contribute to the role of chief. As the challenger, Peggy knew that she would be fighting an uphill battle. For various reasons incumbents win elections more easily than challengers (Carrol and Stirmling 1983). In this case, the incumbent was running for a third term and was well known. For the most part, the incumbent chief has the benefit of name recognition and the backing of industry. Industry does not want to deal with an entirely new band administration; such changes in leadership can disrupt business dealings with the band and perhaps slow down the work. If Peggy won the election, she would have supporters, but she would also have detractors. Some people in the community would have supported the other candidate and might not easily accept the outcome of the election and the loss of their choice for chief. To prepare for election Peggy began taking Chipewyan language classes at Keyano College. Like many Aboriginal people in Canada, she had begun learning her own indigenous language in adulthood. Many people in Fort Chipewyan had attended the residential school that operated in the community for one hundred years from 1874 to 1974, with the result that they had had no opportunity to learn their native language. Peggy believes that culture is closely tied to language and wanted to be able to speak to the community elders in their own tongue. At first she studied the language for herself, but later she thought it would help in her role as chief. She also enlisted the services of a translator to help in dealing with those who did not speak English well enough to understand her message. Although she had taken language classes, she was not yet fluent. Peggy decided that she would run the campaign on a shoestring budget. She refused campaign donations and financed the election herself, saying that she did not want to feel beholden to anyone and did not want people to think that she owed them favours just because they had given her financial support. For the most part she was able to keep

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her expenses to a minimum. She incurred her heaviest expenses travelling to the various communities where band members lived, including Fort Smith, Fort McMurray, Fort McKay, Edmonton, and elsewhere. To keep the costs down she stayed with friends and family members. As required under the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation customary election regulations, Peggy was present at the nomination meeting held at the community hall in Fort Chipewyan. Her sister, Joyce McMaster, nominated her, the nomination was seconded, and Peggy accepted the nomination to run for chief. The nomination was strategic because the nominator was the manager of a band-owned company in Fort Chipewyan and active in the community: being nominated by a respected and influential person in the community is extremely helpful since such people can lobby on behalf of the candidate. Peggy based her campaign platform on her knowledge of the community, its issues, and the concerns raised by band members. She made a point of visiting all the band members’ households in Fort Chipewyan, which gave her an opportunity to speak with them individually and ask them about their needs and expectations. She was warmly received by all the people she visited. There is great disparity in the living standards of the people of Fort Chipewyan. No one is notably wealthy but a few people who work in the oil sands plants and in the resource industry can make close to $100,000 a year. Many others are very poor and some live on social assistance. Peggy was “pretty upset by what I saw in some of the houses. You could tell that some of the members were suffering. Some of the houses had mould in them and in others there was little food. Others had problems with sewer systems” (personal interview, October 2003). She learned about issues from the people she visited. She canvassed door to door and took many notes while she was visiting. Some of the issues turned out to be recurring themes that she was able to incorporate into her printed campaign materials and political speeches. Peggy decided that she must run for chief because she was the best candidate and could offer the band members a fresh alternative to the existing administration. She focused on what she would do differently from the current chief. She decided that she would see as many people as possible and solicit their votes based on her knowledge of the community, issues, and business world. A candidate must become familiar with the community members, so open communication and personal contact is important. Peggy spoke with all the candidates running for council, who were the people she

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would have to work with over the next four years. She wanted to learn who would best get the job done and she wanted them to get to know her and her vision. Peggy’s campaign team was in place before the nomination meeting. After the nomination, however, a number of people came forward to say they were prepared to work on the campaign and help her win the election. It was unfortunate that this campaign was essentially four separate campaigns, one in each of the four communities where most of the band members lived. Peggy solved the problem by having one campaign leader in each of the communities. She and the other leaders spoke regularly on the telephone to help coordinate their efforts and were able to transfer documents by fax and e-mail. Peggy’s campaign manager helped her with scheduling and other day-to-day matters during the election, and her policy advisor helped her with the political issues. Her campaign manager helped schedule visits to each of the communities so that the band members could hear her campaign platform first-hand. She chose her team because she trusted them and liked their outlook and energy. The short campaign period was hectic, and as a candidate she had to depend on trusted volunteers and campaign workers. Peggy said that the volunteers were invaluable. They did a variety of jobs such as contacting voters about their choice of candidate and making phone calls to electors. They also helped her prepare brochures and posters and put up posters in strategic locations in the communities including the friendship centres, bingo halls, and band office. In Fort McMurray, however, her campaign posters disappeared almost as quickly as they were put up. The volunteers also arranged rides for electors who declared themselves to be Peggy’s supporters. Peggy decided to take a personal approach to campaigning. In order to reach as many band members as possible, she obtained a band list and list of addresses from the band office. From this information she was able to determine where most of the band members lived. She set out to meet as many of them as possible. Peggy and her family members attended the Lac Ste Anne Pilgrimage to meet with their extended family and people from the community. This is an annual religious event that takes place in July and draws up to forty thousand people. The attendees, mostly Aboriginals, participate in a variety of services such as Mass, confession, reciting the rosary, and processions. The week-long event is a time for renewing friendships and socializing and it is an opportune time for a person running

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for political office to reach a large group of people in an informal setting. Peggy also telephoned people in Fort Smith to solicit their votes and made personal visits to as many members as possible in Fort McMurray, Fort McKay, and Edmonton. A candidates’ forum was held in Fort Chipewyan and another in Fort McMurray. Both were well attended, but the incumbent chief and councillors were absent. The questions asked by community members were about understanding what the chief and council were doing, especially with band-owned businesses. Many people told Peggy that they were tired of the current chief. They disliked his limited presence in the community and the limited communication between the band leadership and band members. By attending, Peggy was able to communicate her platform and gain an understanding of the members’ concerns. Peggy’s platform was better communication, accountability to the electors, and a commitment to improve the situation of band members. Using her desktop publishing skills, Peggy created all her own campaign materials, which included posters and brochures. The posters carried a caption, her photo, the election date, and her campaign telephone number. This reduced her costs since she did not have to pay for printing. The brochures outlined her views on a variety of issues including economic development, housing, communications, education, elder and youth issues, domestic policy, healthcare, and political vision. Each of these categories was accompanied by a brief statement of her approach to the issue. Her commitment to the people and the community was outlined in her mission statement: “My goal with the accountability statement is to share with you, plans and progress concerning my commitment to protect the environment and respecting people. I will always take pride in administering our band in an open and justifiable way. I regularly seek input from all Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation band members” (personal interview, October 2003). She delivered her campaign speeches at the candidates’ forums held in Fort Chipewyan and Fort McMurray. These outlined much of the same information that was detailed in the campaign materials. She answered questions and clarified her position on the issues. The two weeks between the nomination meeting and election day were hectic. Peggy had to attend many meetings and media appointments and visit band members. The withdrawal of the third candidate, Pat Marcel, from the campaign was a surprise. Peggy said, “I wasn’t sure what to do about Pat. I was flying to Chip and I decided that I

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would go to see him. When I got off the plane, I knew I had to make a decision. I took it as a family matter. I got in the car and went over to Pat’s and knocked on the door. He looked over at me and was shocked. I walked over to him and said that I was sorry for what had happened. I said, you are still family.” She mentioned that it was awkward speaking with Pat because he was a respected elder and a family member as well as an opponent, so that if a rift had opened it would have had to be dealt with. She reconciled the multiple roles of family member and candidate by telling Pat, “The whole purpose of me running for this position is that we have to work together. I’m only here to give you support as a family member. I’m not here for nothing else and I made the decision. Pat got a hold of me and said he never expected to see me, [he] never received calls from anyone else. [Pat said] now we know what type of chief you’re going to be” (personal interview, 28 October 2003). Peggy said that the situation could get ugly during a campaign. There were rumours that she had mismanaged money from a bandowned company that she had worked for in the past. “People believe what they wish to believe,” she said, “and if people do not wish to vote for you any excuse will do” (ibid.). Other rumours were being spread that Peggy would dismiss all those who were currently working for the band and for band companies if she won the election. This frightened many people and the subject was raised by most of the people she met. Talking about the campaign, Peggy mentioned the breakneck pace at which the two weeks passed. “I was very busy. I was travelling constantly between Fort Chipewyan, Fort McMurray, and Edmonton. It got to be very expensive. The flights to Fort Chipewyan were a couple of hundred dollars each. I was flying there every couple of days. Luckily, I was able to stay with friends and family on these trips so I did not have to pay for hotels” (ibid.). The election was held on 24 October 2003. The Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation used three polling stations, each manned by polling clerks: one in the community hall in Fort Chipewyan, one at the Nistawoyou Friendship Centre in Fort McMurray, and the third in the Chateau Louis Hotel in Edmonton. The polls opened at 10:00 am and closed at 10:00 pm. Band members living in Fort Smith were expected to travel to Fort Chipewyan to vote. The positions available were for chief and four band councillors. Archie Cyprien and Peggy Richard were the

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remaining candidates for chief, while fourteen candidates were vying for four council seats. In the final hours before the election Peggy visited a few more people to persuade them to vote. Peggy said, “The campaign chairperson made sure we had enough drivers to bring people to the polls in each of the communities” (ibid.). Finally, the team had done all they could and now they just had to wait. When the polls closed a crowd gathered at the Nistawoyou Friendship Centre in Fort McMurray. A winner could not be declared until all the votes from the advance poll and the voting stations at Fort McMurray, Fort Chipewyan, and Edmonton were counted. The numbers had to be telephoned to Fort Chipewyan from both Fort McMurray and Edmonton after the polls closed. During the hour it took to count the votes in Fort McMurray, there was an uneasy silence between the two camps. Then cellular phones began ringing, and finally it became clear that the incumbent chief had won the election. Out of an eligible 515 voters, 316 votes were cast in a sixty-one percent turnout. The advance polls had the candidates tied at nine votes each. The Edmonton vote was also close with twenty-seven voting for Archie and twenty-two for Peggy. The Fort McMurray vote had Archie slightly ahead with seventy-eight votes compared with sixty-nine for Peggy. The Fort Chipewyan vote was decisive with Archie receiving sixty-four votes and Peggy thirty-eight. The final tally was 178 votes for Archie and 138 for Peggy. The incumbent had won fifty-six percent of the vote while Peggy captured forty-four percent. The council had moved from its former configuration of one woman and three men to two women and two men. All the councillors were new except for one of the women. As an observer, I found it interesting to see who came to vote and when. Some came during their lunch breaks, and many were in work clothes. Many arrived in band-owned company vehicles. Some stopped to talk to Peggy’s family, others did not. Some rushed past without making eye contact. Peggy lost the election by forty votes, which represented twelve percent of the ballots cast. She immediately began second-guessing herself and wondering what she could have done differently. She also asked herself whether doing things differently would have yielded different results. Some of the people who had said that they would vote for her failed to go to the polling station, and her volunteers could not find them

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on election day. One volunteer reported seeing a band member who had been a good personal friend of Peggy’s for years and who offered her great emotional support throughout the campaign. The volunteer said, “He saw me walking towards him and he looked like he saw a ghost. He ran into the men’s washroom and did not come out. Obviously, he did not want to come to vote” (personal interview, Betty Ann Laviolette, October 2003). Needless to say, Peggy was very disappointed. She had wanted to make positive changes to address band members’ concerns. The campaign had been costly and she had decided not to accept any campaign donations. The expenses were not insurmountable because she had been able to rely on the help of her campaign volunteers. The campaign had also caused her to neglect her business: “My business was suffering because I spent all of my time working on the campaign. Fortunately I was able to foot the election bills with my own resources” (telephone interview, Peggy Richard, November 2003). Perhaps the most difficult issue was coping with the feelings of frustration and embarrassment at the loss. Nobody wants to lose an election. Her preliminary investigations before she decided to run had shown that she had a good chance of winning. She had not expected to lose because everyone she spoke to said that the band was ready for a change of leadership. However, electors also fear change. In hindsight, Peggy admits that she should have followed up with band members with a mail-out or telephone calls as a reminder to vote. This was particularly true of those band members living in Fort Smith and Edmonton. About twenty percent of the band members lived in Edmonton and half of them could have swung the vote her way. However, she also acknowledged that incumbents usually win elections unless they have done something to anger the entire band or unless the band sees change as the only viable alternative. In a postelection interview, I explored many aspects of the campaign with Peggy. I asked her what had surprised her the most. She replied: “The support I received from people. The people were great. They helped me a lot. The elders were very good to me. They gave me faith. After being nominated, some of the elders called for me and gave me advice. One elder started talking to me about my great-grandfather, Jonas Laviolette. She said he was the best chief that they ever had. He would go hunting and fishing and try and feed everyone. She told me that she saw those same things in me. That made me feel good” (ibid.).

