Fernando Wood of New York 9780231882194

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STUDIES

IN H I S T O R Y , PUBLIC

ECONOMICS

AND

LAW

Edited by the FACULTY O F P O L I T I C A L SCIENCE OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

NUMBER 5 3 6

FERNANDO WOOD OF NEW YORK BT

SAMUEL AUGUSTUS

PLEASANTS

FERNANDO WOOD OF N E W Y O R K

BY

SAMUEL AUGUSTUS PLEASANTS

NEW Y o r k COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 1948

COPYRIGHT,

1948

BT

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

PRESS

PRINTED IN T H E UNITED .STATES OF AMERICA

Published in Great Britain and India by GEOFFREY

CUMBERLEGE

OXFORD UNIVERSITY

PRESS

London and Bombay

So MOTHER

INTRODUCTION THIS biography of Fernando Wood is the result of an intensive study of all available material relating to the career of one of the most picturesque characters of American history in the middle of the nineteenth century. It is an attempt to evaluate him and his role in one of the most interesting periods of American history, the era of the W a r for Southern Independence. W o o d ' s career is of special interest in that it involves a study of both municipal and national events during this epoch. It is difficult if not impossible to render adequate appreciation to those who have helped in the research and writing of this book. T h e author wishes to express his gratitude to P r o fessor Allan Nevins of Columbia University who has been both counsellor and friend, reading the manuscript and offering many valuable suggestions and criticisms. Without this assistance the task would have been immeasurably more difficult. H e would also like to acknowledge the friendly and courteous assistance received at all times from the librarians of Columbia University, T h e New York Historical Society, The New York Public Library, particularly the Manuscript Division, and the Hall of Records in New York City.

7

CONTENTS PACE INTRODUCTION

8

CHAPTER I A Young Politician in Tammany Hall

n

C H A P T E R II A Young Politician Grows Apace CHAPTER

18 III

A Practical Politician of the Fifties CHAPTER

28 IV

His Honor the Mayor

46 CHAPTER

V

Our Rural Masters

66 CHAPTER

VI

Rise of Mozart Hall

84 CHAPTER

VII

The Proposal for a " Free City " CHAPTER

102 VIII

The Union as it is; The Constitution as it was CHAPTER

120

IX

The Draft Riots and the Demand for Peace CHAPTER

137

X

Problems of the W a r and Plans for Peace CHAPTER

148 XI

Back in Washington

165 CHAPTER

XII

Tariff Reform and the Election of 1876

179 9

CHAPTER XIII Father of the House

193 CHAPTER XIV

The Man and His Career : Conclusion

201

BIBLIOGRAPHY

207

INDEX

215

CHAPTER I A YOUNG POLITICIAN IN TAMMANY H A L L T H E R E is a story that just before the birth of her son, Rebecca Lehman Wood was reading one of those lurid novels so popular in the early nineteenth century, entitled " The Three Spaniards". The hero was called Fernando, and Rebecca determined that her next son would bear the same name. History does not record the sentiments of Father Benjamin upon the subject, but when the boy was born in Philadelphia on June 14, 1 8 1 2 , he was named Fernando, and this moreover in a family that contained such prosaic Biblical names as Benjamin, Isaiah and Zebekiah. The background of his father's family was Quaker and Scottish, and the Woods had been represented in this country since the middle of the seventeenth century. Several members of the Wood family, despite their Quaker background, had served with distinction in both the French and Indian Wars and the Revolutionary War. There appears to be no record of the family background of Rebecca Lehman.

Fernando's father, Benjamin, was a fairly prosperous dry goods merchant in Philadelphia until the panic of 1 8 1 6 and 1817. In later years Wood attributed his father's failure to the rechartering of the National Bank and attacked the Bank bitterly on several occasions. Benjamin suffered a nervous breakdown in 1819, probably caused by the failure of his business, and the doctor advised change and rest during the period of convalescence. Apparently in compliance with this suggestion the Wood family toured Kentucky and the deep south as far as New Orleans. Fernando's younger brother, Benjamin, later Congressman and owner of the New York Daily News, was born on October 1 3 , 1820, while the family was in Shelbyville, Kentucky. After a short visit in Cuba the family settled down in New York about 1 8 2 1 , 11

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where, re-entering the dry goods business, Fernando's father picked up the threads of his old life again. Fernando was sent to the private school of M r .

James

O'Shea, w h o was also a teacher at Columbia College. Less than three years later he left M r . O'Shea's academy and entered a broker's office for the remuneration of two dollars a week. A t the age of twenty, he opened up his own " Wine and Segar " shop at 3 2 2 Pearl Street, while he maintained a residence at 1 4 0 Greene Street. The business failed within three years, through neglect induced by his intense interest in politics. F o r some unexplained reason Wood was then appointed manager of a tobacco factory in Richmond, Virginia. Apparently New Y o r k proved an irresistible lure, for he returned there about 1 8 3 6 . On his way up from Richmond he stopped in Philadelphia, where he became involved in an altercation with a State Senator who in the course of an argument pulled out a bowie knife and rushed at Wood. Wood defended himself with a chair. Friends intervened before anyone was hurt. 1 On his return to N e w Y o r k about 1 8 3 6 Wood opened a grocery and g r o g shop on the corner of Washington and Rector Streets, one block f r o m the waterfront, and was so successful here, that with his profits he was able to purchase three sailing 1 The preceding material has been taken from Donald McLeod's biography of Wood, written about 1856, and also from an article by Gustavus Myers appearing in the New Y o r k Evening Post, July 27, 1901. Myers in this article questioned whether Wood had been born in Philadelphia, and on August 14, 1901, there appeared a letter from Alfred Lewis in the Post. Lewis wrote that he had gone to New York City to solicit funds for Buchanan in 1856. While there he called upon Wood, and in the course of the conversation the Mayor said: " I was born in Philadelphia and my parents were Quakers". Wood's addresses were taken from Longman's American Almanac and City Directory, 1832, p. 723. An article in The Nation, Feb. 18, 1881, refers to Wood as self-educated. There is no record ef any further formal education.

A

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vessels, and later was able to add more. 2 H i s absorbing interest in politics led him to join Tammany Hall on J u l y n , 1836.* Shortly after joining Tammany Hall, W o o d became associated with the Y o u n g Men's General Committee. H i s activity soon led to his appointment as head of a special committee, which reported October 1 5 , 1 8 3 8 , on the question of the Independent Treasury Bill, then before Congress. In this document Wood appealed to " fellow young men," decrying " appeals to passions and pecuniary interests", and assailed the opposition f o r " altering the facts " and doing what he described as raising the " rifle of the assassin." He attacked the principle of a National Bank for the safekeeping and disbursement of public monies, and opposed the placing under control of the executive what he termed " innumerable dependents for f a v o r , " which he contended would happen under the National Bank system. T h e report argued that the Bank could not be depended upon " in times of financial revulsions " , and concluded by asserting that the " possession of public monies by the banks is an evil of no small magnitude." T h e report also commended the measure of Senator Silas Wright for the establishment of an independent Treasury. T h i s bill contemplated setting up offices and vaults in certain commercial centers throughout the country in charge of receivers responsible to the Secretary of the Treasury, who in turn would be responsible to the President. H e a v y penalties were prescribed for the slightest deviation from their duties. T h e 2 At that time Washington Street faced North R i v e r ; there being no West Street. No. 99 on the corner of Rector Street was Wood's store, which had been leased to him without security by Thomas Shortland, the cooper, who lived next door at i n Washington Street. W a l t e r Barrett in his Old Merchants of Nezv York City, written in 1885, says that Wood's business was to sell bad liquor at three cents a glass to the stevedore's gangs who were employed on the ships lying at the nearby docks. Wood arranged with the employers to have the men paid off in his shop. He kept an alphabetized book of charges deducting the sum from the wages of the men. In case of dispute Wood's word was usually taken by the employers. 3 Tammany Society Membership List of 1836 in the Kilgore Collection,

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report emphasized the centralization of responsibility under this system as opposed to its dispersal under the Bank, and ended with a warning that " we are now upon the high road of a vast financial and civil revolution " unless this attempt to pass the T r e a s u r y bill was successful. 4 B y 1 8 3 9 , W o o d had risen to the position of Chairman of the Tammany Y o u n g Men's General Committee, with Richard B . Connolly as Secretary. T h e members of the Committee met under the direction of W o o d at T a m m a n y Hall, arranged mass meetings and issued publicity designed to win support for Democratic candidates and policies. 3 A n interesting sidelight on this period of W o o d ' s career concerns his membership in the " Tabernacle " , a church at the corner of B r o a d w a y and Morris Street. It was a huge structure erected back of a boarding house operated by L e w i s Tappan, the only entrance to which was underneath one of the houses facing on Broadway. W o o d attended the " Tabernacle " while living at 3 7 White Street, and eventually became one of its deacons. 6 The year 1 8 4 0 witnessed one of the most amazing campaigns in United States history,—the L o g Cabin and H a r d Cider campaign in which the W h i g s with William Henry H a r Columbia University. Barrett, op. cit., II, 151, believes that W o o d owed his political start to his short connection with Secor and Co. Francis Secor and his friends had great influence in the primaries and often were able to carry several doubtful wards. 4 Address of the Democratic Republican Young to the Republican Young Men of New York.

Men's

General

Committee

5 This is interesting in view of the later relations between the two men, but they apparently cooperated well at this time. W o o d was succeeded by Samuel J. Tilden as Chairman of the Committee. 6 Barrett, op. cit., vol. I, pp. 232-233. After mentioning this, Barrett goes on to say that at about this time David Hale of the N e w York Journal of Commerce and the Tappan Association gained control of it, and all hands made money out of the deal. H e does not go on to say what connection, if any, Wood had with this nor does he say how they gained control or what money they made.

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rison and John Tyler for candidates defeated the Democratic ticket of Martin V a n Buren and Richard Johnson. Throughout the spring and summer the W h i g s could rejoice that the state elections showed a marked trend toward their side. In the spring they carried Virginia, Connecticut and Rhode Island, while during the summer and early fall North Carolina, New Jersey and Pennsylvania fell into line by overwhelming majorities. The W h i g s even began to entertain hopes of carrying New Y o r k City. 7 A great W h i g mass meeting was held in Wall Street, attended by a large number of representative merchants. It adopted a series of resolutions acclaiming the candidacy of Moses Grinnell for Congress. Wood's term on the Y o u n g Men's General Committee having expired, he entered the Congressional race. The Third Congressional District embraced the entire City and County of New Y o r k and was entitled to elect four members. 8 These Congressmen-at-large were elected by a restricted electorate, for only 43,091 votes were cast out of a total population of 270,089.® Before the succeeding Congressional election, the State had been re-districted in conformity with a federal statute requiring all districts to be composed of contiguous territory and limiting each district to one representative. This requirement aroused the indignation of the New Y o r k State Assembly and Senate, which passed resolutions expressing their disapproval. 10 Wood's nomination was not, however, without opposition in Tammany Hall. Some attempt was made to persuade him to accept instead the nomination for either the Assembly or State 7 Philip Hone, one of the g r e a t W h i g m e r c h a n t s of the city, comments on the aspirations of the W h i g s in r e g a r d to N e w Y o r k City but he had very "little hope for it." Diary of Philip Hone, edited by Allan Nevins, p. 506. 8 Laws of the State of New York, 1832, chapter 334, p. 585. 9 Williams' Annual Register,

1840, p. 73.

10 Laws of the State of New York, 1842, p. 430.

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Senate, but he refused, saying that he was entitled to have the Congressional nomination. 1 1 T h e campaign of Wood was proceeding quietly toward a close when the Whigs, on the day preceding the election, launched a bitter personal attack upon him based upon the a f f a i r of the Merchant's Exchange Bank. They thoroughly aired the story that a check for $ 1 , 7 5 0 received for credit to the account of a man from Albany by the name of Yates had been credited to Wood's account by reason of a bookkeeping error in November, 1836. According to the W h i g charges, Wood had withdrawn the funds and refused to reimburse the bank until court action had been instituted. 12 In his published answer to these charges Wood, on November 2nd, pointed out that his business relations with the bank had terminated on April 1 , 1 8 3 7 , and asserted that they were satisfactory at that time, and that no claim had been made against him. He contended further that the claim for a refund had not been made against him until March 1, 1839, and charged that it had originated in a base conspiracy hatched by E d w a r d Durmilyea, one of his political opponents. He repeated his assertion that his bank books had been destroyed by a fire which had occurred in 1 8 3 9 ; denied emphatically that he owed the bank anything; and in conclusion quoted one of the antiW o o d arbitrators in the case as saying that the debit had been nothing more than an over-draft. This arbitrator had declared: " there is nothing in the transaction . . . to impeach your character unless the charge of an overdraft be considered >> 13

11 New York World, February 15, 1881. 12 Abijah Ingraham in his book, A History of Forgeries, Perjuries and other Crimes of our " Model Mayor", makes quite an issue of this, stressing the moral aspect of the case, and clearly assuming that Wood had gained an improper advantage out of the transaction. On November 6, 1857, the New York Tribune referred to this incident again in an attack upon Wood. 13 Refutation of Whig Slander against Mr. Fernando Wood, published by the Democratic Republican New Era, November 3, 1840; republished

A YOUNG

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Election day itself was comparatively quiet in N e w Y o r k City, although about 43,000 people voted in the city. T h e polling places were opened at sunrise and by ten o'clock in the morning two thirds of the City vote had been cast. While the administration carried the City it was by a greatly reduced majority. W o o d defeated his W h i g opponent by a margin of a little less than one thousand out of a total of more than forty thousand ballots cast. 14 In the State elections, William H. Seward, the W h i g candidate was re-elected for Governor, although he ran behind his ticket. The W h i g s , however, captured both branches of the Legislature in Albany and swept the other elective offices.

August 9, 1841. This charge was kept alive and harrassed Wood for many years. A s late as 1874 when he was running for Speaker of the House this charge was brought up in an anonymous pamphlet attacking his qualifications for that post. In 1850, Hone, op. cit., refers to this episode upon hearing of the nomination of Wood for Mayor by the " Loco-Focos ". 14 The count was: Wood 21,730; Prescott Hall 20,838.

CHAPTER II A POLITICIAN GROWS APACE REPRESENTATIVE-ELECT F e r n a n d o W o o d did not have to wait long before assuming his new office. O n M a r c h 17, 1841, the President, W i l l i a m H e n r y Harrison, called an extra session of Congress to meet on M a y 31st, describing the bad condition of the T r e a s u r y and pointing to exigent financial problems as the principal reason for the extra session.

1

T h e death of H a r r i s o n and the succession of John T y l e r did not alter the plan for the extra session, but it did accentuate the rivalry between H e n r y C l a y and T y l e r , particularly over the issues of the bank and the currency. Clay w a s determined to formulate the program f o r the session and thus reassert his leadership of the W h i g party. 2 T y l e r , at first disposed to let the whole matter devolve upon Congress, yielded to pressure from the W i s e - T u c k e r faction and undertook to assert his leadership. T h i s ran counter to the wishes of a great many W h i g leaders and resulted in a sharp clash w i t h Clay. 3 T h i s w a s the situation when C o n g r e s s met in extra session and proceeded to organize for business. John W h i t e , a K e n tucky W h i g , w a s elected Speaker of the H o u s e by a vote of 1 A c c o r d i n g to one authority the States rights W h i g s regarded this a s meaning the end of the sub-Treasury in favor of some sort of a national bank. Schouler, James, History of the United States under the Constitution, vol. I V , p. 364. 2 In early March, Clay had written to Clayton of D e l a w a r e : " I have a perfect bank in m y h e a d " . Glyndon V a n Deusen, The Life of Henry Clay, p. 344. V a n D e u s e n stresses this rivalry in his chapter entitled " T h e Crisis of 1841 ", pp. 344-357. O n p. 345, he quotes H e n r y A . W i s e , of Virginia, f r o m the T y l e r Papers as s t a t i n g : " R e g a r d Clay as the opposition to the T y l e r administration ultimately ". 3 Schouler, op. cit., I V , 375. V a n Deusen, op. cit., p. 345, says that W i s e and T u c k e r " w o r k e d unceasingly upon the President t o oppose Clay's centralism ". 18

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121-84, over John Jones, a V i r g i n i a Democrat. * T h e roster of the 27th Congress, which W o o d had entered as a newcomer, presented a v e r y distinguished appearance with such names a s John V a n Buren, Millard Fillmore, John Q u i n c y A d a m s , and Caleb C u s h i n g in the H o u s e , and H e n r y Clay, Silas W r i g h t , T h o m a s Benton, W i l l i a m R . K i n g of A l a b a m a , and John C . C a l h o u n in the Senate. T h e President's message, as delivered to Congress, favored the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands a m o n g the States and counseled leaving the tariff alone. H e also expressed abhorrence of the s u b - T r e a s u r y

system,

favoring

instead a

" suitable fiscal agent " , and hinted that any unconstitutional measure would receive his veto.® B y the end of the first week, C l a y had outlined what he proposed as a statement of policy for the W h i g p a r t y : repeal of the sub-Treasury A c t ; incorporation of a National B a n k ; adequate revenue by new customs duties and a temporary loan until revenues were available to the T r e a s u r y ;

distribution

a m o n g the states of the proceeds of the sale of the public lands; modification of the banking system in the District of C o l u m b i a ; and the passage of necessary appropriation bills. 6 O n June 12th, Secretary of the T r e a s u r y T h o m a s

Ewing

submitted a report to C o n g r e s s f a v o r i n g the establishment of " T h e Fiscal Bank of the U n i t e d States " . T h e seat of the bank w a s to be in the District of C o l u m b i a , and it w a s to have power 4 Congressional Globe, 27th Congress, 1st Session, p. 2. Although H e n r y A . W i s « ran and received eight votes, W o o d cast his vote for Jones, the " regular " candidate. 5 Congressional Globe, 27th Congress, 1st Session, Appendix. Schouler op. cit., I V , 377, describes the message as " polite, complimentary and softly pathetic ". 6 V a n Deusen, op. cit., p. 346, quotes from some Clay correspondence t o Letcher of Kentucky and also from the T y l e r papers t o the effect that Clay was confident that his program represented the wishes of the majority of the party. In his letter to Letcher, Clay said: "Tyler dares not resist. I will drive him before me ".

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to establish branches in the States, though only with the consent of the States involved. This issue of State consent precipitated a bitter clash between Clay and Tyler. 7 W o o d made his maiden speech on the bill to establish a National Bank, attacking the efforts of the W h i g s to re-charter the National Bank and strenuously defending the sub-Treasury. " It has worked well thus far," he stated, " in answering the objects of its creators ". He contended that $200,000,000 had been lost since 1831 by bank failures, suspension of specie payments, and the fluctuation in prices caused by the instability of bank currency. " Banks appear to be instruments selected by man to subvert God's blessings," he declared. " W e need not a government bank to regulate the exchanges; they are regulated by the immutable law of nature—by supply and demand." He went on to deny that the people had ever called for a repeal of the act creating the sub-Treasury, crying out that " the voice from the city of New Y o r k in favor of the National Bank is from Wall Street. . . ." He argued that the year 1841 had been more prosperous than any of the three preceding years, and read extracts from the New Y o r k Herald to support his contention that the Bank had injured both currency and exchange. In conclusion, he demanded a ten-year trial for the sub-Treasury, reminding Congress that the " paper system " had had a forty-year trial. 8 Wood's speech did not affect the compromise reached by the older veterans of the Congressional scene. This provided that the bank directors might establish branches in any state which gave its consent, but with a stipulation that Congress could set up additional branches in any state even without such consent. The measure passed the House on August 6th by a vote of 128 to 97.® 7 Clay attacked the proposal as ineffectual, dangerous and another disastrous experiment. Van Deusen, op. cit., p. 348. 8 Congressional Globe, 27th Congress, 1st Session, Appendix, pp. 278-290. 9 Congressional Globe, 27th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 305-307, 351-355. Van Deusen, op. cit., pp. 348-350. Schouler, op. cit., IV, 385.

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Another of the important items on Clay's program had been a tariff f o r protection. Although a protective bill was passed, it contained a great many modifications distasteful to the Whigs.10 Wood stated his belief that high protective tariffs were injurious to commerce and constituted a violation of " the genius of our Constitution " inasmuch as they granted exclusive privileges. H e felt that high duties provoked retaliation and also put a tax upon the consumer, the proceeds of which did not always go into the Treasury. " The spirit of the age," he believed, " is tending toward free trade and driving war and famine forever f r o m the world." 1 1 These arguments, while interesting as indicative of the future philosophy of Wood, had no influence in the conferences which gave the bill its final form. T h e bill raising the tariff above the twenty per cent mark was passed by the House on J u l y 16, 1 8 4 2 . President T y l e r promptly vetoed it, and the House was unable to muster the necessary two-thirds majority to override the veto. 1 2 Soon after the tariff battle, a Naval Appropriations Bill calling for $ 1 3 , 4 7 0 , 0 0 0 came up for consideration in the House and W o o d spoke at length on it. 1 3 He attacked the appropriation as unnecessarily high, comparing it with the highest of the V a n Buren administration, $ 5 , 5 1 3 , 0 0 0 . This speech included a general indictment of the W h i g Party for its extravagance. He declared: The people of this country now demand that their representatives make a reduction of public expenses. The Treasury 10 In a second message on the Treasury situation, the President had urged a prompt revision of the tariff duties. 11 Congressional

Globe, 27th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 132-134.

12 Congressional

Globe, 27 th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 320-322.

13 The Army and Navy were both very small and the year 1840 may be regarded as the acme of inefficiency of both branches prior to i860, Channing Edward, A History of the United States, V. 385.

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is empty—the credit of the country is prostrate and yet nothing is said of a reduction in outlays. The expenses of this country . . . are far beyond our ability to support. B y the Constitution we are more the guardians of popular contributions than of the popular liberties. I object to this extravagant proposition believing it to be unnecessary, impolitic, antirepublican and premature. 14 One of the principal W h i g measures urged by Clay had been a temporary loan of $ 1 2 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 to tide the government over until the current depression had been passed and new revenues would be available. This measure was fiercely opposed by the Democrats and just as hotly defended by the Whigs. On July 9th, Wood became involved in debate with Caleb Cushing, over some of the terms of the proposal. Wood savagely characterized the bill as " hawking the public faith up and down Threadneedle and Wall Streets " and bitterly opposed the theory of funding the public debt. In conclusion he attacked the control of the House by the majority party. 1 5 Cushing replied that the bill was necessitated by debts incurred under the Democratic administrations of Jackson and V a n Buren. John M c K e o n , another New Y o r k freshman, followed Cushing and the debate raged on until time for adjournment. Three days later, on J u l y 12th, the bill passed the House by a party vote of 1 2 4 to 93. Wood found himself in a minority with such personages as V a n Buren, Thomas Sumter, Henry A . Wise, and Charles A . Floyd. The extra session adjourned on September 13th without passing any fiscal measure, much to the disgust of the W h i g s ; and the leaders, violently blaming President Tyler for their disappointment, proceeded to read him out of the party.- 1 6 14 Congressional

Globe, 27th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 412-418.

15 Congressional

Globe, 27th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 176-180.

16 Blair and Rives announced on December 16, 1841, " S o little has been done in Congress that we have not been able to print the first number of the Congressional Globe as soon as we had expected." Much of the regular term was taken up with a heated debate over the rule in the House forbidding the presentation of anti-slavery resolutions by members.

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O n J a n u a r y 10th, d u r i n g the r e g u l a r session of the 2 7 t h C o n gress, the C o m m i t t e e on N a v a l A f f a i r s headed b y H e n r y

A.

W i s e presented a report on floating d r y docks, a subject upon w h i c h W o o d h a d spoken quite frequently. T h e r e is some reason to believe that W o o d himself did considerable w o r k in prepari n g this report, since both the l a n g u a g e and the

arguments

used in the d o c u m e n t are s t r i k i n g l y similar to some that he used in C o n g r e s s i o n a l debate. T h e report recommended that the a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f $100,000 voted at the previous

session

t o w a r d the b u i l d i n g of a d r y dock at B r o o k l y n be applied to the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a durable

floating

d r y dock. T h e

Com-

mittee noted in its report that, " the citizens o f N e w Y o r k a n d Brooklyn

have

of

provision

some

frequently for

manifested their

the

repair

and

wishes

in

favor

coppering

of

ships

of w a r " , a n d concluded that " a f t e r m a t u r e deliberation and a r e v i e w of m a n y considerations t o be w e i g h e d in a r r i v i n g at this conclusion " it h a d decided to r e c o m m e n d that the purpose of the a p p r o p r i a t i o n be altered. 1 7 In a v e r y i n t e r e s t i n g speech on M a y 12th, W o o d contended that the office of D i s p a t c h A g e n t w a s a sinecure a n d should be abolished. H e r e f e r r e d to one a g e n t in N e w Y o r k C i t y w h o received eight h u n d r e d dollars a y e a r f o r f o r w a r d i n g dispatches, " probably once a m o n t h — n o t c o n s u m i n g then m o r e than an h o u r of his t i m e . " It w a s his idea that the P o s t m a s t e r or C o l lector could p e r f o r m these duties. 1 8 P o s s i b l y it w a s f o r t u n a t e for W o o d

that the appropriation f o r the office of

Dispatch

A g e n t w a s not deleted f r o m the bill, since a f t e r he left C o n g r e s s , he w a s appointed by S e c r e t a r y of S t a t e John C .

Cal-

h o u n as D i s p a t c h A g e n t f o r N e w Y o r k C i t y a n d this appointment w a s r e n e w e d b y S e c r e t a r y of S t a t e J a m e s

Buchanan.

A l t o g e t h e r , he held the post f r o m 1842 to 1847. 17 Report of the Committee on Naval Affairs to the House, Congressional Globe, 27th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 398-400. 18 Congressional Globe, 27th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 494.

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The 27th Congress finally adjourned on March 3, 1843, with a record of futility that is nearly unmatched. The bill for the creation of a National Bank had been killed by presidential veto; all efforts to repair the currency had failed; the one surviving measure of the Clay program, the tariff, had been passed but only in a modified form. Wood had been defeated for reelection by Philips Phoenix in 1842, and when Congress adjourned he withdrew from public affairs, returned to New Y o r k , and engaged once more in the shipping business. This continued to be his major interest until 1850, when he reentered politics and made an unsuccessful race for Mayor. Most contemporaneous accounts of New York City in the early forties, both foreign and native, stress the absence of law and order, painting the dramatic contrasts between luxury and poverty. 19 The period between 1820 and 1840 was marked by the entry of a great many impoverished and illiterate immigrants. The city also attracted many people from other parts of the United States. This native stock represented every part of the country from shrewd New Englanders to hard-headed Westerners, all fired with a common determination to make their fortunes in the fast-expanding metropolis. With a population of slightly more than 100,000 in 1820, New Y o r k had grown to 500,000 by 1840, and was recognized as an outstanding commercial center. This commercial growth was nowhere more evident than along the waterfront, lined by docks and warehouses. At South Street alone 600 sailing vessels and 50 steamboats tied up during 1840, while New Y o r k as a whole did more business than any other city in the world except London, a total of $146,000,000 for the year. Port facil19 Max Berger, " British Impressions of New York A Century A g o " , New York History, April, 1946, pp. 141-153; Charles Dickens, American Notes for General Circulation; Lothrop Stoddard, Master of Manhattan, The Life 0} Richard Croker. Stoddard describes graphically the " reckless . . . spirit of the Boom T o w n ", and continues " Those were great days if you had a shrewd head, a hard hand, and plenty of nerve. Little old N e w York was no place for weaklings."

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ities were entirely inadequate, many of the wooden piers and wharves being in rotting condition. Mayor Lawrence in 1840 warned of diseases which might spread to the city from the dirty waterfront, but nothing was done. Shippers were greatly troubled by harbor thieves who operated from small boats under the cover of darkness. The river police were unable to cope with the problem and many thousands of tons of merchandise were stolen every year. 20 In spite of handicaps, Wood's shipping business prospered and he rapidly became a man of substantial means. In 1849 his vessel the John W. Carter was one of the first to reach San Francisco after the discovery of gold, and realized enormous profits. The successful voyage of the John W. Carter was not, however, without certain incidents which were never satisfactorily explained and which reflected upon Wood's integrity. The voyage had been undertaken as a joint venture with Edward E. Marvine, his brother-in-law. The dispute resulted in a law suit brought in the State Supreme Court, in which Marvine asserted that he had been cheated out of some $8,000, for the vessel had been represented as newly built and worth $12,000, when in reality it was an over-age barque and not worth more than $4,000. He further asserted that while the outfitting of the ship for the California trade was for joint account, the actual purchase of equipment and stock was in fact made by Wood alone, and that, in order to induce him to contribute more than his share, Wood had presented bills of sale which had been altered by increasing the prices. Wood had also attempted to have merchants render invoices for amounts in excess of the actual prices. Marvine had been told of the fraudulent practices by certain of these merchants. Three referees appointed by the Court recommended damages and overcharges, aggregating a little more than $15,000, in Marvine's favor. 20 James Grant Wilson, Memorial History of the City 0} New York, III, 336; A Maritime History of New York published by the Works Progress Administration, p. 135.

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This civil suit was followed by a Grand J u r y indictment against W o o d on December 7, 1 8 5 1 , for obtaining money under false pretences. In a technical defense Wood pleaded the Statute of Limitations, pointing out that the alleged offense had been committed more than three years prior to the indictment, on November 6, 1848. In his decision upholding this contention, Recorder F . A . Tallmadge quoted from previous cases in both American and English jurisprudence. In conclusion the complainant was reminded that the " civil courts can a f f o r d abundant remedy for the supposed wrong. . . . " 2 1 U s i n g some of the profits realized f r o m his shipping business, W o o d entered the real estate market in both N e w Y o r k and S a n Francisco, and soon accumulated a substantial fortune, making a short trip to San Francisco to inspect and consolidate his holdings there. His success in acquiring choice properties in N e w Y o r k excited the envy and admiration of the redoubtable William M. Tweed, who remarked: " I never went to get a corner lot, that I didn't find W o o d had got in ahead of me." 2 2 T w e e d was not the only person to comment on the real estate dealings of Wood. A young man from Vermont named Milton Greene wrote home to his brother about his trip to S a n Francisco in M a y , 1 8 5 2 . A f t e r describing the trip, he went on to say that he had met Fernando W o o d in San Francisco and had undertaken to act as attorney in his real estate transactions. In one deal Wood paid $ 7 5 , 0 0 0 for a piece of property, and received a ground rent of $ 2 , 5 0 0 a month; agreeing to pay 2 1 " New York General Sessions Before Honorable F. A. Tallmadge, Observer, Recorded, The People v. Fernando Wood." The New York Legal 1852, X, 61-63, edited by Samuel Owen of the New York Bar. A. J. Ingraham, op. cit., mentions a check for five hundred dollars belonging to Wood which the Recorder cashed at a city bank soon after the trial. This charge is reiterated in an article in the New York Tribune, November 4, 1854, except that the amount is stated to be $700, instead of $500. The New York Tribune, November 6, 1857 mentions this case in an attack upon Wood. 22 Morris R. Werner, Tammany Hall, p. 85.

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Greene about $1,500 per annum to collect this rent after he returned to N e w Y o r k . On April 2, 1852, W o o d bought a piece of property on the corner of Montgomery and W a s h ington Streets for which he paid $100,000 to Thomas Larkin. This was sold in 1863 to a group composed of Henry Halleck, Archibald Peachy, and Frederick Billings for the same amount. 23 The profits of his shipping activities and the success of his real estate ventures enabled W o o d by 1849 t o withdraw from active business and devote his entire time to politics. W o o d at this period has been described as very handsome and gifted with an appealing personality. He had regular features, keen blue eyes, a great abundance of light hair which fell carelessly over his forehead. 2 4 He was a " born politician ", and no doubt his personality attracted many supporters. 25 In the course of his political career W o o d depended far more upon individual contacts, the sharing of drinks and the manifestation of a warm personal interest in the ordinary voter, than upon the more orthodox methods. It has been said that he acquired a speaking acquaintance with every longshoreman in his district. " No politician rivaling W o o d ", says a later writer, " has appeared in city history." 2 6

23 Pack Mss., Milton Green Collection through the courtesy of Professor R. B. Morris of Columbia University. Material obtained by the author from the office of the Recorder, San Francisco, California. W o o d lost heavily in the panic of 1873 but by the time of his death in 1881 he had nearly recovered his former position. 24 Gustavus Myers, History of Tammany Hall, p. 179; Alexander, op. cit., II, 233; N e w York Evening Post, July 27, 1901. 25 An "official at City Hall" otherwise unidentified, being interviewed by a reporter of the N e w York World on February 15, 1881, the day after Wood's death. 26 Gustavus Myers writing in the N e w York Evening Post, July 27, 1901.

CHAPTER III A PRACTICAL POLITICIAN OF THE FIFTIES Wood's renewal of political activity concided with a bitter division within the Democratic party in the North, especially in New Y o r k state. Here social unrest in the Jacksonian period had resulted in demands for labor organization, economy in state expenditures, and hard money. The radical group advocating these reforms was referred to as " Loco-focos " , and gave their support to such prominent men as Martin V a n Buren and John A . Dix. When the Wilmot Proviso raised the slavery issue in acute form, the radicals who stood for free soil were given the name of Barnburners. The more conservative wing of the party known as Hunkers, consisted of cautious merchants, farmers, and other property-owners, and were represented by Seymour, Dickinson and Tallmadge. 1 V a n Buren's defeat in the 1844 convention and the loss of the governorship by Silas Wright in 1846 accentuated the diff1 Alexander, Political History 0} New York, vol. II. W i l l i a m Trimble, " D i v e r g i n g Tendencies in N e w Y o r k Democracy in the Period of the L o c o F o c o s " , American Historical Review, X X I V , 396-421. Definitions of the terms " H u n k e r s " and " B a r n b u r n e r s " are very diverse. In his article, Trimble, op. cit., p. 415, states that the term " H u n k e r s . . . appears to have been used by radicals of T a m m a n y as an opprobrious designation of conservatives at least as early as 1835 ". H e suggests the origin of the term " Barnburners " by possible derivation from charges of incendiarism brought against reformers in the D o r r Rebellion in Rhode Island. H e associates " Hunker " with the philosophy of free enterprise, and being affiliated with Southern expansionists, while the " Barnburners " were progressing toward " free soil, free speech, free labor and free men." R o y Nichols, The Democratic Machine 1850-1854, p. 20, associates the " B a r n b u r n e r s " with the radicals under V a n Buren and W r i g h t and opposed to Southern expansionism. H e states that this w a s partricularly true after the secession of 1847. T h e Hunkers were the conservatives w h o were more interested in Democratic ascendancy and cared little about slavery. T h e y were intensely in favor of the Compromise of 1850. 28

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erences between the factions and led to threats of reprisals by the radicals. They withdrew from the state convention in 1847 and held their own gathering, nominating a separate delegation to the National Convention of 1848. While the National Convention recognized both factions, it demanded support of any platform adopted as a condition precedent to this recognition. The Barnburners felt that the platform would be Southern in tone and therefore withdrew. They nominated Van Buren on an independent ticket, attracting both Free Soilers and disaffected Democrats from Lewis Cass, and giving the national victory to the Whigs. They even nominated a separate state ticket, enabling the Whigs to defeat both Democratic tickets easily, although the combined Democratic vote was in excess of the Whigs. In an effort to heal this breach, Horatio Seymour made advances to the Barnburners on behalf of the Hunkers, and a reunion was brought about over the protests of the more conservative men led by Dickinson, who felt that the Barnburners should not be let back into the fold so easily. Consequently there were three factions in the field in 1850 c conservative Hunkers led by Dickinson; conciliatory Hunkers led by Seymour; and the Barnburners led by Van Buren and Dix. The national political scene was greatly disturbed by the struggle attending the birth of the Compromise of 1850, a fact nowhere more evident than in New York City. A Union Safety Committee of fifty New York business men sponsored a large meeting at Castle Garden. 2 Hone, in speaking of the assembly, said: " Thousands . . . of commercial magnates, comfortable millionaires, Whigs and Loco-focos assembled to stand by the Union and support the Constitution " , 3 Similar mass 2 Proceedings

of a Union Meeting held at Castle Garden, Oct. 30, 1850.

3 Diary of Philip Hone, op. cit., pp. 926-927. H o n e lists the great number of speakers w h o addressed the multitudes and then added: " . . . it is reported about t o w n that there w a s not so large an assembly at the close as at the commencement of this great demonstration." William L. Marcy is represented as having described this meeting as striking " a severe if not a fatal

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meetings were held in Boston and Philadelphia, and some attempts were made to unite the Compromise men into a " Union party." This, however, never materialized, partly because of a lack of support from the Democrats. 4 T h e party confusion extended into the field of municipal elections. When members of the T a m m a n y Society went to the polls to cast their votes for Sachems in the annual election of April 1 5 , 1 8 5 0 , they were confronted with two tickets in the field. One was headed by E l i j a h Purdy and Isaac Fowler and supported by Fernando Wood. The other, headed by former Mayor Andrew Mickle and Charles O'Conor, was supported by Henry Western, representing the Hunker faction. Each committee declared itself to be the " regular " organization committee. 5 T h e actual balloting took place on April 15th, and was proceeding favorably f o r the W o o d - P u r d y group, most of their ticket having been elected, when three more Hunker votes were discovered in a ballot box which had been previously emptied and publicly examined. If counted, these votes would have resulted in the election of one more Hunker Sachem. The two blow to two mischievous factions—abolitionists and antirenters ". " Diary and Memoranda of W . L. Marcy 1 8 4 9 - 1 8 5 1 ", Thomas M. Marshall, vol. X X I V , American Historical Review, 1 9 1 9 , pp. 4 4 4 - 4 6 2 . 4 In 1 8 5 1 , the Union Safety Committee attempted to set up a national and state ticket but the declination of Cass to run as the vice-presidential candidate with Clay brought the scheme to nought. The Southern opposition to the Compromise of 1 8 5 0 and the strife-torn condition of the Northern wing of the Democratic P a r t y leads Roy Nichols, Democratic Machine 1830-1954, p. 2 4 , to comment that the Democratic P a r t y was on the verge of being ruined as an efficient machine. 5 T h e New York Herald, April 16th and 1 7 t h . The Tammany Society elected its officers annually on the third Monday in April. These officers are thirteen Sachems, who act as a Board of Directors, a Secretary, a Treasurer, a Sagamore and a Wiskinski. T h e Sachems organize the Grand Council by electing a presiding officer called a Grand Sachem who presides at all functions of both Council and Society. T h e Sachems also elect a Father of the Council and a Scribe to the Council. The Story of Tammany, p. 3 0 , compiled by Edwin Kilroe, A b r a h a m Kaplan, and Joseph Johnson, issued by the Democratic Organization of New York County, 1 9 2 4 .

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Barnburner inspectors refused to recognize these ballots, whereupon Purdy took possession of the books and papers as Grand Sachem and entered upon his new duties. 9 This by no means settled the problem from the Hunker point of view, and the matter was still in controversy when the out-going Sachems decided the matter by denying both committees admittance to the W i g w a m by a vote of ten to one. They further recommended that the Wood-Purdy group provide for the election of delegates to a convention at Tammany Hall " to reorganize a New Y o r k City D e m o c r a c y " . The Hunkers accepted this decision under protest, and elections took place for the delegates to the convention. 7 From 1800 until this time, and in fact until 1871, the Council of Sachems of the Tammany Society by its control of the use of the Hall had passed upon the regularity of committees, conventions, and nominations of the party, and was the directing power in party affairs. By custom and precedent the body that met at Tammany Hall had come to be regarded as the regular Democratic party and its nominees were accepted as the regular party candidates. This Convention ordered the election of a new General Committee to supersede both the W o o d and the Western groups. 8 The new group met and was organized with Edward West as 6 The N e w York Evening

Post,

April 16th.

7 T h e N e w York Evening Post, April 17th. Report of the Council Sachems on the Use of Tammany Hall in 1850, N e w York, 1850.

oj

8 T h e General Committee w a s installed to establish a system of party machinery about 1800. Traces of the General Committee are found as far back as 1803 when the Republican voters in each of the city's ten wards elected a ward Committee of three members. These thirty members constituted the General Committee which by 1822 had assumed full control of party management and affairs. T h e basis of committee membership remained the same, although by 1853 the committee itself had increased t o sixty members, the number of wards having been increased to twenty. F o l l o w i n g the State Democratic Convention of 1871 at Rochester, the Democratic Committee of N e w York County w a s organized based on the Assembly District instead of the Ward. Kilroe, op. cit., p. 52.

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Chairman and was in turn succeeded by the General Committee of 1 8 5 1 . The Convention in its regular session on October 16th nominated Horatio Seymour for Governor, while Fernando Wood secured the nomination for Mayor on the second ballot. The first ballot had shown a scattering of the vote among six different candidates, but on the second ballot the vote was twentynine for Wood and twenty-two for John Cisco. 9 In the elections Havemeyer and Mickle revolted against Wood, and the Whig candidate, Ambrose Kingsland, won easily with a vote of 22,540 against Wood's 17,900. It is interesting to note that Seymour carried the city by only 705 plurality. 10 Although Seymour's associates were elected, Seymour himself lost by a vote of 2 1 4 , 6 1 4 to 214,352. While he had succeeded in making several large gains in the Hudson River counties, other areas gave the election to Washington Hunt and a Whig Legislature. 11 The Aldermen chosen at this election, one of whom was to be known later as " Boss " Tweed, became so corrupt that they were popularly referred to as " The Forty Thieves " . 1 2 Even after this demonstration of the cost of disunity, noth9 Philip Hone in his diary lamented the nomination of Wood by those whom he termed " Loco-focos" saying: " There was a time when it was thought of some consequence that the incumbent of this office should at least be an honest man," p. 925. Hone's comments are interesting in that they probably reflected the opinions of a large part of the New York mercantile community 10 The New York Herald attributed Wood's defeat to the defection of the anti-Wood men, probably having in mind Havemeyer and Mickle, who charged Wood with improper action in procuring the nomination. 11 Civil List of the State of New York (1887), p. 166. 12 J. W . Flynn, an official of the Third Avenue Railroad Company testified that his company paid $10,000 for their franchise to the Board of Assistant Aldermen and $8,000 to the Board of Aldermen for the same purpose. H e further testified that they sometimes met in Tammany Hall to discuss the terms. Documents of the Board of Aldermen, 1854, vol. X X I , pt. II, pp. 133-137-

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ing was done to heal the breach in Democratic ranks. Instead, fresh quarrels occurred. On July 16, 1852, a part of the General Committee met at the W i g w a m . W h e n the meeting was called to order someone discovered that the Barnburners had a majority and they immediately adopted a plan which favored them in the primary elections. When word of this got out, the Hunkers swarmed in, and the General Committee in full session rescinded its previous action. In order to smooth out the difficulties a Special Committee was appointed with both sides represented. The Special Committee met on August 20, 1852, in T a m many Hall. A great crowd was present, hard words were exchanged and fighting started. The disorders became so serious that several members of the General Committee escaped through windows and by other devious routes. 13 However, after this disorderly affair, the pressure of political necessity began to bring men to their senses. The nomination of the politically obscure Franklin Pierce and the disturbances among the W h i g s led the city Democrats to realize that a union was essential, since so far their bickering had permitted the W h i g s to enjoy undisputed possession of the valuable city patronage. Both factions finally agreed on Jacob Westervelt, a wealthy ship builder. 14 A grand mass meeting was held in Tammany Hall on September 3rd with both Cass 13 The N e w York Herald, August 19th and 20th gives a full account of these disorders. One member of the General Committee took the precaution of coming armed with a pistol and a bowie knife. 14 According to the N e w York Tribune of May 15, 1852, the practice of selling nominations had gradually grown to the point where the bargaining was unconcealed. Both the Whigs and the Tammany men were guilty. The costs of the campaign were impressed upon the prospective candidate, such as the bands, parades and the persuasions of the voters. At the last minute a dummy candidate might be brought forward as a man who had offered more for the nomination, and the final price made still higher, the price often running as high as $I4,000-$20,000. The Tribune charged that W h i g votes bought and traded often went to swell the Tammany ballot boxes.

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and D o u g l a s in attendance, at which the W h i g s were hotly denounced and all seemed to be peace and serenity. T h e D e m o c r a t s made national issues paramount and the city organization rode back into p o w e r on the Pierce tide with a plurality of about 9,500, and T a m m a n y w a s once again in control of the city.

16

In 1849 a new charter w a s adopted making comprehensive changes in the old Charter of 1830. A study of this charter reveals many interesting facts. T h e C o m m o n Council consisted of the B o a r d of A l d e r m e n and the B o a r d of Assistant A l d e r m e n . T h e B o a r d of Aldermen w a s elected one f r o m each w a r d for a term of t w o years, while the A s s i s t a n t Aldermen were chosen for one year only. U n d e r the law the Council w a s required to hold three sessions annually of one month each, while it w a s subject to any emergency call. T h e sessions were to be open except " when the public welfare shall require secrecy ". M o n e y w a s not to be w i t h d r a w n from the city

treasury

except " by specific and detailed statement in writing " and then only through the Comptroller. T h i s provision and similar clauses aimed at the prevention of corruption fell short of their object. T h e provisions for the impeachment and trial of public officials were somewhat similar to those of the national government. T h e sole power of impeachment lay w i t h the Assistant A l d e r m a n , with the A l d e r m e n sitting as j u d g e s of the impeachment proceedings. In case of impeachment and conviction, the most severe punishment prescribed was the removal f r o m office and future disqualification f r o m office. N o

provision

15 Westervelt received 33,251 as against 23,719 for his rival. Fraud and violence were common and it was charged that some men voted as often as twenty times. A t one polling place the Tammany inspectors ran away to the police station with the ballot boxes. Sometimes one party or another would get control of the voting place and then the fighting became serious. In one of the wards it was charged, not one hundred of the voters had seen the ticket, although it was elected by six hundred votes.

