Faustus on Trial: The Origins of Johann Spies's 'Historia' in an Age of Witch Hunting 9783110930061, 9783484365094

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FRÜHE NEUZEIT Band 9 Studien und Dokumente zur deutschen Literatur und Kultur im europäischen Kontext In Verbindung mit der Forschungsstelle „Literatur der Frühen Neuzeit" an der Universität Osnabrück und der Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel Herausgegeben von Jörg Jochen Berns, Gotthardt Frühsorge, Klaus Garber, Wilhelm Kühlmann und Jan-Dirk Müller

Frank Baron

Faustus on Trial The Origins of Johann Spies's »Historia« in an Age of Witch Hunting

Max Niemeyer Verlag Tübingen 1992

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Baron, Frank: Faustus on trial : the origins of Johann Spies's »Historia« in an age of witch hunting / Frank Baron. -Tiibingen : Niemeyer, 1992 (Frühe Neuzeit ; Bd. 9) NE: GT ISBN 3-484-36509-9

ISSN 0934-5531

© Max Niemeyer Verlag GmbH & Co. KG, Tübingen 1992 Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Printed in Germany. Druck und Einband: Weihert Druck GmbH, Darmstadt

Contents

Introduction

1

I. The Career of Johann Spies 1. Beginnings in Oberursel and Frankfurt 2. Printing in Heidelberg and Frankfurt for the Pure and True Religion 3. Problems of a Best Seller: Censorship and Piracy 4. Years of Promise and Disillusionment 5. Johann Spies, the Man behind the Historia

9 26 51 76 90

II. The Making of the Historia von D. Johann Fausten 1. Compilation and Composition 2. The Emergence of the Historia 3. The Trial of Faustus: The Legacy of Witchcraft and Learned Magic 4. Dissonances and Unity in the Historia 5. The Contributions of Johann Spies to the Historia

95 110 127 147 157

ΙΠ. Appendix 1. The German Prefaces and Letters of Johann Spies 2. The Works Published and Printed by Johann Spies 3. Bibliography

171 192 210

Index

225

Illustrations

231

Acknowledgments

This research project, which has extended over a number of years, has required correspondence and consultation with many people. Such help was essential. I am grateful to the librarians, archivists, colleagues, and friends who have made my task easier and more pleasant than it would otherwise have been. Marguerite de Huszar Allen (Loyola University, Chicago), József Antall (Semmelweis Museum and Library for the History of Medicine, Budapest), Klaus Arnold (University of Hamburg), Maria-Luise Auernheimer and Richard Auernheimer (Badenheim near Bad Kreuznach), Margaret Baker (University of Kansas), Frank Banta (Indiana University), Erna Berger (Wolfenliittel), Csilla Barla-Szabó and László Barla-Szabó (Starnberg), Giulia Bartrum (British Museum), Ute von Bloh (University of Munich), Peter Boerner (Indiana University), Andrea Bott (City Archives, Oberursel), Rolf Burmeister (Hamburg State and University Library), Rosemarie Dilg and Peter Dilg (Marburg), Heinz Entner (Academy of Sciences, Berlin), Jörg-Ulrich Fechner (University of Bochum), Roman Fischer (Frankfurt City Archives), Jutta Fliege (Berlin State Library), Manfred R. W. Garnzmann (City Archives, Braunschweig), Ruth Gibbs (University of Kansas), Carlos Gilly (University of Basel), Rolf Günther (Munich), Richard Hardin (University of Kansas), Helga Häuser (Gutenberg Museum and Library, Mainz), Helmut Häuser (Mainz University Library), K. Haller (Bavarian State Library, Munich), William S. Heckscher (Princeton), Dr. Heinemann (State Archives of Hesse, Wiesbaden), Hans Henning (Zentralbibliothek der deutschen Klassik, Weimar), Edmund Hermsen (University of Marburg), Angela Hölzl (University of Munich), Christian Hogrefe (Herzog August Library of Wolfenbüttel), Ursula Huelsbergen (Lawrence, Kansas), Kevin Hula (Harvard University), Ginny Irving (Library of the University of California, Berkeley), Ulrike Junk (University of Munich), Leopold Kammerhofer (Austrian State Archives), William Keel (University of Kansas), Wolfgang Klötzer (Frankfurt City Archives), Horst Koehn (Halle), Barbara Könneker (University of Frankfurt),

vili Ludwig Krapf (Freiburg), V. Lazar (City and University Library of Frankfurt), Pam LeRow (Lawrence, Kansas), Karl-Ernst Lupprian (Bavarian State Archives), Jan-Dirk Müller (University of Munich), Wolf-Dieter MiillerJahncke (University of Heidelberg), Paula Malone (Lawrence, Kansas), Siegfried Mandel (University of Colorado), Frank Muller (Strasbourg), Dr. Natale (State Archives in Stuttgart), Oliver Olson (Milwaukee), Sabine Pasalk (State Library of the Palatinate, Speyer), Oliver Phillips (University of Kansas), Bernhard Reichel (Frankfurt City Archives), Liselotte Renner (Bavarian State Library, Manuscript Collection), Günter Richter (Mainz University Library), Gerhard Rill (Austrian State Archives), Agnes Ritoók (Library of the Hungarian Academy of Scieces, Budapest), Nancy Romero (University of Illinois Library), Hartmut Rudolph (University of Bochum and the Martin Bucer Research Center, Münster), András Sándor (Howard University), Richard Schade (University of Cincinnati), Volker Schäfer (University of Tübingen Archives), Eva Schindlmayr (State Archives of Speyer), Hans-Jürgen Schings (University of Berlin), Johanna Schmidt (Heidelberg University Library), Bodo Seidel (Halle), Gerald Soliday (University of Texas, Dallas), the staff of VD 16 (Bavarian State Library, Munich and the Herzog August Library, Wolfenbüttel), Jürgen Stohlmann (University of Cologne), György Szönyi (University of Szeged), Joachim Telle (Stuttgart), Otto Ulbricht (University of Kiel), W. Wagenhöfer (Würzburg State Archives), Alexander Varga (State Library, Bratislava), David Warrington (Indiana University Library), James Weiss (Boston College), and Anne Winston (Phillips University). To carry out the research on the fascinating topic of Faustus in the sixteenth century, I have been fortunate in receiving financial aid, which has given me the opportunity to visit libraries to examine the sources first-hand. Summer research grants from the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) and the University of Kansas General Research Fund have enabled me to travel to and work in libraries in the United States and Europe. For the academic year 19871988 I received a grant from the Hall Center for the Humanities that made it possible for me to devote time to this project. Although long-term research projects are not generally a blessing for one's family, I have also had the good fortune of support at home. But I am in debt not only for moral support to my wife, Betty Baron; she has helped substantially with her editorial expertise in putting the text of this book into a presentable shape.

Introduction

In the background of every myth it is possible to imagine a point at which the original story was liberated from its concrete historical roots, becoming open to all interested forces and traditions, human, divine, or diabolical. Usually such a moment lies in the distant past; historical details are buried and cannot be recovered. With the Faustian devil pact as its plot, the relatively recent Faust Book appears to have documented such a moment of liberation from historical beginnings. Even if the point of transition from history and legend to literature or myth is not a single moment but a longer process, the Faust Book represents an abrupt change that sets it apart from the long sequence of changes in the preceding legend tradition. It is a radical mutation that established the basic outlines of the modern Faustian myth. The challenge to scholarship is to recover the factors that influenced this metamorphosis and to show when, how, and why it occurred. In the intepretation of an older document, where and how one begins is crucial. The first questions establish the direction and promise, as well the limitations of the inquiry. It is understandable that a work that owes its importance to Goethe's literary masterpiece should be of interest primarily as a work of literature. But the unavoidable focus on questions of its literary value and function as background material for Goethe have left many elementary questions unanswered. How much is known about the immediate background of the Faust Book, the Historia von D. Johann Fausten of 1587? Certainly much is known about the legend and the sources upon which it relied. But how did the unknown author compile the sources? What motivated him to make his selection? How did he compose his book? What is established about its nonliterary context? The author kept his identity a secret. The mystery of authorship has inspired speculations and wide-ranging interpretations that lack precision. If anonymity is a distinct disadvantage, it need not be a crippling one. Much that could help to place the Historia of 1587 in its proper context is not at all mysterious. The first printer and publisher of the Historia was Johann Spies. His life, career, and the world of authors and books he produced form the most obvious

2 and direct frame for the book. Two short articles have treated his life and contributions; because of their limited purpose and scope, they have not come to terms with the problems posed by the Historia. Since tradition has it that the story of Faustus is a Volksbuch, a popular fictional book designed to entertain, the initial attempt to place it in the context of Spies's printing output caused uneasy puzzlement. Contrary to expectations, Spies's publications offer almost exclusively works of nonfiction—zealous theological and polemical tracts, points of reference outside the fields of fiction and literature. Through his writings and his publishing work Spies reveals himself as a man of intense religious conviction. He was a businessman, but he considered his press a weapon in the struggle for the "true" religion in the service of God. Before we can understand where and how the worlds of Spies and the Historia intersect, we have to see Spies's life, business career, and his religious commitment on their own terms. For the first time it is possible to undertake such a study with Spies's own writings as a resource and reconstruct the details of his career in relationship to the goals he pursued. The Historia deserves consideration on the basis of the expressed or implied aims, beyond its importance for literary history. Because of its persistent reliance on existing published sources, the Historia is eminently accessible. Through his compilation and manipulation of sources the author reveals the method behind his craft as narrator, and through his deliberate deviations from the sources, his intentions and ideological orientation. The primary source of the Historia, Augustin Lercheimer's Christlich bedencken vnd erjnnerung von Zauberey of 1585, largely neglected in the scholarship of recent decades, points to controversies of common concern to Spies and the Historia: the debate about witchcraft and the differences between the opposing religious camps, between the orthodox Lutherans and those who looked to Melanchthon or Calvin for religious guidance. The issues raised had profound social and political implications; the authorities responded to provocative views by brutal punishment or, at the very least, by censorship. On these issues there are unmistakable points of contact between Spies and the Historia. Diverse motivations combined to create the Historia. On the one hand, the printer recognized an interest in a book of a particular content and length, and his perceptions established certain minimum requirements. Since the necessary source material did not exist, the narrator invented a great deal. The desire for profit thus helped to accelerate the movement in the direction of fiction. On the other hand, ideological aims influenced the author even more decisively. The legacy of diabolical magic and witchcraft, which the story of Faustus

3 represents, was a serious matter for the author and for the printer. In an age of daily witch trials, executions, and panics, the story served a social function dictating the proper attitude toward diabolical phenomena. In this sense, torture chambers of the sixteenth century and the interrogations of persons accused of witchcraft, which produced a steady stream of confessions, set the stage for the evolution of the Faustian pact as well as for the many motifs interspersed throughout the Faust story. The expression "alchemy of blood" has its origins in that background. In the 1580s, when the Historia was written, the city of Trier and the villages in its immediate vicinity experienced mass witch trials. More than 300 "witches" were executed, including one of the highest officials of the city. Cornelius Loos, a priest who spoke out against the bloodshed, was arrested and forced to recant. He confessed that he had written letters against the authorities in which he claimed that some of the conceptions of witchcraft were products of the imagination, produced by torture, causing innocent blood to flow. He called this a new kind of alchemy that created gold and silver from blood. 1 Despite his dangerous situation in prison, Loos was able to communicate his sense of outrage against the authorities who propagated a fictional transformation of reality. Their zealous efforts produced not justice but the justification of cruelty, control, and even profits. During the period of the great witch craze, the authorities managed a mythcreating mechanism that shaped the perception of reality in the general populace. As early as 1448, court records show that an accused man was prepared to confess whatever the authorities asked: "I will say anything you want. I will admit that I ate children, and will tell about all the evil deeds that you want to hear." 2 Friedrich Spee, one of the most outspoken critics of the persecution mania in the seventeenth century, thought that torture could make a diabolical magician of anyone. An inquisitor, who considered himself to be a powerful prince, had told Spee in confidence that even if the pope himself came into his hands and his torture instruments, he would in the end confess to being a master of witches. 3 The authorities that presided over witch trials had the power to rewrite the biographies of their victims with their suggestive questions "Nam (quod secundo loco revoco) missis ad diversos clam litteris, contra magistratum pertinaciter absque solidis rationibus divulgavi, cursum magicum falsum esse & imaginarium; asserendo insuper torturae acerbitate miseras cogi ea fateri quae nunquam fecerunt, dura laniena sanguinem innoxium fundi, nova alchimia ex humano sanguine aurum & argentum elici." Martin Delrio, Disquisitionum magicarum libri sex (Louvain: Rivius, 1599), 5:140. Richard Kieckhefer, European Witch Trials: Their Foundation in Popular and Learned Culture. 1300-1500 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976) 92. Friedrich Spee, Cautio criminalis oder rechtliches Bedenken wegen der Hexenprozesse (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1982) 248.

4 and the lore of demons and witches. Is it bold to suggest that the story of Faustus is primarily the product of the trials for witchcraft? Edward Peters argues against the tendency of historians to dismiss this hypothesis: "Historians have generally left the case of Faust out of the discussion of magic, heresy, and witchcraft, but the story clearly draws upon elements that were commonplace beliefs as early as the end of the sixth century. The tale of Faust is not as removed from the burning of witches and the condemnation of even learned magic in the sixteenth century as many historians indicate."4 As the analysis of the Historia's background and composition shows, Faustus did not have to participate in a witch's trial in order to reflect its legacy. The author made full use of that legacy and zealously exercised a power over Faustus's biography comparable to that of judges in the trials for witchcraft The anonymous author submits Faustus to a retroactive trial. At first glance, the story of Faustus may appear far removed from the sordid reality of witch trials. The sufferings of Faustus appear self-inflicted. But the narrator took his role as a representative of the religious and secular authorities seriously, and he had no difficulty imagining what the authorities expected Faustus to have experienced and felt. The representation of Faustus's laments appears so convincing that the reader is hardly aware that the accusing narrator simply imposed them to make him appear more guilty. The narrator succeeds in restructuring Faustus's life almost beyond recognition of its historical origins. The book's reception as a literary work has carried this process even further. The diverse motivations and transmutations behind the Historia present a complex and often dissonant picture. But the context of the printer's career, along with the witchcraft persecutions that contributed its organizing principle, confer clarity and focus on the picture. Johann Spies undoubtedly had much influence over the form and content of the Historia. But could he have been the author? Although this investigation did not set out to solve the mystery of authorship, the old thesis that Spies wrote the Historia cannot be ignored. The texts in the Appendix provide the first opportunity to examine the question of authorship methodically. The close ideological and stylistic correspondences between the Historia and Spies's other writings are evident. Even more striking is that the anonymous author's revisions of his sources reflect the sermonizing rhetoric that also characterizes Spies's writings. These are important findings, for they underline the vital interest and investment the Historia represented for Spies. Yet this evidence is not conclusive for the question of authorship. Although Spies's role as author Edward Peters, The Magician, the Witch, and the Law (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1978) 13.

5 of the Historia now appears more plausible than it did before, it is necessary to take a cautious approach. The correspondences may simply reflect a case of close cooperation between men of similar backgrounds and interests. Perhaps Spies and the author had worked together over a period of time. We cannot even exclude the possibility that a person in Spies's workshop was responsible for some of the writings that appeared under Spies's name. Although it was not uncommon for Frankfurt printers to have others write their prefaces, the consistent ideological and stylistic elements in Spies's German texts over fifteen years-often including personal remarks-reflect a considerable degree of independence and pride, making it unlikely that he would have allowed others to write for him. At any rate, the existence of a close collaborator who collected the material about Faustus and revised in accordance with Spies's wishes cannot be discounted. This may have been the friend in Speyer whom Spies refers to in his dedication of the Historia. But there is little doubt that this author, if he existed, worked in close consultation with Spies. I believe that the details of the printer's career and the origins of the Historia make it plausible that Spies was indeed the author. Although the question cannot be resolved conclusively, the two parts of this book-treating the career of the printer and the origins of the Historia-aie linked intimately and logically. Regardless of the question of authorship, Spies's career forms a close frame for the Historia, as if the book were not simply the product of business considerations but the result of a sincere religious zeal and personal commitment The book did not come to Spies; he initiated the undertaking and gave it direction. He had the final say. In many respects the Historia was Johann Spies's book.

I. The Career of Johann Spies

1. Beginnings in Oberursel and Frankfurt

Although Johann Spies 1 is not known to have written about his family background, there are hints that he chose a profession in an ancestral tradition that went back to the time of Gutenberg and the invention of printing. At least three of Johann Spies's sons became printers, which makes it appropriate to ask if Spies's own ambitions and quick success in establishing an independent press had to do with the inspiring motivation of a family tradition. The name Spies appears as printer in a book about a hundred years before Johann Spies began his apprenticeship. In Eltville, not far from Frankfurt and Oberursel, where Johann Spies spent his childhood, Wigand Spies (Spyeß) of Orthenberg produced, probably in close collaboration with Johann Gutenberg, the Vocabularius ex quo of 1467, the earliest printed dictionary that combined Latin and German definitions. 2 In 1490 an apprentice printer named Johann Spies, a citizen of Basel, registered a complaint about payment against his master, Michel Wenßler. 3 In the years 1565, 1566, and 1568, a book dealer named Michael Spies of Bechtheim, near Worms, regularly attended the Frankfurt book fair. He purchased books from the printer Sigmund Feyerabend and acquired Protestant works, including sermons of Luther.4 No Although Johann Spies was not consistent in the way he signed his name, alternating between the forms Spies and Spieß, I have chosen the form Spies, which he appeared to have preferred and which he used when he identified himself as the publisher and printer of the Historia von D. Johann Fausten. Wigand Spies might have been associated with Gutenberg in Mainz and gone to Eltville with him. Albert Kapr, Johannes Gutenberg. Persönlichkeit und Leistung (Trankfurt: Büchergilde Gutenberg, 1986) 252-257. Cf. Ferdinand Geldner, Deutsche Inkunabeldrucker (Stuttgart, 1968) 7: 108-109. H. Presser, Gutenberg, Eltville und die schwarze Kunst (Eltville, 1966) 18-20. A. Ruppel, Eltville als Frühdruckstadt (Mainz, 1938) 22-27. Hans Widmann, Eltvilles Anteil am Frühdruck (Wiesbaden: Ritter, 1970) 16-18. Cf. G. Zedier, "Der Buchdruck in Nassau," Nassauisches Heimatbuch (1913): 221-223. Karl Stehlin, "Regesten zur Geschichte des Buchdrucks bis zum Jahre 1500. Aus den Büchern der Basler Gerichtsarchivs," Archiv für Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels 11 (1888): 104 and 107. Heinrich Pallmann, "Ein Meßregister Sigmund Feyerabends aus dem Jahre 1565," Archiv für Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels 9 (1884): 30.

10 evidence links the printer of the Historia conclusively to these earlier men of the book trade. But because family traditions in the printing business were the rule rather than the exception, it would not be surprising to discover that Johann Spies's family represented a longstanding tradition of book production and marketing. When Spies reflected about the history of printing late in his career, he noted with pride that printing was God's most useful gift to man; it made books available inexpensively and widely, books that before, in the "times of the popes," were available only in manuscripts. He stressed that if the printing press had been invented a thousand years earlier, many valuable books that are now lost might have been saved.5 From the time of his childhood until his death, the life and career of Johann Spies was totally dedicated to printing. But it was more than a profession or a matter of ancestral pride. In his career Spies combined his work as a printer with a fanatical religious zeal; printing became a way to serve God. His writings show the intensity of a preacher. Whether his singularity of purpose and missionary zeal were characteristic of his parents or his ancestry is not known, but it was certainly linked intimately to the radical, fundamental Lutheranism that pervaded the city of Oberursel during his youth. Available writings do not mention Spies's parents. The assertions that Spies was related to Balthasar Acontius, who hailed from Oberursel and studied in Wittenberg, are not persuasive.® The name Acontius has been seen as a Latin translation of the German word Spieß, but when we turn to Balthasars family name for confirmation about the equation of AcontiusSpieß, we find that Balthasars family was, in fact, Voltz, not Spieß. Moreover, Balthasars brother, Melchior Acontius, a prominent poet and also an alumnus of Wittenberg, was a loyal follower of Melanchthon and hence a member of a moderate Protestant party that Spies opposed throughout his life. Since the businessman Spies was not inclined to write about his personal life, his letter of dedication to his old friends Caspar KolI[e] and Hieronymus Hoff in the Historia provides a rare autobiographical statement. The friendship went back to their common school days in Oberursel and to frequent meetings and associations since that time. In the dedication Spies Cf. Spies's introduction to Martin Richter, Chronicon oder Geschichtsbuch (Frankfurt: Spies, 1598) in the Appendix. Harry Gerber suggests that Balthasar Acontius (who went to Wittenberg in 1541) might be Spies's father. Harry Gerber, "Johann Spies," Nassauische Lebensbilder 4 (1950): 29. Cf. Oie deutsche Literatur. Biographisches und bibliographisches Lexikon. Reihe II. (Bern: Lang, 1985), no. 34. Franz Schnorr von Carolsfeld, "Melchior Acontius," Archiv für Literaturgeschichte 13 (1885): 297-314.

11 assures his friends that they were not in need of the kind of warning the book articulated; of their adherence to the true religion there was clearly no doubt. Spies speaks of the strong religious faith to which they had adhered since their school days. He was aware that his friends had also made inquiries about the Historia? Thus there were a number of reasons for Spies to think that his friends would welcome the dedication as well as the book. He appears to have been confident that they would understand the Faust story as he intended it to be understood. Oberursel, a small city situated only about ten kilometers northwest of Frankfurt, was the location of the school where Spies, Koll[e], and Hoff shared common experiences as young friends. The school and church shaped a common religious persuasion and, as Spies implies, the moral values that form the basis of the Faust story. Despite its proximity to Frankfurt, the cultural, religious, and political situation of Oberursel was dictated not by the larger city but rather by the personality and interests of its ruler at Königstein, Count Ludwig of Stolberg-Königstein. Ludwig had been a student in Wittenberg and encouraged his countrymen to become an aggressive force of Lutheranism.8 His influence is reflected in all aspects of life in Oberursel and most notably in those that pertain to the early years of Johann Spies there: in education, religious life, and printing. It is possible to form an accurate picture of the education the school in Oberursel offered Spies and his friends. Published in Oberursel in 1563, about the time when Spies and his friends attended, the guidelines prescribed almost exactly the 1528 instructions Luther had approved for Saxony.9 The guidelines distinguished distinct levels or grades. First, the youngest children were to start by learning the alphabet. The initial study texts were the Lord's Prayer, the Apostles' Creed, and the Ten Commandments. Grammar began with Donatus. Each evening two Latin words were to be assigned for the next day. From the beginning singing was practiced. The children were also supposed to study the Disticha Catonis, a third century collection of moral Stephan Füssel and Hans Joachim Kreutzer, Historia von D. Johann Fausten (Stuttgart: Reclam, 1988) 5-7. Another new edition of the Historia by Jan-Dirk Miiller serves as a valuable reference work that complements the edition of Fiissel and Kreutzer with explanations and interpretations. Cf. Jan-Dirk Müller, Romane des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts (Frankfurt: Deutscher Klassiker Verlag, 1990) 829-986 and 1319-1430. October 1520: "Ludowicus Comes et dns. in Stolberg et Wernigerode," E. Förstemann, Album academiae Vitebergensis (Leipzig, 1841, repr. by Aalen, 1976) 1: 99. Cf. Manfred Kopp, Nicolaus Henricus und Cornelius Sutor. Bürger und Drucker zu Ursel (Oberursel: Hartmann, 1964) 14. Emil Sehling, Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des XVI. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig: Reisland, 1902), 1:1: 172-174.

12 precepts that became a basic school text of the Middle Ages. This work made a lasting impression on the young Johann Spies; he returned to it later, publishing it with a German translation. Since this publication occurred simultaneously with that of the Historia, it deserves special attention. At the second stage the pupils were to begin the study the rules of grammar. One hour per day was devoted to singing. On two days of the week there were to be exercises in translation; Joachim Camerarius's Latin text of Aesop's tales was to be translated into German. 10 The Colloquia of Erasmus were assigned for reading. Terence's plays were to be translated and memorized. Proverbs were assigned and tested for translation on the next day. Declensions, conjugations, and syntax were tested regularly. Teachers were asked to devote four hours per week to etymology. The catechism was treated twice per week, Luther's for the younger children and Melanchthon's for the older ones. Passages from the Bible had to be memorized. At the third stage singing was included in the program of each day. The students translated Virgil, selected letters of Cicero, or passages from the works of Sallust on two days. Metrics were introduced, with poems of Ovid, as well as the contemporary Lutheran poets Georg Sabinus and Johannes Stiglius, assigned as homework. The teachers were asked to stress syntax and Latin conversation; they had to encourage students to use Latin among themselves. Each week the students were to write an essay in Latin. More advanced students studied dialectics; one hour per week they studied Greek grammar. 11 There is evidence that Spies reached this third level; he could read and write Greek. He interspersed his Latin prefaces with Greek phrases. Although he probably reached the most advanced stage of the school in Oberursel, there is no evidence that Spies ever attended a university. Since his training as a compositor (Schriftsetzer) and printer entailed a long and arduous process, it is difficult to imagine time left for university studies. His name does not appear in the records of the universities (such as Wittenberg, Heidelberg, Marburg, or Tübingen) that might have appeared most attractive to an orthodox Lutheran. 12 This education made a lasting impression on the future printer. Johann Spies never strayed from his strong commitment to Lutheran values as the 10

Frank Baron, Joachim Camerarius (1500-1574). Beiträge zur Geschichte des Humanismus im Zeitalter der Reformation (Munich: Fink, 1978) 236. 11 August Korf, Geschichte der evangelischen Gemeinde in Oberursel a. Taunus (Oberursel, 1902) 52-58. 1 ry University records of that time do not show the name of Johann Spies of Oberursel.