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She was also surprised at how dirty the campaign had become near the end: “It hit me smack in the face. They tried to slander my name. They said I stole, and they don’t realize that is not me. I would not do that. The elders said that if I didn’t do it then not to worry. They try every tactic to make you lose the election” (ibid.). She had wanted people to know that she was serious about the election and that she was well prepared. She knew the social conditions of the community because she had visited the households. “I know I would make a good chief,” she said. “I have the education and the experience with business administration. After all, the band is like running a business. You are like the chief operating officer of a large company. You have to know a bit about each of the areas but you also have to let others do their work. The workplace has to be conducive to helping people to do their work.” Although she lost the election there were some positive outcomes. As Peggy stated, “It is a tiring process but it is also very exciting. It is nice to talk to all the people and get to know their issues and concerns. They get to know you better as a person too. That can only help a community” (ibid.). She added that family networks were important and that the election was a family affair: most people involved in her campaign were family members – not surprisingly since she was related to many of the band members. It was a good opportunity for family members to work together for a common goal. Although she was not elected, Peggy Richard fits the profile of a female chief in Canada. She is middle-aged and has worked in the community. I asked whether she believed that being a woman made a difference in the election. Her answer was contradictory. On the one hand, Peggy believed that the best person for the job would be elected, whether male or female. But she also said that she had to deal with certain issues that might not be expected of a man. “It’s amazing, really amazing. I’ll tell you one thing, being a woman is a lot tougher. People let their guards down with you as a woman. I had some band members sit there and cry to me. They open up to me a lot more. I think I’m getting the real story from the people. It broke my heart” (ibid.). Peggy is like many First Nations women who return to the community after gaining knowledge and experience in mainstream society through formal training and a variety of jobs. She left Fort Chipewyan as a teenager in the mid-1970s to pursue an education. She comes from a political family and is well known in the community. Perhaps

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her biggest stumbling block was that she did not live in the community. The postelection analysis revealed that people were worried that she would not be around to help but would spend most of her time in Fort McMurray. However, receiving forty-four percent of the votes was a significant achievement. It shows that there was enough discontent with the incumbent administration for a sizable proportion of the electorate to vote for an alternative, which means that Peggy reached a large enough group of people and convinced them that she was the right person for the job. A mere twenty-one votes could have yielded a very different result. As the saying goes, “Better the devil you know than the devil you don’t know.” This appeared to be the case in our band election. Some of those who had benefited from programs or employment during the incumbent chief’s leadership would not want things to change. Those opposed to the current chief decided to vote for him rather than for a new person. They were probably apprehensive of change. The insights I gained in documenting Peggy’s campaign experiences were invaluable to me as a researcher. Knowing the community and the issues helped Peggy in her bid for office. Other factors such as allegiance to the incumbent and the rumour mill worked against her. I wanted to give the reader some indication of the pressures placed on a person running for the office of chief. Peggy’s candid comments showed her commitment in seeking office, but also the disappointment and self-doubt that can accompany a loss.

7 Public Life: Taking and Maintaining Office

We have been looking at the struggle to win an election to this point. The real work begins, however, when a new chief takes office. The challenges she faces are similar to those confronting any employee who has started a new job or has recently received a promotion. Although the new chiefs may be familiar with the work environment and the employees of the band office, they will come up against many new issues. Some of these issues might have been anticipated such as becoming familiar with established administrative policies and procedures; others might be completely unexpected. A small majority of the women (fifty-six percent) were not the first female chiefs in their community. Review of the data for the women who were the first female chiefs shows that most (seventy-nine percent) had been elected in the mid-1990s. This is consistent with the figures provided by the Assembly of First Nations, which indicate that the number of female chiefs in the First Nations community in Canada doubled at the time. Fewer than half the respondents (forty-four percent) were the first women to lead their communities; one was the fourth female chief to be elected by her community. When interviewed, forty-eight of sixty-four female chiefs (seventy-five percent) had been in the job for fewer than five years. Eleven had been chief for between six and ten years, and five for eleven years or more. Sixteen women had been on the job for about five years. This indicates that they had run at least one and perhaps two election campaigns. Female chiefs in the First Nations community are a relatively new phenomenon, although their numbers have increased dramatically in the past five years. Thirtyfive percent of my sample had run in at least two campaigns.

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transition to the new job One oddity of reserve politics experienced by some of the women in this study was that an incoming chief cannot always depend on the outgoing chief and council to brief her and her new council members or to bring them up to date on pending band business or current issues. Defeated chiefs are sometimes bitter about losing the election and will not orient newcomers to the office. “The ex-chief and his family cannot seem to accept [the] fact that he lost the election. They are taking it hard and taking it out on me,” said a newly elected female chief. This situation is less likely to arise in mainstream politics where the outgoing administration is expected to help the incoming government learn about policies, issues, and other business at hand. In mainstream politics there is a transition period between administrations, but in reserve politics there is sometimes a complete breakdown of communication between the new and old governments. One stated, “The former chief didn’t inform me on projects she was working on, but with the help of my council and staff I got the hang of it within about six months.” Some of the women said that they did not receive much support from workers in the band administration and that there seemed to be much resistance to change among them. “There are always disgruntled people who want to throw a wrench into the wheels of an accomplishment,” one participant noted. New chiefs may want to change band administrators when they doubt their loyalty or suspect that they retain allegiance to the former chief. When this happens, the incoming chief and council are at a disadvantage because there are few who can help the neophytes familiarize themselves with the business of the office. If there is a lack of continuity with band business, any negotiations with industry or government may be halted for a time. There is also a serious loss of institutional memory and expertise when existing or long-term employees are let go. People who live in a small community see one another almost every day. The new leaders must sometimes work or have frequent contact with failed candidates, their relatives, or their supporters. The situation can be tense, but many accept that somebody had to lose. One is reminded of the temporary nature of the position these women hold. They could lose their position at the next election, which could be as little as two years away. As a result of politicking, some of the female chiefs thought that people on the council sometimes tried to undermine them. As one

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woman put it, “These people don’t want things to change, even if things are not good. They are not afraid to judge everything you do.” One woman said the former chief was now on her council and that he was “a royal pain,” opposing everything she tried to do. “It’s like he is throwing up obstacles in front of me. He is supposed to try to help me but instead he tries to make things harder. He’s undermining me.” This situation shows that chiefs can be in a difficult position with councillors since both are elected by band members. As chief, they must work successfully with whomever is elected to the council regardless of past history or personality. The chief does not have the authority to fire an unruly or uncooperative councillor.

community issues There was great consistency in the community issues encountered by the participants regardless of whether they lived on remote, special access, rural, or urban reserves. The women saw many problems in their communities. They were not deterred by the tasks expected of them. One woman said, “The best way to deal with problems in the community is to get the problem out in the open.” They could deal with an issue once it had been generally acknowledged, and they found that assigning people to deal with that particular problem was the best way to handle it. Many issues require attention – including improved educational delivery, better services to deal with the changing demographics of the reserve community, and daycare availability for parents who are working or going to school. One primary problem was underfunding, which had been brought about in part by the devolution policy incorporated by Indian Affairs and Northern Development in the late 1980s. This policy saw both a decentralization of decision making from Ottawa to regional offices and a transfer of many administrative duties from regional Indian Affairs offices to the reserves. Unfortunately the increased administrative duties were not accompanied by increased budgets. Meanwhile, program delivery monies destined for the reserves were also scarce. The band administration was expected to do more with less. This put more pressure on them to raise funds for programming. As we saw in an earlier chapter, the female chiefs expressed deep concern for the colonial legacy left by residential schools and other assimilationist approaches. They believe that as a result of such policies many people have fallen prey to alcohol and drug abuse. There was

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also concern over the exchanging of one vice for another. They talked about how drinking and drug use are sometimes replaced by gambling at video lottery machines, casinos, or bingo. Such activities are highly addictive and cause parents to neglect their children and other responsibilities. The female chiefs emphasized the need for a healthy community in which children are well cared for by their parents or extended family and social problems are under control. “The community needs to heal. Members must deal with their past and help create a safe community. Women and children should not live in fear of abuse.” They said that although economic development by way of jobs and other economic projects was needed, everything depended on having healthy people obtaining and maintaining those jobs and providing a happy, healthy, loving environment for their children. When the female chiefs were asked to name what they considered the most important concerns in their communities, five major themes emerged: social, economic, infrastructural, cultural, and legal. In the social realm, dealing with the problem of drugs and alcohol, the women said that they needed to get resource people into the community and that these people must be role models. They also expected their own staff members to lead clean and sober lives so that they would not be ridiculed or criticized in the community. The women led by example. They promoted healthy lifestyles in families by dealing with issues of family violence, starting with the children. Explaining to children the difference between acceptable and unacceptable behaviour was important. It was also a priority to help women in abusive relationships and to give them options for combating abuse or escaping to a safe environment to start a new life. Many of the participants said that they had had to lobby the government for better education on the reserves and for increased funding for those interested in postsecondary education. They placed strong emphasis on good education and practised what they preached – they were generally well educated. They explained that they try to persuade band members with postsecondary training return to the community to work. The skills and knowledge gained by these university and collegetrained people were much needed on the reserve. The economic issues included unemployment, poverty, and economic development. There was consensus among the female chiefs that if unemployment rates could be reduced in the community, some improvement in social issues would follow. They said that they needed to negotiate with industry so as to have band members working for

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industries that were operating on their land. They believed that local communities should benefit from development on their traditional lands. They mentioned the need for health, social, and educational programming. Infrastructure problems included the shortage of housing and substandard existing housing. Participants said they had negotiated with government about housing and also with Crown corporations such as the Canadian Mortgage and Housing Corporation to help build houses. Buildings such as band administration offices, public halls, arenas, and schools were also often inadequate or old and deteriorating. The women also worked hard to improve roads and the quality of water in their communities. With regard to legal issues, the female chiefs dealt specifically with self-government and the settlement of land claims. They lobbied, negotiated, and on occasion initiated legal claims against both the federal and provincial governments to force them to honour the treaties. They said that they needed to keep themselves informed about developments at the regional, provincial, and national levels with representative groups such as the Assembly of First Nations. Finally, with respect to cultural issues, they feared the loss of culture and of language. This was an important issue, especially with the youth. A stronger link was needed between the elders and traditionalists in the community and the youth. Such contact would help foster in young people an interest in their culture and the hope that Aboriginal languages would be kept alive. Many of the problems on the reserve were not new to the women chiefs when they came into their positions; they had lived in the community and were aware of them. As chiefs, however, they were expected to take action. People expected quick results on unemployment and negotiations with industry. Many chiefs had to solve problems to do with fisheries, mining, and natural gas. They said that familiarizing themselves in a short time with myriad consultants and the quantities of information they provided was daunting. There never seemed to be enough money or resources, either human or financial, and managing all the tasks together was a challenge. Many female chiefs said that another professional challenge was being able to keep abreast of the new information that came in. They were inundated with information from a number of organizations and had to keep up to date with it. They also had to be aware of and understand the limitations of their own expertise. They had to judge

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when they needed to call in help and to realize that they could not know everything. In the interest of making the best-informed decisions possible, they knew they had to hone their skills in information gathering, data analysis, problem solving, and decision making. Lobbying for money and advocating for the community were professional challenges faced by these women. As the official spokespeople for their communities, finding funding sources or developing revenue streams was now a large part of their job. Advocacy, lobbying government and industry, and negotiating partnerships in economic ventures were responsibilities they would have to try to master in order to be effective chiefs. Negotiations with industry and government were particularly difficult for some of the women who did not think that they had the necessary skills and thus needed people to help them. Many believed that they had to demonstrate their credibility and ability, particularly the young female chiefs. All agreed that they had to try very hard to maintain their professional ethics. The women said that at times it would have been easier to do things without the consent of other people, but they knew they needed support, which required consulting people and including them in the process. Everything had to be done in an ethical and open manner. The women in this study wanted to separate the administration from the politics of the band, saying that doing so would give them more time to deal with problems. A separation of powers might also leave the decision making where it should be, in the hands of those responsible for making decisions. The women sought clearer roles, responsibilities, and reporting between the administrators and the community. They strove to develop professionalism in their bureaucracy where administrative skills were perfected. The female chiefs were able to maintain leadership because of the formal and informal training they had received. As noted earlier, their formal education ranged from less than grade nine to graduate university degrees, and a number of the chiefs even had law degrees. Seventy percent had completed grade twelve. The younger chiefs had higher levels of education than the older chiefs. Slightly more than half the women, fifty-nine percent, had some form of postsecondary education or training in business administration, political science, community development, or law. Although their formal training provided them with the fundamental skills for the job, and while half of them felt their

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academic training had prepared them for their role as chief, many believed that “you just have to go with your gut.” It was generally agreed that the formal credentials they had received in mainstream society did not ensure success and support in the First Nations community. As one woman put it, “The credentials are more for the outside world; nonIndians seem to respect you more if you have an education.” Some chiefs believed, as many educated First Nations people do, that they had to prove themselves to the community and win the trust of their detractors. They had to prove that they had not sold out to mainstream society. Community members needed reassurance that the chief’s heart and mind were still in the community. Many female chiefs felt they had to break into the old boys’ club. For the most part, the First Nations community is conservative, maleoriented, and often paternalistic. One woman said that when she was at a chiefs’ meeting and made a suggestion, “everyone stopped and listened to what I had to say and then the discussion carried on like I had not said a word. A little later, a male chief suggested exactly the same thing I had and he was acknowledged. They reacted like his suggestion was the most brilliant thing they had ever heard.” The younger and middle-aged women found this difficult since many of the men they dealt with were the same age or older than they were. They felt the onus was on them as women to change sexist attitudes. They had to let people know that they were capable of doing the job and had accomplishments (education, employment success, and healthy life management) to their credit. These sexist attitudes come from inside the Aboriginal community and from mainstream society. Within the community some members need to learn to accept women as legitimate elected leaders with much to contribute. In mainstream society, the sexism is much more subtle – women finding themselves stuck in secretarial positions, for example, and coming up against the “glass ceiling” that prevents them from advancing up the company ladder, whether because of race, age, or gender (Voyageur 1997). Some of the women commented that longer terms allowed them more time to familiarize themselves with the job. They also felt more at ease with longer terms because they were able to show the community some results. “When terms are short, you spend the first year getting to know the job and the second year trying to make things happen,” as one woman put it. “The next thing you know, it’s time for another election.” Another respondent remarked, “With shorter terms, the leadership is on a continuous learning curve. This makes it difficult