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was made for a civil suit to recover damages. This method of impeachment was frequently denounced by Wood. T h e executive power lay with the Mayor and department heads, with the Council specifically prohibited from exercising any executive prerogatives. The department heads consisted of the M a y o r in charge of the Police Department, with a Chief of Police to handle routine departmental duties; the Comptroller, who headed the Department of Finance; the Commissioner of Repair and Supplies; the Commissioner of Streets and L a m p s ; the Presiding Engineer, who headed the Croton Aqueduct B o a r d ; the Chief Inspector in charge of the City Inspector's Department; the Governor of the Almhouse; and the Counsel to the Corporation, in charge of the L a w department. W i t h the exception of the Presiding Engineer, who held office f o r a term of five years, the departmental heads were elected for a period of three years. In case of vacancy the M a y o r was given power of appointment until the next election with the advice and consent of the Board of Aldermen. A n y city officer with the exception of the Mayor and members of the Common Council could be removed by a concurrent resolution of the Common Council. Departmental heads could remove any clerk in their department with the consent of the Mayor. T h e Mayor was given wide authority in appointing such minor officers as marshals, porters, carriers and scavengers, while he had power to license coaches, carriages and stages " under the direction of the Common Council." A s executive of the city he proposed measures both in his annual messages and in special messages which he felt were necessary. He had to sign measures passed by the Common Council before they could become law, although his veto of a measure could be overridden. H e was expected to be " vigilant and active " in enforcing city laws. With the Recorder and the members of the B o a r d of Aldermen he was required to perform the duties of County Supervisor. T h i s system continued until 1 8 5 7 .

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Both the M a y o r and the Aldermen were vested with extensive judicial authority ranging from the summary conviction of disturbers of the peace on the Sabbath and the binding out children of the poor as apprentices and servants to actual arrest of violaters of the law. Both the M a y o r and the Aldermen had the power to act as justices of the peace and were obligated to perform their functions if " not otherwise essentially engaged " . The peace reigning in Democratic ranks after the victory of 1 8 5 2 was destined to be rudely shattered, and within a short time. The old battle lines were redrawn as soon as the foe had been defeated. The struggle arising over the patronage became the chief concern of the politicians and proved in the end to have disastrous consequences. W o o d in a letter to Marcy charged that the Softs were not getting any appointments, but asserted that the Hards were receiving all of them, and he declared that the national administration could look elsewhere for city support unless this situation was rectified. 1 6 While efforts were being made to patch up this open breach in the newly found unity of the faithful, internal trouble was brewing in Tammany itself. On December 2nd, the Tammany General Committee met and the Hards claimed a majority. The importance of controlling the General Committee lay in its power to choose inspectors of election for the coming elections to the 1 8 5 3 General Committee. T h e inspectors could in large measure insure the return of such candidates as they favored. The General Committee chose a majority of Hards, whereupon the Softs broke down the doors of the Committee room and attacked the Committee members with chairs. Some skulls were cracked and the H a r d s were forced to flee in disorder to the Astor House. 1 7 16 Fernando Wood to William Marcy quoted by Roy Nichols, Machine 1850-1854, p. 203 from Marcy Manuscripts. 17 The N e w York Herald,

December 3, 1852.

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T h e o u t g o i n g General Committee ruled that their successors were to meet in T a m m a n y Hall on January 13, 1853,

to

ta^e

over their new posts and that until this time the old Committee w a s to retain power. T h e Sachems, w h o were mainly S o f t s , decided to take a hand and called a meeting of their supporters for J a n u a r y 13th also. T h e y specified that only those having certificates of election approved by the General Committee of 1852 were entitled to admittance.

18

P r o m p t l y at seven-thirty, the Sachems unlocked the doors of the meeting room and both sides streamed into the room. In a short but stormy session both Daniel Delevan and his opponent T h o m a s J. B a r r were elected chairmen. Both factions after considerable noise voted to exclude everyone from the room excepting those holding election certificates f r o m the inspectors of the General Committee of 1852. F i f t y - e i g h t out of s i x t y members present decided that they should proceed to ballot for a temporary chairman, whereupon the B a r r faction w i t h d r e w and proceeded to f o r m their o w n body. In the small hours of the m o r n i n g both sides a d j o u r n e d without accomplishing anything, and continued to meet and a d j o u r n until January 18th but without any definite accomplishment. O n J a n u a r y 19th the Grand Council held a special meeting to consider the problem, and after much discussion a resolution proposed by Sachems Cornell and Connolly w a s adopted, favo r i n g a d j o u r n m e n t until the following day when the Council would " decide what persons shall constitute said committee " . It w a s further directed that no political committee should meet in the H a l l before January 2 1 s t . 1 9 A t the meeting of January 20th the Delevan faction w a s recognized as " appearing to have been elected as members of the C o m m i t t e e for 1853 " . T h e y were requested to meet the 18 Address of the Grand Council o) Tammany Society upon the Subject of their Recent Decision Relative to the Political Use of Tammany Hall, February 4, 1853. 19 Ibid., pp. 4-6.

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f o l l o w i n g evening for purposes of

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organization, and

were

further declared " entitled to the use of T a m m a n y Hall. "

20

T h e Council concluded their meeting of January 20th b y emphasizing the right of the Society to control use of its o w n building.

21

T h e H a r d s were led by A l d e r m a n T h o m a s J. Barr, and their exclusion produced such bitterness that they even started raising money to build up a rival Hall. T h e H a r d protest, as published in the newspapers the next day, m a y be summed

up

in its last sentence: " T h e Democrats of N e w Y o r k C i t y h a v e never in any manner or by any act vested in the T a m m a n y S o ciety the right to prescribe the rules for their government in matters of political organization."

22

B o t h sides w o r k e d feverishly until the annual election of A p r i l 18th to gain a m a j o r i t y . S o f t circulars signed by F e r nando W o o d and Isaac F o w l e r were distributed a m o n g the voters, professing allegiance to the Baltimore platform and the regular organization. T h e S o f t s w o n the elections and F o w l e r w a s made Grand Sachem. T h e Hall barroom w a s

crowded

w i t h men awaiting the outcome of the balloting, and while the atmosphere w a s tense and such epithets as " t h i e f " " political swindler " were freely exchanged, there were physical encounters.

and no

23

20 Ibid., p. 7. W o o d was a member of the Delevan faction from the 19th W a r d , but does not seem to have taken a very active part in the dispute. 21 They quoted from the lease of December 27, 1842, in which the power to determine absolutely the occupancy of Tammany Hall for political uses was declared to be vested in the Grand Council of the Tammany Society and inherent in the ownership of the building. Ibid., pp. 9-11. The S a c h e m s were upheld in this stand by the February 12th meeting of the T a m m a n y Society. T h e Hards objected, refusing to recognize the power of the Sachems in this case, mainly because of the thirteen Sachems, eleven were Softs. 22 T h e N e w York Herald,

February 10th.

23 President Pierce made a trip to N e w York City to open the W o r l d Exposition at Castle Garden. Nichols in his biography of Franklin Pierce, suggests that this was only the ostensible reason, and that the real reason

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T h e proceedings of 1853 would seem to demonstrate that the incorporated " S o c i e t y of T a m m a n y " was the legal owner a n d proprieter of the building referred to as " T a m m a n y " , and that the political organization was merely a tenant of the S o ciety, although the fact that nearly all members and officers of the Society were also members of the political party would seem to indicate a very secure tenure. T h i s situation continued until the Democratic State Convention of 1871 at Rochester, w h i c h adopted the A s s e m b l y district as the basis of representation on the Committee instead of the ward. State laws regulating the control of parties completed this separation, putting the Society back in its original role as a fraternal o r d e r . 2 4 A n interesting sidelight on methods in city government is presented by the trafficking in municipal franchises. W h i l e there is no evidence connecting W o o d either directly or indirectly, except t h r o u g h his membership in T a m m a n y Hall, w i t h the dispensing of the franchises which were under the control of the B o a r d of A l d e r m e n , it seems hard to believe that he did not connive at these objectionable practices. T h i s scandalous state of affairs w a s brought to the public attention on F e b r u a r y 26, 1853, when a Grand Jury handed d o w n its presentment based upon charges brought by James Coulter. T h e G r a n d J u r y charged that a g r o u p had been o r g a n ized in the B o a r d of A l d e r m e n to receive and distribute bribes obtained

for

municipal

" clearly

shown

that

franchises, and

enormous

sums

stated of

that

money

it

had

was been

expended for the procurment of railway grants in the c i t y . " was that a personal appearance might help clear up the N e w York situation. Schouler, op. cit., V , 276, agrees with this contention of Nichols. N i c h o l s , op. cit., says that the General Committee sent Schell and a group of H a r d s to see Pierce, but that they were unsuccessful. A letter of John T a y l o r to Horatio Seymour describes the N e w York situation very well. Taylor w r o t e : " I cannot help thinking the politicians of this state have bewildered the administration in W a s h i n g t o n quite as much as it has them". John T a y l o r to Horatio Seymour, Horatio Seymour Papers, N e w York Historical Society. 24 Story of Tammany, compiled by Edwin Kilroe, et al., op. cit., p. 50.

40

FERNANDO

WOOD OF

NEW

YORK

It was charged that in connection with the procurement of the 8th A v e n u e Railroad franchise that a sum of money had been expended so large " that it would startle the most credulous . . . but in consequence of the voluntary absence of important witnesses the G r a n d J u r y was left without the direct testimony of the particular recipients of the different amounts ' \ 2 ' One of the grantees of the 8th and 9th Avenue Railroad franchises admitted to a member of the Grand J u r y that the expense in 1 8 5 1 to procure the franchises had been $50,000, while five grantees of the 3rd Avenue Railroad franchise testified that $ 3 0 , 0 0 0 was paid in 1 8 5 2 in bribes to both Boards. 2 6 It is a significant commentary that despite these disclosures the railroad grants were not rescinded. J a m e s Monell testified before the Grand J u r y that one of the applicants for the lease of the Williamsburg F e r r y applied to certain of the Aldermen and was told that it would cost about $ 5 , 0 0 0 to " fix things " . Another applicant, identified only as " M r . Hicks " , was so eager to get it through that he gave more than $20,000. 27 The applicant for the Catherine Street F e r r y testified that he had to pay, among other sums, $ 5 0 0 to Assistant Alderman Wesley Smith to get favorable action on his application. A f t e r the granting of the franchise Smith demanded $ 3 , 0 0 0 more, but was refused. 2 8 A n applicant for the Wall Street F e r r y was told that he could secure the lease by paying a certain Alderman $5,000, while J a m e s T a y l o r , another applicant in 1 8 5 2 , was informed that it would cost him $ 1 5 , 0 0 0 . H e offered $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 but on the same night another applicant offered $20,000. One of the Aldermen is quoted as saying that " it was the damndest fight 25 Documents

of the Board of Aldermen,

vol. X X I , pt. 2, Doc. No. 55.

26 Documents

of the Board of Aldermen,

vol. X X I , pt. 2, Doc. No. 55.

27 Ibid., Doc. N o . 55, p. 1403. 28 Ibid., Doc. N o . 55, p. 219.

A

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41

that was ever had in the Common Council; it cost them [Taylor's rivals] from $20,000 to $25,000." 29 T h e most outstanding example of trafficking in municipal franchises during this period was that of the notorious Broadway Railroad and its promoter, Jacob Sharp. O n July 16, 1852, Sharp petitioned the Board of Aldermen " for the privilege of laying down a railroad from South Ferry through Broadway to Manhattanville." 30 A special Committee of five was appointed to hear the petition, which would ordinarily have gone to the Streets Committee. The proponents of the proposed railroad contended that the omnibuses were not adequate to meet the demand of passenger traffic, and asserted that it was not feasible to add more omnibuses, since half the number of railroad cars could carry twice as many passengers as the present number of omnibuses. A pamphlet was published entitled " T h e Broadway Railroad," to which were subscribed such names as Judge Roosevelt, Stephen Whitney, John Duncan and B. R. Frothingham. 3 1 On the evening of A u g u s t 3, 1852, a meeting of " Property Owners of Broadway " was held at Lafayette Hall and Chester Driggs was elected President. The meeting adopted resolutions stating that the proposed railroad would hurt Broadway by crowding an already narrow street and would depreciate the value of property. It pointed out that there were already four railroads in the neighborhood providing sufficient accomodation. T h i s report was presented on September 7th to a mass meeting at Lafayette Hall and was approved unanimously. The project was attacked as a scheme to fill the pockets of a few 29 Ibid., Doc. N o . 55, pp. 1426-1428. 30 Under the caption, "Another Railroad on H a n d " , the editor of the Tribune warned " T a x p a y e r s and other sufferers t o look out for tricks". N e w York Tribune, July 17, 1852. 31 " T h e Broadway R a i l r o a d " , W i l l i a m C. Bryant and Co., N e w York, 1852.

42

FERNANDO

WOOD O F

NEW

YORK

speculators and ruin the appearance and impair the usefulness of B r o a d w a y . 3 2 Shortly after this meeting, the Special Committee presented a report to the Board of Aldermen in favor of the grant. The majority declared themselves " satisfied that a railway is indispensable for the relief of B r o a d w a y . " They mentioned the opposition of the property owners but called it " nominal " and " not entitled to much weight against the practical proof . . . of the project itself . . . " Broadway was too narrow, they stated, to bear any longer the increasing onmibus travel. They quoted the opinion of the Corporation Counsel that New Y o r k could not " exact any bonus or general compensation for the grant of the privilege of laying a railroad . . . but that a charge upon each car for the license to run may be imposed under the provisions of the Acts of 1 8 1 3 and 1 8 2 4 . " 3 3 The majority stated that they would oppose a " bonus or price " even if the Common Council had power to lay one, and concluded by describing the applicants as " a body of very respectable substantial and practical citizens" whose " proceedings had been marked with a high propriety . . . . " 34 T h e minority report presented by one dissenting member attacked the creation of a " gigantic monopoly " and described 32 " Proceedings of the Citizens of N e w York in Opposition to the Project of a Railway in Broadway", U. S. Economist Printing Office, New York, 1852. 33 Proceedings of the Board of Aldermen, X L V I I I , 62-69, 124-25. The Act of 1824 made $20 the highest amount on each vehicle and describing this as a " remuneration for damage or injury rather than as a source of revenue". In his inaugural message of Jan. 1, 1855, Wood favored the payment of at least $100 per car and the maintenance of right of way by the companies. H e estimated the revenue from this source would be $40,000 plus the upkeep of the thoroughfare. In his report to the Common Council of Feb. 16, 1852, Comptroller Flagg recommended that the railroads should be required to pave the avenues and streets from curb to curb and keep them clean. H e described this as a " moderate compensation to the public." 34 Documents 1415-1430.

of the Board

of Aldermen,

vol. X V I I I , Doc. No. 57, pp.

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FIFTIES

43

the g r a n t as a g i f t of $200,000 per annum f r o m the city treasury. It pointed out that others, w h o m he characterized

as

" gentlemen of responsibility " , had offered to pay the city bonuses r a n g i n g f r o m $100,000 to $200,000 per annum for the same privilege. T h e dissenter answered the argument of the Corporation Counsel concerning bonus exaction, by reminding the members of the leasing of the ferries to the highest bidder, and stating that he failed to see any difference between letting a f e r r y and " letting the privilege to railway a street " . H e concluded by stating that if a railway should be built on B r o a d w a y , the a w a r d should g o to the highest bidder and that some of the profits should be paid the property owners along B r o a d way

to recompense them

for the losses which

" they

will

beyond a d o u b t . . . sustain in the depreciation of their property."

35

O n December 18th, M a y o r K i n g s l a n d vetoed the A l d e r m a n i c resolution,

expressing

the belief

that

" the A l d e r m e n

failed to consult the true interest of the c i t y . "

39

He

have called

attention to four other petitions submitted at the same time that

contained

terms more

favorable to the c i t y . 3 7

Mayor

K i n g s l a n d concluded by asserting that the city w o u l d get only t w e n t y dollars a year per car under the S h a r p petition.

38

T h e Councilmen threatened to pass the bill over the veto of the M a y o r , and considerable public opposition w a s aroused. 35 Ibid.,

3U

pp. 1430-1-440.

36 T h e N e w Y o r k

Tribune

condemned the " shameless r a s c a l i t y " of the

C o m m o n C o u n c i l w h o v o t e d f o r the p r o j e c t a n d e x p r e s s e d the h o p e t h o u g h " without much confidence " that the veto would prevent its execution, Y o r k Tribune of the Board

D e c . 19, 1853. T e x t of K i n g s l a n d ' s v e t o m e s s a g e , of Aldermen,

New

Proceedings

X L V I I I , 533.

3 7 O n e a p p l i c a n t h a d o f f e r e d to g i v e t h e city o n e cent f o r e a c h f a r e c h a r g e d . A n o t h e r a p p l i c a n t h a d o f f e r e d $100,000 a y e a r a n d p a y m e n t of $1,000 f o r each c a r f o r a ten y e a r g r a n t . 38 Proceedings

of the Board

39 T h e N e w Y o r k Evening 30, 1852.

of Aldermen, Post

X L I X , 530-536.

a n d T h e N e w Y o r k Tribune,

December

44

FERNANDO

WOOD OF

NEW

YORK

A n injunction was issued by J u d g e Campbell on December 27th and served on each member of the Council restraining them from granting the franchise, but despite the injunction, the ordinance was passed over the veto by a vote of fifteen to three. 40 Alderman Sturtevant presented a resolution attacking Campbell and stating " . . . if such . . . unwarrantable interference be submitted to or tolerated without just rebuke . . . the whole municipal legislation of this city will be subjected to the caprice or interested views of one j u d g e . " 4 1 Sturtevant after a bitter and acrimonious hearing was sentenced to a term of fifteen days in the city prison and fined two hundred and fifty dollars for contempt of court while the other Aldermen were fined. There is no record of any attempt by Sturtevant to appeal this judicial " interference." A s a result of these disclosures a city reform party sprang up in 1 8 5 2 and 1 8 5 3 . T h e remedy proposed by the reformers was a series of amendments to the Charter of 1849. T o protect the city against any re-occurrence of franchise scandals, one amendment proposed provided that no lease should run for more than ten years and that it should g o to the highest bidder. Another amendment provided that a two-thirds vote would be necessary to override the M a y o r ' s veto. T h e powers of the Aldermen were to be further curtailed by abolishing the privilege of sitting as judges of criminal courts, and withdrawing their power of appointing policemen. 4 2 T h e penalty for bribery was increased to ten years in prison or a fine of $5,000, or both. Great hope of reform was based on a proposed increase in the number of Councilmen from twenty to sixty. Councilmen elected f r o m sixty districts were to take the place of the Assis40 Proceedings

of the Board of Aldermen,

XLVIII, 641.

41 Ibid., p. 643. 42 Although about twenty-nine Aldermen were under judgment of contempt of court and part of the same number were under indictment for bribery in 1852-53, they continued to act as Judges for criminal courts.

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45

tant Aldermen. T h e suggested reforms also provided that all acts or resolutions involving money must originate in the Board of Councilmen. Tammany grew suddenly virtuous and declared its devotion to purity in city politics. A t one of these " reform meetings " J o h n Cochrane declared " R e f o r m is at home in T a m m a n y Hall. Its birthplace is T a m m a n y Hall." 4 3 T h e reform movement advanced so rapidly and unmistakably that T a m m a n y approved the amendments and the legislative bill embodying them, and the bill passed the Senate and A s sembly and upon being submitted to the people of the city on J u n e 6, 1 8 5 3 , was adopted by a vote of 36,672 to 3 , 3 5 1 . 4 4 Under the terms of the bill the duties and powers of the executive department were unfortunately left v e r y indefinite and vague. These Charter amendments marked a great step f o r w a r d in reform and cleaning up of the city, even though they did not accomplish all that had been fondly hoped for by supporters of the bill. T h i s then is a picture of the city in which Fernando W o o d was preparing to play such a leading role during the next decade.

43 This was the same man who later declared that he would vote, " for the devil incarnate if nominated by Tammany Hall ". Myers, History of Tammany Hall, p. 172. 44 The N e w York Tribune, June 8, 1853. The N e w York Evening Post, June 9th states that " a more significant and humiliating rebuke was never before administered to a body of public officers ".

CHAPTER HIS HONOR T H E

IV MAYOR

WOOD had long desired to be Mayor of New Y o r k and in the summer of 1 8 5 4 he saw an opportunity for achieving this ambition. His plan embraced two lines of strategy: one was to prevent the union of the city reform party and the Whigs, and the other was to unite Hardshells and Softshells. H e had already been assured of the nomination for Mayor from the Softshells, and one authority has described this nomination as being strongly supported by the national administration. 1 A s a part of his plan, W o o d had maneuvered to have an Executive Committee appointed by the General Committee which was to decide all cases of disputed elections turned over to it by the General Committee. It was comparatively easy in anti-Wood wards to provoke an incident, then having the dispute referred to the Executive Committee headed by W o o d himself and composed largely of his trusted followers. T h e strategy was successful and he was nominated by the City Democratic convention. A group of Hardshells under the leadership of Augustus Schell, however, withdrew in protest and held their own convention. There was a dispute on the floor of the Hardshell convention; part of the delegates withdrew, while the rest nominated Wood, but a few tenacious Hardshells who had withdrawn, finally nominated Schell on a rump Hardshell ticket. 2 1 McGuire, op. cit., I, 301. The city reform party had not fulfilled general expectations and was beginning to die out after the crusade of 1853. The N e w York Tribune May 3, 1854, admitted this and blamed the ability of the great political parties " to sell each other o u t . . . as partisan or personal interests might dictate." 2 In a meeting at the Wigwam the Softs had managed to nominate their man for Street Commissioner over the efforts of the Hards, who then proceeded to attack the Softs violently; the services of the police were required to restore order. 46

HIS

HONOR

THE

MAYOR

47

There were now t w o H a r d tickets in the field—which meant f o r all practical purposes two Tammany men—with the result that the organization would be split and neither man could w i n ; Schell, therefore, threw his votes to Hunt, the candidate of the city reform party. 3 In the gubernatorial field the W h i g s ran away from the control of Thurlow Weed, the dynamic Albany publisher, to nominate M y r o n Clark f o r Governor and Henry Raymond for Lieutenant Governor. 4 T h i s ticket was endorsed both by the Temperance faction and the F r e e Soil Democrats in their respective State Conventions. Horatio Seymour was nominated by the regular Democratic organization, while Greene Bronson received the support of the faction opposed to Seymour and the domination of the Hards. Three issues were raised in the city campaign of 1 8 5 4 : nativism, municipal reform and temperance. 6 Nativism was embodied in the K n o w - N o t h i n g party. T h e interest of the Know-Nothings lay in the city rather than in the state and they therefore concentrated their strength in the metropolis. 6 T h e nativists, who dominated the W h i g s and the temperance movement, were also strong in the Hardshell, Softshell, and city reform groups. 7 In spite of its intolerance the K n o w Nothing movement spread rapidly, and its supporters ran a candidate for Governor, Daniel Ullman, on the issue of A m e r 3 T o have given his votes t o the K n o w Nothings would have alienated the immigrant vote upon which Tammany H a l l was becoming more and more dependent. There w a s too much bad blood between the W h i g s and the Democrats to throw his support to Herrick, so Hunt was all that was left. 4 W e e d confessed to H o r a c e Greely that he had lost control of the Convention and that Clark would be nominated in spite of all that could be done. Greely was deeply wounded by the nomination of Raymond in particular. Alexander, Political History of the State of New York, 111,198-199. 5 T h e veto of the Prohibition law by Governor Seymour had made it a dominant issue in the campaign. 6 Scisco, Louis, Political Nativism 7 Scisco, op. cit., p. 204.

in New

York State, p. 203.

48

FERNANDO

WOOD O F

NEW

YORK

icanism, completely ignoring the liquor issue and the KansasNebraska question. T h e K n o w - N o t h i n g s this year adopted the shrewd expedient of making their own city nominations and then using the machinery of the older parties to bring their candidate before the public. A t the W h i g primaries of September 12th, a combination of the Order of United Americans and Know-Nothings triumphed and nominated Herrick. 8 The temperance movement cooperated by nominating J a m e s Barker, president of the K n o w - N o t h i n g organization, for Mayor. 9 In the short campaign that followed, party lines dissolved under the pressure of the new issues. 10 T h e chief bitterness arose over the mayoralty issue. T h e Nativist campaign was carried out quietly with no parades or press arguments. F o r t w o weeks before the election the Know-Nothings advertised in the press as the " People's Ticket " but otherwise did very little work in the open. T h e interesting observation has been made that the K n o w - N o t h i n g candidates were supported by the Protestant Irish, and that Barker was a member of a Protestant Irish lodge. 1 1 A s the campaign progressed Wood was accused of being a member of the K n o w - N o t h i n g party, and this proved embarrassing since a great deal of his support came from the foreign born, particularly the Irish. In a letter to Martin Doheny, who had written him in con nection with these charges, Wood denied the charges then 8 Scisco, op. cit., quotes the Argus as authority for the statement that the Nativist movement about 2,000 to 10,000 in New York City. 9 The N e w York Evening

Post, October 10, 1854.

10 Alexander, op. cit., II, 204, has described this campaign as the breaking up of the old parties and the beginning of the great political crisis. McGuire. History of the Democratic Party in New York, I, 302 describes it as follows: " Party differences and preferences were entirely obliterated and swallowed

up". 11 Scisco, op. cit., p. 209. This may have been due to the hatred of the Protestant Irish for the Catholic Irish.

HIS

HONOR

THE

MAYOR

49

appearing in the press, stating, " I am not a member of any secret society whatever." Apparently this failed to put a stop to the stories, because he found it necessary to release for publication in all the principal New York City newspapers on October 30th the following affidavit: Fernando Wood of the City of New York . . . doth depose and say that the statement made this day in the Sunday Dispatch that he is a member of the Order of Know-Nothings is absolutely false and further that he holds no political principles antagonistic to those of the great Democratic Party of this Union . . . (Signed) Fernando Wood Sworn to before M. Dieffendorfer, Commissioner of Deeds.12 The New York Times on the morning of Election Day attacked him as " unfit for office " and further charged him with intent to deceive on the grounds that " thousands of our citizens knew he had been a member of its [Know-Nothing] Executive Committee." The article concluded by saying, " it would be a disgrace to the city to elect him Mayor." 13 The Nativists went to the polls quietly but with a certain disciplined precision, thanks to their newly created machinery of the Know-Nothing city committee.14 12 The N e w York Herald, October 31st; the N o w York Evening October 31st.

Post,

13 The New York Times, November 4, 1854. 14 It is very difficult to prove membership in the Know Nothing party because of its early secrecy. This is especially true of a person who is interested in concealing his connection. A great many authors include Wood among the ranks of the Know-Nothings, but fail to have any authority for their contentions. Scisco, op. cit., p. 209; Denis T. Lynch, Boss Tweed, p. n o , says flatly: " W o o d was one of the inner circle of the KnowNothings ". M. R. Werner, Tammany Hall, p. 118, states: " Wood secretly conspired for the Know-Nothing nomination reminding the rank and file that he had been a member of the executive board of the party ". Abijah Ingraham in his little biography of Wood is content to use the expression, " it is well k n o w n . . . . " to support his allegation of Wood's membership. H e publishes the following affidavit with no mention of source or date:

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

W o o d w o n by a plurality in a badly divided field; his nearest rival trailed b y i,400. 1 5 H i s victory aroused the w r a t h of the K n o w - N o t h i n g s , w h o held an indignation meeting in C i t y Hall P a r k on N o v e m b e r 9th. A

special committee w a s appointed

w h i c h later appeared b e f o r e the canvassing board and made a futile c h a r g e of fraud. 1 6 A n analysis of the vote reveals a few interesting facts. W h i l e H e r r i c k , W h i g candidate for M a y o r , received only 5 , 7 1 2 votes, the W h i g candidate for Governor, M y r o n Clark, received over 11,000 votes in the city. It is possible these split votes went to Barker. W o o d ran nearly 4,000 votes behind S e y m o u r , which meant that a great many Hardshell votes went to H u n t and probably a great many independent votes as well. 1 7 O n e source describes the state result as due to the intense desire of anti-administration Democrats to defeat

Seymour,

and the w i s h of a g o o d many W h i g s to defeat Clark, w h o w a s running on the Maine L a w platform. T h e supporters of Bronson drew comfort from the results by s a y i n g : " T h e vote for " The undersigned . . . do say to our knowledge that he, Wood, has been for some months past a member of an order known and designated as KnowN o t h i n g s . . . and was himself a candidate for that position, [Mayor] and his friends personally solicited our vote . . . for that office for him, but he failed to secure a sufficient number of votes to effect that purpose." Sworn to before W . F. T. Chapman

Theodore Chambers E. W . Spaulding H. Farrington Robert Dixon

While there is no actual proof of membership the weight of available evidence links Wood with the Know-Nothings. 15 W o o d

Barker

19,993

Hunt

18,553

Herrick

16 The N e w York Evening Post, November 10th and n t h 17 Clark . . . Seymour Ullman .

156,804 156,495 122,000

Civil List of the State of N e w York (1887), p. 166.

15,386

5,712

HIS

HONOR

THE

MAYOR

51

J u d g e B r o n s o n w a s the only clean party vote t h r o w n in the state."

18

In his inaugural message to the C o m m o n Council J a n u a r y 1, 1855, W o o d declared he w a s " a man of honor, a friend of labor and industry, and a protector of the p o o r . " H e asserted that amendments to the C h a r t e r of 1830 had transferred to A l b a n y control of many city matters that " could have been better cared for by ourselves . . . no power should be delegated w h i c h can be exercised by the people themselves." T h i s transfer of power had been accomplished by specific provisions, o f the six successive charters under which the city had been g o v erned and had brought about complete irresponsibility w i t h a system of " ' n i n e little m a y o r s '

[the executive h e a d s ] , each

a s s u m i n g himself to be sovereign of the M a y o r and the other executive heads. W h i l s t w e have progressed in the accumulation of the elements of prosperity w e have retrograded in the means to preserve our power . . . . " H e went o n : " T h e Chief o f Police holds his place independent of the M a y o r , w h o cannot remove any one in the f o r c e . " In W o o d ' s opinion heads of the executive departments should be appointed by the M a y o r w i t h the consent of the B o a r d of A l d erman, and then they should be responsible to the M a y o r w h o in turn would be responsible to the people. W o o d stated as his philosophy: " T h e idea of government is very simple . . . it is merely government. I shall not hesitate to exercise even d o u b t f u l powers when the honor and the interests of the people are abused. Concentration w i t h ample power insures efficiency, because it creates one high and responsible authority. Decentralization is subversive of all g o o d executive g o v e r n m e n t . " O n e section of his message appealed to labor. " D o not let it be said that labor w h i c h produces everything gets nothing and dies of hunger in our m i d s t ; whilst capital which produces nothing gets everything and pampers in l u x u r y and plenty." 18 McGuire, op. cil., I, 302.

52

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

W o o d concluded upon a strong note: For myself I desire to announce here, upon the threshold that as I understand and comprehend my duties and prerogatives they leave me no alternative . . . but to assume a general control over the whole city government . . . I must be be permitted to construe my powers and duties as I understand them. 19 In his message of J a n u a r y n t h , implementing his annual message, W o o d began by pointing out that expenditures had steadily increased although " it is well known that the character of our government has steadily deteriorated. T h e treasury can be relieved in many w a y s : several present sources of expenditures can be abolished entirely and large sums brought into the treasury which now g o into the pockets of individuals." H e attacked the loose manner of expending appropriated moneys and favored a stoppage of the practise among some department heads of diverting to other sources, money granted by the Council. With regard to franchises, W o o d was very explicit: " It appears to me that the city railroad companies should pay at least $ 1 0 0 license fee upon each car, besides the keeping of the streets and avenues through which their tracks are laid in complete repair and always clean." In his message W o o d favored the separation of the local charter elections f r o m the national and state elections on the ground that local issues were lost sight of in state and national issues. H e called for an end to the practice of driving cattle through the streets of the city as dangerous to the health and life and property of the citizenry. H e enclosed a letter which he had written to President Pierce, protesting against pauper and felon immigrants and asking f o r the interference of the national government to " protect us f r o m an insidious and destructive 19 Annual Message of the Mayor to the Common Council January 1, 1855. Proceedings of the Board of Aldermen, LVII, 3-19. Documents of the Board of Aldermen, vol. X X I I , Doc. No. 1, pp. 3-10.

HIS

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THE

MAYOR

53

enemy. I call your attention to this subject hoping it will receive from you that action which its great importance to the whole country demands." 20 The first Wood administration started out with a burst of reform activity. He instituted the " Complaint Book " in which anyone with complaints or troubles could enter them for the personal attention of the Mayor. Some of the complaints were the subject of feature articles in the daily press. 21 Probably the most noteworthy of the Wood reforms was that in the police force, where ultimate authority was vested in a Police Board of three members, the Mayor, the senior judge of the city courts, and the Recorder. An important innovation was the installation of a semi-military organization which gave more cohesiveness to the force. Wood also put the police into a uniform for the first time, all the members being required to wear a blue cloth coat with brass buttons. His enemies vigorously attacked him for improper control over the affairs of the Police Department, and the State Legislature was petitioned to pass a bill removing the Department from his control and vesting it in a commission of four mem20 Message of the Mayor to the Board of Aldermen, January n , 1855. Documents of the Board oj Aldermen, vol. X X I I , Doc. No. 5, pp. 1-40. 21 In one of these, which may be considered typical, a tailor complained that he had done some work for a policeman and had not been paid for it. Wood had both the tailor and the policeman brought to his office. The policeman pleaded that he had not been paid recently, but would pay the tailor as soon as he could. Wood then paid the tailor out of his own pocket and everyone was satisfied. N e w York Evening Post, February 24, 1855. Wood gained a certain amount of national renown for his activities in reform and also his closing up of the saloons. The law of 1855 closing the saloons had no provision for enforcing it, beyond the old civil fine of a dollar and a quarter for each Sunday opened. Consequently they were kept open after the first few Sundays, and were seldom molested. 22 The judicial duties of the Recorder and the City Judge kept them from attending to all their duties as Police Commissioners, and a large measure of their work fell on the Mayor. It was freely charged by his enemies that this situation led to one man control of the department and its affairs.

54

FERNANDO

bers. 2 3

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

In protest against the contemplated action of the State

Legislature, a great mass meeting was held in N e w Y o r k C i t y . A m o n g those attending

were

William

M.

Evarts,

Charles

O ' C o n o r , Samuel B. R u g g l e s , Horace Greeley, and A m b r o s e Kingsland. T h e meeting passed resolutions expressing

com-

plete confidence in the M a y o r ' s reorganization of the Police Department. 2 4 A l t h o u g h the bill was defeated, it w a s destined to be re-introduced and passed in almost identical f o r m t w o y e a r s later. T h e narrow W h i g plurality in the state w a s as a mandate f r o m the people to enact a which they promptly proceeded

to do.

interpreted

temperance

The

law,

imminence

of

such legislation caused great concern in N e w Y o r k C i t y , and placed W o o d , w h o w a s a W e t , but dependent upon D r y support, in a very difficult situation. Finally on A p r i l 9, 1855, the State Legislature passed a statute known as " A n A c t for the Prevention of Intemperance,

Pauperism, and C r i m e " .

This

act forbade the sale of intoxicating liquors and provided heavy fines and severe punishment for violations, and also provided penalties for public officers w h o failed or r e f u s e d to perform their duties. 25 T h e church group, w h o m W o o d had been trying to win over, demanded that he enforce the dry law, but to do so would have caused him to lose the support of the W e t s , his chief source of strength. T h e city waited for some indication of the M a y o r ' s intentions.

In his first proclamation

Wood

emphasized that the dry law had been fairly placed upon the statute books, and announced that he would enforce it pending 23 In a letter to Lieutenant Governor Raymond W o o d informed him that if the new police bill passed the L e g i s l a t u r e he would be forced to resigii. T h e bill provided for a dispersal of authority by the election of four police Commissioners with the M a y o r as an ex-officio member of the Commission. 24 T h e N e w Y o r k Evening

Post,

M a r c h 23rd; N e w Y o r k Herald,

23rd. 2 5 Documents

of the Board of Aldermen,

Doc. N o . 22, pp. 18-41.

March

HIS

HONOR

THE

MAYOR

55

legal advice. Later he stated that he had been informed by the District Attorney, A . Oakey Hall, that the law was invalid. 2 8 In a second proclamation issued on April 27th, W o o d announced that he had again conferred with the District Attorney, A . Oakey Hall, who stated that no legal obstacle existed to free sale of liquor in the city from M a y 1st, when the existing permit expired, until J u l y 4th, when the new law went into effect. T h i s opinion was on the grounds that the old law was revoked by the enactment of the new statute. On J u n e 25th, W o o d issued a rather verbose proclamation to the police, prescribing the regulations for the enforcement of the dry law. T h e regulations were so confused that it was extremely difficult for the average police officer to act upon his own initiative in making arrests, and to complicate enforcement farther, W o o d warned them of severe accountability, and ruled out any " oppressive acts . . . perpetrated against the rights of the citizens." While the Court of Appeals ultimately held the statute unconstitutional, an analysis of these proclamations made it evident that the city would not be dry while W o o d was Mayor. W o o d was hailed as a deliverer by those who opposed the attempt to impose up-state standards of morals on the city. T h e Germans, who liked their beer gardens on Sunday, rallied in an almost solid block to Wood's support in the next election. 26 Denis Lynch, op. cit., charges that a bargain existed between Hall and Wood, whereby Hall would declare the law unconstitutional after the Mayor had issued his proclamation, thus satisfying the Drys and yet not enforcing the law. H e gives no reference to support this charge. In a letter on the same subject to John Taylor, Samuel J. Tilden wrote: " It is my judgment against precisely such legislation as this that our State Constitution intends to protect every citizen when it declares that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law. I am of the o p i n i o n . . . that the prohibitory act in the p r o v i s i o n . . . is unconstitutional and void." Opinion of the Democratic candidate for Attorney General on the Coercive Temperance Law, Tilden Papers, Manuscript Division, N e w York Public Library. In May, 1856, it was declared unconstitutional. While the law lasted it gave the politicians much concern. The Democrats disapproved it and the other parties avoided it. Alexander, op. cit., II, 210.

56

FERNANDO

WOOD OF

NEW

YORK

Prohibition was hardly out of the way when another issue rose to plague Wood and give his opponents ammunition. The affair of the Joseph Walker was seriously to impair the confidence of certain segments of city opinion in Wood's integrity. On December 27, 1854, the cargo vessel Joseph Walker sank at her pier. Between then and July n t h , 1855, the metropolitan press published frequent charges of fraud and graft in connection with the arrangements for removing the sunken ship. 27 Finally a committee of three was appointed by the Board of Aldermen to investigate; they made their report on October 10th, with a minority report on October 15th. Mayor Wood testified before the committee that he had received a memorial from some " eminent citizens " asking to have the nuisance removed, but he was unable to provide the Committee with this memorial, as it had been misplaced in the files. Wood also testified that Comptroller Flagg had advised him that the Mayor was the official obliged to remedy the situation, and possessed full power to act. But Flagg denied any knowledge of or connection with the affair at all. Correspondence between Wood and Walter R. Jones, the contractor, was offered before the Committee. In this Jones gave an estimate of $ 1 3 , 0 0 0 to remove the wreck, and was authorized by Wood to proceed. The Committee also received in evidence a letter from Wood saying that he had the approval of the Commissioners of Health for his plans to remove the cargo without delay. When the Committee questioned various members of the Health Commission, they denied knowledge of any such approval. The Committee pointed out that some time before May 5th, 1855, a warrant was paid from the City Treasury for the sum of $4,000, and stated its opinion that this payment had been made before any work had been done toward fulfillment of the 27 The New York Evening Post of June 21st, inquired what was being done in the case of the Joseph Walker. The New York Tribune carried quite a story on the affair in its edition of July 7th.

HIS

HONOR

THE

MAYOR

57

contract. The committee also stated that a further payment of $3500 had been made about May 31st, although the work still had not been commenced, and that the city at the same time had undertaken to pay an additional sum of $6,000. According to other testimony, the city had also relinquished any claim for indemnification. The Committee pointed out that C. F. Barnes had offered to do the entire job for $3,500, and further stated that Julian Lewis was engaged in taking care of the vessel when " he was dispossessed " by parties " he believed to come from the Mayor " , although Lewis believed he could have finished the job by June 15th for less than $1,000 more. The Committee recommended that no more money should be paid out for work on the Joseph Walker and suggested that steps be taken to recover money already paid out. The author of the minority report stated that he found himself " forced to differ entirely from the majority of the committee . . . as far as they reflect. . . upon the conduct of His Honor the Mayor." He contended that the Mayor had " ample power to cover cases of this kind even without authority of the Common Council or Health Commissioners " , and that the Mayor's efforts were worthy of "applause and approbation " rather than " illiberal criticism and unfair insinuation." He contended that the Barnes' estimate was made on the assumption that the Mayor could make special arrangements with other parties; this he described as "neither a legal or proper bid ". He said that Jones had spent a considerable sum of money in the procurement of materials with which a part of the work was to be performed, and that Jones should be reimbursed, and in conclusion he recommended suit be instituted by the Corporation Counsel for recovery, but only after removal of the vessel and payment of the contractor. 28 28 Documents of the Board of Aldermen, vol. X X I I , Doc. No. 38, pp. 1-100. It may be of interest to note that Wood, during the hearing, offered to reimburse the city from his own pocket for any money it might have lost in the affair.

58

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

Wood, during his entire period of office, maintained a keen interest in the Police Department and its efficient operation. In M a y , 1 8 5 5 , he spoke to the Department, outlining his policy in detail. This is significant, as it was at about this time that efforts were being made to take control of the Department from the M a y o r and to decentralize it. H e began his speech, delivered after a departmental parade, by stating: " I take a deep interest in the way your official duties are discharged . . . . " He then proceeded to attack the concept of the uniform as a badge of servitude, stating that it was really an " emblem of honor." He emphasized that there was no degradation in the uniform of the policeman, " it is a badge of degradation only when made so by the misconduct of the wearer " , and he concluded by expressing his satisfaction with the appearance of the force and the manner in which it had discharged its duties. 29 Wood apparently took no active part in the campaign of 1 8 5 5 , which was a quiet one as far as the city was concerned, since there were no city offices involved. This campaign did, however, mark the baptism of the new Republican party in state politics, and it made a creditable showing, for while the Know-Nothings led the field with a total of 146,000, the Republicans were a close second with 1 3 5 , 9 6 2 . The Democratic ticket was split between the Hards and the Softs with the former getting 58,894, and the latter 9 0 , 5 1 8 . In his annual message of January 7, 1 8 5 6 , Wood called for " free trade " for New Y o r k City, and then hastened to add that this principle should apply to other cities as well as N e w Y o r k . In his opinion " The whole country will advance as government interference with private industry is withdrawn." More than half of his message dealt with national affairs. 3 0 29 Address

of the Mayor

to the Police

delivered

in New

York

City,

Saturday, May 26, 1855. 30 Message of the Mayor to the Board of Aldermen, Documents of the Board of Aldermen, vol. X X I I I , Doc. N o . 1, pp. 1-16. W o o d treated the issue of " f r e e t r a d e " very casually without any attempt to define it or to

HIS

HONOR

THE

MAYOR

59

In the part of the message dealing with city affairs he as usual attacked the number of charters, saying, " . . . this city for a century has not had a charter adapted to its wants and in all respects adequate to its requirements . . . . It appears to me that temporary expedients and feeble efforts seldom successful . . . compromise about all that has been done for this great city." In a more hopeful vein, he said, " it is not too late to remedy the errors and omissions of the past by adoption of measures corresponding with the prospects before us." In further remarks on the city government he noted that the Dongan Charter of 1 6 8 0 and the Montgomery Charter of 1 7 3 0 , " e m a n a t i n g from the one man power," afforded more security for the corporate rights of the city and more certain protection f o r the property of the citizens " than the hybrid, incongruous and inadequate amendments of late years." He went on to describe the charter system as " little better than legalized anarchy." In conclusion he stated that want of power had been the main difficulty thus f a r in his administration, and pressed for the enactment of new legislation. On February 4, 1 8 5 6 , the Mayor sent a message to the Aldermen dealing specifically with issues raised by his annual message. H e began by pointing out that taxes had gone up f r o m $5,500,000 to $6,500,000, and protesting against his lack of power to stop this trend, complained that the Commissioners and heads of departments were independent and cooperated with him only when it suited their interests. He stressed the lamentable condition of the docks of the city and the immediate necessity of their repair and maintenance, comparing them unfavorably with the docking facilities of such cities as London and Hamburg. Since the question of immigration was becoming more and explain how it was to operate in New Y o r k City. Fourteen years later in Congress he stated: " I am in favor of a tariff for revenue and not for absolute free t r a d e . . . . " . In a speech in the House of Representatives in 1841 he had attacked protective tariffs as a " violation of the genius of our Constitution " .

60

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

more important, Wood renewed his attack on the practice of foreign countries in dumping their criminals and paupers in New York. He mentioned the case of the Des Geneys as an example of what the city could do without the cooperation of the Federal Government. 31 In speaking of sanitary maintenance, Wood asserted that little had been done since the construction of the Croton aqueduct and the recent introduction of street sewers. He called for the organization of a city bureau of sanitary police to enforce sanitary regulations of the city and the use of the municipal police as a " valuable auxiliary " for the new body. After discussing various other subjects such as the new City Hall, public markets, and street cleaning, Wood summarized his demand for charter reform in these words: The adoption of every suggestion made by me either at the present or upon any anterior occasion will fail to do this unless the reforms in the mode of government—the organic law —urged in the message of January 7th are incorporated in the system. The modification of the charter is indispensable to good government without it. The various changes proposed in the external affairs of the city . . . are of . . . secondary importance to the remedies indicated in the fundamental form of the government itself.32 The division of the state party along Hard and Soft lines continued, with little success rewarding efforts to fuse the two 31 T h e Des Geneys was a Sardinian ship bringing some undesirable immigrants to N e w York from Sardinia. T h e ship was stopped at Quarantine and thoroughly inspected by city officials. In Wood's words this had a " salutory effect throughout E u r o p e " . Four years later he suggested the establishment of an Emigrants and Strangers Protective Bureau in the old Police Court to be connected with the Mayor's office as part of his Department. T h i s interesting proposal became involved in legislative wrangling and was by-passed. Proceedings of the Board of Aldermen, L X X V I I , 40-42. 3 2 Message of the Mayor to the Board of Aldermen. Documents of the Board of Aldermen, vol. X X I I I , D o c . N o . 10, pp. 1-79.