13 basis for a way of life. During his career he drew on the individual elements of his early education. He later printed biblical texts on numerous occasions. In 1593 he printed the text of the Pater Noster in forty languages. Spies clearly valued singing as a useful educational activity; he published works of the Lutheran composer Nicolaus Rosthius in 1583 and once again thirty years later. Musical texts by Jacob Meiland and Johann Magirus also appeared in his press. The teacher in the school at this time was probably a certain Magister Ruppel (Rupelius), mentioned in a letter of 1561 by the superintendent Johannes Praetorius of Königstein (the highest official in religious affairs affecting Oberursel). Praetorius indicated that Ruppel was expected to be teaching at the school for the next few years. ^ This Magister Ruppel, who could have been Spies's teacher, was probably identical with Johann Ruppel of Gelnhausen, who had studied at the universities of Marburg and Heidelberg.14 The school in Oberursel provided Spies with the knowledge of the languages he needed in his career as a printer. But before he could even consider such a career, he set himself much more modest goals. He became an apprentice compositor in the print shop of Nicolaus Henricus, who had established himself in Oberursel and been active in printing books for about a decade. At the latest, in 1572, when Spies became a citizen of Frankfurt, he had completed his apprenticeship in Oberursel. Such training periods varied between two and five years. During this time, his master, Nicolaus Henricus, was obliged to teach him his craft, to supply room and board, and to give him clothes and some pocket money. It was not an easy life. The young apprentice had to help get the workshop ready, light the fire in winter, and do the most difficult jobs. He prepared the ink, dampened the sheets before printing. He had to help operate the press. He had to learn to set type under strict supervision. He often had to fetch proofs. At the end of the day he had to clean up. In a relatively small workshop, such as that of Henricus, an apprentice no doubt participated in all aspects of book production.15 13 14

15

Korf 50-51. "Iohannes Rupelius Gel(n)husianus" started his studies at the University of Marburg in the winter semester of 1547. Julius Caesar, Catalogus studio sor um scholae Marpurgensis (Marburg: Kraus reprint of 1875 ed, 1980) 2:1. "Johannes Ruppelius de Gelnhaussen Mogunt dioc." registered at the University of Heidelberg on the last day of October in 1548. Gustav Toepke, Die Matrikel der Universität Heidelberg (Heidelberg: Winter, 1884) 2: 601. Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin, The Coming of the Book: The Impact of Printing. 1450-1800 (London: Michel, 1979) 128-131. There is no actual documentary evidence naming Spies was an apprentice in Henricus's print shop. But the later entry

14 Oberursel, where Henricus printed, had a special political significance in the history of printing in the sixteenth century. Under the administrative control of Count Ludwig of Stolberg-Königstein, Henricus was free to print works of militant Lutheranism. The only piece of writing Henricus is known to have written is a letter of dedication addressed to Ludwig in which he praises the count as one who valued the pure doctrine ( " . . . [daß Ludwig] die reine Göttliche Lehr, Deren fürnemste Artickel in der Augspurgischen Confession zusammen gezogen sind, sonderlich lieb hat, und in seiner Herrschaft löblich erhält. . . . Der gütige Gott und Vater Jesu Christ wolle E.G. sampt allen den jren gnediglich bewaren, und in der reinen Lehr fürder erhalten.") 16 We encounter the concept of pure doctrine ("reine Lehre" or "wahre Religion") frequently as we consider the careers of Spies and his associates. The doctrine represented an aggressive fundamentalist wing of Protestantism, which had many adherents in Frankfurt As an imperial city and the center of book trade in Germany, Frankfurt could not afford to have its printers produce extremely militant or libelous books. Although the efforts of the Imperial Diet to prevent such books from being printed remained generally ineffective, complaints were on the increase, and there were renewed efforts in the 1550s to impose a greater degree of discipline in Frankfurt. Calvin, who had supporters in Frankfurt, was upset about books printed against him. The city council became allergic to polemics about the sacrament of holy communion, so it forbade the publication of all books on that topic. 17 For Henricus these restrictions presented an opportunity; he seized the chance to print books that the Frankfurt city council did not allow. 18 The restrictive policies in Frankfurt did not prevent Henricus from trying to sell his books there. In 1579 the imperial censor expressed his frustration and annoyance in no uncertain terms: "Nielas Heinrich, Drucker, hat kein Privilegium, sagt sein Bücher werden zu Königstein examiniert, hat kein Urkunth noch Catalogum. Ist ein tauber idiota."19 In 1592 the city council of in the Frankfurt city records showing him to be a compositor from Oberursel comes very close to being such evidence. Later connections to Oberursel confirm the assumption that Spies worked for Henricus before he went to Frankfurt. 16

17

18 19

"Ludowicus Comes et dns. in Stolberg et Wernigerode" registered at the University of Wittenberg in October 1520. Förstemann 99. Kopp 15. Herwarth von Schade, Joachim Westphal und Peter Braubach. Briefwechsel zwischen dem Hamburger Hauptpastor, seinem Drucker-Verleger und ihrem Freund Hartmann Beyer in Frankfurt am Main über die Lage der Kirche und die Verbreitung von Büchern (Hamburg: Wittig, 1981) 162-163. von Schade 40-41. Kopp 58.

15 Leipzig sent a complaint to Frankfurt about Henricus; contrary to the imperial edicts and regulations, Henricus was printing libelous tracts. 20 Oberursel continued to be an obstacle for the moderating forces in Frankfurt even after Henricus had died. In 1606, when Frankfurt was experiencing great economic hardship and had to deal with attacks upon the Jewish population, the city officials confiscated a book that fueled such attacks. It was the Judenspiegel, a book published by Cornelius Sutor, the successor of Henricus in Oberursel.21 Numerous commissions came from Frankfurt. Henricus worked closely with the Frankfurt printer Peter Braubach (or Brubach), who was frustrated by the city council's strict policies. 22 Braubach supported the Lutheran cause. The first index of forbidden books, published in 1559 by the Catholic Church, singled out Braubach's press of those in Frankfurt as the one from which all sorts of heretical works emerged. 23 Braubach's correspondence of 1557 with his friend Joachim Westphal shows the problems he had in finding a way to print Westphal's polemics against Calvinists. The solution was to persuade Henricus to print his books. This he did in 1558, printing two books by Westphal on the controversial topic of holy communion, against the positions of Calvin. 24 In Oberursel the aggressive adherents of orthodox Lutheranism were free to treat the most controversial topics: holy communion and free will. Most books printed here treated these or related topics. Among the authors and editors in Henricus's camp was Hartmann Beyer, the foremost Lutheran pastor and preacher of Frankfurt, who, like Braubach and Count Ludwig, was an alumnus of the University of Wittenberg. 25 In 1563 Beyer cooperated with Henricus to help produce the most ambitious publication project in Oberursel, a folio .volume of 688 pages, Luther's own pronouncements on the subject of holy communion, together with commentary

20 21

22 23 24 25

von Schade 66. I. Kracauer, Geschichte der Juden Frankfurt a. M. (1150-1824) (Frankfurt; Kauffmann, 192S) 369. This book is attributed to Johann Baptist Caesar, one of Spies's authors. Cf. pp. 48-49 below. von Schade 161-167. von Schade 65. Kopp 19-22. Kopp 11-14. As "Hartmannus Bauarus franckfordensis" in the summer semester of 1534. Förstemann 153. Beyer received his master's degree in Wittenberg in 1539. The following notation is made in the records: "Autor qu[a]estionum sphaericarum, minister verbi Francofordiae ad Moenum". Julius Köstlin, Die Baccalaurei und. Magistri der Wittenberger philosophischen Facultät. 1538-1546. (Halle: Niemeyer, 1890) 11. Georg Eduard Steitz, Der lutherische Prädikant Hartmann Beyer (Frankluit, 1852).

16

by other theologians.26 In 1586 Johann Spies was to publish his own edition of Luther's tract on holy communion. In the preface Spies stressed the importance of this publication. In the years 1563 to 1578 the pastor of Oberursel, Christoph Obenhin, was an active participant in these controversial publishing activities. 27 Henricus printed at least seven of Obenhin's works. As a school-boy Johann Spies was witness to Obenhin's impressive academic learning and religious zeal in his sermons, on the occasions of his regular visits to the school that he supervised, and in the print shop later when Spies helped to produce Obenhin's books. As the full title of one of his works indicates, Obenhin was determined to attack the falsifications of pure doctrine. 28 His title page succinctly sums up what the entire book is about. It presents the Lutheran doctrine of salvation, rejection of reliance on man's reasoning powers in favor of exclusive trust in God's grace. This position becomes relevant when we consider the question of Faustus's salvation; when Faustus is near his end and sees that he is condemned to hell, he realizes that reason and free will, on which he had depended, do not help him. In his dedication to the city council of Oberursel, Obenhin takes pains to explain that he saw as one of his tasks to attack those who undermine Lutheranism. In the text itself, he shows that in his early work Melanchthon had been in agreement with Luther on such essential issues as free will and salvation, but in later years Melanchthon began to deviate from Luther. Obenhin articulates the position against the so-called Philippists, the party of Melanchthon. His position was shared by the other authors published by Henricus, and it is a position to which Johann Spies also consistently subscribed. A few authors who published their works in the press of Henricus later became authors for Spies: for example, Martin Luther, Johannes Wigand, Peter Patiens, Georg Nigrinus, and after 1586 Aegidius Hunnius and Nicodemus Frischlin. There is a clear, consistent line leading from Henricus to Spies. As a compositor Spies had opportunities to meet authors Henricus favored and, as he helped to produce their books, to reflect on their 26

27

F. W. E. Roth, Geschichte der Buchdruckereien zu Oberursel am Taunus nebst Verzeichnis der dort gedruckten Werke. 1557-1623. (1886-1900) 5b. This valuable reference work is available only in manuscript form in the City Archives of Oberursel. Unfortunately, the sixteenth century holdings of the archives were destroyed in the Second World War. Cf. Kopp 5 and 35. Korf 51-65. Christoph Obenhin, Einfeitiger vnd warhafftiger bericht von dem Freyen Willen vnd bekerung des Menschen (Ursel: Henricus, 1569). Cf. Figure 1.

17 importance. Georg Nigrinus was the most prolific writer for Henricus: in the two years before Spies moved to Frankfurt about half of the books printed in Oberursel were books by Nigrinus. 29 Later Spies published books by Nigrinus; they appeared at a persistent rate, about every three or four years in the two decades between 1580 and 1600. Nigrinus was an aggressive polemical writer, he attacked Catholics, Calviniste, and Jews with great vigor, representing the most extreme element in the publication programs of Henricus and Spies. 30 Less polemical, but equally persistent in presenting the orthodox Lutheran view was Aegidius Hunnius, considered the leading theologian of this Protestant faction. 31 Hunnius began publishing with Henricus in 1584-1585; subsequently, he became an author for Spies. No other author of Spies's enjoyed such a privileged position. Twenty-four books by Hunnius appeared between 1586 and 1590. 32 It appears that Henricus also remained linked closely to Spies through the printer Wendel Homm, who followed Spies from Oberursel to Frankfurt in 1582. 33 Homm took over printing assignments from Spies, notably books of Nicodemus Frischlin, whose books appeared with Spies as well as with Henricus. Homm also printed the 1588 edition of Spies's Historia von D. Johann Fausten. In his study of Henricus's press, Manfred Kopp attempted to distinguish the specialized areas of publishing interests. He defined certain categories and determined the percentage of books Henricus produced in each: 1. Theology (mostly in Latin) 2. Religion and education for laymen (primarily in German) 3. Miscellaneous

29

ΟΛ

31

32

29% 58% 13%

Kopp 37-38. Cf. Roth. Kar! Goedeke, Grundriß zur Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung (Dresden: Bhlermann, 1886) 2: 505-507. ADB, 23: 695-698. Adolf Haffen, "Georg Nigrinus' 'Papistische Inquisition' 1582," Euphorion 5 (1898): 724-726. Arthur Venn, Die polemischen Schriften des Georg Nigrinus gegen Johann Nas. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der konfessionellen polemischen Literatur im Zeitalter Gegenreformation. Heidelberg Diss. (Witten: Lis, 1933). Hans H. Weißberger, "Aegidius Hunnius in Marburg," Jahrbuch der Hessischen Kirchengeschichtlichen Vereinigung 6 (1955): 1-89. "[Hunnius] galt als Hauptvertreter der lutherischen Orthodoxie." Kurt Beck, Rat und Kirche. Der Rat der freien Reichsstadt Frankfurt am Main und das Evangelisch-lutherische Predigerministerium (Frankfurt: Evangelischer Regionalverband, 1981) 349. Cf. Figure 7. Josef Benzing, Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1982) 128.

18 The press of Henricus was clearly an undertaking in the service of a religious cause. When we consider the more varied interests represented by the Frankfurt printers, it becomes evident that Henricus was extremely specialized. The first two categories are so closely related that they represent, for all practical purposes, one area. Even the third category is closely linked to this orientation. Although it includes journalistic items such as the newe Zeitungen, the broadsheets and pamphlets published about current events— such as the Turkish wars or miraculous signs in the heavens, or catastrophes—were presented with a didactic massage from the perspective of the Lutheran cause. Kopp refers to this category of writings—literature of admonition (MahnliteraturX 34 This literary tradition needs to be considered when we attempt to understand to which tradition or genre the Historia belongs. Because it is not a simple matter to distinguish the literary categories of the sixteenth century, the statistics are of dubious value; they can show only general tendencies. If we compare the output of Henricus with that of Spies, we find that Spies generally followed in his master's footsteps. But we can also observe minor divergences from the master's printing policies and the pursuit of new interests. Spies did not use his press to report on current affairs. In general, he did not print newspapers (newe Zeitungen); instead, he printed legal tracts, dissertations, texts, and laws. Unlike Henricus, Spies published numerous epithalamia and funeral sermons. On the other hand, Henricus was active in publishing popular devil literature (Teufelsbücher) that helped to prepare the climate for the appearance of the Historia: Andreas Musculus, Wider den Fluchteufel, 1561 Eustacius Schild, Spielteufel, 1561 Mattheus Friedrich, Wider den Saufteuffel, 1561 Andreas Hoppenrod, Wider den Huren Teufel, 1565 Jodocus Hocker, Der Teufel selbs, 1568 and 1569 Caspar Faber (Tonsoris), Einfeltige und Kurtze Erinnerung vom Sabbatsteuffel, 1572 Christoph Obenhin, DerEydteufel, 1574 Christoph Mars taller, Der Pfarr- vndPfründbeschneider-Teuffel, 157535

34

Kopp 27.

QC

Emst Kelcher, "Die Buchdruckerei und ihre Druckwerke zu Oberursel," Intelligenzblatt zum Serapeum 29 (1868): 81-120. Kopp 40-44.

19 Two works that do not indicate printer or place of printer are nevertheless identified as Henricus' books : Jodocus Hocker, Wider den Bannteuffel Cyriakus Spangenberg, Jag-teuffeß6 For the modem reader it is not easy to comprehend the popularity of these books. These works were not thought of as fiction; their purpose was not to entertain. They were written by Lutheran pastors who had didactic aims, focusing on and shaping social and moral values. They have obvious relevance to the Historia, but, contrary to expectation, we do not find any books of this genre in the bibliography of Spies for the years that preceded the Historia. Why did Spies avoid this popular genre so consistently?37 Business considerations may have prompted him to stay away from the fierce market duel that had developed between the most prominent printers of Frankfurt, Sigmund Feyerabend and Nicolaus Basse. Both had published the devil books in great numbers, even greater than the number Henricus produced, and the struggle eventually had to be dealt with in court. In 1568, there were ten different devil books on the market; the number of copies sold totaled 1,218, or about 10% of the total volume of sales. Feyerabend produced a folio volume that incorporated many of the devil books that had appeared earlier. Basse complained to the city council that Feyerabend had issued eleven reprints of devil books he himself had printed. 38 Under these circumstances, a strategic business decision to avoid futile, provocative competition might be understandable. The specific conditions of intense competition among printers in Frankfurt demanded cautious business decisions. Jodocus Hocker's Teufel selbs assembled a number of anecdotes and passages that show some affinity to passages of the Historia. The affinity is not precise enough to ascertain direct borrowings, but Hocker's book belongs to a large group of books that promoted the image of the blameworthy

37

Kopp, p. 106. Cf. Heinrich Grimm, "Die deutschen Teufelsbücher," Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens 16 (1959), 550. The only devil book that I have been able to identify as a product of Spies's press is a reprinting of Peter Glaser's Gesindteufel in 1598. It should be noted, however, that this book was printed at the expense of Hans Gottfried and that Spies undertook this printing when he began to have financial difficulties. Cf. VD 16 under Peter Glaser.

I O

Heinrich Pallmann, Sigmund Feyerabend. Sein Leben und seine geschäftlichen Verbindungen, in: Archiv für Frankfurts Geschichte und Kunst n.s. 7 (1881): 59-60 and 156-160.

20 diabolical magician.39 Many differences between the outputs of Henricus and Spies can be explained in terms of the conditions of censorship in Frankfurt. Printers in Frankfurt had to be more careful than Henricus if they wanted to continue printing in this city. In deciding to go to Frankfurt, Spies gave up the freedom from restrictions that Oberursel enjoyed. But Frankfurt was a city of unique opportunities. It was the great printing center of Europe. Henri Estienne's essay on the Frankfurt Book Fair in 1569 reflects prosperity, optimism, and a variety of cultural activities. Estienne called the area of the printers and booksellers the Athens of Frankfurt: "For here all may enjoy the living voice of many honored persons, who gather from different academies. Here very often right in the shops of the book-sellers you can hear them discussing philosophy no less seriously than once the Socrateses and the Platos discussed it in the Lyceum." 40 Johann Spies was a man of energy and ambition. He perceived an opportunity for a better future in Frankfurt, and during the next decade he worked very hard to establish himself. In 1572, Spies settled in Frankfurt. Having completed his apprenticeship in Oberursel, he could call himself a compositor (Schriftsetzer). He applied for citizenship in Frankfurt. The city records show that by this time he was married; with his petition he presented his own birth certificate as well as that of his wife. He was granted citizenship in Frankfurt on August 20. On the same day, the publisher and printer Kilian Han (Gallus), for whom Spies subsequently worked as journeyman printer, took his oath of citizenship. Han, son of the prominent Frankfurt printer Weigand Han, hailed from Frankfurt and had just turned twenty. The fact that his name appears conspicuously next to that of Spies suggests that the association between the two men had been established earlier. Han had married in 1571, and his year of birth, 1550, was probably not far from that of Spies. Spies developed a good working relationship with Kilian and his family; he was employed by Kilian and then by his brother Hartmann.41 •JO

Hocker admired Johann Weier, and his book shares stories such as that of Jena with him. 2:267. See p. 130-131 below. In 1: 7, Hocker quotes the saying ("das gemeine Sprichwort") that ends chapter 4 of the Historia: "Die Helle sey nicht so heis, wie sie die Pfaffen machen, vnd der Teufel sey nicht so schwartz, als jn die maier malen." He narrates the magical theft of wine from the pope's cellar. 3:49. Hocker interprets and explains the significance of I Peter S, the passage found at the beginning and end of the Historia. 1: 285 ff. In the Wolfenbüttel manuscript collection I have seen Gustav Milchsack's edition of the Historia with hand notations in which he refers to many other links to Hocker, but I have not found them to be close enough to permit speculations of direct influence. 40

James Westfall Thompson, The Frankfurt Book Fair (Chicago: Caxton, 1911) 169-171.

41

Stadtarchiv Frankfurt a. M. Bürgermeisterbuch, 1572, fol. 54v; Ratsprotokoll, 1572, fol. 37v; Bürgerbuch, 1572, fol. 242r. Benzing 123 and 126.

21 Only the first name of Johann Spies's wife is known: Anna. It was not uncommon for aspiring apprentices to rise to the position of printer through an auspicious marriage. 42 Whether his marriage to Anna had helped Spies gain gradual entry into the restricted society of printers in Frankfurt is unclear. On the one hand, for the first ten years in Frankfurt he worked for others; he did not succeed in acquiring his own printing press equipment until about 1579.43 On the other hand, because of the modest income he had up to this point, it would have been difficult for him to have the money to purchase presses; he needed generous financial support from an outside source. It appears that he enjoyed some special privileges from the start. In a preface of 1588, Spies refers to former Frankfurt officials Georg Newhausen and Georg Weiß, who had helped him and his wife. The letter implies that the young Spies couple had joined the church in Frankfurt and that Johann and Anna were married there even before they were granted citizenship. 44 At any rate, Spies had patrons among the influential patrician class of Frankfurt from the very beginning of his stay in this city. Although Spies's first employer in Frankfurt, Kilian Han, was a Lutheran, his book business did not reflect the religious commitment of Henricus in Oberursel. In the years between 1569 and 1577 Han commissioned the printing of at least a dozen books. In 1573, Han began to print his own books. But his output was relatively small; only eight books between 1573 and 1575 are known to have been products of his press. In general, his books were popular historical ones, such as Fortunatus, Melusine, Claus Narr, Konrad von Wiirzburg's Engelhart, and a history of Troy. He published a popular handbook by Walter Hermann Ryff on medications. 4 ^ The reformation was represented by Luther's catechism.46 In 1574, Kilian Han sent Spies on a confidential mission. The Frankfurt City Council learned about Spies's meeting with Friedrich Ochsenkopf (printer), Ambrosius Lossner (journeyman from Nürnberg) and Peter Ross (journeyman) and suspected a conspiracy to undertake some unspecified illegal business undertaking. Spies and the others were arrested. After Han was able 42

Febvrc and Martin 130.

43

Erna Berger, "Neue Funde zur Biographie des Frankfurter Buchdruckers Johann Spieß (t 1623)," Archiv für Frankfurts Geschichte und Kunst 53 (1973): 68.

44

Cf. p. 181 in the Appendix.

45

Cf. Katalin Rákóczi, "Walter Hermann Ryffs charakteristische Stilmittel," Orvostôrténeti Kôzlemények/Communicationes de artis medicinae 107-108 (1984) 7988.

46

Erhard Klöss, "Der Frankfurter Drucker-Verleger Weigand Han und seine Erben," Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens 2 (1959): cols. 337-367.

22 to convince the city council of his employee's innocence, Spies was released. 47 Han suffered serious setbacks in the following years. In 1575 his son died, and two years later he lost his wife. Soon afterwards he left Frankfurt. 4 8 Whether he sold his presses to Johann Spies is a matter of speculation. In 1562, after the death of Kilian's father, the Weigand heirs joined together with the Frankfurt printers Georg Rab (Corvinus) and Sigmund Feyerabend to form a common publishing company (Cumpanei). Most of the publications of this venture appeared in the 1560s. Although the company gradually disbanded in the 1570s, the business links among Kilian Han, Georg Rab, and Sigmund Feyerabend were maintained. 49 It is therefore not surprising that Spies was also closely associated with Rab and Feyerabend. The records of a strike against the printers of Frankfurt in 1597 give us information about the relationship between Spies and Rab. An apparently trivial issue of fetching water for the presses was the cause of a defiant challenge by the journeymen, who intended to bring all printing in Frankfurt to a halt. The journeymen claimed that this task was traditionally the work for apprentices and other servants, not that of the journeymen. Spies, along with the other printers of Frankfurt, insisted that this claim was unjustified. In testimony to the city council Spies stated that about twenty years earlier he had gotten his training under Georg Rab, and at that time journeymen had fetched water without complaining ("ohne beschweren für der thiir geholet"). 50 He was evidently proud of having had Rab as his master and of having performed manual labor. The information that Spies worked in the print shop of Georg Rab gives us valuable clues about the obscure early years in Frankfurt and how the young printer might have begun printing there. Rab had an active and productive press that covered a wide range of subjects, especially in classical literature and history. With a long and distinguished career of printing Georg Rab had amassed a sizable fortune. 51

47

Stadtarchiv Frankfurt: Ratsprotokolle, 1574, fol. 12v. Bürgermeisterbuch, 1574, fol. 25v-26r. Ochsenkopf hailed from Speyer; his residence was in Frankfurt Cf. Berger 68.

48

Klöss 337.

49

Klöss 315 and 333-336.

50

51

Heinrich Pallmann, "Ein Buchdruckerstrike zu Frankfurt a. M. im Jahre 1597," Archiv für Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels 8 (1883): 11-21. In the years 1570 and 1577 his taxable income was assessed at 4000 Ω. Pallmann, Feyerabend 109.

(Gulden).

23 He djed in 1580.52 Before his death he may have helped Spies to acquire the equipment to establish his own shop, if he did not already have it. 53 By 1580 Spies was the owner of two printing presses, and he started printing. But there is every indication that these beginnings were not easy, and if Rab or others helped Spies, the aid was not sufficient to finance all of his projects. Until August 23, 1580, while he had been responsible for overseeing the production of at least thirteen books, he was employed as a scribe for the city council. At the same time, he found it necessary to take up a loan; he borrowed 200 fl. (Gulden) from the Jews Isaak and Hayum zum Halben Mond. 54 Despite financial difficulties, the quality and volume of his production during the first year are impressive and show that Spies had learned his trade well. As he launched his career, Spies worked in close association with Hartmann Han. Seven of the thirteen books printed list Han as the publisher. Hartmann, Kilian's brother, had studied at the University of Jena and returned to Frankfurt in 1578, about the time of his brother's departure. He and Spies worked out plans for a program of publications that produced concrete results in 1580, but because of Hartmann's difficulties with the law, this period of collaboration was destined to be short-lived. In May 1580, Han was arrested by the city council in a brawl that had injured an innkeeper. In November he was arrested again, this time in a case of prostitution (Unzucht). Hartmann insisted that the woman in question was his fiancée, but to no avail. The city council expelled her from the city, and Hartmann followed her. 55 Within a short time and at a crucial point in his career Spies lost his most important source of work and income.

He was buried on August 13. Pallmann 51. About the character of Rab's books cf. Pallmann, Feyerabend 29-30. M

54

55

Spies remained in close touch with the son of Georg Rab, who took over the family printing business. In 1583, when he was in Heidelberg, Spies commissioned Rab to print the musical compositions of Nicolaus Rosthius. Zarncke suggested that the reason for this unusual printing was that Spies may not have had the fonts to print music in Heidelberg. Friedrich Zarncke, "Johann Spieß, der Herausgeber des FaustBuches, und sein Verlag," Goetheschriften (Leipzig: Avenarius, 1897) 293. This cooperative effort was in conflict with the policies of the Frankfurt city council. During the year of its publication Rab was accused of printing a book for someone outside Frankfurt without permission. Beck 847. "Einen Insatz über 200 fl., den er 1580 auf 2 pressen, 20 Zentner Schriften, alle Bücher und die gesamte fahrende Habe bei den Frankfurter Juden Isaak und Hayum zum Halben Mond aufgenommen hatte, zahlt er [Spies] nach einem Jahr nach der Herbstmesse wieder zurück." Beiger 68. Klöss 338-340.

24 To be sure, Sigmund Feyerabend, the foremost and wealthiest printer of Frankfurt had hired Spies to print important books. In 1580, two handsomely illustrated handbooks appeared: one by Jost Amman and Tobias Stimmer and another on Ovid's mythological tales. In 1581, Spies printed for Feyerabend Hondorffs exemplum collection and the famous satirical letters of obscure men. Almost all of his books during these first two years of printing in Frankfurt were jobs contracted by others, but there were exceptions that listed no publisher, indicating that Spies was responsible for all aspects of the publication. For example, he printed an epithalamium by Wendelin Helbach for a wedding in Thuringia, involving a citizen of the city of Gera, where he and members of his family later resided. Spies favored this short form throughout his career. Poems for weddings represented for Spies a way to supplement his income as well as to honor friends or relatives. In 1581, he printed and published Rivander's chronicle of Thuringia, also on his own. He may have published other works that have eluded bibliographers.

In any case, there are clear signs that he was

establishing himself as an independent printer. In general, his output does not point in any particular direction, and the range of his books reflects more the interests of his employers Han, Rab, and Feyerabend, than it does his own. From the beginning Spies had troubles with Frankfurt censorship. On February 16, 1580, he was arrested. The emperor had complained to the city council about the publication of a work on Christ's incarnation and birth, and it was suspected that the emperor had in mind a book that Spies had printed. It turned out to be an error. 5 6 On May 19, Spies had to petition that a certain unspecified book he had made available earlier be examined for a second time. He declared that if the church authorities found anything objectionable in his book, he would be willing to make revisions. 57 The city council was clearly sensitive about the treatment of religious questions, and it gave clear signals to Spies that his freedom to publish was severely limited. We do not know what books Spies was trying to publish in these particular cases. Perhaps because of difficulties with censorship they were 56

C*7

"Johann Spieß Buchtrucker. Ist anbracht er sey des Lateinsichen durch ine von der Menschwerdung und geburt Christi Jhesu getruckten Briefs halben welcher doch nit der recht sey davon der Kaiser geschrieben aus Irrthumb zu hafft kommen. Ob man Ine der Hafft erledigen soll." Ratsprotokoll, 1579. "Johann Spieß Buchtrucker hat suppliciert und gepetten das newlich vbergeben Buch Herrn Philipsen oder einem andern Predicanten nochmals vbersehen, vnd was darinn nachteiligs befunden, dasselbig heraussen zu lassen sich erpotten." Ratsprotokoll, 1580, Stadtarchiv Frankfurt. "Herr Philip," to whom Spies refers, is probably Philipp Pistorius, a member of Frankfurt's congregation of ministers. Cf. Beck 848.

25 never printed. But his efforts may have been the first attempts to establish the kind of Lutheran press that Henricus had in Oberursel. Although the city council was sympathetic to the cause of Lutheranism, it had to balance its sympathies with political considerations; it had to take into account the interests of the Calvinist minority in the city along with the power of the emperor, represented by his newly established censor in Frankfurt, as well as those of the national and international participants who flocked to its fairs in the spring and fall. Books were turned over to the congregation of ministers (Predigerministerium) for close scrutiny, but the city council made the final decisions. In 1581, Spies printed only about half of the books he had printed in the previous year, and after the fall book fair he repaid the loan he had taken out. 58 By this time he had undoubtedly made the decision to leave Frankfurt for Heidelberg, where he was obviously invited to establish a new press. His diligence and special talents were recognized, and entirely new opportunities opened up. In Frankfurt, his printing served the interests of others; in Heidelberg, he was on his own as a printer and publisher. He was now free to put his printing in the service of a cause in which he really believed.