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for new leaders because they need transition time to learn the ropes but many must hit the ground running.” Those female chiefs who were subjected to two-year terms found it difficult to achieve much in the way of results in such a short period. The key to success for many female chiefs is long-term and shortterm planning. The long-term goals take more planning and require greater resources, whereas short-term goals can be realized quickly and the community can see faster results. Building a new school or nursing station, for example, takes time and commitment of capital since it is a long-term project. The women say their persistence in lobbying for funds has paid off. This tenacity has allowed some communities to launch much-needed programs and create infrastructure and services such as building a fire hall and buying a fire truck.

relations with the community members When asked whether they believed that people treated them differently once they had become chiefs, seventy-two percent of the women said yes: they had experienced a combination of positive and negative changes in their treatment. Many said that people were often friendlier and they were shown more respect by people in the community. Others believed that they were not being taken any more seriously than before. Most of the women said that they were treated with respect, but some said that it depended on the circumstances. If they made what was viewed as a favourable decision, people were happy, but if it was viewed as unfavourable, people could be resentful and disrespectful. For the most part, people inside and outside their own communities treated the women well. In their experiences with Indian Affairs and Northern Development, many female chiefs said that they were treated disrespectfully by some of the bureaucrats. They were not sure whether this was because they were Indians or because they were women. They said that over time they had been able to build relationships with government officials and gain their confidence, and those relationships improved with time. They were treated better by junior bureaucrats in the government than by more senior people. One chief commented, “I think they are starting to realize that we as Indians are gaining authority in legislation, policy, and in the courts. We are now being asked our opinion and not just being told what to do by the department.” At the beginning, relations were strained with government officials, and the women were not

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sure whether it was because the relationship was new and they needed to build some common ground. A woman with good interpersonal skills could overcome such obstacles and build new relationships. At the outset, it seemed that some industry officials were uneasy. Some chiefs believed that industry preferred to deal with men rather than women. They also said they had to be firm in some of their dealings with industry and felt that industry representatives sometimes treated them condescendingly. Again, they were not sure whether it was because of their gender or because they were First Nations people. For the most part the women said that they were well treated and accepted by the elders and that they went to them for advice. However, certain elders believed that women should not be elected to the leadership and this could lead to problems. When asked whether they were treated differently by their families after being elected, twenty of the sixty-four women said yes. They thought that people expected more of them and expected different things than they had before. Some of the women had been asked for favours; others said that their family members had treated them more respectfully and were very proud of them. The women in the study found support in many quarters during their terms as chief. Fifty percent said they received the most support from family members, including cousins, aunts, uncles, brothers, and grandmothers. Most of the women said that they received their greatest support from their husbands, who were trustworthy and always there to help them, and who listened and provided good advice. Some of the women found mentors and advisors within the community, others relied on the band councillors for their experience. When the new female chiefs and the councillors worked together and supported one another through difficult situations, they found that they had much in common, and that by working together they could solve problems. The new chiefs worked hard to build these relationships. Participants said that the elders encouraged them and that initially it was elders who had asked them to run for office. They believed that the elders helped them by endorsing, teaching, and supporting them. The elders were sounding boards helping the women to work through some of the decisions that they had to make. When it came to family members, the participants said that they found them for the most part dependable and protective. They knew that they could rely on family to help them through hard times. They could trust family members to be honest and tell them if they were

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making a wrong decision. The family also provided a sense of balance and a safe refuge. Some chiefs also believed that they could rely on people who had worked on their election campaigns because they too had a stake in the chief’s success. Resistance in the community also came from several quarters. Within the band office some staff members did not like working for the new female chief. At times there was discord among members of council, some of whom were resistant to new ideas, policies, or change. Other people had reason to oppose change in the community as well. Many female chiefs wanted to work towards a healthier community but, as noted earlier, people who were involved with alcohol and drugs or other forms of illegal activity resisted reform. The women chiefs were sometimes threatened and efforts were made to intimidate them. Some of the women said they met resistance because they were trying to bring in new policies and procedures and make changes in the community. They believed, however, that they had to fulfill their mandate and their obligation to help create a healthier community.

professional issues of a chief Many female chiefs had difficulty dealing with media attention, which is at times probing and often negative. Some of the women were reluctant to speak with media representatives because they believed that Indians were always shown in a bad light. ”I’m shocked at some of the things I read in the paper because they are practically the opposite of what I said,” recalled one chief. Negative press was taxing for the women who spent so much time and energy trying to improve matters for the community and the people. The female chiefs found their salaries, about $54,000 per annum, low for the amount and type of work they did. One could make a better salary working in government or in the private sector. There is little job security in being an Indian chief. As one women put it, “We do administration much like the chief executive officer of a large company. We make a fraction of what they make. If you listen to the Canadian Alliance you’d think we live like millionaires. We place ourselves in a precarious situation by taking this job. We have no job security, no pension and no benefits.” Many of the women dislike the amount of travelling that the job requires. Being away from their children, families, and community is difficult for them. Leadership has taken a toll on their families and disrupted their family life. “My family complains that I do not spend

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any time with them anymore,” said one female chief. Not only do the women have less time with their families but they also have less time for themselves. The absence of the chief arouses complaints from the community. Chiefs must leave the community to meet with government and industry officials to help plan development projects. They also travel to attend regional, tribal, and national chiefs’ assemblies to discuss common issues. Yet the members of the community expect the chief and council to be available and accessible to them at all times. Public speaking is most people’s number-one fear, and the women chiefs were no exception. Chiefs are expected to do a great deal of public speaking, yet many of the women were unaccustomed to it or uncomfortable with it. ”On one of my first duties as chief I was expected to speak to a group at a neighbouring town. I arrive to a packed house and realized they were all there to hear me speak. I was terrified. Public speaking was not one of my strengths,” recalled one participant. Most had done little public speaking in their previous jobs; at most they had been required to make presentations to small groups and co-workers. The female chiefs were expected to represent their communities on a local, regional, national, sometimes international stage. The topic of an address can make it even more difficult for female chiefs. Dealing with contentious issues such as whether to allow resource development to begin or whether to make certain budgetary cuts can add conflict to an already uncomfortable situation. Some community members might disagree with or even show anger towards the chief and council. Nevertheless, the women had to overcome their fear and learn to speak publicly on behalf of their community. When these female chiefs said that they enjoyed challenges, they were referring to personal and professional challenges. Personal challenges included increasing their self-knowledge, gaining confidence, and learning to trust their own judgment. Professional challenges included learning more about political and community issues. One of the most common challenges for the women was gaining recognition in their position as chief. Some of them found this extremely difficult. They had moved from the private sphere and as workers and administrators many had never been involved in any type of politics. They realized soon after being elected that they were no longer private citizens. Their lives, actions, and decisions were under continual public scrutiny. They were not totally unprepared for the recognition and attention they received, but they were surprised at the extent of it. They

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were now members of a much larger team. In the past they could simply do what needed to be done, but now they had to consult with many more people before decisions could be made. Many of the women said that because they were compassionate and empathetic, they found it difficult to say no to anyone, and they were at times frustrated because there was only so much they could do for an individual. They felt personally responsible for people but had to learn to be more objective and become less personally involved. There are rewards to being a chief, as well as challenges. As leaders, the female chiefs achieve status and meet dignitaries, industry leaders, and high-ranking government officials. They gain their status by serving in the most prestigious position in the community. Their decisions have a great effect on their community, and they have the opportunity to generate excitement about their vision. The women liked being in a position to help improve life in the community for everyone. Many liked the challenge of building a dynamic community. One said, “It is a thrill to see something completed that started as an idea.” Another woman stated, “I have always been a doer, I like taking action and getting things done.” The participants liked many aspects of their jobs, and some common themes emerged. One of the strongest themes was that of personal and community healing. A community expects a great deal of its chief – among other things, that the chief will make things better than they were in the past. People want a healthy community as a way of dealing with the self-destructive consequences of the oppression and abuse inflicted in the past by government, churches, or residential schools. Chiefs were expected to take steps to improve the health and wellbeing of the community, and for many of the participants health and well-being became a priority. They liked talking with people and hearing their views. As energetic and active people they enjoyed new challenges and solving problems; they believed that they could use their skills to organize, plan, and implement measures to help the community. Some of the women said that they enjoyed the respect and status that came with the job and the confidence they gained as a result. Most, however, said that they liked working with the elders, youth, and the community in general to bring about change.

coping mechanisms Female chiefs have developed a number of coping mechanisms to help them deal with the pressures of their job. They learned early that

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they could not do everything themselves and needed technical and emotional support. As a result, they developed a support network of trusted friends, colleagues, and family members. The women rely on their spouses and children for emotional support. Trusted friends and family members who have also served as leaders can be valued advisors. Many of the women chiefs relied heavily on elders in the community for advice and emotional and spiritual support. Many cited their spirituality as a source of strength. Some relied on traditional ceremonies, whereas others attended organized church services. All said they prayed for guidance. The women also said that they tried to surround themselves with trusted, loyal, healthy, and competent workers. They delegated as much work as they could to council members and administrators. Allowing band councillors to work on specific portfolios enables them to gain expertise in those areas and relieves the chief of those responsibilities. A team approach means that chiefs can get more done. The chiefs say they are not afraid to seek expertise in whatever area it is needed. However, whereas a chief executive officer can fire a senior manager who does not perform, a chief cannot fire a councillor. The women chiefs must expend energy inspiring others about their vision and priorities and creating a culture of professional responsibility where each holds the other accountable. Regular checks and a process of performance management need to be developed. The women said it was crucial to take time for their families and for themselves in order to cope with the stress of an overwhelming workload. This sometimes meant going away from the community since people have no qualms about calling at the chief’s house if they need something. Having time outside the community means one will not be stopped on the street to talk about someone’s concerns. One chief warned: “Make sure you have time for yourself because if you get sick and get your life out of balance, it will be a hard time for you to take time off to get yourself well. Also make sure you have time for your family and your spouse because if those relationships falter, it can have great problems for you at home and nobody wants that.” Another said: “Don’t allow yourself to be walked on by anybody. This of course means people from government, people from industry as well as people from the community. It is a delicate balance between being assertive and knowing what you need to do and making the best call for all parties involved.” Participants said they needed to set boundaries between themselves, their families, and the community. They had to inform the community that they were not permanently available and could only be

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approached about particular issues during office hours. Their families resented having to share what little time they had with their mothers or grandmothers with community members who wanted unrestricted access to their chief. This problem will be exacerbated as self-governing powers increase.

does being a woman make a difference? Some female chiefs spoke about the issue of male dominance in their communities. Although women administrators and mid-level management run many of the communities, men still have considerable influence. Most of the women in this study did not believe that being female had much to do with their getting elected. One woman said, “I think they simply chose the person that they thought would do the best job, that person just happened to be a woman.” Another believed, however, that some men in the community did not vote for her because she was female: “There are those male chauvinists in our community just like there are in every community. It’s too bad for them that I’m now the chief.” When the female chiefs were asked whether they believed that their being women had made a difference to the electorate, they had various responses. Five of the sixty-four said that being a woman was an advantage, while two saw it as a disadvantage; fifty-two did not think it had been an issue for the voters. They believed that they had been elected because they were seen as the best candidate for the job and good role models and because community members saw them as capable of effecting change in the community. Seventy-seven percent said that being a woman played a role in their experiences after they became chief, that it made a difference in what was expected of them. They explained that they were expected to be more maternal than the male chiefs. They were expected to deal with social issues and healing in the community. They were perceived to be more approachable and more willing to listen. They were expected to be gentler, more compassionate and sincere, more motherly, and more humanitarian in their policies and decision making. They were also expected to maintain family obligations and attend to family needs. They were expected to understand the plight of women on the reserve and to help improve their lives. They were still expected to deal with major issues such as high unemployment and housing shortages but above all they were expected to deal with social issues such as family violence, education, social services, and community healing. Some of

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the younger chiefs felt they had two strikes against them, age and gender, when dealing with individuals outside the community. They had to work hard to gain credibility with those they encountered through their job. Those female chiefs who said that gender played a role in their experiences said that they were sometimes dismissed by people outside their community because they were female. Industry representatives were mentioned as being disrespectful. One woman said that she had to play hardball with an industry representative to let him know that she had some power of her own. Also, some spoke of being treated disrespectfully by Indian Affairs representatives. Such treatment is consistent with the paternalistic attitude of some government workers, although this has improved over time. Perhaps the most startling finding was that many female chiefs feared for their physical safety as they took office. Many said they had been intimidated both overtly and covertly. There were reports of verbal abuse and threats of physical violence. One chief stated that someone had tried to run her down when she was out walking on her reserve; one spoke of her home being vandalized; another said that her house had been ransacked and burned to the ground; yet another found a bullet on her doorstep with a note telling her to “back off.” A third received a letter telling her to “burn in hell,” while another had been attacked by a community member whom she subsequently charged with assault. Sometimes the intimidation moved into the council chambers. One participant commented, “Some of these men on council get so mad when you do not go along with them. Sometimes they bang on the table. I was pretty scared when this big hulking man was looking down at me trying to get me to change my mind. I did not change it.” Forty-two percent of the female chiefs said that they had been concerned about their personal safety at one time or another when they were chief. When I asked for details, some said that the former chief had harassed them; that he was bitter about his defeat. They also said that people had come to their houses, threatening them and their families. At times their children were picked on at school. One woman said she received prank phone calls. For her the most threatening people were drug dealers and those who abused drugs and alcohol. Such people were particularly bothersome and she was afraid of them because they were unpredictable. The women also needed to protect their families and keep them safe. This was an important problem they wanted to address.