HIS

HONOR

THE

6l

MAYOR

factions. A f t e r meeting separately, the two groups finally sat in joint State Convention on August ist, pledged support of the Cincinnati platform, and then got down to the work of nominating a Governor. Fernando W o o d was mentioned as a nominee along with such men as David Seymour, Addison Gardner and Amasa Parker. Just how serious W o o d was in this first attempt to enter state politics is difficult to tell, but the influence of Harotio Seymour and the withdrawal of Gardner gave the prize to Parker. 33 Meanwhile Wood's affairs in Tammany Hall were going from bad to worse, and it became increasingly evident that his control was in danger of being lost. In the May election for officers of Tammany, Wood's candidate for Grand Sachem lost to Isaac Fowler, formerly an ardent supporter of W o o d . Fowler, who had the backing of Samuel J. Tilden, Peter B. Sweeny and Elijah Purdy, won by a majority of some sixty votes out of about three hundred votes cast. W o o d and his followers for the time being were to have little to say about the direction of the affairs of the Hall. Angered

by

their defeat

and

anxious

to

discredit

the

Sachems, they launched an attack, using as their slogan: " Shall the Sachems rule the people or shall the people rule themselves ?" T h e anti-Wood forces in Tammany united behind James Libby and bitter feeling soon became evident. W o o d secured the mayoralty nomination from the General Committee by a vote of 56 - 26 at a time when most of the anti-Wood men were absent. When the Libby forces returned, a resolution was adopted repudiating the action of the W o o d faction. T h u s a regular candidate on the Tammany ticket was rejected both 33 In connection with this attempt of Wood to expand from city to state politics, the New York Tribune, August 1, 1856, had this to say: " T h e defeat of Fernando Wood at Syracuse is one of the most instructive political lessons of our day. Here is a m a n . . . who might have been anything he c h o s e . . . if Providence had blessed him with a reasonable share of honesty."

62

FERNANDO

WOOD OF

NEW

YORK

by the Tammany society, which elected Fowler, and by the General Committee, which adoptd a hostile resolution. T h e reaction of the Libby forces to this situation may be measured by the following statement issued by Peter B . Sweeny, Secretary of the Tammany General Committee: It is well known that the primary system has been degenerating for years until it has became so corrupt that it is a mere machine in the hands of unprincipled men by which they foist themselves before the people as nominees of the party for office in defiance of public sentiment.34 That the nomination of Wood for mayor had aroused angry feeling was demonstrated by a meeting at Tammany Hall on October 22nd. During a speech by John Kelly, some of the Libbyites booed the mention of Wood's name; whereupon the W o o d cohorts pitched into the Libby faction and a general fight began in front of the speaker's stand. The W o o d men pulled planks from the stand and assailed their opponents. Finally, the great body of the Libby faction was literally kicked out of the room and down the stairs. 3 5 In an effort to get the Irish vote away from Wood, Richard B. Connolly enlisted the aid of Peter B. Sweeny. It is said that Connolly spent long hours trying to make Sweeny a polished orator, but he seems to have failed completely for W o o d retained the Irish vote. W o o d seems also to have had the German vote, possibly because he had permitted the beer gardens to remain open during the prohibition era. W o o d ' s position was f a i r l y strong in that he was the inal leader of the Democrats by virtue of his position as or. H e appealed to them to end their factionalism, for the paign of Buchanan might well be decided in New Y o r k

nomMaycamCity.

34 Statement of Peter B. Sweeny as quoted from the New York Herald, September 28, 1856. Sweeny had been a fairly active lawyer, although it was said that he obtained his admission to the bar from the smattering of law be acquired as an errand boy in a law office. 35 New York Herald, October 23, 1856.

HIS

HONOR

THE

MAYOR

63

His chief fear was the K n o w - N o t h i n g P a r t y , which was running a strong candidate, Isaac Barker, a cousin of James, their previous nominee. The City R e f o r m party had belied its name by nominating as its candidate, J u d g e J a m e s Whiting, who it was charged had been concerned with bribing legislatures for forty years, and who had been exposed as a lobbyist for a group of bankers. 36 T o round out the field, Anthony Bleeker was running on the moribund W h i g ticket. In spite of this divided field, W o o d was a f r a i d the election would go to Barker, and he had a testimonial drawn up describing himself as of spotless character, of rare executive ability and the best Mayor that New Y o r k had ever had. T h i s interesting document ended with a fervid appeal for the re-election of Wood, and was signed by an imposing group of bankers, merchants and property-holders, including one of the wealthiest men in New Y o r k , William B . Astor. 3 7 W o o d was well supplied with funds and used them lavishly. It was charged that city employees had been assessed, and these funds, plus liberal contributions from the owners of grog shops, made up the campaign chest of W o o d in the election. 38 Election day was marked by riots and street fights. In the Fourth W a r d the supporters of rival candidates destroyed the ballot boxes. Street fighting involved the free use of fists, feet, knives and revolvers. In the First W a r d a voter had his nose shot o f f , and was informed by one of the crowd that he looked better without it. A t 32nd Street and 3 r d Avenue, K n o w Nothings and Wood supporters were battling it out when the police attempted to quell the disturbance. The mob wrecked 36 Myers, Gustav, History of Tammany Hall, p. 78 quotes the Investigating Committee of 1833 as authority for this statement. 37 T h i s document was published in the N e w Y o r k Herald 38 T h e N e w York Evening Post, the Police Department had been campaign fund. T h e y charged that kept on duty twenty-four hours Evening Post, Jan. 2, 1857.

Senate

for Oct. 28th.

November 2, 1856. T h e Post claimed that forced to contribute $10,000 t o W o o d ' s one policeman w h o refused to d o this w a s continuously without relief. N e w Y o r k

64

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

the Know-Nothing ballot boxes, and using the pieces of wood as cudgels set upon the police, knocking one of them unconscious. 88 Mayor W o o d refused reinforcements and the Sheriff was unable to find enough men willing to risk their lives to keep order at the polls. W h e n several bruisers in the First W a r d were arrested and brought before the Mayor, they were promptly discharged from custody. In the Sixth Ward, antiW o o d men attacked the W o o d group and drove them back, but the W o o d men returned armed with axes, brickbats, clubs and pistols and routed the anti-Wood men. The W o o d supporters then broke up the opposition ballot boxes. 40 The final vote gave the victory to W o o d : Wood Barker Bleecker Libby . . Whiting

34.860 25,209

9.654 4,764 3.646

The Whigs, who accused W o o d of benefiting from most of the illegal ballots, charged that 10,000 fraudulent votes were cast. A n analysis of the votes reveals an unexplained increase in the total over the vote of 1854. The W h i g s also contended that

a

union

of

anti-Wood

men,

Whigs,

and

Libbyites

" around some well known citizen of high character " could have defeated Wood, but that the voters had refused to surrender their party predilections. 39 The New Y o r k Times, Nov. 5, 6, 1836; New York Evening Post, Nov. 5, 1856; New York Herald, Nov. 6, 1856. 40 The Dead Rabbits were the largest and most powerful of the gangs of the Five Points District and were enrolled under the W o o d banner while the Bowery Boys were adherents of the Know-Nothings. In the 6th W a r d of which the Five Points was the heart, a crowd of Bowery Boys scattered Dead Rabbit patrols around the polling places. The latter were quickly reinforced from the dives and tenements of Paradise Square and returned to the fray armed with knives, clubs, axes, brickbats and pistols. At the height of the excitement the police barricaded themselves in a vacant house and fired occasional shots through windows.

HIS

HONOR

THE

MAYOR

65

One W h i g source, rather bitterly described the results of the election as being due to " the folly " of those who professed to be the most hostile to Wood, saying, " They prefer W o o d to a surrender of their party predilections; and in this preference thus indicated by their acts they have been gratified." 4 1 A s it was, W o o d ran more than seven thousand votes behind Buchanan, and might well have lost the election if it had not been for the national issues. J o h n K i n g carried the state for the Republicans, defeating Parker, the Democratic gubernatorial candidate, by almost seventy thousand. 42 The K n o w - N o t h i n g s had injured themselves irreparably by holding a national convention in public to select candidates and then doing a w a y with the greater part of their secrecy during the campaign which followed. A t their convention held in Philadelphia, February 2 2 , 1856, they had adopted a platform calling for the rule of America by native-born citizens, and attacking persons " who recognize any obligation of any description to any foreign prince or potentate or power." 4 3

41 The N e w York Times, November 6, 1856. 42 West and north of Albany every Congressman and nearly every A s semblyman was Republican. Civil List of the State of New York (1887), p. 166. The N e w York Tribune, May 6, 1857, flatly stated that only a Presidential election and a police power equal to ten thousand votes exerted to the utmost gave W o o d victory. 43 The N e w York Evening Post, February 25, 1856. Hopkins, John, History of Political Parties in the United States, p. 95, states: " T h e s e prescriptive, unrepublican and un-American doctrines might have been kept alive in secret lodges . . . but under the glare of open day and free discussions they could not survive."

CHAPTER V OUR RURAL MASTERS ON January 5, 1857, Wood delivered his annual message to the Common Council. After a short lecture on the respective functions of the legislative and executive branches, he went on : " Though I would not depreciate the grave responsibilities resting upon the Common Council yet it cannot be denied, that to the people the most important factor is that which executes the laws." He further declared: The head of each department is elected by the people . . . assumes full control and direction of that branch of public interests which the charter places under his charge and too often retires from his post with a full purse, though, having no character to start with, without loss of reputation. Wood attacked the lack of any proper supervision over the various departments, charging that they constituted a " truly independent and dangerous power in the government ". H e reiterated his hope of modeling the city government along the lines of the Federal government, particularly with regard to the departmental functions and responsibility. " Even those who would withhold all patronage from the present incumbent of the mayoralty," he pointedly remarked, " have been forced by overwhelming public sentiment to yield their opposition." H e advocated strongly the drafting of a new charter by the Mayor, Alderman and Council, and urged that this be " submitted at an early day so that the Legislature may have before it, endorsed by this official sanction, such a project as we approve ". He warned against any attempt by a faction, " less conversant with or more indifferent to public wants," to transfer the city government to Albany. Wood specifically attacked the proposal for a Police Commission of five persons to be named at Albany or elected by the people. The main defect in the existing police arrangement, 66

OUR

RURAL

MASTERS

67

and one which he regarded as a " fatal subdivision of authority ", was the distribution of power a m o n g three h e a d s : namely, the Recorder, the City J u d g e and the Mayor. H e then put himself on record as follows: . . . if instead of the relief demanded the Legislature shall inflict further injuries upon us by the enactment of laws more odious . . . and carry out the nefarious schemes of the corrupt interest . . . I shall not remain in this office a single day. H e concluded, " If the Legislature in whose hands is placed the power, r e f u s e or neglect to respond to the universal demand, let the responsibility lie there." 1 The disagreements within T a m m a n y Hall, particularly concerning the use of the Hall for political purposes, continued. In a thinly veiled reference to " A protest of a Minority " the Grand Council issued a statement on the subject, 2 which began by referring to the remarks of the minority, which had appeared recently in the newspapers, and described them as an " appeal not to those empowered to pass upon our action, but to the public at large." A great deal of the trouble was blamed on the " usurping " control of primary elections by inspectors appointed by the General Committee. T h e statement declared that the Grand Council had the power " to say what General Committee may occupy T a m m a n y Hall and this has incidently created an influence on the formation of General Committees." A protest was entered against the policy of the General Committee in appointing election inspectors, 3 and a demand was made for the election of a wholly new General Committee. 4 1 Documents of the Board of Aldermen,

vol. X X I V , D o c . N o . 1, pp. 3 - 1 2 .

2 Statement of the Majority of the Grand Council of Tammany Society in Reply to a Protest of a Minority Relative to the political Use of Tammany Hall as adopted Feb. 14, 1857, by the Council.

3 This was the idea of Wood in the previous fall to gain control of Tammany and thus assure his nomination by Tammany for Mayor. 4 These terms were obviously aimed at Wood and if carried into effect would have resulted in his defeat.

68

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

W h i l e W o o d w a s struggling to maintain his position

in

T a m m a n y , his apprehension that A l b a n y would assume more p o w e r in city a f f a i r s w a s being realized. G o v e r n o r John K i n g in his annual message to the Legislature, delivered J a n u a r y 6, 1857, proposed some radical changes in the government of N e w Y o r k City. T h e G o v e r n o r expressed the opinion that the administration of the city " under the present charter " had failed, and commended this subject to the early and earnest consideration of the Legislature. H e stated categorically that a " new police system for the C i t y of N e w Y o r k is therefore r e q u i r e d " , and in a rather cryptic addition r e m a r k e d :

"Ex-

perience renders it quite certain that the Legislature will hesitate to entrust the management of that S y s t e m to the M a y o r alone. "

6

O n January 7th, State Senator Daniel Sickles of

Manhat-

tan gave notice that he would " at an early day ask leave to introduce bills f o r the regulation and government of Central P a r k . . . and to amend the Charter of the C i t y of N e w Y o r k . " H i s proposal w a s referred to a select committee. 8 A s if this w e r e the signal, numerous other bills were introduced in both the Senate and the Assembly. O n J a n u a r y 14th, Petty of the F o u r t h District introduced one bill to amend the charter of the city and another bill to reorganize the Police Department. O n January 30th, Spencer of the F o u r t h District, offered a bill designed to amend the C i t y Charter. In the

Assembly,

P o m e r o y of C a y u g a presented bills proposing modification of the City Charter and the reorganization of the Central

Park

Commission. O n January 26th, he introduced a further bill for the regulation of the city police force. In addition, numerous other bills were introduced for taking o v e r control of specified municipal activities. 5 Journal

of the Senate

0} the State

0/ New

York,

80th S e s s i o n , p. 27.

6 Ibid., p. 45. T h i s is the s a m e D a n i e l Sickles w h o h a d been such a T a m m a n y s t a l w a r t , e x c e p t f o r a brief stay in t h e W o o d c a m p . H e w a s to be a p r o m i n e n t Union g e n e r a l in t h e Civil W a r .

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Sickles, however, in J a n u a r y became involved in a contest over his seat which diverted his attention and gave the opponents of the M a y o r an opportunity of securing a firmer control of the situation. On April 9th, the Senate passed the act granting a new Charter by a vote of 25 to o, but with several amendments, and sent it back to the Assembly for their consideration. B y a vote of 85 to 1 4 the Assembly concurred in the amendments. 7 On April 14th, the bills for the creation of the Metropolitan Police, the reorganization of Central Park, and the establishment of a County Board of Supervisors were approved and engrossed. 8 T h e new City Charter was designed to meet criticism long directed against the existing system. A s early as 1 8 4 6 this dissatisfaction had resulted in the calling of a Convention which met at Albany J u l y 7th, f o r the purpose of revising the Charter. One of the important recommendations of this Convention was an amendment giving to the people the power to elect many of the officers previously appointed by Albany. A t the session held on September 15th, it was decided to recommend that " T h e respective heads of the various departments 7 Journal of the Assembly of the State of New York, 80th Session, p. 600. Of the fourteen votes against the proposed charter seven were from the City of N e w York and the remainder were scattered. 8 Harper's Weekly on March 28, 1857, in an article entitled, " Our Rural Masters ", categorically stated: " W e are about to be deprived of that right of self g o v e r n m e n t . . . " It attributed the condition t o three c a u s e s : Buchanan's majority in the city, although the state went to F r e m o n t ; the defeat of the prohibition amendment; and the divergence of views on general policy. T h e article found a precedent in the stripping of the autonomy from A t h e n s and warned other N e w York towns, if the precedent were established of " state despotism " over municipal affairs. In conclusion, it stated, " T h e fall of Greece dates from the disenfranchisement of Athens." On May 14th, the Board of Aldermen protested: " W e therefore distinctly protest that no action of ours as members of this Board shall be regarded as a c c e p t i n g . . . the aforesaid amended Charter or any part thereof as a valid enactment obligatory upon this city or its inhabitants . . . " Documents of the Board of Aldermen, vol. X X I V , Doc. N o . 10.

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created by this Charter shall be elected at the ensuing Charter election f o r a term of two years . . . " 9 In an attempt to withhold the executive power from the Common Council, the following resolution was voted by the convention on September 1 5 t h : " T h e executive power of the Corporation of the City of New Y o r k shall be vested in the Mayor thereof and the executive business shall be performed by the following departments . . . . " 1 0 This was reinforced by a further resolution, adopted on September 24th, to the effect that no member of the Council " shall during the term for which he was elected be appointed to, or competent to hold any office, the emoluments of which are paid from the City or County treasury." 1 1 This proposed Charter, which represented a trend toward a centralization of executive power in the M a y o r and the Departmental officers as well as the extension of the democratic process in electing certain executive officers, was defeated at the polls on November 6, 1846, by a vote of 7 , 1 9 5 to 5,863. It is significant of the general indifference to the Charter and of the absorption of the electorate in the congressional contests and in the Mexican W a r , that of almost 3 3 , 0 0 0 voters only 1 3 , 0 5 8 took the trouble to vote on the document. 1 2 F o r a proper understanding of the Charter of 1 8 5 7 , >s necessary to review briefly the abuses which had developed during the period f r o m 1 8 4 6 to 1 8 4 9 when New Y o r k politics had a very unsavory odor. Naturalization and registration laws were laxly enforced, and " repeaters " and aliens voted 9 Documents of the City Convention of 1846 for Forming a New or Revising and Amending the Present Charter of the City of New York, p. 164. 10 Ibid., p. 389. 11 ¡bid., p. 217. This provision was undoubtedly aimed at the practice of the Council in appointing joint committees to perform certain executive duties ordinarily performed by departmental officers. 12 The N e w York Tribune,

November 7, 1846.

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13

freely. In several of the elections, prisoners from Blackwell's Island were brought over to the city the night before and " colonized " in preparation for voting the right way and often. 14 Polling places were not uncommonly raided by gangs brought into the city by the dominant party. Both parties were corrupt, but the fact that the Democrats were in power during longer periods of time gave them greater opportunities for developing and perpetuating these abuses. This situation was rendered worse by the general acquiescence of the ordinary citizen in the spoils system theory of government. In 1849 a new Convention met and drew up a new Charter which it submitted to the legislature for approval. 15 The two fundamental features of the new Charter were the establishment of independent administrative departments, and the transfer of all executive power from the Council to the Mayor. The executive powers were specifically vested in " The Mayor, the heads of the departments, and such other executive officers as shall from time to time be appointed. . ." 1 6 This " Kent Charter " went on specifically to forbid the Common Council or any of its committees from exercising any executive functions. 17 13 There are a great many examples of this in the newspapers of the day. The same man might vote two or three times from the same number of different addresses. 14 Gustavus Myers, op. cit., says that this practice reached its climax during the struggle between the Hunkers and the Barnburners for control of Tammany Hall. 15 The work of the Charter Convention of 1846 had not been entirely lost since most of its proposed amendments were adopted almost verbatim in the Charter of 1849 and the amendments of 1853. 16 The Charter of the City of New York with notes thereon, 1851, p. 184. T o be referred to hereafter as the Kent Charter. 17 "All ordinances... now in force . . . authorizing the appointment of committees of the Common Council with executive powers . . . are repealed." The two boards were furthermore forbidden to have joint committees except a committee on accounts.

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T h e Charter then provided f o r the establishment of a system of independent administrative officers by a provision that the heads of all departments should be elected every three years, with the exception of the Croton Aqueduct Board. 1 8 It has already been pointed out that under this Charter all executive and administrative power was removed from the Council. It was vested either in administrative departments, the heads of which were elected by the people or in the Mayor and officers appointed by him. The evil of allowing members of the Common Council to be financially interested in public contracts, which had continued to flourish, was still more emphatically defined and prohibited. O w i n g in part to the development of public sentiment, and in part to the absence of the distracting conditions which had helped defeat the Charter of 1846, this one met with favorable consideration. T h e vote was 1 9 , 3 3 9 for and only 1 , 4 2 8 against. 1 9 Partisan motives apparently had little to do with the final result, and the practical unanimity of the vote demonstrates how general was the belief that it was a real forward step. This was probably a correct impression, but the new charter suffered f r o m serious defects in its complete lack of centralization of powers and responsibility. T h e head of each department except the Croton Aqueduct was elected by the people f o r three years and assumed he was independent and beyond the reach of any authority except the comparatively ineffective power of the City Council to impeach. 20 Thus even after 1 8 4 9 agitation for charter reform continued. A city reform party gradually came into existence in 18 Kent Charter,

p. 191.

19 The N e w York Tribune, April 14, 1849. 20 A s late as 1857, Wood noted and lamented this independence and lack of responsibility, stating: " They constitute a truly independent and dangerous power in the government." Message of the Mayor to the Common Council, January 5, 1857.

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1852 and 1853. T h e liberal movement advanced so rapidly that Tammany became virtuous, declared its devotion to purity in city politics in a series of " reform meetings." 21 T h e bill passed both branches of the Legislature, and upon being submitted to the city in June, 1853, w a s adopted by a vote of 36,672 to 3,351. 22 This was the condition that confronted the reformers in 1857, a situation which had not improved under the administration of Fernando Wood. In order to rectify some of the abuses not corrected in the Charter of 1853, the Legislature amended the Charter still further. But the essential defects remained and it was the task of the reformers of 1857 to correct them. B y the amendments of 1857 the number of Aldermen was reduced from twenty-two to seventeen, elected from the regular Assembly districts instead of the wards, and the number of Councilmen was reduced from sixty to twentyfour, elected on the basis of six from each Senatorial district. T h e reform that W o o d had preached on every occasion, the appointment of executive department heads by the Mayor with the advice and consent of the Board of Aldermen, was adopted by the Legislature. Another provision, undoubtedly aimed at Wood, provided for a new municipal charter election in December, 1857, thus cutting W o o d ' s second term in half. These changes made the government of N e w Y o r k City somewhat more efficient than it had been. They do not seem to have been motivated solely by a desire to secure this end. Rather we find Albany interfering in purely local matters even where there was no gross abuse to be corrected. T h e administration of Central Park is an example of this. A short history of Central Park will clarify the points in dispute. A s early as July 3, 1844, an article had appeared by William Cullen Bryant favoring the establishment of a Park between 68th Street and 77th Street and from 3rd Avenue as far as the East 21 Myers, Gustavus, op. cit., p. 172. 22 The New York Tribune, June 8, 1853.

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A number of editorials appeared thereafter in support

of the project for a park, and they were buttressed by a whole series of letters to the press. 24 In 1850, Fernando W o o d and A m b r o s e K i n g s l a n d enthusiastically endorsed the idea of

a

park. 2 8 In a message to the C o m m o n Council on M a y 5, 1851, M a y o r K i n g s l a n d pointed out that the tide of the population was

flowing

north and emphasized the immediate need of a

park for recreational purposes. 2 6 T h e Legislature passed a bill on July 1 1 , 1851, authorizing the city to construct a park in the 19th W a r d of the city at a place called Jones' W o o d , utilizing a site of about 160 acres. D o w n i n g attacked this as being too small " for a city that will soon contain three quarters of a million people."

27

H e went

on to ridicule the timid taxpayers, pointing out that London had 6,000 acres of parks and declared that 500 acres was the smallest area that should be considered. A t this point the C o m m o n Council intervened and appointed a three man committee, consisting of Aldermen Daniel D o d g e , W i l l i a m Dooley and Joseph Britton, to consider if some other site might not be more advantageous. O n January 2, 1852, the Committee made an elaborate report in favor of the present Central P a r k site recommending it in preference to the Jones W o o d s area. T h e y pointed out that one of the principal advant23 T h e N e w Y o r k Evening

Post, J u l y 3, 1844.

24 In the 16th Annual Report of the American Scenic and Historic Preservation Society to the Legislature, J u n e 12, 1911, there is no mention made of the B r y a n t article. T h i s report m a k e s much of a series of articles appearing in the Horticulturist of 1849, written by its editor Andrew J . Downing then traveling in London. H e wrote of the many parks in London and described them in glowing terms, pp. 435-440. In 1850 there appeared a second series of letters pointing out the lack of p a r k space and emphasizing the necessity of it. Ibid., p. 449. Mention is made of the support given by Wood to the movement a s a result of his travels a b r o a d . 25 16th Annual Report..., 26 Proceedings

op. cit., pp. 450-451.

of the Board of Aldermen,

2716th Annual Report...,

op. cit., p. 452.

X L I , 295.

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ages of Central P a r k was its 7 5 9 acres. 28 It was, however, over a year before the Jones W o o d s site could be eliminated and the path cleared f o r establishing the present Central Park. 2 9 Meanwhile, the Legislature on J u l y 2 1 s t , 1 8 5 3 , in an effort to solve the problem, passed bills authorizing both the Jones Woods site and the present Central Park location. 30 E v e n while the Commissioners were acquiring the land f o r Central P a r k , numerous attempts were being made to reduce the park area. On March 2 2 , 1 8 5 5 , Mayor W o o d vetoed a measure to eliminate the area south of 72nd Street. H i s language was prophetic: We will be derelict in our duty if by any narrow or selfish feeling of present saving we deprive the teeming millions yet to inhabit and toil upon this island of one place not given up to mammon . . . 8 1 On M a y 2 1 , 1 8 5 6 , M a y o r W o o d signed an ordinance creating " The Commissioners of Central P a r k " consisting of Joseph T a y l o r , the Street Commissioner, and himself. A s s o ciated with the project in an advisory capacity were such prominent persons as Washington Irving, George Bancroft, and William Cullen Bryant. W o r k had already begun on the area in the preceding February, and many accounts indicate that the project required a very considerable amount of work to be done. General Viele, one of the engineers associated with the project, describes the park area as follows: It was for the most part a succession of stone quarries interspersed with pestiferous swamps . . . Horses, cows, swine, goats, cats, dogs, geese, chickens swarmed everywhere 2S Proceedings

of the Board of Aldermen,

X L I I I , 32-33.

29 Mention is also made in the 16th Annual Report of the chartering of a steamboat by the Jones W o o d s faction to take members of the Legislature to view Jones W o o d s . 30 T h e Jones W o o d s bill was repealed April n , 1854. 31 Proceedings

of the Board of Aldermen,

L V I I , 511.

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destroying what little verdure they found. The refuse [collected in the city by the squatters] they divided among themselves and a hundred thousand animals and fowls reserving the bones for a bone boiling establishment in the area. 32 In an act passed on April 1 7 , 1 8 5 7 , the State Legislature took over the regulation and government of Central Park. 3 3 A f t e r delimiting the park area, the act went on to establish a board of 1 1 members to be known as " The Commissioners of the Central P a r k , " who were to hold office for five years with no compensation except expenses " not exceeding the sum of three hundred dollars a y e a r . " T h i s B o a r d was given " full and exclusive power to govern, manage and direct the said Central Park " . T h e Commissioners were empowered to sell any " buildings, improvements and other materials . . . being the property of N e w Y o r k City . . . the proceeds of which shall be deposited to the credit of the Commissioners and devoted to the improvement of the P a r k . " T h e city was directed to issue stock as required by the Board of Commissioners not to exceed the sum of $ 1 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 a year and pay interest by taxation levied upon the City and County of N e w Y o r k . Less local in character, however, but none the less of real political significance, since it gave the minority party a certain power and influence in city a f f a i r s , was the passage by the L e g islature of the act establishing the Board of County Supervisors. 3 4 T h e law provided f o r a board of twelve members to be elected annually on a separate ballot. The highest six were to be declared elected and a f t e r w a r d s " the Mayor shall appoint as Supervisors the six persons receiving severally the next highest number of votes " . B y the terms of the act both the 32 General V i e l e quoted by James Grant W i l s o n in his Memorial History of the City of New York, I V , 556. Another account of the area can be found in the 16th Annual Report..., op. cit., pp. 436-439. 33 Documents of the Board of Aldermen, vol. X X I V , Doc. N o . 9, pp. 77-83. 34 Laws of the State of New

York, 1857, chapter 590.

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M a y o r and the Recorder were removed from the B o a r d — i n effect separating city and county governments, and increasing the number of officers and consequently the expenses of the city, which were already burdensomely heavy. T h e intention had been to effect the withdrawal of legislative power from the Common Council and the granting of that power to a supposedly bi-partisan Board of Supervisors, but since there were only two major parties this arrangement resulted in the Democrats and the Republicans dividing place and plunder between themselves. T h i s situation was used to special advantage by Tweed in 1859, when he was able to dominate the Board because of the financial cupidity of Peter-Voorhis, one of the Republican members. 35 T o climax state interference in city affairs, on April 15th, the State Legislature at Albany passed one of the most controversial measures in this series of legislative acts designed to place the control of the city in upstate hands—namely, the Metropolitan Police Act. Under the terms of the act, N e w Y o r k , Kings, Westchester, and Richmond counties were combined into a " Metropolitan Police District of the State of N e w Y o r k . " Five Commissioners were to be appointed by the Governor with the Mayors of New Y o r k and Brooklyn as ex-officio members, and they were subject to removal by the Governor. New Y o r k City was directed to pay for " all necessary accommodations " within the new Police precincts. In case of refusal the Board was authorized to incur expenses and charge them to the City. The cities of New Y o r k and Brooklyn were obligated to pay such sums as the Police Board determined to be necessary on or before the first Monday of each June. 36 Section Five conferred full police powers on the new Board, by stating that " a l l . . . public police property, books, records 35 Documents of the Board of Aldermen, vol. II, Doc. No. 8, pp. 1S-16. 36 Documents 0/ the Board of Aldermen, 151-176.

vol. X X I V , Doc. N o . 9, pp.

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. . . now in possession of the Police Departments of New York and Brooklyn are herein given for use of the Board of Police herein authorized . . . . " It was made punishable by heavy fine or imprisonment for any person to use " personal violence upon any elector of the Metropolitan Police District or upon any member of the Police force thereof ", 8 7 Wood regarded the Metropolitan Police Act as a criticism of his administration of the police force and was supported by the Board of Alderman who directed him not to comply with it. 88 The Metropolitans, as they were called, soon had their first test of strength. The case had been taken to the courts, and pending a final decision there, Wood had refused to disband the Municipals, although about eight hundred of them had gone over to the new force under the leadership of George Walling. Governor King appointed Daniel Conover as the new Street Commissioner, although Wood had supported Charles Devlin for the same post. 39 Conover arrived at City Hall on June 16th to take over his new office, and was forcibly thrown out of City Hall by Wood and the Municipals under the immediate command of George Matsell, Chief of Police. Conover, having obtained a warrant for Wood's arrest, called upon Walling to serve this warrant. Walling accompanied Conover back up the steps of City Hall. He entered the Mayor's office and was confronted by Wood at his desk. The following dialogue took place: 37 Ibid. 38 A resolution directed the Mayor " to retain possession of property belonging to the Police D e p a r t m e n t " and " to refuse to acknowledge or obey the Police Commissioners in the said A c t " . Proceedings of the Board of Aldermen, L X V I , 129. The Common Council eventually recognized the untenability of this position. Proceedings 0} the Board of Aldermen, L X V I I , 101-102. 39 Gustavus Myers, op. cit., p. 182, charges that Wood had sold the office to Devlin for $50,000. H e gives no authority for this charge, but it is not improbable.

OUR

Mayor: Walling: Mayor: Walling: Mayor:

Walling: Mayor: Walling:

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79

" Well, Sir, what will you have ?" " I have a warrant for your arrest." " I do not recognize you as an officer. I dismissed you from the Department." " I am a member of the Metropolitan Police." " I do not recognize the legality of the service or existence of the Metropolitan Police. I will not submit to arrest . . . or concede that you are an officer at all." " Well, Sir, as we don't agree on that point . . . I shall have to take you out forcibly if you resist." " I will not be taken. You may consider that resistance if you please." "No, Sir, that is not resistance only refusal."

A s Walling went around the desk to take hold of W o o d , the Mayor struck a bell on the desk, which brought in Captain Ackerman of the Municipals and several patrolmen, who threw Walling out of City Hall.-' 0 At this point the Metropolitans, about fifty in number, arrived at City Hall and began to march up the steps, where they were met by about eight hundred Municipals. The Metropolitans by sheer force of numbers were forced to retreat, but reformed and charged. Blows were exchanged until, as one witness described it, " life seemed impossible ". This same witness went on, " Blows fell upon naked heads thick and fast and men rolled helplessly down the steps." 41 The Metropolitans were then attacked f r o m the rear by the crowds who had gathered to watch. 4 2 40 T h i s account is taken from Recollections of a New York Chief of Police by George W . W a l l i n g , p. 57. 41 T h e N e w Y o r k Times, June 17, 1837. 42 M. R. Werner, Tammany Hall, observes that some of the cheers and oaths of the crowd were in strangely accented English. T h e reporter of Harpers believed that the rioters were nearly all foreign, the most of them being Irish.

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A t the height of the riot, Sheriff Westervelt was called upon b y C o n o v e r to serve the warrant for W o o d ' s arrest. A c c o m panied b y C o n o v e r and an attorney, and bearing his staff of office, his s w o r d strapped to his waist and the official plug hat upon his head, Westervelt marched up the steps of C i t y Hall to serve the warrant upon W o o d . A s they were conferring w i t h W o o d , Chief Matsell broke into the office to announce the complete defeat of the Metropolitans. W o o d then refused to be arrested and the Westervelt party withdrew. T h e Metropolitan police faction appealed to the commanding officer of the Seventh Regiment, which w a s marching

down

B r o a d w a y on its w a y to Boston, and General S a n d f o r d w a s informed of what w a s g o i n g on. T h e General marched his men on to the green at C i t y Hall and lined them up in parade formation. W o o d and his cohorts then gave up the battle and all w a s quiet. 4 3 A

compromise w a s

finally

agreed to whereby both

sides

would patrol the city pending a decision by the Court of A p peals. U n d e r this arrangement both sides paid more attention to their private feuds than to the protection of the lives and property of the citizens. W h e n e v e r a Metropolitan arrested a criminal, a Municipal would come up and release him and the criminal would then proceed on his w a y while the t w o policemen f o u g h t it out with their clubs. Respectable citizens were held up and robbed in broad daylight on B r o a d w a y while the Municipals and the Metropolitans tried to decide with their clubs which had the right to interfere. T h i s situation continued nearly all summer, but the climax w a s reached in the riots on M u l b e r r y and B a y a r d Streets, on July 4th and 5th. T h e D e a d Rabbits decided to celebrate the 4th by raiding the headquarters of their ancient enemies, the B o w e r y at N o .

142 B o w e r y . F u r i o u s

fighting

Boys

ensued, but the Dead

Rabbits were forced to fall back to Paradise Square, with the 43 The N e w York Times of June 18th makes the rather ironic comment that the rifles of the Regiment were loaded only with blank ammunition.

OUR

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rioting extending as f a r as Pearl and Chatham Streets. A few Metropolitans tried to interfere, but both sides joined forces and the police were badly manhandled. The Municipals, who asserted it wasn't their fight, refused to have anything to do with it. E a r l y on J u l y 5th, Dead Rabbits carrying iron bars and paving blocks swarmed into a B o w e r y clubhouse and literally tore it apart. T h e B o w e r y B o y s poured out to the rescue and the two gangs joined battle at B a y a r d Street at the corner of Chatham Street. A lone Metropolitan tried to interfere and was promptly knocked down, beaten up with his own night stick, and forced to flee. A squad of police attempted to march up Centre Street to the scene of the fighting, but the gangs made common cause driving them back and badly defeating them. During the fighting and subsequent retreat the Metropolitans were pelted with stones and brickbats thrown f r o m their windows and roofs by the residents of Bowery and B a yard Streets. A t this point there was a short breathing spell, and then the Dead Rabbits, taunted by charges of cowardice from a mob of wild-eyed screaming hussies f r o m the F i v e Points District, attacked again. A t the height of the riot it was estimated that almost one thousand rioters were engaged, armed with pitchforks, axes, pistols, paving stones, brickbats and other assorted paraphernalia of war. One witness described the fighting in graphic terms, " Brickbats, stones and clubs were flying thickly around and from the windows in all directions, while men ran wildly about brandishing firearms. Wounded men lay on the sidewalks and were trampled upon." 44 In the afternoon a large force of Metropolitans, assailed at every step, succeeded in arresting two Dead Rabbit leaders. One gangster who refused to surrender was knocked off the roof of a house on B a x t e r Street, fracturing his skull when he 44 The New York Times, July 6, 1857.

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hit the sidewalk. H i s enemies promptly stamped him to death. A f t e r the departure of the police with their prisoners the battle was resumed and the gangsters fought from behind street barricades of stones and overturned carts. B y early evening the police authorities were in despair. They had failed in their efforts to restore order and had been compelled to retreat several times with heavy losses. A n attempt by Isaiah R y n d e r s , political chief of the F i v e Points District, to intervene had ended in failure and injury to Rynders. A s darkness came on the rioters set fire to houses in the vicinity and the fighting continued. Commissioner Draper of the Metropolitans finally g a v e up and called f o r help f r o m General S a n d f o r d who sent the 8th and 7 1 s t Regiments to the scene from their mustering points. T h e Regiments marched down White and N o r t h Streets with fixed bayonets glistening in the moonlight. T h e rioters called it a day. The rest of the night and all the next day the soldiers and police patrolled the district. 45 T h e Metropolitans were more successful in the legal skirmishing that took place before the Court of Appeals. T h e City was represented by Charles O'Conor and George Edmunds, while Francis B . Cutting and William M. E v a r t s represented the State. In his argument before the Court of Appeals, E v a r t s contended that the Metropolitan Police Act was not in violation of home rule because the five Counties affected by it could defeat it by withholding financial support, and the act was therefore a proper use of state police power. E v a r t s further argued, " if the State could create a police force for the whole state it could create one f o r part of the state." 46 T h e validity of the act was upheld by a vote of six to two, although five of the six concurring judges were Democrats. 4 7 45 This account of the riot has been taken from The New York Post, July 6th and 7th; The N e w York Times, July 6th and 7th. 46 Chester Barrows, William man, p. 78. 47 Ibid., p. 79.

M. Evarts,

Lawyer,

Diplomat

and

Evening States-

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83

After the decision by the Court of Appeals had been announced, Wood immediately disbanded the Municipals, and the Metropolitans took over the enforcement of law in the city where except for a few minor outbreaks, all was quiet. 48

48 Wood finally paid damages of $13,000. According to some sources the money was put in the tax levy and the city eventually paid both damages and costs. An ironic note is the fact that on April 9, 1858, the Court of Appeals denied the right of the Governor to appoint Conover, New York Herald, April io, 1858. Conover, however, stayed on in office until the expiration of his term. In his first report to the Board of Aldermen, January 11, 1858, he complained of difficult conditions arising from "protracted litigation and from the embarrassment of not being recognized by the late Mayor and the Common Council ".

CHAPTER VI RISE OF MOZART HALL T H E hostility engendered in T a m m a n y Hall had not been silenced by W o o d ' s victory of the preceding fall. These political difficulties were increased by the economic depression of 1 8 5 7 and the problems arising f r o m it. R i g h t l y or w r o n g l y , W o o d received some blame f o r what he had done or failed to do to relieve the distress caused by the depression. T h r o u g h o u t the summer, prices had been rising and money getting scarcer. B y the end of A u g u s t , business had become decidedly dull, banks were discounting less freely and railroad stocks were declining. T h e n the O h i o Life Insurance and T r u s t C o m p a n y suspended with heavy liabilities. T h i s failure precipitated a panic in W a l l Street w h i c h spread rapidly to the whole country. B y A u g u s t 30th, there had been eighteen failures in N e w Y o r k City, and by the middle of September the number had been increased by forty-four. T h e contraction of credit by the banks produced pressure for money resulting in

heavy

liquidation and falling prices. In October specie payments were suspended, and the stock market went into a state of almost complete chaos. Conditions had become so serious that on October 22nd, in a message to the Council, W o o d proposed an issuance of securities to run for five years at 7 % interest, and to be used both to purchase food and to provide public w o r k s to relieve unemployment. H e estimated that over 30,000 mechanics were unemployed, and forecast that the total would rise to 50,000 by J a n u a r y 1st. H e pressed for immediate action, w a r n i n g of possible violence and rioting. 1 1 Proceedings of the Board of Councilmen, L X V I I I , 908-913. H e concluded his message by saying: " Indeed there are so many reasons for the adoption of this preventive course, that we shall be justified and sustained by public opinion in assuming even doubtful powers and in taking the responsibility." 84

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OF

MOZART

HALL

85

On November 2nd, a crowd met at Tompkins Square, and after listening to inflammatory speeches marched down Broadway to City Hall, where a committee was appointed to draft a petition for the Mayor's relief plan. If it were not granted, they declared, " We shall force them to help the people by other means." 2 On November 5th, 5,000 men marched on City Hall from Tompkins Square clamoring for " work, flour, and bread ". They demanded that the Mayor give them work in Central Park, and urged him to call a special session of the Board of Aldermen. The latter he refused to do. A meeting was then held on City Hall steps and plans were made for a march on Wall Street, where the demonstrators declared they would not delay beyond November 9th. 3 In the meantime the Mayor's message had been referred to the Committee on Finance which made its report on November 9th. They rejected Wood's proposal for the purchase of food as " being fraught with evils which would more than counterbalance the good intended " ; but they did recommend that the sum of $50,000 be spent for the macadamizing of parts of 2nd Avenue and certain work on Central Park. The remainder of the Mayor's suggestions they asserted to be beyond their powers, resting with Albany. 4 On November 9th, the crowd which gathered around City Hall was larger than ever and threats were made that the people would force their way into the Council chamber to present their demands for bread or work. The Mayor became alarmed and called for a Police guard for City Hall; soldiers were placed on guard at the Customs House and the Sub2 N e w York Times, November 3, 1857. Mary Lamb in her History of the City of New York estimates that in one district more than 10,000 people were fed daily. Baker's wagons were seized, and laborers threatened to break open provisions stores. 3 The New York Times, 4 Documents

November 6, 1857.

0} the Board 0} Aldermen,

vol. X X I V , Doc. No. 19, pp. 1-8.

5 The New York Times, November 10, 1857.

86

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

Treasury Building. 8 There were daily mass meetings at Tompkins Square. One held on November n t h was estimated to number about 10,000, but dissatisfaction over the leadership became increasingly evident at this meeting. 6 T h e city press with few exceptions was opposed to Wood's proposals for relief of the unemployed. The New Y o r k Times in a series of editorials attacked him on the ground that he had taken advantage of public distress " to excite the worst passions of the destitute and ignorant arraying them against the mass of the whole community ". In this same editorial W o o d was accused of trying to put the city into competition with " thousands of small dealers of provisions and groceries to their certain ruin ". On November 7th, the Times came out flatly in favor of a new Mayor who would " not sacrifice public good to his own political and personal welfare ". In a series of articles on the problem the Tribune attacked the Mayor's message on the subject of relieving the destitute as " incendiary and politically inspired ", and then went on to recall to its readers the Marvine affair and its outcome. The Evening Post treated the Mayor's plan as a " desperate scheme for re-election ". In describing some of the meetings of the unemployed, the Evening Post assailed the speakers who had addressed the meetings " as W o o d politicians and candidates for office . . . whose promises have resulted as might have been expected ". The Post concluded by denying the necessity of assuming " doubtful powers " to aid the unemployed. The Herald and the Morning News were the two most prominent journals to come out in support of the W o o d proposals. The Herald and the Tribune fought a long duel over the proposals in general and the motives of W o o d in particular, until the day of the election. The worst of the crisis gradually passed, and the excitement began to subside; the police were withdrawn from City H a l l ; several thousand men were given employment in Central P a r k ; 6 The N e w Y o r k Evening Post, November 12, 1857.

RISE

OF

MOZART

HALL

87

and the shops began taking back their employees for the winter season. B y December 12th, the New Y o r k banks were resuming payments in specie.7 A more direct attack upon Wood was conducted by Tweed in Tammany Hall, who found Wood in his way. He was joined by Purdy, who wished to share in Tweed's patronage, and by Tilden whose motives may have been less questionable. The climax came on May 20th, the date of the annual election for members of the Tammany Society. In the elections Isaac Fowler had once more demonstrated his chameleon qualities, by heading the Tilden-Purdy-Sweeny ticket against Wood. Shortly before the elections were to take place, the opposition to Wood slipped into the Wigwam unobserved by the Wood partisans and quietly elected sixty new members to the Society. This coup resulted in the defeat of the Wood ticket, and marked a telling victory for the anti-Wood faction. The Wood group replied by vigorously attacking the Sachems for their selfish interest in procuring offices for themselves. While Wood had lost the battle, he had not lost the war. This was amply demonstrated on October 15th, when the nominating committee of the Democratic party, with most of his enemies absent, selected him for Mayor by a vote of 75 to 12. 8 The Tammany General Committee then openly repudiated him, and as in 1856, the city again saw the " r e g u l a r " nominee of the Democratic party opposed by both the Society and the General Committee. This time, however, and for almost the first time in his political career, his opponents united against Wood. They nominated Daniel Tiemann, a worthy member of Tammany and a prominent figure on the Board of Aldermen. The Know7 A good many scholarly studies of the panic of 1857 have been made. Among these are J. S. Gibbons, Banks of New York and the Panic of 1857 a contemporary account; Ira Ryner, The Causes of the Panics of 1837, 1847 and 1857; George W. Van Vleck, The Panic of 1857 and Margaret Myers, The New

York

Money

Market,

8 The N e w Y o r k Herald,

vol. I.

October 16th.

88

FERNANDO

WOOD OF

NEW

YORK

Nothings and the Republicans gave their support to Tiemann, presenting him to the people as a reform candidate who would bring good government and sweep away the remnants of the Wood regime. The Wood forces met on November 23rd and ratified their municipal ticket. T h e meeting rang with oratory comparing Wood with J e f f e r s o n and Jackson, and asking the voters not to be deceived by the abuse of disappointed demagogues. 9 The Wood forces were able to round up between 3,000 and 4,000 votes by the process of naturalizing aliens in time to cast their first ballots. A f t e r having solemnly promised to vote the right way, each alien was given a little red ticket reading: Common Pleas: Please naturalize the bearer. Nicholas Seagrist, Chairman 1 0 A s the campaign closed, Wood's forces led by John Cochrane redoubled their efforts. W o o d himself addressed a half dozen meetings every night. In addressing one of these meetings, he said: " Fellow citizens, they shout union and reform, but they mean political plunder " . n In spite of all these efforts, Tiemann won the election, but by a perilous margin, the vote being Tiemann 4 3 , 2 1 6 and W o o d 40,889. 9 The New York Herald,

November 24th.

10 Documents of the Board of Aldermen, vol. X X I I I , Doc. No. 43. This was the same Seagrist who had been charged with robbing the funeral pall of Henry Clay when it passed through the city, Documents of the Board of Aldermen, vol. X X I I , Doc. No. 43. " New York Election Frauds," Report No. 3r of the House of Representatives, 40th Cong., 3rd Sess., February 1869, places the number of naturalizations at 6,875 in the 1857 election as compared with 10,479 ' n 'he presidential year of 1856. Charles McKay in Life and Liberty in America, I, 178, in describing this election states: " T h e whole male immigration landed in the morning from a Cork or Liverpool boat, and voted ere the afternoon was over for one ticket or another". In an article on the election, Harpers, December 17, 1857, estimated that 10,000 illegal votes were cast. 11 The New York World, February 16, 1881.