58

Berger 68.

2. Printing in Heidelberg and Frankfurt for the Pure and True Religion

Momentous changes had taken place in the Palatinate, where Lutheranism was being reestablished and creating extraordinary opportunities. Suddenly Johann Spies had the chance to establish a press comparable to that of Henricus in Oberursel but which, because of the political importance of the Palatinate, could hope to exceed the impact of Henricus as a leading, powerful force for the Lutheran cause. The elector of the Palatinate, Ludwig VI, had rejected the Calvinist faith of his father and, when he took over the administration of the land in 1576, he began in earnest to return Heidelberg and its environs to Lutheranism. He immediately set two great waves of dismissals into motion, expelling first all church officials of the Calvinist persuasion and then the members of the university community who refused to sign their names in adherence to orthodox Lutheranism. At the same time, Ludwig sought to bring prominent Lutheran leaders to Heidelberg. In 1579, the elector attracted attention in Frankfurt by calling on Peter Patiens, a member of the congregation of ministers, to accept the position of general superintendent and thus become the chief church administrator in the Palatinate. In two books, both published in Oberursel, Patiens had taken a stance on the crucial issue of holy communion. 1 He had lived in Frankfurt since 1571. Thus the period of his residence there corresponded roughly to that of Spies. Ludwig was certain that he was the right man for the position in question, and when the city council did not want to let him go, Ludwig threatened in jest to send his wife to deal with Frankfurt or even to start a war. In 1579, Patiens went to Heidelberg.

Peter Patiens, Bekenntnüß vom heil. Abendmal (s.l., 1575; Ursel, 1585) and Inhalt Zwinglischer Lehr von der Gegenwärtigkeit Christi im heiligen Abendmahl (Ursel, 1568), listed by C. G. Jöcher, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexikon (1816; repr. Olms, 1961), suppl. vol. 5: cols. 1662-1663.

27 Patiens undoubtedly played a role in persuading Ludwig to consider the crucial function of the printing press in promoting his aims. The vision of an exclusively Lutheran Palatinate was controversial, and there was a need to win over many who were resisting the changes. A Lutheran press could obviously play a major role in such an effort. Patiens, who now became responsible for the spiritual welfare of the entire Palatinate, clearly recognized that Spies was the right man to take on the task of establishing the press in Heidelberg. If Patiens did not personally invite Spies to come to Heidelberg, his recommendation was certainly necessary to establish Spies as the official printer of the elector. Spies set to work immediately and with great energy. He printed at least twenty-seven books in Heidelberg in 1582, and about ninety-one more over the next three years. These books were strongly supportive of the legal and theological aims of the new administration. Spies's immediate task was to print an entirely new set of laws and edicts for the Palatinate. He produced several elaborate folio volumes that reflected a new and more comprehensive legal system. 2 In the same year he printed the Formula of Concord together with the other major documents of Protestantism in the so-called Konkordienbuch, the culmination of many years of debate and negotiations among Protestant f a c t i o n s . T h i s major event in the history of the Reformation was the focal point about which the religious, political, and publication activities of Spies revolved in the subsequent years. The shape of the Historia was affected by its impact. The expressed aim of the Formula of Concord had been to unite Protestant factions, but the seeds for discord were plainly visible in the document itself; it

"Die imposanteste kodifikatorische Leistung der Kurpfalz stellt zweifellos die kurfürstliche Landesordnung von 1582 dar." Volker Press, Calvinismus und Territorialstaat. Regierung und Zentralbehörden der Kurpfalz 1559-1619 (Stuttgart: Klett, 1970) IS. "So hat Ludwig durch eine Reihe von Ordnungen das Leben der Untertanen zu regeln gesucht. Am bedeutendsten unter ihnen sind die Landesordnung und das Landrecht - eine große kodifikatorische Leistung, die 1S82 publiziert wurde und dem rheinischen Landesteil die Rechtseinheit gab. Ferner ließ er die Untergerichtsordnung, die schon unter Friedrich III. fertiggestellt worden war, herausgeben und die Hofgerichtsordnung neu auflegen. Beide Gerichtsordnungen wurden mit Landesordnung und Landrecht dem neuen Werke integriert Auch dieses war ein Ausdruck der fortgeschrittenen Auffassung von der Kurpfalz als einheitlichem Territorium." Ibid., 297. Vgl. Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des XVI. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen: Mohr, 1969) 69-77. Spies's edition of the Concordia was considered the authoritative version. In the recent exhibit of Heidelberg books in the Vatican library, the beautiful personal copies of Ludwig and his brother Casimir were on display. Cf. Elmar Mittler (ed.), Bibliotheca Palatina. Katalog zur Ausstellung (Heidelberg: Braus, 1986), Textband, 185 and 244245.

28 formulated fundamentalist, orthodox Lutheran positions on major theological issues and condemned other positions. In the Palatinate the result was an intense polarization. With respect to holy communion, the Formula insisted that the body of Christ was actually present and received in the sacrament; it condemned positions that interpreted the presence in a solely spiritual or symbolic sense. With respect to the question of free will, the document asserted that reason was blind and that the grace of God alone could help man achieve salvation; it condemned the doctrine of free will, according to which man with his own natural powers could gain grace and salvation.4 Although the document did not accuse particular persons, it defined as heretical the positions held by the followers of Melanchthon, the Philippists, the CryptoCalvinists, and the Calvinists. The polarization was even evident within Ludwig's family. Ludwig's brother Duke Johann Casimir retained the faith of his father and attracted in his administrative districts the leading intellectuals expelled from Heidelberg. Hermann Witekind (also known under the name Wilcken and the pseudonym Augustin Lercheimer), one of the leading members of the faculty at the University of Heidelberg, refused to sign his name to the Formula of Concord and was thus dismissed in 1579. He and others from Heidelberg joined the faculty of the Collegium Casimirianum established in Neustadt by Johann Casimir. This school formed a pocket of resistance to the Lutherans in Heidelberg. Witekind wrote against the intolerance of the new order. 5 The printer Matthaeus Hämisch stood at the disposal of this opposing force. The print shops of Harnisch and Spies produced the weapons in the form of books and pamphlets in a struggle between the parties of Ludwig and Johann Casimir. The religious forces at Neustadt insisted on a counterattack against the Formula of Concord that the Calvinistic doctrine, especially with respect to the Eucharist, was not heretical but consistent with scripture. They maintained that the revised Augsburg Confession and the condemnation of this doctrine

Die Bekenntnisschriften der evangelisch-lutherischen Kirche (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1959) 796-803 and 776-781. In 1582, he addressed a satirical poem to the "Patres Bergenses," who embodied all the intolerance of the Formula of Concord. A. F. C. Vilmar, "Nachträgliche kleine literarische Notiz zu Zeitschrift 2, 55 über Hermann Wilcken genannt Wi[t]ekind," Zeitschrift des Bergischen Geschichtsvereins 5 (1868-1870): 231-235. On the Collegium Casimirianum cf. Ludwig Häusser, Geschichte der Rheinischen Pfalz (Heidelberg: Winter, 1924) 2: 135-137.

29 were undertaken without giving the Calviniste a hearing.6 In this war one item from the press of Harnisch is noteworthy. It is also relevant to the Historia: Der Anhaldinischen Theologen Bedencken vber die Prefation des newlich außgangenen Concordienbuchs, published in 1581.7 It justifies the refusal of the theologians of Anhalt to approve the Formula of Concord. For the members of the Lutheran camp in Heidelberg this book was an embarrassing reminder that they had not succeeded in winning over Prince Joachim Ernst of Anhalt to support their cause. With the support of his theologians he had successfully resisted signing the document. 8 Since the prince of Anhalt reemerges in the Historia, the question of the precise relationship of these religious disputes to the story of Faustus will have to be examined more closely at a later point The struggle between the two opposing camps was intense, but it did not degenerate into personal attacks; it was contained at the level of scholarly disputations about issues. An agreement between Ludwig and Johann Casimir in 1578 to forbid theologians to engage in polemics against each other had been effective. The views of Philipp Melanchthon were often at the center of debate. All Protestant factions were willing to concede that this lifelong associate of Luther's had made many positive contributions, but on doctrinal matters the conservative faction, to which Spies belonged, detected an unforgivable departure from true Lutheranism. It was felt that Melanchthon had made some concessions that were nothing less than a betrayal. Most significantly, Melanchthon had made statements about the symbolic character of the eucharist, which exposed him to the charge of Crypto-Calvinism. It appeared that on this issue and on a whole range pf others, including the question of free will, Melanchthon was willing to abandon Luther's positions and to compromise. Although the Formula of Concord does not name Melanchthon, the deviations that he appeared to espouse were clearly condemned.9

7

o

9

Hans-Werner Genischen, We Condemn: How Luther and lóth-Century Lutheranism Condemned False Doctrine, translated by Herbert J. A. Bouman (Saint Louis: Concordia, 1967) 193. Cf. 199. VD 16 A 2853. "Neustadter Hamischdrucke," Pfälzisches Museum 48 (1931): 297. Cf. Benzing 346. "Nicht besser glückte eine Zusammenkunft der sächsischen und anhaltinischen Theologen, die Mitte August 1578 zu Herzberg stattfand . . ." Gustav Droysen, Geschichte der Gegenreformation (Berlin: Grote, 1893) 128. Cf. Heinrich Heppe, Geschichte des deutschen Protestantismus in den Jahren 1555-1581 (Marburg: Elwert, 1859) 147-162. Georg Hoffmann, "Luther und Melanchthon. Melanchthons Stellung in der Theologie des Luthertums," Zeitschrift für systematische Theologie 15 (1938): 81-135. Michael

30 Spies published two works of Melanchthon's. In 1583, he published a short form of Melanchthon's Latin grammar, and in 1584, a collection of texts written by the church fathers about the sacrament of holy communion. It would appear that Spies deviated from his policy of siding with orthodox Lutheranism in presenting Melanchthon's position on this crucial issue. Quite the opposite is the case. In his short preface Spies states that Melanchthon had assembled these texts in 1530 in preparation for the Augsburg Confession and that the texts should assist the reader in making sound judgments about the present controversies. 10 But Melanchthon's opponents believed that these writings showed him to be close to Luther's position of the real presence of Christ in the eucharist and that he later deviated from this position. Thus, Spies's publication underlined the assertion that Melanchthon had indeed betrayed Luther. 11 If we compare the books Spies printed in Heidelberg with those in Frankfurt and the books of Henricus in Oberursel, it appears that Spies, after coping with financial difficulties and meeting obstacles and resistance in Frankfurt, succeeded in realizing the conception of a conservative Lutheran press with which he had had firsthand experience in Oberursel. Numerous laws, edicts, legal tracts, and dissertations of the law faculty represent a completely new category that Henricus did not have. Spies also printed epithalamia and funeral sermons. As a result, his total production went considerably beyond the volume of books printed by Henricus. There was no place for books that could be interpreted as libel under the name of Spies. There were distinct differences, but the similarities are striking. Like

11

Rogness, Philipp Melanchthon: Reformer without Honor (Minneapolis: Augsburg Pubi. House, 1969). "Lectori S. Cum ex authoritate & iudicio Domini Philippi Melanchthonis de sententia Augustanae Confessionis pronunciandum esse, multi arbitrentur, has ab ipso collectas sententias & ilio ipso anno trigesimo, quo Augustana Confessio est exhibita & conscripta, editas, tibi Lector communicare voluimus, quo rectius & plenius, cum & authoris ipsius & Confessionis, mentem assequi, tum de praesentibus controuersiis iudicare possis." Philipp Melanchthon, Sententiae sanctorum patrum, de coena Domini (Heidelberg: Spies, 1584). The conviction that Melanchthon had betrayed Luther was widely held, and it was a source of polarization beyond the sixteenth century. It could even survive into the twentieth century, as a recent reminiscence in a German newspaper demonstrates. Recently, the journalist Johannes Gross wrote: "Oma Hilda erzählte mir, als ich ein Kind war, geheimnisvoll, daß der Melanchthon die wahre Lehre Luthers verunreinigt habe. Die Großmutter war Bäuerin, alle ihre Vorfahren waren Kleinbauern oder Bergleute gewesen, vom Pastor konnte sie das sowenig haben wie aus der Schule. Vielleicht hat es in bäuerlichen Familien eine jahrhundertelange Überlieferung gegeben." Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. Magazin July 10,1987: 14.

31 Henricus, Spies put his press without reservation in the service of the Lutheran cause at a critical time. In addition to Peter Patiens, other names link Spies in Heidelberg to his background in Oberursel. In 1582, the year of his arrival, he printed a poem by Andreas Schönwaldt of Oberursel in praise of the Formula of Concord. A former student at Wittenberg, a Latin teacher and Lutheran minister, Schönwaldt was committed to the cause Spies represented.12 Spies also printed a work by Georg Nigrinus, one of the most aggressive polemicists of this time and a favorite author of Henricus's. Spies refrained from taking on projects that bordered dangerously on libel; instead he printed Nigrinus's Trostschrift in 1583 in support of the Lutherans suffering from persecution in Cologne. A preface for Ludwig to the Book of Psalms provides the first opportunity to see how Spies himself viewed his role in these historical circumstances. He took special care to produce the book; on every page an ornamental border frames the text. Spies was aware that Ludwig valued the psalms of David ("ein sonderlicher Liebhaber deß Psalters Dauids") and for this reason had spared no cost nor effort to produce the book as part of his wishes for a happy new year. Spies informs us that Ludwig had requested Conrad Lautenbach, a minister in Heidelberg, to examine the text of the psalms in German translation by Johann Clauß and to compare this rhymed translation with the original text, making corrections where necessary. Moreover, Ludwig had asked Spies to do the printing. Spies uses the occasion of the preface and dedication to Ludwig to give his personal evaluation of the psalms, which he considers a special jewel of the church and the most noble books of the Çible ("ein sonderlich Kleinot in der Christlichen Kirchen, vnd nicht der gemigsten, sondern furnembsten Bücher eins in der Heiligen Bibel"). Spies signed the preface on January 1,1583. He understands the language to be that of the Holy Ghost. In excessively ornate and metaphoric language Spies describes the pleasure of reading: as if one were in a palatial garden ("wie in einen wolgepflantzten Lust vnd Würtzgarten allerley Gattung von schönen Bäumen, guten Kräutern, wolriechenden Blumen, alles in mancherley Gestalt, Färb vnd Krafft"), as if in a chemist's shop every conceivable medication ("in einer wolbestellten Apotecken, allerley kräfftige Artzney wider allerley zufällige Kranckheiten vnd Gebrechen"), as if in an armory with arms to use against enemies ("Vnd in einem wolgerüßten Zeughauaß allerley Wehr, Waffen vnd Kriegsrüstung wider die Feinde"). The 11 Wilhelm Diehl, "Nikodemus Frischlins und Andreas Schönwaldts Anteil an dem Buch vom Großen Christophel," Euphorion 23 (1921): 2-18.

32 psalter is like a miniature Bible that one should read, sing, and study. Spies puts his text into a historical context. The original Christian churches had ordered the psalter to be sung in all bishoprics and monasteries. But it was subsequently misused and abused by the monks and nuns that it sank to the level of superstition and idolatry, making an incomprehensible and useless racket ("Vnd wiewol solches hemach die vngelehrten Mönche vnd Nonnen zu grossem Aberglauben vnd Abgötterey schändlich mißbrauchet, vnd ein vnverständig Geplärr darauß gemacht"), by paying more attention to the music than to comprehension and proper use ("da sie mehr auff die Noten vnnd mancherley Tonos deß Gesangs, dann auff den Verstandt vnnd rechten Gebrauch deß Psalters gesehen haben"). But Spies credits Luther for helping to bringing about a rebirth of the psalter, with his translations, sermons and interpretation. Spies rejoices that through further efforts (he mentions the work of Paul Dolscius in Greek; Eobanus Hessus and [Friedrich?] Cornarius in Latin; and finally Johann Clauß, former secretary at the court of Brandenburg, in German) we now have the psalter in every language ("in alien Sprachen") in prose as well as in verse. Spies communicates a sense of sincere commitment to the task in which he is engaged. His great source of inspiration is the Bible, which he reads under the guidance of Luther, and he can be confident that Ludwig shares his commitment. But in the preface he introduces us to Conrad Lautenbach, another important leader in the same Lutheran cause in Heidelberg. Spies and Lautenbach became friends here, and their collaboration and close contacts continued when they moved to Frankfurt later. Because Lautenbach has received attention as a possible collaborator in the production of the Historia, his life and work are of interest.13 Lautenbach (1534-1594) was born in Motzlar in Thuringia, and after studies in Straßburg he served as Lutheran minister in Neuweiler and in Hunaweyler, a village near Colmar, before being called to Heidelberg by Ludwig in 1580. There he served in different capacities; he was a minister, but he continued his scholarly activities as well. He was employed by the court librarian, Dr. Joachim Strupp, to assemble a catalogue of the collection. 1 4 By this time he had impressive scholarly credentials as a ιλ

14

Helmut Häuser, "Zur Verfasserfrage des Faustbuchs von 1587: Konrad Lautenbach," EuphorienΆ 66 (1972): 151-173. Cf. Deutsches Literatur-Lexikon (München: Francke, 1984) 9: col. 1030. Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie 18: 71-72. Christian Gottlieb Jöcher, Gelehrten-Lexikon [Fortsetzung und Ergänzungen] (Delmenhorst* Jöntzen, 1810) 3: cols. 1414-1415. Jakob Wille, Die deutschen Pfälzer Handschriften (Heidelberg, 1903), no. 834. Helmut Häuser 153. On Strupp cf. Appendix.

33 translator of Greek and Latin. His published translations included numerous historical works such as histories of the Jewish wars by Josephus and Hegesippus. In 1573, he translated from Latin into German a work about the historical predecessors of Luther by the theologian Matthias Flacius Illyricus. 15 One area of his translation activities does indeed approach the Historia. As early as 1576 he had completed a translations of two witchcraft tracts, one by Ulrich Molitor, who published his work in 1489, and another by Lambert Daneau, whose tract appeared first in 1574. Later Lautenbach translated a part of Trithemius's response to questions posed by the Emperor Maximilian, in a work that has some relevance to the Historia and in which Spies took a special interest.16 This translation formed the basis of Lautenbach's contributions to a compilation of tracts on witchcraft published in 1856 by Nicolaus Basse in Frankfurt. Lautenbach worked closely with Basse on the preparation of a comprehensive compilation of witchcraft tracts. Theatrum de veneficis, presenting the views of at least fifteen different authors, was joined by the folio companion volumes De praestigiis daemonum and De lamiis by Johann Weier. The works of Weier appear to contradict many of the views expressed in the tracts contained in the Theatrum. The printer Basse was clearly not interested in presenting just Weier's provocative views but rather all views of possible interest on the question of witchcraft theory. Lautenbach was assigned the task of introducing these texts in a positive way, and he did so by making Weier as conciliatory as possible.17 ^

In Oberursel Henricus printed many works of Flacius. Oliver K. Olson, "Matthias Flacius Illyricus," Theologische Realenzyklopädie (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1982) 11: 206214.

16

In 1596, Spies requested imperial privilege to print an edition of Trithemius's Liber octo quaestionum ad D. Maximilianum 1. Caesarem. It was granted on September 19,1596 for six years. As far as I could determine, this work was never printed, österreichisches Staatsarchiv, RHR, Impressone 67, fol. 124r-139v. Cf. Klaus Arnold, "Humanismus und Hexenglaube bei Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516)," in: Peter Segl (ed.), Der Hexenhammer. Entstehung und Umfeld des Malleus maleficarum von 1487 (Cologne: Bühlau, 1988) 223 and Klaus Arnold, Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516). In: Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Bistums und Hochstifts Würzburg 22 (Würzburg: Schöningh, 1971) 239.

ιη 1 ' "An den Christlichen Leser. / Als Wierus vor dieser Zeyt / Geschrieben hat mit Vnterscheidt, / Von verbottener Zauberey, / Von Teufflischer Betriegerey, / von Vergifftung, in sechs Büchern, / Vnd man es auch gelesen gern, / Alles in Lateinischer Sprach, / Das hat er seinther allgemach / Kurtz zusammen gefasset fein / In ein zimliches Handtbüchlein, / Manchen weilläufftigen Tittel / Bcgrieffen in einem Capitel, / Das man jetzundt in einer Stundt / Durchlauffen kan den gantzen Grundt, / Von dieser Materien schwer, / Darin sich mancher irret sehr, / Vnd offt den Hexen schreibet zu / Als ob sie machten groß Vnrhu / Mit Nachttäntzen, Hagel, kochen / Vnd schiessen ins

34

Translation and editorial work, which the publisher probably rewarded in some form, does not necessarily reflect an identification with the content of the works being prepared for print. But in the preface to his translation of Molitor, Lautenbach reveals his admiration for this particular witchcraft theorist. None of the many other writers on witchcraft appealed to him as much as Ulrich Molitor, who approaches witchcraft beliefs with skepticism at first, but eventually accepts the necessity of persecuting witches. 18 This was Fleisch vnd Knochen / Spitzige Nadel, Fadenwerck / Nemmen Menschen vnd Vieh die Stärck / Stelen Milch, Wein, Kom, Brot vnd Gelt, / Verrücken die Frucht auff dem Feldt, / Allein mit jhrem Angesicht, / Das sie darauff haben gericht, / Oder durch ander Fantasey / Das sie vielmals treiben darbey / Rheiten auff Gabeln in der Lufft / Wann sie jhr Bul zusammen rufft / Treiben mit dem Teuffei Bulschafft,/ Dem sie mit Eydespflicht verhafft. / - Nun lehret dich Wieras hie, / Daß die vermeynten Hexen nie, / Solchen Gewalt von Gott empfangen, / Auch von dem Teuffei nicht erlangen, / Vnd daB eine der bösen Weiber Kunst / In diesem Fall ist gar vmbsunst, / Vnd daß solche grosse Krafft / Sey wider Menschlich Eygenschafft, / Vnd sey demnach sein trewer Raht, / Wann jemandes ein Creutz zustaht, / Daß er sich deß nicht beschämen, / Sondern mit Gedult auffnemmen, / Als ein Straff die herrührt von Gott / Von wegen seiner Missethat, / Oder als ein nützliche Prob, / Die man soll tragen Gott zu Lob, / Andern zum guten Exempel, / Wenn sie kommen in gleiche Fäll, / Stehe von seinen Sünden ab, / Darmit er sich zu trösten hab, / Der Hülffreichen Göttlichen Handt, / Die jhm soll seyn gar wol bekandt, / Vnd hüte sich darneben auch, / Daß er nicht Zauberey gebrauch, / Oder sonst verbottene Mittel, / Vnterm scheinbarlichen Tittel, / Als seyen Wort vnd Mittel gut, / Die man darzu mißbrauchen thut, / Dem lieben Gott sich befehl firey, / Halt sich zur rechten Artzeney,/ Hilfft die nicht bald, so wehrt es doch, / Vnd trag willig deß HERREN Joch, / Der wirdt jhm wol zu rechter Zeyt, / Wider geben sein GesundtheiL / Vermahnet auch die Obrigkeit, / Zu handeln mit gutem Bescheide In dieser Hochwichtigen Sach, / Daß sie nicht vbel ärger mach, / Nicht allein glaube der vergicht, / Darbey manchem zu kurtz geschieht, / Noch mit dem Vrtheil fahr zu schnell, / Wo die Beweisung nicht so hell / Wie die Sonn ist am mitten Tag, / Vnd höre nicht allein die Klag, / sonder auch deß beklagten Red, / Die auß warhafftigem Mündt geht, / Wann sich aber die Sach befindt,/ So mög sie dann das loß Gesindt / Wol straffen mit zeitigem Rahty Nach dem jeder verdienet hat / - Was nun Wieras zu Latein / Geschrieben im selben Büchlein / Hat Henrich Peter Rebenstock / Zu Teutsch gefertigt in den Druck, / In Hoffnung seinem Vatterlandt / Damit zu dienen nach seim Standt / Daramb ließ es mit gutem Bedacht, / So gut als er es hat gemacht, / Befihle dich dem lieben Gott, / Vnd raff jhn an in aller Noth, / Der kan dich schützen allezeit, / Von nun an biß in Ewigkeit. — Thrasibulus Torrentinus Mutislariensis, Francofurti Calend. Julii, 1586." (Torrentius=Lautenbach) Johann Weier, De lamiis (Frankfurt: Basse, 1586), fol. )(iiiirV. Cf. excerpts in Carl Binz, Doctor Johann Weyer, ein rheinischer Arzt, der erste Bekämpfer des Hexenwahns (Bonn: Marcus, 1885) 126-127. IC

"An den Christlichen Leser. / Es haben von der Zäuberey / Ir viel geschrieben mancherley / Doch ist keiner vnder allen / Der mir so wol hett gefallen: / Als dieser Virich Molitor, / Von Costnitz, der Rechten Doctor. / Welcher in ein kleines Buchlein, / Den gantzen Span gefasset fein. / Doch alles in Latein gestellt / Wie es den Gelehrten gefeilt. / Dieweil aber nicht jederman / Das Latein wol verstehen kan: / Hab ich der Sachen nachgedacht / Vnd sein Büchlein zu Teutsch gemacht. / Verhoff den Frommen in gemeyn / Werd mein arbeyt gefällig seyn. / Der HERR verleih vns seine gnad / Daß vns deß Teuffels list nicht schad, Amen. Conrad Lautenbach." Abraham Saur (ed.), Theatrum de veneficis. Das ist: Von Teuffelsgespenstl,] Zauberern vnd Gifftbereitern, Sckwartzkûnstlern, Hexen vnd Vnholden, vieler fürnemmen Historien vnd Exempel, bewärten, glaubwirdigen, alten vnd newen Scribenten, was von solchen jeder Zeit

35 essentially the position of Daneau and Trithemius as well, and we can assume that Lautenbach did not deviate from the mainstream of sixteenth-century views on the danger of witchcraft. By contributing to Basse's volumes of witchcraft tracts, Lautenbach participated in a publishing phenomenon that is relevant to the Historia. He recognized that literature about the devil phenomenon was of great interest, reinforcing Spies's experience in Oberursel; and that compilations of all relevant texts relating to such a theme promised to be profitable commercial ventures. By being closely associated with Lautenbach, Spies could be a firsthand observer of the scholarly components in a process that culminated in extraordinarily successful books. Spies's first contact with Lautenbach might have developed in Frankfurt during the printing of Daneau's and Molitor's works. The printing of Lautenbach's two translations was commissioned by Basse, but carried out by Georg Rab, for whom Spies worked at about that time. 1 9 In general, Lautenbach did not submit his manuscripts to Spies but to other printers, to the Rihels in Straßburg and to Basse and Feyerabend in Frankfurt. This is understandable; Spies generally left the printing of historical books and witchcraft tracts to his competitors. He did print a funeral sermon by Lautenbach in 1584. In 1596, the year following Lautenbach's death, Spies printed the funeral sermon dedicated to Lautenbach, the man with whom he had been closely associated in Heidelberg and later in Frankfurt During the three years he spent in Heidelberg Spies became an influential personality at the court and the university and in the community. The leading Lutheran theologians and legal scholars in and outside Heidelberg sought him out in order to have their works printed in his press. Although he received commissions from the elector, whose religious aims coincided with his own, he could be proud of his work in Heidelberg. But when Ludwig died unexpectedly in 1583, the favorable conditions of the present and the promising future suddenly changed overnight. Ludwig's Calvinist brother, Johann Casimir, took over the administration of the state, and the entire social, disputiert vnd gehalten worden, mit sondern Fleiß (derer Verzeichnuß am folgenden Blat zu finden) an Tag geben. Sampt etlicher hingerichten zäuberischer Weiber get haner Bekanntnuß, Examination, Prob, Vrgicht vnd Straff etc. Vieler ungleicher Frage vnd Meynung halben, so in dieer Materi für gefallen mögen, jetzt auffs neuw zusammen in ein Corpus bracht. (Frankfurt: Basse, 1586) 70. Cf. )(iiij for a longer text that is identical in parts. Basse published this work together with Johann Weier's De praestigiis daemonum and De lamiis as a companion volume. Zwey Gesprech: Das erste, von Zäuberern . . . vormals durch Herrn Lambertum Daneum lateinisch an Tag geben, jetzt auffs neuw verteutschet. Das ander, von Hexen vnd Vnholden anfenglich vor CXIIII Jaren lateinisch von Vírico Molitoris ... gestellet, jetzt auffs treuwlichst verteutscht durch Conradum Lautenbach, Pfarrherrn zu Hunaweyler (Frankfurt: Georg Rab [publisher: Nicolaus Basse], 1576). Cf. VD 16.