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In sum, the women assumed a lot of responsibility when they were elected. Some of the situations they faced when they took office were more than many of them had bargained for. Learning the ropes was overwhelming at the beginning. Chiefs had to work closely with others, acknowledge their limitations, and trust colleagues to complete the tasks assigned to them. But these women were resilient and able to draw on their own skills. The confidence that came with age, prior job experience, and faith in their own abilities was essential to their transition to the job of chief. By far the most frequently cited issues in these communities were social issues, including drug and alcohol abuse and family violence, lack of services, and education. There was a strong desire for community unity and community healing, which is consistent with what women as leaders are expected to foster. It takes courage to make change in a community and these women had to call on their strengths to forge ahead with change in the face of resistance. They made tough decisions and stuck to their plans. Eventually, their perseverance began to pay off.

8 Public Life versus Private Life

As a politician and community leader, a female chief moves from the private realm of home and family into the public realm of spokesperson, administrator, and advocate. Lured away from the traditional concerns of women in society – church, kitchen, and children – she has expanded her sphere of influence from the domestic to the public. In their seminal book Clout: Womanpower and Politics (1974), Tolchin and Tolchin state that women’s loyalties have been challenged in many ways, that women’s lives have expanded and moved from the purely domestic role to that of community participant. Women have made the move from private to public realm and political activity is part of their domain. A woman has to change her regular activities when she takes on the job of chief. The majority of women in this study held a job prior to becoming chief so the challenge of balancing work and home life was not new. The volume of work and the variety of demands on her time and attention increased exponentially. Although nobody expects a female chief to be perfect, people do expect her to be a model citizen. Everything she does outside the home, and sometimes inside, is subject to scrutiny and comment. As a public person she must be efficient at all times, particularly if she hopes to be re-elected. Some people will be nay-sayers regardless of the chief’s behaviour. Like other members of their communities, chiefs may embrace elements of Christianity as well as traditionalist beliefs. As public figures, though, they find themselves being criticized both for their “backward” traditionalist practices and for not being sufficiently ensconced in their own traditions. In fact First Nations accommodate a range of spiritual beliefs both traditional and Western.

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Change is an omnipresent force for female leaders and their success or failure may be determined by their ability to strike a balance between what they need for their own well-being, the energy and time they can give to their family and loved ones, and the demands of the community. The challenges they face affect their personal and family life, their community involvement, and their friendships. Effects on personal life. Female chiefs no longer have the free time they once had. The women in this study said that thanks to the many obligations and demands on their time, they essentially had no private life. This was difficult for them and for their families. They found it hard to maintain a normal family life. As one woman stated, “It is like we spend all of our time looking after other people but not looking after ourselves.” One of the most common personal challenges these women face is the higher profile that comes with the position of chief. Moving from the private sphere into the public realm raises issues of privacy that are hard for some of the women to deal with. Many of the female chiefs believed that they needed to develop patience in dealing with issues. Because they were now in active positions and members of a team, it was sometimes frustrating for women who were used simply to doing what needed to be done. They had to learn to be patient and trust the process; to consult with various people before things could be achieved. They also felt that they had to be all things to all people. Many of the women were compassionate and said that when they found people living in harsh conditions, for example, they felt personally responsible for doing something about it. One woman in particular said that she had to lead with her mind and not with her heart, which she found very hard to do. Being objective and rational about decisions affecting the community meant not getting too personally involved. This could be difficult in one’s own community where many people might be friends or relatives. That these women felt responsible for other people weighed heavily with them in the sometimes difficult decisions that they had to make. The demands that were made on them as individuals sometimes conflicted. Their individual values were challenged and they had to live with the consequences, both professional and personal. In some cases they had to make decisions about the lives of family members and decisions that might not be what their family members or friends had been

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hoping for. As one said, “It is like you expand your family to include the entire community. You must look out for their well-being. You are responsible for them so you must make your decisions accordingly.” Advocating for their communities could also be difficult. As noted in the previous chaper, speaking in public was a problem for many of the women chiefs. When they spoke, people listened, so they had to weigh their words closely and be careful not to say anything out of turn. These women had to try to maintain a healthy body and a healthy mind to avoid stress. Stressful issues had to be addressed in a proper and healthy way. By delegating duties at work and at home, they could take some time out for their own needs. People can be harsh in their criticism, and the female chiefs said that they had to develop a thick skin. They had to be confident that the decisions they made were in the best interests of the community and the best decisions for those particular circumstances. In this way they could deflect the criticism and deal with the stress. Defending themselves and their decisions was something that they had to do. They also needed to win credibility and inspire confidence with the people in their community. One chief said that she was her own harshest critic and that she would have to start having a little faith in herself and refrain from so much self-criticism. Essentially, these female chiefs were operating outside of their comfort zones. They had to deal with a number of new people and new organizations and were continually on edge and on unfamiliar ground. Because of this many of the women said they felt challenged professionally. Over time, once they had become familiar with the players and issues, they were able to address the issues more confidently. At the same time, they learned to whom they could delegate work. Effects on family life. Seventy-three percent of the women in this study said that being chief had disrupted their family life, and that they had less time to spend with their families. When they did spend with their families it was often in public; meanwhile, their home life was frequently interrupted by community members coming by to ask questions or request information. Their husbands and families had to adjust to their wives or mothers or grandmothers being away from them more than in the past. Family members were also expected to take on more of the domestic chores than they usually did. The women chiefs said that their families often took second place to their jobs because of the heavy demands on a chief. They said that they

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would have liked more help with some of the issues that needed attention. But they were restricted in terms of what they could discuss with family members or husbands. The chiefs were most likely to discuss issues with their husbands, but the women were no longer at liberty to discuss such matters with outside people, friends, or extended family. Change is inherent to the life of the female chief and her family. When a woman decides to run for office, she must decide which changes she is prepared to make. For those who are married it is vital to have the support of the spouse. If a female politician’s spouse is unhappy with her career choice, her chances of successfully fulfilling her duties are limited. The women in this study said that they needed the agreement of children and spouses before they took the job of chief. This did not lessen the family’s resentment, however, at the encroachment of the job on family time. Here, then, is the paradox. On the one hand, female chiefs are expected to be more compassionate and more understanding about the social needs of the community. Indeed, some community members expect female chiefs to be easily swayed because they are female. On the other hand, they are also expected to make impartial, unbiased decisions. These women are for the most part mothers and grandmothers. They also have parents, siblings, and grandparents. As a result, they are expected to continue as active members in their families, carrying out their family duties and responsibilities, cleaning the house, buying groceries, etc. So again, most female chiefs struggle with being both housewives and career women. Effects on involvement with the community. The female chiefs for the most part were active in their communities before being elected. Eighty percent said that they were able to maintain their previous level of community involvement after becoming chief. In varying degrees the women remained involved in family, community, and women’s events. Some, however, said that there was simply not enough time to do everything that was expected of them. They felt the need for some social separation from community members, so they were selective about what they got involved in. Effects on friendship. Some female chiefs said that being elected chief had cost them friends. A chief is expected to act in the best interests of the entire community, but community interests might conflict with the interests of friends. For example, a friend’s logging company might

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suffer financially if a particular project did not go ahead, or a chief who did not want to be seen as favouring a friend might not award a contract to the friend’s company. Even if the friend were ready, willing, and able to fulfill the contract, community members might view such an award as patronage. Thus the friendship could become strained by ill feelings. People told the women that they had a general mistrust of politicians, and that as chiefs they were now included in that dubious group. Jokes are always made about chief and council employing their relatives on the reserve, and such favouritism can include the chief’s friends. A friend’s merit and credentials may fall under suspicion when community members judge that the friend is employed solely because he or she is a friend of the chief. The female chief is limited in the conversations she can have with her friends especially about band business or any confidential or controversial matters. This is unfortunate since friends often act as sounding boards in helping to work out problems and make decisions. This avenue is closed to the female chief, and her confidante can no longer be her friend. That duty is taken over by advisors and band councillors. Some women were told by their friends that they had changed since they became chief. They probably had: certainly as chiefs they were busier and had a lot to learn. They did not have enough time for themselves let alone for friends. Unfortunately, for some female chiefs this meant losing one of their best means of support. The female chiefs’ personal advice to other women. I asked the women what advice they would give to other women contemplating going into band politics. The answers ranged from the need to toughen up, be strong, and go with their own judgment, to making sure that they delegated power. The women said that a female chief needs to be grounded in her family and community. She also needs to be informed on community issues and to be responsible for the decisions that she makes. There is much to learn and she needs to be prepared to learn and not to assume that she knows everything. Such women need to be themselves and believe in their qualities and their own decisions. Another piece of advice concerned the need to communicate, both with community members and with band administration and council members. The female chiefs should not make decisions in isolation or risk being seen as people who makes unilateral decisions: this could result in loss of the council’s support should those decisions go wrong.

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Female chiefs have to draw on their skills as women, the same skills they use to run a household or to organize family activities – but on a larger scale. The women spoke of the need to delegate authority and not to interfere with the administration of the band; to draw on one’s educational and other skills acquired in previous employment. They found it important to encourage change in the community in a non-threatening way so that people would not fear it, and to surround themselves with good people, whether office workers, advisors, consultants, or other professionals: their advice is valuable. ”Know that you cannot do it all. It is impossible,” was the advice given by one long-time chief. Female chiefs should also keep themselves informed and stay abreast of issues, cultivate a positive attitude and remember that there will be some bad with the good. Leaders have to realize that while their decisions affect people’s lives, they cannot base those decisions on personal considerations: decisions must be made in the best interests of the entire community. The participants suggest that getting to know other female chiefs and councillors can be useful. Bonds formed with other leaders can lead to the formation of support networks. Leaders can serve as mentors for one another because they have mutual concerns. The challenges are great but so are the rewards.

9 Interview with Chief Kim Baird

On 29 June 2003 I had the opportunity to interview Chief Kim Baird of Tsawwassen First Nation, located on the outskirts of Vancouver, British Columbia. I met Chief Baird when she was a speaker at the Women in Leadership conference in 2001. I was struck by her vitality and her ability to move seamlessly from one situation to another. I was delighted when she agreed to be interviewed as part of my study. I wanted to know more about her as a person and a leader, and about her work. I wanted to see how such a young person – she is now in her early thirties – could manage so much responsibility. The interview was particularly gratifying for me as a researcher because Chief Baird placed many of the issues raised by the women chiefs I had interviewed into context. Her experiences and insights were mirrored by the survey participants. Chief Baird is an energetic and ambitious woman who wants to see her community prosper. As a teenager she returned to the reserve with her mother, who regained status when Bill C-31 was passed in April 1985. She first became involved in band politics when she was elected as a band councillor at the age of twenty-three. After a number of years spent learning the political ropes she progressed to the role of chief at twenty-nine. Now serving her fourth term as chief, Baird believes that advocacy is one of her main responsibilities as elected leader of her community. She is a strong believer in education and has been pursuing a university degree on a part-time basis over the past several years. The Tsawwassen First Nation is categorized as an urban reserve by Indian and Northern Affairs Canada because is it located within fifty kilometres of the nearest service centre and has year-round road access. Tsawwassen means “land facing the sea” in the Coast Salish language.

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The community sits on the lower mainland south of Vancouver within a few kilometres of the Canada-United States border. It is a small reserve with a land base of 3.79 square kilometres. It is a member of the Naut’sa Nawt Tribal Council along with seven other First Nations: Burrard, Chemaninus, Halalt, Homalco, Klahoose, Siliammon, and Snuneymuxw. The Tsawwassen First Nation has one chief and four councillors who hold two-year terms. Sixty-six percent of band members live on this reserve, slightly higher than the national average of sixty percent for an on-reserve population. The community members are relatively well educated with fifty-seven percent having some form of postsecondary education, whether trades school, college, or university. The Tsawwassen First Nation is progressive in its economic development endeavours. In November 2004, for example, Tsawwassen First Nation members voted to ratify a $47 million agreement with the Vancouver Port Authority as a result of aggressive efforts at economic development by the chief and council (Tsawwassen First Nation Web site 2005).

interview with chief kim baird interviewer When did you enter politics? chief baird I first ran for an elected councillor when I was twentythree, I believe. So that would have been 1993, or maybe 1994. interviewer How long is the term? chief baird Two years. interviewer So you ran one term on council, and then did you run for chief after that? chief baird No, I served three terms on council and then I ran for chief at the age of twenty-nine. I get mixed up because my birthday is late in the year. It would have been in 1999 when I first became elected as chief. interviewer Are you still in your first term? chief baird I’m in my second term. interviewer When did you get elected for the second time? chief baird About a year ago, the end of March 2001, and I was acclaimed. interviewer What was your background prior to starting politics? At your tender age? chief baird Yeah, I was pretty young. Let’s see. I started working for Tsawwassen when I was twenty in land claims research. So I had a few years in that capacity and prior to that I was in college.