RISE

OF

MOZART

HALL

89

In an e f f o r t t o consolidate its position the a n t i - W o o d f a c tion held a m e e t i n g in the W i g w a m , w i t h the e x p r e s s e d intent o f e x p e l l i n g t w o W o o d supporters, D a n i e l S i c k l e s a n d C . G o d f r e y G u n t h e r . W o o d w a s represented by a l a r g e d e l e g a t i o n of his f o l l o w e r s , i n c l u d i n g s o m e D e a d R a b b i t s . D u r i n g the meeti n g the bar w a s so well p a t r o n i z e d that about nine o ' c l o c k serious

fighting

b r o k e out, a n d it required a force o f f o r t y police

w i t h s w i n g i n g clubs to b r e a k up the m e l e e ; no a r r e s t s w e r e made. T h e m e e t i n g

finally

concluded w i t h o u t action on

the

o r i g i n a l m a t t e r of the e x p u l s i o n of Sickles and G u n t h e r . 1 2 T h e attitude of the R e g e n c y upon the d e f e a t of W o o d

is

probably s u m m e d u p in a letter P e t e r C a g g e r , S e c r e t a r y of the S t a t e D e m o c r a t i c P a r t y , w r o t e to T i l d e n soon a f t e r the city charter elections. In his letter, C a g g e r expressed the belief that the n e w M a y o r w o u l d appoint D e m o c r a t s t o office in the hope

that

Wood."

this

" will

go

far

to

destroy

the

influence

of

13

A f t e r the defeat of W o o d in the city elections of D e c e m b e r , 1 8 5 7 , both sides strained e v e r y e f f o r t to control the

forth-

c o m i n g elections f o r the T a m m a n y S o c i e t y . O n A p r i l 13, 1858, one h u n d r e d a n d fifty m e m b e r s of the S o c i e t y met at the W e s t chester H o u s e on B r o o m e Street and m a d e the a n n o u n c e m e n t that 2 1 2 m e m b e r s w e r e pledged t o vote against W o o d ' s n o m inees. In the election held on A p r i l 19th, the a n t i - W o o d ticket headed b y I s a a c F o w l e r and N e l s o n W a t e r b u r y d e f e a t e d the W o o d ticket by a m a j o r i t y o f nearly one hundred, w i t h three hundred a n d seventy-eight m e m b e r s present and v o t i n g . T h e i r interest is s h o w n b y the fact that a great m a n y m e m b e r s had travelled even f r o m W a s h i n g t o n ,

C i n c i n n a t i and A l b a n y

to

cast their first v o t e in m a n y years. W h e n these results w e r e m a d e k n o w n , W o o d announced his w i t h d r a w a l f r o m T a m m a n y a n d his plan t o set u p his o w n o r g a n i z a t i o n at M o z a r t

Hall,

12 The New York Herald, December 10, 1857. 13 Letter of Peter Cagger to Samuel J. Tilden, December 11, 1857, Tilden Papers, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library.

90

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

on the corner of Bleecker Street and B r o a d w a y . 1 4 T h e new g r o u p w a s k n o w n as M o z a r t Hall f r o m the name of this first meeting place. T h e organization embodied most of the principles and organizational practices of T a m m a n y although it lacked its history and traditions. T h e new organization also lacked

the

co-ordinating

force

supplied

by

the

Tammany

Society. But despite its inherent weaknesses the organization w a s to exercise a considerable influence on the political situation in the city f o r the succeeding t w o decades and at the height of its power almost captured the State delegation to the national presidential convention. In establishing M o z a r t Hall, W o o d expressed his determination to w a g e w a r upon T a m m a n y Hall as long as he lived, " until it opened its doors." E a c h side asserted itself to be the true Democratic organization. W i t h these preliminaries out of the w a y , both sides began laying plans for the fall primaries. W o o d has been described as being capital for a w a i t i n g race, as he never lost his temper, was a g o o d fighter, and knew how to hold his own. H e stood in need of all these qualities in his attempt to launch the new political machine w i t h w h i c h he hoped to wrest control of the city from T a m m a n y , and possibly even ultimately dominate the R e g e n c y in state politics. D e f e a t might

mean the

lugubrious collapse of the

Mozart

experiment, and the consolidation of the T a m m a n y faction in city and state Democratic affairs. W h e n the State Democratic Convention met on September 15th,

it w a s consequently confronted with t w o

delegations

f r o m N e w Y o r k C i t y . T h e T a m m a n y delegation w a s led by D a n i e l Sickles w h o had reinstated himself in the g o o d grace of T a m m a n y after the previous December, and the

Mozart

14 N e w York Herald, April 14th, 20th, and 21st; N e w York Everting Post, April 21 st. On April 20th the N e w York Tribune carried an article on the proceedings which stated, " For this [control of the T a m m a n y Society] W o o d had worked night and d a y . . . Washington, Albany and at home Last night the battle came off and Mr. W o o d suffered a defeat perfectly overwhelming ".

RISE

OF

MOZART

HALL

91

delegation was headed by Wood. T h e Tammany group insisted upon being recognized as the regular organization from N e w Y o r k City, and was opposed to splitting the vote as some delegates suggested. When the Tammany delegation was recognized by a vote of 54 to 3 5 , the Mozart delegation left the convention in a body. T h e Convention then proceeded to complete its business with the nomination of A m a s a Parker for Governor. 1 6 In the campaign that followed, New Y o r k and Pennsylvania played prominent roles. T h e state campaign was highlighted by the " irrepressible c o n f l i c t " speech of Seward at Rochester in October. 1 6 In the state elections of November, 1 8 5 8 , E d w i n D. M o r gan, prominent up-state Republican, defeated Parker by a fairly comfortable margin. 1 7 In the city elections the W o o d group suffered an overwhelming defeat. There were some riots and disorders, but comparatively few. On Hester Street a mob broke into a polling place and scattered the ballots a f t e r breaking up the ballot boxes and using them as clubs. T w o Dead Rabbits were wounded by gunfire, but the city was relatively quiet on this election day. 1 8 Following this defeat of W o o d , Tammany inaugurated a policy of giving a larger share of partronage to the Irish voters in an effort to win away W o o d ' s hold on the Irish. 1 9 A n extremely interesting incident occurred in October, the auction of City Hall by the Sheriff under a warrant of execu15 The New York Herald, September 16th; New York Tribune, September 16th, 17th. 16 The New York Tribune charged that the Seward speech had cost the Republicans 40,000 votes. 17 The totals were: Morgan 247,953; Parker 230,513; and Burrows 60,880. Ckil List of the State of New York (1887). 18 N e w York Herald, vember 9th.

November 7th and 8th; New York Tribune,

No-

19 Lynch, Denis, op. cit., p. 210. Lynch gives most of the credit to Tweed for this new policy on the part of Tammany Hall.

92

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

tion. D u r i n g the second W o o d administration, the city contracted to pay R o b e r t L o w b e r $196,000, for a piece o f property officially valued at $60,00. It w a s proved that although L o w b e r had title to only one third of the lot, he claimed payment of the full purchase price. Comptroller F l a g g

accused

W o o d of being a party to the transaction and refused payment on the g r o u n d s that there w e r e no funds " applicable " , although L o w b e r had procured a j u d g m e n t in his favor. O n October 18th, in order to satisfy L o w b e r ' s claims, C i t y

Hall

w a s put up for auction and sold to Daniel T i e m a n n for $228,000. A l t h o u g h it w a s rumored that W o o d might appear at the auction and buy C i t y Hall, and then allow the city government to meet there as his guests. W o o d failed to show up at the sale. T i e m a n n w a s eventually repaid, and the incident passed without further notice. 2 0 W i t h the m a y o r a l t y elections coming up, T i e m a n n

found

himself in trouble. A s is so often the fate of reform candidates, Tiemann

had failed to

satisfy anyone,

and

had

also

been

accused of using his official position to insure his re-election in 1859,

f a c t before T i e m a n n ' s term was half w a y over, he

had become extremely unpopular in certain circles. 2 1 A fusion movement is basically a coalition of diverse elements led by highly individualistic personalities, and such a loosely-knit coalition cannot compare in efficiency over a long period w i t h a 20 Documents of the Board 0/ Aldermen, vol. X X I V , Doc. N o . 16, pp. 1-28; Communication from the Comptroller to the Board of Councilmen in Relation to the Lowber judgment made A u g u s t 10, 1857, together with a map and survey of the premises made by John Serrell; N e w York Times, October 19th; N e w York Evening Post, October 20th. 21 George W a s h i n g t o n Plunkitt, master Tammany philosopher, through the pen of Riordan has left a pungent description of reformers which is germane to the issue: " Reformers are mornin' glories—look lovely in the mornin' and then wither up in a short time, while the regulars g o on flourishing like fine old o a k s . . . . T h e fact is a reformer can't last in politics. H e can make a s h o w for a while, but like a rocket he always comes down." Stoddard in his work on Croker, Master of Manhattan, p. 156, quotes an " East Side politician " in the election of 1896, as comparing a reform m o v e ment t o a queen hornet, " T h e y sting you once and then they die."

R I S E OF M O Z A R T

HALL

93

well organized machine. With these factors operating against him, Tiemann was out of the race for 1859. Wood was nominated for Mayor on November 22nd by Mozart Hall, while Greene C. Bronson was chosen for Corporation Counsel. Tammany became virtuous and nominated William Havemeyer for mayor, and Samuel J . Tilden for corporation counsel, in the hope that it might win on the personal strength of these men. The Know-Nothings had diminished almost to the vanishing point, and the city reform party had lost all significance. There is no evidence that the temperance party was active. The Republicans nominated George Opdyke, hoping to take advantage of the bitter internecine warfare in the Democratic ranks. 22 Opdyke was a rich fur merchant and belonged to the anti-Weed faction of the Republican party. In the midst of this metropolitan activity the influence of Wood was beginning to make itself felt in the regions beyond Manhattan, particularly upstate. This fact was signalized by by the calling of a meeting of the " National Democracy ". It was held at the Astor House on May 10, 1859, with John Cramer of Saratoga in the chair, and Gideon Tucker as Secretary. A motion was adopted to appoint a sub-committee of one from each judicial district. The sub-committee was to confer with the Democratic State Committee headed by Dean Richmond, in an effort to postpone the naming of delegates to the forthcoming national Convention at Charleston until after the state elections had been held in November. The subcommittee was composed of eight members, with Wood as Chairman and William Sands, of Chenango, as Secretary. A f t e r completing this part of its program, the National Democracy adjourned its meeting until May 3 1 s t to await a report from the Wood committee. 22 In the midst of this bitter warfare among the Democrats, the IrishAmerican proposed William D. Kennedy be nominated by both Tammany and Mozart to keep the Republicans from winning the charter election. This movement did not keep Havemeyer from being nominated, a nomination which the Irish-American condemned.

94

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

O n M a y 3 1 s t , about three hundred persons gathered at the A s t o r H o u s e to receive the report of the W o o d sub-committee, to plan a n y appropriate action, and to " secure a more general . . . expression of opinion " . W o o d reported that his sub-committee had addressed a letter to Dean Richmond requesting a meeting o f the D e m o c r a t i c State Committee be held by the end

of

the

month,

and

stated

that

he

had

received

a

rather evasive answer f r o m Richmond, through Peter C a g g e r , s a y i n g that : " notice will be given of the time and place of the n e x t meeting of the S t a t e Committee as soon as it has been agreed u p o n . . . . " W o o d then added that the sub-committee had not been informed of any meeting, expressed his doubt that any meeting w o u l d be called, and went on to

suggest

" renewed expression in a distinct and public f o r m " o f

senti-

ment opposing the introduction of the question of Presidential delegates into the approaching State Convention. H e described the strife-torn condition of the State party and stated that the question of Presidential delegates " might well prove to be a fire brand . . . to light the torch of faction . . . . " A f t e r the submission of the report a resolution was adopted requesting the State Committee to exclude f r o m the agenda of the State C o n vention the question of national delegates. T h e meeting then a d j o u r n e d a f t e r continuing the authority of the W o o d

com-

mittee. T h e D e m o c r a t i c State Committee ultimately held its meeting on A u g u s t 3rd, at the Delevan House in A l b a n y ,

with

D e a n R i c h m o n d presiding. W o o d , Dickinson, Sands, and C r o s well presented a communication asking that the notice f o r the annual meeting of the Democratic State Committee " be limited exclusively . . . to a Democratic State ticket and to questions of state policy " leaving the choice of convention delegates for later consideration. T h e communication pointed out the dangerous political situation and the necessity for h a r m o n y within the D e m o c r a t i c ranks.

RISE

OF

MOZART

HALL

95

A f t e r extended debate and the consideration of various communications, the State Committee adopted a resolution admitting, " some diversity of opinion exists among the Democratic electors of the State . . ." in so far as the election of national delegates was concerned, and then referred the matter to the State Convention, which was to meet September 14th. 23 Wietig Hall in Syracuse had been selected for the State Convention. Tickets were issued by Peter Cagger to the delegates for the body of the Hall, but shortly before the meeting was scheduled to open, Wood, Thomas G. Alvord of Onondago, and C. B. Smith of Monroe entered the room, and managed to procure the admission of a goodly number of Wood cohorts, and these were stationed around the room. They then proceeded to hold a regular meeting, electing Alvord as Chairman without opposition. Apparently in an effort to gain strength in New York City, a motion was carried to admit both delegations from the city. At this point some of the Softs began arriving, and Cagger took the platform in an effort to obtain control of the Convention. He nominated John Stryker of Oneida as Chairman, who at once assumed his place on the platform alongside Alvord. John Cochrane of Tammany was supported by Isaiah Rynders, when James Sheehan and John Ray of New York City came forward. Blows were exchanged, and during the course of the disturbance, pistols were displayed and Stryker was knocked off the platform. 24 At the height of 23 Statements of Facts in Relation to the Appointment of the Democratic Delegation from the State of New York to the National Democratic Convention. Documents Relating to the New York Contest Showing the Claims of the Delegation elected by Congressional Districts to seats in the Charleston Convention, New York, March, i860. The Irish-American, August 13, 1859, gave credit for this conciliatory course of events to William D. Kennedy. 24 In his autobiography, I, 59, Andrew D. White describes the riot and then says that the reaction to the violence united all factions against Wood. Brummer, op. cit., claims a great deal of Wood strength lay in the hatred of the Hards for the Regency. H e mentions connections of Wood with certain Southern leaders, although he does not go into detail. In the Docu-

96

FERNANDO

WOOD O F

NEW

YORK

the confusion Cochrane led the Richmond faction to the rear of the Hall, and the W o o d group completed their business. A s Cochrane withdrew, W o o d rose and made a long speech defending the legality of the action o f the Convention, charging that any disorder was caused by Cagger, who " was not a member of the Convention " , but had improperly " attempted to call the Convention to order " . H e concluded by moving that a committee be appointed to report on permanent officers. After the unanimous election of W o o d as Chairman, more speeches were made by Birdsall o f Seneca and McMahon of Albany, and resolutions were then adopted attacking the Regency group as seceders and the meeting then adjourned until seven o'clock in the evening. A f t e r the W o o d faction had left the Hall, the Regency group returned, and proceeded with the business o f a convention. Electing Stryker as Chairman, they recognized the anti-Wood faction, which included such personalities as Isiaah Rynders, J o h n Cochrane and Peter B. Sweeny. 2 5 Randall of Cortland then moved that Daniel Dickinson be invited to take a seat on the floor, and amid loud cries of " Dickinson " , " Dickinson " , the former Senator took a seat, and then made a speech. W h i l e Dickinson had not fully joined the W o o d group, he had given them a great deal of support. In this speech, however, made after the rioting, Dickinson abandoned W o o d and went over to the Softs, burning his bridges behind him. 2 6 ments Relating to the New York Contest..., op. cit., there is a certified statement by Cornelius Wood, to the effect that he was hired by the Richmond faction to commit violence on the Wood faction, and getting confused as to identities assaulted Stryker by error. The accuracy of this statement is highly doubtful. 25 Proceedings of the Democratic State New York, September 14-15, 1859, p. 3.

Convention

held

at

Syracuse,

26 Ibid., p. 5. Speeches, Correspondence of the late Daniel Dickinson of New York, I, 624-626. White, op. cit., is of the opinion that this action helped to unite the Democratic party for the approaching campaign.

RISE

OF

MOZART

HALL

97

The Wood faction returning to find the Regency group occupying Wietig Hall, adjourned to the Voorhees House for its evening meeting. With Alvord still in the chair, and with seventy-nine delegates present, they reconvened at the Voorhees House. A full slate was drawn up for the forthcoming state elections. They then adopted a set of resolutions, among which was one calling for a meeting in February in Syracuse to select delegates for the Charleston Convention. After more speeches the convention of the Wood group adjourned. When the Regency group convened on the following day, it was apparent that some of the bolters had lost heart for several members arose and stated that the use of their names by the Wood group had been unauthorized. 27 The Wietig Convention then proceeded by a vote of 92 to 31 to authorize the appointment of a committee to choose delegates for the Charleston Convention, and also adopted a resolution that the delegates should vote as a unit during the Convention. 28 By the afternoon the Convention had reached the matter of state offices. Wood's convention at the Voorhees House had nominated D. R. F . Jones for the office of Secretary of State, so that when Armstrong of Oneida presented Jones' name in the nomination for the same office, he felt compelled to say that Jones had been nominated by the Wood group without the " knowledge, consent or approbation " of Jones. Speaking for John Skinner of Wyoming, Francis Kiernan also had to diavow for Skinner any agency in or knowledge of his nomination by the Wood convention. 29 At nine o'clock in the evening the Committee on the Charleston delegation presented its report together with a list of proposed delegates to the National Convention. It concluded its 27 Proceedings 28 Ibid., p. 9. 29 Ibid., p. 10.

of the Democratic State Convention....

op. cit., p. 7.

98

FERNANDO

WOOD O F N E W

YORK

report with a warning to members who might be inclined to stray from the fold: And in case any of its members shall be appointed delegate by any other organization, and shall not forthwith in writing decline such appointment his seat shall be regarded as vacated and the delegation shall proceed to fill the same . . . 30 The Convention adopted the report of the committee and then adjourned and the members proceeded home to prepare for the forthcoming elections. One source, usually quite friendly to Wood, had this to say about the Convention at Syracuse: No fancied good or intended vindication of a right or redress of a supposed wrong can justify a resort to such expedients. We can view in no other light the occurrences of this day at Wietig Hall and the personal violence and outrage by which we understand it was accompanied . . . Among the gratifying incidents by which the untoward movement has been followed, we notice the prompt return of nearly every delegate who . . . participated in it, to the body of the Democratic State Convention and we indulge the hope that however unfortunate and disreputable in itself its ultimate effect will contribute to the Union and consolidation of the Democratic Party and the cordial and successful support of the Democratic organization and tickets. 31 A f t e r the adjournment of their state Convention in the Voorhees House, the Wood group, notwithstanding the desertion of certain of their men, still styling themselves as the " National Democratic State Committee," held two meetings in Albany for the purposes of completing their organization. Certain of their candidates had withdrawn the use of their names from the ticket and it was necessary to fill these vacancies. 30 Ibid., pp. 13-14. 31 New York Herald, September 15, 1859.

RISE

OF

MOZART

HALL

99

A t the session of the National Democratic State Committee in Congress Hall, on December 13th, a call was issued for a convention to meet in Syracuse on February 6, i860, to elect delegates to the Charleston Convention. When the convention assembled in Syracuse, the members listened to a series of speeches by Wood and several delegates vigorously defending slavery, and attacking the Wilmot proviso and anti-slavery agitation. A committee reported the selection of four delegates at large and four alternates. Of this group only two were from New Y o r k City; the rest were upstate men. The delegation as finally presented consisted of eight delegates together with thirty-three district delegates and their alternates. Wood, chosen chairman, delivered a long speech of acceptance in which he forcefully attacked Seward and the Republican party, and warned of the consequences of a " Black Republican " victory in November. Wood had previously made an elaborate attack upon the Republican party and the anti-slavery agitation in a campaign speech delivered at New Rochelle, New York. On that occasion he had denounced the Republican party as a "fiend which stalks within the narrow barrier of its Northern cage. . ." He asserted that the Democratic party was national and based upon state's rights and the " maintenance of the equitable interest of the people of the States. . . " 3 2 He stressed the fact that hundreds of millions of Northern capital were invested in Southern production, and laid emphasis upon " wealth which is now annually accumulated by the people of the North especially New Y o r k out of the labor of slavery." He pointed out that for New Y o r k " the profits, luxuries, the necessities, nay even the physical existence, depend upon the products only to be obtained by continuance of slave labor and the prosperity of the slave master." 3 3 32 Speech of the Honorable Fernando Wood delivered at a Mass Meeting at New Rochelle, Westchester County, October 19, 1859. 33 Ibid.

IOO

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

T h e attitude of the Regency and T a m m a n y Hall upon the problem of W o o d is illustrated by a letter which William Cassidy wrote to Tilden. After commenting upon Tilden's nomination for the post of Corporation Counsel, he went on to mention the possibility of the Republicans swelling W o o d ' s vote " so as to help him at Charleston. T h e way to operate is upon his following among the adopted citizens. I have no great fear but still it would be well for us and wise for you to put the extinguisher upon him." 34 A n amusing incident of the campaign in the city was the publication of a rather impudent circular letter f r o m W o o d asking Tilden for his support in the coming election. 3 3 W h e n election day came, W o o d received most of the immigrant vote, and particularly that of the Irish, who had apparently not been won over by T a m m a n y the previous year. Mozart Hall in spite of its defeat in the preceding year delivered a substantial vote for its founder. Opdyke received the support of the Republicans, a great many independents, and the remnants of the Know-Nothings. 3 8 But this was not sufficient, for W o o d carried the elections by a comfortable m a j o r i t y over the T a m m a n y candidate, Havemeyer, his nearest rival, demonstrating that New York was still a Democratic city. 37 Tilden was disillusioned and disgusted with the results of the election. H e wrote a rather scorching letter in which he 34 Letter of W i l l i a m Cassidy to Samuel J. Tilden, November 22, 1859, Samuel J. Tilden Papers, Manuscript Division, N e w York Public Library. 35 Circular Letter of Fernando W o o d to Samuel J. Tilden, December 1, 1859, Samuel J. Tilden Papers, Manuscript Division, N e w York Public Library. 36 Since the summer of 1857 the nativist forces had been in trouble. T h e y made their last independent nomination for Mayor when they tried t o run Cooley in 1857. Cooley had withdrawn from the race throwing his support t o Tiemann. The party was blotted out in the i860 elections. 37 T h e vote was as f o l l o w s : W o o d , 29,940; Havemeyer, 26,913; Opdyke. 21,417.

RISE OF

MOZAKT

HALL

IOI

laid his defeat to " ignorant Irish " many special interests ", and " jobbing Republicans " who had " made a bargain with Wood ", 38 Mozart had come back from defeat and won a brilliant victory over the Wigwam. Fernando Wood was once more Mayor, and this time with an organization of his own.

38 Letter of Samuel J. Tilden to Martin Van Buren, December to, 1859, Samuel J. Tilden Papers, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library. In an editorial on November 26, 1859, the Irish-American attacked Tammany Hall for nominating Havemeyer and Tilden, describing them as " affiliated with the Republican faction", and made some favorable comments on the candidacy of Wood and Greene C. Bronson, as the candidates of the " True Democracy". On December 17th the Irish-American carried a picture of Wood on the front page with a caption describing him as " The Champion of the Peoples' rights ".

CHAPTER VII THE PROPOSAL FOR A " FREE CITY " ALTHOUGH the m o s t d r a m a t i c e v e n t of W o o d ' s third t e r m w a s the proposal f o r a F r e e C i t y , his a d m i n i s t r a t i o n w a s t o b e g i n w i t h events of a purely local nature. O n J a n u a r y 2, i 8 6 0 , W o o d sent his annual m e s s a g e t o the C o m m o n Council.

He

introduced it by p o i n t i n g o u t that N e w Y o r k ' s municipal g o v ernment appeared " t o h a v e become the m o r e d e m o r a l i z e d a n d feeble " a s the city itself h a d a s s u m e d a l e a d i n g position in the W e s t e r n W o r l d . H e repeated his old contention " T h e r e is n o g e n e r a l head, there is n o chief e x e c u t i v e . Instead of one there are e i g h t co-ordinate e x e c u t i v e s separate and independent of each other, the M a y o r h a v i n g n o s u p e r v i s o r y c o n t r o l . " W o o d t h e n r e n e w e d his a t t a c k upon the M e t r o p o l i t a n P o l i c e A c t of

1 8 5 7 , s a y i n g that the M a y o r " h a d been d e p r i v e d o f

the f o r c e b y w h i c h t o prevent a n d punish c r i m e . " A f t e r disc u s s i n g the w o r k of the v a r i o u s departments, he proceeded t o re-emphasize the fact that " responsibility a n d p o w e r

should

g o hand in hand. T h e M a y o r should be clothed w i t h a m p l e authority." T h e M a y o r as Chief E x e c u t i v e has not the necessary authority to enforce a prompt obedience to and execution of the laws, and without such authority . . . there can be no good government. It is not only necessary that w e should have a Chief M a g istrate with capacity, integrity, industry and nerve, but he must be vested with requisite unquestionable jurisdiction. T h e views now presented by me in favor of a radical change in the C i t y Charter are the results of study, observation and e x perience. I am confident that N e w Y o r k City will have no reforms until the fundamental law itself is changed. 1 1 Proceedings of the Board of Aldermen, L X X V I I , 7-25. 102

THE

PROPOSAL

FOR

A

"FREE

CITY "

IO3

The situation in N e w Y o r k City at the beginning of i860 was most unfavorable to the success of the new Mayor. T h e heads of most departments were holdovers from the Tiemann regime with still a year of office left, and they were hostile to Wood. It was impossible to remove them except with the consent of the Board of Aldermen, which W o o d had little hope of being able to procure. 2 In the field of national politics W o o d was becoming a figure of increasing importance, particularly since his break with Tammany. D. M. Chauncey wrote W o o d in March, i860, of the importance of attending a mass meeting of the " National W i n g of the Democratic Party ", adding: " It would give us a great many votes for our candidates to be voted for on next Tuesday . . . . " H e expressed the hope that W o o d had not been too greatly fatigued by his recent tour of Connecticut. 3 W o o d this month was assuring Henry A . Wise that he was the only man the forthcoming Charleston Convention could nominate with hope of success. The Mayor gave Wise a little advice, saying: " After all, politicians want success . . . keep quiet don't write letters or make speeches." He mentioned in conclusion that he had had a long and profitable interview with Douglas. 4 2 In his annual message to the Common Council W o o d had pointed out, " . . . it makes no difference who occupies the Mayoralty. T h a t functionary is but a clerk." 3 Letter of D. M. Chauncy to Fernando Wood, March 29, i860. Fernando Wood Papers, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library. On January 31st, Samuel Powell had written Wood asking him to give a letter of endorsement to his brother-in-law who was about to start on a trip south. " . . . you can safely give it to him as he is sound on the question of southern rights and is in no way tainted with niggerism." Letter of Samuel Powell to Fernando Wood, Manuscript Division, New Y o r k Public Library. 4 Fernando W o o d to H e n r y A. Wise, Fernando W o o d Papers, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library. In a letter to W i s e dated November 3, 1859, Wood advocated prison for John Brown and then went on to s a y : " . . . were I the Governor of Virginia, Brown should not be hung, though Seward should be if I could catch him," N e w York World, F e b r u a r y 16,1881.

104

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

W o o d had n o w attained a social standing that w a s g r a t i f y ing to him, f o r he had come a l o n g w a y f r o m the W a s h i n g t o n Street days and the " W i n e and S e g a r " shop.

Delmonico's

was in its h e y d a y , and W o o d w a s frequently there, both as guest and host. H e dined w i t h such men as H e n r y J. R a y mond, R o y a l Stuart and H a m i l t o n Fish. 5 Harper's

Magazine

described one o f these dinners at Delmonico's with a guest list that included such dignitaries as Martin V a n Buren, W a s h ington I r v i n g , G e o r g e Bancroft, W i n f i e l d Scott, and A . O a k e y Hall, Corporation Counsel. A c c o r d i n g to its account, S e y m o u r entertained the company w i t h stories and anecdotes. 6 W o o d ' s social prestige w a s further enhanced when in December, i 8 6 0 , he married A l i c e Fenner Mills, the sixteen-yearold-daughter of D r a k e Mills, a member of the wealthy firm of A t w a t e r , M u m f o r d & C o m p a n y at 35 Broad Street. H i s t o r y does not describe the courtship of the forty-eight-year-old politician, but they were married one year after the death of the second M r s . W o o d . A s befitted the daughter of the wealthy D r a k e Mills, the new Mrs. W o o d w a s well educated, speaking French, German, Spanish and Italian, for she had spent twelve years abroad in the best European schools. E a r l y in i 8 6 0 plans were completed for the National C o n vention at Charleston in A p r i l , where W o o d w a s arranging that M o z a r t should be fully represented. If he were able to gain only partial recognition on the floor, it would be a great victory for M o z a r t and would consolidate his gains in city politics. W i t h o u t a final determination as to admission, the rival delegations of the R e g e n c y and M o z a r t left for Charleston. T h e R e g e n c y w a s determined that W o o d should never be recognized, since this might serve to give him a foothold upstate. 5 Letters in the Fernando W o o d Papers, Manuscript Division, N e w York Public Library. On June 30th, John McGinnen left a summer hat in W o o d ' s office with a little note that he could wear it " when reviewing troops ", and added that W o o d could exchange it if he didn't like it. 6 A . Oakey Hall, " D i n n e r at the Mayor's", Harpers i860, pp. 694-696.

Magazine,

October,

THE

PROPOSAL

FOR

A

"FREE

CITY "

IO5

Charleston might well prove the crucial stage in the great game W o o d was playing. Upon the arrival of the two factions from New Y o r k City, tickets of admission were issued to the Regency delegation by Judge Smalley, Chairman of the Executive Committee. On April 22nd the Executive Committee met and adjourned sine die without repudiating his action. T h e W o o d group denounced it in violent terms, for it was regarded as very favorable to Douglas, to whom W o o d was opposed. 7 The contest between the two New Y o r k delegations formed the principal subject of conversation for the rest of the 22nd, with Administration forces claiming New Y o r k no matter which delegation was recognized. 8 The delegates assembled at twelve noon on April 23rd in the Hall of the South Carolina Institute in Charleston, and were called to order by David Smalley. Before the convention could be organized on a permanent basis John Cochrane of New Y o r k and Fisher of Virginia became involved in acrimonious debate. Fisher attempted to read a letter he said was from a delegation " claiming a seat here," and was supported by Walker of A l a b a m a ; but the Chairman ruled them both out of order and the letter was finally referred unread. 9 The Con7 Murat Halstead, Caucuses of i860. History of the Current Presidential Campaign, p. 7. T h i s action exposed the weakness of the ultra-Southern group, as they had been making an issue of it. 8 Ibid., p. 12. T h e Charleston Daily Courier, April 23rd, carried a small item stating that it had learned arrangements had been concluded by which the Mozart delegation " are to be excluded from the Convention ". It did not specify any " arrangements " or g o into any other details. 9 Official Proceedings of the Democratic Convention Held in Charleston and Baltimore, prepared and published under the direction of John Parkhurst, Secretary, to be k n o w n hereafter as the Parkhurst edition. Proceedings of the National Democratic Convention Convened at Charleston, April 23, i860, Washington, T h o m a s McGill, Printer, to be referred hereafter as the McGill edition. T h e Parkhurst edition has been described as too favorable to Douglas. Halstead, op. cit., p. 20, regards the Fisher-Cochrane dispute as more h i g h l y entertaining than of practical value either to W o o d or to South, and wonders w h y Fisher w a s chosen by the South for the role.

106

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

vention then proceeded to organize for business. Barksdale, of Mississippi, proposed that N e w Y o r k and Illinois be requested not to take part in the proceedings until the Committee on Credentials had reported and the contests had been settled, but Payne, of Ohio, moved to table this resolution and won by a heavy vote. 10 Barksdale then moved that a Committee on Credentials be appointed, composed of one from each state, " in which there is no disputed delegation." When Cochrane tried to speak, Lawrence, of Louisiana, arose to a point of order, stating that no person from N e w Y o r k had a right to be heard until the question of delegates had been settled. In spite of efforts by the chair to restore order, Cochrane rose to object to the exclusion of N e w Y o r k from the Committee, and was backed by Richardson of Illinois. 11 A t this crisis John Cessna, of Pennsylvania, moved the formation of two committees with one member from each State, one on permanent organization and the other on credentials. Illinois, under the Cessna plan, could vote on the New Y o r k controversy, and New Y o r k could vote on the Illinois controversy. The Cessna motion was carried by 257 to 48 over the votes of some of the Southern States, with Virginia casting her fifteen votes against the motion. A last ditch attempt to exclude New Y o r k and Illinois from voting was defeated by a vote of 259 to 44, and the convention then adjourned until Tuesday at ten in the morning. 1 2 Upon meeting the following morning Caleb Cushing was chosen permanent chairman. 13 T h e Committee on Permanent Organization recommended that the rules of the Conventions 10 Parkhurst edition, p. 5. McGill edition, p. 5. Halstead, op. cit., p. 18, regarded this as an indication that the Wood delegation " will have to remain outside the Convention ". In Halstead's opinion the south had made a bitter fight over the Wood question when there was no possible chance of victory and had in this way lost prestige. 11 There was some question of irregularity in the Illinois delegation. 12 Parkhurst edition, p. 11. 13 Brummer, op. cit., p. 53, describes Cushing as a Douglas man.

THE

PROPOSAL

FOR

A

" FREE

CITY "

107

of 1852 and 1856 be adopted with one exception, " That in any state which has not provided or been directed by its State Convention how its vote is to be given, the Convention will recognize the right of each delegate to cast an individual vote." 14 Clark, of Mississippi, opposed this amendment on the ground that the Committee itself had rejected it. Lubbeck, of Texas, charged that the amendment had been approved at an " adjourned meeting " in the morning called ostensibly to receive the names of secretaries not reported at the regular meeting, and called upon the Convention to discountenance " any usurption of power on the part of a portion of a committee ". Cessna replied that he had attempted to get the Committee together for the adjourned meeting, that only two were absent, and that he had been unanimously instructed to make the report. The chair decided that the report of the Committee was in order except for the amendment, and when this had been put to vote it was retained by a vote of 197 to 1 0 3 ^ , with several State delegations split. The meeting then adjourned until the next morning. 1 5 That evening witnessed much noise and confusion about town. W o o d was serenaded and made a speech in which he bitterly attacked Douglas as the " bob-tailed pony from Illinois." 16 The morning session was uneventful, but intense interest was evident in the forthcoming fight and the announcement of the Committee. In the afternoon the Committee of Credentials reported in favor of admitting the " sitting delegation from New Y o r k . " 17 W o o d had argued before the Committee that the system of choosing delegates from Congressional districts was more democratic than the system of State conventions. He 14 P a r k h u r s t edition, p. 12.

McGill edition, pp. 13, 14.

15 P a r k h u r s t edition, pp. 20-21. 16 Halstead believed that he had his eye upon the Vice-Presidency at the hands of the Southern leaders in case of a crisis in the Convention. 17 P a r k h u r s t edition, p. 24.

108

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OF

NEW

YORK

further contended his delegation w a s actually national in principle, while his opponents were F r e e Soilers and bolters. 1 8 In the final vote the R e g e n c y w a s upheld by a vote of 23 to T h e M i n o r i t y in their report claimed that the W o o d

17.19

faction

represented the regular D e m o c r a c y , and that using Cincinnati as a precedent both factions should either be excluded or admitted. T h e y

contended that to alienate the W o o d

faction

meant losing the N e w Y o r k C i t y vote and therefore the State. 2 0 A second minority report w a s presented by Brooks, of A l a bama, f a v o r i n g a compromise whereby the t w o

delegations

from the state of N e w Y o r k were to select thirty-five delegates, each, and the seventy delegates thus chosen to be admitted as the delegates f r o m N e w Y o r k . B r o o k s moved that his report be accepted over the m a j o r i t y but w a s defeated by a vote of 2 1 0 ^ to 55. W i t h the exception of Florida, Louisiana and K e n t u c k y , the S o u t h w a s almost solid for the amendment. 2 1 W h e n the report of the Committee had been finally read and accepted,

North,

of

Pennsylvania, moved

that the

rejected

claimants be invited to take honorary seats. A m i d cries of 18 H a l s t e a d , op. cit., pp. 19-22. 1 9 B r u m m e r , op. cit., p. 54, s u g g e s t s t h a t the l a r g e m a j o r i t y of t h e R e g e n c y m i g h t h a v e been due t o some u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h a t N e w Y o r k votes w o u l d be cast f o r s o m e o n e f a v o r a b l e t o t h e S o u t h . 20 D u m o n d , D w i g h t , Secession Movement i860-1861, p. 44, c o n t e n d s t h a t if t h e W o o d f a c t i o n h a d been seated the southern r i g h t s p l a t f o r m would h a v e been a d o p t e d by t h e C o n v e n t i o n . F r o m the t e s t i m o n y b e f o r e t h e C o m m i t t e e it would a p p e a r t h a t t h e only division w a s in the N e w Y o r k C i t y delegation to S y r a c u s e . D u r i n g t h e h e a r i n g s W h i t t e l y , of D e l a w a r e , defended t h e p r o cedure of t h e R i c h m o n d g r o u p in w i t h d r a w i n g f r o m t h e Convention floor w h i l e t h e W o o d f a c t i o n u p h e l d it, saying, " W e a r e not bound to be m u t i l a t e d by a p a r t y of s h o u l d e r h i t t e r s in o r d e r to show our d e m o c r a c y ". M c G i l l edition, p. 33. 21 P a r k h u r s t edition, p. 25. t h e Convention, because W o o d g r o u p , while D e a n R i c h m o n d W o o d pledged his s u p p o r t t o admission b e c a m e essential f o r R i c h m o n d faction.

N e w Y o r k ' s votes h a d become a question t o h a d p r o m i s e d his support to t h e a n t i - D o u g l a s h a d t h r o w n his support to D o u g l a s . W h e n t h e S o u t h e r n e r s , H a l s t e a d c o n t e n d s t h a t his t h e i r success, which t h r e w the S o f t s into t h e

THE " No!

PROPOSAL

FOR

A "FREE

CITY "

IO9

" N o ! " - " N o ! " L a w r e n c e , of L o u i s i a n a , stated o n

behalf of the W o o d g r o u p : " T h e g e n t l e m e n w h o s e c l a i m has been rejected will not accept a n y such o f f e r . " 2 2 O n the e v e n i n g o f the 2 5 t h , several delegates w e r e called out in f r o n t of the M i l l

House, which w a s

s e r v i n g as

Douglas

headquarters, and m a d e speeches in f a v o r of p a r t y u n i t y and the w o r k

of

the C o n v e n t i o n .

Wood

spoke b r i e f l y ,

pledging

himself in a d v a n c e to the party p l a t f o r m a n d the c a n d i d a t e of the C o n v e n t i o n . 2 3

I t w a s r u m o r e d the n e x t e v e n i n g that the

S o u t h e r n delegates w e r e in rebellion, threatening to bolt the Convention

and

nominate

a

separate

ticket

with

D a v i s f o r president a n d W o o d f o r vice-president.

Jefferson

24

T h e r e had also been some talk of n o m i n a t i n g a N e w

York

m a n such as H o r a t i o S e y m o u r , but this w a s prevented b y the fierce feud between T a m m a n y a n d M o z a r t in N e w Y o r k

City,

m a k i n g it difficult f o r a n y m a n to control the N e w Y o r k v o t e . 2 5 22 Halstead, op. cit., p. 35. 23 Ibid., p. 38. Halstead goes on to say that although he had been excluded W o o d had made a very favorable impression upon South Carolina, and was considered as one of her favorities. T h i s does not agree with the contention of McGuire, op. cit., p. 349, who claims that the W o o d faction sought to enter the seceders convention and was rejected on the protest of South Carolina. This speech was the same one that the N e w York Tribune of April 26th quotes as professing Wood's attachment to slavery. 24 McGuire, op. cit., p. 345. Shortly after the breakup of the Convention a man by the name of F r e d Aiken wrote to W o o d booming him for the Vice-Presidency along with cither Breckinridge or Jefferson Davis for the Presidency Aiken claimed considerable influence with the Boston Post and the Fayetteville (N.C.) Union. H e was willing to campaign for twenty dollars a week. F r e d Aiken to Fernando Wood, May 8, i860, Fernando W o o d Papers, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library. 25 Stewart Mitchell, Horatio Seymour of Ne?v York, p. 208. John Cochrane writing in the Magazine of American History s t a t e d : " S t i l l the opinions that proved irreconcilable at Charleston m i g h t . . . have been harmonized or suspended at Baltimore by the nomination of H o r a t i o Seymour had New York accepted the overtures of the South." " T h e Charleston Convention " by General John Cochrane, p. 148-153, Magazine of American History, vol. X I V , No. 2, 1885.

IIO

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

In conclusion it might be said that Wood, while professing to represent the whole state, probably hoped for nothing more than a compromise similar to that worked out in Cincinnati in 1856, which would give him half the votes. The certainty of Republican victory in i860 if the bitter rivalry of two Democratic tickets continued led to efforts to patch up a fusion of the anti-Lincoln forces, and save New Y o r k and other Northern states. On June 27th, W o o d was reported to have gone into conference with Buchanan, Breckinridge and Douglas on this problem. 29 On the 28th, it was announced that he had consulted with Dean Richmond and that a fusion had been accomplished. 27 On June 29th, the Mozart Hall General Committee adopted a set of resolutions by a vote 86 to 10, recommending the establishment of a joint electoral ticket, and declared significantly that if this could not be done the Democrats of New Y o r k state should support Douglas. W o o d in a letter asserted that the inevitable result of the split would be a Democratic defeat in the fall elections and urged all Democrats to unite as anti-Lincoln men in favor of Douglas. 28 On this same day W o o d came out in favor of a plan for a compromise whereby Douglas would leave the South to Breckinridge, and Breckinridge would leave the North to Douglas. Such a proceeding would of course prevent Lincoln from getting a majority in the Electoral College, throwing the election into the House of Representatives. But on July 18th, the idea of a treaty was repudiated by Dickinson in a speech at Cooper Institute. He excoriated the Douglas ticket and called upon 26 T h e N e w Y o r k Herald, J u n e 27th. 27 T h e N e w Y o r k Herald, J u n e 28th; T h e N e w Y o r k Tribune, J u n e 28th. 28 W o o d stated t h a t he h a d f a v o r e d a declaration by the C h a r l e s t o n C o n vention o n t h e d u t y of C o n g r e s s to give protection t o slavery in t h e t e r r i t o r i e s a s p r o p e r t y , b u t h a d been p r e v e n t e d f r o m m a k i n g this view prevail. D u m o n d , op. cit., quotes this letter f r o m t h e Daily Delta of N e w O r l e a n s , J u l y 12th.

THE

P R O P O S A L FOR A " F R E E CITY "

III

" every true D e m o c r a t " to " shun all entangling alliances of every kind and name ". 2 ® Another powerful influence was working for a fusion of the anti-Lincoln forces, the industrialists and bankers. They threatened to withhold all campaign contributions until a fusion was agreed upon between the contending forces. H o w strong a factor this was may be seen f r o m one eventual contribution of a million dollars. 30 T h e move for fusion continued when the Mozart Hall General Committee on August 2nd, adopted resolutions offered by Wood stating that all good Democrats should " cease hostility to the state organization recognized by the united National Convention." 3 1 While these efforts at national fusion were being made, the state situation became increasingly confused. When the S o f t s met in State convention, they rallied round Seymour and adopted a set of resolutions endorsing Douglas. Confronted with the almost traditional division in the city organization, they solved the problem by admitting both Tammany Hall and Mozart upon equal terms. Together they nominated William Kelley for Governor. 29 Dickinson Speeches, op. cit., I, 686-687. Since shortly before the State Convention, Dickinson had flirted with the Wood movement. H e had been won back by the careful handling of Richmond in hinting that he could secure a solid delegation for Dickinson at Charleston. Alexander, op. cit., II, 256. Stewart Mitchell, op. cit., p. 210. At the Convention Dickinson's supporters were gagged by a rigid unit rule which embittered them. Alexander, op. cit., II, 271. In an editorial of September 24, 1859, on the Democratic State Convention, the Irish-American stated the opinion that the Dickinson faction had " taken alarm at the leaning of the ex-Mayor towards Governor Wise ". 30 Rhodes, op. cit., II, 455, mentions this contribution of William B. Astor. Foner, op. cit., mentions the pressure brought upon the democratic politicians by the business men for a fusion. Alexander, op. cit., II, 337, also mentions this pressure for a fusion. On October 19th the New York Tribune carried the following significant note: " It is well understood that four nabobs have already subscribed $25,000 each and that $1,000,000 is to be raised." Mitchell, op. cit., p. 218, mentions these financial contributions. 31 The New York Herald, August 3rd. Brummer, op. cit., believes that this move by Mozart was an almost indispensable factor in the eventual fusion.

112

FERNANDO

WOOD OF

NEW

YORK

A merger on national candidates was finally effected in the fall, but so much damage had been done by the disruption, that it was too late as was demonstrated when Pennsylvania went to the Republicans, by a comfortable majority, presaging the sentiment of the country. 32 On September 17th, Wood spoke stressing the necessity of defeating Lincoln. His argument was based mainly on a business point of view, describing the disastrous effect upon the commerce and industry of the country, if Lincoln were elected.33 With the election of Lincoln, the secession of South Carolina, and the mounting threat of secession by other Southern states, the situation in New York City became alarmingly serious. Among the population were groups who did not attempt to hide their sympathy for the South. The tension was reflected by a meeting held at Brooke's Hall on December 15th. At this meeting a resolution was adopted which read in part: ". . . believing our Southern brethren to be now engaged in the holy cause of American liberty and trying to hold back the avalanche of Britishism we extend to them our heartfelt sympathy." 34 The Herald computed the Northern loss from the crisis at $478,000,000, pointing out that flour had fallen a dollar a barrel and wheat twenty cents a bushel. It further asserted that a great many manufacturers had suspended operations since the election. President Buchanan was well aware of the dangers inherent in this situation. B y letters to prominent New Yorkers he sought to allay their alarm. In one of these letters he said; 32 Brummer, op. cit., p. 89, believes that the very fusion itself proved a source of weakness, pointing out the effect of the presence of former KnowNothings upon Roman Catholics, Irish and Germans. A letter of Dean Richmond to Seymour expressed dissatisfaction with the theory of fusion. Dean Richmond to Horatio Seymour, Horatio Seymour Papers, New York Historical Society. 33 The New York Herald, September 19th. 34 N e w York Herald, December 16th; New York Tribune, December 17th.