36 religious, and political structure that had supported Spies, and his work began to crumble. The Calvinists, who had been expelled from Heidelberg a few years before, were returning prepared to do to the Lutherans what the Lutherans had done to them. Ludwig died on October 12, 1583. At first it appeared that Johann Casimir, who was concerned with establishing the legitimacy of his rule, would tolerate the Lutherans. But soon it became evident that he intended to have Calvinists at his court and in the churches. A series of dismissals followed. Peter Patiens, whom Johann Casimir labeled the "pope" of the region, was one of the first to go. On January 4, 1584, the brothers Johann and Paul Schechs, who were influential in their sermons at court and at the major church of Heidelberg, St. Catherine's, were dismissed. In April Conrad Lautenbach complained bitterly that only five Lutheran preachers were left. His letter reflects a considerable degree of frustration. He describes in some detail the last efforts of the Lutherans to assert themselves on the eucharist issue. Public debates took place. Johann Casimir appeared at the beginning of these debates, which lasted several days. Lautenbach describes the valiant efforts of his colleagues, Philipp Marbach and Jacob Schopper, to unmask the Calvinist arguments, which were presented by the theologian Grynaeus from Basel. Although Grynaeus claimed to have emerged as victor, Lautenbach accuses the administrators of the debate of unfair practices. As he saw it, the Calvinists could condemn the Lutheran doctrine and force the Lutherans to keep still and obey. 20 Lautenbach's report assigns some of the blame for these events to the "vehement Calvinist" Fabian von Dohna, who chaired the debates, and who, as a trusted advisor of Johann Casimir, played an important role in the history of the Palatinate. 21 In his own version of the events, Dohna treats the Lutherans with contempt, and for him it was matter of having been patient long enough. It was self-evident that these troublemakers had to be dismissed

20

91

Hen itaque cum omnes progressum disputationis expectarent et in nos omnium oculi essent coniecti, Grynaeus conscenso suggestu finem disputationi imponit, sibi victoriam tribuit et conqueritur, se suumque respondentem non satis honorifice excepturn, iubet etiam, ut cancellarius Casimirianus suum addat, qui etiam in praesentia ducis nostram doctrinam damnavit et ita conclusit, ut omnes pareant edicto Casimiri." Bezold, III: 708. In an edict of February 19, Johann Casimir had forbidden condemnations and libelous attacks in the churches and schools. He had little patience with the Lutheran position on the eucharist, and this edict equates it with libelous polemics. Sehling 513. "Baro Dunensis vehemens Calvinista cum aliis eius farinae consilianis vices ducis egit et ita totum hoc negotium administravit, ut non obscure animum suum erga nostram confessionem proderet." Bezold 707.

37 and that their replacements would be invited from Neustadt. 22 For the Lutherans, Baron von Dohna was an enemy, so it should not come as a surprise that on the occasion of his military failures in France three years later he was the object of attack in the press. The matter concerned Spies when he was in Frankfurt a few years later and had an opportunity to contribute to a counterattack against Dohna. In July Johann Casimir ordered the Lutheran theologians Kirchner and Marbach to be dismissed from the university and replaced by Calvinists, one of whom was Jacob Grynaeus. At the same time, Casimir requested the appointment of Witekind to the post of professor of mathematics (i.e., astronomy). The university tried to resist by claiming illegal interference in its affairs, but the court of Heidelberg persisted and prevailed.23 The returning Witekind was at this time undoubtedly at work on his book on witchcraft, a book that he published in the following year in Heidelberg under the pseudonym of Augustin Lercheimer (Christlich bedencken vnd erjnnerung von Zauberey). This work was written in a period of turmoil and change, just as Johann Spies was preparing reluctantly to leave Heidelberg. The resentments that the expelled Lutherans such as Spies felt towards the returning Witekind and other Calvinist enemies influenced the way in which the image of Faustus in Witekind's book was transformed and adapted for the Historia. Although Augustin Lercheimer (that is, Hermann Witekind) was writing about a topic with little relevance to the bitter debates in Heidelberg, the author could not refrain from taking a stand on the struggle that dominated the life of the city. He refers to the preachers who claim to be good Lutherans and who are quick to call Calvinists heretics. Along with the superintendent, the minister, and the deacon, they strive to keep the youth from joining the ranks of the "melancholy" Calvinists by example: they themselves take part in dancing to show why it is better to be a Lutheran.24 This was clearly an attack 11

Dohna wrote in his diary: "Darnach [i.e., after the invitation to Grynaeus from Basel to debate] liess man ein mandatum ausgehen de non condemnando und sich alles Lesterns, Schmehens und Verdammens vf der Cantzel zu enthalten; und da sich die ubiquitarij, Kirchnerus, Zimmermann, Schoperus und andere demselben mandat nicht wollten . underwerfen, so gab man ihnen, nachdem man lange mit ihnen Geduld gehabt, ihren Abschied und fordert Tossanum und andere von der Ne[u]stadt wieder hin." C. Krollmann, Die Selbstbiographie des Burggrafen Fabian zu Dohna (1550-1621) yi (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1905) 47. Burcard Gotthelf Struve, Ausführlicher Bericht von der pfälzischen Kirchen-Historie (Frankfurt Härtung, 1721)474-475. 24 "Ja den Caluinisten, den Kätzem, wie sie sie nennen, zu wider vnd zu trotz lehren vnd reitzen die Predicanten, die gut Lutherisch seyn wollen, die jugent nicht allein mit worten, daß sie sich an den melancholischen trawiigen Caluinischen geist nicht kere,

38 on Peter Patiens and his colleagues, who were misleading the youth with the promise of the more pleasurable path to salvation. As far as Lercheimer is concerned, dancing was immoral. In his treatment of incantations, Lercheimer discusses the eucharist. He speaks mainly of the widespread superstitious practices among Catholics, but it is evident that such practices survived among Protestants. Here Lercheimer attacks the tendency to use the words Hoc est corpus meum in a magical way to try to transform bread and wine into the actual body of Christ, even though, according to Lercheimer, such power does not exist in these words. 25 Such an assertion among Lutheran readers would certainly have been seen as a provocation. The struggle between the Lutherans and the Calvinists dominated the lives of the residents of Heidelberg, and just as Lercheimer could not avoid asserting his position, so it was natural for Johann Spies to continue to contribute to the other side in this struggle. Since the author of the Historia relied on Lercheimer's work, published under the pseudnym Lercheimer, the Historia can be seen as a response to some of the accusations against the Lutherans, and it can be expected to bear traces of the intense religious conflict of religions in Heidelberg. Conrad Lautenbach left Heidelberg for Straßburg at first, but on November 11 he received an invitation by the city council of Frankfurt to become the minister of the church of St. Catherine. 26 In 1584 Spies was still busy printing in Heidelberg; in that year he printed twenty-five books. A collection of legal disputations that for which he wrote an introduction for was reprinted with the date 1585. 27 This is the only book we know of from his solchen jren lust vnd frewd zu vnderlassen: sondern gehen jnen auch mit exempeln für, setzen leuB in peltz. Wo sie zur hochzeit oder sonst zu gast sind, da führet der Superintendens, der Pfarherr, der Diacon den rejen, tantzen vornan . . Augustin Lercheimer, Christlich bedencken vnd erjnnerung von Zauberey (Heidelberg: Müller, 1585), fol. 34v. 95

26

"Dieses mißbrauchs, aberglaubens, teuffelswirkung ist die pfaffenschafft in Pabsthummb voll gewesen, vnd derhalben auch beym gemeinen mann im schwang gangen; vnd noch bey vns Euangelischen viel davon vberig ist. Was war in der Messe das fürnembste anders, dann der zauberische segen, da der Pfaff, die fünff wort oder acht syllaben, Hoc est enim corpus meum, vbers brot sprach, hauchete darauff, machete mit dem Kinn drey kreutze darüber, meinnte damit würde auB dem brot der leib Christi. Gleicher weiß verwandelte er den wein im kelche ins blut Christi, so doch den worten vnd syllaben solch vermögen nicht geben ist." Lercheimer, Bedencken (1585), fol. 48v. Beck 678.

97

Disputationes iuridicae duodecim (Heidelberg: Spies, 1584 and 1585) Spies published the legal dissertations of twelve law graduates. The introduction is in the form of a congratulatory speech Spies addressed to the graduates. Spies explains why the "theses" of the law graduates deserve to be published. "His igitur de caussis, viri omatíssimi, istiusmodi theses vestras in unum congerere opusculum, & typis publicis, ordine tarnen, quo habitae sunt, obsérvalo, divulgare decrevi. . . . Heidelbergae 16. Calend.

39 Heidelberg press with that late date. On February 4,1585, Spies applied once again for and was granted citizenship in Frankfurt 28 Spies promptly set up a print shop and began printing in the city he had left four years earlier. Spies is known to have printed only ten books this year, this was a time of transition. In 1586, he bought his own house, "Haus zum Einhorn," behind the Franciscan church, at the end of the Barfüssergasse (where the Paulskirche stands today), in the district of the bookprinters and booksellers. 29 In contrast to his previous stay in Frankfurt, he now had the capital to be independent. He did not need commissions from others; as in Heidelberg, he could be his own publisher and printer. It was clearly his intention to establish a press that continued the tradition of Oberursel and Heidelberg. The Spies press promised to be the press of the Lutheran movement and the leading Lutheran theologians. In 1585, Spies printed a work about the essential articles of faith, by Timotheus Kirchner, who had been one of the authors of the Formula of Concord and one of Spies's most prolific contributors in Heidelberg. An entirely new name now began to dominate the title pages: that of Aegidius Hunnius, a theologian at the University of Marburg. Hunnius had published briefly with Henricus in Oberursel (in 1584: a polemical tract against the Calvinists; in 1585: Articulus de persona Christi),30 but he now supplied Spies with a constant stream of manuscripts. In 1585, four of his books appeared; in 1586, six; in 1587, three; in 1588, four; in 1589, three; in 1590, four; etc. A close working relationship developed. In his preface of 1591 to a German translation of a book about the sacraments, Spies refers to Hunnius as his close friend. The same preface also reflects the common conviction that the Augsburg Confession was the true foundation of religion and that Zwinglians and Calvinists had never approved it and had been guilty of terrible mistakes and blasphemies. 31 This conviction, perhaps more than any other, characterized the output of the Spies press during the following years.

Ianuarii. . . . Ioannes Spies." Like other Latin texts of Spies, this text lacks the frequent quotations from the Bible characteristic of the German prefaces. Instead, Spies quotes from pagan authors of antiquity and includes a phrase in Greek as well. This kind of demonstration of learning is especially evident in Spies's preface to Frischlin's paraphrases of Persius. See note 34 below. 28 29

30

91

Berger 68. Berger 68. Johann Georg Battonn, örtliche Beschreibung der Stadt Frankfurt am Main (Frankfurt: Verlag des Vereins, 1866) 311-312. Kelchner 108 & 114. Aegidius Hunnius, GrOndtliche vnd ausführliche Beweisung (Frankfurt: Spies, 1591). Theodor Mahlmann, "Aegidius Hunnius," Theologische Realenzyklopädie 15:703-707.

40 Nevertheless, there were innovations. Whereas theological works in Heidelberg were complemented by legal literature, in Frankfurt the humanistic texts edited by Nicodemus Frischlin represented the largest block of books after to those of Hunnius and his colleagues. Frischlin, one of the leading and most controversial humanist scholars and poets of the late sixteenth century, helped to give Spies's press a new, distinctive identity. Like Hunnius, Frischlin established contact with Henricus in Oberursel, where he published a polemic against his enemy Martin Crusius in 1586. In January of that year Frischlin announced with pride that printers were competing for his w o r k s . T h e contact with Spies must have developed at about the same time; in that year Spies printed four of Frischlin's works, all humanistic texts. Spies could clearly not afford to get involved in the bitter feuds of the combative and impetuous Frischlin, who had gained numerous influential patrons throughout his career but managed in due time to offend and even make enemies of those who had once warmly supported him. At Tübingen, where he had been on the faculty of the university, he was no longer welcome. At this time Frischlin was eager to print the products of his humanistic scholarship. A personal letter of recommendation by Johann Spies for Frischlin shows the intense concentration the humanist dedicated to this task. In 1588, when he composed the letter, Spies could look back on two years of close cooperation between humanist and printer. It had resulted in six books: editions and paraphrases of Aristophanes, Horace, and Persius; a Latin grammar; a dictionary of three languages (Greek, Latin, and German); and a work on astronomy. In a letter of November 24, 1588, Spies refers to Frischlin with respect as doctor of medicine and poet laureate. He relates that in 1586 Frischlin had worked on the publication of his books for several months in his printshop and behaved honorably; he was sober and modest, and no complaint was made against him during this time. Frischlin apparently lived in Spies's house 33 ; Spies asserts that his family also vouched for the author's respectability. He refers in particular to the preparation and correction of Frischlin's three-language dictionary, the printing of which Frischlin wished to oversee. Spies displays a high degree of satisfaction with the

•jo

Hans H. Weißgerber, "Aegidius Hunnius in Marburg," Jahrbuch der hessischen kirchengeschichtlichen Vereinigung 6 (1955): 1-89. Frischlin wrote on January 29: "Dann die typographi um meine opera sich bewerben als um eine schöne Braut." David Friderich Strauß, Leben und Schriften des Dichters und Philologen Nicodemus Frischlin (Frankfurt Riitten, 1856) 347. Strauß writes: "Am 7ten August reiste er [Frischlin] über Worms und Mainz nach Frankfurt ab, wo er am 11 ten ankam, und bei seinem Verleger, dem Buchdrucker Johann Spies, seine Wohnung nahm." Strauß 374.

41 relationship with Frischlin; he was clearly intent on helping his author, who was by this time seriously threatened by powerful enemies in the state of Württemberg. This close relationship continued: in 1589, Spies printed Frischlin's paraphrases of Virgil, Plautus, and Plinius, and, commissioned by Wendell Homm, he printed a translation of Frischlin's comedies Susanna and Rebecca. Frischlin was in Frankfurt for his earliest extended stay in April and May of 1586. For about seven weeks he lived in the house of Oseas Hala, a Lutheran minister, whose name we encounter later as one delegated to censor a book that Spies intended to print. Frischlin interrupted this stay with trips to Speyer and Tübingen. When he returned in August, he began the period of intense work in the print shop of Johann Spies. At this time the paraphrases of Persius, intended to help students with the untangling of the difficult Latin of this classical author, was in preparation. At least three different editions resulted, all in 1587. The second edition is particularly interesting since it contains a preface by Johann Spies. In the undated preface Spies mentions an earlier edition and the fact that Frischlin, who had intended to write a preface, was away from Frankfurt and unable to supply his contribution before the current fair. The author had already made numerous corrections in the previous edition.^ 4 Available evidence suggests that Spies was talking about the spring fair in March and April of 1587; the "third edition" of this work contains a preface by Frischlin dated June of that year, well as an errata list. In his laudatory introduction, Spies displays a surprising degree of academic virtuosity. He intersperses numerous Greek words and phrases in his preface, and his treatment of the paraphrases reflects a good understanding of the aims of the author. Spies emphasizes the book's practical value for students in deciphering obscure passages, and at the same time he dismisses the possibility that the original flavor of the poetry might be lost. Moreover, he points out what he considers two valuable features in the content of the satires of Persius: their usefulness in teaching elegant Latin style and, above all, their moral wisdom. The poetry of these satires teaches us by attacking vice with the intention of guiding the readers toward virtues.

^

Spies writes in his preface: "Etsi vero ipse constituerai author pracfationem operi praefigere: tarnen cum & longe absit iam & forte aliis occupationib[us] distineatur, tempestive hoc ad nundinas, transmittere nihil p o t u i t . . . Multis enim in locis priorcm editionem correxit author." Nicodemus Frischlin, In A. Persii Flacci satyras, erudirne e! elegantes paraphrases (Frankfurt: Spies, 1587).

42 Frischlin' s works belong to a special category in Spies's program because of the claim that they were protected by imperial privilege. Most of Spies's books did not have this protection against reprinting by unauthorized persons. Several works of Frischlin and the Historia belong to a select group with the words on their title pages that implied a sanction from the highest office in the empire: CUM GRATIA ET PRIVILEGIO. The effort and expense required in the acquisition of the right to claim imperial protection reflects the concern of the author and printer about the potential financial losses due to pirated editions. Frischlin and Spies were clearly expecting to sell many copies. Records of the Austrian State Archives still preserve requests for privilege as well as letters granting them. In 1584, Spies had obtained privilege to print commentaries intended for students of law; the book itself rightfully bears "CUM GRATIA ET PRIVILEGIO CAES. MAEESTATIS" on the tide page.35 During the early months of 1587 we find Nikodemus Frischlin in Prague, where he obtained a number of privileges from the imperial court. 36 The references to imperial privilege on the title pages of Frischlin's editions of Aristophanes, Persius, and the Nomenclátor trilinguis resulted from Frischlin's visit to Prague in early 1587.37 In speculating about the person who might have helped to establish the contact between Frischlin and Spies, Friedrich Zarncke names authors whose work Spies also undertook to print around this time: Aegidius Hunnius and Nicolaus Reusner, both prolific writers who published books with Spies. Zarncke points out that the contact with Frischlin went hand in hand with an increasing number of educational and humanistic publications. He refers to the works of the Leipzig humanist Matthaeus Dresser, the Rostock professor Johann Possel, Erasmus Sidelmann, the teacher and rector of the monastery of Hirtzenhain, and the Marburg humanist Otto Gualtper [Walper].38 Thanks to «

Cf. Schenk von Tautenburg et al., Commentarti duo, ad ius feudale and Heinrich Schilbock, Commentarius ad institutionum libros iuris civilis, österreichisches Staatsarchiv, RHR, Impressoria 67, fol. 120r-121r. "In a German petition of February 19, Frischlin thanks the emperor for the money grant and for the 'Impressorium ad decennium,' a ten-year copyright, which was granted on the 20th and, with additions, on the 21st of February . . . In the same petition he mentions the books which he had completed and those he was planning to work on: namely, the remaining parts of the Nomenclátor trilinguis, additional Latin paraphrases of Aristophanes' plays, a translation of Aristotle's Historia animalium . . . " Georg SchulzBehrend, "Nicodemus Frischlin and the Imperial Court," Germanic Review 30 (1955): 179. 37

38

The Persius volume has only CUM GRATIA ET PRIVILEGIO, whereas for the other works the title pages show: CUM GRATIA & PRIVILEGIO CAES ARI AE MAIESTATIS. Cf. Strauss 374-375. Zarncke 295.

43 the relationship to Frischlin, Hieronymus Megiser, w h o m Frischlin considered to be his most trusted student, became an author and editor for Spies and later married his daughter Katharina. 39 For Johann Spies the first years after returning to Frankfurt represented a period o f experimentation with and exploration o f n e w possibilities.

publishing

For example, Spies had published epithalamia before, but in

1587 t w o broadsheets of graphic poetry, celebrating weddings in Frankfurt, appeared. The Frankfurt Archives preserve a German-Latin poem in the form of a heart, by Johann Baptist Caesar. One side of the heart contains Latin verses; the other, German. They celebrate the wedding of a young patrician couple.40

39

This combination of poetry and graphic design was certainly not

Gerber 31. Dedicating his poem to Christopher Kellner and Maria Veronica von Glauburg, Caesar writes: "Gott, der Ehstand vbertrifft, / [A]U deine Wercken von dir gestifft: / Wann alles, was »schaffen ist / Dem Menschen dient zu jeder frist / Was möcht für Freud an vns gelangen? / Wenn GOTT ADAM hett beschert / Die EVAM, deß Lebens Gefehlt / Jedoch sagt die Bibel beglaubt / das Weib sey nit auß des Manns Haupt / geschaffen ein Männin, der Nam Heist, daß sie seyn soll gehorsam / dem Haupt vnd Schatz jhrm Herrn vnd Mann, / Sich keiner Meisterschaft nemm an. / Sie kompt auch von den Füssen nit, / Der Mann halt sie nach rechtem Sitt / [N]icht wie ein Magd geschwind vnnd hart, / daß nicht all[e]s werd an jhr erspart / Auß deiner Hufft ist sie genommen, / Dein Ripp, dein Bein, dein Fleisch bekommen / Sie soll zu deiner Seiten gehn, / Allerding in gemeinschafft stehn: / dir begegnet Lieb vnd Leid, / Stäts sehn auff GOTTS deß HERRN Bescheyd. / Wer dieser Regel folgt also, / Göttlich Segen ist alido, / Deß seynd die Ehleut jmmer f[ro]." The heart-shaped poem is framed by other verses. "Gottesforcht. Ein fromb Gemahel wirdt beschert / So man GOTT förchtet, liebt vnd ehrt: / Wer GOTTES Wort, sein Heyl begert / Der ist aller Wolfahrt gewehrt." "Keuscheit. Keusch, Züchtig, Ehrbar in Demuth / Ist der Frauwen recht Hewrath gut: / Gleich wie das Ehebett hast in Hut / Also die LeibsFrucht folgen thut." "Häuslichkeit. Die HaußMutter, so selber wachet / Auß einem Heller sieben macht: / Vnd wann sie der Nahrung nachtracht / Wirdt nichts vnnütz hindurch gebracht." "Wer das Ehbetth zv Ehm hält rein / Der wirdt von Gott gesegnet sein." In: Holzhausen Archives, Kasten 130, Frankfurt Stadtarchiv. Johann Baptist Caesar was born in Augsburg; he studied in Wittenberg (1S74) and in Basel (1578). He received his doctorate in law in Basel in 1580. He corresponded with Dr. Heinrich Kellner about his appointment to a post as lawyer for Frankfurt, to which he was appointed in 1583. He was forced to resign in 1606, as a result of his authorship of the Judenspiegel. Then he moved to Wetzlar; he died in 1608. Brothers of Caesar, Wolff Dietrich and Theophil, were in the printing business. Günther Richter, Theophil Caesar. Drucker am Gymnasium Illustre Arnoldinum zu (Burg-)Steinfurt (Niewkoop: B. de Graaf, 1967) 13-14. "Johannes Baptista Cäsar. Syndicus zu Frankfurt am Main, legte aber sein Amt nieder, wegen des damaligen Judentumults. Er hat unter dem Namen Vespasiani Rechtani den Judenspiegel drucken lassen, und die Judenbadstube angehängt, worin er erwiesen, 'daß die Juden höchst schädliche blutsaugende Thiere und Verräter des Vaterlandes und gar nicht zu gedulden seyn . . . '" Caesar is also the author of Consilia variorum autorum (Frankfurt, 1618). Jöcher, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexikon, Ergänzungsband, 2: col. 16. A recent article is devoted to a detailed discussion of Caesar's anti-Semitic work. Winfried Frey, "Vom Antijudaismus zum Antisemitismus. Ein antijüdisches Pasquill von 1606 und seine Quellen," Daphnis 18 (1989): 251-279, About Ceasar's activities in behalf of the city in resolving legal matters of printing violations see Günther

44 successful if measured against even the minimum aesthetic standards. Spies c o u l d not compete with Feyerabend, w h o had training as an artist and employed fine artists such as Jost Amman. Spies was aware of this weakness; he printed very little with graphics. But the other graphic p o e m of 1587 was considerably more successful. It is a Latin poem for the wedding between Johann Friedrich Bromius and Elisabeth Lerssner, also members o f t w o patrician families. The p o e m is in the shape of a vase or pitcher; the author hides himself in the acrostic on its left border, where he writes:

"AVTORE

IOANNE FRIDERICO FA V S T S V O C O G N A T O CARISSIMO."

The

author, Johannes Faust, w h o dedicates his poem to a cherished relative, was himself a Frankfurt patrician. H e had obtained a doctorate in law from the University of Marburg. 4 1 He put his learning on display in this p o e m as well as in one that he wrote on the occasion of Christopher Kellner's wedding, a p o e m that Spies published in the same year. 4 2 Faust was one of the richest men in Frankfurt; in 1587, for example, his taxable income exceeded 15,000 Gulden

43

H e resided in the same section of the city as Spies did. In April

1591, Spies borrowed a significant sum of money from h i m . 4 4 T o see the

41

42

43

44

Richter, "Konzessionspraxis und Zahl der Druckereien in Frankfurt am Main um 1600," Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens 27 (1986): 148. See also Joshua Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews. The Medieval Conception of the Jew and its Relation to Modern Antisemitism (New York: Harper Torchbook, 1966). Johann Friedrich Faust's mother was Anna Bromm; his father was Johann Faust (15251596), who was an influential Lutheran with contacts to the court of Ludwig VI in Heidelberg. Johann Faust's daughter Justine married Dr. Joachim Strupp, one of Ludwig's most trusted advisors. In 1607, Johann Friedrich Faust was deputy mayor of Frankfurt. He left Frankfurt in 1613 on the heels of the political upheavals there; he moved to Darmstadt. He wrote a number of historical works, including a chronicle of Limburg (Fasti Limburgenses). Κ. C. Becker (ed.), "Peter Müller's Chronik aus den Jahren 1573-1633," in: Archiv für Frankfurts Geschichte und Kunst n.s. 2 (1862): 118119 and 120-121. With respect to the matter of the Calviniste, Spies and Faust probably did not agree. Faust, according to Bothe, blamed the hostility towards the Calvinists on lack of education. Cf. Friedrich Bothe, Die Entwicklung in der Reichsstadt Frankfurt bis zur Revolution 1612-1614 (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1906) 241. Joh. Friedr. Faust (Aschaffenburg) is listed for 1584 in the index of Wilhelm Falckenheiner, Personen- und Ortsregister zu der Matrikel und den Annalen der Universität Marburg 1527-1652 (Marburg: Elwert, 1904). Both poems are in the Frankfurt Stadtarchiv, Holzhausen Archiv, Kasten 130. On July 2, 1588, Spies applied for permission to print another epithalamium by Faust: Labyrinthum epithalamii, instar in honorem Johannis Heinrici Bromii sponsi ά Annae, Domini Martini Reichardi . . . fìliae sponsae conscriptum. Frankfurt Stadtarchiv, Buchdruck, Zensur Nr. 47, fol. 3v. I am not aware of a surviving copy of this poem. According to Bothe, both Spies and Faust resided in the same area of Frankfurt, Niederstadt. Friedrich Bothe, Frankfurts wirtschaftlich-soziale Entwicklung vor dem Dreißigjährigen Kriege und der Fettmilchaufstand (1612-1616) (Frankfurt: Baer, 1921) 2: 127. Berger 70.