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interviewer What did you take in school? chief baird General arts. Every “ology” you can imagine. interviewer Geology? chief baird Yes I took some of those. I actually really, really liked sociology. interviewer Yeah, I think it’s pretty cool. Lots of things that you can work at there. What made you enter politics? chief baird That’s a good question. It’s kind of my regular spiel when people ask me, but my mom was a Bill C-31 member so I didn’t grow up down here, I didn’t grow up far away from here, but I didn’t move back down here permanently until I was about fifteen years old. interviewer Was that after Bill C-31? chief baird Yeah. interviewer So your mom came back to the reserve? chief baird Yeah. We’ve lived in a lot of places. I don’t know, regular subdivisions on the Lower Mainland. My experience with the community was the suburb. So when I came down here I noticed there were quite a few differences, not just in the physical layout but a lot of social problems that faced the community and I didn’t really know why. So part of when I was going to school, I started learning about the impacts of colonization on Aboriginal people across the country and as more people were coming back to our community some of our culture was being reintroduced and that type of thing, so I started learning a lot more about, I guess, my identity. I started thinking, well, you know, we’re in this awful situation now and what can we do to change it. I was doing term papers on land claims in Canada and stuff like that and I approached our then chief and told him if we ever got a land claim process started I would be interested in even volunteering. So my whole vision has been to assist my community through storage of cultural pride, prosperity, and, you know, utopia. When I started working in land claims and I was learning, a local chief took me under his wing and took me to political meetings, regionally and provincewide. interviewer Who was that? chief baird Tony Jacobs. It was really quite intimidating because back then, when I was twenty, there were very, very, very few women in those meetings. Certainly no twenty-year-old women at those meetings, right? So I got to learn a lot about the political processes and again learned a lot about the issues the reserves seem to face, social problems and stuff like that. My mom actually ran and was elected to council and when she stopped running I decided I would run as well.

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interviewer How long was your mom on council? chief baird I think two terms. interviewer Two terms. So after Bill C-31 she came back. chief baird Yes, she did, and I was just thinking about this recently because I had to give a presentation to a women’s campaign school on women’s leadership issues from an Aboriginal perspective, so I reflected on it. My mom found someone who was renting out a trailer down here and when she heard about the bill passing, then she just moved down. My cousin followed suit in a camper with three kids and they weren’t leaving until they had better housing conditions and they got their status back and [band] membership back here. So when I think about it, it was pretty courageous to assert themselves like that. It was a fairly turbulent time for this little community because it went from a population of sixty prior to Bill C-31 and we are up near three hundred on the reserve now. interviewer Wow. So it was at sixty before C-31. chief baird Yeah. interviewer Is that only off-reserve or in general? chief baird In total. interviewer In total? Holy smokes! You guys have increased fivefold. So how big is your land base here? chief baird It’s about seven hundred acres, more or less. But a lot of it is held in certificate of possession1 and a lot of it is undeveloped, so that marsh country reserve, we can’t do anything about that and that’s about two hundred acres right there, so we have very little communal land to develop for economic or community purposes. interviewer So when you ran first, I guess as a councillor and as chief, what platform did you run on? chief baird As a councillor, there wasn’t so much a platform, formally anyway. In my experience, running for councillor and running for chief are way, way different. From my experience in my community and when I ran for councillor, all the terms I ran for councillor, I didn’t have to campaign much. But when I ran for chief I had to campaign. I did the door-to-door type of thing and I tried to get most of the community and the few people I missed were mad that I didn’t

1 A certificate of possession is issued by the minister of Indian Affairs to an occupant as evidence of his or her right to possess the land (Imai 2002, 60).

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stop. You know what I mean? But they don’t expect that when you’re running for council. interviewer How big is your council? chief baird It’s five. Four councillors and a chief. interviewer What were the odds when you ran for council? How many people were running at the same time? chief baird Oh, I can’t remember. At that time, it was only three, two [councillors] plus one [chief]. The first time I ran. interviewer Because of the increase in members now that’s gone up. chief baird Yeah. interviewer Right. So you were trying for one of two seats when you first ran. chief baird Yeah. interviewer As you progressed, you say that you ran three terms as councillor; did it get easier for you in subsequent elections or did it get harder? chief baird It got harder. interviewer Why do you think that is? chief baird Because the first time I ran people knew my personality but they didn’t know my decision making. Actually, the second term I ran, for the first part of it, I wasn’t re-elected. I was, I don’t know, twenty-five at the time, and I was devastated because I worked really, really hard my first term. It was the numbers dynamics. So it changed from a council of three to a council of five and one of the councillors elected thought it was not the right time for him. He couldn’t dedicate the time he felt was required. So there was a byelection. I ran against one person and actually it was the former chief who got me started right, I ran against him and got back in. But it was all this feeling because I worked really hard that first term and then when I wasn’t re-elected it took me a while to decompress and accept. interviewer Nobody likes to lose. chief baird Yeah, yeah, yeah. But to let go of that responsibility as well, thinking in a bigger picture way all the time and going back into my little cubbyhole, I was just getting to like it again and I ran for the by-election and got in again, and then the third term I ran, it’s like the more of a history you have with the administration, the chief and council, and with everything that’s happened, the more decisions that you have made, the more scrutiny you’re under, so it gets harder and harder.

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interviewer So how was it running against your mentor in that second by-election? chief baird It was tough because I have a great deal of respect for him and after we first met, I really had a good working relationship with every council I’ve been on, whether it’s been as chief or as council. I know people run because they have a similar desire to see improvements for our community. You know what I mean. So it’s difficult when you have to assert yourself against people who have the same type of hope that you do. But at the same time, I think the community needs to decide who reflects their version of what they would like to see done as well, right? interviewer What was the push that made you jump from councillor to chief? chief baird Our former chief. She was our first woman chief in Tsawwassen, Sharon Bowcott. She served two years and she said, “I don’t want to run again, but the only way I will step aside is if you run.” I said, “Well, I don’t know if I can do it.” She said, “You can do it with your eyes closed.” That’s what she was telling me. She really strongly pushed me along to run for that position. It’s kind of strange, because in my experience I was really worried about the increase in responsibility because I felt so much pressure from being a member of council. But I was pleasantly surprised to find that your decision-making power increases a little bit as well, so it’s not as bad as I thought it would be. In fact, in some ways it’s easier than being a member of council. interviewer Oh really? Why would you say that? chief baird Because I think the role of chief is so busy, but it’s our councillors that are in the community the most or deal with community members more day-to-day, so that’s a really big pressure. As chief I have an administration to help me, whereas councillors’ rules are a little more grey. interviewer Yes, more hands-on, more do-it-yourself kind of stuff for councillors? chief baird Yeah. So I think that has something to do with it. interviewer What does leadership mean to you? chief baird That’s kind of an odd thing to define in words. But to me, my approach to leadership is that I have strong visions for the future of my community and leadership for me is part sharing that vision with other members of my community and trying to bring it to fruition. Trying to reflect values that are sensitive to our culture

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and to our community’s needs when making decisions is another aspect of leadership. I don’t know, there are so many aspects to it from my perspective. interviewer What are the characteristics of a good leader? chief baird [Being] a good listener is an important one. Being able to make decisions when required to is another important one. Someone who is compassionate and caring and someone who can be assertive and a friend as well. Someone who is always thinking about the greater good. interviewer What does a leader have to do to get results in particular situations? chief baird [Laughs] It really depends, but seeing something through, I found a big help to me in getting things done has been strategic planning with members of my council. If you start talking about something in a more organized fashion and take it in bitesized pieces, for example, they are likely to get a lot of progress done around an issue. So that’s been helpful. I think I have a strong administration here, which has been very helpful in getting things done and I have a strong working relationship with my director of operations on my council. She’s very helpful in getting things done. interviewer Director of operations, would that be like band manager? chief baird Yeah. interviewer How would you say that your role has changed over time? chief baird Over what period of time? interviewer From when you first started, in, when was it, 1999? chief baird As chief? interviewer Yeah. chief baird Let’s see. I guess as my reputation as a chief here sort of increases, so do expectations of my time. So I find myself spread thin in a lot of situations, and that’s internal for our community and external for our community as well, right? What else? I think my sense is that my time in our community is important. It’s getting to the point where it’s becoming such an issue that different people are expressing concern about whether I should be here all the time or to set other priorities for the role. We never really clarified that in the community, and one of the toughest election questions I was ever asked was “What do you think a chief’s supposed to do?” Because we really haven’t formalized that as a community. We all

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have different understandings or interpretations of what we think that should be, but I think it differs from person to person, and that makes my role challenging because we don’t have a common understanding of what’s important for me to be working on and it gets problematic. But the other thing, though, is that I’ve made huge efforts since my involvement to open up accountability practices from our organization and try to co-opt community members into helping in the decision-making process, whether it be through committees, lots of community meetings about different issues, and that type of thing. I think that’s been helpful as well. But I guess that’s probably the biggest difference I’ve seen over the past three years. interviewer So what would you say has been your biggest challenge as chief? chief baird In general? Well, I feel my primary goal is to try to improve the quality of life for the members of my community, and to that end we’ve worked on several initiatives, an economic development project, or treaty negotiations, and other things. I’ve tried to pinpoint what the hardest part of it is, but I guess it’s trying to deal with the impacts of colonialism within the colonial structure that we’re stuck with under the Indian Act. So I find that a lot of First Nations people are becoming dependant on the chief-andcouncil system as fallout from our communities’ being dependent on the federal government. It’s a challenge to put the tools in place. All the barriers we face from federal and provincial governments are really challenging no matter what avenue we’re trying. We’re always aware that the Indian Affairs obstacle course is there, and you have to go through it sometime. So I think that sort of restriction is really unhelpful, and we have no flexibility to do things we know need to get done. interviewer Do you think that there is a difference in leadership styles between male and female chiefs? chief baird As a generality, yes. But more specifically, there are exceptions to that rule. I’ve met very aggressive women and I’ve met very, I don’t know what word I’m looking for, subtle male leaders. interviewer So you’re saying, yes, there is a difference in the leadership style. What would be expected, say, of a typical male chief? chief baird I guess, and I don’t know, I have very mixed feelings about this topic because I’ve met so many different chiefs. But the typical older male chief is a very fiery, fist-pounding type of speaker, generally, at public meetings. There’s always discussion about the old

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boys’ network of how politics are done and sort of questions about administrative ability or accountability or those types of things. A lot of them I find are quite negative stereotypes, but there’s hints of elements of that, that you can sort of see. interviewer So are you saying something like, the older male chief would be like a charismatic type that would have a following because of who they are? Is this a personal characteristic? chief baird Yes. Many times. interviewer What about women? What style would you say the women have? chief baird The women I’ve met seem to be more hands-on, a lot more behind the scenes. I know there’s an increasing number of women politically involved at the provincial and national level from what I understand. There are very few who speak at the Assembly of First Nations. It’s increasing. But I don’t know if that’s just a gender thing or an age thing as well. Because I find leadership is getting younger in First Nation communities for both males and females. So it seems to me it’s more of a behind-the-scenes type of role. interviewer What would be some other things you would say? I know you have said partly the age of the chiefs seems to be getting younger. Would you also say that chiefs are becoming more educated, in the formal education system? chief baird Yes. I don’t know how many cases I’ve heard of women who have left the reserve and gone to school and moved back and got on council right away or women who are in school desiring to do that. I’ve also noticed in my own community it’s the women who are mostly getting educated, whether it is high school or postsecondary. I find it really alarming actually. interviewer Why are you alarmed? chief baird Well, because, with the modernization and changing roles, the abilities of men and women in First Nation communities – it’s almost like men aren’t changing with the times and getting the tools they are going to need to succeed in today’s society for employment and things like that. Part of it, I think, is a world view. I mean, culturally speaking, resource industries are very common for First Nation communities. But the economy is changing and I don’t think our people are changing with it at the same time. So more and more I find it is women who are getting themselves more educated, and women are taking over the jobs, and that’s displacing the men of our communities.

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interviewer Since you’ve become chief, what would you say is your greatest sense of accomplishment? chief baird Oh [laughs]. I hadn’t thought about that. You totally took me by surprise there. interviewer Do you want to come back to that question? chief baird Okay. Because it’s never enough. What you accomplish. interviewer What would you say is the biggest difference in you from before you started in leadership to now? chief baird In a real practical sense? interviewer In a real practical sense. chief baird My memory [laughs]. interviewer You remember more now than you did before? chief baird No, no. It’s a really weird phenomenon. I used to laugh at all our former chiefs. I found them really absent-minded. They wouldn’t remember meetings, and prior to that I had like a photographic memory about conversations, dates, you name it. My headspace is just way different now. I have other things that I’m preoccupied with, so those details that I used to have memorized are gone. I’m so dependent on my assistant now and I’ve never been like that. You know what I mean? So that to my mind is the most funny change that has happened as far as – it’s kind of disconcerting actually. I’m a Virgo, right? So I like being in control of things. I’ve had to let go of a lot of that independence, what I do, including my memory. interviewer What is the biggest change in you personally since you began as chief? chief baird I guess the biggest change in me, more seriously, would be that my confidence has increased dramatically since when I first became chief up until today. interviewer What do you think you can attribute that confidence to? chief baird I think my re-election was a big help. I can attribute it to the fact that I received my ancestral name2 shortly after I was elected the first time, and that’s been a huge source of strength and inspiration to me. I have received lots of support and encouragement from other chiefs.

2 Kim Baird’s ancestral name, Kwantil tunaat, was given to her by a family elder at a longhouse ceremony in 1999. It is the feminized version of her great-great-grandfather’s name.