THE

PROPOSAL

FOR

A

" FREE

CITY "

II3

Suppose most unfortunately the cotton states should withdraw from the Union. New York City would still be the great city of this continent. New York would doubtless be somewhat retarded in her rapid march; but . . . she will always command the carrying trade of the very states which may secede. Why will not the great merchants of New York City examine the subject closely and ascertain what will be the extent of their injuries and accomodate themselves to the changed state of things. If they do they will discover they are more frightened than hurt. 85 In another letter Buchanan lamented the inability of the N e w Y o r k merchants to assay the situation calmly, instead of becoming panic stricken: If the merchants of New York would sit down calmly and ask themselves to what extent they would be injured by the withdrawal of three or four cotton states from the Union they would come to the conclusion, that although the evils would be great, yet they would not destroy the commercial prosperity of our great western emporium. 36 During the first months following the election of Lincoln, Fernando Wood, like the shrewd politician that he was, occupied the political fence. Finally on J a n u a r y 7, 1 8 6 1 , just three months and five days before fighting began, he stated his views with dramatic emphasis. In a message to the Common Council he advocated a Free City. The principal grounds stated in his argument were two. In the first place, he asserted that events were destroying the United States. " It would seem," he wrote, " that a dissolution of the Federal Union is inevitable. Our government cannot be preserved by coercion or held together by force. " . In such a situation W o o d believed that N e w Y o r k City ought not to take 35 James Buchanan to Royal Phelps, December 22, i860. The works of James Buchanan, Collected and Edited by John Bassett Moore, XI, 74. 36 James Buchanan to John Bennett, December 20, i860.

Ibid., p. 70.

114

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

an anti-Southern stand, for " with our aggrieved brethren of the slaves states we have friendly relations and a common sympathy. We have not participated in the warfare upon their constitutional rights or upon their domestic institutions ". The second line of argument reflected Wood's long-standing resentment at the treatment accorded New York City by the state Legislature. Once more he recalled the usurpations of city prerogatives and functions, going so far as to declare that New York City suffered more from these ills than she ever would from any external danger. It was his contention that the earlier charters had contemplated " the establishment of a municipal corporation that would in its free and ample privileges, preeminence and jurisdiction vie with the great cities of Europe . . . ." The message enumerated in detail a long list of impositions upon the city by Republicans at Albany, alleging that the state had " wrested control" from the city of its taxes, almshouses, Police Department, Commissioner of Records and the Central Park and other activities." As a free city, argued Wood, New York not only would be free from these wrongs, but would be able to attain security and prosperity at a cheap price. A tariff on the enormous volume of imports would provide all the revenue necessary for the government. Moreover, as a free city, New York " could have the united support of the Southern states as well as other states to whose interests and rights under the Constitution she has remained true ". The sharp edge of Wood's argument was perhaps somewhat blunted by certain qualifications. For one thing, he stated that New York ought not to secede herself until the disruption of the Union had become an accomplished fact. Furthermore, he carefully excluded violence as a means of attaining his end: Yet I am not prepared to recommend the violence implied in these views. In stating the argument in favor of freedom peaceably if we can and forcibly if we must let me not be misunderstood. The redress can be found only in appeals to the

THE

PROPOSAL

FOR

A "FREE

CITY "

115

magnanimity of the people of the whole State. The events of the past two months have no doubt effected a change in the popular sentiment of the state on national politics. This change may bring us the desired relief and thus we may be able to obtain a repeal of the laws to which I have referred and to consequent restoration of our corporate rights.38 How serious Wood was in this proposal is difficult to say, but it seems highly unlikely that his suggestion was more than a balloon sent up for trial purposes. Wood was far too clever a politician to connive at the violence that his program strongly implied. With the exception of the New York Daily News, which praised it highly, most of the metropolitan press treated the proposal with contempt and ridicule. The Evening Post remarked that it had never suspected Wood of being a fool, and inquired if the city should take along Long Island Sound, New York Central Railroad and the Erie Canal. 39 The Tribune stated flatly: " Fernando Wood evidently wants to be a traitor; it is lack of courage only that makes him content with being a blackguard." 40 Evidently tentative steps were taken to act upon the message, since one journal reported that " certain wise men " held a series of meetings " to consider the conditions and prospects " of New York and to " induce the city to declare its independence of the Hudson River Valley . . . and the rest of creation." Several of these private conclaves were held at Mayor Wood's residence. The newspapers made some mention of a movement for the proclamation of a free city and an appeal to the 38 Proceedings of the Board of Aldermen, L X X X I , 10-26. Brummer, op. cit., p. 124, remarks " What a paradise that would have been for Wood." 39 The New York Evening

Post, January 15, 1861.

40 The New York Tribune, January 8, 1861. With the exception of the metropolitan press very little attention seems to have been paid to the speech. The New Orleans Daily Picayune, January 21, 1861, carried a short excerpt under the heading, " N e w York Mayor advocates secession ", but with no comment. N o other available journals made any mention of the message.

Il6

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

C o n f e d e r a t e g o v e r n m e n t for assistance, but the accounts were extremely chary of mentioning names, contenting themselves w i t h stating that " prominent m e r c h a n t s " this project to set up a free c i t y . "

were engaged

in

41

T h e merchants of the city were not so appalled by this suggestion of W o o d as might have been expected, although they did not feel that the U n i o n either w a s dissolved or on the verge of dissolution. " A s long as there was the slightest possibility o f preserving the U n i o n by a conciliatory policy the merchants were

not interested

York'."42

in the glories of

a 'Republic of

New

W o o d ' s suggestion w a s by no means novel or orig-

inal. A s early as N o v e m b e r , one metropolitan newspaper had stated editorially: There are a million and a half mouths to be fed daily in this city and its dependencies; and they will not consent to be starved by any man's policies. T h e y will sooner set up for themselves against the whole world. 43 A n " accomplished banker of this c i t y , " w r i t i n g in December, i860, described the natural advantages of N e w Y o r k : " If the Federal U n i o n is to be broken up, and t w o or more separate and independent g o v e r n m e n t s created f r o m that w e now e n j o y w h y should not N e w Y o r k declare her port free and retain the commercial supremacy her noble harbor has vouchsafed f o r h e r . " and

finally

44

T h o u g h the project f o r a free city languished

died under the fire of the Confederates on F o r t

S u m t e r , W i l l i a m Russell on a visit to the city as late as M a r c h , 41 T h e N e w Y o r k Evening Post, January 20th, 21st; N e w York Tribune, January 18th, 19th; N e w Y o r k Herald, January 16th, 18th, and 19th. Foner, op. cit., p. 290, believes it quite likely that W o o d and Mozart Hall "were involved in this movement. 42 Foner, op. cit., p. 289. 43 Journal of Commerce, 44 American p. 280.

Railroad

N o v e m b e r 5, i860.

Reviev),

December, i860, quoted by Foner, op. cit.,

THE

PROPOSAL

FOR

A

"FREE

CITY "

117

was impressed by the indifference to the impending catastrophe shown by prominent citizens. 45 A t what was almost the height of the free city agitation, another incident arose which showed the drift of affairs in New Y o r k . O n January 22nd, the steamer Monticello was lying with full steam up at Pier 12, when she and part of her cargo still on the pier were seized by order of the Metropolitan Police acting under the authority of Superintendent John Kennedy. The cargo was found to consist of thirty-eight boxes, each containing twenty-five muskets destined for the port of Savannah, Georgia. H. B. Cromwell, one of the owners refused to divulge to the police any information concerning the shipment, claiming that he didn't know anything about the cargo. 40 W o o d wrote to Governor Toombs, of Georgia, expressing his regret that he had no authority over the actions of the police, and stating that he lacked power to prevent the seizure of the arms. In the letter he also said: " If I had the power I should summarily punish the authors of this illegal and unjustifiable seizure of private property." The Monticello had left Alexandria, Virginia, January 9th, for New Y o r k to pick up the arms. 47 Her voyage was made in defiance of a court order by Judge Smalley of the Federal Court in New Y o r k , declaring that the extensive arms traffic with the south was illegal. 45 Nevins, Allan, The Evening Post, A Century of Journalism, p. 276. In a speech t o the H o u s e on May 3, 1864, W o o d declared: " O u r differences were with the state and these differences still exist. W e attempted no resistance or nullification of Federal laws." Congressional Globe, 38th Congress, 1st Session, p. 2075. 46 T h e N e w York Tribune,

January 23, 1861.

47 W i l l i a m F o w l e & Co., Alexandria, Virginia Papers, Letterbook, January 9, 1861, Manuscript Division, N e w Y o r k Public Library. T h e N e w York Evening Post, January 23rd, vigorously upheld Judge Smalley's decision and expressed the hope that the Grand Jury would investigate the matter of arms traffic between N e w York, Connecticut and the south. Lynch, D . T., op. cit., p. 227, charged that the arms were purchased by an employee of the Mayor's office.

Il8

FERNANDO

WOOD OF

NEW

YORK

The matter led to an extended correspondence between the Governors of New York and Georgia. Governor Morgan of New York expressed profound regret over the incident and in later correspondence stated that the arms would be delivered whenever application was made for them. At the height of the controversy several New York vessels in Savannah were seized by the State of Georgia as a guarantee of the safety of the arms. 48 On March 16th, the shipment was finally delivered to the agent of the State of Georgia by the New York authorities, and the case was declared closed. 49 In January the Democratic State Convention met at Albany. Since the defeat at Charleston, Mozart and Tammany had agreed upon a division of the state offices so that there was only one delegation from New York City at the Convention. Seymour made the opening speech, declaring that the alternatives for settling a war were compromised at once or civil war with compromise afterwards. H e had no word of condemnation for the Southern position, stating that that section was justly alarmed by " their most bitter and unscrupulous assailants." 50 48 Alexander, op. cit., II, 357. 49 Several papers of the period referred to " prominent personages " who were involved in the affair, but once again they were extremely careful to mention no names. The books of the William Fowle Co. of Alexandria, Virginia, mention nothing about the ownership of the arms, being mainly interested in the performance of the vessel. The papers of the H. B. Cromwell Co. are not available, and they would undoubtedly prove a great deal. In a speech before Congress on January 27, 1864, W o o d denied that there was anything but " merchandise of N e w York merchants engaged in lawful traffic. I replied to the Governor of Georgia that it was not by my order that it was stopped. I am not called upon to defend my loyalty and I charge any man with falsehood who impugns it." Congressional Globe, 38th Congress, 1st Session, p. 374. Wood's correspondence with Governor Toombs at this period was published in the Congressional Globe, 40th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 584. They were also carried in the N e w York Herald, February 10, 1861. 50 Albany Argus, February 7th.

February 6th, as quoted by the N e w York

Herald,

THE

PROPOSAL

FOR

A

" FREE

CITY "

II9

T h e situation in the nation g r e w progressively worse w i t h one Southern state a f t e r another seceding from the U n i o n , and desperate attempts made to reconcile the wide differences developing between N o r t h and South. A s late as A p r i l 14th, B e n j a min W o o d asserted there would be peace since the N e w Y o r k merchants would r e f u s e their support to war. In his words, " T h e wealthy will not supply the means to depreciate the rest of their property b y prolonging this unnatural w a r . "

61

On

A p r i l 5th, the M o z a r t Hall General Committee adopted a series of violent resolutions declaring the " the causes of complaint of our southern brethren should be listened to, recognized and r e m o v e d . " T h e resolutions spoke of the " reasonable demands " of the South and assailed the Republicans in Congress

for

refusing to accede to them. 62 In general, prior to the outbreak of w a r there had been a great deal of sympathy in N e w Y o r k C i t y with the S o u t h because of social connections and strong business ties. A f t e r the w a r began a g r e a t many refugees f r o m the border States fled to the city. W i t h actual hostilities, great enthusiasm f o r the U n i o n was displayed by crowds which roamed the streets and forced the Journal

of Commerce

display the A m e r i c a n flag prominently.

and the Daily 03

News

to

Such anti-war D e m -

ocrats as Fernando W o o d were forced to keep in the background.

51 T h e N e w York Daily News, April 14th. 52 N e w York Herald, April 6th. Benjamin W o o d writing in the N e w York Daily News on June 27, 1863 stated, that it was in consequence of the " nefarious conduct of the abolition agents at the Peace Convention " that Mozart Hall had voted on April 5th that " The Republican government at Washington . . . had ruthlessly aggravated the evils . . . by interposing its authority to prevent the acceptance by the people of amendments to the Constitution..." 5 3 N e v i n s , Allan, T h e N e w York Evening Post, op. cit., p. 301.

C H A P T E R VIII T H E UNION A S IT IS; T H E CONSTITUTION A S IT W A S WITH the actual outbreak of hostilities at Fort Sumter on April 1 2 , 1 8 6 1 , the sentiment in New Y o r k City in favor of the Union crystallized. On A p r i l 15th a committee of prominent New Y o r k e r s met on Pine Street and determined to sponsor a great massmeeting of citizens. J o h n A . D i x was appointed chairman of a sub-committee to draft resolutions and arrange for speakers. It was originally planned to hold the gathering in Cooper Institute, but at the last minute it was decided to transfer it to Union Square, with D i x in charge. T h e call was signed by a long list of New Y o r k e r s , including D i x , Peter Cooper, Hamilton Fish, and Havemeyer. On Saturday afternoon, April 20th, nearly 50,000 people assembled in Union Square to listen to the speeches. A series of five stands had been erected, each with its own speakers, while several bands played interludes of patriotic and martial music during the afternoon. 1 W o o d spoke from stand Number One, which fronted the equestrian statue of Washington on the eastern side of the park, and which was under the direction of R . H . McCurdy, one of the Committee onArrangements. 2 In a brief address the same man who in the course of a few brief months was to come dangerously close to treason, now called " upon every man whatever had been his sympathies to make one grand 1 The account of these proceedings is taken from Stevens, John, Proceedings of the Union Defense Committee, and also from the New Y o r k Herald, April 21st and the New Y o r k Tribune, April 22nd. The New Y o r k Tribune the following November 29th carried an article asserting that D i x and the Committee had called upon Wood prior to the meeting and informed him that he would not be allowed to utter any pro-secession sentiments, New Y o r k Tribune, November 29, 1861. 2 Stevens, John, op. cit., p. 7.

120

UNION

AS I T I S ;

CONSTITUTION

AS I T

WAS

121

phalanx in this controversy to proceed . . . to conquer a peace. I am with you in in this contest. We know no party now." 3 The speakers included Hamilton Fish, Peter Cooper, Havemeyer and many others; it may be significant that there were no representatives of the Regency on the list.4 Before the massmeeting adjourned the Union Defense Committee of the City of New York had been formed with John A . D i x as president, and Wood as one of its ex-officio members. The committee was organized to collect funds and otherwise to aid the war effort of the government. 6 T w o days later, on the evening of April 22nd, the Board of Aldermen met and adopted a series of patriotic resolutions. A message was laid before the Board from the Mayor urging the immediate appropriation of $1,000,000 for equipment and training of volunteers. The Mayor proposed that a special tax be levied for that purpose.8 A n ordinance was passed appropriating $1,000,000 for the equipment and outfitting of a military force to be paid by the Comptroller upon vouchers to be approved by a committee to be known as the " Union Defense Committee of the City of New York " , consisting of the Mayor, Comptroller, Presidents of the Board of Common Council and " the gentlemen 3 Stevens, John, op. cit., pp. 8-9. The New York Herald, April 21st; The New York Times, April 21st. In a proclamation to the people Wood called " upon the people . . . to unite in obedience to the laws in support of the public peace, in the preservation of order and in the protection of property ". On May 20th in a short speech insisting on the maintenance of the government at all hazards he said flatly, " I take back no sentiment I have uttered on the political issues of the day," New York Tribune, May 21, 1861. 4 The New York Tribune attacked them charging that they were " using the livery of democracy to serve the cause of treason," New York Tribune, August io, 1861. 5 Alexander, De Aylva, op. cit., I l l , 8, has described it as the " executive arm of the national government in New York giving method to effort and concentrating people's energies for the highest efficiency." 6 Proceedings

of the Board

of Aldermen,

L X X X I I , 67-68.

122

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

appointed at the great Union M a s s Meeting ", T Bonds, authorized for the amount required, were to be designated as " Union Defense Bonds of the City of N e w Y o r k " . On April 25th the Committee opened its permanent quarters at 3 0 Pine Street with office hours from nine to five.8 B y J u n e 2 1 s t , the Committee notified the Mayor that the fund of $ 1 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 placed at its disposal had been nearly exhausted, and in August they presented a detailed accounting of their expenditures. On September 25th an additional $ 1 0 0 , 000 was granted them. 9 A s Mayor, Wood seems to have attended almost all of the meetings of the Committee but had had very little to say. 1 0 While the Committee was through for all practical purposes on October 1, 1862, it lingered on until its formal dissolution on February 1 5 , 1865. General E g a n appeared before the Union Defense Committee and was immediately assigned by Wood to recruiting service f o r the new Mozart Regiment then in the process of formation. T h e Mozart Regiment was accepted under the authority of the President on M a y 15th, and went into training at Camp W o o d just above Y o n k e r s . 1 1 On June 28th the Regiment was reviewed by W o o d at its camp, and he expressed his pleasure at its appearance and discipline. On J u l y 3 r d the Regiment received its colors from him at an elaborate cere7 Proceedings of the Board 0/ Aldermen, L X X X I I , 59. Later in Congress Wood made an attempt to have the city reimbursed for expenses incurred " in the outfitting of troops to aid in suppressing the present rebellion". H i s bill was lost by being referred to Committee on the motion of Stevens. Congressional Globe, 38th Congress, 1st Session, p. 273. 8 Stevens, John, op. cit., p. 12. 9 Stevens, John, op. cit., pp. 34-35. 10 Ibid., pp. 58-107. 11 Floyd, Fred, History of the Mozart Regiment (40th) New York Volunteers, p. 25. Another briefer and possibly more official account of the Regiment is New York in the War of the Rebellion 1861-1865, compiled by Frederick Phisterer, pp. 2213-2237.

UNION

AS I T i s ;

CONSTITUTION

AS I T W A S

123

mony at three o'clock in the afternoon and the next afternoon headed south. 1 2 In its report of A u g u s t 2 1 , 1861, the E x e c u t i v e Committee pointed out that the appropriations for the M o z a r t Regiment, the Garibaldi Guard, the T a m m a n y Regiment and the D e K a l b Regiment amounted to $ 2 1 1 , 9 9 1 . 5 4 w i t h the M o z a r t Regiment receiving $67,099.83, with the other three obtaining an average of about $53,000. It further pointed out that these were the only regiments whose entire cost had been d e f r a y e d by the U n i o n Defense Committee, and mentioned the fact that the Mozart

R e g i m e n t had been supplied with t w o

field

cannon

and a full supply of ammunition. 1 3 T h e C o m m o n Council also became so imbued w i t h the spirit that a special meeting of the Council w a s called for A u g u s t 19th for the purpose o f formulating plans for the assistance of families of indigent volunteers. A s soon as the meeting convened, A l d e r m a n T h o m a s Farley, attempting to take advantage of the situation, moved for the appointment of Street

Opening

Commissioners at a cost of

twenty-two

approximately

$250,000. In the heat of the discussion, the original purpose of the meeting w a s lost sight of and no action on the V o l u n teer's F a m i l y A i d F u n d was taken.

14

12 Floyd, Fred, op. cit., p. 28. On July 2nd shortly before the Regiment was to leave W o o d wrote a letter to Major General Mansfield asking that the " Mozart R e g i m e n t " be given an " early opportunity to show their zeal in defense of their country". Fernando W o o d to General Mansfield, Fernando W o o d Papers, Manuscript Division, N e w York Public Library. 13 Stevens, John, op. cit., p. 122. Floyd, op. cit., in telling of the organization of the Regiment, remarks how disappointed they were, when a shipment assumed t o be Sharps rifles upon being opened turned out to be old smooth bore rifles. 14 Proceedings of the Board of Aldermen, L X X X I I I , 161-163. decided that no action could be taken to amend the " Volunteer Aid Fund " without impairing " The faith of the City, pledged for tion of the stock." There is no record of opposition from W o o d neglect of families of the poor volunteers.

It was Family redempto this

124

FERNANDO

WOOD OF

NEW

YORK

During the summer, Benjamin Wood as editor of the New Y o r k Daily News became involved in difficulties with the Federal Government because of his hostile attitude toward the war effort. One of the favorite devices of the Daily News had been to express distrust of the official statements which came out of Washington. 15 Since May he had been attacking the Union cause, and on August 18th a Grand J u r y in the United States Circuit Court for the Southern District of New Y o r k presented the Daily News and certain other papers as abettors of treason by sympathizing and agreeing with the Southern states. 16 The Grand J u r y stated: These papers are in the frequent practice of encouraging the rebels now in arms . . . by expressing sympathy and agreement with them and the duty of acceding to . . . their conduct is of course condemned and abhored by all loyal men, but the Grand Jury will be glad to learn from the Court that they are also subject to condign punishment.17 The Postmaster of New York was ordered by Postmaster General Blair to exclude the Daily News from the mails. This action was approved by the Committee on Judiciary of the House of Representatives in its report of January 20, 1863. 1 8 15" The Newspaper and its Bearing Upon Military Secrecy during the Civil War," James G. Randall, American Historical Reviciv, pp. 303-323, vol. X X I I I , January, 1918. A letter of Phineas C. Wright, dated January 18, 1864, illustrates the control exercised over the Daily News by the peace advocates. In this circular letter Wright, Supreme Grand Commander of the Order of American Knights, in his role as principal editor states; " The News will be our especial organ and it will be a medium of the interchange of sentiments and opinions of the friends of peace touching the momentous concerns involved in the existing crisis." George Fort Milton, Abraham Lincoln and the Fifth Column, quoting from the files of the Office of the Judge Advocate General, p. 243. 16 Fernando Wood was believed to have been part owner of the N e w York Daily News. This is not unlikely in view of his wealth and sentiments, which he had expressed freely. 17 New York Times, August 20, 1861; Appleton's Cyclopedia, 329; N e w York Tribune, August 19th.

1861, p.

18 Congressional Globe, 37th Congress, 3rd Session, p. 2, Report of the Committee of Judiciary of the House of Representatives, December 1, 1862.

UNION

AS

IT i s ;

c o n s t i t u t i o n

as

it

was

125

W h e n the Democrats met in their State Convention at Syracuse, they were faced by the customary dispute over the seating of the city delegation. A n attempt was made to solve these difficulties by admitting both sides on an equal basis. This did not satisfy Tammany, which threatened to withdraw if Mozart Hall were allowed equal representation. In stating their case, they accused Mozart Hall of being opposed to the Union and in favor of a negotiated peace. On the second day a motion was made to reconsider the vote admitting both Tammany and Mozart and this passed 114 to 87. W h e n the majority report on contested seats was adopted, excluding the Mozart Delegation, it promptly withdrew. In a series of resolutions it denied any anti-Union sentiments, stating that it favored " maintaining the authority of the government. . . forcibly if we must ". 1 9 Meanwhile the Convention as a whole proceeded to nominate candidates and adopt a platform which was conveniently malleable. 20 T h e Democratic position was admirably put forth by Seymour in his speech at Utica on October 28th, when he stated, W e are willing to support this war as a means of restoring our Union, but we will not carry it on in a spirit of hatred, malice or revenge. W e will not permit it to be made a war upon the rights of the States. W e shall contend that the rights of the States and the Federal Government are equally sacred. 21 19 N e w York Tribune, September 6th. A N e w York Tribune correspondent w r o t e that he found the Mozart delegation evenly divided on the question of the war. 20 Brummer, Sydney, The Political History of New York during the Civil War, p. 170, describes the platform adopted as " of mixed character facing both ways." Alexander, op. cit., I l l , 21, states that the work of the Convention did not please all members of the party as some members regarded it as an encouragement to armed rebellion. 21 T h e Albany Argus, quoted by the N e w Y o r k Tribune, November i , 1861. W o o d Gray, Hidden Civil War, p. 62, describes the campaign a s listless, with few issues.

126

FERNANDO

WOOD OF

NEW

YORK

In addition to the state campaign there was a wide-open city race with three contestants. T h e Taxpayer's Union had combined with a group of Republicans to nominate George Opdyke, a wealthy fur merchant and a leader of the anti-Weed faction among the Republicans. Tammany spurned any agreement with Mozart on the mayoralty issue and ran G o d f r e y Gunther a respectable merchant of the c i t y . 2 2 Wood ran, declaring himself the representative of conservative nationalism against the forces of abolitionism. 23 Wood, having become involved in some troublesome issues which arose about this time, was hampered in his efforts. In November, Hiram Ketchum publicly accused him of promising Mozart Hall nominations for judgeships to Woodruff and J o h n H o f f m a n , and pocketing the $ 5 , 0 0 0 in checks advanced for election expenses. H e also charged that Wood then agreed with T a m m a n y to back their nominees, Monell and Barbour, in return for an agreement that Tammany would not combine with the Republicans on a candidate f o r Mayor. 2 4 A f a r more dangerous attack was based upon the Hackley contracts. Andrew Hackley had been awarded a five-year street cleaning contract with the rate of compensation fixed at $ 2 7 9 , 000 a year. T h e Common Council passed the bill authorizing the contract, through both Boards on the same night, and rushed it to the Mayor, who had waited until nearly midnight for the bill to be brought to him for his signature. 25 22 The New York Times described the race as the closest triangular race in the history of the city. Tammany and Mozart had reached agreement on state wide issues. 23 Brummer, op. cit., p. 177, believes that during the campaign Opdyke and Gunther attacked each other sparingly, concentrating their fire upon Wood. 24 N e w York Times, November 23rd. There is no record of the outcome of the charges against Wood, or of his reply to them, if any. 25 N e w York Evening Post, November 25th and 26th. It was freely charged that $40,000 had been spent in securing its passage.

UNION

AS IT i s ;

W h i l e the W o o d

constitution

as

it

was

forces were struggling to explain

127

their

a c t i o n on the H a c k l e y contracts, A . W . C r a v e n , Chief E n g i n e e r o f the C r o t o n A q u e d u c t ,

stated b e f o r e a C o m m i t t e e of

the

B o a r d o f A l d e r m a n that W o o d had a d m i t t e d that " his o b j e c t in r e m o v i n g heads of D e p a r t m e n t s w a s t o g e t control of the D e p a r t m e n t . . . so that he could pay o f f his o b l i g a t i o n s . "

26

A t the height of the c a m p a i g n , W o o d invaded the field o f national issues w i t h his speech at V o l k s Garten. H e c h a r g e d the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n w i t h the intention of p r o l o n g i n g the

war

" a s long as there is a dollar to be stolen f r o m the N a t i o n a l T r e a s u r y o r a d r o p of southern blood t o be s h e d . " H e declared that L i n c o l n had b r o u g h t the nation t o the v e r g e o f ruin. " If it be m y g o o d f o r t u n e " he continued,

" to be re-elected

to

office, I can only say to y o u that if these duties devolve upon m e a n d if I h a v e the p o w e r of c o n t r o l l i n g any of these social a n d domestic relations I here pledge myself to allow the fullest liberty consistent w i t h the safety and g o o d of the c o m m u n i t y . " W o o d contended that w h i l e it w a s the d u t y o f men t o support the G o v e r n m e n t they h a d a " perfect constitutional r i g h t

to

criticize the acts of the G o v e r n m e n t a n d the laws under w h i c h they lived." H e cried d r a m a t i c a l l y : " I a m opposed to regulati n g by law w h a t a man must eat and w h a t he m u s t drink a n d w h a t he must w e a r . " W o o d also c h a r g e d that the R e p u b l i c a n p a r t y w a s in f a v o r of f r e e i n g the slaves so that they could c o m pete w i t h northern w h i t e labor, and w e n t on to describe the party as one w h i c h g a v e all its s y m p a t h y

to the blacks a n d

" has none to spare f o r the poor w h i t e m a n of the n o r t h " . I have referred to a party which I denominate an abolition p a r t y — a party which has brought this country to the verge of ruin and destruction and precipitated upon it a Civil W a r . . . which if we survive it is more than any nation has been able to do under similar circumstances. 26 Documents

of the Board 0} Aldermen,

vol. X X I X , D o c . N o . 18.

128

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

H e coupled a n o t h e r a t t a c k u p o n the R e p u b l i c a n party w i t h a n appeal t o the e m o t i o n s o f h i s a u d i e n c e : I tell you that so long as this party rules the country there is no peace for the country. T h e y are in favor of w a r as long as slavery exists on this continent, and they will prosecute it as long as a drop of southern blood is to be shed and so long as they themselves are removed from the scene of danger. T h e y will get Irishmen and Germans to fill up the regiments and g o forth to defend the country under the idea that they will themselves remain at home to divide the plunder that is to be distributed. H e concluded o n a n o p t i m i s t i c

note:

I am convinced N e w Y o r k City will sustain my action . . . and feeling confident as I have ever felt confident that the lion hearted democracy of N e w Y o r k will stand by me and the principles I represent I think that on Wednesday morning you may say that all is s a f e ; that N e w Y o r k is secure and that confidence and order is once more restored. 2 7 B y contrast, o n the d a y of the V o l k s G a r t e n speech W o o d w r o t e S e c r e t a r y S e w a r d in a n e f f o r t t o g a i n

administration

support. H e claimed that as he had supported L i n c o l n

con-

sistently he deserved a d m i n i s t r a t i o n help in r e t u r n : A n effort will be made to prejudice me in the estimation of the government by representations affecting my support of the war movement. T h i s is designed to induce the administration to become a party actively hostile to my re-election as M a y o r and to injure me before the people. I hope that you will defend me against any such attempts in your quarter. I am for a vigorous prosecution of the war, for sustaining the administration by every power at our command and for a restoration of peace only if it can be done consistently with the safety, honor and unity of the entire government. 2 8 27 Address

of Mayor

Wood

delivered

at Volks

Garten, November

27,

1861. The New York Evening Post, November 29, 1861. 28 Official records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series II, I I , 126";

Fernando Wood to W . H. Seward, November 27, 1861.

UNION

AS IT i s ;

CONSTITUTION

AS IT W A S

129

Wood derived little comfort from the reply written by F. W. Seward. Seward's son wrote that the Administration did not interfere in popular elections, but that " it affords me great pleasure to be assured of your support of the Union, which . . . is the cause of the country itself." 29 On November 28th, United States Marshall Robert Murray wrote Seward asking instructions on the question of arresting Wood for the sentiments uttered in the Volks Garten speech the preceding night. The Superintendent of the Metropolitan Police, John Kennedy, also wrote Seward, calling his attention to the speech. A private citizen, C. A. Stetson, asked Seward to have Wood arrested and " save future agonies here ". 3 0 John E. Devilin, described Wood as having strong secession sympathies before he " was frightened into an appearance of loyalty by the people h e r e . . . . If you do not arrest and imprison him for his traitorous sentiments so openly and boldly expressed I can only say you will make a mistake which by and by you will have cause to regret ". 3 1 Another private citizen, John Underhill, asked: " Is it not the duty of the State Department at Washington to shut the mouth of this caitiff by sending him to some Fort in the harbor of New York . . . ." 32 On November 30th, Wood declared that he had been incorrectly reported.33But the New York Evening Post reviewed his speech, commenting on it editorially: We have not cared about saying much on the character of Wood . . . knowing that if he were given the opportunity 29 F. W. Seward to Fernando Wood, Fernando Wood Papers, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library. 30 Official Records of the Union and Confederate p. 1267. 31 Ibid., p. 1268. 32 Ibid., p. 1272. 33 Ibid., p. 1273.

Armies,

Series II, vol. II,

130

FERNANDO

WOOD OF

NEW

YORK

he would damage himself more than he could be damaged by any opponent. The great outbreak of Northern enthusiasm following the assault upon Fort Sumter frightened him for a time. With the abatement of the first popular enthusiasm Wood's zeal abated. His love for the Union has declined with the days. At last he is bold enough to avow his opposition to the war and to make appeals to the people against it. Nothing as atrocious as this has been uttered since the beginning of the war . . . 34 While the echoes of the speech were still ringing, Bailey, Reading, and Cooper, three successive Grand J u r y Foremen, wrote District Attorney Nelson Waterbury that they had evidence that Mayor Wood, before approving a street-cleaning contract, made it a condition that Benjamin Wood should get one quarter of the contract. Waterbury confirmed this assertion, and stated that the contract was awarded at $ 2 8 0 , 0 0 0 a year although there was a responsible bid for $84,000 less. 35 Election day passed amid the usual excitement and the customary assertions of fraud and corruption, with a vote considerably heavier than the State election of the previous month being recorded. 36 F r o m December 6th to December 10th the B o a r d of Aldermen slowly examined the ballots of the 9th, 15th, and 16th Wards. On the 9th, the Board adjourned about ten o'clock in the morning because no member of the B o a r d was ready to proceed with the counting of another District. T h e Board speeded up its action after the 10th, possibly because of pressure applied by some of the metropolitan press. 3 7 34 The New York Evening

Post, November 29, i86t.

35 New York Tribune of November 30th and December 1st. They were published on the eve of the charter election. 36 It was almost 20,000 higher and Davenport, Naturalisation Frauds in New York City 1860-1870, p. 41, attributes much of this to illegal naturalization proceedings. In this he is supported by House of Representatives, Report No. 3 1 , 40th Congress, 3rd Session, N e w York Election Frauds. 37 The New York Tribune was notable in this connection.

UNION

AS IT i s ;

constitution

a s IT W A S

131

W h i l e the canvassers were counting the ballots on election night, two persons, J o h n E g a n and J o h n Cooley, had interrupted the proceedings by throwing on the table a quantity of tickets, and so mixing them up as to delay the canvassers from arriving at any definite conclusions as to the votes cast for the candidates. 38 T h e alleged attempt at counting Opdyke out was frustrated, and he was finally elected by 6 1 3 votes. 3 9 T h e state campaigns and elections of 1 8 6 1 have been described as being marked by a great " cessation of partisanship " and " establishing a general disposition toward united support of the administration " . B y the fall and early winter, many Democrats were being united in an anti-war policy, maneuvered there in part by the series of arbitrary arrests and Republican attacks upon the Democratic party. Public sentiment in New Y o r k seemed to show a growing disapproval of the Republican party. 4 0 On February 2 2 , 1 8 6 2 , W o o d journeyed to Scranton to speak on the observance of Washington's birthday. T h e speech is interesting in that it constitutes a complete reversal of his Volks Garten speech of the preceding fall. " Washington " , declared Wood " fought to create a Republic; let us die if need be to maintain i t . . . Would to God that the whole people —the men of every section which has derived so much a d v a n tage from the Union—could present but one front in this, the trying hour of its peril." H e concluded that the w a r was to " show mankind . . . that the American people are capable of self government." 4 1 38 Davenport, John, op. cit., p. 54. 39 The actual vote was Opdyke, 23,380; Gunther, 24,767; and Wood, 24,167. There was more than the usual election excitement in the city. In a speech at Tammany Hall by John Kelly, some one hurrahed for Wood and Kelly threw a heavy pitcher at the offender and would have followed it with a chair if some one had not intervened. 40 Wood Gray, The Hidden Civil War, pp. 73-77. Professor Gray stresses this movement in the Middle West, dismissing the movement in the east, rather summarily. Wood's position had become crystal clear by his Volks Garten speech, and strongly identifies him with this movement.

132

FERNANDO

February

WOOD OF N E W

witnessed the capture of F o r t

YORK H e n r y and

Fort

D o n e l s o n b y G r a n t , a n d the successes of F a r r a g u t a r o u n d N e w O r l e a n s . T h e s e events b u o y e d up the N o r t h , a n d dulled the edge of the a n t i - w a r appeal. P u b l i c elation lasted well into t h e s u m m e r , m o l l i f y i n g the D e m o c r a t i c opposition, but the reversals o f M c C l e l l a n a r o u n d R i c h m o n d b r o u g h t the r e j o i c i n g to a n abrupt end. I n June, S t a n t o n telegraphed the N o r t h e r n states f o r troops to defend the capitol f r o m C o n f e d e r a t e armies c o m ing u p out of V i r g i n i a . In the midst of this crisis the Y o u n g M e n ' s D e m o c r a t i c A s sociation of N e w Y o r k held a U n i o n M e e t i n g at the A c a d e m y of M u s i c o n J u l y 2 n d , w h e r e speeches w e r e m a d e by William from

Wood,

D u e r , a n d J a m e s B r o o k e s , while letters w e r e

Reverdy

Johnson

and

Crittendon.

Wood

read

denounced

C o n g r e s s as an " abolition concern w h i c h should be scattered to the f o u r w i n d s . " H e concluded by a d m o n i s h i n g his audience : " L e t y o u r voices be heard in the capitol . . . a c h a n g e of m e a s u r e s or a c h a n g e of m e n . " T h e m e e t i n g adopted resolutions d e n o u n c i n g secession and abolition, condemned

govern-

mental e x t r a v a g a n c e and asserted, " T h i s is a g o v e r n m e n t of w h i t e men . . . a n d the n e g r o social e q u a l i t y . "

is not entitled t o political

or

42

O n July 1 5 t h , another mass m e e t i n g of loyal citizens

was

held, and once a g a i n in U n i o n S q u a r e at f o u r o'clock in the a f t e r n o o n . A t the appointed hour the C o m m i t t e e on A r r a n g e ments, headed by the M a y o r , m o v e d t o w a r d their designated 41 Oration delivered by Fernando Wood on the Anniversary ton's Birthday, February 22, 1862, at Scranton, Pennsylvania.

of

Washing-

42 The New York Tribune, July 3, 1862; The New York Times, July 3, 1662; Sydney Brummer, op. cit. makes what seems to be a strong case for connecting the rise and fall of Union sentiment in New York City with the fortunes of the Union armies in the field of battle. Professor Wood Gray, The Hidden Civil War stresses the anti-war movement in the west and rather summarily dismisses it in the east. Wood's position had become crystal clear by his Volk's Garten speech and strongly identifies him with this movement.

UNION

A S IT i s ;

CONSTITUTION

A S IT W A S

133

places " amid salvos of artillery and accompanied by thousands of citizens." 4 3 Speeches were delivered by Opdyke, David Dudley Field, Charles K i n g , Pelatiah Perit, Charles Daly, Peter Cooper, and Hamilton Fish. They called upon the people to continue their " inflexible determination to support the government at all hazards " and to " proffer to the government all the aid " in their power to the extent of their resources. Throughout the summer of 1 8 6 2 the feeling was widespread that most of the Federal, state and municipal patronage was in the hands of the Republicans. A deal was arranged between Tammany and Mozart for the forthcoming state convention by which T a m m a n y received four Districts and Mozart three. 44 This was done in time for W o o d and Purdy to walk arm in arm onto the convention floor. Purdy rose from his seat and expressed satisfaction that for the first time in many conventions, New Y o r k City was united; he moved that the names of the W o o d delegation be called with those of the Tammany delegation. 45 Seymour

was

nominated

f o r Governor by acclaim,

and

delivered a short address of acceptance. He stated that the Republicans were not fitted to carry on the government and that while it contained loyal men its leaders were dangerous and unwise, and pledged that the Democratic party would continue to support the President, but that they would not submit to terrorism. W o o d followed, and in a short speech endorsing 43 Proceedings at the Mass Meeting of Loyal Citizens on Union 15th Day ot July, 1862, J. A. Stevens, Secretary. The N e w York July 16th, referred to the meeting as " t h e voice of the Metropolis."

Square, Times,

44 The terms of the agreement were published in the New York Herald over the signatures of Nelson Waterbury, for Tammany, and Wood, for Mozart. 45 The N e w York September 13th.

Herald,

September

12th; The

New

York

Times,

134

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

Seymour, promised that the candidate would get a majority of 30,000 in N e w Y o r k City. 4 6 In order to carry the city it was necessary to unite Tammany and Mozart on municipal issues. T h i s was accomplished in early October by an agreement that all offices were to be divided equally. The conferees failed to agree upon candidates for the office of Surrogate and one member of the Assembly, and met later in the W i g w a m to discuss the problem. Crowds gathered and excitement rose. The discussions became acrimonious, and at eleven o'clock in the evening fighting started. The police charged with swinging clubs and drove the combatants out into the street. Eventually a f t e r much argument an agreement was reached early on the morning of October 3rd. 4 7 Commenting on the agreement and the conditions which produced it, J u d g e Albert Maynard in a speech at Cooper Union charged that one man in Mozart Hall was " the chief of all the strikers " in N e w Y o r k City and that he made from $ 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 to $ 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 a year marketing offices. 48 During the latter part of 1862, the control of Peter Sweeny and William Tweed in Tammany Hall had been increasing, with Sweeny exercising almost complete domination over the T a m m a n y Hall General Committee. In April, 1 8 6 3 , upon the retirement of E l i j a h Purdy, Tweed was made Chairman of the T a m m a n y Society. F r o m this time he directed his energy toward completing the elimination of W o o d and his friends from any influence in New Y o r k local politics. This elimination may have been the subject of a bargain, as it has been 46 T h e N e w Y o r k Evening Post, September 1 3 t h ; Mitchell, Stewart, Horatio Seymour of New York, p. 274. On October 18th Seymour wrote to L e d y a r d Lincklaen, " I regretted my nomination but I shall s p a r e neither my time nor my health in my efforts to carry the S t a t e . " H o r a t i o Seymour to L e d y a r d Lincklaen, October 18, 1862, H o r a t i o S e y m o u r Papers, N e w Y o r k Historical Society. 47 N e w Y o r k Herald,

October 3rd.

48 N e w Y o r k Tribune,

October 28th.

UNION

AS I T i s ;

CONSTITUTION

AS I T

WAS

135

intimated that W o o d retired from the N e w Y o r k scene in return

for the assurance to W o o d

of certain

nominations

which he in turn had promised his supporters, and a seat in Congress for himself. 49 One of the most effective issues of the Democrats w a s the arbitrary arrests of alleged anti-war agitators. These arrests continued all summer and well into the fall, creating ill-feeling even among supporters of the war. T h e Democrats charged that if the administration had been as energetic in attacking the enemy as in making arbitrary arrests, the w a r might then have been drawing to a conclusion. In these attacks the Democrats were careful not to alienate any war supporter

who

might be won over because of the arbitrary arrests or the policy of emancipation. In the state campaign the Republicans linked

Seymour's

name with that of W o o d and attacked both as traitors and rebel sympathizers. It was announced that the police were taking vigorous steps to reduce illegal voting, and in order to combat this T a m m a n y and Mozart held a joint meeting on November 3rd. Purdy addressed the meeting, saying that if any arrests were made on election day, writs of habeas

corpus

would be

issued upon application to Judge Barnard and Recorder H o f f man. " W e intend," he concluded, " to elect Fernando W o o d , Ben W o o d , and all the candidates."

50

O n election day the entire Democratic ticket was elected. 51 49 M. R. Werner, op. cit., p. 103. The N e w York World, 1881, intimated this is an article on W o o d .

February 16,

50 Davenport, op. cit., p. 46. A joint committee was appointed consisting of Daniel Delevan, John Kelly, John Clancy, John Hackett, and James Lynch. In an article in the Daily News, June 15, 1863, Benjamin W o o d declared that his nomination had come " months before an understanding existed " between Tammany and Mozart. H e emphatically denied Greeley's charges of collusion in the matter. 51 T h e Democrats were victorious generally throughout the country. Kirkland, Peacemakers of 1864, p. 20, lays this to the Emancipation Proclamation and the shift of ground by the Republicans. Gray, Hidden Civil War, lays his emphasis on the issue of arbitrary arrests as the primary cause.

136

FERNANDO

WOOD O F

NEW

YORK

It is interesting to note, in view of Wood's pledge, that Seymour carried the city by 3 1 , 3 0 9 votes. Fernando and Benjamin Wood were sent to Congress, in accordance with the election deal, along with James Brooks and other peace Democrats.

CHAPTER IX THE DRAFT RIOTS AND THE DEMAND FOR PEACE T H E winter of 1862 and the early spring of 1863 witnessed a rising demand in various quarters for peace. In this field of activity the f o r m e r m a y o r played a prominent part. O n December 8th, shortly after the elections of 1862, W o o d wrote a letter to Lincoln in w h i c h he stated that on N o v e m b e r 25, 1861, he had been advised by " an authority which I deem likely to be well informed as well as reliable and truthful," that the Southern States w o u l d send representatives to the next Congress provided that " a full and general amnesty

should

permit them to do so." N o other guarantee w a s requested and Wood

asked

to

be empowered

to hold

correspondence

to

arrange peace terms. 1 Lincoln in his answer of December 12th " s u s p e c t e d " that W o o d ' s i n f o r m a t i o n w a s unreliable, but went on to add that if " the people of the Southern States would cease resistance . . . and maintain national authority within limits of such States under the Constitution of the U n i t e d States " the w a r w o u l d cease. F u r t h e r m o r e , he did not consider it necessary to communicate w i t h the Southern States since they already k n e w these terms and " can communicate w i t h me

unequivocally

whenever they choose " . 1 Wood carried on part of this correspondence with Opdyke, because he " k n e w " that Opdyke held " confidential" relations to members of the Lincoln administration. Opdyke informed Wood that he would tell this to certain New England Senators who were in the city and then would advise Wood of their reaction. On December 8th, Wood received a letter from Opdyke saying that he had failed to see the Senators and so Wood was writing to Lincoln as " a humble but loyal citizen deeply impressed with the great necessity of restoring the Union of these United S t a t e s . . . . " H e contended that negotiations and compromise had settled every military conquest and " it cannot be otherwise here ". H e concluded by saying that any correspondence would be submitted to Lincoln. 137

138

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

Apparently W o o d w a s dissatisfied with this reply, for he wrote the President on December

17th, upbraiding him for

continuing " a policy which . . . is not only unwise, but in the opinion of many is in conflict w i t h the constitutional authority vested in the Federal government " . W o o d ' s letter proceeded: " It cannot be expected that the Southern people will cease resistance as long as we proclaim our intention to destroy their local i n s t i t u t i o n s . . . and their lives. T h e act of sending representatives to Congress is within itself a full compliance w i t h y o u r o w n conditions." H e concluded with the suggestion of " a simple proclamation of a m n e s t y , " to be qualified in any w a y necessary to render it void in case of non-compliance within a limited period. H e pointed out that the Emancipation Proclamation had established a precedent " for this mode of speaking to those people." Obviously referring to the bloody battle of

Fredericksburg,

W o o d expressed the hope that " y o u will now no longer r e f u s e to suspend military operations to try the experiment of negogiation.

The

day

of

negogiation

must

come

soon."