45 name of a Dr. Faust among Spies's publications during the year of the Historia is startling. But it appears to be just an odd coincidence. Although the scholarly interests and style of Dr. Faust suggest no connection to the content and authorship of the Historia, it seems plausible that Spies would have consulted Dr. Faust before publishing his book about the diabolical magician, at least clarifying the intention of the book and assuring his friend that the condemned Faustus had nothing to do with the Frankfurt Faust. For the fall fair of 1587, during which the Historia appeared, Johann Spies prepared a book that shows him striking out in new directions. In no other work does Spies appear to have played the roles not only of publisher and printer but also of editor and translator. The cumbersome title reads: Album familiare: Stammenbuch: Sive, Disticha moralia Latino-Graeca, et Germanica, in studiosorum iuvenum usum mire apposita, & nunquam antea excusa. Spies tried to exploit the genre of the Stammbuch, the autograph album that had gained popularity among Lutheran students. 45 It was common practice to collect the autographs of friends, and the one signing was obliged to sign his name to some wise saying, preferably in poetic form. The book that Spies distributed could serve this function; only a small portion of each page was covered with print, and below these passages there was space for autographs. At the top half of each page there were wise sayings from the Disticha Catonis, those very distichs of Cato that Spies had been obliged to study in Oberursel. Cato's distichs were popular, and Spies was not the only Frankfurt printer hoping to reach a large readership. Although the distichs are the basis of the entire book, Cato's name does not even appear in the title. Nevertheless, there are unique features. In the spirit of Frischlin's tri-language dictionary, each original Latin distich is joined by Grçek (translation used are from the fourteenth century by Maximus Planudes) and German translations. 46 Moreover, the original sequence of the distichs is abandoned in favor of an organization according to topics that draw attention to the strongly moralistic and didactic nature of the poetry: God, superstition, fatherland, husband and wife, parents, teachers, etc. The title stresses that the arrangement is to serve young students. Still on the title page, immediately after the title, Spies addresses the reader as Philophilus, a name suggesting that he appreciates love and friendship; the verses here suggest the theme of friendship as the unifying 45

Jörg-Ulrich Fechner (ed.), Stammbücher als kulturhistorische Quellen, In: Wolfenbütteler Forschungen (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1981), vol. 11. Cf. Peter Amelung, "Frischlin in Wittenberg. Bemerkungen zu einem neuentdeckten Stammbucheinntrag Frischlins," Zeitschrift für Württembergische Landesgeschichte 19 (1960): 168-170.

46

Maximus Planudes, a monk and scholar of the fourteenth century.

46 idea of the book. Philophilus is admonished to cherish and keep the friends he has and is about to have. 47 Spies hoped to shape an attractive way of preserving the names of friends, while highlighting moral precepts he himself esteemed. Before the body of the text, Spies addresses his reader: "Here you have, my excellent Philophilus, the distichs of Cato, their Greek translation, and rendered by me in German verses; they have the purpose of serving you and all students of friendship. Remember above all, you who wish to excel, to imitate at times, admonish at the right moment, to advise as you are able; otherwise you will have violated the spirit of the album. Farewell. Ioann. Spies, printer." 48 Spies elaborates on the theme of friendship and the moral support the friend must be prepared to offer. The restructuring of Cato's distichs to adapt to the function of the Stammbuch justified, as far as Spies was concerned, their publication as the first of its kind. In undertaking the reorganization of the distichs the editor was undoubtedly under the influence of the exempla collections that divided the didactic material of historical anecdotes in chapters corresponding to the Ten Commandments. In 1586, Spies printed Hondorffs Theatrum historicumx sive promptuarium illustrium exemplorum, a work organized in this fashion. The distichs, a work of a pagan Roman author, did not lend themselves to such a simple structure, hence the division under about sixty different headings. In general, it is difficult to discover any particular design in the arrangement of the headings; it appears to be random. But at least the choice of the first two topics—God and superstition—corresponds to the general catagory of the first two commandments. In his preface, Spies refers to his verse translation of the distichs as a kind of elucidation. The succinct Latin is rendered into an expanded form that is about twice the length of the original. What does the translator add? After the introductory texts, we have the distichs under the heading Deus, which demonstrates a characteristic tendency to make the distichs as Christian and contemporary as possible. Whereas Cato refers to God simply as a spirit (animus), the translator adds the attributes of invisible and good ("Geist, unsichtbar, gut"). Whereas Cato's conception of God relies on songs, he 47

"Album ne rumpas, edicit praetor: amicos / Quos habiturus eris, quos vel habes, habeas."

4 8

"Ad lectorem. Habes, candide Philophile, Catonis disticha Planudis interpretatione Graeca, & Germanicis a me Rhythmis illustrata: eo directa, ut tibi, & omnibus amicitiae studiosis inserviant. Hoc inprimis memineris, ut simules interdum, ut moneas tempore, ut iuves viribus, qui Candidus esse velis: secus si feceris, album corruperis. Vale. Ioann. Spies Typographus."

47 undoubtedly has in mind the Bible ("Wie uns die Schrifft erweisen thut").49 When Cato discourages his reader from delving into the will of God by casting lots (sortes), the translator sees the recourse to diabolical magic ("Was Gott vorhab, durch Zauberkunst / Erforsche nicht, es ist umbsunst").^ Although Cato urges his readers to be concerned with mortal matters and not with those of God, he elaborates by encouraging him to improve his moral life ("Der sterblich Mensch bleib auff der Erd / Gedenck daß er nur frömmer werd.")51 If we compare the translations to those of Sebastian Brant, prepared many decades earlier, the recent translation appears to make a stonger effort to impose Christian values on the distichs. The new rendition appears to have greater vitality and make a stronger impact than does Brant's more literal translation.^2 The precise role Spies played in the genesis of this work requires further exploration and clarification. The claim that his work had never been published before is, strictly speaking, not true. Johann Wechel, another Frankfurt printer, had printed precisely this same text in 1585, just two years earlier. The notable differences between the two editions are the title page and the prefaces. For the most part, the texts are precisely the same.5^ This strange and unusual circumstance raises a number of questions. Was Spies involved in an illegal reprinting? Was he really responsible for the translations, as he appears to claim? To make the bold claims without some justification would appear unreasonable and even foolish, in light of Wechel's presence in the same city. The letter of dedication to Wechel's edition may hold the key to these questions. Johann Baptist Caesar addresses this letter to friends in Augsburg, his native city. Caesar had recited C^to during their occasional poetry readings. In sending the book to his friends now, Caesar was following through on a promise he once made. He asserts that Cato's distichs are now in a new form, accompanied by the vernacular translations, which convey the 49 50 51 52

«

Album 17. Album 17. Album 16. Cf. Friedrich Zarncke (ed.), Narrenschiff (Hildesheim: Olms, repr. 1961) 131-137 and also by Zarncke, Der deutsche Cato. Geschichte der deutschen Übersetzungen der im Mittelalter unter dem Namen Cato bekannten Distichen (Osnabrück: Zeller, repr. 1966). Cato: sive, speculum morale; privatum vitae genus concernens: quod in locos suos redactum, & tarn Planudis Graeca, quam rhythmorum vernáculo versione expolitum, instar albi amicorum se habet. Sittenspiegel Catonis: Das Menschliche priuat Leben betreffend, in ein richtige Ordnung gebracht, vnd so wol in Schulen, als an statt eines Stammbuchs zugebrauchen. (Frankfurt Wechel, 1S8S). Copies are to be found in the Bavarian State Library and the University Library in Munich.

48 general sense rather than the precise literal meanings of the original text. 54 Thus, Caesar himself was probably the editor, and perhaps the translator of the German text as well. The poetry Caesar wrote for Spies indicates that he could easily have provided such translations. Caesar's role was evidently crucial in the events that followed. Since he became an author for Spies two years later, he probably took with him the entire book and Wechel's permission to publish. Yet even with Wechel's permission a mystery remains. Why should Spies claim that the work had never been published before, and why did he claim to provide the translations? Neither claim is supported by the evidence available. The case of Cato's distichs shows that Spies was prepared to make exorbitant claims in the effort to sell his books. At the time of the publication of the Historia, Johann Baptist Caesar emerges as Spies's close collaborator. Reference has been made to the graphic poem Spies printed for him. Beyond consultations in matters of printing, both Spies and Caesar faced serious financial difficulties around two decades later, both being heavily indebted to Jewish lenders. Caesar was a lawyer for the city of Frankfurt, and in 1606, at a time when Spies was under great pressure to repay his debts, he wrote the provocative Judenspiegel, a diatribe against Jews, under the assumed name of Vespasiani Rechtani. Printed in Oberursel, the book became a source of strife in Frankfurt and caused the city council to suppress it. Although anti-Jewish sentiment was generally strong, the city council was committed to protecting the rights of Jews as guaranteed by the emperor. Caesar was expelled from the city. 55 Whether Caesar and Spies collaborated in this effort to denounce the Jews for their excessive profiteering and suspected activities against Christianity is a matter of speculation. But since Spies's Historia exhibits hostility to the Jews (see especially chapter 38), it is at least important to point out that this tendency was very much alive in the immediate vicinity of its origins. Magicians and Jews were seen in alliance with the devil. The rhetorical weapons used against them differed little.

54

Caesar addresses his letter of Jan. 1,1585 to his friends Wolfgang Herwart and Marcius Thenn, both patricians of Augsburg. "Equidem memini, cum Augustae a vobis convictoribus non raro ad prandium invitatus, rotunda ilia interdum (pro more nimirum familiari nos invicem diversis diversorum autorum carminibus oblectantes) et ad civilem hominis institutionem accommodata Catonis disticha adduxissem: me rhythmorum quoque, quos olim adolescens ad Athenas Helvecias delectationis studio luseram, communicationem vobis pollicitum esse. Quam fidem meam, ut constituí, liberaturus, eundem Catonem ad vos mitto nova veste indutum, et quotidianae conversationi convenientiore: et, quantum quidem assequi potuimus, vemaculis rhythmis perpolita, sensum potius, quam verba exprimendo."

55

See note 40 above.

49 Caesar employed them in a brutal fashion (reminiscent of Georg Nigrinus), and he could undoubtedly count on Spies's moral support. About the time of the appearance of the Historia Spies was preparing another book to promote Christian morality and values: Johann Roßbach's Paradeißgärtlein, darinnen die edelste vnnd fürnembste Kräuter nach ihrer Gestalt vnd Eigenschafft abcontrafeytet, vnd mit zweyerley Wirckung, leiblich vnd geistlich, auß den besten Kräuterbüchern vnd h. göttlicher Schrifft zusmmen geordnet vnd beschrieben sind. It is a richly illustrated herbal, which, like the psalter for Ludwig, is elaborated on each page with a decorative border framing the figures and text. Spies's lengthy preface indicates that this was also a book of special concern. As in the case of the Historia, Spies considers the history of its origins of general interest and worthy of relating to the reader. Again, we see Spies in an active search for manuscripts. He was aware that there are many herbáis ("viel vnd grosse Kräuter vnd Artzeney Bucher in öffentlichem Truck"), but he discovered a lack of information in them about the spiritual use of herbs ("Aber von dem Geistlichen Brauch der Erdtgewächß, Stauden vnnd Kräuter hab ich nie keinen sonderlichen Tractat gesehen"). Therefore, Spies felt compelled to look for someone to write such a book. He searched in vain for some time before Roßbach agreed to take on the task, primarily, as in the case of the Historia, in the service of Christianity ("der Christenheit zu gutem"). What had inspired Spies in his search for a manuscript was not the public interest he had detected in inns (cf. the Historia dedication) but the needs of people who enjoyed work in gardens with herbs and wish to use them for the physical and spiritual health. This difference appears minor when we consider how important it appeared to be for Spies to emphasize and convincingly demonstrate the spiritual benefits of his book; after all, this kind of effort is also evident in the dedicatory letter of the Historia. Most of the dedication is devoted to proof that herbs have spiritual power. The Bible provides the conclusive evidence. Spies is able to quote an overwhelming array of biblical passages in support of his thesis. Was Spies in possession of a comprehensive reference work to the Bible so that he could assemble the quotations he needed? He probably did not need such a prop. Spies presents his material with the conviction and confidence of one who has control over his material. The transitions are natural, not simply a list of quotations. It is more likely that Spies had a thorough knowledge of the Bible. At times he displays the fluency of a minister. The style of these passages is reminiscent of the style of the Historia, especially that of the preface (Vorred an den Christlichen Leser). A similar

50 sequence of concepts has the function of communicating essential spritual values or dangers: on the one hand, doctrine, consolation, admonition and improvement ("Lehr, Trost, Vermahnung vnd Besserung"), and on the other hand, overconfidence, lack of faith, pride, audacity, arrogance, and the hope of a long life ("Sicherheit, Vnglauben.. . Stoltz, Hoffart, Vermessenheit vnd Hoffnung langes Lebens"). Spies dedicates this work to two prominent ladies of Frankfurt's patrician society: Justina Weiß, the wife of Mayor Georg Weiß, and Margaretha Kellner, the wife of Heinrich Kellner, the legal representative of the city of Frankfurt. 56 The patrician families he honored with dedicated books and whose poetry he published belonged to the exclusive class that governed Frankfurt. They controlled the city council. The names that appear in prominent places in his publications—such as Faust, Kellner, Weiß, Newhausen, zum Jungen, von Glauburg—represented the most powerful people in the city. 57 To have close ties to them assured Spies a sympathetic hearing in controversial issues. In the sensitive matter of printing and censorship such issues came up frequently, and the Historia was one of them.

The name Kellner appears prominently in Caesar's poem, as well as in another wedding poem of 1587 for the same couple in Johann Friedrich Faust's Epithalamium. See pp. 204-205 in the Appendix. 57 Georg Weiss von Limpurg was deputy mayor in 1578 and mayor in 1587. Johan Friedrich Faust was deputy mayor in 1607. G. L. Kriegk, Deutsches Bürgertum im Mittelalter. Nach urkundlichen Forschungen und mit besonderer Beziehung auf Frankfurt a. M. (Franfurt: Rüuen & König, 1868) II: 492-493. Cf. Gerald Lyman Soliday, A Community in Conflict: Frankfurt Society in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries (Hanover: The University Press of New England, 1974) 71-80.

3. Problems of a Best Seller: Censorship and Piracy

The Historia von D. Johann Fausten proliferated with dramatic speed. Within about a year there were at least ten different printings of the Faust story, including two editions expanded by new episodes, a transposition from prose into verse, and a translation into Low German.1 Like many best sellers, it was embroiled in controversy. The reports of its initial reception are widely scattered, and its impact cannot be reduced to a common denominator. But the diverse information needs to be assembled and analyzed, even if it does not promise a simple interpetation. This approach could provide the basis of a better understanding of what made the Historia popular and why it ran it into opposition. Spies signed his letter of dedication on September 4,1587, just a few days before the end of the fall book fair. By October 30 fifty copies found their way to the city of Braunschweig. They were bought up immediately. Choir director Ludolf Lüders suggests the startling popularity of the Historia. Writing to Count Wolf Ernst zu Stolberg, he explains with apparent relief that he was able to retrieve a single copy for the count, a copy that had been sold but not picked up by the buyer.2

Hans Henning, who has made a thorough study of the Historia, observes: " . . . so können wir von dem Faust-Buch als von einem Erfolgsbuch ohnegleichen, wie es das 16. Jahrhundert wohl kaum als Parallele aufzuweisen hat, sprechen." Hans Henning, Zur Druckgeschichte der Faust- und Wagner-Bücher des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts. In: Beiträge zur deutschen Klassik 16 (Weimar, 1963) 37 and 40-52. " . . . undt weill die negste Frankfurter messe doctoris Johannis Fausti historia erstlich außgangen, deren exemplaria dieser buchfurer bey ein SO mitgebracht, aber ehe ichs bin gewar worden all auffgekaufft, außgenommen dieß eine, welchs auch albereit nach Wulffenbuttell verkaufft, aber noch nicht abgeholett, will e. g. ehr den vnterthenigen gefallen woll thun, vndt daß geldt, alß 9 gute groschen, dem Wulffenbuttelschen personen wider zustellen, oder ihnen zu erster gelegenheit ein ander exemplar bringen lassen, vndt e.g. diß exemplar vberlassen; stehet derwegen zu e.g. gnedigem gefallen." E. Jacobs, "Geschichte des Schrifftums und Bücherwesens in der Grafschaft Wernigerode," Zeitschrift des Harz-Vereinsfür Geschichte und Altertumskunde 7 (1874): 363.

52 Braunschweig was evidently a city where positive interest in the Historia existed and where the book could be sold without difficulty. Financial records show that on January 3,1588 the city council of Branschweig received several copies of the Historia. The books were a present from a printer in Berlin; the council indicated its gratitude for the gift by sending money to the unnamed printer. ij daler einem buchtrucker zu Berlin verehret vor etliche gedruckte Exemplaria D. Johan fausti schwartzkunstners vnd Zauberers teuffelische hendell betreffende, dem Erbaren Rade dedicirt den 3 January anno 88.3 The only Berlin printer at this time was Nicolaus Voltz. He printed the 1590 edition of the Historia that has survived in the school library of Zerbst. Faust scholarship today is unaware of a Berlin printing of the Historia as early as 1587, and yet—even if no copies have survived—the evidence of the Braunschweig entry and an independent confirmation leave no doubt that there was such an edition. Considering the popularity of the book in Braunschweig, the Berlin printing was a response to meet the obvious demand. On November 27, the council of ministers in Straßburg complained to the city council about the Historia. Protestant religious leaders were alarmed about the popularity of a book they considered potentially dangerous to youth.

Stadtarchiv Braunschweig, "Hauptrechnung der Gemeinen Stadt 1588," Β Π 1, no. 122, fol. 26ν. The item about the Historia is listed under the heading Geschenke. This source is referred to briefly by Gustav Milchsack in Gesammelte Aufsätze (Wolfenbüttel: Zwißler, 1922) col. 143. For brief references to the Berlin printing of 1590 see Henning, Beiträge 26-27 and 48; Friedrich Zarncke, "Bibliographie des Faustbuches" and "Zur Bibliographie des Faustbuches," in: Goethe-Schriften 264-265 and 280-284; Robert Petsch, Das Volksbuch vom Doctor Faust (Halle: Niemeyer, 1911) LH. According to Henning, the 1590 Berlin Historia belongs to the C-series (C3), but it is not identical with the other printing of this series in 1587 (Henning Cl). See note no. 56 below. Friedlander and Ebert refer to the claim of a 1587 Berlin edition, and their references probably go back to Jacques-Charles Brunet's Manuel du libraire et de l'amateur de livres (1809, Paris: Didot, 1861), p. 1195. Brunet writes about the Spies's 1588 edition of the Historia and continues: "on en cite même une édition de Berlin, 1587, in-8." Cf. Gottlieb Friedlaender, Beiträge zur Buchdruckergeschichte Berlins (Berlin: Eichler, 1834), p. 55 and Friedrich Adolph Ebert, Allgemeines bibliographisches Lexikon, 2 vols in 1 (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1821-1830), no. 7371. In 1588, Nicolaus Voltz, the printer of the 1587 Berlin edition, published Wunder newe Zeitung, die vns ein Häring aus dem Meer bracht, allen Menschen zur Warnung vnd Besserung beschrieben durch Jacobum Colerum, der heiligen Schrifft Doctorn vnd Probst zu Berlin. Emil Weiler, Die ersten deutschen Zeitungen (1872; repr. Hildesheim: Olms, 1962) 307-308. Cf. VD 16 under Jakob Coler. Cf. Friedlaender 55.

53 They worried about the great number of copies coming into Straßburg, and especially about the possibility that the book might even be printed in Straßburg eventually. The ministers' concern produced a direct response; the city council called in the printers and book dealers of the city and demanded from each of them a commitment under oath not to print or sell the book.4 What the Straßburg ministers and city fathers feared, the Basel authorities were unable to prevent, despite an explicit ban on the Historia. The subversive activities of Basel printers have come to light in the city's court records. The printer Sebastian Gruber was accused of printing Catholic books in Protestant Basel, and he chose to defend himself by accusing his colleagues of the same practice. He singled out the printer Claudius Mieg (Miieg) as one of the most conspicuous offenders. In 1588, Mieg had allegedly gone to fellow printer Lienhart Ostein, who was in the process of printing the Historia. Mieg took the first printed page from Ostein's press and tore it up. He justified this action by saying that printing the book was forbidden. But Mieg had an ulterior motive. According to Gruber, Mieg simply wanted to make sure that his own copies of the Historia would sell better. As in the case of Straßburg, there is conclusive evidence of a strong surge of interest in the Historia. The publication had created unique business opportunities for the printers, who, in turn, had to contend with authorities who were intent on halting the spread of the book. In Basel, the printing persisted in underground competition for the market.5

The records of the Straßburg council of ministers was in the private possession of Wilhelm Horning, who based his biography of Johann Papp(us), president of that council, on these records. My attempts to locate these records in Straßburg have been unsuccessful. Therefore I am relying on Homing's report about what those records contain: "Als im Herbst 1587 bei Johann Spies zu Frankfurt a. M. die 'Historia von Dr. Johann Fausten, dem weitbeschreyten Zauberer und Schwartzkünstler' zuerst im Druck erschien, beschwerte sich schon am 27. November 1587 der Kirchenkonvent darüber, daß dies Büchlein, das gar ärgerlich sei und der Jugend, die ohnehin mehr Lust zu dergleichen Sachen denn zu etwas Gutem habe, leicht gefährlich werden könne, in so vielen Exemplaren hergeführt worden, und sprach dem Rathe gegenüber die bange Besorgnis aus, es möchte wohl gar noch einmal hier aufgelegt werden. - Die Folge war, daß der Magistrat sämtliche Buchdrucker und Buchführer der Stadt beschicken ließ und ihnen bei ihrem Bürgereid die Verpflichtung auferlegte, 'diß tractätlin nicht zutrucken oder zu verkaufen."' Wilhelm Horning, Dr. Johann Pappus von Lindau. 1549-1610. Münsterprediger, Universitätsprofessor und Präsident des Kirchenkonvents zu Straßburg aus unbenutzten Urkunden und Manuskripten (Straßburg: Heitz & Mündel, 1891) 255. Ritter claims that printing might have been attempted in Straßburg, but this claim needs further investigation. "Einen Holzstock zu einer vor 1588 gehörigen unbekannten straßburger (?) Ausgabe besitzt die Druckerei Heitz in Straßburg." Paul Heitz und Friedrich Ritter, Versuch einer Zusammenstellung der deutschen Volksbücher (Straßburg: Heitz, 1928) 39. In 1590, Gruber asserted: "Neben dem so hat bemelter giade müeg, ungefar bey 2 Jaren den faustum alhie lassen trucken, welcher gleichwol verboten gwest, so hat lienhart

54 Printing books in defiance of the authorities entailed obvious risks, but the promise of a quick and extraordinary profit was evidently irresistible. In Tübingen, Alexander Hock was willing to ignore and thereby test the university's clearly stated regulations. He did not submit his rhymed Historia to the required censorship of university authorities, so he suffered dire consequences. After the publication of his Historia in verse, Hock was thrown into jail and whipped. He was not alone in his suffering. The same fate befell the student Johann Feinaug, a master of liberal arts who had prepared the rhymed text in a few weeks. His quick work and the printing were completed by January 7,1588. 6 The Tübingen Historia was on the market for some time before the authorities reacted. On April 15 the university senate took decisive steps to punish those responsible for the infractions. Complaining about the intolerable prison conditions—lack of adequate food and drink—Feinaug wrote a desperate letter to the rector of the university. The letter implies that, on the one hand, the authorities considered the book dangerous and, on the other, Feinaug acted without an inkling that his work would be interpreted as a reprehensible deed. After lengthy and persistent requests I composed and transposed into verse the latter part of this book,7 without being aware of the rules and regulations that were supposed to be observed by the printer. I did not undertake this task for the sake of publication, nor in order to offend anyone, but without neglecting my studies, as a kind of exercise and recreation during my leisure hours. Since earlier I had seen the book (of which I am not the author) for sale elsewhere, I

6

7

ostein denselben faustum auch anfangen tnicken, und albereit ein bogen getruckt gehabt, wie bald aber giade müeg dasselb erfaren, ist er dan nechsten im Zorn zur lienhart Osteins truckerey gelofen, den andern bogen vom setzkasten genomen und zerrisen, sagende er wer zu trucken verbotten. Das hat er allein darum gethohn, das im die seinigen desto besser abgingen, under die nuzung allein möchte immer, wie er dan inn anderen Bäptischen bücheren ihutt." StAB, Handel und Gewerbe, JJJ 6. Quoted from Carlos Gilly, Spanien und der Basler Buchdruck bis 1600. Ein Querschnitt durch die spanische Geistesgeschichte aus der Sicht einer europäischen Buchdruckerstadt. In: Basler Beiträge zur Geschichtswissenschaft 151 (1985): 243. Günther Mahal, Der Tübinger Reim-Faust von 1587/88. Aus dem Prosa-Volksbuch "Historia von D. Johann Fausten" (1587) in Reime gebracht von Johannes Feinaug (Kirchheim: Schweier, 1977) 4 and 25. Mahal interprets the phrase "posteriorem partem" as follows: "Das kann nicht anderes bedeuten als den Reim-Teil: der Prosa-Teil der Vorrede und der Sprüche stammt von Alexander Hock." Mahal, Tübinger Reim-Faust 36.

55 believed that it would not be a disagreeable and offensive thing but, on the contrary, something useful. 8 In an effort to prove his innocence and to plea effectively for mercy, Feinaug probably neglected to write that his motivation was not entirely altruistic. For his efficient work there was undoubtedly the promise of a financial reward. On the other hand, Feinaug, who became a pastor two years later and spent his entire life in the service of the Protestant cause, may have been quite sincere in believing that the book represented a positive moral force and served a useful function, just as the printers Johann Spies and Alexander Hock insisted. His apparent miscalculation dramatically illustrates the contradictory perception of the Historia's meaning and significance at the time of its publication. Why were the authorities so alarmed about the book in Straßburg, Basel, and Tübingen? Why did they want to suppress it? What was so dangerous about it? The Straßburg incident provides the most explicit information. According to the ministers of that city, the Historia was dangerous for the youth, who had an inclination toward diabolical magic. The ministers were afraid that the book had made the powers and rewards of engaging in magic so fascinating that there could be efforts to follow Faustus's example, despite the horrible fate of the hero. The Historia was believed to inspire precisely the evil diabolical deeds that it claimed to prevent. The author of the introduction to the Historia, "Vorred an den Christlichen Leser," claims to be afraid of this possibility and cites his fear as a reason for having left out dangerous incantations. Whether or not his assurances were sincere, authorities in a number of cities were convinced that action against the book was warranted. Independent sources confirm a widespread concern. It is difficult for the modern reader to believe that the Historia could have been a cause for alarm. But what the authorities in Straßburg feared, did in fact transpire in Tübingen. On December 11,1596, the medical student David Lipsius (Leipziger) was arrested when he was discovered to have made a written offer of a pact with the devil. The university conducted an immediate investigation at the highest level. The student was called in to face an interrogation by the rector and the theologians of the university. The minutes of the senate meeting record what questions were asked. The interrogators "Composui enim ac rythmis verti huius libelli, diu multumque rogatus, nesciens leges ac regulas typographo observancias, posteriorem partem, non ut in lucem aederem, nec offendiculum praeberem aliis, sed tantum exercitii ac recreationis loco, horisque succisivis, absque neglectu meorum studiorum. Cumque eundem etiam aliis in locis iam dudum venalem viderim, nec ego eius author sim, rem non ingratam ac odiosam, sed utilem potius futuram existimavi." Mahal, Der Tübinger Reim-Faust 7-8.