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interviewer Male and female? chief baird Yeah. Yeah. There are very few chiefs of any gender that I have had negative experiences with. interviewer So you get lots of support? chief baird I think so, yes. Some of the moral chiefs that I’ve been around a long time have watched me in the background since I was twenty so they know I’ve been around the scene and a lot of them were so supportive of me by little comments and things like that. You see them at the meeting and they make sure to find out how you’re doing and that type of stuff. They are very encouraging when I have to do a speech. That’s one thing, that so many of our leaders are great orators and I’m not like that but people still get me to speak on things, and I’m a lot softer and logical and have my speaking notes because that’s the way I have to prepare for them. I always feel kind of funny about that because we have so many leaders that are so gifted naturally just speaking from their heart. Everybody is still supportive and appreciates what I have to say and appreciates it’s a different style but it’s still effective. But it’s through experience over time that you sort of get comfortable with your approach to things and that’s just an example. interviewer What do you see as the biggest obstacle for First Nations people today? chief baird I think it’s a lack of empowerment. From the grassroots level on up to our political representation. I think after being repressed for so long that we’ve become really good at identifying problems, and we haven’t had so much practice at identifying solutions. Changing that mentality and empowering ourselves to overcome everything that’s thrown our way is challenging. I think it’s a big obstacle. interviewer So what would you say is the biggest obstacle for leadership? chief baird For leadership? Achieving that. Putting the tools in place so that our people can become empowered. Whether it be adequate social programs so we can overcome abuse issues – drug and alcohol or physical or sexual or all those types of issues. Creating an economy to ensure that there are employment and economic opportunities is another area. Just the whole gamut of trying to have all that in place. You can’t make people do things. You can’t hand people jobs on a silver platter or take counselling for them because none of that is self-motivated. But having programs and services available for people

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who are ready to go as far as they are able to in their career or otherwise is important. interviewer Another question concerns the obstacles facing women chiefs today. chief baird That’s funny, because I’ve been involved in some meetings and people are very, very sensitive about gender issues. Some people are sensitive about it. But in my experience, I haven’t had that many negative experiences based on gender. Part of that could be because I have to work with others, I know how the male mind works fairly well. I don’t always agree with it but I understand it, right? So I’m not easily intimidated by anyone, man or woman. You know what I mean? That’s how I was raised. So with women chiefs, I would almost say it’s more of the public perception of them. When I was first elected I could tell the reporter wanted to pat me on the head. I seemed so young and female and all this type of stuff. When I meet members of the public or members of the media I can see the stereotype forming in their minds. Like I’m naive, I don’t know my stuff, or those types of things. I found that to be a barrier for a while until people got to know me and people got to see the things that have happened within the community and that type of thing. So that has been a barrier in my experience. As far as being a woman in leadership goes, more generally, I think it’s trying to really find roles and responsibilities for the people in our communities and I know some are facing resistance for being involved politically from male councillors, male chiefs, that sort of thing. But that hasn’t happened in my experience, but I’ve heard that’s an issue for many women leaders. interviewer What types of things would they have to deal with? chief baird Being excluded from the decision-making, somehow being discouraged from even running to begin with and, once elected, having no cooperation, no acknowledgment of any of their ideas. Being frustrated on every level. I’ve heard some stories about that. interviewer Do you find that to be prevalent, or is it the odd case here and there? chief baird It’s, you know, it’s, I’m just trying to think of the women chiefs I know. interviewer But you’ve heard it more than once? chief baird Yeah. interviewer All right. So what are some of the things you’ve done in your community since you have been chief?

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chief baird Let’s see. We’ve been, I’m just trying to get my years straight. I’ve created the youth centre with the skate park. That’s one of the things I’m most proud of, because it really inspired me. interviewer Like skateboarding and stuff? chief baird Yeah. We have done a lot of administrative overhauling in this office. There are lots of outstanding issues that should have been resolved years and years ago, but no one was willing to dirty their hands, I guess. interviewer Within the community or external to the community? chief baird Within the community we are trying to improve our government structure within the current limitations of the Indian Act. So that’s been an ongoing process, trying to create better government practices. Improving prospects for the youth. We have a surplus, a little surplus in our budget since I’ve been chief. We’ve been able to keep everything on track financially. Creating employment opportunities within the organization. Trying to ensure some of our youth have an opportunity to work within different areas of our administration and we’ve been trying to get economic development happening in municipalities, so that’s a big frustration. I’m very disappointed that I haven’t been able to get any further on that. Very big disappointment. interviewer So that’s with the Municipal District? chief baird Yup. They refuse to even discuss it at this point. interviewer Why do you think that is? chief baird It’s a drag. We developed a condominium complex in, I think it was 1995, and they didn’t like it so they refused to give us water for that. So we built our own water and sewer plant and we were in court with the Department of Fisheries and Oceans. It was just a nightmare. Basically we have a water supply that’s unaffordable but we managed to get through the project against all odds. But still we’re at a point where we need an affordable water source to provide for economic development opportunities. That’s a big frustration on my part. Externally, I’ve done a lot of work with the community, with non-Aboriginal people from surrounding communities, and through public meetings and cultural events at our longhouse to editorials in the paper. Some people placed an ad in a local newspaper aimed at bridge building between the reserve and the surrounding communities. It’s helped because Members of the Legislative Assembly are at almost every event we have, and even the Member of Parliament has shown up. He’s John Cummings from the Alliance.

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interviewer Oh lucky you [laughs]. I come from Calgary where everybody is Alliance. I have a bit of an idea what you’re up against. You say you’ve been building bridges and trying to do public relations with people in the local area. Do you find that that has helped? chief baird Oh, tremendously. We are also quite advanced in the treaty process. I can’t say but we’ve finalized an agreement that we are probably in the top three First Nations in the province that governments think they can conclude treaty work with. So that’s nice to know because that’s been my baby since I was twenty, so I’m proud of the sort of profile and reputation that Thompson is building upon. interviewer I guess that kind of leads into the accomplishments part that I asked you about earlier. What are you proudest of? chief baird What I’m proudest of. I’ve never really thought about it, you know. I guess I’m too hard on myself because it always feels like it’s not enough. My personal accomplishments have been being acclaimed [in the last election]. I’m very, very, very proud of that. To me it was a very positive sign that I was headed in the right direction and I was doing it. As far as what I’ve accomplished for the community, I’d have to say as a physical thing it would be the youth centre. We’ve also got a larger amount of capital from the government in the last couple of years and that’s been a huge investment in our infrastructure. interviewer Is there anything else you would like to add? chief baird I’ve really been thinking a lot about that. There are certain things I want to accomplish as chief and it’s not a role I think that I should hang onto until the end of time. I think it’s good for people to have the opportunity to try to provide leadership for their community. So I don’t plan on trying to be chief for as long as possible or anything like that. But there are certain things that I would like to see done, like a major economic project that would ensure that we have ongoing revenue coming into our organization so that it is sustainable at some point. For all the desires we have for staffing, for programs and services, and sadly, things like language and culture. Elders and youth are grossly underfunded by government and those are the most important things to our community. So that’s one thing I want to see done. The other thing I would like to be involved with and to see through is the treaty negotiations for better or for worse. If we can complete an agreement that is acceptable to our community, that’s fine. We would just like to see that purpose through to the end. Beyond that, for personal development

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I’m going back to school and I’m taking it very, very slowly. I want it to be enjoyable, and I feel kind of selfish at times because it takes time away from my job because they never offer courses at civil times. But it’s really important for me that I’m doing stuff for me as well. I want to stay grounded, and that’s something I started. And [as for the] postchief world, I don’t know yet. interviewer Do you see yourself being chief for a while? chief baird Probably a couple more terms. One or two maybe. interviewer At least until you’re in your mid-thirties [laughter]?

elsie knott and kim baird: a comparison Almost half a century separated the elections of Elsie Knott (1952) and Kim Baird (1999). Elsie dealt with many of the same issues in the 1950s that Kim did in 2000. They had to deal with life under the Indian Act. The chief is still accountable for budgets and reporting to the Department of Indian Affairs. Chiefs must still lobby the federal government for services, programs, housing, and infrastructure for their communities. Underfunding from the Department of Indian Affairs is still an issue after all this time. There is the same need to maintain contact, either through public relations events or information exchanges, with the non-Aboriginal people who live in the surrounding communities to ensure their support on various issues. Otherwise initiatives can take a turn for the worse, as the Tsawwassen condominium situation proved. Many things have changed in Canada’s First Nations community since Elsie won election more than fifty yeas ago. First Nations people have a much higher profile in Canadian society due to their growing population, increasing educational attainment, favourable court decisions, and louder political voice. The place of women in Canadian society has also changed. When Elsie was a working mother the norm was for women to be homemakers. In 1951, according to a report by Human Resources and Development Canada (2000), only twenty-four percent of women were in the paid labour force. In 2000 the figure was about sixty percent. Not only were there more women in the workplace but they were employed in a wider variety of occupations. Indians have far more autonomy in Canadian society today than they had in the 1950s. Elsie worked under the tutelage of an Indian agent. If he was not in agreement with her decisions and initiatives he could veto them. It was in Elsie’s best interests to stay on good terms with

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him to ensure that he championed her causes and acted as an advocate rather than an adversary. The Indian agent, as we saw, was responsible for giving Elsie her start in the school-bussing business. They were able to form a long-standing relationship based on this first business venture. First Nations people today have a much stronger political voice than they had in the 1950s. This voice was galvanized when the federal government attempted to infringe upon or reduce treaty rights with the 1969 Statement of the Government of Canada on Indian Policy, the infamous White Paper. Elsie and Kim both struggled to live under the Indian Act, which ruled almost every aspect of Indian life in Canada. Both women, however, benefited from amendments to the act. Elsie’s election was the result of changes to the Indian Act in 1951 that allowed women to become officially involved in band politics. Kim Baird’s election was a result of Bill C-31. Kim’s mother married a non-Indian man and lost her status as a result. Kim returned to the Tsawwassen reserve and later entered political life. Kim Baird and Elsie Knott were young women when they began their political careers. Kim was twenty-nine years old while Elsie was thirty-one. At such young ages, they were both insecure about their judgment. They gained confidence in their abilities as their leadership skills increased. They were both enthusiastic about their communities and their part in improving them. They had to deal with the same problem of balancing work and life that plagues most working women. They had the benefit of coming from politically involved families. Elsie’s family helped her to make decisions and gave her some familiarity with the political process before she became chief. Kim’s mother returned to the reserve with her family after Bill C-31 was passed in 1985. She was elected to council on two separate occasions. After her mother left political life, Kim threw her own hat into the ring. Like Kim, Elsie led a relatively small community. When Elsie began as chief the Curve Lake First Nation had about five hundred members. Kim’s community now has about three hundred members but as we have seen, it had a mere sixty members prior to the passage of Bill C-31. The relatively small growth in numbers increases the likelihood of obtaining the money to fund services, housing, and infrastructure: it is easier to get $50,000 for programming than it is to get $5,000,000. Both Elsie and Kim won multiple elections as chief in their community. This means that their track records have been assessed and supported by their electorate. They both took great satisfaction in making

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things happen in the community and seeing their initiatives come to fruition. Social programs and physical infrastructure were on their agendas when they took office. These high-energy and friendly individuals were well served by their superior organizational and communication skills. Both grew to be more outspoken about their needs and desires as their political experience grew. Both were interested in improving the political and economic lives of community members. Elsie’s community of Curve Lake and Kim’s community of Tsawwassen are both strategically located on land viewed as desirable by outside interests. Elsie’s community is located in Ontario’s cottage country where waterfront properties for affluent cottagers are at a premium. With its coastal location, the Tsawwassen First Nation is of interest to developers. Its close proximity to one of Canada’s largest cities, Vancouver, makes Tsawwassen land very valuable. Kim’s reserve is in a highly sought after location. It is the target of individuals who want to develop the land rather than leave it in its natural state. Elsie lived in a relatively unpopulated area of Ontario. The reserve’s remoteness did not diminish non-Aboriginal interest in the land. Elsie lived her early life in isolation at a time when passes were still being issued by the Indian agent to those wanting to leave the reserve. When Elsie led her community, Indians were not fully integrated into Canadian society and did not have the same rights as other Canadians. Their mobility was limited by the pass system and they lived apart from mainstream society. Kim operates under a larger spotlight than Elsie did. Elsie served as the gracious and unthreatening host on many occasions when nonAboriginal people had come to watch cultural or sporting events. There seemed to be no conflict with surrounding communities. This could not be said for Kim. She has to deal with conflict from neighbouring communities, such as when the city of Delta was feuding with the Tsawwassen First Nation over a water treatment plant for the condominium development. People returning to their reserve or coming to a reserve for the first time must pass an informal initiation by the community to determine whether they are to be accepted. They must show who they are and how they will fit in. Acceptance is generally based on a person’s lineage. After an initial trial by the community Kim, a Bill C-31 returnee, was deemed a community member and elected to band council. Elsie Knott was born and raised in her community. As a result, her membership in the

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community and her legitimacy were not subjected to the formal or informal tests of “legitimacy” that were set in place by community members who wanted to maintain control of the band’s membership. Kim has yet to lose an election as chief. Elsie’s loss left her feeling hurt and uncertain of her place in the community. She said that she should have quit rather than face the humiliation of defeat. She considered that her credibility should have been based on her track record and that her reputation was damaged by her opponent’s allegations that she was nepotistic and used her position for personal financial gain. It was a bitter defeat. Kim is still riding high on a wave of popularity and does not appear to be thinking of leaving office any time soon.