He

expressed the hope that it would come " while there remained sufficient of the recuperative elements of life . . . to restore our . . . American Union."2 2 Letters of President Lincoln, Edited and Published in 1863, by H . H . Lloyd and Co. Edward McPherson, History of the Great Rebellion, p. 297. T h i s correspondence was published by W o o d in September, 1863. W o o d frequently visited the W h i t e House, State Department, and the Treasury as l o n g as the war lasted " possibly in the hope that the time might come for him to play a conspicuous part in final negotiations for a peace", N i c o l a y and H a y , op. cit., V I I , 366-367. In 1862 he wrote the President complaining that the Radical abolitionists were trying to represent him as hostile to the Administration and in sympathy with the states in rebellion against the g o v ernment. H e denied these charges and begged the President to " rely upon his support in his efforts to maintain the integrity of the U n i o n " . In a confidential note to the President he stated: "All I said applied to the statements that had been made through error and misrepresentation, and e x clusively as to the truly loyal." A t the height of the Vallandigham controversy, W o o d wrote Lincoln urging him to allow Vallandigham to return from his exile in Canada saying that in that case there would be two D e m o -

DRAFT

RIOTS

AND

DEMAND

FOR P E A C E

139

T h e w i n t e r a n d early s p r i n g of 1 8 6 2 - 6 3 s a w the a d m i n i s t r a tion denounced on all sides. A f e w papers took a firm a n t i - w a r stand, a n d the editorials of m a n y g a v e at least tacit to the peace f a c t i o n .

3

support

O n M a r c h 2 5 t h , the M o z a r t H a l l

eral C o m m i t t e e unanimously declared that the n e w

Gen-

conscrip-

tion l a w w a s " subversive of the r i g h t s of state g o v e r n m e n t s . " T h e y especially attacked the $ 3 0 0 exemption clause, a n d called on the S t a t e authorities to " advise the E x e c u t i v e of the U n i t e d S t a t e s a g a i n s t the enforcement o f this act here until its c o n stitutionality has been determined " . T h e manifesto c o n c l u d e d : " T h e r e is no such t h i n g as a W a r D e m o c r a t . . . a n y m a n w h o supports the policy of the administration cannot be a

Demo-

crat. T h e m o m e n t D e m o c r a t s endorse the policy o f the a d m i n istration

they . . . m e r g e into the abolition p a r t y . " *

O n A p r i l 8 t h , a m a s s meeting w a s held to w h i c h all w e r e invited w h o w e r e " opposed to the w a r for the n e g r o . . . a n d in f a v o r of the r i g h t s o f the p o o r . " W o o d m a d e a speech in w h i c h he u r g e d a D e m o c r a t i c successor to L i n c o l n w h o w o u l d cease cratic candidates for President. In Wood's opinion: " These war Democrats are scoundrelly hypocrites; they want to oppose you and favor the w a r at once which is nonsense. There are two sides in this fight, yours and mine, war and peace. You will succeed while the war l a s t s . . . but we shall succeed when the war is over. I intend to keep my record clear." Nicolay and H a y , op. ext., V I I , 359, stated that Lincoln felt it might result in benefit to the Union cause to have such an indiscreet firebrand at the Democratic Convention in Chicago. It was in this same month of December, 1862, that Gray, op. cit., p. 118, places the zenith of Vallandigham's career, in his keynote speech for the peace group. It was on December 5th, that Vallandigham introduced peace resolutions which were tabled by a vote of seventy-nine to fifty, Congressional Globe, 37th Congress, 3rd Session, p. 15. Lincoln's Letter of December 12th was later published in the Congressional Globe, 41st Congress, 1st Session, p. 284, in the course of debate in the House. 3 W o o d Gray, op. cit., pp. 122-123. Gray quotes editorials f r o m leading mid-western papers to support his point. While he does not mention eastern newspapers, the New York Daily News would be a good example of this sentiment. 4 N e w York Herald, March 26th; New York Times, March 26th. M a r c h 30th was the day that Lincoln set aside as a day of national humiliation, fasting and prayer.

I40

FERNANDO

WOOD O F

NEW

YORK

hostilities and seek a peace conference. " The country," he declared, " is in the midst of two revolutions. . . one at the South with the sword and the other at the North by executive and legislative usurpations." H e concluded that " an independent man . . . would restore the Union without further loss of blood. H e should cease hostilities and take a step ascertaining whether a conference could be obtained." In Wood's opinion this could be done either privately or openly. The meeting adopted resolutions favoring " peace and conciliation as the only mode left to us to restore the Union " , 5 Shortly after the battle of Chancellorsville in 1 8 6 3 a call was issued for a State Convention for " Peace and Reunion " to meet on J u n e 3rd at Cooper Institute. The crowd that gathered was estimated at 30,000.® W o o d was Chairman of the Committee on Addresses and Resolutions and also delivered the principal address. H e contended that the Democratic party could not sustain the w a r because sovereignty of the States was the cornerstone of democracy, and went on to attack the Regency because of its recent support of the Administration. At the conclusion of his speech resolutions were adopted protesting against " the cowardly, despotic, inhuman and accursed act which has consigned to banishment the noble tribune of the people, The Honorable C. L . Vallandigham " and recommended the holding of two conventions, one in the South and one in the North, to settle the matter of reconciliation. 7 A similar meeting was held in Albany on M a y 16th, there a letter from Governor Seymour was read in which he contended that the arrest of Vallandigham " has brought dishonor upon our country " and " involves a series of offences against our most sacred rights. If it is upheld our liberties are overthrown . . . " T h e meeting concluded adopting a series of resolutions denouncing the arrest of " a citizen of Ohio, 5 The New York World, April 9th. 6 This estimate was made by the N e w York Herald, June 3rd. 7 New York Tribune, June 5th; Herald,

June 4th.

DRAFT

RIOTS

AND

DEMAND

FOR P E A C E

I4I

Clement L . Vallandigham, for words addressed to a public meeting . . . " 8 In spite of this statement of Seymour, relations between Wood and the Regency continued strained. One of the spokemen of the Regency was quoted as saying that the copperhead experiment was an egregious blunder. 9 Another mass meeting was held in Union Square on M a y 20th, when a crowd gathered to protest the arrest of Vallandigham. Wood was not present, but he must have been pleased with the result, since one of the speakers denounced " T h e George I I I of the present day," saying that " he too may have his Cromwell or his Brutus." T h e speaker went on to attack the " employer who had three hundred dollars and would not have to g o . . . " and stated that the conscription act could not be carried out in the state of N e w Y o r k . Another speaker declared " W e may yet have to shed our blood in the streets of N e w Y o r k f o r the maintenance of our liberties." The resolutions adopted denounced the arrest of Vallandigham as a " startling outrage upon the sacred rights of American citizenship " , and pledged full support to Seymour " in his determination to preserve inviolate the sovereignty of our State and the rights of its people against Federal encroachment- and usurption." 1 0 On J u n e n t h , the Democrats of Ohio nominated Vallandigham to be Governor amid the acclaim of the Peace party. Invitations were extended to Wood, A m a s a Parker, and Richard 8 Horatio Seymour Papers, New York Historical Society; New York Herald, May 19th; Mitchell, op. cit., p. 293; Annual Cyclopedia, 1863, p. 689. In the copy in the Archives of the Historical Society appears the significant sentence, " The action of the Administration will determine in the minds of more than one half the people of the loyal States, whether the war is waged to put down rebellion at the South or destroy free institutions at the North." 9 The Albany Atlas, May 26th, quoted by the New York Tribune, June 1st. On June 6th the Democratic State Committee re-affirmed the cry—" The Union as it was and the Constitution as it is." 10 N e w York Tribune, May 22nd; N e w York Herald,

May 21st.

142

FERNANDO

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OF

NEW

YORK

O'Gorman to attend the ceremonies, but they were unable to go, or found it inadvisable to do so. In a letter to the Convention, W o o d referred to the " two hundred thousand bold and independent citizens" united " in a declaration of independence." 1 1 A l o n g with these attacks on the war effort were a great many on conscription. T h e Conscription Act was both bitterly attacked and stoutly defended by the city press. One paper declared it would take a million men to enforce the Emancipation Proclamation and spoke of Lincoln's " wanton abuse of arbitrary powers ", 1 2 Throughout June and July, Benjamin W o o d vigorously attacked Greeley and the New Y o r k Tribune for its stand on peace and conscription. He denied that the invasion of Maryland had quieted the peace movement, stating emphatically: " T h e war must not proceed unless we forfeit every claim to Christian principles . . ," 1 3 He urged that it was for the people " to insist at what stage of destruction . . .to call upon their armies to sheathe the sword . . . and demand the proclamation on immediate peace." 1 4 In the columns of the Daily News he pressed his attack upon the draft act. In one article, after commenting on " the open resistance to enrollment", he stated flatly: " I f the conscription act be enforced the signs already suggest that it must be done at the point of the bayonet." 15 O n July 2nd, Fernando W o o d spoke in Pike County, Pennsylvania, to an audience estimated at 12,000. He began by referring to the proximity of Independence Day, and reviewing the events leading up to the adoption of the Constitution. He 11 The New York World, June 15th. 12 The New York World, June 6th. 13 The New York Daily News, June 20th. 14 Ibid., June 16th. 15 Ibid., June 29th.

DRAFT

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AND

DEMAND

FOR P E A C E

I43

then advanced the interesting contention that " no purely agricultural people had ever been subjugated by the power from which it had revolted ". In conclusion he asserted: " I am for a cessation of hostilities preparatory for a c o n f e r e n c e . . . If this war goes on we shall have no liberty, no Union, no Republic." Wood's speech was greeted with sustained applause and the meeting adopted a set of resolutions expressing the sentiments of the meeting as being " in accordance with the views of Mr. Wood." 18 As the time approached for the Draft Act to go into effect, Benjamin Wood continued his campaign against it. Charging that " the evident design of those who have the conscription act in hand in this state is to lessen the number of Democratic voters." He concluded that " one out of about two and a half of our citizens are destined to be brought over into Messrs. Lincoln and Company's charnel house." 17 Two days later the News warmly applauded a peace meeting just held, and declared " the Administration now feels itself in want of more men to replace those it has slaughtered and to aid it in upholding its despotism and for this purpose has ordered the Conscription ", 18 In a final attack upon the " wheel of misfortune " Ben Wood stated: " Conscription draws lots . . . for its victims from among the sons of industry, leaving the rich man to his luxurious repose." 19 It is impossible to tell what influence these articles had upon the average resident of the city, since Wood never revealed his circulation, merely asserting that it reached every " son of industry and true Democrat." But beyond doubt these articles and those of similar import in other papers contributed materially to the disorders that began with the inauguration of conscription. 16 The N e w York Daily News, July 2nd. 17 The N e w York Daily News, July 8th. 18 The New York Daily News, July 10th. 19 The New York Daily News, July n t h .

144

FERNANDO

WOOD OF

NEW

YORK

The opposition of New York to conscription reached its climax in the Draft Riots. It is not necessary to give a detailed account of these bloody disturbances but a biography of Fernando Wood cannot ignore them entirely. The accounts of the Draft Riots made frequent mention of a sense of leadership and organization.20 In support of this contention, it was pointed out that many people, including one person in Yonkers, were cautioned by their servants, who seemed to have been informed in advance, to stay away from the city. Nordhoff says, " Events proved that this mob was but the nucleus of an organization, popular passion and frenzy being depended upon to carry the work along." 21 Nothing was more common during the week than to hear expressions of confidence among rioters in "the good will of certain prominent politicians." "Seymour's our man; Seymour's for us; Yiss and Wud too: It's Davis, Seymour and Wud." 2 2 Both sides had occasion to pay tribute to Wood for the work of the police. Nordhoff's account concludes: " Fernando Wood first devised and disciplined a uniformed police; though he never foresaw or intended the present organization. We owe him one for the thought however . . . May every bad engineer be so hoist upon his own petard." The New York World while the rioting was going on, asked: " Does any man wonder that poor men refused to be forced into a war mismanaged almost into hopelesness, perverted almost into partisanship." It went on to speak of " the laboring population in one vast mob . . . as a tremendous uprising against the Draft " . 2 3 The New York Evening Post described as " a singular commentary upon the Peace doctrines of Fernando and Ben Wood that their adherents . . . are the ringleaders in this dastardly 20 The New York Evening Post, July 23, 1863. Professor Allan Nevins in his book on the Evening Post ascribes this article to Charles Nordhoff. 21 Nordhoff makes frequent comment upon the " absence of outcry ". 22 Ibid.

The term " Wud " probably refers to " Wood ".

23 The New York World, July 14th.

DRAFT

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AND

DEMAND

FOR

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I45

and bloody riot." 24 On July 16th, the leading editorial of the Evening Post linked the riot with the Free City that Wood had proposed at the beginning of the war, and described the disturbance as a forcible attempt to bring it into existence. 25 The New York Herald, however, described the upheaval as " a popular outbreak inspired by a burning sense of wrong held by the people ". 2 6 The New York Daily News asserted the riots were " a popular uprising against enforcement of the Conscription ", 2 7 By July 20th comparative quiet had been restored as a result of the presence of Federal troops in the city, and constant patroling by the city police force. At some points howitzers had been set up to command strategic streets, and their use by the troops had taken the heart out of the rioters. Yet still a seditious temper existed. One of the more outspoken anti-Administration papers, after outlining the events of the week, concluded: " If these facts are corroborated . . . by the official report of Generals Wool and Sandford do not show that the New York riot was fanned and fed by the Abolitionists, if not by the Administration itself for the purpose of aiding the Republican party, then the sun does not shine." 28 John J a y wrote to Secretary Stanton suggesting that mour and Archbishop Hughes had helped bring order to the city because, " the riot had unexpectedly assumed a acter which they could not safely endorse " . He named 24 The New York Evening

Seyback charFer-

Post, July 14th.

25 The New York Evening Post, July 16th. 26 The New York Herald, July 15th. 27 The New York Daily News, July 16th. The Neius carried the banner headline in this edition: " The people shot by U. S. troops 29 killed and wounded by one volley." It announced that the draft had been suspended and called upon the people to return to normalcy. It concluded with an attack upon the Evening Post and " Black Republican " journals for their part in supporting the draft law. 28 The New York Herald, July 20th.

146

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

nando W o o d as one of the leaders. 2 9 A later student asserted that a direct connection existed between the draft riots and revolutionary speeches at the W o o d peace demonstrations, and includes S e y m o u r as one of whose " seditious speeches had borne f r u i t . "

30

O n A u g u s t 23rd M a j o r Frederick T o w n s e n d , in charge of the A l b a n y area, wrote Colonel James F r y in

Washington,

expressing a most unflattering opinion of the state and municipal authorities. H e r e m a r k e d : " I

have not had the slightest

confidence in the state authorities in regard to the question of the d r a f t . I say this unofficially as a citizen . . . because I have known

Governor

S e y m o u r personally and have

for

several

years considered him to be a dangerous man . . . and always directed by the absorbing impulse of inordinate ambition. H e and Fernando W o o d are identical in sentiment both sufficiently d a r i n g to attempt anything, but when the moment for action arrives, too cowardly to direct and execute." T h e M a j o r concluded by saying that he would put the draft through the cities if he w a s obliged " to level half the buildings ". 3 1 A n o t h e r aspect of this problem is indicated in a report submitted to G o v e r n o r S e y m o u r by M a j o r General D u r y e a comm a n d i n g the Second Division of the State Guard during the riots: . . . the intense excitement of our citizens . . . was augmented by reports of the existence of large organizations of men provided with arms and determined to resist the execution of the conscript law. The existence of such organizations has never been established . . . and no just conception of necessity or propriety 29 J o h n J a y to S e c r e t a r y S t a n t o n , Official Records of the Confederate Armies, Series I I I , vol. I l l , J u l y 18, 1863.

Union

and

Series

III,

30 B r u m m e r , op. cit., p. 320. 31 Official Records V o l . I l l , p. 608.

of the Union

and Confederate

Armies,

DRAFT

RIOTS

AND

DEMAND

FOR P E A C E

I47

of the preparations to guard the city against a riot can be formed without taking into account this element of disquietude and alarm. 82 Wood, replying to an attack upon him by a Representative from Ohio, gave his version of the d r a f t riots in a speech in Congress. H e stated that while he had been out of town during the outbreak, he felt well enough informed to charge the Administration with responsibility, on the grounds that the draft quota was " especially unjust " . H e charged " influence " was used to keep the sons of the rich off the draft rolls while " poor men's sons who voted the Democratic ticket found their names faithfully recorded." H e also charged that the firing by the Federal soldiery had been " secretly prompted by the radical Republican politicians" and that the riot was a natural result. In conclusion he quoted from a letter of Thurlow Weed which stated that " but for the malign influence of these howling abolitionists in Congress with the President, the rebellion would n o t . . . have assumed such formidable proportions; nor in its progress would the North have been divided or the government crippled " . 3 3 The defeat of the Confederate forces at Gettysburg and Vicksburg resulted in a marked change in public sentiment. T h e impression became increasingly general that the war was almost over, and this feeling was shared by many representative Democrats. Republicans began to speak confidently of the re-election of Lincoln, and the morale of such peace Democrats as Fernando W o o d sank to a low level.

32 Report of Major General H. B. Duryea, Commanding Second Division, N.Y.SJv'.G., during the riots in New York City in July, 1863. Typewritten manuscript in the Horatio Seymour Papers, New York Historical Society. 33 Congressional Globe, 38th Congress, 1st Session, p. 2075. the Weed letter from the New York Herald.

Wood quoted

CHAPTER X PROBLEMS OF WAR AND PLANS FOR PEACE THE war years deepened the dissension in Democratic ranks. Wood, leading the Mozart delegation to the Democratic State Convention on September 9, 1863, found himself confronted by two rival delegations from the city, Tammany and the new McKeon organization. The Convention, in an effort to solve the annual problem of the city delegation, passed a resolution over Tammany protests requesting the city delegations to withdraw for consultation upon the possibilities of uniting. The New York Herald announced that Mozart and Tammany had formulated a scheme for union which left the McKeon organization out in the cold. 1 By the terms of this agreement, Tammany and Mozart would each be entitled to cast eight votes and alternately to cast the ninth, both refusing any recognition to the McKeon organization. This was the arrangement eventually ratified by the Convention. Seymour spoke at the Convention, stressing the duty of maintaining the Constitution and reiterating his familiar arguments against the draft and in favor of voluntary enlistment. " T o the dissolution of the Union," he said " I will never consent . . . but we are ready to make out a policy now . . . that the states shall return with all their rights as marked down in the Constitution." 2 Though a member of the Committee on Resolutions, Wood lacked the power to prevent a resolution favoring prosecution of the war. While Vallandigham was not endorsed, the Convention approved an attack upon conscription and favored " voluntary action of a gallant and patriotic people ". A resol1 New York Herald, September 10th. 2 Albany Argus, September 12th, quoted by the New Y o r k Herald, September 14th. 148

P R O B L E M S O F WAR A N D

P L A N S FOR

PEACE

I49

ution w a s also adopted approving the administration of G o v ernor S e y m o u r . 3 O n October 1 2 t h , a formal agreement was made between T a m m a n y and M o z a r t for a fusion, under which the legislative and judicial nominations were divided between them.

This

agreement w a s published over the signatures of W o o d

and

Peter S w e e n y . 4 T h e ticket was successful in the November elections even though it provoked stinging criticism and a good deal of

dissatisfaction.®

Both

the Herald

and

World

con-

demned the arrangement as a deal, and a mass meeting of " Representative Democracy " on October 2 7 t h

characterized

it as " disgraceful huckstering " . In December, T a m m a n y and Mozart put up Francis Boole for the M a y o r a l t y . T h e Union party tried to induce General D i x to run, but when he flatly refused, they nominated Orison Blunt. 8 T h e M c K e o n group, which had been shut out of the State Convention, named Godfrey Gunther, who in the previous election had run under T a m m a n y colors. Gunther

was

elected by a plurality of about 6,500, although the M c K e o n 3 Alexander, op. cit., I l l , 79, describes the Convention as a shift in policy from protest against the war measures to an appeal for conciliation. While the campaign was in an off year, it was felt to be a preparatory test for the 1864 elections and also an opportunity to pass judgment upon Seymour's record. Wood Gray, op. cit., p. 150, believes that the summer victories of the Union forces and the defeat of the Confederates at Chattanooga in November sapped most of the strength from the anti-war campaign and assured a Republican victory at the polls in November. If Union reverses had continued, he believes, the peace campaign might have been successful. 4 New York Herald, October 13, 1863. 5 The upstate districts reversed the Seymour majority of 10,000 of the previous election and elected the Republican ticket by 30,000. The legislature also passed into the hands of the Republicans. 6 New York Herald, October 17th; the New York World, October 19th. In a letter of November 3rd to James Hamilton, Opdyke wrote, " Mr. Wood is growing desperate in malignity and falsehood as he sees the political sceptre passing from his hands". Mayoralty Papers, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library. The New York World, November 13th carried the story about Dix and the New York Union Party.

150

FERNANDO

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OF

NEW

YORK

g r o u p had only polled 4,000 votes in the previous

month's

state election. 7 Both Fernando and B e n j a m i n W o o d took their seats w h e n the 38th Congress opened its first session on December

7,

1863. T h e first day was taken up w i t h a dispute over the credentials of some of the members f r o m W e s t V i r g i n i a and Missouri. W h e n this was eventually

settled the H o u s e

got

d o w n to the business of electing a Speaker. Schuyler C o l f a x w a s elected on the first ballot w i t h 101 votes, his nearest rival being C o x of O h i o with 42 votes. 8 W o o d , shortly a f t e r C o n g r e s s met, renewed his suggestion for the appointment of Peace Commissioners f r o m what he described as his w i n g of the Democratic party, strongly hinting that he himself would be the best choice for such a function.

H e urged

the

President

to publish

some

sort of

an

amnesty for northern sympathizers w i t h the South, including a pardon for V a l l a n d i g h a m , permitting him to return to the country. T h e President declined, and W o o d called again the f o l l o w i n g morning, but the President refused to see him, sending w o r d that he had nothing further to say. 9 T h a t same day W o o d offered a resolution stating that in view of " recent triumphs " it " is no longer beneath our dignity . . . to evince a magnanimity becoming a great and powerful people by o f f e r i n g to the insurgents an opportunity

to

return to the U n i o n without imposing upon them degrading and destructive conditions . . . " A resolution w a s offered f o r m ally requesting the President to appoint three commissioners to open negotiations with the authorities at R i c h m o n d , to the 7 Brummer, op. cit., p. 354, interprets this as a vote against government by bargain and a repudiation of T a m m a n y and Mozart. A great many Mozart men bolted to the M c K e o n banner. T h i s marks the beginning of the disintegration of Mozart, a process which was completed by the city elections of 1867. 8 Congressional Globe, 38th Congress, 1st Session, p. 7. W o o d cast his vote for Representative K i n g of Missouri w h o g o t a total of six votes. 9 N i c o l a y and H a y , Abraham Lincoln,

V I I , 394.

P R O B L E M S OF

WAR A N D P L A N S FOR P E A C E

151

end that the U n i o n " shall be restored upon terms o f equality, f r a t e r n i t y , a n d e q u i t y under the C o n s t i t u t i o n " . It w a s tabled by a p a r t y v o t e of 9 8 t o 59, on the m o t i o n of W a s h b o u r n e of Illinois. 1 0 A l l debate o n the m o t i o n w a s then cut off by the S p e a k e r on the g r o u n d that discussion w a s out of order. W o o d ' s stand o n the course of the w a r w a s supported b y the M o z a r t H a l l G e n e r a l C o m m i t t e e , w h e n it adopted o n January

4, a resolution s t a t i n g

demanding

reconciliation,

its opposition to the w a r

negotiation a n d

and

peace."11

T h e H o u s e o n J a n u a r y 26th b e g a n debate on a f r e s h aspect of the act f o r the p u n i s h m e n t of treason, passed o r i g i n a l l y o n J u l y 1 7 , 1862. T h e P r e s i d e n t had then stated that he w o u l d w i t h h o l d his a p p r o v a l unless the act w a s limited to the lifetime o f the persons " a t t a i n t e d " , a j o i n t resolution to this e f f e c t w a s passed a n d the bill signed. N o w it w a s proposed to repeal the e x p l a n a t o r y resolution, thus l e a v i n g the act in force w i t h o u t a n y l i m i t a t i o n . 1 2 W o o d attacked repeal as a " reversion to the policies o f R o m e a n d b a r b a r o u s R u s s i a " . H a v i n g covered this point he w e n t o n t o w h a t n o w a m o u n t e d almost to an obsession, a n e g o t i a t e d peace. peace—based

upon

the

" We

must h a v e p e a c e — a

Constitution

and

cemented

lasting by

the

U n i o n , " he said. " W e do not w a n t the peace of d e a t h . . . w e w a n t peace w h i c h w i l l b r i n g v i g o r , unity, f r a t e r n i t y , a n d l a w . W e will h a v e t o treat w i t h these rebels . . . "

13

10 Congressional Globe, 38th Congress, 1st Session, p. 21. 11 The New York Herald, January 6, 1864. 12 Joint Senate and House Resolution No. 18 was intended to amend the Joint Resolution of July 17, 1862, explanatory of an Act for the Punishment of Treason and the Confiscation of Property. The Joint Resolution of July 17th had stated that the Confiscation Act did not apply beyond the lifetime of persons "attained". By the terms of resolution No. 18, it was proposed to repeal this proviso. 13" Confiscation Speech of Fernando Wood Delivered in the House of Representatives, Washington, D. C.," Congressional Globe, 38th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 351-354-

152

FERNANDO

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OF

NEW

YORK

It was shortly after this that Thaddeus Stevens brought up his bill for the conscription of slaves, providing for a payment of $300 each to indemnify the masters for their financial loss. T h e bill contained a proviso limiting payment to loyal citizens. T h i s proposal precipitated a general debate over slavery. W o o d gained the floor and stated his opposition to the bill on the ground it might prove a deterrent to peace efforts being made in the Confederate House of Representatives. He quoted the Richmond Examiner as authority for the story that efforts were being made to inaugurate peace negotiations involving recognition and treaties of commerce and alliance. " This is a government of white men made by white men for . . . the protection of the states and the white people thereof," he concluded. " Y e t it is proposed to oppress the white and elevate the social and political condition of the black race . . . Under the organic law slaves are property. They have no other status in the Constitution and as property cannot be taken except by giving just compensation in return." 14 In spite of W o o d ' s opposition, the Stevens Bill passed the House by a straight party vote. Apparently the Democratic party had not been discouraged by its defeat the preceding fall. Some very striking statements were made in Congress opposing the war and favoring peace. Representatives Chilton White and Alexander Long of Ohio made speeches declaring the war morally wrong and a failure and stating that the South should be allowed to go her way. 1 5 In May a bill was introduced for the restoration of civil ernment in the states " where it has been usurped ". This W o o d an opportunity to express his discontent with the and he savagely attacked the bill on the ground that it Congress the right to refuse to receive representatives 14 Congressional

govgave war, gave from

Globe, 38th Congress, 1st Session, p. 600.

15 Congressional Globe, 1st Session, pp. 763-766; Congressional Globe, 1st Session, pp. 1499-1503. W o o d Gray, op. cit., pp. 156-158, paints a picture of disaffection among the mid-western Democrats.

PROBLEMS

OF

WAR

AND

PLANS

FOR

PEACE

153

any state on any pretext whatever. He denounced the provision that none of the states in " rebellion . . . shall hereafter hold slaves " saying that the people should have the right to regulate their own affairs. In previous debate Schenck of Ohio had criticized Wood as a peace Democrat, and Wood took this opportunity of replying. He asserted his loyalty, stating that he had raised the Mozart regiment out of his own purse for the defense of the Capitol and the Union, but not for any " abolition crusade against the domestic rights and interests of a sovereign people." He described the Union as " a creation of the States and hence cannot be more powerful than the Creator. In a word our Government is Federal and not national." " Ours," he said bitterly in conclusion, " is not the first instance in history in which the established order of things has been made to yield to the destructive spirit of fanaticism and misrule." 1 6 Nor were affairs at home proceeding well for Wood. The State Democratic Convention met in Albany on February 24th; with New York City represented by Tammany, Mozart and McKeon. The McKeon group had elected their candidate as Mayor and thereby acquired greatly increased prestige. The Committee on Credentials eventually reported in favor of a three-way compromise admitting all three delegations with six votes each. Mozart and McKeon accepted this proposal, but Tammany flatly refused it, declaring that the McKeon faction had no real strength. A Tammany speaker attempted to identify McKeon with the peace movement, and asserted that if he were admitted grave consequences would follow. 17 McKeon, in turn, charged Tammany with being traffickers for office and allies of the Republicans. In the end Mozart and McKeon were accepted and Tammany withdrew. 18 16 Congressional

Globe, 38th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 2074-2078.

17 N e w York Herald, February 26th, 27th. 18 N e w York Tribune, February 28th.

FERNANDO

154

WOOD OF N E W

YORK

O v e r the protest of the peace men a resolution w a s adopted that N e w Y o r k should v o t e as a unit at f u t u r e national conventions. T h e roll of delegates to the C h i c a g o C o n v e n t i o n w a s s u b m i t t e d w i t h o u t including the name of W o o d a n d a n attempt t o put his name on the list w a s blocked by p a r l i a m e n t a r y m a n e u v e r s . 1 9 W o o d w a s f u r t h e r embittered by the opposition of the c o n s e r v a t i v e

Democrats

led b y

Dean

Richmond,

which

m a d e his chances f o r g a i n i n g the nomination for S e n a t o r look v e r y remote. A p p a r e n t l y all w a s not h a r m o n y w i t h i n the M o z a r t A n article in the Herald,

ranks.

p r e s a g i n g a split, stated that patron-

a g e w a s c a u s i n g difficulties. T h e p o w e r delegated to a special c o m m i t t e e o f five to apportion p a t r o n a g e had been r e v o k e d by a resolution

of the " r e g u l a r "

Mozart

Hall

General

Com-

mittee. 2 0 B y A p r i l 1 9 t h W o o d w a s back in C o n g r e s s a t t a c k i n g the bill t o raise $300,000,000. H e opposed it on the g r o u n d that the

financial

management

difficulties o f the nation h a d been caused b y misin the T r e a s u r y

the G o v e r n m e n t

Department.

H e asserted

had s h o w n bad m a n a g e m e n t

in

that

conducting

the w a r on credit, " a credit w h i c h has been in the m o s t expensive a n d ruinous

shape—irredeemable

paper

money;"

more

than $1,500,000,000 b e i n g left u n c o v e r e d by taxes. T h e e x t e n sion o f credit had been so e n o r m o u s that it threatened the solv e n c y of the g o v e r n m e n t .

The

floating

debt of the

country

under S e c r e t a r y o f T r e a s u r y C h a s e h a d risen $ 2 , 3 5 8 , 2 8 3 , 6 5 5 in the three y e a r s since 1 8 6 1 . H e concluded that " n o

system

19 Alexander, op. cit., Ill, 100-102, believes that Wood's name was kept off because his advocacy of a dishonorable peace would embarrass Seymour at the Chicago Convention. 20 New York Herald, August 7, 1863. Apparently there was still life in Mozart, because on August 5th the Mozart Hall General Committee declared unanimously " that the masses of the Democratic Party in this city and state are for p e a c e . . . " They demanded a platform favoring an armistice and a convention of the states.

PROBLEMS

OF

WAR

AND

PLANS

FOR

PEACE

155

of finance had been devised to meet interest or finally to liquidate it " . 2 1 On M a y 3rd Representative Davis of Maryland introduced a bill " to restore civil government in the Southern States " . Wood rose and bitterly assailed the assertion of Davis that the Southern States had lost the right to form their own local government. He demanded that he be shown the provision of the Constitution granting such power to Congress. A f t e r categorically denying that slavery was the cause of the war, he closed by saying: " The Federal Union is a creation of the States and it cannot be more powerful than its Creator. Our government is Federal and not National." 2 2 Between the State Democratic Convention of February and the National Convention at Chicago in August, 1864, W o o d was busy building up the peace sentiment of various factions. In carrying out this plan, he was aided by what one author has called the " Period of Weariness " induced by the succession of costly battles at Cold Harbor, Wilderness, and Kenesaw Mountain, making the war again seem a stalemate. T h e strength of the Confederacy was demonstrated by the raid of General Early up the Shenandoah Valley to the very gates of Washington. The apogee of Wood's peace activities during this period was marked by the peace convention held at S y r a cuse on August 18th. 2 3 This convention, after addresses by Wood and Vallandigham, adopted a series of resolutions, one of which provided that a committee go to Chicago to represent the peace Democ21 " Speech of Fernando Wood on the bill to Provide Internal Revenue Delivered in the House of Representatives April 19, 1864," Congressional Globe, 38th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 1722-1728. 22 Congressional

Globe, 38th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 2077.

23 Brummer, op. cit., p. 400, believes that the Regency was beginning to swing more toward the peace Democrats whose strength was beginning to spread beyond the metropolitan district.

156

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

racy of N e w Y o r k . B y another resolution the administration was condemned as despotic, and it was asserted that its war aims were no longer the preservation of the Union, but the abolition of slavery and the annihilation of State rights. T h e resolutions concluded by demanding a national convention to negotiate an immediate armistice and to make peace.24 Before the Democratic National Convention met in Chicago it had been announced that Governor Seymour would not be a candidate. 28 In a speech to the N e w Y o r k delegation, Seymour said that he would not allow his name to be used, apparently giving the state to McClellan. 26 Just the day before the convention was to open, the New Y o r k delegation resisted Dean Richmond by refusing to designate its choice for President. 27 T h e convention was called to order on August 30th, and Seymour was chosen Chairman. Several speeches were made against McClellan. 28 A meeting of W o o d and his followers the evening of the first day may have prompted Seymour again 24 T h e A l b a n y Argus a s q u o t e d by t h e N e w Y o r k Tribune, A u g u s t 21st. T h e y also c o n t a i n e d a t h r e a t t o f o r m a t h i r d p a r t y if t h e peace sentiment w a s i g n o r e d in t h e f o r m u l a t i o n of t h e p l a t f o r m a n d t h e election of a candidate. 25 I n a dispatch t o t h e N e w Y o r k World, signed " M . M . " , a n d u n d o u b t e d l y w r i t t e n b y M a n t o n M a r b l e , t h e w r i t e r s claimed t h a t W o o d w a s t r y i n g t o u s e S e y m o u r t o kill off M c C l e l l a n . T h e N e w Y o r k Herald, A u g u s t 29th s t a t e d : " T h e w h o l e f o r c e of t h e opposition t o M c C l e l l a n is c e n t e r e d in this m o v e for Seymour." T h e same article went on to declare: " Dean Richmond rem a i n s firm f o r M c C l e l l a n t h u s c u t t i n g himself f r o m t h e R e g e n c y . " 26 N e w Y o r k World, A u g u s t 29, 1863. K i r k l a n d , Peacemakers of 1864, p. 192, believed it w a s a p p a r e n t t h a t t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e s h a d c o n t r o l f r o m t h e s t a r t . W o o d G r a y , op. cit., p. 184, s t a t e s t h a t S e y m o u r a n d the peace e l e m e n t of t h e e a s t a p p r o a c h e d V a l l a n d i g h a m a n d w e r e able t o m a k e a b a r g a i n w i t h h i m . M c C l e l l a n w o u l d be t h e p a r t y ' s nominee, b u t G e o r g e P e n d l e t o n m u s t be n o m i n a t e d f o r V i c e P r e s i d e n t , a n d t h e p l a t f o r m of t h e p a r t y m u s t b e d r a f t e d t o m e e t t h e d e m a n d s of t h e peace f a c t i o n . 27 N e w Y o r k Herald, 28 Proceedings P- 3-

A u g u s t 31st.

of the Democratic

National

Convention

at Chicago,

1864,

PROBLEMS

OF

WAR

AND

PLANS

FOR

PEACE

157

to decline the use of his name on the second day, and McClellan was finally nominated. 29 It is not improbable that Dean Richmond and the Regency, as a matter of strategy, permitted the second plank of the platform, which called the war a failure, to be adopted. This was done to appease the peace faction. There is no record of any opposition to this plank in the proceedings of the convention. 30 McClellan, in his letter of acceptance, conclusively repudiated the peace planks of the platform. 31 This aroused the indignation of the peace faction, vociferously represented by the New York Daily News. That journal supported the demand of W o o d that McClellan should be repudiated and the Chicago Convention reassembled to select a candidate who would stand upon the platform adopted at Chicago. 32 29 Alexander, op. cit., I l l , 111, suggests that the delegates feared a recurrence of the i860 disunion. Wood Gray, op. cit., p. 184, believes the idea played a prominent part in the proceedings. 30 Proceedings of the Democratic National Convention at Chicago, 1864. Tilden led a bitter fight against Vallandigham and finally defeated him as Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions by a vote of 13-11, in favor of James Guthrie of Kentucky, Alexander, op. cit., I l l , 110. There is a passing mention of this in the Tilden Papers in the Manuscript Division of the New York Public Library. Wood Gray, op. cit., p. 190 lays great stress on this. 31 " I could not look in the face of my gallant comrades . . . who have survived so many bloody battles and tell them that their labors and sacrifices have been in vain and that we have abandoned that union for which we had so often imperiled our lives . . . no peace can be permanent without the Union." Proceedings of the Democratic National Convention held in 1864 at Chicago, pp. 60-61; New York World, September 5, 1864; Annual Cyclopedia, 1864, p. 794. Charles R. Wilson writing in the American Historical Review states that McClellan twice changed his mind completely on the subject of this letter, before reaching a final draft. Quoting from the McClellan Manuscripts in the Library of Congress, Wilson portrays great pressure upon McClellan by George Morgan of Ohio and August Belmont of the Democratic National Committtee. Wood Gray, op. cit., p. 200 describes the gratification and relief of " conservative Democrats " at the repudiation of the peace plank by McClellan. 32 The New York Daily News, in its article of September 12th, attacked McClellan for his " repudiation " of the " states right doctrine . . . laid down

158

FERNANDO

WOOD O F N E W

YORK

O n September 14th, following the national convention, the N e w Y o r k Democrats met in their state convention at A l b a n y and were confronted with the spectacle of six rival delegations f r o m N e w Y o r k City. It w a s evident that these rival organizations were mushrooming in N e w Y o r k and that the party w a s being seriously weakened by this g r o w t h of internecine rivalry. T h i s fact probably played an important part in the decision of the Committee on Credentials accepting the T a m many delegation as the one regularly elected, and giving them nine votes, while Mozart and the rest got one or two apiece. U p o n the adoption of this resolution the a n t i - T a m m a n y delegations withdrew. Apparently W o o d

was unable to prevent

the convention from taking this course. 3 3 T h e opening address by Marshall

Champlain must have been comforting to the

W o o d faction, as he said: W e must cooperate with the great conservative party of the nation to sweep away the barrier and throw open wide the by the Chicago Convention. Principle, feeling, consistency, every suggestion of patriotism, statesmanship and self respect forbid us therefore from giving him our support". The New York Herald, September 6th, stated: " McClellan is not large enough to cover out of sight the bad points of the Chicago platform." In a Loyal Publication Society tract entitled " The Coward's Convention ", the writer, speaking of the Chicago platform states: " But neither the nominal leader nor the deluded war Democrats will have any hand in shaping the policy of the party. Its real managers are the framers of that precious confession of faith, the Chicago platform; Horatio Seymour, the Prince of Jesuits; Fernando Wood, a, man capable of any enormity; Vallandigham . . . a traitor by profession." An article entitled " T h e Peace Conference at Niagara Falls in 1864", by Frank Severance in the Buffalo Historical Society Publication describes the Chicago platform as being identical with the peace terms of George N. Sanders and the Confederate commissioners at Niagara. This was no doubt the same George N. Sanders, who wrote a letter to Dean Richmond, John Van Burcn, Charles O'Conor, Horatio Seymour and Fernando Wood in December, 1862, at the height of Wood's peace efforts. In this letter he called upon them to overthrow Lincoln by force if necessary and then withdraw Union soldiers from the south. He added dryly that the South would take care of the abolitionists. 33 The New York Herald, September 15th, describes a scene on opening day where Wood was greeted with hisses from the delegates when he took the floor.

PROBLEMS

OF

WAR

AND

PLANS

FOR

PEACE

159

doors for the states of the south to return to their allegiance to the Union with all their rights under the Constitution as the first steps toward peace and concord.34 The Convention endorsed the McClellan-Pendleton ticket, and expressed its approval of the declaration by McClellan that he " would exhaust the resources of statemanship " in an effort to settle the issues peaceably. 35 With a surprising lack of consistency, and in almost the same breath, the Convention endorsed the Jacksonian formula that " the Union must be preserved at all hazards " . Resolutions were adopted bitterly castigating the Lincoln administration. 3 8 F o r governor, the Convention nominated Seymour by acclaim despite his expressed desire to retire because of poor health and the demands of his private business. T h e Convention then adjourned and the campaign was under way. During August and well into September, the Republicans were apathetic in the extreme and suggestions were even made that Lincoln withdraw in f a v o r of a stronger nominee. These moves failed to meet support, and by the end of September the political situation was much more satisfactory from the Republican point of view. One of the principal causes for this change in popular attitude lay in the victories of the Union Armies in Georgia and Virginia and the notable success of Admiral Farragut at Mobile. In consequence, during the fall, most of the Republican political meetings assumed the nature of victory rallies. T h e Republican picture was further brightened by the withdrawal of Fremont f r o m the Presidential race. The Democrats with their peace plank were placed under an increasing disadvantage as the campaign moved towards its climax attended by this series of impressive military successes. 34 New York Herald, September 15th.

September

17th, quoting the Albany Argus

of

35 McClellan was hardly in a position to label the war as a failure. 36 The N e w York World, September 16th; the N e w York Herald, tember 17 th, 18th.

Sep-

l6o

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

In early October a conference of peace men under the chairmanship of Benjamin Wood, was held at the Hotel St. Nicholas in New York, where a resolution wass passed voicing dissatisfaction with the nomination of McClellan and expressing a desire for a second convention at Cincinnati. A letter from Alexander Long setting forth the opposition of Ohio to this course may have caused this resolution to be rescinded despite the efforts of Benjamin Wood. 37 McClellan's repudiation of the peace planks, however, did not prevent the Lincoln party from using a great deal of ammunition against it. The Republicans were aided by a mass meeting of W a r Democrats at Cooper Union on November ist, under the chairmanship of General Dix and Peter Cooper. Here the Chicago platform was roundly denounced. 38 On November ist, Samuel J. Tilden spoke at a McClellan rally of New York merchants, depicting the Lincoln administration as unwise and unstatesmanlike. He stated: McClellan makes the union of the States under the Constitution of our fathers the sole condition of future peace. He puts nothing before the Union. Shall you pursue a system which may by confiscating every man's property . . . threaten every man as a rebel and traitor with the punishment due to those offenses. Can you recall the south on that basis ? I think if Mr. 37 Letter of Alexander Long as printed in the N e w York Tribune, October ioth. W o o d seems to have left this meeting to his brother as there is no mention of his having taken part in the proceedings. This is the same Long who a little later told the House of Representatives that he favored acknowledging the independence of the south. Harris of Maryland supported Long, stating that peace could only be had by recognition of the Confederacy, and concluded: " I hope that you will never subjugate the south." Washbourne moved to expel both Harris and Long, when W o o d took the floor and endorsed Long, saying that the House might as well expel him also. After weeks of debate Long was censured by a vote of 98-18, and the affair was closed. Congressional Globe, 38th Congress, ist Session, pp. 1517-15351538, 1627. 38 N e w York Herald, 2nd and 4th.

November 3rd; N e w York

Tribune,

November

PROBLEMS

OF

WAR

AND

PLANS

FOR

PEACE

l6l

Lincoln had been a wise man and a great statesman he would have accepted tenders of negotiation. It is my opinion we should hold out in one hand the olive branch as the nation now holds onto the sword in the other.89 J u s t before the election, General D i x was supplied with 3,000 Federal troops which, though in readiness, were kept a w a y f r o m the polls. 40 B y a proclamation Seymour instructed sheriffs and other officers to see that " no military or organized forces shall be allowed to show themselves in the vicinity of the places where the elections are to be held. Against such interference they must exercise the full power of the law and call forth if need be, the power of their districts." 4 1 T h e Republicans won the election in New Y o r k State, but by the perilously narrow margin of 7,000 f o r Lincoln over McClellan, and less than 9,000 f o r Fenton over Seymour. T h e Democratic vote was almost 50,000 higher than in i860, while there was no appreciable difference in the Republican total. It was repeatedly charged that the Democratic machine in N e w Y o r k City had rushed through thousands of naturalizations in time for the elections. 4 2 T h e Republican victory swept both 39 Speech of Samuel J. Tilden before the McClellan Rally of the merchants of N e w York, Tilden Papers, Manuscript Division. Harper's Weekly, September 9, 1876, charged that Tilden assisted in organizing a local society which published and distributed copperhead pamphlets in 1863. 40 Senator Morgan in a letter to Secretary Stanton had expressed the desirability of having some Federal troops present in N e w York City at election time. H e apparently won the support of Stanton since Grant detached the troops from his army in Virginia and sent them north with Butler in command. George Gorham, Life and Services of Edwin Stanton, PP- 155-157. 41 Seymour's proclamation as printed in the N e w vember 3rd.

York Herald,

No-

42 The final vote was 368,000—361,000 as compared to the i860 totals of 362,000—312,000. The N e w York Tribune estimated the total of fraudulent naturalizations from 15,000—30,000. Even the N e w York Herald charged that some 15,000 new citizens had been naturalized in the rush just before the election. N o doubt a combination of war weariness and distaste for the draft along with the popularity of McClellan played a part also. Then

162

FERNANDO

WOOD OF

NEW

YORK

Fernando W o o d and his brother Benjamin out of Congress and increased the Republican membership in the delegation by six congressmen. Back in Washington as a " lame duck " Congressman f o r the last session of the thirty-eighth Congress, W o o d joined vigorously in the debate over the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, peace negotiations, and other issues of the day. Debate over the Amendment extended through all sessions of the Congress. W o o d on J a n u a r y ioth attacked it, stating that " the Almighty has fixed the distinction of the races; the Almighty has made the black man inferior . . . and you cannot wipe out the distinction " . 4 3 He continued: " I shall vote against it because it is not within the power of Congress to pass it . . . I shall vote against it because I want to preserve the essence of our constitutional liberties " . 4 i J a n u a r y and February marked the final attempt of any importance at negotiation between the two sides. A t the height of these negotiations, W o o d wrote bitterly to George O'Shea, his personal attorney in N e w Y o r k , that the peace talks: will amount to nothing because they have not been founded on a judicious political foundation. It looks to me as if those in authority did not intend them to be successful. The amendment to abolish slavery will fail as the matter now stands—it may pass if the President desires. Even men like me would consent to abolish slavery if peace could thereby be restored to our distracted country. 4 5 too the Democrats were united as they were not in i860. Davenport, John, op. cit., p. 64, describes it as the complete credit to General Butler and his troops. " Report No. 31 of the House of Representatives, 40th Congress, 3rd Session, Election Frauds in New York," p. 6, states that there were 5,631 naturalizations in 1864 compared to 1,762 for 1863 (election period). The report goes on to state that McClellan was "robbed" of at least 10,000 votes in New York City by intentional delay on the part of Republican inspectors, p. 110. 43 Congressional

Globe, 38th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 194.