56 wanted to know how the student had gotten into his present situation, whether he had had dealings with the devil before and for how long, what the devil had given him and how much money was involved, who the instigator was, what books he had read, what had motivated him, whether others were involved, and what conditions he had agreed to with the devil.9 The startling new element in this case was the evidence of a message that the student had himself written, the offer of a pact to the devil, which suggested to the interrogators that a book about magic had inspired Lipsius's attempt to deal with the devil. The interrogations established that Lipsius saw in the devil a hope of help with his debts. Furthermore, the interrogations resulted in the arrest and imprisonment of Urbanus Busius, a fellow student. According to Lipsius, Busius had inspired the invocation of the devil by reading about Faustus and the devils called Auernhan. Although Auemhan appears at the conclusion of the Historia, he plays a much more prominent role, comparable to that of Mephostophiles, in the so-called Wagner Book, a sequel to the Historia that appeared first in 1593 (Ander theil D. Johan Fausti Historien, darinn beschrieben ist. Christophori Wageners, Fausti gewesenen Discipels auffgerichter Pact mit dem Teuffei, so sich genandt Auerhan).10 References to the name Wagner in the interrogations imply that the Wagner Book was behind the experiment. At any rate. Lipsius addressed his offer of a pact for three gold coins (Goltgulden) to a devil that had come into existence with the Historia. Lipsius was only a short step away from interrogation under torture and a formal trial for diabolical magic. The records include a lengthy formal letter from Lipsius, in which the prisoner pleads for mercy. He swears that he will gladly leave the city forever and that his guardian, Caspar Leipzig, the joint signer of this document of February 16, 1597, can guarantee that all conditions of his oath will be kept. 11 Because this case was extraordinary by any standard, some aspects of the events arc reflected in the meticulous diary entries of Martin Crusius, one of The case of David Lipsius is described in Günther Mahal,"Faust-Splitter aus drei Jahrhunderten," in: Volker Schäfer, Bausteine zur Tübinger Universitätsgeschichte 6 (1981): 99-107. The minutes of the university senate meeting of December 18, 1596, contain the questions directed at Lipsius. Universitätsarchiv Tübingen, 2/5 (Senatsprotokolle), fol. 23r. Cf. Volker Schäfer, "Tübinger Teufelspakte," in: helfen zu graben den Brunnen des Lebens". Historische Jubiläumsausstellung des Universitätsarchivs Tübingen (Tübingen: Universitätsarchiv, 1977) 72-77. The pattern of questioning of the Tübingen case corresponds closely to the initial inquiries at commonplace witch trials. Henning, Beiträge 69. 11

Universitätsarchiv Tübingen, 819, 87.

57 the most prominent scholars at the University of Tübingen. Crusius records, among other things, that Urbanus Busius had appealed to him desperately for advice. Crusius was sympathetic. He did not think that the book in question could be a cause for blame. He points out that the book reveals the iniquity of the magician as well as his tragic end. Nevertheless, Crusius advised Busius to get a lawyer. 12 In the end, the university proved to be merciful, and Lipsius was able to leave Tübingen without harm. 13 His predicament and Crusius's efforts to help the accused Urbanus Busius demonstrate that the Faust story could be a source of serious trouble at a time when trials for diabolical magic were commonplace. Even if Lipsius's behavior appears naive and puzzling, his attempt to solve his financial problems by magical means was not implausible to his contemporaries. Philipp Melanchthon narrated precisely this kind of attempt in the story of Valerius Glockner (see pp. 115-119 below). The problem with the Historia and its sequel was that these books described the potential rewards of the diabolic pact in a much more attractive and alluring way than the witchcraft theorists and prosecutors had done. 14 In contrast to witches, who were destructive and sinful without gaining visible pleasure from their actions, the learned magicians Faustus and Wagner exercised extraordinary powers and enjoyed life before they were forced to face damnation. The Historia deviated from traditional witchcraft literature by exaggerating the learned magician's knowledge, power, sinfulness, and culpability. The Historia created an unprecedented sense of magical power, which gained a certain degree of autonomy and moved beyond the control of those who piously warned against it. The most elaborate criticism of the Historia was that of Augustin Lercheimer in the context of his revised tract on witchcraft. His attack of 1593

12

13

14

William Göz and Emst Conrad (eds.), Diarium Martini Crusii (Tübingen: Laupp, 1977) 1: 259. In the middle of the seventeenth century there is evidence of a debate in legal circles whether reading the Faust Book was a sufficient basis to interrogate suspects of diabolical magic under torture. Julius Schwering, "Amadis und Faustbuch in den Hexenprozessen," Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie 51 (1926): 115. According to Crusius, Lipsius left about the beginning of March. Göz, 1: 290. He obtained a doctorate in medicine at the University of Heidelberg three years later and he embarked on a career in that field at the University of Erfurt. Göz 3: 146-147. Christian Gottlieb Jöcher, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Leücon 2: col. 2464 and supplement, 3: cols. 1930-1931. The prosecutors of witches had no interest in exaggerating the pleasures of demonic power. "Was sich die Menschen von einer Verbindung zum Teufel versprachen, geht aus den Vernehmungsakten meist nicht klar hervor." Hermann H. Kunstmann, Zauberwahn und Hexenprozeß in der Reichsstadt Nürnberg, in: Schriftenreihe des Stadtarchivs Nürnberg, vol. 1 (Erlangen: Hogel, 1970) 116.

58 is often quoted. Since Lercheimer raised numerous objections against the Historia, one particular argument, which strongly reaffirms the concern of the Straßburg pastors, can easily be overlooked. Like the Straßburg pastors, Lercheimer was concerned about the impact of the book on young people. He expresses the fear that the curious youth ("fürwitzige jugent") might wish to imitate Faustus's wondrous deeds without regard for Faustus's fate. 1 5 Lercheimer thus provides strong evidence that the attempt to suppress the Historia was not an eccentric action. There was widespread concern about the impact of a book that was in demand beyond reasonable expectations. The Historia became popular at a time of intense witchcraft persecution. The devil's threatening presence in the world was a matter of daily experience. The Historia's reception coincides with the period of a witchcraft panic in Trier and its vicinity, where at least three hundred witches were reported to have been executed. The witch trials produced a constant stream of new accusations and new trials. They resulted in the trial of one of the most prominent people ever to been accused of witchcraft: Dr. Dietrich Flade, judge, advisor to the archbishop, ex-rector of the University of Trier, and the wealthiest citizen of Trier. Since the records of his sensational case have survived, his fate is unique evidence about the way in which the trials and subsequent reports could transform the lives of historical people into legends in their own time. A newspaper report of 1594 shows the result of this process, and comparing Dr. Flade to Dr. Faustus shows that the story of Faustus was indeed relevant to the history of witch persecution.16 The comparison of Flade and Faustus occurs at a point at which the report expounds the great learning of the Trier "magician." In this legendary account Flade became an astronomer and a diabolical magician, who had caused a great

" . . . das aber ist ein vngebürlich ding vnd zubeklagen, daß auch vnsere buchtrucker dürffen ohn schew vnd dadurch ehrliche leute verleumdet, die fürwitzige jugent, die sie zuhanden bekommt, geärgert vnd angeführt wird, wie die äffen, zu wünschen (dabey sich dann der teufel bald leßt finden) vnd zuversuchen ob sie dergleichen wunderwerck könne nachthun, vnbedacht vnd vngeachtet was ftir ein ende es mit Fausten vnd seines gleichen genommen habe . . . " Carl Binz (ed.), Augustin Lercheimer (Professor //. Witekind in Heidelberg) und seine Schrift wider den Hexenwahn (Straßburg: Heitz, 1888) 43. Füssel and Kreutzer 299. Binz used a 1597 edition. Cf. earlier one at Cornell University. 16

There is much evidence for this relationship. Andreas Hondorff, for example, reports of a case in which a magician had been hanged after he had confessed to having performed magical acts that had been attributed to Faustus at an earlier point. This story was evidently suggested to him in the interrogation under torture: "Der Schwartzkünstler hat erstlich in der Tortur zu aller pein nichts bekennen Wüllen, daß er auch zudehnet (sie), das er nicht gehen kondte. Da es aber angezeigt, wie er seine Kunst oder den geist in haaren gehabt, vnnd man jhm die allenthalben abgenommen, hat er seine Büberey bekam." Andreas Hondorff, Promptuarium exemplorum (Frankfurt: Schmidt, 1580), 74r. Cf. Füssel and Kreutzer, Historia 262.

59 deal of suffering; he killed people as well as animals. "He is like Doctor Faustus; a great big book could be written about his magical deeds." 17 The impressive extent of these magicians' learning show that the magicians differ from ordinary witches, who lacked learning. Care is taken to make sure that Flade's magic does not appear attractive in any way. His magic is destructive, like that of a typical witch. He is a leader of witches whom he drives to perform acts destruction to crops, and animals by means of storms, droughts and poisons. There is no occasion to describe Flade's actual attainments in wealth and pleasures, not even to describe the sexual adventures that he was forced to confess under torture. Unlike the author of the Historia, the reporter of Flade's deed never loses control of his didactic mission: Flade's life and deeds do not inspire imitation. According to the report, God Himself revealed Flade's conspiracy; then Flade and his gang were executed by burning. The report of Flade's punishment is followed by news of massive witch burnings in several German cities. Against the backdrop of witch persecution the provocative innovations of the Historia become more evident. The rewards of dealing with the devil appear much more attractive in contrast to the assertions of witchcraft theorists and the revelations of witch trials. In many passages about the adventures of Faustus the dangers of diabolical magic are not at all evident, and, in the end, the pious warnings appear less effective. The narrator of the Historia seems less in control of his material. The adventures of Faustus invite an interpretation apart from the hero's fate. To the extent that the Historia transformed the despicable witch into a magician of alluring powers and respectability, its innovations could appear alarming and warranted, in the eyes of many, of suppression. Although the authorities of Straßburg, Basel, and Tübingen took up arms against the Historia, there were cities that displayed relative tolerance. In Hamburg, Heinrich Binder did not hesitate to print the Historia with his name on the title page. 18 Similarly, Leonard Straub printed the Historia in Rorsach at Lake Constance, and by identifying the place of publication, he showed that he did not fear reprisals. Most of his readers were Catholics. By excising

17

18

"Ein für trefflicher gelehrter Mann, Doctor in der Astronomy schon, vnnd aller Kunst erfahren, der hat mit seiner Zauberey, groß hertzen Leid gestifftet, vil Menschen vnnd Vieh mancherley, gestorben vnd vergifftet, dem Doctor Fausto vergleichet er, von seiner Zaubereye, ein grosses Buch zu schreiben wer." Frank Baron, "From Witchcraft to Doctor Faustus," in: Karl-Ludwig Selig and Elizabeth Sears (eds.), Essays in Honor of William Sebastian Heckscher (New York: Italica Press, 1990) 16. Cf. p. 135 below. Henning, Beiträge 41.

60 those passages that were offensive to Catholics, he took the precautions that were of primary concern in his community.19 Frankfurt is also conspicuous by its apparent tolerance of the Historia. What was a moral issue to the outside world was primarily a matter of business ethics and competition for profit in the city of origin. Frankfurt was not inclined to engage in witch hunts.20 On the other hand, the devil was good business. Frankfurt published the greatest variety of theoretical and descriptive literature about the devil phenomenon. Provocative positions, such as those of Weier and Lercheimer were allowed beside the most fanatical ones, such as those represented by the Malleus maleficarum. If the Historia was a risky undertaking, Frankfurt was the most logical place to try to publish it. The tolerant attitude of the Frankfurt censors had its limits. As the story of printing in Oberursel shows, authors went to Henricus to print books that the city council would not allow in Frankfurt. In 1580, Spies was accused of printing a book injurious to the emperor, mistakenly to be sure. There is evidence that censorship was a continuous concern and the limits were tested frequently during the late 1580s. In 1589, Spies applied to print the Book of Concord and was turned down.21 The city council acted with the caution that it had shown in earlier considerations of the work. In 1579, the same work had been reviewed for publication by a committee of lawyers, who rendered the judgment that printing in this case was not simply a theological issue but 19

Peter Amelung, "Ein unbekanntes Faust-Buch von 1588," Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 63 (1988): 177-182. "Überaus vorsichtig im Hexenhandel benahm sich der Rat zu Frankfurt am Main. Außer einem Hexenprozeß, bei welchem eine Unschuldige länger als drei Jahre (1541-1544) im Kerker zubrachte und wiederholt gefoltert wurde, finden sich dort keine Berichte über Prozesse vor." Johannes Janssen, Geschichte des deutschen Volkes seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters (Freiburg: Herder, 1924) 8: 593. Janssen's assessment is not entirely accurate. According to Eschenröder, in the 1580s, at a time when executions for witchcraft were a daily experience elsewhere, two people were accused, and neither was executed. In 1585, Margarethe Runkel was blamed for illnesses that befell children in her neighborhood. Although neighbors issued numerous complaints, she was then let free after eight days with only a warning. Shortly thereafter, Gertraud Becker underwent a lengthy trial. She was also accused of practicing witchcraft and thus harming others. On the recommendation of Dr. Heinrich Kellner she was tortured several times. Two Lutheran ministers, Philipp Pistorius and Nikodemus Ulner, were called in to persuade Gertraud Becker to tell the "truth." Despite the massive pressure to produce a conviction, she steadfastly refused to confess to any diabolical activity. Dr. Kellner finally admitted that without a confession the case against her was inconclusive. She was not executed, thanks to the intervention of the ministers in her favor. But the city's final judgment was to expel the accused woman and her husband from Frankfurt. The Lutheran ministers thus showed extraordinary restraint at a time when most cases led to execution. Walter Eschenröder, Hexenwahn und Hexenprozeß (Gelnhausen: Kalbfleisch, 1932) 36-40.

21

Beck 850. Frankfurt Stadtarchiv, Bürgermeisterbuch, 1589, fol. 77r.

61 also a political one. The city council subsequently steered clear of this controversial book. 22 On the other hand, Spies was successful in printing works on the topic of the eucharist. This had been practically impossible in the previous decade. The records of the city council show that Spies applied to print a work by Johann Assum entitled Spiegel deß Erkendtniß Gottes und Christi; the task of censorship in this case was carried out by Oseas Hala, a member of the council of Frankfurt preachers, an orthodox Lutheran. The book was approved for publication.23 In the case of the Historia, Johann Spies took precautions, implying that he had foreseen difficulties. First, Spies did not reveal the name of his author. In this step he took a cue from the witch tract that was its primary source, Augustin Lercheimer's Bedencken. Lercheimer was a pseudonym for an author who, like the author of the Historia, was afraid that he might provoke inquisitorial proceedings. In the age of the witch craze it was not safe to be identified with provocative positions. Second, the preface (Vorred an den Christlichen Leser) stressed that learned and reasonable men were consulted in the preparation of the book and that all dangerous conjuring formulas were excised from the text. This admission of previous self-censorship is clearly an effort to forestall critcism of the Historia as a book that could inspire imitation of Faustus's diabolical magic. Self-censorsip would not have sufficed. The city council expected books to be submitted for examination before they were printed. 24 The council assigned the books submitted for review to its prominent lawyers and, in the case of theological matters, to the congregation of ministers. Spies had the advantage of counting the leading censors among his friends. The influential Frankfurt lawyers Heinrich Kellner and Johann Friedrich Faust had close links to Spies. 25 If a book such as the Historia had not been approved after a cursory examination, it would have been referred to the council of ministers and, above all, to Conrad Lautenbach, its senior member and spokesman

22 23

24 25

Hermann Dechent, Kirchengeschichte von Frankfurt am Main seit der Reformation (Leipzig: Kesselring, 1913) 243. Beck 850. Frankfurt Stadtarchiv, Bürgermeisterbuch, 1590, fol. 57v; Ratsprotokolle, 1590, fol. 22r. The rare edition of Assum's Spiegel in Bamberg shows that the publishers of this work were Peter Fischer and the heirs of Heinrich Tacke. No printer's name appears. As we have seen above, Hala was a friend of Frischlin's as well as Crusius's, despite the great enmity between the two Lutheran scholars. The diaries of Martin Crusius show that Oseas Hala worked closely with Spies on publication projects in the 1590s. Göz 1: 321. Beck 831. Cf. p. 44 above.

62 (secretary).26 As an author who wrote and published extensively on the topic of witchcraft, Lautenbach was a person who could have spoken on the Historia with some authority. As a friend of Spies's and an author for Spies from the days in Heidelberg, Lautenbach was sure to give the Historia a sympathetic reading. Because of Lautenbach's key position, Spies probably consulted him before submitting the book. On the basis of their common efforts and misfortunes in Heidelberg, it is natural to expect that Spies and Lautenbach would continue to cooperate in promoting their common cause of orthodox Lutheranism. In fact, we have a letter of Lautenbach's dated September 20, 1587, just sixteen days after Spies had signed the dedication to the Historia. The letter reaffirms that the two were close friends and that they were constantly in touch about matters of publication. Lautenbach wrote to the preacher Dr. Johann Papp, a fervent Lutheran and influential church official in Straßburg. As we have seen, Papp acted a few weeks later to prevent the Historia from distribution in Straßburg. Lautenbach reports that Spies is prepared to print a work of Papp's on the Augsburg Confession. This was a controversial topic in Frankfurt; printing the text of the Confession was expressly forbidden. 27 Lautenbach closes his letter by excusing Spies, who is unable to write to Papp because he is quite busy, but Lautenbach assures Papp that Spies intends to write soon. In general, these letters show Lautenbach as a trusted liaison between author and printer. Especially noteworthy are the frequent references to Spies in the form "Spiessius noster," indicating a close friendship and a bond of common interest between Spies and Lautenbach. 28

26

27

Häuser argues that Lautenbach might have been the author of the Vorred an den Christlichen Leser and even parts of the Historia. I believe for a number of reasons that a stronger argument could be made that Spies himself wrote the Vorred. Häuser 157. Cf. Beck 474. See pp. 161-164 below. Pallmann 31.

ΛΟ

" . . . Ad Johannem Spiessium quod attinet, liberum tibi facit in Augustana confessione et Apologia eligendi quod voles exemplar. Habet enim omnis generis typos et si ita tibi commodum videbitur, feret leges, quas illi praescribes et ubique imitabitur exemplar quod mittes. Praecipue librorum quod petis, curavi adscribí in schedula. Redlingero literas tuas reddidi, alteras Josiae Rihelio dedi, cum affìnis ipsius ad nundinas non venisset, quod Tu fortasse speraveras . . . Johannes Spies mittit Tibi duos illos libros, quos petivisti. Commisi eos Christophoro Redlingero a quo eos repetere potes. Adscripsi tuum nomen, ut ab aliis discerni possent. Jam in Domino vale, et festinationi ignosce, sum enim in nundinis plerumque occupatissimus. Spiessius noster hac vice propter occupationes nihil scribere, quod tamen brevi faciet. Francofurti ad Moenum 20. [Septem]bris 1587." Hamburg, Universitätsbibliothek, Sup. ep. 11, fol. 534v-535r. The matter of printing the Augsburg Confession also touched on the question of censorship; Pallmann notes that its printing was forbidden in Frankfurt, at least for a period of time. Pallmann 31. Cf. Beck 837 & 843.

63 The common bond of interest was the cause of orthodox Lutheranism. Lautenbach must have been one of the learned men from whom Spies claims in his dedication of the Historia to have sought advice. In a letter of December 22 of the same year Lautenbach reports that the council of ministers had approved the publication of the commentaries, but there were difficulties in getting the city council's approval. Lautenbach attributes the problem to the work of a slanderer, driven by hatred of the printer or by some kind of diabolical passion, trying to scare the city council, as if these commentaries, previously rejected in Straßburg, could bring injury to the printers and the city council of Frankfurt. Lautenbach stresses that Spies was acting energetically and persuasively in Papp's behalf.29 In fact, Spies's contacts with Papp later resulted in at least three publications, including one about the Augsburg Confession. 30 With the support of Lautenbach and the congregation of ministers, Spies was able to overcome the resistance to a publication about a controversial issue. The incident shows that Spies had friends in key places where he could obtain approval for his books.

1Q Epist. CCCLXI: " . . . De tuis rebus coram ages cum Joanne Spiessio typographo, qui ad vos suo quodam Consilio proficiscitur. Cum commentarli tui in Augustanam historiam jam a toto Ministerio approbati et magistratui ut merebantur commendati essent, calumniator quidam vel typographi odio, vel alio diaboli instinctu famam sparsit, quasi illi tui commentarli jam ante rejecti et prohibit! Argentinae tandem nostris typographis non sine magistratus injuria et periculo obtrusissent. Vocatus igitur est denuo typographus in curiam et admonitus, ne in discrimen aliquod urbem nostrani propter istos Commentaries adduceret. Sed Spiessius fortiter hanc calumniam refutavit et veriores causas peliti proeli Francofurtensibus ostendit. Rectius igitur consul edoctus, non tantum priorem permissionem confirmavit, sed etiam typographo injunxit, ut suo silentio ista tegeret, quae ab ipso audivisset... 22 [Decem]bris 1588." In a letter of June 23, 1S89, Lautenbach encourages Papp to send his commentaries on the prophets to be printed in Frankfurt with Spies. Again he refers to "our Spies" and mentions other orthodox Lutheran authors being printed by Spies. Epist. CCCLXII: " . . . ut commentarios tuos in omnes Prophetas nobis excudendos mittas, quam primum absoluti fuerint, et spero Spiessium nostrum suo officio non defuturum, quod ipsius nomine jam antea spopondi et denuo spondeo. Constituerat omnino Te invisere per occasionem istarum nundinarum, sed pridie demum ex itinere Marpurgensi mecum reversus, novis occupationibus impeditur. Promisit tamen se de omnibus rebus diligenter ad Te perscripturum, quod nunc factum arbitrar. Quaeso Te, faciliorem Te nobis praesta quam nuper, idque non tarn Spiessii quam totius Ecclesiae nomine, cui sat scio tuis Prophetis multum gratificaberis. Non deest nostro, Spiessio, quod imprimat. Habet enim Chytraei, Selnecceri, Wigandi, Chemnitii et multorum aliorum scripta quaedam in manu, sed omnes mei CoUegae autores ipsi sunt, ut prius tuum ilium commentarium, quem jam viderunt, ideoque avidius excudi petunt, proel[i]o subjiciat." •ΪΛ Hamburg Universitätsbibliothek, Sup. ep. 11, fol. 535r-537v. The edition of the Augsburg Confessions and the commentaries by Papp were approved for print by the censor on October 3, 1588. Stadtarchiv Frankfurt, Buchdruck, Zensur Nr. 47, fol. lOv. The earliest record is for July 2,1588, and there are no references to the the Historia. Cf. Figure no. 7.

64 Nothing suggests an attempt to prevent the initial printing of the Historia. Nor was action taken against Spies after the book appeared. On the contrary, even in 1588 Spies was able to reprint it. In the edition of that year Spies was not afraid to continue to identify himself with his book. Despite whatever alarm the book provoked in the outside world, the Frankfurt authorities made no attempt to suppress it at that time. But between 1588 and 1591 no editions of the Historia with the claim of Frankfurt as the place of printing have survived. 31 This mysterious pause suggests that the Historia might have encountered a delayed reaction in Frankfurt after all. Events in 1588 may help to answer what happened in this period when the Historia continued to appear elsewhere or without indication of place of printing. A flurry of accusations about pirate printings and libel irritated the city council and forced it take actions to insure lawful, fair, and orderly business practices. The authorities had to be vigilant about any writings that could be interpreted as libel. As an imperial city, Frankfurt was obliged to heed the emperor's edict forbidding such publications.32 The prohibition was included in Frankfurt's police regulations. 33 In general, Spies appears to have shied away from publishing direct attacks on people. Frischlin had to go to Henricus in Oberursel to publish his attacks on Martin Crusius, his former colleague in Tübingen. Georg Nigrinus, a frequent author for Spies, also had to turn to Henricus to publish his most bitter diatribes against Jews, Calvinists, and Catholics, especially his many attacks on the Catholic polemicist Johann Nas. 34 If Spies printed libelous texts, he did so without Ail edition of 1591 is sometimes erroneously attributed to Johann Spies in Frankfurt on the basis of Nicolaus Basse, Collectio in unum corpus omnium librorum (Frankfurt: Basse, 1592) 2: 302. But this particular entry does not explicitly state who was responsible for the edition. Cf. Κ. Engel, Faust-Schriften (Oldenburg, 1885) 219. According to Heitz and Ritter a 1591 Frankfurt edition was once in the city library of Utrecht but has been lost. Heitz and Ritter, Versuch 39. Cf. Henning, Beiträge 49. Three editions of the Historia of the 1590s show Frankfurt as the place of printing, but not one indicates the name of the printer, and one of these Henning has shown to have been printed by Hämisch in Neustadt. Henning, Beiträge 59-51. Henning has shown that Basse reprinted the Wagner Book as well as the Faust Book in 1593 and probably in 1596, again without indicating his name or place of printing. Henning, Beiträge 71. λ?

Back 830-831. Wolfgang Brückner, "Die Gegenreformation im politischen Kampf um die Frankfurter Buchmessen. Die kaiserliche Zensur zwischen 1567 und 1619." Archiv für Frankfurts Geschichte und Kunst 48 (1962): 67-68. 33 Friedrich Kapp, Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels (Leipzig: Verlag des Börsenvereins, 1886) 1: 783. 34 Karl Goedeke, Grundriß zur Geschichte der deutschen Dichthung (Dresden: Ehlermann, 1886) 2: 505-507. Georg Nigrinus, Juden Feind ÜOberursel]: Henricus, 1570). Arthur Venn, Die polemischen Schriften des Georg Nigrinus gegen Johann Nas (Witten: Lis, 1933).

65 indicating the name of the place or the printer, and he was quite successful in concealing such illegal activity. But in early 1588, a charge was officially brought against him. On April 30, 1588, Baron Fabian von Dohna, an advisor and military commander for Count Johann Casimir in Heidelberg, accused Johann Spies of transporting a libelous book to Leipzig. An investigation was initiated; all printers were to be asked under oath whether they had printed this book ("famoß libell" or "famoß gedieht") against Dohna. 35 Spies was found to have had the most to do with the action against Dohna. On May 14, the city council considered Johann Spies's written letter and effort to apologize for his part and clear his name. Baron von Dohna had made demands in a written form, and Spies responded. The city council ordered that after the deletion of the "superficial and disadvantageous" passages, the response should be sent to Dohna. The text of the apology to Dohna has not survived.36 The city council, which was sympathetic to the Lutheran cause, was forced to take action in a libel case. There was obviously a reason to demand that Spies apologize. Spies's participation in a conspiracy to embarrass Dohna was well motivated. Dohna, the trusted adviser and representative of Johann Casimir, was one of the leading forces driving the Lutherans out of Heidelberg. For Johann Spies, Fabian von Dohna was an enemy, and it is not difficult to imagine that Spies would support the distribution (even printing) of a book against him. But which libelous book was the matter of concern to

«

"Als sich her Fabian burggraf vnd freyherr zu Dhona vber Hannsen Spiessen buchtrucker eines wider ine, von Dhona, ausgespreiten famoß libels halben, dauon er, Spieß, ein exemplar mit sich gen Leiptzig genommen haben soll etc., beclagt vnd gepetten, solch famoß gedieht zu trucken vnd zu uerkaffen zu uerpieten etc. Soll man alle buchtrucker beschicken vndt jedtweden bey seinen bürgerlichen aidspflichten befragen, ob er solch famoß libell alhie in seiner truckerey hab truckhen lassen, vnd sy in ansehung die schrifften vnd buchstaben offt ermaln vendert vnd gegossen werden, bey irer anzeig bleiben lassen." Bürgermeisterbuch 1587/1588, for the date April 30, 1588. "Fabian Burggraf vnd Freyherr zu Dhona. Ist verlesen, welchermassen er sich über Hannsen Spiess buchtruckern wegen eines wider ine im truckh emulgirten famos libells, dessen exemplarien eins er, Spieß, mit sich nach Leipzig genommen, schriftlich beclagt." Ratsprotokollen 1587/1588, fol. llOr. "Hanns Spieß Buchtrucker. Ist verlesen, welchermassen Er sich vf eines Ers[amen] Raths jüngst an Ine des wider Herrn Fabian Burggraven vnd Freyherrn von Dhona etc. getruckt[en] famosen Libells halben gethanes Schreiben verantwortet vnd entschuldigt." Frankfurt Stadtarchiv, Ratsprotokolle, 1588/1589, fol. 4r. "Als verlesen welchergestalt Hanns Spies buchtrucker sich des Verdachts, eines famosen libells halben, darinnen Er des Herrn von Dhona person angedastet haben soll, purgiren vnnd endtschuldigen thut. Soll man dise Verantwortung mit auslassung des überflüssigen vnd Nachtheiligen dem Herrn von Dhona zuschicken." Biirgermeisterbuch, 1588, fol. 7r.