10 Conclusion

The world is changing for First Nations people in Canada and these changes are occurring on economic, social, and political fronts. On the economic front, First Nations are becoming more involved in resource extraction activities on their territory. Recent Supreme Court of Canada cases, such as Haida (2004), Taku River (2004), and Mikisew (2005), have raised the bar for consultation when industry or government deals with First Nations. Thus, First Nations are in a stronger position when negotiating benefits for their communities. Heightened economic activity leads to increased employment, training, and entrepreneurial opportunities. Social initiatives have been undertaken to promote healthier lifestyles in the First Nations communities. They include healing programs that aid community members in dealing with the ravages of residential schools, detoxification programs that help those with alcohol and drug abuse problems, efforts to prevent domestic violence such as awareness programs, hot lunch programs for children in schools, hotlines, and women’s shelters. Social changes are also occurring as a result of increased educational credentials and employment experience has increased the human capital for some in the First Nations community. This means that First Nations people are joining and staying in the wage labour force. Politically, First Nations people have become more involved in municipal, provincial, and federal politics with many people like Ethel Blondin, Wilton Littlechild, and Frank Calder winning election in mainstream politics. This political integration helps increase First Nation peoples’ visibility in mainstream society and allows First Nation issues to be raised on a broader platform. For example, First Nations

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people came out in droves in a Saskatchewan riding to help a First Nations candidate, Gary Merasty, unseat the incumbent conservative Member of Parliament in January 2006. Since his win, Merasty has been an ardent advocate for First Nations issues. More than fifty years ago, Elsie Knott struggled with many of the same professional and personal concerns that plague female chiefs today. These professional concerns include trying to improve living conditions on the reserve through increased employment, educational attainment, better housing, and expanded infrastructure. On the personal side, women chiefs must overcome sexism, racism, and self-doubt, maintain a balance between work and life, sustain family relations and friendships, and try to find time to care for themselves. Women are now more directly involved in the operation of their communities and take a wide and holistic view of what community means. They have power and authority that Elsie did not have. They no longer have to cajole an Indian agent to gain permission for initiatives. They are not completely free of external influence, however, since they must still adhere to Indian Act regulation and policy. They are now in a position to influence decisions and initiate activities to deal with community problems. The women chiefs are still addressing some of the social issues witnessed by Elsie Knott. Although First Nations people now have greater self-governing powers than they had in Elsie Knott’s day, there are still complaints of excessive governance by the Department of Indian Affairs. Knott complained that Adams, the Indian agent with an office in Peterborough, had too much control over day-to-day affairs on her reserve. Nevertheless, she had to maintain a good working relationship with him to ensure that he did not scuttle any of her initiatives. Today, some women chiefs view themselves as merely the enforcers of the government’s policies. They must deliver programs and services to a burgeoning membership on limited budgets. The loyalties of the chief, as the local authority, are divided between the community that elected her and the Department of Indian Affairs, which provides funding and regulations. The interests of the community members and the department can be at odds. Community members focus on improving living conditions on the reserve, whereas the goal of the Department is regulation, fiscal restraint, and accountability. The conflict of loyalties that the chief struggles with is not limited to the external. The rules and policies she must enforce may go against her own values, causing her anguish and weighing on her conscience.

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On a more personal note, women chiefs are torn between the demands of the office and the traditional “family first” beliefs prominent in the First Nations community. They have deep roots in the community, the vast majority having been born and raised there. They know the joys and the aggravations of living in a community with their large extended family. The devolution process embraced by Indian and Northern Affairs Canada in the late 1980s, with its transfer of administrative responsibilities to the band level, has led to an increase in the size of local bureaucracy as local people filled the newly devolved positions. It is through this medium that many of the women who later become chiefs gain their knowledge, expertise, and experience. They learn about procedures, policies, timelines, hierarchies, personnel, and community issues. The understanding they gain serves them well as the community’s primary administrator. Most of the women chiefs in this study have been community workers and activists in the past. They are expected to continue their commitment to the community while in the office of chief. Today, female chiefs lament the excessive reporting between the band administration and the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs: administrative reporting seems to take precedence over strategic planning. Many female chiefs also complain that while the devolution policy has returned limited authority to the reserve administrators, it has not transferred the funds required to cover the increased labour costs involved in fulfilling those duties. First Nations no longer live under the influence of the Indian agent but they are still caught in the crosshairs of right-wing government Members of Parliament and their ideologically driven “expert” advisors. Accountability has been the battle cry of the “new” conservative government. First Nations are expected to deliver a vast array of services while remaining within their meager budgets, and failure to do so brings the wrath of government down upon the Aboriginal community. This infraction sometimes begets “third party management” where large accounting firms take over the financial affairs of the First Nation. The accounting firms’ bills total millions of dollars per year. The irony is that practically every government in the country (municipal, provincial, and federal) runs a budget deficit, but the First Nations governments are forced to relinquish their duties to highly paid consultants. Fortunately for the municipal, provincial, and federal governments, they are largely exempt from this type of scrutiny.

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A chief’s duties are not clearly defined and any statement about wanting to “improve the life of the community” is open to interpretation. Does that mean programming? Economic development? Programming and economic development? If one were to ask a hundred people what a chief is supposed to do, one would probably get a hundred different answers. This makes measuring the success of initiatives taken by the chief and council difficult. The debate is about more than just jobs and economic development: although these issues are important, so is a healthy community. To further muddy the waters, the reserve community consists of several social and economic strata. In the economic realm one family can be living in abject poverty while another family can have an annual household income of more than $100,000. The chief is responsible for looking after the interests of both, although their interests might be extremely different. It is always a quandary in allocating funds. Does one give the most to those who most need it or does one strive to do the greatest good for the greatest number of people? As a chief’s tenure progresses community members have more grounds on which to base the decision whether to continue to support the current chief or back a new candidate. The community will allow new chiefs an initial period of grace in which to get their bearings, but after that they are expected to perform. Performance is measured in short-term and long-term initiatives that bring programs, funding, housing, or infrastructure to the community. Unfortunately for the female chiefs, change usually takes longer than people expect. Procuring resources for the community, reducing waiting lists for housing, increasing educational assistance budgets, creating jobs, fostering economic development, and delivering social programming all takes time. Prolonged timelines and the slow pace at which a government department works can erode the patience of community members. One of the few options open to band members whose patience is exhausted is to vote out their elected officials. The status and visibility of a female chief can serve as a catalyst persuading the uninvolved individuals to become engaged and perhaps bring more women into politics. Such women can be mentors to younger females and help reach politically inactive women in the community. Women with political aspirations have two issues to grapple with before becoming chief. The first is whether they should run for office, and if so, how they should campaign. The second is how, once they have been elected, they plan to become effective chiefs. Women

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contemplating these issues must have skill, energy, commitment, resources, and tenacity. The First Nations communities say they want change. Peggy Richard ran unsuccessfully for chief of the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation. Although many people assured her of their support, it was not enough to unseat the incumbent. Change takes courage on the part of leaders and membership alike. Choosing not to run again is different from running and not winning. The defeated candidate must live amongst the people who chose someone else to represent them. This was particularly hard for Elsie Knott when she lost her seat. She took her defeat as rejection and worried about who her friends were. This weighed heavily on her, and subsequently she had trouble with her nerves. Such a fate could befall any of the women in this study at some point in their political career. The move to the chief’s office is a natural career progression for someone who has worked successfully in the reserve community. Many of my respondents served as band councillors before becoming chiefs. They had experience of the political structure, being in the public eye, and dealing with the public. Most reserve communities are small and offer limited career advancement and a limited number of positions within the administration. A woman who is thinking of running for chief may already be at the top of the hierarchy within her specific agency or portfolio. The office of chief is the most prestigious in a community with few opportunities for upward job mobility. However, tenure in the position can last as little as two years. The women in this study have put the skills that they acquired through their formal and informal education, former employment, and union involvement to good use. Many have transferred skills from household to workplace. Most are accustomed to innovation in their home lives. Budgeting and completing seemingly impossible tasks is a way of life for many of them. For the most part, women in the reserve community are better educated than the men. Men can more easily obtain well-paying jobs without education than women can, so women must earn educational credentials to help them to earn higher wages. In addition, the large number of single-parent households on the reserve, most of which are headed by women, means that women must be better educated in order to support their families alone. On the other hand, many respondents noted that formal credentials obtained in mainstream society do not necessarily translate into success and support in the community. One must ask whether women are supplanting

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men in the reserve environment. This question was raised by Chief Baird when she said that she worried about the number of women becoming educated and noted that fewer men were participating in the educational system. Although this is a legitimate concern, it remains true, as mentioned above, that men in our society have a better chance than women of obtaining well-paying jobs without an education. Being an Indian chief can be compared to being the mayor of a small town but with some significant differences. The line between the personal and professional self can be easily blurred in a small community where the leadership may be closely related to other community members. As chief, one is expected to be universally available to the band members. As one chief stated, “The community owns you. There is no professional distance between you as leader and the band members who elected you. If they need something, they come to your house. I don’t think that happens with a mayor.” Chiefs get direct public input. Band members are able to attend community meetings and speak to the chief. They also have easy access to leadership and administration. In many communities, gaining access to chief and council is merely a matter of walking of a few minutes from home. If something is wrong or a community member is unhappy, the chief is likely to hear about it first-hand and quickly. Job pressures from within and without the community sometimes conflict. Pressures from within the community may come from friends or relatives asking for favours or wanting assistance. It can be difficult to say no to those people and professional decisions can have personal ramifications, for example incurring terse words from relatives at family gatherings. Unless her professional decisions are non-partisan and fair, the chief loses credibility within the community. Outside the community many of the women said that not much was expected of them. They were not sure whether sexism or racism was the cause of the ill treatment they sometimes encountered. For example, Chief Baird was uncertain about why she was treated dismissively by local and provincial non-Aboriginal politicians – whether it was because she was First Nation, younger, female, or new to the position. She and the other women chiefs spoke of the frustration they experienced at the hands of government and industry officials. Although many of them were new to the position, they were not new to the issues or to the community’s views on the issues. For these reasons, those who discounted their knowledge were doing themselves a disservice. Many of the women were frustrated by the lack of recognition for their ideas or innovations.

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The saying goes that in the First Nations community they plan seven generations ahead. It is hard for people who are desperate in the moment to think about the future or about long-term benefits. Community support and a combination of formal education and informal training have positioned the women chiefs to make changes in the community. There are many obstacles to change. Some come from outside the community, such as those encountered by Kim Baird when she tried to get a housing project underway. Others arise from within the community such as when Elsie Knott tried to change social conditions in Curve Lake. Resistance can be due to fear, whether fear of moving into unfamiliar territory or fear of losing benefits. In mainstream society, the idea of First Nations people and self-governance also rouses a certain fear. Most mainstream people do not know any First Nations people personally and have few opportunities to interact with them. As a result, non-Aboriginals know very little about important First Nations issues such as land claims, treaties, and resource sharing. The steady diet of sound bites on the news broadcasts and edited versions of First Nations issues in newspapers does not foster harmonious relations between the two groups. That is why many of the female chiefs, and all Indian chiefs for that matter, are engaged in a continuous public relations campaign to educate the public about First Nations concerns. Regarding the issues of self-government and land claims, the former chief of a British Columbia First Nation, Satsan Herb George, explained the fear of non-Aboriginals succinctly. He said, “Whites are afraid that we are going to do to them what they have done to us” (Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, 1990). There must be good relations with neighbouring non-First Nations communities because nobody is going anywhere. When problems erupt, as they did in Oka in 1990 when a golf course expansion was planned for disputed lands, and once all the angry words have been spoken and the violent outbursts have subsided, everyone must live side by side. In many ways, the female chiefs involved in this study mirror the communities they lead. By virtue of their past work experience, they seem to be natural choices for the job of community leader. They understand the political and social world of the First Nations community, and they are aware of any changes in legislation and policy. They are also aware of the benefits of political mobilization through their agency work. The route these women have chosen for themselves is not an easy one. They must contend with the Indian Act, which sets them apart

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from mainstream politicians. They deal with many of the same issues that most working women and mothers must deal with but with more children and larger families. They must also deal with a plethora of divergent issues – employment, social services, housing, education, budgeting, and infrastructure – that few employees find in their job descriptions. This is a unique job and not for the faint of heart. The women know the community. They know and acknowledge its strengths as well as its weaknesses. The strengths must be maintained while the weaknesses must be addressed to help strengthen the social fabric of the community. Limited employment within many communities means that men are likely to leave to find employment. This leaves the women to contend with the family, community, and social issues. It also leaves them to work on solving the problems and to seek leadership positions to enhance their ability to do so. Their impact on community development and community wellness might take years, even decades, to assess. At a national women chief’s conference held in Vancouver in February 2007, a female chief commented, “We are the women and we know where the dirt is. The community expects us to clean it up. That is our job as leaders.”

appendices

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appendix a

Women Chiefs Questionnaire

university of calgary first nations women and the traditional leadership role Questionnaire # _______

Interviewer __________________________

Please use the back of the questionnaire if you require more writing space. Section 1: Demographic Information 1. Name: 2. Phone number: 3. What is your birthdate: Month ___________ Year ________ 4. What is your First Nation? 5. Province: 6. Has your First Nation ever been called by another name? Yes ____ No ____ 7. If you answered Yes to the previous question, what was your First Nation’s previous name? 8. Were you born into this First Nation? Yes ____ No ____ 9. If No to the previous question, which First Nation (if any) are you from? 10. Did you marry into this community? Yes ____ No ____ 11. What is your present marital status? Married ____ Single ____ Divorced ____ Common Law ____ Other ____ 12. How many children do you have? 13. How many children are currently living with you?

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14. How many grandchildren do you have? 15. How many grandchildren are currently living with you? Section 2: Preparation for Political Life 1. What is your highest level of education? 2. Do you have any academic preparation for this role? Please state. (e.g., political science or business administration courses) 3. What was your first involvement in political life? 4. Do you come from a family that is politically involved? Yes ____ No ____ 5. If you come from a politically involved family, who of your relative(s) was/were politically involved? 6. What was their political involvement? 7. Do you think these relatives influenced you in your political involvement? Yes ____ No ____ 8. If Yes to the previous question, please explain how? 9. Were you involved in any political organizations in the past? Yes ____ No ____ 10. If Yes, please list Political Organization 1 ___________________ How long were you involved? What was the nature of your involvement? Political Organization 2 ___________________ How long were you involved? What was the nature of your involvement? 11. Were you ever a band councillor? Yes ____ No ____ 12. If Yes to the previous question, how long were you a band councillor? Section 3: Your Role as Chief 1. When were you elected to your current office as chief? 2. Was this the first time you ran for chief? Yes ____ No ____ 3. If No to the previous question, how many times did you run for chief? 4. How many times have you been elected as chief? 5. Are you the first female chief of your band? Yes ____ No ____ 6. If no to the previous question, who were the other women chiefs? Please list below. 1. 2. 3.