44 Ibid., pp. 192-195. 45 Fernando Wood to George O'Shea, January 15, 1865, Fernando Wood Papers, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library.

PROBLEMS

OF

WAR

AND

PLANS

FOR

PEACE

163

O n F e b r u a r y 4th the H o u s e w a s debating the N a v a l A p p r o priations Bill. W o o d attacked the proposed g r a n t o f

$105,-

000,000, pointing out that the total internal revenue f o r the year ending June 30, 1864, was only $109,000,000. H o w e v e r , he spent by f a r the most of the time allotted to him on the pending peace negotiations. R e f e r r i n g to the " rumored peace negotiations",

he then went on to say

that

if they

failed

because of a refusal by the S o u t h e r n authorities to reunite under a common U n i o n , then " we will not and cannot sustain them in that position." H e continued: While I contended for peace and opposed the war it was not to accomplish the downfall of the American Union . . . Until I am satisfied that this administration earnestly desires peace, that it has exhausted everything which in honor it could do to procure peace . . . I must retain my position in favor of peace and in favor of negotiations as against continued hostility. H e showed some change in point of v i e w , for he concluded by s a y i n g that peace at the price o f disunity and recognition of the South would be obnoxious to him. It w a s his contention that " T h o s e w h o believe that the S o u t h is in the right and should become an independent, antagonistic power have business here."

no

46

H i s basic idea remained unaltered, for in his last speech of the session, delivered on F e b r u a r y

20th in opposition to a

reconstruction measure which purported " to guarantee to certain states a Republican f o r m of g o v e r n m e n t " , he inquired if these states were not just as Republican as they had been s i x or seven years before. H e urged that C o n g r e s s had no p o w e r to establish conditions " by which a state shall resume its position in the U n i o n since they must come in on an equal f o o t i n g with the other states " . 46 Speech of Honorable Fernando W o o d of N e w Y o r k on N a v a l Appropriations Bill delivered in the H o u s e of Representatives, February 4, 1865; Congressional Globe, 38th Congress, 2nd Session, Appendix, pp. 85-88.

164

FERNANDO

WOOD O F

NEW

YORK

T h e failure of the Peace Conference at Hampton R o a d s marked the actual termination of the struggle for a negotiated peace. While the peace faction lingered on until the end of the war, it was only as a shell of its former self. In the East this movement, while opposing arbitrary arrests and the policy of emancipation, never actually captured the machinery of party government, as it did in parts of the Middle West. In N e w Y o r k state the forces headed by Seymour and Tilden, aided intermittently by Tammany, had been able to check the efforts of the peace faction. F r o m the elections in i 8 6 0 down to the commencement of actual hostilities, New Y o r k City proved a great comfort to the Confederacy. Throughout the entire course of the war, there was a greater measure of peace talk and anti-administration activity in New Y o r k than elsewhere, as witnessed by the draft riots, the Peace Convention at the Hotel St. Nicholas, the attempt to burn the hotels of the city on the eve of the elections in 1864, and the long series of anti-war speeches made by prominent citizens. The part of Fernando W o o d in this drama is extremely difficult to assess. He was openly opposed to the conduct of the war, and never hesitated to make this fact crystal-clear from the very inception of the conflict. F r o m available evidence it seems clear that he never personally planned or directed actual violence or bloodshed, although he may have taken advantage of the sentiments which produced them to buttress his own position. With the close of the war he would take his place in the opposition party, eventually gaining praises from both sides of the House and being accorded the title of " Father of the House " , an appellation which pleased him greatly. T h i s transition marks quite clearly the end of one phase of his life, and the commencement of another, possibly less spectacular.

CHAPTER X I BACK IN WASHINGTON WOOD had been defeated by Nelson Taylor in the elections of November, 1864, so that with the adjournment of Congress he was once more out of office. The Wood family, accordingly, made plans for another visit to Europe. Before sailing, a dinner was given him at the Astor House " as a token of personal respect." 1 T w o letters from this trip have survived, both addressed to his old friend and legal advisor, George O'Shea. In one from London, dated April 14th, he suggested definite plans following his return from New York. With an eye to improving his political position, he mentioned a banquet given by the Lord Mayor, at which both he and Mrs. Wood were present, and suggested that O'Shea arrange for an account to be placed in both the New Y o r k Times and the New York Tribune.2 Another letter from Paris informed O'Shea of his plans to return to New York by September. He expressed impatience with the slowness of negotiations with the widow of Stephen Douglas over the mortgage on the Chicago property given by Gebhard and Schubardt. 3 1 Invitation issued by a committee composed of John Devlin, W i l l i a m Connor, and John McCool on March 16, 1865, Fernando W o o d Papers, Manuscript Division, N e w York Public Library. 2 Fernando W o o d to George O'Shea, April 14, 1865, Fernando W o o d Papers, Manuscript Division, N e w York Public Library. T h e news of Lincoln's death arrived while the party w a s in London. T h e Americans in the hotel where W o o d w a s staying, hissed him, forcing him to leave the room, in order to calm the disturbance. T h e N e w York World, February 15, 1881. 3 Fernando W o o d t o George O'Shea, A u g u s t 8, 1865, Fernando W o o d Papers, Manuscript Division, N e w York Public Library. In an anonymous pamphlet entitled, A Condensed Biography of a Candidate for Speaker, Fernando Wood his Forgeries and Other Crimes, the author makes mention of a loan of $60,000 which W o o d made to D o u g l a s for his campaign e x 165

166

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

A l m o s t immediately upon his return f r o m Europe, in 1866, W o o d resumed an active role in politics. M o z a r t

Hall

was

definitely declining and becoming little more than a satellite of T a m m a n y . In T a m m a n y Hall itself, the W o o d name had lost its old power. T w e e d and Connolly had wrested control in the W i g w a m f r o m W o o d ' s friends, and began building the political machine for the grand climax in 1870. T h i s situation in T a m m a n y and M o z a r t probably caused W o o d to decide to run f o r C o n g r e s s as an independent candidate. It w a s while W o o d w a s in the midst of these preparations, that a movement w a s started for a new party designed to fuse D e m o c r a t s and Johnson Republicans. A

call w a s issued on

June 25th for a national U n i o n convention to be composed of at least t w o delegates from each Congressional District, t w o f r o m each T e r r i t o r y , and t w o f r o m the District of Columbia. T h e call stated categorically that no right existed to exclude " loyal and qualified representatives . . . by the national

Gov-

ernment." A p p e a r i n g in most newspapers, the manifesto was signed by a " joint committee composed of members of the Johnson Committee and of the Democratic Committee." 4

In

effect, the purpose of the convention w a s to bring about a conp e n s e s w i t h a tract of land k n o w n a s " L a k e P r o p e r t y " as s e c u r i t y . pamphlet

charged

that

upon

the

death

of

Douglas,

Benjamin

The

Fairchild

b o u g h t the p r o p e r t y f o r less than f a c e v a l u e of the c l a i m a n d that it w a s e v e n t u a l l y c o n v e y e d t o W o o d . T h e Dictionary tions

o n l y that W o o d

loaned

a

s u m of

of American

money

to

Biography

Stephen

men-

Douglas

for

c a m p a i g n e x p e n s e s . A l l e n J o h n s o n in his b i o g r a p h y of S t e p h e n A . D o u g l a s , P- 383, q u o t e s f r o m t h e record of the C i r c u i t C o u r t of C o o k C o u n t y , D e c e m ber t e r m , 1863, t o the e f f e c t that the entire m o r t a g e of $94,000, w a s

held

b y W o o d a n d c e r t a i n a s s o c i a t e s in N e w Y o r k City. 4 N e w Y o r k World, the

Southern

June 26, 1866.

delegates

as being

S e w a r d in his a u t o b i o g r a p h y describes

those

w h o h a d not v o t e d

for

secession

o r i g i n a l l y , but h a d d e c i d e d t o stand by their states, I I I , 339. A m o n g

the

s i g n a t u r e s t o the call w e r e t w o m e m b e r s of the P r e s i d e n t ' s cabinet, B r o w n i n g a n d R a n d a l l . I n a letter t o Randall, W o o d e x p r e s s e d d o u b t s a s t o the e x i s t e n c e of a u t h o r i t y t o m a k e the call f o r the e l e c t i o n o f d e l e g a t e s t o the f o r t h c o m i n g c o n v e n t i o n at P h i l a d e l p h i a , F e r n a n d o W o o d t o A . W . July

7,

1866, F e r n a n d o

Public Library.

Wood

Papers,

Manuscript

Division,

Randall,

New

York

BACK solidation

of

IN

Democrats

WASHINGTON and

167

Administration

Republicans

behind J o h n s o n and thus assure stability of the g o v e r n m e n t ; f o r J o h n s o n ' s friends were convinced that the great mass of the people f a v o r e d his policy

on the reconstruction

of

the

South. W h e n the convention assembled in Philadelphia on A u g u s t 14th, it contained some Republicans, but the vast majority of delegates

were

Democrats.

This

inspired

criticism

gathering, and such delegates as V a l l a n d i n g h a m

and

of

the

Wood,

whose loyalty had been questioned, were asked not to take their seats. W o o d had arrived with the N e w Y o r k delegation on A u g u s t

1 2 t h , but had yielded to pressure f r o m members

of the convention.

He

wrote a letter to Senator

Doolittle,

temporary president, agreeing not to take his seat upon the floor, but asserting that the w e l f a r e of the U n i o n w a s his foremost desire. H e expressed an " earnest hope " that the convention would succeed in its purpose.® 5 Blaine describes the convention as a " gathering of malignant copperheads who could not have assembled during the war ". H e then goes on to state that if Wood and Vallandigham had stayed in the Convention, it would have been dissolved. Harper's, September i, 1866, carried a Nast cartoon showing Northern and Southern delegates walking arm-in-arm, followed by a dog and cat arm-in-arm, and a cat and mouse arm-in-arm. In his letter to Senator Doolittle Wood stated: " I am earnestly desirous for the entire success of the movement proposed to be initiated by the Convention tomorrow. If successful the results to the country will be of the most salutary character. But its proceedings shall not be disturbed by any cause whatever. I am informed that a serious disagreement is likely to rise in consequence of an attempt to be made to exclude some delegates, myself included, because our political record is distasteful to the Radicals and their sympathizers. Now although I feel confident that such an outrage would not be perpetuated by the Convention and although I have nothing to regret or take back as to my course during the w a r . . . yet I am too much devoted to the accomplishment of the high patriotic object in view to permit my presence to be the means of disturbing its deliberations or an excuse for an assault by its enemies outside. Therefore I shall not attend as a delegate." Fernando Wood to Senator James Doolittle, August 13, 1865, New York World, August 15th. The World in the same issue carried a long article commending Wood for his " voluntary good sense in relieving the Convention of every personal element of disturbance."

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T h e Convention finally opened in Philadelphia in a huge building with a seating capacity of 15,000. All states and territories were represented with the exception of Montana, A r i zona, and Utah. T h e delegates included such diverse personalities as Vallandigham, Tilden, Dean Richmond, John A . D i x , the temporary chairman, and H e n r y J . Raymond who made the keynote address. 6 T h e highlight of the Convention was the adoption of resolutions challenging the right of Congress to deny representation of any state after the close of the w a r and submission to national authority had been proclaimed. The delegates then adjourned for the fall campaign. T h e Convention lasted for three days, and, said one observer: " It leaves everything exactly where it w a s . " 7 When the Democratic State Convention met in September both Tammany and Mozart were represented, maintaining a somewhat uneasy truce. The Convention gave enthusiastic support to the resolutions of the Philadelphia Convention. A n echo of the war was injected into the campaign when Wood, running as an independent candidate and addressing one audience, said that he desired election " as a public rebuke to those who utter the malicious falsehood that I am a rebel sympathizer and disunionist." 8 These sentiments led a rhymster to express his feelings in the following poem: 6 Seward in his autobiography, I I I , 337, says that he took Raymond in to see the President in an effort to persuade Raymond to make the opening address. Homer Stebbins, op. cit., p. 171, contends that this speech proved to be Raymond's political Waterloo as his association with Republican leaders ceased. Harper's, September 1, 1866, states flatly that " Mr. Raymond's address contains nothing new and states nothing old with novel force." From the copy of this speech appearing in the New York World, August 17th, it is difficult to see anything novel or radical in Raymond's speech. None of the leading newspapers of New York City criticised the speech, few even made any mention of it—or very much of the Convention itself. 7 Harper's,

September 1, 1866.

8 The New York World, February 16, 1881.

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The royal prince who reigns in Hell Has been maligned in various matters, And now would have the people tell How silly they regard such clatters. He asks your votes; 'tis not for pelf, But to rebuke all saints and sages, Who says the archangel and himself Have not been cronies through all ages. 9 In November, W o o d was triumphantly elected to Congress f r o m the Ninth District, a district which he was to represent, with the exception of one term, until his death. The Ninth District comprised that part of the Twentieth W a r d lying between 26th and 40th Streets, and between the Hudson River and Seventh Avenue. It also included that part of the Twelfth and Twenty-Second W a r d lying between 40th Street and Spuyten Duyvil, and bordered by 8th Avenue and the Hudson R i v e r . 1 0 T h e Fortieth Congress assembled in Washington on March 3 , 1 8 6 7 , with W o o d and J a m e s Brooks eager to express their resentment over the " absence of seventeen states " . They submitted an extended protest detailing their views. 1 1 The Republicans, who were in control of the House, overrode this protest and elected Schuyler C o l f a x as Speaker over Samuel Randall by a vote of 1 2 7 to 30. This first session lasted until December 2nd, or the eve of the second session; for the radicals were fearful of hostile Administration activities if Congress were not sitting. T h e radical Republicans repeatedly assailed Johnson, making numerous casual references to the 9 History of the Tammany Society, E. Vale Blake, p. 88. 10 Act of June 18, 1873. 11 Congressional Globe, 40th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 2-4. In the previous campaign Tilden made a speech to a mass meeting in which he contended: " I say the doctrine . . . that the states are still in the Union . . . is true constitutional doctrine. Will we let the Civil War end in despotism ? " Pamphlet entitled Restoration and Peace in the Samuel J. Tilden Papers, Manuscript Division, N e w York Public Library. The similarity of this speech with some of Wood's utterances is striking.

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NEW

YORK

possibility of impeachment. These hints led certain of the moderate Congressmen to protest violently. Wood on March 29th asked the majority either to impeach the President or desist f r o m its campaign of innuendoes. His remarks produced a clash with Woodbridge of Vermont and Lawrence of Ohio, in the course of which oblique references were made to the " lost leaves of Booth's diary." A t this point the Speaker called the contestants to order. 1 2 On a previous occasion, Wood had irritated the Republicans by vigorously attacking one of their party measures, the " Act to Provide for the more Efficient Government of the Rebel States " . H e compared the project with the military government of Mexico by Maximilian, describing it as " anti-republican " , and charging that it placed far too much power in the hands of the military. Wilson of Iowa and Blaine of Maine replied, both arguing that the bill provided for the restoration of civil government through the military arm of the United States, and that acceptance or rejection was in the hands of the states themselves. When the bill came up for passage Wood voted against it. 1 3 During W o o d ' s absence in Washington, Tweed had been consolidating his position in Tammany Hall and in the city arena. In an effort to buttress his position, he had John H o f f man, former Recorder, run for Mayor, while he himself ran f o r State Senator. A s Deputy Street Commissioner, Tweed had control over a small army of men from day laborers to supervisors and foremen on the city payroll. They were encouraged to canvass support for the Tweed ticket and spread the gospel among friends and relations. In spite of Tweed's activity W o o d announced that he would be the Mozart Hall candidate f o r Mayor against H o f f m a n . 1 4 S o tense was the interest in the 12 Congressional

Globe, 40th Congress, 1st Session, p. 360.

13 Congressional

Globe, 40th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 62-63.

14 In a letter of N o v e m b e r 30th to Evert Duyckinck, W o o d solicited his support in the approaching mayoralty elections, and enclosed t w o ballots for his use, Fernando W o o d to Evert Duyckinck, November 30, 1867, Fernando W o o d Papers, Manuscript Division, N e w York Public Library.

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city election that when the State Convention met on September 30th, with Horatio Seymour as chairman, the city delegation paid little attention to the up-state gathering. A s so often in times past, the city party was represented by two delegations, one from Mozart and one from Tammany. Mozart was so immersed in the approaching city election that it made no effort to contest the seating of the Tammany delegation, and as a reward for good behavior, received seats as honorary guests of the convention. 15 This fall campaign found the complexity of New Y o r k City greater than ever because of the number of political parties taking part. By October 15th there were seven of t h e m — Mozart Hall, Tammany Hall, M c K e o n Democracy, Union Democracy, Union Republicans, Radical Republicans and the Constitutional Union party. 16 Either the spirit of Mozart Hall in former mayoralty elections was lacking, or else Tweed had done his preliminary work too well. T h e election went off quietly with only a few arrests for illegal voting. 1 7 W h e n the ballots were counted Hoffman was an easy victor over W o o d , and the entire Mozart ticket went down in overwhelming defeat before the Tweed forces. 18 Tweed, whose candidacy for the State Senate on the conservative Union Republican ticket had brought forth the caustic comment by one journal that " the nomination was one not fit to be made ", had emerged victorious, and was to extend the field of his activity to Albany and state politics. 19 15 N e w York Herald, October 4 and 5, 1867. 16 N e w York Times,

October 15th.

17 Apparently there was a great deal of naturalization, since the N e w York Tribune on November 1st was led to comment that citizens were made " at the rate of a thousand a day with no more solemnity than, and quite as much celerity as is displayed in converting swine into pork in a Cincinnati packing house." 18 T h e vote was, H o f f m a n 63,030; W o o d 22,930; Darling 18,465. Bagley, Mozart candidate for State Senator against T w e e d , received nine votes t o 19 N e w York Times,

October 30th.

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A f t e r this crushing defeat, Wood was content to concentrate his interest upon Washington. While he retained tremendous prestige in N e w Y o r k City politics, he lacked the old force and strength. Never again would he dominate city politics, either through Mozart or Tammany. Indeed, Mozart now faded a w a y , and did not again present a candidate in a city election. Tweed, completely in control, ruled T a m m a n y with a hand of iron, obliterating any remnants of Wood's influence. W o o d returned to Washington, where the radical Republicans were carrying out their program for reconstruction of the South. W o o d disapproved of their policy and method, and became a recognized leader of the Democratic opposition, struggling ineffectively to prevent the passage of the Republican measures. That the prestige of the W o o d name in N e w Y o r k was not dead is demonstrated by one of the most interesting incidents of his checkered career—namely the W o o d Lease Case. The case had its roots deep in city history and aroused a great deal of interest. 20 In December, 1 8 6 3 , W o o d , who was the owner of the old Artizan's Bank Building at 1 1 5 1 1 7 Nassau Street, leased certain space to the city for the use of its Corporation Counsel at an agreed rent of $ 8 , 2 0 0 a year. T h e lease was to run until M a y 1 , 1866. T h e premises were entirely unsuitable for the purpose of the Corporation Counsel and were never occupied by the city, enabling W o o d to re-let the space to other tenants and collect a second rental. On December 1 2 and 14, 1865, the Common Council passed an ordinance directing the Comptroller to renew the W o o d lease 15,449 for Tweed. An interesting aftermath of this election occurred in the Republican State Convention of February, 1868, when the conservative Republicans charged that the radical Republicans had spent time and money to elect Wood against Darling, the Republican nominee. The Fenton forces rallied to shut off this display of a lack of party solidarity. The N e w York Herald, February 6, 1868. 20 Putnam's published a special supplement in November, 1668, reviewing the case in a very unfavorable light.

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for a further term of ten years at an annual rent of $ i 8 , o o o . 2 1 M a y o r Gunther stated later that he signed the bill under the impression that it w a s merely a renewal of the old lease under similar terms. Gunther, however, discovered the next day the true significance of the measure he had signed and wrote the Comptroller, M a t t h e w J. Brennan, asking him t o return the ordinance before it w a s executed. 2 2 W o o d appeared in the office of the Comptroller and requested him to execute the lease itself on behalf o f the city, but this w a s refused and W o o d left the office without further comment.

B y the 18th, Gunther

had

apparently reconsidered, for he wrote the Comptroller directing him to execute the lease. O n A p r i l 10th, W o o d informed the city that the space w a s ready for occupancy on M a y 1st, and that he acceded to the terms of the proposed lease. H e added, significantly, that he would consider the occupany of any part of the space as binding the city to pay the entire rental. 23 Richard O ' G o r m a n succeeded to the office of Corporation Counsel and began a series of steps to forestall the W o o d lease, although no steps had been taken by W o o d to compel the execution of the lease or the collection of the rent. H i s first act w a s to appoint L . T . W i l l i a m s to represent the city in the proposed litigation. In January, 1867, a bill of equity w a s filed asking the court to set aside the Wood-lease ordinance as obtained by f r a u d 21 Proceedings of the Board of Aldermen, X C I X & C, p. 314; Proceedings 0} the Board of Councilmen, C, 288-289. In the Board of Aldermen the vote was 14-1, while among the Councilmen the vote was 21-1. It was quite freely charged, although never substantiated, that $21,000 was paid or promised to members of the Common Council. 22 Amended complaint by Richard O'Gorman, Records of the Court in Equity, 1868, N o . 362. In the article in Putnam's, op. cit., it was charged that a bargain was made between the Mayor and the Council, for the widening of A n n Street, a project of close interest to the Mayor, in return for his signature on the W o o d lease ordinance. 23 Amended answer by George O'Shea, counsel to W o o d , Records of the Court in Equity, 1868, N o . 362. In the letter W o o d denied that the rooms were unfit for use, needing only a f e w repairs.

174

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YORK

and bribery, and to enjoin the Comptroller from executing it. On the same day W o o d sued for an alternative mandamus commanding the Comptroller to execute the lease and pay the rent reserved to date, or show why he should not be cited for contempt. T h e only thing which prevented W o o d from winning his point was the existence of an injunction in the Pullman case enjoining the Comptroller from executing the lease, and not yet terminated. 24 In M a y , 1867, J u d g e Barnard vacated the Pullman writ and issued a peremptory mandamus ordering Comptroller Richard Connolly to execute the Wood lease and pay the rent, or show cause why he should not be punished for contempt of court. This was appealed, and Judge Sutherland stayed this writ on the grounds that it was wholly irregular and made without notice to the city. O'Gorman and Williams obtained a stay, pending an appeal to the General Term. George O ' S h e a , representing Wood, delayed answering this move by the city, until November 25, 1867, when he answered with a motion to dismiss the city action as frivolous. The city was notified that the case would be brought before J u d g e Cardozo on J a n uary 20, 1868. 2 5 Williams attempted to have the case put over until the next term when Cardozo would be off the bench, but O'Shea refused to consent. When the case came up, Cardozo rejected O'Shea's appeal, but ruled that the city must establish fraud and corruption between W o o d and Gunther himself, which the city had never asserted and could not prove. The city contended that the bargain had been made with the Council. 26 24 The Pullman writ had been obtained by C. Pullman, a member of the Common Council on December 17, 1866, before Judge Barnard of the Supreme Court. 25 Judge Cardozo was nominated by the Mozart Hall Convention October 8, 1867, for the judgeship. 2 6 I n the words of the judge: " I t would not be proper or just to frame any such broad and general questions as the counsel for the city here pro-

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A t this juncture W o o d came to N e w Y o r k f r o m W a s h i n g ton and instructed O ' S h e a to press the case. W i l l i a m s w a s ill and unable to argue the case so O ' S h e a stipulated to let the case be submitted without argument. O n the return day, w h e n the case w a s called before the General T e r m , the court refused to allow the case to be submitted without argument, demanding that it be argued, over the protest of Judge

Sutherland,

and refusing to accept the alleged stipulation with the W o o d counsel. T h e city then consented to a default judgment, planning to appeal at the next General T e r m . O ' G o r m a n , however, put in an appeal over the advice and against the wishes of W i l l i a m s , in the same course, which made the terms of the default permanent and rendered C a r d o z o ' s decision unappealable. 27 W i t h C a r d o z o on the bench, the case came to trial before a j u r y and lasted f r o m June 22nd to June 25th. 1868. O ' G o r m a n apparently took the case out of W i l l i a m s ' hands and tried it in such a w a y as to permit W o o d to win. O n A u g u s t 1st C a r dozo handed d o w n his decision, and directed a judgment f o r W o o d for rent at the rate of $18,000 a year with interest and costs. T h e case w a s then closed. W o o d had added

another

triumph to the many of his career and had demonstrated the power of his name in city politics. W h e n W o o d returned to W a s h i n g t o n he found the Republicans m a k i n g steady progress. O n January 15, 1868, in an attack upon the bill for the establishment of a military g o v e r n poses." " Fernando W o o d v. T h e Mayor, etc. of N e w York ", Supreme Court, 1st District. Reports of Practice Cases Determined in Courts of the State of New York, Benjamin Vaughin Abbot and Austin Abbott, N e w Series, III, 468. 27 T h e anonymous author in Putnam's, op. cit., suggested that this behavior on the part of O'Gorman may have been due to a desire to appease W o o d since O'Gorman was up for election within a year. O'Gorman did not escape attack for his activities in the case. T h e Citizens Association in a published letter of November 27, 1867, bitterly attacked him for his ineptitude in handling the case, and for hampering the prosecution of the Pullman writ.

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merit in the South under the direction and supervision of Congress, Wood asserted that it was an abrogation of the power and authority of the President and the Supreme Court. In the heat of debate, he castigated the proposal as " the most infamous act of this infamous Congress." Lawrence of Ohio objected to this language and was upheld on a point of order by the Speaker. B y a vote of 1 1 4 to 39, with 35 not voting, Wood was censured and his remarks were expunged. 28 Representative Eliot of Massachusetts introduced a bill for the extension of the Freedman's Bureau. His argument was based on the general welfare clause, which Wood ridiculed. Even if the power existed under the general welfare clause, said Wood, it was " an unauthorized expenditure of public money wrung by taxation from the people of the whole country . . . ." He went on to deliver an attack upon General O. O. Howard, which brought angry rejoinders from both Eliot and Blaine. At the close of debate the bill extending the Freedman's Bureau was passed with Wood once more in the minority. 29 Something of the philosophy of Wood may be derived from his statements upon a bill of Thaddeus Stevens reported from the Committee on Reconstruction; a bill which asserted that Arkansas had adopted a republican form of government, and having duly ratified the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution should be admitted to representation in Congress. This Stevens resolution passed both Houses of Congress but was returned without the Presidential signature on June 20th. Johnson at the same time sent Congress a message attacking the Act of March 27, 1867, for the more efficient government of the rebel states, under which authority the bill had been originally passed. 28 Congressional Globe, 40th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 541-543. In the published version, Suppressed Speech of the Honorable Fernando Wood, Attempted to be Delivered in the House of Representatives, Wood contended: " This proposed Congressional action to an integral part of the Union is sufficiently outrageous... W e have a combination of motives and influences which may be properly summed up as fanatical devilish and dishonest which may result in anarchy and disruption." 29 Congressional

Globe, 40th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 1995.

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177

O n June 24th, the House passed the measure over the Presidential veto by a vote of i n to 31. W o o d was absent in New Y o r k on business but his name appeared on a formal protest entered June 24th against the admission of the three members from Arkansas. This protest formally declared that the recognized presence of the three persons from the State of Arkansas " makes it our imperative duty in the first case to remonstrate most solemnly against this perilous and destructive innovation upon the principles and practices of our hitherto constitutional government and continued with the flat declaration: " the military which under legitimate institutions can be used in times of peace to preserve or conserve the state, have been used to destroy the state. In conclusion we demand in the name of the Fathers of the Constitution . . . the restoration of that sacred instrument. . . . " 80 The feelings of the minority during this period in Congress were no doubt well expressed by W o o d during the course of debate on the bill to organize the State of Mississippi. H e began by asserting: " I t is almost impossible for us [Democratic side of the house], to make any p r o p o s i t i o n . . . that meets with favorable response from the gentlemen upon the other side." H e went on to describe how difficult it was to make the " slightest impression " on the Republican side of the House who " are here to oppose everything we favor ". During the debate W o o d became involved in passages at arms with Butler of Massachusetts over the phraseology of the bill, particularly the powers to be granted to the defunct Mississippi State Constitutional Convention. After debate was exhausted, the House passed the bill and sent it to the Senate. 8 1 Next month W o o d had another bout with Benjamin Butler when the latter introduced a motion to repeal the tenure of office act. In the course of debate with Butler and John Bingham of Ohio on this subject, W o o d described the original act 30 Congressional Globe, 40th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 3440-3441. There were forty-six names signed to the protest including such members as James Brookes, Samuel Randall, Stephen Tabor and Hugh McCulloch. 31 Congressional Globe, 41st Congress, 1st Session, pp. 281-283.

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a s " f u n d a m e n t a l l y w r o n g " a n d a " violation o f the C o n s t i tution " . H e w a s supported by M i c h a e l K e r r of Indiana, w h o r e m a r k e d that the D e m o c r a t s h a d opposed the o r i g i n a l

bill

w h e n it had been introduced f o r use against P r e s i d e n t J o h n son, a n d w e r e opposed to repealing it n o w , since " the present a d m i n i s t r a t i o n feels the e f f e c t s of the law " , 3 2 T h i s activity w a s rapidly g a i n i n g attention f o r W o o d , a n d a c c o r d i n g to one source he w a s the best k n o w n man on the D e m o c r a t i c side of the H o u s e . 3 3 T a l l , spare, erect w i t h clothes of faultless fit a n d closely buttoned to the chin, his hair cut short and his face cleanly shaven, w i t h the exception of a h e a v y white

moustache,

he had

a military

s e d e n t a r y officials in the W a r

deportment

which

D e p a r t m e n t m i g h t well

the have

envied. H i s m a n n e r s w e r e as courtly as those of L o r d C h e s t e r field,

while his features w e r e as immobile a n d

a s t h o s e of T a l l e y r a n d .

emotionless

34

It w a s W o o d ' s ambition to be chosen Speaker of the H o u s e w h e n f o r t u n e a g a i n g a v e the D e m o c r a t s control o f the H o u s e . T h i s ambition

prompted

received m a n y

promises of s u p p o r t ; but w h e n

h i m to entertain

liberally, a n d the

he

caucuses

w e r e held he never had m o r e than a half dozen votes. I n 1 8 7 3 , the D e m o c r a t s g a v e h i m their complimentary v o t e for S p e a k e r of

the H o u s e in the F o r t y - t h i r d C o n g r e s s .

n o m i n a t i o n by R e p r e s e n t a t i v e of

Tennessee,

N i b l a k of

nominated J a m e s

strictly party v o t e of

189-76

G.

He

w a s put

Indiana.

Blaine,

who

in

Maynard, won

on

w i t h f o u r scattered votes.

a In

1 8 7 7 , W o o d did become C h a i r m a n of the C o m m i t t e e of W a y s a n d M e a n s a n d floor w h i p of the D e m o c r a t i c P a r t y . U n t i l his death, he continued to be C h a i r m a n of this committee, a n d in consequence he exercised a v e r y considerable influence. 3 2 Congressional

35

Globe, 41st C o n g r e s s , 1st Session, pp. 404-405.

3 3 P e r l e y ' s Reminiscences I I , 212-213.

of Sixty

Years

in the National

Metropolis.

34 Ibid., p. 213. 35 Biographical Directory of the American S t a t e s P r i n t i n g Office, 1928.

Congress,

p.

1724,

United

CHAPTER XII TARIFF REFORM AND THE ELECTION O F 1876 T H E problem of the tariff and tariff legislation had interested W o o d since his first days in Congress back in 1840. A s this interest contined to develop he sought to clear a w a y the confusion existing in tariff legislation, much of it due to w a r time enactments. P r i o r to the W a r , the tariff had been almost the entire source of governmental revenue. T h e last tariff had been the A c t of 1857, with its m a x i m u m protective duty of 2 4 % , but with m a n y raw materials on the free list. 1 U n d e r the pressure to obtain revenue for the prosecution of the W a r , the tariff act of July 14, 1862, w a s adopted; the first important w a r tariff. It raised duties more than enough to compensate for the effects of the Internal Revenue A c t of July 1, 1862, and w a s distinctly protectionist in character. T h i s w a s called a " W a r T a r i f f " , but the term gradually faded out of use as the permanency of the increased duties became accepted. T h e need for funds w a s by no means satisfied by the A c t s of

1862. T h i s

pressure of

unprecedented

financial

require-

ments, combined w i t h the critical political situation, brought about the passage of the T a r i f f A c t of 1864, which embodied a substantial increase in rates, m a k i n g the average 4 7 . 0 6 % . It w a s linked w i t h the Internal Revenue A c t of 1864. A p p a r ently Congressmen were willing to g o to almost any length in response to w a r needs. W o o d played a considerable part in the debates on the second w a r tariff. O n M a y 27th, 1864, Representative

Morrill

reported the bill from the W a y s and Means Committee, and 1 T a u s s i g considers this tariff as the " nearest approach to the free trade ideal that this country is likely to s e e " , Taussig, Tariff History of the United States, p. 157. A s an illustration of the confusion existing, 108 laws dealing with tariff were passed between 1861 and 1876.

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the House went into Committee of the Whole on J u n e 2nd for discussion. A f t e r Morrill's extended remarks in explanation of the bill, C o x of Ohio attacked it, arguing that it would be unequal and unjust in its incidence upon some classes of the community. In an evening session of the same day, W o o d proceeded to analyze the measure. H e characterized it as exceedingly crude and improper and inquired w h y it contained such a large free list, since so much stress was being laid upon revenue. H e asked why iron, " an article that enters into the necessities of husbandry. . . indeed in almost all the pursuits of lifq, is so heavily taxed under this bill." H e also attacked Section 1 4 relating to procedure on appeal, as introducing " a new principle to the c o u n t r y . . . . " Under the terms of this section " an importer who is aggrieved by a decision of the Collector of the Port of N e w Y o r k shall have no redress aside from the rights of appeal to the Secretary of the Treasury. H e cannot go to the courts for redress." W o o d concluded by expressing the desire that if " this bill be necessary for the purposes of the government it may be rectified of its various and manifest errors. I want all interests to contribute. I want duties imposed for revenue and not for protection all d a y . " 2 In his attack, W o o d assailed both Morrill and Stevens. H e pointed out that indigo " worth millions " was imported into N e w Y o r k every year and yet was on the free list. There were twelve different classes of dyes and dyewoods on the free list, he said, but they " are used almost exclusively in manufacturing institutions of the country." 3 Notwithstanding these obvious defects, after desultory debate the House passed the bill by a vote of 82 to 26 and sent it on to the Senate where it was passed and became law. A f t e r the close of the W a r , the internal revenue taxes were gradually repealed so that by 1 8 7 0 only a f e w unimportant levies on matches, spirits, etc. were left. Attempts were made 2 Congressional

Globe, 38th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 2690-2692.

3 Congressional

Globe, 38th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 2693-2694.

TARIFF

REFORM

AND

THE

ELECTION

OF

1876

l8l

to reduce the " w a r rates " on import duties but these efforts failed year after year. 4 T h e extreme protective system, which had been at first a temporary expedient f o r aiding the w a r time financing and without any thought or deliberation, g r a d ually became accepted as a permanent institution. 5 O n M a r c h 16, 1870, a new tariff bill w a s introduced into the House. It made reductions in tea, coffee, wine and some spices, but w i t h the exception of a t w o dollar a ton increase in p i g iron, important items such as steel, steel rails and nickel remained unchanged. 6 A f t e r a short debate the H o u s e passed the bill on June 6th by a vote of 153 to 35. 7 A n s w e r i n g an attack by Garfield during debate on this bill, W o o d put himself and the Democrats on r e c o r d :

" I do not k n o w a single

free trader on this side of the House. I am in favor of a tariff f o r revenue and not for absolute free trade and I believe that this is the position occupied by a m a j o r i t y of the members on this side of the H o u s e . "

8

Because of the high prices of manufactured goods and the low prices for grain, an anti-tariff feeling began to make itself felt in the country, especially in the W e s t . D u r i n g this same period,

1870 to

1872,

the government,

possessing

surplus

revenue a m o u n t i n g to $200,000,000, felt compelled to purchase bonds in the market. Possibly taking advantage of this situation, F i n k l e n b u r g of Missouri introduced a bill cutting existing t a r i f f s by as much as twenty percent. 9 T h e measure w a s a 4 Cf. D a v i d A. W e l l s , Financial, of the United States.

Industrial,

and Commercial

Experiences

5 S t a n w o o d , History of Tariff Controversies in the United States during the 19th Century, estimated t h e tariff t o a m o u n t to five percent of the g r o s s e a r n i n g s of t h e population. 6 Congressional

Globe,

41st C o n g r e s s , 2nd Session, p. 3788.

7 Congressional Globe, 41st C o n g r e s s , 2nd Session, p. 4107. T h e n e w bill contained 130 m o r e items on t h e f r e e list. 8 Appendix

to Congressional

9 Congressional

Globe, 41st C o n g r e s s , 2nd Session, p. 272.

Globe, 42nd C o n g r e s s , 1st Session, p. 2826.

182

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

definite attack upon the high duties remaining f r o m the w a r period. 1 0 In a speech before the Committee of the W h o l e ,

Wood

described the Finklenburg bill as one to change duties on some articles and to abolish them altogether on others, " the whole to be in the interest of reduction of revenue from the source." H e went on to say that such a reduction w a s generally conceded to be desirable, f o r there was $100,000,000 on hand in the T r e a s u r y to meet obligations. 1 1 H e estimated that $62,000,000 could be cut

f r o m the tariff, and suggested

that

duties could be eliminated on coffee, salt, coal and woolens, while those on iron and sugar could be reduced substantially. T h e consequent increase in the volume of imports would compensate for the reduction in duties. 1 2 K e l l e y of Pennsylvania, Congress

as

" Pigiron

referred to by his associates

Kelley,"

had

spoken

in

favor

in of

increased duties on iron. W o o d vigorously assailed his position, describing the high tariff as an o u t g r o w t h of the w a r , and objecting to its continuance after the w a r w a s over. H e put himself on record as being opposed to one generation paying for the entire cost of the war, saying that the costs should be amortized over a much longer period. 1 3 10 The Nation, April 18, 1872, reported that the protectionists were very a n g r y with Speaker Blaine, and complained that Dawes, a staunch supporter of protectionism, had been practically deposed from Chairmanship of the Committee. 11 H e estimated that internal revenue taxes could be reduced by at least $12,000,000, if not done away with entirely. 12 T h e increase in importation of foreign goods 1870-1872 was fairly evenly distributed with little difference between protected and non-protected classes of merchandise. Stanwood, op. cit., concludes that this took place in spite of higher duties. Part of this was due to the wave of prosperity preceding the panic of 1873. 13 Congressional Globe, 42nd Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 2851-2855. This is in sharp contrast to his position as set forth in 1841, during the 27th Congress.

TARIFF

REFORM

AND

THE

ELECTION

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1876

183

T h e bill w a s lost in the H o u s e , but the m o v e m e n t f o r l o w e r t a r i f f s w a s well launched a n d continued to increase in strength. A

m o v e m e n t e m e r g e d f o r a h o r i z o n t a l reduction o f ten per-

cent in the t a r i f f . T h e protectionists in the S e n a t e concluded that this w a s acceptable, a n d passed the bill, sending it to the H o u s e as an a m e n d m e n t t o a H o u s e measure repealing duties on coal and salt. E v e n the title of the original

bill w a s altered to " A n A c t to R e d u c e E x i s t i n g T a x e s " . g r e a t deal o f

the

House

discussion took place in the H o u s e o v e r

A the

r i g h t of the S e n a t e t o a m e n d a t a x m e a s u r e so drastically, but finally and w i t h o b v i o u s reluctance the l o w e r chamber fell into line a n d passed the bill b y a v o t e o f 1 4 9 to 61 on M a y 20th. 1 4 W h i l e the m i n o r i t y w a s p r i m a r i l y composed of e x t r e m e protectionists, a considerable n u m b e r o f free trade men w h o w e r e dissatisfied w i t h a simple ten percent cut also voted a g a i n s t it. U n d e r the t e r m s of the act the free list w a s measurably

en-

larged.16 I n 1 8 7 5 , D a w e s of W i s c o n s i n introduced a resolution calli n g f o r repeal of the ten percent reduction, a n d in addition, p r o v i d i n g f o r a 25 per cent increase in the tariff on s u g a r a n d molasses.

Proponents

u r g e d that the bill w a s

necessary

on

account of the need f o r increasing the revenue. T h e title w a s " A n A c t t o F u r t h e r P r o t e c t the S i n k i n g F u n d and

Provide

f o r the E x p e n s e s of the G o v e r n m e n t . " D a w e s a r g u e d that a fixed

income o f $47,000,000 per y e a r w a s necessary f o r the

sinking f u n d . W o o d strenuously opposed this proposal, pointing out that the g o v e r n m e n t never h a d c a r r i e d out the e x a c t p r o v i s i o n s o f the S i n k i n g

Fund Act,

buying

s o m e t i m e s m o r e and

some-

times less t h a n the one percent required by its terms. H e contended that

the needs

of

the s i n k i n g

fund were

presented

merely as an excuse f o r increasing the duties. D a w e s ' position, 14 Congressional Globe, 41st Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 2106-2108.

15 Tea, coffee and salt were soon added to the free list by an act of March 13. 1871.

184

FERNANDO

WOOD O F

NEW

YORK

he pointed out, was just opposite to that he had taken less than three years previously on the same question. It was W o o d ' s contention that the revenue was $200,000,000 per year and expenditures $168,000,000, so that the Secretary of the Treasury " according to his own estimates could include contributions to the sinking fund upon which he lays so much stress." Wood argued that neither Chase, nor Fessenden, nor McCulloch paid any attention to the sinking fund, " though in possession of large surplus coin revenue applicable under the law to this purpose " . In his opinion, it was a questionable policy to continue the sinking fund if this made it necessary " to increase taxation in these times." He suggested that the true remedy lay in economy and curtailment of public expenditures, citing the possible pruning of $30,000,000 from the military appropriations as an example. T h e protectionists were in firm control again, however, and the Dawes resolution passed the House. 1 0 T h e needless complexity of tariff legislation had been a matter of frequent public discussion, particularly since the appearance of the war tariffs. Some effort was made to simplify the structure when a bill became law in J u n e 2 7 , 1866, authorizing the President to appoint three Commissioners to " revise, simplify, consolidate and arrange " the tariff statutes. On M a y 4, 1870, the act was renewed for another three years. T h e report of the Commissioners was finally sent to the House M a r c h 4, 1 8 7 2 , and in the following December a bill was enacted putting the reforms recommended in the report into the statutes. In his report the chairman stated that the efforts of the Commissioners had been directed toward codification and no change of importance had been made in the actual existing statutes. 17 16 Congressional

Record,

43rd Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 1184-1190.

17 Wood asked the Chairman (Poland of Vermont) : " W i l l there be anything in this revision of the laws that we do not already have in the Statutesat-Large ? " Chairman Poland replied to W o o d : " Nothing. At least we do not intend that there will be." Congressional Record, 43rd Congress, 1st Session, p. 164.

TARIFF

REFORM

AND

THE

ELECTION

OF

1876

185

T h e proposed revision of the tariff laws, approved by C o n g r e s s and the President, took effect on June 22, 1874. Importers

were

astonished

to

find

that

duties

g r e a t l y increased over the law of December

were 1, 1873.

actually When

they had recovered f r o m the astonishment, they made their feelings known to their legislators. T h e i r complaints g r e w so loud that a resolution of inquiry w a s introduced into the H o u s e by W o o d ; and this resulted in a report by the Secretary of T r e a s u r y . T h e Secretary did not attempt to deny the extensive changes, stating that a large part of the alterations had been made by the authority or direction of the T r e a s u r y . H e pointed out that there had been no general legislation changing the duties for eighteen months, and claimed the right to decide the m e a n i n g of revenue laws under Section 20 of the tariff law of A u g u s t 30, 1842. T h i s he had done throughout the period involved, subject to appeal to the courts. T h e Secretary stated that the tariff law of 1 8 7 4 had been an attempt to bring order out of confusion in the tariff laws o f 1 8 6 1 , 1862, and 1864, some of which were partly repealed and some of which were still in force. H e concluded by pointing out that three thousand cases involving the construction of the tariff, were pending in the circuit court of N e w Y o r k as of December 3 1 , 1873. T h i s w a s the background f o r a long but rather interesting letter W o o d w r o t e to the N e w Y o r k Chamber of Commerce on J a n u a r y 29, 1875. T h e letter w a s actually an answer to a complaint from the Chamber of C o m m e r c e upon businese difficulties caused by lack of a well defined, reasonably stable g o v ernment policy. W o o d g a v e his v i e w s on the tariff problem in general, and its relations to the business situation in particular. H e declared that the stagnation of trade arose f r o m sudden changes in tariff regulations and interpretations existing laws by the T r e a s u r y

Department, and stated

of his

opinion that the lack of stability w a s attributable to the fact that something was done " at almost every session to embarrass trade " . H e pointed out that frequent changes in T r e a s u r y

l86

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

officials prevented building up a body of precedents to give continuity in the administration, and went on to express the opinion that the entire tariff system needed overhauling. 1 8 W o o d then advanced his solution for the problem. U n d e r his plan the executive should be able to estimate " with reasonable certainty " the amount of money which the government would require from the customs. A commission would be appointed to take up the w o r k o f preparing a tariff levying that amount and " machinery f o r its prompt economical and satisfactory collection." It should consist " of a few a m o n g the best business men in C o n g r e s s or out," and should be able to examine everyone capable of

providing assistance.

" No

element of partisan politics should be permitted to thwart the single inquiry how the needed money can best be raised f r o m import levies."