66 Dohna is not immediately clear. There is no reference to Dohna in the books Spies printed under his name in the years 1587 or 1S88. Sources about the life of Fabian von Dohna help to give the answer. From 1585 to 1587 Dohna was Johann Casimir's military commander of an army sent to France to aid King Henry of Navarre. The campaign ended in disaster, the huge army, assembled from different parts of Europe, split up, retreated, and fled. Upon his return, Dohna had to contend with critics who held him responsible for the tragic losses. Dohna carried out his defense in the press, and immediately upon his return, in August 1587, the first of his defensive writings appeared in print.37 It was the beginning of an intense pamphlet war. In early 1588, Dohna published a report: Kurtzer unnd Warhafftiger Bericht von dem nächsten Navarrischen Zuge in Franckreich (s.l.; 1588). 38 Baron von Dohna went to Frankfurt around the beginning of April, when the fair was still in progress, and distributed printed copies of his report. Then he returned to Heidelberg. There he soon learned that an anonymous author had written and published a response to his report: Responsio ad scriptum Baronis Fabiani a Donaw (s.l.: 1588). 39 The author accused Dohna of grave negligence and incompetence. The insulting charges had the character of satire at times: Dohna was accused of writing his report in German so that the persons he attacked would not be able to understand it and of publishing it at the end of the fair so that there would be no chance of getting a response. The incensed Dohna returned to Frankfurt immediately and demanded, without success, to be told the name of the author. Dohna printed a flyer in which he referred to the Responsio as a most libelous book (libellus famosissimus) and proceeded to insult the nameless author and challenge him to a duel. 40 Dohna interrogated the deputy mayor and claimed that a Frenchman, Francois de Ségur, a representative of the interests of the King of Navarre in Germany, was behind the conspiracy against him, and he petitioned the city council to

γι

38

39

Fabian von Dohna, Warhaffte Erklärung und Entschuldigung der teutschen Obersien, Rittmeister vnnd anderer Beuelchshaber vnnd Kriegsleute, warumb dieselben jetziger Zeit der königlichen Würden zu Navarra zuziehen (s.l.: 1587). A copy of this rare book is in the New York Public Library. The preface is dated August 10,1587 and signed "Fabian Burggrave, vnd Freyherr von Thonna der Königl. W. zu Nauarra Veldt Obrister." According to Bezold this book was never published. Cf. Bezold, Briefe des Pfalzgrafen Johann Casimir 3:96. C. Krollmann, Die Selbstbiographie des Burggrafen Fabian zu Dohna (1550-1621) (Leipzig: Duncker and Humblot, 1905) 113-114. This rare edition is in the Bavarian State Library. It shows no obvious signs that could identify it as a product of a particular press. Léonel de Laubespin, Éphéméride de l'expédition des Allemands en France (Aoûtdécembre 1587) par Michel de la Huguerye (Paris: Renouard, 1892) 478-480 & 528-530.

67 take action. At this time Dohna also acted on a suspicion to accuse Johann Spies. 41 A basis for the suspicion against Spies extended beyond the evidence of the book that he had taken to Leipzig. As a printer in Heidelberg, Spies had been a highly visible representative of orthodox Lutheranism, just as Baron von Dohna represented the hostile forces of Calvinism. The bitterness of this conflict is reflected in many of Spies's publications, and even the Historia was affected by it. On first glance, it appears to shy away from this tempting topic. The Historia contains satirical passages about the pope and the sultan. Why not the Calvinists, whose theological positions were most threatening to orthodox Lutheranism and whose return to Heidelberg had destroyed his flourishing press there? The chapters in which the Historia subjects a certain knight to satirical treatment require special attention. This knight first appears at the court of the emperor. When he is seen asleep in the window and not reacting to the emperor's dinner call, Faustus conjures huge antlers on his head so that he cannot escape from everyone's laughter. The knight, whose identity the author and printer refuse to divulge, makes two attempts to take revenge by military force, failing in both instances, with further embarrassment It is conceivable that the real target of this cautious satire was the Baron von Dohna. 42 Dohna's accusation represents an insignificant episode in the life of Johann Spies and has debatable relevance to the Historia. Yet it points out the dangers of using the press as a weapon in current religious struggles. On the one hand, the author and Spies took obvious care to obscure the identity of the knight. On the other hand, Dohna's demands to the city council make it clear that the precautions were justified. The success of the Historia was a mixed blessing for Johann Spies. In 1587, when it appeared, the city records of taxable wealth show a hefty increase for Johann Spies: from 1200 to 2200 Gulden 4 3 But at least one of his employees felt that Spies was negligent in providing fair wages to those who made his success possible. On December 7, Georg Rueff, a compositor, 41

We are informed about these events by Ségur himself in a letter of June 26, 1588. Laubespin 477-480. The anonymous author of the Responsio was probably Jacques de Bongars. Hennann Hagen, Jacobus Bongarsius. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der gelehrten Studien des 16.-17. Jahrhunderts (Bern: Dalp, 1874) 19-76. Hagen edited Bongars's (second?) satire against Dohna, written in the manner of the letters of obscure men; it was apparently never published by Bongars. Cf. Schmidt, Fabian von Dohna 145-153 and Bezold, Βήφ des Pfalzgretfen Johann Casimir 3:95-97.

42

See further discussion on pp. 103-106 below. Friedrich Bothe, Frankfurts wirtschaftlich-soziale Entwicklung vor dem Dreißigjährigen Kriege und dem Fettmilchaufstand (1612-1616) (Frankfurt: Baer, 1921) 2:127.

43

68 registered a complaint against his employer. He demanded the wages that he had earned. The city council entrusted the job of arbitrating the dispute to the mayor. 44 Such an annoyance was a common plight of printers in Frankfurt. But a greater source of concern must have been the reputation of Spies's young firm. It must have been disconcerting that Lutheran leaders such as Johann Papp of Straßburg, whose works Spies intended to publish, were taking up arms against his book. 4 5 The reputation of his printing establishment as a leading voice of the Lutheran cause and as a moral force was in question. Spies believed that his intentions were misunderstood and that a clarification was in order. In 1588, he responded to the challenge with his new edition. In almost every respect the new edition was a faithful reproduction of the original text. Even the claim of imperial privilege was retained on the title page. Spies did not add or subtract from the naiTative of Faustus's life, and in this way he insisted that what he had printed before was not morally or theologically questionable. But he added several pages of biblical passages between the introduction and the beginning of the narrative. This section was intended to show what the Bible contained about witchcraft, soothsayers, diabolical arts, and magicians. Here Spies offered the commonplace quotations of witchcraft theorists as well as of Lutheran exempla collections or devil books. At the head of the list he put Exodus 22: "You should not suffer witches to live." The final passage, from Acts 19, relates that many who had engaged in magic (fürwitzige Künste) brought their books to one place and burned them. 46 Spies probably contributes the final comment, wishing that God would provide for this kind of conversion for all diabolical magicians, soothsayers, and conjurors of devils. Clearly, Spies was convinced that his readers would recognize the Historia as a book that should not be burned.

"Georg Rueff gegen Johann Spiessen Buchtrucker. Hat vber ernanten Spiessen seinen herm geclagt, d[a]s er ime seinen verdienten Eidion nit entrichten wölle mit Pitt Ine mit emst darzuo anzuhalten." Ratsprotokolle (1587), December 7. " . . . Ist dem Her[r]n burgermeistern macht gegeben Sy beiderseits mit einander zuvergleichen." Β ürgermeisterbuch (1587), December 7,1587, fol. 153r. 45 46

Cf. note no. 4 above. "Zeugnuß der H. Schrifft, von den verbottenen Zauberkünsten." Thirteen different passages are cited. The first quotation is "Exod. 22. Die Zauberinnen soltu nicht leben lassen." The final passage concludes with the following sentence from the Acts of the Apostles, 19 ("Viel aber die da fürwitzige Künste getrieben hatten, brachten die Bücher, auff funfftzig tausendt Groschen werdt geschätzet, zusammen, vnd verbrandten sie öffentlich."), followed by a commentary, probably by the printer Spies: "Eine solche bekening wolle Gott allen Zauberern, Warsagem vnd Teuffelsbeschwerern gnädiglich verleihen, zu seines Göttlichen Namens Lob, Ehr vnd Preiß, vnd jrer eigenen Wolfart vnnd Seligkeit, AMEN."

69 With his additions the story of Faustus could be seen in its proper context as a contemporary illustration of numerous biblical examples and admonitions. The quotations should help readers to see the story as an example of positive moral value. They imply that the story was not simply for entertainment but belonged to the Protestant exempla- and devil-literature tradition, which had the Bible as its source and inspiration. Spies seems to be saying that the Historia was born from the very same sources from which Lutheran preachers had been drawing their sermons. The new edition of the Historia was intended to integrate the didactic biography of Faustus more clearly and logically into Spies's publishing program of orthodox Lutheranism. Whether Spies achieved what he hoped is debatable. By printing the Historia he was clearly embarking in a new direction, deviating from the areas of religion, theology, and education, the areas to which his publications were primarily restricted. Witchcraft theory, devil books, popular books of fiction and entertainment were being produced in great numbers in the printshops of the most prominent and powerful printers of Frankfurt, Sigmund Feyerabend and Nicolaus Basse. By publishing a book that dealt with the subject matter of his competitors, the newcomer Spies was encroaching on their domain, which was reserved by a business tradition, if not by any written rule. The success of the Historia provoked the Frankfurt business community by appearing to violate the traditional tenitory of other printers. It is unlikely that Spies had any trouble with Sigmund Feyerabend. Spies printed for Feyerabend in 1580, 1581, 1586, and 1587, and the books he printed included Protestant exempla collections, one of which narrated stories about Faustus. 4 7 At the time of the Historia, Spies and Feyerabend collaborated in the printing of books that were part of its historical background. In fact, the conflict that developed matched Feyerabend and Spies against Nicolaus Basse. The strife began before the publication of the Historia, and the issue was piracy. In 1582, Feyerabend accused Basse of reprinting the Bible illegally. A series of charges and countercharges about reprintings followed. 48 Devil literature played a prominent role in these disputes. Basse submitted a list of eleven different devil books (Teufelsbücher), which Feyerabend allegedly combined illegally into a huge Theatrum diabolorum 4 9 At the same time, Basse had been active in producing similar giant volumes that combined 47

48 49

Spies published Hondorffs Theatrum historicum and Rivander's sequel to that work. The passage about Faustus is in Theatrum historicum 140. Dietz 2: 34. Pallmann, Feyerabend 60 and 156-160. Goedeke 2:479-483.

70

several books of other printers'; he produced comprehensive collections of witchcraft literature.50 For the background of the Historia one product of this systematic piracy could have been of decisive significance: Theatrum de veneficis. Das ist: Von Teuffelsgespenst, Zauberern vnd Gifftbereitern, Schwarzkünstlern, Hexen vnd Vnholden (Frankfurt: Basse, 1586). This work consisted of seventeen different witchcraft tracts of various length, including a reprinting of Augustin Lercheimer's entire text, the most important source of the Historia. Piracy was rampant, and although most printers were to some extent guilty of it, Basse was the most flagrant pirate printer in Frankfurt. In 1588, there was a concerted effort to halt Basse's illegal reprinting practices, and Spies participated with a complaint of his own. 51 The record of the city council shows that on February 1, 1588, Johann Spies and Wendel Homm together accused Basse of reprinting several of their books. Unfortunately, the list of these books has not survived. 52 But there is little doubt that at least two books were involved: 1) Paul Frisius's Deß Teuffels Nebelkappen, Das ist: Kurtzer Begriff den gantzen handel von der Zauberey belangend, zusammengelesen, a book printed by Homm in 1583 and reprinted by Basse in his Theatrum de veneficis and 2) the Historia von D. Johann Fausten. The likelihood that the Historia was involved in this quarrel is based on the fact that the 1588 edition indicates Homm as the printer contracted to print the Historia for Spies. This collaboration shows why the two printers had cause to accuse Basse. Like Spies, the printer Homm had come to Frankfurt from Oberursel. This common background probably brought about and strengthened the 50

51

Nicolaus Jacquier, Flagellum haereticorum fascinariorum (Frankfurt: Basse, 1581) includes a number of works in addition to that of Jacquier's, including a text by Trithemius. Similarly: Tomus secundus malleorum quorundam maleficarum, lam veterum, quam recentium autorum (Frankfurt: Basse, 1S82). In 1587, the representatives of the Egenolff press accused Basse of reprinting twentyseven of its best books. Dietz, II, 34. Basse complained that Feyerabend instigated other printers, who wished to attack and destroy him. Pallmann, 59-60. Zarncke observes that Spies did not reprint the works of others. Zarncke suspects a possible exception in the reprinting of Hondorffs Promptorium exemplorum. In fact, Spies was contracted to print this work for Sigmund Feyerabend. Cf. Zarncke 296. "Johann Spieß Buchtrucker vnd Wendel Horn Trucker gegen Nicolausen Bassee. Haben ernante beide Buchtrucker vber ine Basseum geclagt, d[a]s Er Inen etliche Bücher vnd tractetlin in supplicationibus angezogen nachtrilckt. Mit Pitt, Ine dauon mit gebiirlichem Emst ab vnd zu einem wolverwürcken Abtrag zuzuhalten." Stadtarchiv Frankfurt, Ratsprotokolle 1587/1588, February 1, 1588. "Als Johann Spieß vnd Wendel Homm beide Buchtnicker vber Niclauß Basse auch buchtrucker geclagt, d[a]ß Er Inen etliche Bttcher vnd tractetlin In Supplicationibus angezogen nachtruckt mit pia Ine dauon mit gepürlichem ernst ab vnd zu einem wolverwirckten ablrag anzuhalten. Soll mann Basseo beide Clageschrifften vnd seinen bericht zustellen." Frankfurt Stadtarchiv, Bürgermeisterbuch 1587/1588, February 1,1588, fol. 180r.

71 alliance. The collaboration continued in the following years; in 1589, Spies printed German translations of Frischlin's plays Susanna and Rebecca for Homm. 53 Did Basse, in fact, reprint the Historia and thus justify the complaint? The records do not supply a direct answer. On February 6, the city council recorded Basse's rejection of the accusation. The council then appointed a committee of prominent city officials to investigate the matter and to seek a settlement. One of these officals was Dr. Heinrich Kellner, whose name appears prominently in the dedication Spies wrote at this time. 54 The results of the hearings and deliberations can be surmised from the new printing ordinance of March 12, which dealt specifically with the issues raised by Spies and Homm, as well as by Feyerabend. Since this ordinance refers to specific works involved in previous quarrels, Basse's interest in the Historia serves as an important background and as evidence for the interpretation of the events in 1588. Through a meticulous study of the early printings of the Historia Hans Henning has been able to identify a 1593 edition as a product of Basse's press. This reprinting belongs to the C-series, an expanded edition that includes six new chapters, generally referred to as the Erfurt episodes. Although the name of the printer is not listed, Henning was able to show that the printing was produced with the same typefaces as a 1589 edition of Aesop's fables, as well as an edition of Ulenspiegel of 1594, works for which Basse names himself printer. 55 The evidence of this later printing does not lead necessarily to the conclusion that Basse reprinted the Historia as early as 1587. But the existence of an unidentified 1587 edition of the C-series certainly raises the question more insistently. 56 Whether Spies could prove his accusations is another question. The only existing copy of the 1587 printing in the C-series does not name the printer nor the place where it was

54

55 56

On Homm cf. Benzing, p. 128. A rare copy of Frischlin's Zwei schöne geistliche Comoedien, Rebecca vnnd Susanna (Frankfurt: Spies, in Verlegung Wendel Hommen, 1589), translated by Jacob Frischlin, may be found in the University Library of Leipzig. "Seindt sie allerseyts anzuhören vnd die gütlichkeit zwischen Inen zu versuchen geordnet Herr Christoff zum Jungen, Herr Johann von Mülhein, Herr Hannß Rasterer, als gelehrter vnd D[r], H. Kellner. Frankfurt Stadtarchiv, Bürgermeisterbuch (1587), February 6,1588, fol. 183r. Cf. Conrad Roßbach's Paradeißgärtlein, dedicated by Spies to Margaretha Kellner, wife of Heinrich Kellner. Henning, Beiträge 34-35. This problem is complicated by the fact that there was probably a Berlin printing as early as 1587. See note no. 3 above. Further research on the early proliferation of the C-series would be helpful.

72 printed. Perhaps Spies simply acted on a suspicion that Basse was behind the reprinting of the Historia.57 The nature of the 1587 pirated edition makes it appear that the printer had no special interest in the narrative or the ideological premises of the Historia.58 The new chapters reflect a total lack of concern about the coherency of the newly created product. The last of the six new episodes is the attempt of Dr. Klinge, a monk in Erfurt, to bring Faustus back from the clutches of the devil. This addition is in direct conflict with the undeleted chapter 52, in which a pious old man, clearly a good Lutheran, made the same attempt. The nature of the addition implies, therefore, profit as the sole motivation behind the expanded edition. The printing politics of Basse, in contrast to Spies, generally reflect this motivation. The suspicion that Basse had reprinted the Historia as early as 1587 puts the interpretation of the printing ordinance of 1588 in a new light. This ordinance provided for a strict prohibition of reprinting and referred specifically to the illegality of expanded editions. An expanded edition was to be the prerogative of the original printer. As long as that printer had at least 100 unsold copies in stock, no other printer could reprint. Moreover, the ordinance demanded that no claim of imperial privilege with "Cum gratia et privilegio" be placed on the title page without proper justification. The ordinance reiterated the requirement of previous examination of all books and threatened serious punishment for violations.^9 This ordinance was a direct response to Basse's illegal reprinting activities, and it is plausible that the Historia was a component in the process that «¡7 ' Henning refers to the 1S87 pirated edition now in Berlin (iDeutsche Staatsbibliothek) as C l . "Man könnte annehmen, daß C l von Feyerabend ausging, dem die vermehrte Fassung sehr gelegen sein dürfte, und daß Bassaeus diesen Druck anfertigte. Es ist aber auch möglich, daß Basaeus für ihn wie auch für den Nachdruck C ^ 3 als Verleger verantwortlich zeichnet. Träfe diese oder jene Überlegung zu, käme auch C^ aus Frankfurt." Henning, Beiträge 109. Considering Feyerabend's close relationship to Spies and his common cause in opposition to Basse, the second possibility is more plausible. CO JO The 1587 C-reprint does not include chapter 28 of the original Faust Book, "Von einem Cometen." The reprint makes a slight revision in the narration of Faustus's birth. Instead of "zu Rod, bey Weinmar biirtig" it has "zu Rod, bey Jena, Weinmarischer Herrschafft zustendig, biirtig im Jahr nach der Geburt Christi 1491." Such minor changes do not reveal any consistent design. The Buchdruckerordnung of 1588 begins: "Nach dem Einem erbarn Rath etwan Vor diesem, sonderlich aber inn newlichkeitt von den Truckern vndereinander, dess nachtruckens vnnd andersshalb, sehr vieil Ciagens furkommen, Als ist Emgedachter ein Erbar Rath nitt vnzeittig bewogen wordenn nachdenckens zuhaben wie doch solche Ciagen ins Kunfftig, so vieil muglich, vorkommen werdenn vnnd sie die Trucker inn gutter ruhe vnnd einigkeitt beyeinander wohnen vnnd ohne eines oder dess andern schaden sich erneren mochtenn." Pallmann, Feyerabend, Supplement XIX, 191-194.

73 produced it. If so, it is likely that Basse would have been ordered to refrain from reprinting the books of others. Such a prohibition obviously extended to the Historia. But there are indications that the settlement may not have been entirely in Spies's favor. Since further printings by Spies of the Historia after 1588 have not come to light, the question arises whether the city council imposed a general ban on the book. The new ordinance makes an ominous reference to the misuse of the claim of imperial printing privilege and the requirement of previous censorship. By referring explicitly to the phrase "Cum gratia et privilegio," which is found on the title page of the Historia, the authors of the ordinance may have reacted to a violation by Spies. Did Spies make the claim of imperial privilege fraudulently? Because imperial authorities had hardly any control over printing practices in Frankfurt during the period in question, it might have been tempting for Spies to make a claim and hope that it would not become an issue. 60 The Austrian State Archives have preserved the records of imperial printing privileges. These records show that Spies did obtain privilege for a number of his books, but there is no evidence that a request was ever made for the Historiad Since the records may not be complete, this circumstance does not prove that no such privilege was granted. Spies's request of 1596 for imperial privilege is an obsequious letter, indicating that the printer was prepared to go to any length to show that the books in question would not offend the emperor. Spies makes the highly debatable assertion that his reputation as a printer was based primarily on the publication of legal texts. He even includes a Catholic author, Johannes Trithemius, perhaps simply in order to disarm the potential concerns of the imperial authorities. There is no record that Spies ever printed this book.

Ulrich Eisenhardt, Die kaiserliche Aufsicht über Buchdruck, Buchhandel und Presse im Heiligen Römischen Reich Deutscher Nation (1496-1806). In: Studien und Quellen zur Geschichte des deutschen Verfassungsrechts (Karlsruhe: Müller, 1970) 3: 65. Eisenhardt notes that imperial privilege was often granted without a proper examination of the book in question. Cf. p. 11. Cf. Brückner, "Die Gegenreformation im politischen Kampf um die Frankfurter Buchmessen," pp. 67-86. Pallmann implies that the claim of imperial privilege could be a way to avoid prior examination by the city council. Heinrich Pallmann, Feyerabend 24. If Spies had misused the privilege in this way, it would have been a serious offense. A later occurrence indicates that Spies was willing to take risks by printing an unsubstantiated claim of privilege. In 1S98, Spies requested privilege and protection from the Elector of Saxony. It was not granted. At the same time he printed Martin Chemnitz's Loci theologici (Frankfurt: Spies, 1599) with Cum gratia et privilegio proelectorali saxonico on the title page. As Kirchhoff suggests, Spies probably printed his title page without waiting for the reply to his request. Albrecht Kirchhoff, "Zur älteren Geschichte der kursächsischen Privilegien gegen Nachdruck," Archiv für Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels 8 (1883): 28-39 and 333. Spies obtained imperial privilege for legal texts in 1584, 1588, and 1596. österreichisches Staatsarchiv, RHR, Impressoria 67, fol. 11 Ir-139ν.

74

Spies insists that the books he is submitting do not encroach on religion. 62 If Spies had to make so many compromises to get approval for imperial privilege, it seems doubtful that he would have succeeded in obtaining approval for a book that contained satirical passages about the emperor and the pope. The possibility exists that Spies did not have imperial printing privilege for the Historia. In that case, the city council had a convenient reason to react to his misconduct, just as much as to that of Basse. If Spies was unable to demonstrate that he had previous approval from imperial authorities for his claim, a punishment for this offense might have been to forbid him to print the troublesome book. 63 The hypothesis of a general ban on the Historia might explain why Spies abandoned the book; no edition after 1588 can be attributed to him. In the publisher's ad of books available in 1596 the Historia is missing. The single leaf advertisement reflects the primary thrust of Spies's press as the leading organ of orthodox Lutheran authors. This unique position was important for Spies, and he must have realized the risks of diversion into areas that more powerful printers, such as Basse, considered their own. Although the initial sales of the Historia were certainly profitable, they might have reached a point of diminishing returns. The reputation of Spies's press could suffer by promoting a book whose popularity clearly reflected a demand and interest contrary to his professed intentions. Inside and outside Frankfurt, the Historia was a source of irritation. Because of its popularity it became a problem, either because the religious authorities outside Frankfurt feared the youth's fascination for the demonstrated powers of the devil or because the secular authorities in Frankfurt feared illegal printings as a threat to the business community. The popularity of the Historia undermined the control exercised by these authorities. The concept of the devil was a tool in the hands of Protestant preachers to influence and control the spiritual life of their flocks. As long as they were the authors of the books printed in Frankfurt, they had nothing to fear. But from their perspective, the Historia promoted a dangerous deviation 62

Cf. p. 186 in the Appendix. There is a view that the phrase "cum gratia et privilegio" without the word Caesareo was a sign of fraudulent use. Friedrich Kapp und Johann Goldfriedrich, Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels bis in das siebzehnte Jahrhundert (Leipzig, 1886-1913) 1: 742. In fact, such a generalization may not be valid. When Spies printed the Latin grammar of Frischlin, who had obtained special privileges from the emperor, he wrote "Cum gratia et privilegio caesarae maiestatis." But in the following year he simply put "Cum gratia et privilegio" on the title page of Frischlin's book on Persius. österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Reichsregister Ks. Rudolf II. vol. 18, fol. 130v-132r. Cf. Schulz-Behrend 172-180.

75 from the traditional stereotypes and thus, indirectly, called into question basic premises of witchcraft theorists. By allowing the Historia to slip through its system of censorship and by allowing Spies to proceed with a reprinting in 1588, Frankfurt was exercising a certain degree of tolerance. But the surge of popularity, the alarm of religious leaders, and the illegal printings probably motivated Frankfurt authorities to reconsider and to let printers know that this book should not be printed in Frankfurt. Such a ban could explain the curious reticence of printers to identify themselves. Although numerous subsequent editions list Frankfurt as the city of printing, no Frankfurt printer linked his name with any of them. 64 Efforts to suppress the Historia were not successful. Enforcement was not consistently strict everywhere. Printers such as Basse were more determined to print than the censors were to prevent printing. In Neustadt, Harnisch disguised his printing of the book by putting Frankfurt on the tide page. 65 Because of their initial tolerance and hesitation to impose a ban, the Frankfurt authorities allowed the book to slip beyond the point where control was possible. Why this control should have been necessary in the first place is the challenging question. To understand what inspired alarm in the Historia is to perceive the paradoxical image and power of the devil in the sixteenth century: its function in a system of control, repression, and even persecution as well as its potential for exciting fascination, a quality that printers could exploit for profit.

64 65

Henning, Beiträge 44-52. Henning, Beiträge 50-51.

4. Years of Promise and Disillusionment

Johann Spies's printing business—one of only eight granted licenses in Frankfurt—continued to flourish throughout the 1590s. The catalogues of those days regularly listed as many as or even more new books for Spies than for other Frankfurt printers.1 What his books often lacked in elaborate design and for illustration, Spies made up for by a constant stream of new printings. There is no hint that he relaxed; Spies was totally dedicated to his work. In contrast to his competitors, who printed more expensive books and reached a wider circle of readers, Spies served a relatively small group, and his profits were modest. But as long as he could continue to print leading Lutheran authors in a period of prosperity in Frankfurt, he was assured of a steady demand. The single-leaf publisher's ad that Spies printed in 1596 presents the scope and strengths of his press to the general public at the high point in his career. Such ads (Verlegerplakate) were commonly used by printers to advertise the books available at book fairs. 2 But not many have survived. Rolf Engelsing and Günter Richter have assembled such rare ads for the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but they do not find any between 1587 and 1609. Because of an eccentric classification in the catalogue of the University of Tübingen library, where Spies's ad is found under author, it is not surprising that it has eluded notice. Spies is credited with the authorship of Index librorum a Iohanne Spiessio typographo Francofurtensi excusorum, a list of

Gustav Schwetschke, Codex nundinarius Germaniae literatae bisecularis. MeßJahrbächer des deutschen Buchhandels (1850-1877; repr. Nieuwkoop: de Graaf, 1963). Günter Richter, "Konzessionspraxis und Zahl der Druckereien in Frankfurt a. M. um 1600," Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens 27 (1986): 131-156. Günther Richter, Verlegerplakate des XVI und XVII. Jahrhunderts bis zum Beginn des Dreißigjährigen Krieges (Wiesbaden: Pressler, 1965) and Rolf Engelsing, Deutsche Bücherplakate des 17. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden: Pressler, 1971) 21. Cf. an early sample of this genre described by Sam Follett Anderson, "A Variant Specimen of Anton Sorg's "Bücheranzeige" of 1483-1484," The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 52 (1956): 48-52.