Questionnaire

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7. Does your band have a Custom or Indian Affairs election? 8. How long is your current term as chief? 9. Please explain why you decided to run for chief? Section 4: Your Experiences as Chief 1. What do you like the most about your role as chief? 2. What do you like least about your role as chief? 3. What has changed the most in your life since you took on this role? 4. What is your biggest personal challenge as chief? 5. What is your biggest professional challenge as chief? 6. If you could change one thing about your job, what would it be? 7. Do you plan to run again? Yes ____ No ____ Don’t Know ____ 8. What advice would you give to women thinking of running for chief? Section 5: Community Support 1. Do you think that people treat you differently now that you are chief? Yes ____ No ____ 2. If Yes to the previous question, explain how you are treated differently. 3. Are you treated differently by family members? Yes ____ No ____ 4. If Yes to the previous question, please explain 5. How are you treated by people in your community? 6. How are you treated by people from the non-Aboriginal community? 7. How are you treated by other chiefs? 8. How are you are treated by Indian Affairs? 9. How are you treated by industry representatives? 10. How are you treated by elders in your community? 11. Who would you say gives you the most supporter in your role as chief? 12. Why did you choose this person(s) as your biggest supporter? 13. Who would you say gives you the most resistance? 14. Why do you think this person(s) gives you so much resistance? 15. What do you see as the biggest concern in your community? 16. How do you think this concern can be addressed? Section 6: Gender 1. Do you think being a woman plays any part in your experience as chief? Yes ____ No ____

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2. If Yes, please explain how? 3. Was being a woman, an advantage, disadvantage, or not an issue for the voters? Advantage ____ Disadvantage ____ Not an Issue ____ 4. Please explain. 5. Would you say that people expect different things from male chiefs than they do from female chiefs? Yes ____ No ____ 6. Please explain. Section 7: Family Responsibilities 1. Do you have family responsibilities? Yes ____ No ____ 2. What are these responsibilities? 3. How do you deal with domestic responsibilities now that you have the added responsible of leadership? 4. Who takes care of your other domestic responsibilities when you are out of town? 5. Are you expected to continue your previous level of community involvement even though you have the added responsibility of being chief? Yes ____ No ____ 6. Has your role as chief been disruptive to your family life? Explain. 7. What strategies do you use to help you cope with your responsibilities? 8. Have you ever been concerned about your personal safety since you became chief? Yes ____ No ____ 9. If yes to the previous question, please give details of your concerns. 10. Have your ever been under threat of violence since you became chief? Yes ____ No ____ 11. If Yes to the previous question, please give details of the incident. Section 8: Other Women Chiefs Please provide the name and First Nations affiliation of any other female chiefs (or former chiefs) that you know of. Section 9: Other Comments or Concerns 1. You have now answered all the questions. Please raise any comments or concerns you might have at this time. 2. Please tell me if you think I have missed asking questions about some aspect of your experience as chief that you think should be included in this study.

Questionnaire

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Thank you for your assistance, participation, and invaluable information. You can reach me, Cora Voyageur, by email at [email protected]; by phone at (403) 220-6507 or fax me at (403) 282-9298 if you have any questions or you require any assistance in completing this survey. We can also conduct a telephone interview at your request.

appendix b

Letter to Women Chiefs

Dear Chief: Re: Women Chiefs Research Project Please accept this correspondence as my Letter of Introduction. I am Dr Cora Voyageur and I am Sociology professor at the University of Calgary. I am a First Nations woman from the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation from Fort Chipewyan, Alberta. My past research focuses on many aspects of the Aboriginal experience in Canada including: education, economic development, justice, media, and women’s issues. As a university professor, I am required to contribute to the scholarship and research of the academy. I am currently conducting a research project on women chiefs in Canada. I want to investigate the experience of Indian women who have taken on the role of chief. Indian chiefs in Canada have mostly been male. However, since the first woman chief, Elsie Knott, was elected in 1952, there has been a tremendous increase of women in leadership roles in the First Nations community. According to the Assembly of First Nations, the national political organization representing 633 First Nations in Canada, there are currently ninety, or approximately fifteen percent of chiefs are female. To my knowledge, there has never been a comprehensive study of women chiefs in Canada. My research is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. I have received research ethics approval from the University of Calgary. I hope that you will agree to participate. I would like to give you an opportunity to describe and discuss the experiences you have had as chief. Your participation in this research is voluntary and all the information you provide is confidential. Your name, reserve, or any other

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identifying information will be used for research purposes only and will be seen only by me and my research assistant. I will do my utmost to ensure confidentiality and ensure the highest degree of anonymity we are able. Information is collected on an individual basis but all data analysis and reporting will be in aggregate form to preserve your identity. Portions or quotations from this interview may appear in the final report but all individual references will be removed. The Assembly of First Nations agrees that this research is important and should be conducted. I have requested, and hope to receive, Letters of Support and Band Council Resolutions (bcrs) from my Chief and Council (Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation), my Tribal Council (Athabasca Tribal Council), and my Regional Treaty Organization (Treaty 8 Chiefs of Alberta). Thank you for your consideration. Yours truly,

Dr Cora J. Voyageur

appendix c

Peggy Richard Campaign Pamphlet

Peggy Richard Campaign Pamphlet

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Index

Abuse: alcohol, 25, 91, 104; drug, 25, 59, 91, 104, 121, 129; physical 23, 60, 121, 129; psychological 23, 60, 121; sexual 23, 60, 121; verbal 103; Achieved status, 8, 18 Arscott, Jane, 11 Ascribed status, 18 Assembly of First Nations (afn), xvii, 11, 13, 14, 16, 18, 20, 25, 37, 63, 64, 89, 93, 119, 144, 145 Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation, xvii, 69, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 79, 81, 83, 84, 133, 144 Baird, Kim, 16, 122, 125, 126, 127, 135 Band: definition, xix Band council, xix, 3, 5, 27, 63, 73, 74, 127, 145 Band member, xv, 22, 29, 49, 73, 74, 86 Beaty-Chiste, K., 14 Bill C-31, xv, 20, 50, 59, 111, 113, 114, 126, 127 Bothwell, Nora, 14 Bowcott, Sharon, 13, 116, Brodie, Janine, 8, 9 Brown, Rosemary, 23 Buffalo, Florence, 13 Carrol, S., 8, 52, 58, 68, 80 Chief: and council, 3, 4, 5, 18, 22, 24, 26, 27, 59, 65, 69, 72, 73, 83, 90, 99,

109, 112, 115, 132, 134, 145; definition, xvi, xx Christianity, 32, 105 Church, 23, 32, 38, 43, 58, 70, 100, 101, 105 Citizenship and Immigration (Department of), 5 Cleverdon, Catherine, 9, 10 Coates, Ken, 34 Consultants, 22, 93, 110, 131 Coppaway, Adeline, 31 Coppaway, George, 27 Coppaway, James, 27 Corbière case (scc), 5 Councillor: definition, xx Curve Lake First Nation (formerly Mississaugas of Mud Lake), 5, 26, 29, 30, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 42, 126, 127, 135 Custom(ary) election, 73, 75 Cyprien, Archie, 69, 72, 76, 84 Daniel, R., 71 Day Walker, Mary Ann, 13 Deiter Buffalo, Constance, 14 Demographic trends, 25, 45, 47, 56 Devolution policy, 91, 131 Development: community, 24, 50, 55, 62, 93, 94, 136; economic, 19, 23, 35, 82, 92, 112, 118, 123, 132; resource, 23, 25, 71, 99

156

Index

Education, 19, 21, 22, 24, 28, 30, 38, 48, 54, 55, 56, 60, 63, 77, 83, 92, 95, 102, 104, 111, 119, 133, 134, 136; educational attainment, 3, 21, 45, 46, 47, 54, 137, 130; formal, 54, 55, 56, 79, 94, 119, 133, 135; informal, 55, 94, 133, 135 Employment, 22, 23, 25, 29, 30, 38, 60, 95, 110, 119, 121, 123, 129, 130, 136 Family violence, 15, 92, 102, 104 Fergaon, B., 71 First Nation: definition, xx Fiske, Jo-anne, 14, 21 Fontaine, Phil, xvii Fort Chipewyan, 77, 70, 71, 74, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, 85, 144 Franks, Lois, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, Frideres, J., 6 Furniss, E., 23 Gambling, 92 Gerber, L., 11, 18 Genovese, Michael, 8, 25, 58 George, Herb (Satsan), 135 Government: federal, xv, xvi, 11, 14, 17, 18, 19, 25, 55, 58, 63, 93, 118, 125, 126, 131; provincial, xv, xvi, 11, 18, 19, 35, 36, 55, 64, 93, 118, 129, 131, 134; municipal, 3, 5, 123, 129, 131 Healing, 60, 100, 102, 104, 129 Heffernan, Father Paul, 26, 41, 44 Hobson, B., 14 Horvorko, Margo, 13 Housing: substandard, 22, 43, 114, 125, 126, 132, 135; shortages, 22, 23, 25, 37, 40, 83, 93, 102 Imai, Shin, 3, 6, 17, 73, 114 Indian Act, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 11, 12, 15, 17, 26, 27, 35, 37, 49, 50, 58, 72, 73, 118, 123, 125, 126, 130, 135; 1951 changes, xv, 4, 5, 6, 11, 35, 126; definition, xx

Indian Act election, 73, 75, 76 Indian Affairs and Northern Development, 3, 91 Indian agent, 27, 29, 30, 33, 135, 125, 126, 127, 130, 131; definition, xx Indian Association of Alberta, 6, 35 Indian reserve: definition, xx Indian status: definition, xxi Industry, 13, 18, 19, 23, 25, 64, 77, 81, 90, 92, 93, 94, 97, 99, 100, 101, 103, 129, 134 Infrastructure, 96, 124, 125, 126, 127, 130, 132 Irwin, P., 42 Ives, J., 70 Jacobs, Dalton, 36, 41 Jacobs, Tony, 113 Johnson, Hannah, 32, 39 Johnson, S., 15 Knott, Cecil, 29, 32 Knott, Elsie, 26, 31, 36, 38, 41, 42, 43, 125, 126, 127, 130, 133, 135, 144 Lafond, Alpha, 13 Laturnus, T., 14 Laviolette, Alexandre, 71, 72, 77 Laviolette, Betty Ann, 86 Lepine, Patricia, 72 Luxton, Meg, 51 Macionis, John, 18 Mackenzie, Patrick, 71 Mair, Charles, 71 Marcel, John, 72 Marcel, Lily, 72 Marcel, Patrice, 69, 72, 76 Marten, Rita, 69 McMaster, Joyce, 81 Merasty, Gary, 130 Miller, Bruce, 14, 24, 54 Native Homemakers Association, 10, 37 Native Women’s Association of Canada, 11, 14 Norwegian, Yvonne, 13

Index Oberle, F., 71 Oil sands, 77, 79, 81 Ontario Native Women’s Association, 6, 7, 11 Pare, David, 72 Pare, Line, 45 Pauktuutit (Inuit Women’s Association), 11 Postsecondary education, 55, 92, 94, 112 Ponting, J. Rick, 13 Post, Linda, 28, 30, 32, 34, 35, 36, 38, 41, 42 Poverty, 23, 32, 59, 92, 132 Prentice, Alison, 6 Quebec Native Women’s Association, 11 Racism, 13, 130, 134 Reiter, Robert, 3 Red Paper (Citizens Plus), 6, 35 Residential schools, 23, 60, 80, 91, 110, 129 Richard, Peggy, 69, 70, 72, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88 Richter, L., 7 Rose, Rita, 27, 30, 31, 32, 34, 37, 38, 40, 42 Satzewich, Vic, 6 Scott, Duncan Campbell, 19 Section 35, Constitution Act, 1982, xv Section 91(24), Constitution Act, 1867, xv, 19 Seddon, R., 13 Self-government, xv, 3, 93, 135 Sexism, 13, 95, 130, 134 Sharistanian, J., 7 Simpson, Margaret (Cookie), 69 Soosay, Violet, xvi

157

Spencely, Margaret, 41 Status/Registered Indian: definition, xxi Stirmling, W.S., 8, 52, 58, 68, 80 Struthers, J., 40 Titley, Brian, 19 Tolchin, S. and M., 7, 105, Traditionalists, 93, 101, 105 Treaty, 118, 124; commissioner, 71; definition, xxi; negotiations 118, 124; promises, 6, 35, 118; rights, 35, 126; signatory, 71, 72 Treaty 8 of 1899, 71, 77 Trimble, Linda, 11 Tsawwassen First Nation, 13, 16, 20, 111, 112, 116, 125, 126, 127 Unemployment, 3, 23, 25, 43, 64, 92, 93, 102 Voting, 5, 85; behaviours, 14, 24, 65, 66, 73; rights for Canadian Women, 9, 10; rights for First Nations people, 37; rights for First Nations women, 10 Voyageur, Charlie, 72 Voyageur, Cora J., 15, 23, 95, 144 Voyageur, Ernie, 72 Water, 22, 25, 71, 93, 123, 127 Whetung, Dan, 31 Whetung, Judge Tim, 38 Whetung, William, 36, 39 White Paper (Statement of the Government of Canada on Indian Policy), 6, 11, 34, 35, 126 Williams, Doug, 39 Williams Jr, Robert, 10 Williams Treaty of 1923, 26, 35 Wotherspoon, Terry, 6