19

A f t e r a motion of thanks had been adopted by the members of the C h a m b e r of Commerce W o o d ' s letter was referred to a committee, from which it apparently never emerged. It is notew o r t h y , that when W o o d drew up his own bill, this suggested reform in tariff legislation was not included. T h e period between 1875 and 1878 w a s almost barren of tariff legislation. D u r i n g these years the Republicans favored a tariff w h i c h would moderately reduce the public debt and w h i c h at the same time " would promote the prosperity and g r o w t h of the country " ; while the Democrats favored a thoro u g h reform of the tariff, and attacking it as " a masterpiece of injustice " levied on " nearly four thousand articles." T h e y 18 Between 1861 and 1876, 108 laws dealing with tariff were passed. 19 17th Annual Report of the Corporation of the Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York for the Year 1874-1875, pp. 77-78, Compiled by George Wilson, Sec'y, N e w York. On April 25, 1864, W o o d had contended: " T h i s continual changing in the policy of the government in reference to mercantile and importing interests of the country is destructive to it." Congressional Globe, 38th Congress, 1st Session, p. 1855.

TARIFF

REFORM

AND

THE

ELECTION

OF

1876

187

demanded a tariff for revenue only. 20 The imminence of a major political campaign helped to stifle any tariff legislation. In the famous campaign that followed Wood took little part. However, when it was over, W o o d played a very active role in the proceedings before the Electoral Commission. O n February 12th, during the counting of the electoral votes, W o o d presented a petition objecting to giving the votes of Louisiana to Hayes, " the said persons were not appointed electors by the state of Louisiana in the manner directed by its legislature." 21 The protest further stated that Kellogg, who was one of the Hayes' electors, was also Governor of the state, and concluded by charging corruption and fraud by Kellogg in the election. O n February 17th, the Electoral Commission announced to both Houses in joint assembly that by a vote of 8 to 7 it had upheld the Hayes electors on the ground that it was not competent under the Constitution to go into the election returns in Louisiana. It also decided that it could not go into the question of whether or not the electors held State or Federal offices. 22 O n February 19th, the Senate upheld the decision of the Commission by a vote of 41 to 28. 23 Whereas the House on February 20th disapproved the decision by a vote of 173 to 99. 24 In the debate in the House, preceding the vote, W o o d contended that the Commission had nullified the object of its crea20 Official Proceedings 0} the National Democratic Convention held in St. Louis, Mo., June 27, 28, 29, 1876. Proceedings oj the Republican National Convention held in Cincinnati, Ohio, June 14, is, 16, 1876. Stanwood, op. cit., points out that there were only 1213 dutiable articles at the time. 21 T h e r e were a hundred signatures to the petition from the House and twenty from the Senate. Congressional Record, 44th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 890-892. 22 Proceedings pp. 416-421.

of the Electoral Commission, 44th Congress, 2nd Session,

23 Congressional Record, 44th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 1683. 24 Congressional Record, 44th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 1702-1703.

l88

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

tion by " h a v i n g failed to examine into and decide those questions put before it. T h i s court has determined the

matter

against us without a h e a r i n g . . . I am compelled to

charge

that the Commission has disregarded the law w h i c h g a v e it existence." W o o d attacked the H a y e s electors as " f r a u d u l e n t , false and hence void " . W i t h the exception of Kelley of Pennsylvania, most of the speakers attacked the a w a r d of the C o m mission. O n F e b r u a r y 20th, the presiding officer of the Commission announced that " the t w o Houses not concurring in a cont r a r y opinion the decision of the Commission stands . . . ."

25

U p o n the announcement of the Louisiana decision there w a s m u c h outcry against

it, and some belligerent people

wrote

T i l d e n o f f e r i n g to fight in his behalf, while others, more moderate, suggested carrying the matter to the Supreme Court. 2 6 A s soon as the announcement w a s made public, W o o d delivered a bitter attack upon the a w a r d of the Commission in the H o u s e , charging that it had accepted fraudulent

certificates

thus becoming parties to an " atrocious swindle." H e inquired w h y the integrity of the elections " has not been inquired into " . In w h a t could be interpreted as a direct attack upon the judicial members of

the Commission, W o o d c h a r g e d : " A

life

tenure of judicial offers no security against the invasion of partisan v i e w s . "

27

T h e election being over, W o o d felt that the time w a s ripe to introduce his o w n tariff bill, which w a s offered on M a r c h 26, 1878, and w a s recognized as a special order by a vote of 1 3 7 to 1 1 4 . In general, the sum of the bill w a s " to resuscitate A m e r i c a n commerce, to re-establish our position as one of the 25 Proceedings p. 424-

of the Electoral

Commission,

44th Congress, 2nd Session,

26 B. F. Smith wrote of a " nation's disgrace " to Tilden on February 21st. A l l through 1877 there are letters in the Tilden Papers addressed to Tilden as " Mr. President ". 27 Electoral Commission a Cover for Fraud. Speech of Fernando W o o d delivered in the H o u s e of Representatives February 20, 1877.

TARIFF

REFORM

AND

THE

ELECTION

OF

1876

189

foremost maritime nations of the world and by this means to develop to its full extent the material resources of the nation " . He proposed to revive American commerce by encouraging the importation of foreign goods at a time when four-fifths of the carrying trade was in foreign hands. Wood charged that the necessaries of the poor were more highly taxed than the luxuries of the rich. He contended that excessively high rates encouraged smuggling and fraud, quoting customs officials that the losses to the Treasury often ran as high as the sum collected. Wood used silk as an example in pointing out that between $5,000,000 and $7,000,000 worth of silk out of $30,000,000 imported paid no duty at all. In preparing the bill, the sub-committee had proposed to raise $6,000,000 by duties on raw materials such as hides, rags for paper, raw silk and other similar items, but this feature of the bill was eliminated. The bill, as reported, proposed to levy a uniform tax of 3 5 % on all wool and reduce the duty on manufactured wool by 50%. 2 8 On the whole the bill lowered duties on an average of 1 5 % while the number of articles subject to duty was cut considerably. An effort was also made to eliminate ambiguities. The new bill contained only one list enumerating 575 dutiable articles, and all articles not specifically named were free. 29 In the course of his speech Wood submitted the following table: Tariff of 1874 Cotton Earthenware Sugar Silk Wool

53% 49 45 58 60

Proposed

Tariff

28% 40 6 45 35

28 Stanwood, op. cit., thinks that this would have killed the woolen carpet industry in the United States. This may account for the determined opposition of men like McKinley of Ohio. 29 The great advantage of this provision can be realized by the fact that the act of 1874 contained 1524 dutiable items and 648 free items.

190

FERNANDO

WOOD O F

NEW

YORK

T h e W o o d bill contained a new idea in tariff legislation, a provision for a 1 0 % retaliatory duty on goods f r o m countries discriminating against the United States. Wood hastened to assure Congress that this provision was only intended to encourage nations to make commercial regulations which would place the United States on an equally favorable footing with other countries. T h e bill, he said, was designed to encourage exportation of American manufactured products by affording them the raw material free of duty so they could compete in the world markets. 3 0 He believed that the proposed tariff would reduce the cost of collection by at least 1 5 % over the figure of $ 6 , 5 0 1 , 0 3 7 given by the Secretary of Treasury in his report of 1 8 7 7 a s annual cost of collection. Much of this saving would be brought about by curtailment of dutiable articles, simplification and the abolition of the free list. He went on to estimate that revenue under his tariff would be $ 1 4 1 , 0 6 9 , 1 3 8 as opposed to the present tariff with its yield of $ 1 3 0 , 9 5 6 , 4 9 3 , representing a gain of $ 1 0 , 1 1 2 , 6 4 5 . 3 1 This gain, he pointed out, came with an average effective rate of 3 5 % as against the present rate of 4 3 . 8 % . W o o d contended that infant manufacturers, requiring protection, no longer existed and that in the case of iron, steel, wool, cotton and silk they were themselves invading the foreign markets, and offering their products abroad more cheaply than at home. H e asserted that the prices on domestic articles had been raised by the high tariff placed on similar imported ones, and using black cashmere as an example, pointing out that it 3 0 I n a letter of May 1 1 , 1880, to the Chamber of Commerce, Wood wrote that " the great international contest between ourselves and the other nations of the world is to be fought out through the agencies of trade by the superiority of our production . . . to obtain the opportunity to compete, we must give others the opportunity to compete with o u r s e l v e s . . . " ¿3rd Annuel Repot t of the Corporation of the Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York for the years 1880-1881, pp. 35-36. 3 1 I n his report for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1879, the Secretary of the Treasury estimated national requirements to be $232,492,751.

TARIFF

REFORM

AND

THE

ELECTION

OF

1876

I9I

cost twenty-six cents a yard in Europe and fifty-five cents a yard in the United States. 3 2 T h e new bill met determined opposition f r o m the outset, an opposition which was to grow stronger as time passed. General debate on the bill was opened on April 15th, when the House met in special evening session and resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole. McKinley, of Ohio, led the attack f o r the opposition charging that it was a impairment of the governmental revenue and a direct assault upon the manufacturing and mining interests of this country. He denied that there was any popular demand for passage of the bill and read a statement signed " by over a hundred thousand laboring men of the country " favoring a ten percent raise in tariff schedules, and in conclusion he stated that if " the proposed measure becomes a law it will be nothing short of a public calamity. 3 3 Debate raged over the bill until M a y 8th, when Conger, of Michigan, moved to limit debate but the motion was lost by a vote of 1 3 2 to 107, with fifty-two not voting. The edge of Conger's attack had been blunted by a previous defeat of an effort to strike out the enacting clause of the bill. 34 Robbins, of North Carolina, spoke in favor of the bill describing the present system as one to " rob the poor in f a v o r of the rich." H e seemed particularly pleased with the reduction in the duty on tobacco, attacking " the Lorillards of New Y o r k who oppose a reduction on the duty of tobacco so that they can keep everyone from manufacturing tobacco except themselves " . 3 o On June 4th, after an extended debate, it was decided by unanimous agreement to vote on the bill at noon, J u n e 5th. On J u n e 5th, the bill was reported to the House by the Committee 32 Congressional

Record,

45th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 2392-2402.

33 Congressional

Record,

45th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 2451-2557.

34 Congressional

Record, 45th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 3282.

35 Congressional

Record, 45th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 3282-3288.

192

FERNANDO

W O O D OF

NEW

YORK

of the Whole with a recommendation that the enacting clause be stricken out. B y a vote of 134 to 121, with thirty-four not voting, the Committee of the whole was sustained and the bill defeated. 36 A n analysis of the vote reveals that the members against the bill were largely Republicans, joined by enough high tariff Democrats from Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Iowa, Maryland and Wisconsin to defeat the bill.

36 Congressional Record, 45th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 4154.

CHAPTER XIII FATHER OF THE HOUSE BY more than twenty years actual service, W o o d had gained seniority in the House and a position of such dignity that he was not infrequently referred to as " Father of the House." His legislative interests continued to be wide and varied, and as Chairman of the W a y s and Means Committee he exercised much control over important legislation. W o o d gave careful attention to the problem of refunding the enormous floating debt incurred during the war. It may be well to look into the background of this problem of debt refunding before examining W o o d ' s role. Referring t o two wartime financing acts, John Sherman has described them as " practically confiding to the Secretary of the Treasury the power to borrow money in almost any form that could be devised." 1 A t the close of the conflict the nations finances were in a deplorable condition. The cessation of hostilities made it necessary to reorganize the country's debt structure, the immediate task being to convert the national obligations into more manageable and convenient form. The net indebtedness of the country on September i , 1865, was $2,758,000,OCX), of which less than half was funded; while a large part of the funded debt was to mature in 1868 and the balance was becoming due from day to day. On June 30, 1866, only one-ninth of 1 Recollection of Forty Years in the House, Senate and the Cabinet by John Sherman, I, 332. Sherman goes on to say that the people of the United States by these measures " had placed in the power of the government almost unlimited sources of revenue and all necessary expedients for borrowing ". T h e two bills were the one of M a r c h 3, 1864, authorizing the Secretary of the T r e a s u r y to borrow on the credit of the United States $200,000,000, redeemable after any period of not less than five years. B y the act of June 30, 1864, the Secretary of the T r e a s u r y w a s authorized to borrow on the credit of the United States $400,000,000, redeemable at the pleasure of the government after five years.

193

194

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

the total interest-bearing indebtedness of the U n i t e d

States

ran in any contingency longer than t w o years. 2 The

new

Secretary

of

the

Treasury,

Hugh

McCulloch,

desired a speedy resumption of specie payments, and asked f o r wide discretionary powers to sell bonds for the purpose of retiring notes. T h e note issue had been a necessity in time of emergency, he argued, but the notes should be redeemed as soon as the emergency w a s over. S o m e Easterners favored the accumulation of a gold reserve to raise the greenbacks to the gold standard. T h e chief obstacle to this plan lay in the difficulty of obtaining gold, but in spite of this difficulty, it w a s eventually adopted, possibly because it did not necessitate a decrease in the paper currency in circulation. O n December 18, 1865, the House of Representatives with only six dissenting votes expressed its approval of contraction. 3

currency

B y the act of A p r i l 12, 1866, temporary

est-bearing securities were converted

into long-term

interbonds,

and within t w o years $900,000,000 had been converted into long term bonds at six percent. T h e act also permitted a slight contraction of U n i t e d States notes, for $10,000,000 could be retired in six months and not more than $4,000,000 a month afterwards. It may be significant that no provision w a s made to convert the notes into bonds which would have lifted the notes to a par with gold by a gradual advance of the public credit. 4 A s late as December, 1867, M c C u l l o c h still hoped to accomplish resumption in spite of such unfavorable economic conditions as the depressed value of agricultural products the inability of business to a d j u s t itself to post-war

and

condi-

tions. 5 A g i t a t i o n by discontented groups resulted in the pas2 T h e interest bearing debt consisted of loans bearing five different rates of interest and maturing at nineteen different times. 3 Congressional

Globe, 39th Congress, 1st Session, p. 74.

4 Congressional

Globe, 39th Congress, 1st Session, p. 1914.

5 D e w e y , op. cit., p. 344, speaks of a " general uneasiness of the country ".

FATHER

OF

THE

HOUSE

I95

sage by Congress on February 4, 1868, of an act suspending any further reduction of currency. During the two years of contraction, $44,000,000 in greenbacks had been retired, although some authorities place it as high as $160,000,000 by including the withdrawal of compound interest notes. 6 B y an act of March 18, 1868, the payment in coin or its equivalent of all United States obligations was pledged, and the understandable apprehension of investors was relieved, setting the stage for refunding. Widespread sentiment had developed against the six percents on the ground that they were discreditable to the reputation of the United States when European nations were borrowing at much lower rates, especially when six percent had come to be generally regarded as a war time rate. In his report of December, 1869, Treasury Secretary Boutwell presented his plan for debt refunding with an interest rate of four and a half percent. 7 Apparently Congress did not agree completely with the Secretary, for on J u l y 14, 1870, and J a n u a r y 20, 1 8 7 1 , Congress authorized the issuance of $500,000,000 at five percent for ten years; $300,000,000 at four and a half percent and $1,000,000,000 at four percent for thirty years. T h i s latter was in the nature of investment secur6 Dewey, op. cit., p. 346, is opposed to this theory on the grounds that these notes had been held by banks for investment purposes since the end of the war, rather than as part of the circulating medium. 7 In a speech before the Hquse on January 19, 1870, on the management of the Treasury Department, Wood assailed Boutwell savagely. H e contended that the whole business of the nation and the security of the national banking circulation had become dependent upon the bonded debt of the government, so that " the least oscillation of the debt" affected the entire country. Wood charged that the Secretary of the Treasury " can use at his pleasure the public credit and public securities... can accomplish the ruin of individuals or communities at pleasure". H e charged that Boutwell had spent money which had never been appropriated, and alleged " serious misconduct ". He concluded by confessing a failure to see any policy in Boutwell's course. Congressional Globe, 41st Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 583-587.

I96

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

ities over a long period of time. It w a s provided that the g o v ernment should sell no bonds for less than par in gold. 8 T h e f u n d i n g act of 1870 had one ambiguity in that it used the w o r d " coin " and not gold. In later years silver advocates asserted that it w a s honorable to redeem bonded indebtedness in s i l v e r — l a r g e l y on the basis of this terminology. A n

ex-

tended discussion took place on the doctrine of the permanent debt, and on the theory that the first and most urgent duty in peacetime w a s to discharge war-time obligations. It was

finally

a g r e e d to make the four percents run for thirty years in order t o make them more acceptable as capital investment. One result of this policy w a s to lift them to a premium of twenty-five percent, m a k i n g it difficult to retire them when there w a s a T r e a s u r y surplus. O n M a r c h 4, 1880, W o o d introduced his refunding bill, w h i c h w a s referred to the Committee on W a y s and Means. Its object w a s to " liquidate the existing public debt " at the earliest time and in the meantime carry the lowest

possible

rate of interest. It w a s planned to save $14,000,000 a year by reducing the average interest on proposed 1881 bonds f r o m 5 . 3 % to 3 - 5 % . 9 In addition to reducing interest it provided f o r the reduction of the principal of debt by utilization of surplus revenues. 1 0 Section F i v e provided

f o r a national

bank

bond at 3 . 5 % to be deposited with the Treasurer, sparing the government the trouble and expense of constant changes in securities held f o r that purpose. A n o t h e r innovation w a s the issuance of ten dollar certificates as a safe depository f o r surplus earnings of the industrial classes. Provision w a s made to prevent refunding of these certificates in the open market at a 8 Congressional Globe, 41st C o n g r e s s , 1st Session, p. 5618; 41st C o n g r e s s , 3rd Session, p. 632. T h e p l a t f o r m of the L a b o r R e f o r m P a r t y , 1872, c a r r i e d a p l a n k t h a t the r a t e of interest on g o v e r n m e n t bonds should not exceed 3.65%. 9 D e w e y , op. cit., p. 353, states t h a t the g o v e r n m e n t could h a v e b o r r o w e d at less than 2.3%. 10 T h e s e w e r e estimated t o a m o u n t t o $70,000,000 of w h i c h $40,000,000 could be used for this purpose.

FATHER

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I97

premium by s t a t i n g : " it shall be u n l a w f u l for any persons to f o r m combinations b y which to procure said certificates of d e p o s i t . . . f o r purpose of sale to others . . . " under penalty of $1000 fine or one year in prison. In his speech presenting the bill, W o o d described the rate 3-5%

as

a

conservative proposition and did not doubt its

successful accomplishment. H e cited the report of

Secretary

Boutwell that " the present is an exceptionally good time f o r r e f u n d i n g . . . that the credit of the government is now that it is possible to refund the present debt at 3 . 5 % . "

such Wood

supported his view by pointing to the existence of large surplus capital " seeking a safe depository and investment " , and remarked

that

while

in

1876,

some

"prominent

brokers"

before the Committee of W a y s and M e a n s had objected t o 4 % as being too low, in 1880 it w a s difficult to obtain them for 7 % . 1 1

H e described as " h u m i l i a t i n g "

the situation

in

which some " syndicates " could " dictate to the government the rate of interest." It w a s in large part the anxiety of t h e government to make loans, he said, which kept United S t a t e s credit d o w n and had made large banking " syndicates

",12

fortunes

for

these

H e stated his opinion that

same future

r e f u n d i n g could be done at 3 % . It was the duty of C o n g r e s s to reduce the burden of taxation, and W o o d proposed

that

this should be done by reducing the interest on the public debt, which w a s taking one third of the governmental revenue. 1 3 W h e n the bill was brought up again on M a r c h 20th, it w a s attacked by Representative Felton, of Georgia, on the g r o u n d s 11 H e pointed out that a favorable balance of trade since 1876, amounted to $1,000,000,000, to which might be added great sums of foreign gold " recently received." 12 The Metropolitan National Bank of N e w York had on deposit at Washington $2,450,000. in United States Bonds at 4% to secure $2,205,000. in note circulation. They took up their bonds thus giving up their note circulation, thereby realizing a profit of over $90,000. N e w York Evening Post, January 13, 1880. 13 Congressional Record, 46th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 1313-1320.

198

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

that the idea of refunding tended to perpetuate the national debt which would " enrich a class of moneyed men in this country " . Felton also argued that it would drain the resources of the country by more than $ 3 , 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 over a period of five years. T h e bill was referred back to Committee and the House moved to other matters. 1 4 It was probably his great interest in such problems as tariff legislation and the refunding of the debt that kept Wood in public life during his last years. In failing health, he might have retired at least as early as 1 8 7 8 had he not been asked to stand again by an impressive group of N e w Y o r k notables. A petition expressing the hope that he would consent to renomination declared that he had " maintained the honor and sustained the interests of the commercial classes with distinguished ability." Special praise was given to his efforts to modify the tariff law. The statement declared that his renomination and re-election were so important " that we have no hesitation in seeking both by all honorable means " . A m o n g the signers of the petition were such citizens as William E . Dodge, Gustav Schwab, R . H. L o w r y , J a m e s Buell, and H . W . Ford. Wood was notified that he had been renominated by acclamation, and accepted, although stating: " There are many reasons why I should retire f r o m public l i f e . " B y 1 8 8 0 W o o d was still less anxious to continue his long public career. In the national campaign of that year he took little part, although he did make some effort to persuade Horatio S e y m o u r to seek the Democratic nomination. In a letter to Seymour dated J u n e 1 0 , 1880 Wood emphasized the extreme desirability that Garfield be opposed on the Democratic ticket by a N e w Y o r k man. " The nomination at Chicago renders it more evident that the result of the Presidential election is dependent upon the 14 Congressional

Record,

46th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 1720-1726.

FATHER

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I99

state of New York. Our own serious division in that state of course imperils us. There is but one way to unite us in New York and to save the party, and that is your nomination. It is the almost unanimous feeling in Congress that you cannot in view of these facts refuse to accept the nomination, which is now substantially settled." 1 5 But this participation in the negotiations that fell through with the refusal of Seymour to run was not followed by any activity on Wood's part in the electoral campaign. Indeed, although he himself sought re-election to Congress from his old district he did not even wage any public campaign. He was, however, triumphantly returned to Congress for what was to prove the last time. The holiday recess and his recurring illness prevented him from pressing the refunding bill forward as rapidly as he would have liked. On December 16th, it was brought up before the House, where Bland offered an amendment authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to coin silver bullion to pay off the national debt on a monthly basis. Under the terms of the amendment the use of bonds for this purpose would be prohibited. 16 On December 22nd, Wood finally moved to limit debate on the bill to one day, and in the motion was upheld by a vote of 1 1 0 to 2. 1 7 Under this agreement the bill was held over until after the holiday recess, and was finally reported to the House on January 18th with several amendments. Wood appeared on the floor to defend his bill, but he had to be helped into the House, one writer describing him as a " gaunt skeleton in broadcloth." 18 In the debate all amendments were defeated, 15 Fernando W o o d to Horatio Seymour, June 10, 1880, H o r a t i o Seymour Papers, N e w York Historical Society. 16 Congressional Record, 46th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 1720 and 1726. 17 Congressional

Record, 46th Congress, 3rd Session, p. 205.

18 N e w York World, February 14, 1881. T h i s same article described him as very haggard and attending Congress only to press the refunding bill.

200

FERNANDO

WOOD OF N E W

YORK

the Bland amendment going down by a vote of 1 4 0 to

111.

T h e bill itself w a s passed by the House on J a n u a r y 19th by 135

to 1 2 5 , with thirty-two not voting. 1 9 O n the announce-

ment of the results, the members crowded about W o o d offering him their congratulations. W i t h the refunding bill safely piloted through the House, W o o d made a short trip to Hot Springs in an effort to regain his health before taking his place in the new Congress March. On

February

in

14th, news came that his illness had

taken a dangerous turn. 2 0

Next

day,

the Speaker

read

the

H o u s e a telegram f r o m H o t Springs announcing the death of Fernando W o o d the preceding evening. T h e House adjourned after the Speaker had appointed a committee of nine members to escort the body to N e w Y o r k for burial in T r i n i t y Cemetery. T h e funeral w a s held from the Washington residence at 1 5 t h and I streets with nearly all members of Congress present,

including

Speaker

Randall.

Then

the

remains

were

brought to N e w Y o r k and quietly interred in T r i n i t y without any public ceremonies. 2 1

19 Congressional Record, 46th Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 763-773. The hill was passed by the Senate but defeated by a Presidential veto of March 3, 1881. Hayes vetoed the bill largely due to the presence of the fifth section. H e felt that it would be extremely difficult for any new banks to be organized except where prevailing rates of interest were extremely low, since no other bonds could be used for increasing the capital of existing banks. In the President's own words, " to prevent the further organization of banks is to jeopardize the banking system. Section Five will destroy confidence and check the growing prosperity of the country." In conclusion he earnestly recommended the passage of another funding bill without the objectionable section. 20 The New York World, February 114, 1881. 21 The Board of Aldermen and Mayor Grace expressed the wish to have a public funeral with great ceremony, but the family was opposed to the idea, and it was dropped. The Aldermen finally had to be content with sending a delegation to Washington to escort the body to New York. The flag on City Hall was lowered to half mast as the body was brought into New York.

CHAPTER XIV T H E MAN A N D H I S C A R E E R : CONCLUSION F E R N A N D O W O O D has been usually regarded as a corrupt politician, and a leader who approached the line of disloyalty during the Civil War. These he unquestionably was, but a comprehensive estimate of the man should note more creditable features as well. They include his administrative ideas, his political technique, his social and political ideas, and his courage in dealing with the state Legislature of New York.

Wood's administrative ideas as set forth in his messages to the Board of Aldermen are especially noteworthy. In his message to the Board in January, 1855, he attacked the Charter provisions which made the executive heads independent of each other, and also the Mayor. He pointed in particular to the want of any control over the Chief of Police. Wood's proposal for reform was very simple, and in harmony with the practice later adopted in most large American municipalities. He proposed that the Mayor appoint his own executive heads, and then be held responsible to the people at the next election for any misbehavior on their part. Another illustration of his practical interest in administrative reform was furnished by his proposal for the establishment of an Immigrant's and Stranger's Protective Bureau in the department of the Mayor. This would have centralized work for the protection of aliens and other newcomers and would have made it more difficult for various kinds of tricksters to prey upon ignorant immigrants. Wood made still another interesting suggestion for administrative efficiency in his message of January 7, 1856, when he called for the establishment of a bureau of sanitary police to enforce the sanitary regulations of the city. He suggested that the city police might be used as a valuable auxiliary to the new force. 201

202

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

Wood's administrative model for the city was the Federal government, with its elected executive and legislature, and with the departmental heads responsible to the President. New York City, however, during the period of Wood's active career was never fully trusted by the State Legislature. It was impossible to obtain full home rule for the municipality, or to gain for the Mayor a due amount of authority. Some of the precautions against an abuse of power by the Mayor, written into the city charters by rural legislators, defeated their own purpose; they fostered dishonesty and inefficiency instead of preventing it. A s a politician Wood's technique deserves notice. His methods were simple and yet extraordinarily effective. He carried on the same organizational work that Senator George W . Plunkitt was to use so effectively some forty or fifty years later. This work, especially in the early days, depended upon individual contact with the voters. It has been said that Wood knew every longshoreman in his district by name. That his indefatigable activity was effective is evidenced by the fact that, entering Tammany Hall in 1836, he secured the nomination for Congressman four years later over energetic opposition. Within twenty years he had formed his own organization, and led it to victory over Tammany. Just before the outbreak of W a r he threatened to expand into state politics and wrest control of the Albany machine from the nearly defunct Regency. In studying the development of Wood as a politician, other factors aiding his rise must not be neglected. In the period between 1840 and 1870 cities grew rapidly in size, partly because of the great influx of immigrants. While some were good and useful citizens, many more were ignorant and creduluous, with no conception of the true aims of municipal government. These rapidly became the shock troops of every aspiring politician, and he who neglected this source of strength, usually lived to regret it. The usefulness of these

THE

MAN

AND

HIS

CAREER:

CONCLUSION

2O3

docile voters to the bosses was enhanced by the indifference to problems evidenced by the average citizen in 1850 as in 1947. He was more interested in national politics than in city politics. When elections for city and national offices were held at the same time he was quite likely to vote his party's city candidates in with the national administration. The outstanding example of this was furnished by the election of 1856, when the victory of Buchanan in the city meant the co-incident victory of Wood. The machine politician was further aided in his rise to power by a weak and clumsy framework of city government. In words of Lord Bryce, there was no denying that the government of the cities was one great failure in the the United States. It was against this background that such men as W o o d moved and acted their roles. W o o d ' s economic and social ideas offer an interesting field for study. He repeatedly saved Central Park from encroachments, particularly by the Board of Aldermen, and in particular one proposal which would have cut off all the Park south of the present 72nd Street. In his veto message he used prophetic language on the future usefulness of the Park. However demagogic his motives may have been, some of his ideas for aiding the poor after the panic of 1857 seem commendably advanced. He suggested that the city should feed the unemployed, and supply them with work on city projects, among which he mentioned Central Park and the city streets W o o d was proposing that the municipality step in and do what private industry was apparently too paralyzed to undertake, the rescue of employable men from starvation. While the ideas were not carried out, this was because of two special factors: the first of these lay in the rigid restrictions of the city Charter, which the Board of Aldermen chose to interpret as preventing them from approving a broad program, of work relief,' and the second was the comparative brevity of the acute stage of the panic.

204

FERNANDO

WOOD

OF

NEW

YORK

A s Mayor, W o o d was early faced with the fact that, as we have noted, the State Legislature regarded the city as incapable of handling its own affairs. This was before the day of the famous Michigan case of the People ex. rel. Leroy v. Hurlbut, and the Legislature felt free to interfere at will in the affairs of the city. In nearly every message W o o d attacked the fetters which Albany placed upon the metropolis. Ohio in 1851 was the first State to limit the power of the Legislature over municipalities, and her example was followed but slowly. A t the present time few mayors face an acute problem of state interference. Wood's determined battle for a greater measure of home rule was greatly to his credit, and had some effects not immediately apparent. A s the shadows of conflict began to lengthen over the country, W o o d took his place among the ranks of those opposed to war, a party which contained such extreme Copperheads as Clement Vallandigham on one side, and such relatively moderate men as Horatio Seymour and Samuel J. Tilden on the other. It seems difficult to believe that W o o d was entirely serious in his absurd project for the creation of a Free City of New Y o r k . This wild scheme would seem rather to have been a trial balloon tnan anything more substantial. W o o d himself later explained it to the House of Representatives in terms of his long-standing dispute with the State authorities. W o o d ' s opposition to the W a r was set forth in a series of speeches ranging from the Volksgarten address to his activities in Congress, in which he attacked the policies of the Lincoln administration. Y e t at no time did he go so far as Vallandigham, and some of his most assailed utterances are not a whit more violent than some of Samuel J. Tilden. A f t e r the end of the W a r W o o d took his place with the Democracy of Andrew Johnson and Horatio Seymour,

re-

taining his prominence in the party. A s Congressman he displayed a keen interest in the problems of revenue and refund-

THE

MAN

AND

HIS

CAREER:

CONCLUSION

205

ing. The wartime tariff, which was highly obnoxious to New York importers, attracted his attention and he devoted a major part of his activities to it. While his record was that of a " low-tariff " man, he denied that he was an advocate of free trade. His espousal of tariff reduction was so outstanding that a list of respected New York merchants, including William E. Dodge had no hesitation in asking him to run again, though admitting that they had not always agreed with him on certain policies. In dealing with the problem of refunding the national debt, he helped to bring some commendable legislation into shape. Indeed, when President Hayes found himself forced to veto Wood's refunding bill because of a section which he disliked, he recommended that Congress pass another bill dealing with the same subject but deleting the objectionable part. When Wood died, something of the spirit of mid-century politics in New York City died with him. He had his virtues as well as his manifest defects, and in both he reflected the qualities of the New York electorate. Such subsequent leaders as John Kelly, Richard Croker, and Charles F. Murphy borrowed not a few of their political aims and methods from the redoubtable Fernando Wood.

BIBLIOGRAPHY MANUSCSIPT

MATERIAL

Fernando Wood Papers, Manuscript Division, N e w Y o r k Public L i b r a r y ; N e w Y o r k Historical Society. Samuel J. Tilden Papers, Manuscript Division, N e w Y o r k Public L i b r a r y . Horatio Seymour Papers, N e w Y o r k Historical Society. William J. Fowle and Company of Alexandria, Virginia Papers, Manuscript Division, N e w Y o r k Public L i b r a r y . Records of Supreme Court in Equity, 1868, 362, H a l l of Records, N e w Y o r k City. P A M P H L E T S AND PRINTED MATERIAL

Address of the Democratic Republican Young Men's General Committee to the Republican Young Men of New York, N e w Y o r k : J. M . M a r s h Printer, N o . 5 E l d r e d g e Street, 1838. Address of the Grand Council of the Tammany Society Subject to their Recent Decision Relative to the Political Use of Tammany Hall, February 4, 1853. N e w Y o r k : A . Baptist Jr., 12 A n n Street, 1853. Address of the Mayor to the Police Delivered in New York City, Saturday, May 26, 1835. N e w Y o r k : Phelps and D o e r B o o k Office, 9 A n n Street, I855Address of Mayor Wood delivered at Volk's Garten November 27, 1861. N e w Y o r k : G e o r g e C l a r k e , 66 Duane Street, 1861. Broadway Railroad, The. N e w Y o r k : W i l l i a m C. B r y a n t and Company, 1853. Congressional Globe, The-, 1840-1843; 1863-1873. Congressional Record, The; 1873-1881. Communication from the Comptroller Enclosing Affidavits taken before the Recorder in the Years 1833-1854, Relating to Alleged Abuses in the City Government. N e w Y o r k : M c S p e d o n and B a k e r , Printers to the C o m m o n Council, 1854. Communications from the Comptroller to tion to the Lowber Judgment made Survey Map of the Premises made J. A . H . Hasbrouck, Stationer and P e a r l Street, 1857.

the Board of Councilmen in RelaAugust 10, 1857, together tvith à by John H. Serrili. New Y o r k : Printer, Stationer's H a l l , 174-176

Condensed Biography of a Candidate for Speaker, Fernando Wood and his Forgeries and other Crimes. A n o n y m o u s . Confiscation Speech of Fernando Wood Delivered in the House of Representatives. W a s h i n g t o n , D . C. : Printed at the Constitutional U n i o n Office, 1864. Documents of the Board of Aldermen, 1854-1867. Documents of the City Convention of 1846 for Forming a New or Revising and Amending the Present Charter of the City of New York. New Y o r k : Jared Bell, P r i n t e r to the Convention, C o r n e r of N a s s a u and A n n Street, 1846. 207

2O8

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Electoral Commission a Cover for Fraud. Speech by Fernando W o o d D e l i v ered in the House of Representatives, F e b r u a r y 20, 1877. W a s h i n g t o n , D . C . : M c G i l l and W i t h e r o w , Printers and Stereotypers, 1877. History of the Private, Political and Official Villainies of Fernando Wood. Anonymous. History of the Forgeries. Perjuries and Other Crimes of Our " Model Mayor". Ingraham, A . J., N e w Y o r k : 1856. Journal of the Assembly of the State of New York, Eightieth Session, B e g u n and H e l d at the Capitol in the C i t y of A l b a n y on the 6th day of January 1857. A l b a n y : W e e d , Parsons and Company, 1857. Journal of the Senate of the State of New York, Eightieth Session, B e g u n and H e l d at the Capitol in the C i t y of A l b a n y on the 6th day of January, 1857. A l b a n y : W e e d Parsons and Company, 1857. Model Mayor, A Early Life, Congressional Career and Triumphant Municipal Administration of the Honorable Fernando Wood. New York : B y a citizen of N e w Y o r k , 1856. New

York City Election Frauds, House of Representatives Report No. 31, 40th Congress, 3rd Session. W a s h i n g t o n , D . C . : Government Printing Office, 1870. Official Proceedings of the Democratic National Convention held in i860 at Charleston and Baltimore. Cleveland : Prepared and Published under the Direction of John G. Parkhurst, Recording Secretary, P l a i n Dealer Job Office, i860. Official Proceedings of the National Democratic Convention held in Cincinnati. Cincinnati : Enquirer Company S t e a m Printing Establishment, T . W r i g h t s o n , Superintendent, 1856. Official Proceedings of the National Democratic Convention held at St. Louis, Missouri, June 27, 28, 29, 1876. St. L o u i s : W o o d w a r d , T i e r n a n and H a l e Printers, 1876. Oration Delivered by Fernando Wood on the Anniversary of Birthday, February 22, 1862 at Scranton, Pennsylvania. G e o r g e Clarke, 66 Duane Street, 1862. Proceedings

of the Board

of Aldermen,

Proceedings

of the Board

of Councilmen,

Washington's New York :

1850-1868. 1854-1868.

Proceedings of the Citizens of New York in Opposition to the Project of a Railway in Broadway. N e w Y o r k : U . S. Economist Printing Office, 1852. Proceedings of the Democratic National Convention held in 1864 at Chicago. C h i c a g o : C h i c a g o T i m e s Steam B o o k and Job P r t g . House, 1864. Proceedings of the Democratic State Convention held in Syracuse, New York, September 14, and 15, 1859. A l b a n y : Comstock and Cassfdy, P r i n t e r s , 1859. Proceedings South

of the National Carolina

Democratic

and Baltimore,

Convention

Maryland.

Convened

at

Charleston,

W a s h i n g t o n , D . C. : T h o m a s

M c G i l l Printer, i860. Proceedings

at the Mass

Meeting

of Loyal

Citizens

on Union

15, 1862. N e w Y o r k : Nesbitt and Company, 1862.

Square,

July

BIBLIOGRAPHY

209

I'roceedirtgs of the Union Meeting held at Castle Garden, October ¡0, 1850. J. H. Duyckinck, 1850. Proceedings of the Republican National Convention held in Cincinnati, Ohio, June 14, 15, 16, 17, 1876. Concord, New Hampshire: Republican Press Association, 1876. Refutation of the Whig Slander against Mr. Fernando Wood. New Y o r k : Published by the Democratic-Republican New Era, November 3, 1840. Speech of Fernando Wood on the Bill to Provide Internal Revenue Delivered in the House of Representatives April iç, 1864. Washington : Constitutional Union Office, 1864. Speech of the Honorable Fernando Wood Delivered at a Mass Meeting at New Rochelle, Westchester County, October iç, 185g. New Y o r k : Published at the Office of the Daily News, 41 Park Row, 1859. Speech of the Honorable Fernando Wood of New York on Naval Appropriations Bill Delivered in the House of Representatives, February 4, 1865. Washington, D. C. : Constitutional Union Office, 1865. Split in the Democratic Party of New York State. Published anonymously about the political situation in New Y o r k State from 1877-1880. Statement of Facts in Relation to the Appointment of the Democratic Delegation from the State of New York to the National Democratic Convention. Albany : Atlas and Argus Print, i860. Statement of the Majority of the Grand Council of the Tammany Society in Reply to a Protest of a Minority Relative to the Use of Tammany Hall as Adopted February 14, 1857 by the Council. New Y o r k : Wynkoop and Hallenback, No. 113 Fulton Street and 48 Ann Street, 1857. Suppressed Speech of the Honorable Fernando Wood Attempted to be Delivered in the House of Representatives. Washington, D. C. : Rives and Bailey, Printers and Reporters of the Debates of Congress, 1868. PERIODICAL

MATERIAL

Berger, Max, " British Impressions of New York A Century A g o ", New York History, X X V I I , No. 2 (1946), Mi-153Cochrane, John, " The Charleston Convention ", Magazine of American History, X I V , No. 2 (1885), 148-153. Hall, A . Oakey, " A Dinner at the Mayor's", Harper's Monthly, X X I (i860) 654-656. Northrup, Milton, " A Grave Crisis in American History ", Century Illustrated Monthly, L X I I , New Series, X L , (1901), 923-934. Owens, Samuel (Ed.), " N e w York General Sessions before the Honorable F. A . Tallmadge, Recorder, The People v. Fernando Wood ", The New Y o r k Legal Observer, X (1852), 61-63. Randall, James, " The Newspaper Problem in its bearing upon Military Secrecy during the Civil W a r ", American Historical Review, X X I I I , No. 2 (1918), 303-324Severance, Frank, " The Peace Conference at Niagara Falls in 1864 ", Buffalo Historical Society Publication, X V I I I (1914), 79-94-

2IO

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Trimble, William, " Diverging Tendencies in New York Democracy in the Period of the Loco-Focos ", American Historical Review, X X I V (1919), 396-43IWilson, Charles, " McClellan's Changing Views on the Peace Plank of 1864", American Historical Review, X X X V I I I (1933), 498-504. , " The Ermine in the Ring ", A History of the Wood Lease Case ", Putnam's Magazine Supplement, November (1868), 1-32. , " T h e W e e k " , The Nation, X I V , No. 355 (1872), 250-251. , " T h e W e e k " , The Nation, X X X I I , No. 816 (1881), 105. , " T h e Spoils Argument", Harper's Weekly, X X (1876), 730-731. , " The Philadelphia Convention ", Harper's Weekly, X, No. 505 (1866), 545-547, " How New York is going to be Punished ", Harper's Weekly, I No. 13, (1857), I94-I9S, " Fernando Wood, Mayor Elect of New York ", Harper's Weekly, II, No. 155 (1859), 804-805. , "Fernando W o o d " , Harper's Weekly, X X V , No. 1262 (1881), 147. , " The New York Democratic Convention ", Harper's Weekly, X X I V No. 1219 (1880), 290. , " How to get along in Life ", Harper's Weekly, IV, No. 167 (i860), 151. NEWSPAPER

The The The The The The The The

New New New New New New New New

York York York York York York York York

MATERIAL

Times. Herald. World. Tribune. Sun. Evening Post. Daily News. Irish-American. SECONDARY

MATERIAL

Abbott, Vaughn and Austin, Reports of Practice Cases Determined in the Courts of the State of New York, New Series. New York : Diossy and Company, Law Booksellers and Publishers, 86 Nassau Street near Fulton Street, 1868. Alexander, De Alva, Political History of the State of New York. New York : H. Holt and Company, 1906. Barrett, Walter, The Old Merchants of New York City. New Y o r k : Thomas R. Knox and Company, 813 Broadway, 1885. Barrows, Chester, William M. Evarts, Lawyer, Diplomat and Statesman. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina, 1901. Bigelow, John, The Life of Samuel J. Tilden. New Y o r k : Harper and Brothers, 1895. Bigelow, John, Retrospections of an Active Life. New York : Baker Taylor and Company, 1909.

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INDEX Astor, William, B., 63 Barnburners, 28, 29, 31, 33 Boutwell, George, 195, 197 Bowery Boys, 80, 81 Brookes, James, 132, 136, 169 Buchanan, James, 62, 65, 110, 112113 Cagger, Peter, 89, 95 Carter, John W., Sailing vessel, 2526 Central Park, 74-76 Charter, of 1846, 69, 70; of 1849, 3436, 71, 72; of 1853, 43-45; of 1857, 72, 73 City Hall, auction of, 91, 92 Clark, Myron, 47, 50 Clay, Henry, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22 Connolly, Richard, 14, 37, 62, 174 County Supervisors, Board of, 76. 77 Cushing, Caleb, 22 Davis, Jefferson, 109, 144 Dead Rabbits, 80, 81, 89, 91 Dickinson, Daniel, 96, 110 Dix, John A., 28, 29, 120, 121, 149, 161, 168 Douglas, Stephen, 34, 103, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, 165 Evarts, William, 82 Fowler, Isaac, 30, 38, 60, 81, 89 Franchises, 39-44, 52 Greene, Milton, 26 Hall, Oakey A., 55, 104 Harrison, William H„ 15, 18 Havemeyer, William, 32, 100, 120, 121 Hunkers, 28, 29 Johnson, Andrew, 166, 176, 178

McClellan, George, 132, 156, 159 McCulloch, Hugh, 194 Marcy, William, 36 Merchant's Exchange Bank, 16 Metropolitan Police Act, 77-78, Morgan, Edwin, 91 Mickle, Andrew, 30, 32 Mills, Alice Fenner, 104 Mozart Hall, 89, 90, 91, 100, 104, 110, 111, 118, 119, 125, 133, 135, 139, 148, 153, 154, 170

157,

102

101, 126, 166,

Opdyke, George, 93, 126, 131, 133, 137 O'Shea, James, 12 Pierce, Franklin, 33, 34, 52 Purdy, Elijah, 30, 31, 60, 133, 134, 135 Richmond, Dean, 93, 94, 96, 110, 154, 157, 168 Russell, William, 117 Schell, Augustus, 46 Seward, William, 17, 91, 128 Seymour, Horatio, 28, 29, 32, 50, 61, 109, 111, 118, 125, 133, 134, 135, 136, 140, 144, 145, 146, 156, 198 Sweeny, Peter B., 61, 62, 96, 134 Tammany Hall, 13, 15, 31, 33, 37, 38, 39, 65, 68, 87, 90, 100, 103, 111, 118, 125, 126, 133, 135, 148, 153 Tammany Society, 30, 31, 39, 61, 87, 89, 90 Tiemann, Daniel, 87, 88, 92, 103 Tilden, Samuel J„ 14, 61, 89, 93, 100, 101, 160 Toombs, Governor, 117 Tweed, William, 134, 166, 170, 171, 172 Tyler, John, 15, 18, 20, 21, 22

Know-Knothings, 47-48, 50, 58, 63, 64, 65, 88, 93, 100

Union Safety Committee, 29

Lincoln, Abraham, 110, 111, 112, 113, 127, 137, 139, 147, 161

Vallandigham, Clement, 148, 150, 167

140, 215

141,

2l6

INDEX

Van Buren, Martin, 28, 29, 101 Walker, Joseph, case of the, 56-58 Weed, Thurlow, 47, 147 White, John, Speaker of House, 18 Wise, Henry, 18, 19, 23, 103 Wood, Benjamin, father, 11 Wood, Benjamin, brother, 11, 119, 124, 135, 136, 142, 143, 144, 150, 160, 162 Wood, Fernando, (1812-1881), birth, 11; ancestry, 11; childhood, 11, 12; early business ventures, 12, 13; young politician, 13-17; first term in House, 18-24; shipping ventures, 24-27; return to politics, 27; election as mayor, 50; first term as mayor (1854-1856), 51-

64; second term as mayor (18561857), 64-88; formation of Mozart Hall, 89; State Democratic Convention, 1859, 93-99; third term as mayor (1859-1861), 100-131 Charleston Convention, 104-110 Free City of New York, 113-118. coming of war, 120-136; demands for peace, 137-164; re-elected to Congress, 169; defeat by Tweed, 172; Lease case, 172-175; Tariff bill of 1878, 188-192; refunding bill of 1880, 196-200; illness & death, 200; man & his career, 201-205 Wood. Rebecca, mother, 11 Wright, Silas, U. S. Senator, 13, 28