77 124 books. Since the inventory of books presents the nature of Spies's press in a representative and personal way, it is a significant biographical document. In general, the inventory shows that the focus and direction of the press had not changed since Spies established an independent business enterprise, a press with a mission, in Heidelberg. The most striking feature is the predominance of Aegdius Hunnius with twenty-seven books, representing about one-fifth of the total output. In 1591, Hunnius went from Marburg to Wittenberg, where, as a professor, he continued to lead the orthodox forces of Lutheranism against all shades of Calvinism as well as Catholicism, especially in the form promoted by the Jesuits.^ Hunnius's brand of militant Lutheranism characterized the main thrust of Spies's press. In one work listed by Spies, Hunnius attacked Calvin by demonstrating how he had been influenced by Jewish distortions of the Bible.4 We recognize, for example, the names that Conrad Lautenbach mentions in a letter to Johann Papp as authors waiting to be published by Spies: Chytraeus, Selenccer, Wigand, and Chemnitz.^ Johann Papp himself is represented by three works. Georg Nigrinus, whose polemics against Catholics, Calviniste, Jews, and witches were familiar to Spies from the time of his apprenticeship in Oberursel, is similarly represented by three books, one of which expresses its aggressive stance against Calvinism in the title (Anticalvinismus). A large part of the total output of religious literature is in the form of sermons, indicating that the target audience was primarily the Lutheran pastor, who was to get guidance from Hunnius and his fellow theologians for the true interpretation of thorny issues. More than half of all books in this inventory were directly related to this end; many of the rest provided some kind of indirect support for the pastor's work. The specialization of the press is remarkable. To be sure, areas such as law and literature (primarily works of Frischlin) had a modest place. But if we cast a glance at the comparable inventory listings of Feyerabend and Basse, the limited scope of Spies's press becomes evident. The two competitors published such lists in 1587.6 For these printers theological works were important, to be sure; they were listed first, but they comprised at most one

"[Hunnius] galt als Hauptverteter der lutherischen Orthodoxie." Beck 349. Weißgerber 71. Cf. Chapter I, note no. 31. Calvinus Iudaizans: das ist, Jüdischer Glossen vnd Verkehrung, mit welchen Calvinus die aller fürtrefflichste Sprüch H. Schrifft jämmerlicher Weiß zu verfälschen sich nicht geschähet hat. Sampt angeheffter solcher Verkehrungen Widerlegung. Cf. Figure 7. Hamburg Universitätsbibliothek, sup. el. 11, fol. 537r. Pallmann, Feyerabend 184-191 and Heinrich Pallmann, "Ein Plakat-Messkatalog des Buchdrucker Nicolaus Bassee von der Herbstmesse 1587," Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte und Altertumskunde in Frankfurt am Main 6 (1881): 99-106.

78 third of the entire output. For Feyerabend it was law that made up the most important field of concentration. Law took up about one half of his total; for Basse this field was considerably less important. Basse was the foremost printer of medical works; he lists eleven works, in contrast to one by Feyerabend and none by Spies. The most significant difference is undoubtedly in the wide-ranging category of historical works. For both Feyerabend and Basse this area was of primary importance, comparable to their volume of output in theology, at least one fourth of their total. This category included not only historical narratives but also popular books of entertainment (works such as Aesop's fables, Eulenspiegel, Reineke Fuchs, Herzog Ernst, etc.)7, a category that Spies did not have. If historical works appeared in Spies's press, they were church history. Hieronymus Megiser, Spies's son-in-law, was a linguist and historian of good reputation, but Spies left it to others to publish Megiser's work. 8 Instead, Spies published Megiser's edition of the Lord's Prayer in forty languages. In 1593, Megiser dedicated this book in 1593 to his cherished father-in-law, whom he revered as his own father, Spies, "the diligent and most celebrated printer." Megiser's dedicatory poem stresses the marvelous brevity of the prayer and its ability to overcome the disharmony of different languages.9 The professed aim of the Formula of Concord was to promote harmony, a religious peace firmly grounded in Lutheran theology. But the concept of harmony was far more narrowly defined than in the Lord's Prayer. The Formula of Concord, which Spies attempted unsuccessfully to print in Frankfurt, was seen as a source of trouble and discord.10 Ultimately, the ideal of religious peace was awkwardly intertwined with a persistent militancy. Spies's faithfulness to his mission sets him apart from other Frankfurt printers. For him the press was a "most noble and useful gift of God" and a "means and tool of divine grace." Though he defined his task as printer on

o

Q

10

Humanistic publications were to be found primarily in the Wechel press. This was a more scholarly press than those of Spies, Feyerabend, and Basse. R. J. W. Evans, The Wechel Presses: Humanism and Calvinism in Central Europe 1572-1627 (Oxford: Past and Present Society, 1975). In Index librorum Spies lists a Tractat von dem Tryfachen Ritterstandt by Megiser. Cf. Figure 7. In fact, this book was printed in 1593 by Martin Lechler and the author is listed as publisher. A copy of this work is in the library of the University of Illinois. The title of Megiser's poem is given as "Dn. Johanni Spiessio, typopgrapho industrio & perquam celebri, socero meo, patris loco colendo." Hieronymus Megiserus, Specimen quadraginla diversarum atque inter se differentium linguarum & dialectorum; videlicet, oratio dominica, totidem Unguis expressa (Frankfurt: Spies, 1593), fol. A2rA2v. In: Hieronymus Megeiser, Das Vaterunser. In vieriig Sprachen, ed. by Branko Be£i i (Munich: Trofenik, 1968). Cf. p. 60.

79 one occasion, as a way of serving ministers in particular, he felt, at the same time, that this meant a service essentially for all Christianity.11 Even in times of difficulty Spies held on to this primary mission. Difficulties converged on Spies with insurmountable pressure in the first decade of the 1600s. They resulted from an economic crisis of considerable magnitude, affecting the entire city. Unemployment became rampant. Businesses went bankrupt. Print shops were forced to close, and presses changed hands with increasing frequency. The crisis ultimately climaxed in an open revolt of the recently impoverished and unemployed citizens who felt betrayed by their government. The city council was powerless in coping with the angry and threatening populace. Mob rule was the order of the day, and there were increasing demands for revenge against those who were thought to be most responsible for the plight: the Jews. In August 1614, the angry masses invaded the Jewish quarter, looting, plundering, burning, and finally driving the entire Jewish community of about 1,400 out of the city. Finally, it was left to the imperial authorities to restore order. 12 Johann Spies's financial disaster forced him to leave Frankfurt in 1610, before the chain of events evolved into a catastrophe for the imperial city. Spies was not a participant in the movement that attempted to make up with quick political measures for the massive failures in the business world. What happened in 1614 was not a chance event that occurred in isolation; its roots went back to developments in Frankfurt during the late sixteenth century. The business collapse Spies suffered was closely linked to the economic decline and crisis of the city. Like Spies, the city was deeply in debt. Contributions to military enterprises and ill-advised investments in. distant copper mines built up a debt of 372,850 Gulden by 1577. In subsequent years of prosperity, not enough was done to pay the debt off. In the years before the revolt, the payments on the lingering debt amounted to over half of the city's budget. With the Spies speaks of the "Edle, aller nützlichste Gabe vnd Kunst der Buchtruckerey" and "edle, vberaß nützliche Gabe, so vns reichlich vnd vberflüssig darreicht den Vorraht, die Mittel vnd Werckgezeug Göttlicher Gnaden Meines Ampts vnd Beruffs ist, Bücher tmcken vnd verkauffen, allen Predigern vnd der Christenheit mit zu d i e n e n . . . " Martin Richter, Chronicon oder Geschichtsbuch (Frankfurt: Spies, 1598). See p. 188 in the Appendix. I. Kracauer I: 359-410. The revolt of 1614 is generally referred to by the name of its leader, Vincenz Fettmilich, who was executed in 1616. The printer Johann Sauer, who lost his press in 1610, was one of the ringleaders and he was ejected from Frankfurt. A businessman by the name of Johann Spies played a major role in the Fettmilch revolt, and although he is mistakenly identified with the printer, he was, as Ema Berger has shown, a different person. He hailed from Bamberg, was frequently a member of the city council, and died in 1631. Berger 74.

80 departure of many Calvinist businessmen, economic conditions worsened. The businesses had brought much-needed investments into Frankfurt. But they were the object of much hostility; the Calvinist businessmen were subjected to intolerable restrictions in their religious lives and business activities. In 1596, even the right to hold religious services was taken from them. Many established themselves in the neighboring city of Hanau, where they, who had brought a measure of prosperity to Frankfurt, now competed with it. The much-maligned Calvinists, who were unwelcome in Frankfurt and against whom many of Spies's authors directed polemical writings, hurt Frankfurt much more by their departure than by their presence. One of the losses was a considerable portion of the Wechel press, which now also operated in Hanau. The commerce of Frankfurt was in a process of rapid decline.13 The dramatic change in Frankfurt is reflected directly in a change of Spies's fortunes. In 1586, Spies purchased a stately house; in 1591, he purchased a second house and garden, near one of the gates to the city (Friedberger Pforte). In these years he had no apparent reason to fear a slowdown in his business. He contracted overflow assignments to other printers. Books were printed for him even in Wittenberg.14 Spies lent money to his fellow printer Augustin Ferber in Rostock.15 But city records show that his own history of borrowing was substantial. In 1580, he borrowed 200 Gulden from the Jews Isaak and Hayum zum halben Mond; this amount he paid back in a year, before leaving for Heidelberg. In 1588, when the sale of the Historia might have been expected to make borrowing unnecessary, Spies borrowed 450 Gulden from Hayum at an interest of 12% per annum, and he renewed the loan year after year and even increased it later by 250 Gulden. ιλ

14

15

Alexander Dietz, Frankfurter Handelsgeschichte (Glashütten: Auvermann, 1970) II: 93. Friedrich Bothe, Beiträge zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte der Reichsstadt Frankfurt (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1906) 43-47. Cf. Friedrich Bothe, Frankfurts wirtschaftlich-soziale Entwicklung vor dem Dreißigjährigen Kriege und der Fettmilchaufstand (1612-1616) (Frankfurt: Baer, 1921) vol. 2. Friedrich Bothe, Geschichte der Stadt Frankfurt am Main (Frankfurt Diesterweg, 1913) 1: 341. Friedrich Bothe, Die Entwicklung der direkten Besteuerung in der Reichsstadt Frankfurt bis zur Revolution 1612-1614 (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1906) 231-251. Cf. Evans 4-5. For example, Andreas Engel's Rerum Marchicarum breviarium. Das ist: Kurtze vnd doch warhafftige beschreibung der vornembsten geschichten vnd Historien, so sich vor vnd nach Christi Geburt als vber 2000 Jahren in Chur vnd Fürstenthumb der Marek Brandenburg von jar zu Jar bis auff gegenwertiges 1593. Jar begeben vnd zugetragen haben (Wittenberg: Christoff Axin, in Verlegung Johann Spieß, 1593). Cf. Figure 7. Spies had difficulty getting Ferber to repay, so he requested the Rostock City Council to take possession of his press. Wilhelm Stieda, "Studien zur Geschichte des Buchdrucks und Buchhandels in Mecklenburg," Archiv für Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels 17 (1984): 151-155.

81 Together with the accumulated interest, the loan was still there two decades later to haunt him. There were sizable loans from friends. From Dr. Johann Friedrich Faust he took up a loan of 2,000 Gulden in 1591, and from the book dealer Valentin Porss 2,400 Gulden in 1603. In 1607, Spies was in arrears in all accounts. Loans from friends helped him to stay in business. He continued to work with intensity. For the year 1604 catalogues listed an impressive twenty-two new books for Spies, 16 who continued to print, but from about 1598 on, increasingly as a printer for others (Lohndrucker). He printed mainly for other publishers, as he had done when he first began printing. As in those early days, he was not self-employed; he could not always choose his books. He printed works that deviated from the books that he was accustomed to producing. In 1598, for the first time he was the printer of a devil book (Teufelsbuch); the publisher Hans Gottfried contracted for the printing of Peter Glaser's Gesindt Teuffel.17 In 1605, he printed Berthold von der Beke's Soldatenspiegel, a textbook for military campaigns, for Johann Jacob Porss. 18 In other words, Spies now could not afford to invest the money in books he might himself choose; now he had to join with other printers and publishers Johann Ludwig Bitsch, the Porss family, and the heirs of Romanus Beatus in cooperative efforts. Spies was forced to branch out into medicine as well. In 1608, on his own he printed Johann Georg Schenck's New Artzney Buch}9 A few of his favorite theological authors were still appearing after the turn of the century, but in decreasing numbers.2® Despite his desperate effort, the meager profits were unable to keep up with increasing debts. In 1605, news about the plight of Frankfurt printers reached Tübingen. Martin Crusius, Frischlin's lifelong enemy, heard from his friend in Frankfurt, the Lutheran minister Oseas Hala. Hala reported that the printers were being destroyed by debts. 21 In 1607, Spies was accused of printing a scandalous ("schandlich") anatomical text about women and was ordered to appear before the city

16

Schwetschke 3. 17 ' VD 16 shows a copy in the Regensburg Stadtbibliothek, ι °ft Cf. copy in the Frankfurt Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek. 19

20

on

Cf. copy in Wolfenbüttel. In 1599, Spies printed Johann Georg Schenck's Biblia iatrica sive bibliotheca medica macta with Anton Humm (Homm) as publisher. Cf. copy in Frankfurt Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek. Zarncke, "Spieß" 296-297. To be sure, Crusius had his own interpretation of the causes for this eventuality. "Litteras accepi amicissimas a D. Osea Hala. Typographos ait aere alieno perire: quia lucrum quaerant, non gloriam Dei. Ideo non excudere salutares libros." Göz 1: 784.

82 council. Actually, the book was a dry medical text by the French physician Severus Pineau, potentially offensive only because of the explicitness of a few illustrations of the female body and of the birth process. But the publication of such a work in German was a provocation. It was generally felt that such delicate topics had to be treated by scholars in Latin, thus not accessible to the general populace. At first Spies fled to escape arrest. Then he returned and asserted that his disobedient ("ungerathen[er]") son was responsible for printing this book without his father's knowledge. Spies was referring to his son Karl Sigmund Spieß, who did indeed print this book (Jungfrawen Prob) in Frankenthal (near Worms), not in Frankfurt, in 1607. 22 At this time Spies was unable to pay even the interest on his debt to Hayum, and it was evident to Hayum that Spies could not recover from his plight. In 1607, because of the obvious decline of Spies's press ("da die Druckerei Abgang nehme"), Hayum initiated legal proceedings to get possession not only of the interest due him but also the principal. In his appeal to the imperial supreme court (Reichskammergericht) Spies pleaded for consideration in light of the excessive interest; his payments now amounted to 1,500 Gulden (which was almost 1,000 more than he had borrowed). The court rejected the plea on May 23, 1609, and allowed an auction of Spies's printing press. Spies made one last futile attempt to turn things around. Writing to his lawyer in Speyer, Dr. Johann Philipp Hurtter on August 21, 1609, Spies complained that no one in Frankfurt could help him and that the city council had no interest in his case. He pleaded for a legal maneuver and effort so that the printing press, of which Hayum had already taken possession, could be recovered. This letter, preserved in Spies's own hand, is the last known

11

Berger 71. " . . . welche Schrift er [Pineau] anfänglich in französischer Sprache aufgesetzt, nachmals aber in der lateinischen an das Licht gestellt, damit er nicht bei Ungelehrten zu ungebiirlichen Discoursen Anlaß und Gelegenheit geben möchte: wie denn als zu Anfange des 17. Seculi zu Frankfurt auch eine deutsche Übersetzung herausgekommen, der dasige Magistrat aus eben derjenigen Ursache, es sogleich verbieten und underdrücken ließ." Jöcher, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon 3: col. 1576. Berger asserts that Martin Spies was the printer of the German work. An anonymous edition under the name of Katharina Rosabella with the title of Der Jungesellen Prob without the indication of the printer's name or the place of printing appeared in 1607 and 1608. In the same years Christoph Eberbach claimed to publish the work under the title Jungfrawen Prob (con ¿spending to the title that the Frankfurt city council referred to! Cf. Berger 71), but the actual printer has been identified as Karl Sigmund Spieß, who printed the work in Frankenthal. Cf. Martin Bircher, Deutsche Drucke des Barock (Munich: Saur, 1988), nos. A 5395, A 4935 and A 4936.

83 document in the case. In 1610, Spies's press was in the hands of another Frankfurt printer, Johann Wolf Π. 23 Spies had to leave Frankfurt. At the age of about sixty years Spies lost everything he had worked for in about four decades. Even a successful new start elsewhere could not make up for the great loss in Frankfurt, where he had made an impact at the center of the world of books. *

*

#

Spies lived the last thirteen years of his life in Gera in Thuringia. He had ties to Gera early in his career. In 1580, he had published a poem celebrating a wedding of an eminent citizen of G e r a . ^ In 1605, his son-in-law, Hieronymus Megiser, was called to Gera from the University of Leipzig to introduce reforms at the local school.25 Since 1606 his son Martin operated his printing press in that city. Martin Spies was the most successful of the sons who had followed Spies in the printing profession. Born in 1579 in Frankfurt, where he completed his training as a compositor, he started printing in 1601 in Mühlhausen, where he operated an active press until his move to Gera. Like his father, he printed numerous funeral sermons. 26 Although a thorough study of Martin Spies's work as a printer is lacking, it appears that his output does not, in general, show the strict religious orientation of his father's publishing. About 1606, Martin Spies printed a book for his younger brother Johann Philipp Spies. 27 After moving to Gera in 1606, he printed a book for his father; it touches on the theme of magic and has a distant affinity to the Historia: Franz Reiser's Cabala Künste. Concordantia Chymica, item Azot & Philosoph. Solificatum. Drey nützliche Tractätlien vom rechten Grund und Wahrer Bereitung des

^ oc 26

27

For Spies's letter to Hurtter see Frankfurt Stadtarchiv, Reichskammergericht, S 7048, XVII, Berger 72-73 and 76-77, and Appendix. Wendelin Heibach d. J. dedicated his poem to Heinrich Sesler of Mühlberg and Ottilia Schreiner of Gera. Cf. Appendix. Helbach was a physician and pharmacist. He edited an Artztgärtlein in 1606. Jöcher, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Leñcon 2: col. 1750. Jöcher, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon, Fortsetzung und Ergänzung 4: col. 1188. Benzing 154. "[Martin Spies] druckte hier [Mühlhausen] die Thüringische Chronik von Becherer, zahlreiche Leichenpredigten und andere Werke, darunter eins für seinen Bruder Johann Philipp." Benzing 333. Benzing does not give the title of the book. Benzing 332-333. Johann Philipp, bom in 1584, printed at first in Speyer and then in Ettlingen. He printed books on a wide range of subjects in 1606 and 1607. Fritz Kastner, "Valentin Kobian and Johann Philipp Spies, zwei vergessene Ettlinger Buchdrucker," Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 60 (1985): 186-201. In his letter to Philipp König, Johann Spies refers to the birth of his son. Cf. Appendix.

84 Philosophischen

Steines,28

In 1608, Martin Spies reprinted Frischlin's drama

PhasmaP Martin Spies probably died in 1609 or 1610, since during the years 16101613 books in Gera appeared under the auspices of "the heirs of Martin Spies." 3 0 During the period after Martin's death the influence of Johann Spies appears to be a factor. From this point onward orthodox Lutheran books appear in Gera, similar to those that characterize Spies's earlier years. 1613, a tract against Zwinglians and Calvinists came o u t . 3 1

In

A s of 1614,

books begin to appear in Gera solely under Johann Spies's name. N o w the market for the sale of his books was not Frankfurt, but Leipzig, where there is evidence of his contacts with b u s i n e s s m e n . 3 2 For the Lutheran composer N i c o l a u s Rosthius's Cantiones

selectissimae,

Spies's name appears as

publisher in that year. Rosthius had also been in the service of the court in Heidelberg with Spies, and Spies had published Rosthius's music in 1 5 8 3 . 3 3 In 1 6 1 5 , Johann Spies again published a work directed against the

no I am not aware of any location for this rare book. Zamcke states that Johann Spies was the publisher of this work by Rieser in Mühlhausen. Zarncke, "Spieß" 297. Rieser's authorship, if not Johann Spies's role, is verified in Jöcher's Allgemeines GelehrtenLexicon 3: col. 2096. Benzing indicates that Martin Spies printed this book, but he shows, without explanation, Alexander von Suchten as the author. Benzing 154. 9Q A copy of this work is listed in the catalogue of the British Museum. •3Λ The following dates and names are linked to funeral sermons printed in Gera by the heirs of Martin Spies in: Katalog der fürstlich Stolberg-Stolberg'scher LeichenpredigtenSammlung (Leipzig: 1927-1935). August 18,1610. Adam Reinhardt. Ocober 5,1610. Magdalena Volckmar of Gera. 4:584. January 9,1612. Marie Reder of Gera. 3:405. March 28,1612. The Countess Anna Ottilia zu Solms, Gräfin, Anna Ottilia, daughter of Otto Grafen zu Solms d. Ält. in Sonnenwalde. 4: 988. March 28,1612. The Count Otto zu Solms, d. Ält. 4: 990. 31 Benzing 154. In 1513, the heirs printed Hieronymus Toxites's Carcinomia . . . Abschewlich, schädliche vnd verdammliche Irrthummer der Zwinglischen, Calvinischen, in denen fürnembsten Locis der heiligen christlichen Lehr, Beneben kräftigem Gegensatz auß denen stärksten Macht Sprüchen deß Heiligen Geistes (copy in Wolfenbüttel). 32 The records of the bookbinder Jacob Apel show dealings with Spies in the years 16141617. There is a record of Spies's dealing in prayer books. The reference to Hans Spies as printer in Gera in 1600 may be mistaken. Albrecht Kirchhoff, "Lesestücke aus den Acten des städtischen Archivs zu Leipzig," Archiv für Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels 13 (1890): 190-197. 33 The name of the printer does not appear; only "Gerae ad Elistrum. Impensis Johannis Spiessii. Anno M. DC. XIV." This rare book is in the Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg. In 1583, Spies had the Frankfurt printer Christoph Rab print Rosthius's music: Fröliche neuwe Teutsche Gesang (Frankfurt: Rab, 1583). A copy may also be found in the Hamburg library. It appears that this job became a source of trouble for Rab; he was criticized by the city council for taking on an assignment from an "outsider" without permission. Beck 847.

85 Calviniste. 3 4 Spies continued to print books and funeral sermons at a steady pace until 1 5 2 2 . 3 5 Another son of Johann Spies, Karl (Carol) Sigmund Spieß, engaged in printing as w e l l and probably m o v e d to Gera about 1620 or earlier.

Few

products of his work have survived. In addition to the troublesome translation of Pineau's work, he printed a funeral sermon in Gera in 1 6 2 0 . 3 6

Another

book, for which does not cite the location of printing, probably originated in Frankenthal, where he printed in 1607 and 1608.

It is o f special interest

because it represents with its title D. Johan Fausten

Gauckeltasche

sequel to the Historia.

a unique

It is purportedly based on a manuscript by the historical

Faustus's o w n hand, recovered by Johan de Luna, a disciple o f Christoph Wagner. The book offers a long list of fanciful cures for every conceivable ailment. The author is evidently making fun o f the extravagant expectations and does not expect readers to try any of the recommendations. The text does not supply any narrative about the life of Faustus, and with the exception of the title, no mention is made of him. 3 7

rte

Johannes Lysthenius, Rettung Hansen Knorrens: Das ist: Lutherische Abfertigung vnd gründliche Widerlegung, deß lästerlichen Calvinischen Pasquills (Gera: Spies, 1615). A copy of this work is in Wolfenbüttel. Because before Erna Berger's discoveries about the biography of Spies it was not known that the Johann Spies in Gera was identical with the printer in Frankfurt, no comprehensive bibliography of the Spies press in Gera is available. Works that I refer to here are those that could be located in Wolfenbüttel and in the Stolberg catalogue of funeral sermons. In 1616, Spies published Friedrich Schmidt's Gaudium coeleste. This work shows Johann Spies's emblem. In 1622, two works appeared: H. Schuler's Methodus vnd Principia aller Wasserkünste (treating the problem of raising water to higher levels) and Johann Sawer's Pareliographia: Das ist: Warhafftige Beschreibung dreyer Sonnen, welche den 13. Maij dieses 1622. Jahrs . . . erschienen vnd gesehen worden. Both of these works are in Wolfenbüttel. Further information may be found in Katalog der fürstlich Stolberg-Stolberg'schen Leichenpredigten-Sammlung. According to this source, Spies printed funeral sermons for the following persons in Gera: October 26, 1612, Wilhelm Walpurger. Citizen and pharmacist in Leipzig. 4: 1008. August 5, 1613, Dorothea Belag of Leipzig. 1: 131. May 8, 1614, Sabine Magdalene Meiler, daughter of the administrator Jonas Meiler. 3: 52. March 3,1614, Johann Volckmar in Gera. 4: 583. May 11, 1615, Friedrich Glaser, general superintendant and pastor in Thuringia. 2: 61. January 16, 1616, Count Heinrich Reuss in Schleiz. 3: 444. April 29,1616, Anna Allbinus, widow in Borna. 1: 29. Cf. August 13. 1616. 3: 296. July 10,1618, Benedikt Kronberger, Benedikt, son of Michael Kronberger in the count's (cf. Reuss) service, in Gera. 2: 569. December 28, 1619, Benedikt Agricola, in Schwarzbrg. Chancellor and advisor in Rudolfstadt. 1: 22. February 25, 1620Ç?), Georg d. Alt. v. Pflug, court official in Dresden. 3: 301. February 4, 1620, Heinrich Volimhaus (Volimhusius), pastor and superintendant in Weida. 4: 588. October 25, 1621, Andreas v. Pflug, Andreas, landlord of Groebitz in Gera. 3: 299. For the funeral of Konrad Hoerel from Zoppothen on May 6, 1620 see Katalog der fürstlich Stolberg-Stolberg'schen Leichenpredigten-Sammlung 2: 332, no. 1174.

γι Henning assumes that the place of publication was Frankfurt, but he does not give any reason for this assumption. Hans Henning, "Johann Faustens Gaukeltasche," In:

86 Spies printed a broadsheet that stands out from the work of his last years because it is illustrated and because in genre and theme it shows some affinity to the Historia. Spies's Νewe Zeitung belongs to the popular category of warning tracts (Warnschriften). Drey gewisse warhafftige Neue Zeitung, die I. wie ein viertel meilwegs von Geraw in einem Dorff Wibelich [Bieblach], ein Schaff gelambt, vnd ein Lamb gebracht, welches ein blauen Kragen oder Vberschlag vmbgehabt, wie in dieser Figur zu sehen. Die 2. von einer Missgeburt dre[y]er Kinder. Die 3. von den grossen Winden vnd Wunderzeichen, so in vielen Landen gehört worden, auch wie zwo Meilwegs von Bamberg in einem Flecken Radeisdorff [Rattelsdorf] genant, diß 1618 Jahrs den 10. Märtz, dreymal Fewr vom Himmel gefallen, Häuser angezünd, auch ein Weib sampt jhrem Hauß verbrand, vnd zu nacht ein Feuriger Besem vnd Stralen, so wol etliche Helleparten vnd Spiesse an den Wolcken deß Himmels gesehen worden, darauß Blutstropffen gefallen, auch was sich sonsten zu[g]etragen. Mit consens der Obrigkeit aida beschrieben. Im Thon: wie man Tageweiß singet^ 8 Managing a business in Gera that was much more modest than was the one in Frankfurt, Johann Spies undoubtedly had a major role in every publication, but especially those not attributed to any particular author. He probably had a hand in the preparation of the very first report dealing with events in the vicinity of Gera. According to the introduction to the text, the authorities granted permission to publish the news items. This suggests that Spies was involved in the negotiations that preceded publication.

Helmut Holtzhauer and Berhard Zeller, Studien zur Goethezeil (Weimar Bühlau, 1968) 143-164. -JO

The original print is found in Wolfenbültel. Reprinted in: Wolfgang Hanns, Deutsche illustrierte Flugblatter (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1985) 392-393. Cf. Wilhelm Hess, Himmels- und Naturerscheinungen in Einblattdrucken des XV. bis XVIII. Jahrhunderts (repr. Nieuwkoop: de Graaf, 1973) 102. Hess presents a copy of a slightly different print in Bamberg. The second news report is absent. Harms argues that both prints go back to a third, original copy. Harms, unaware of Berger's findings, identifies the printer as Johann Spies II, who was born in 1576. As Berger suggested, this son probably died earlier. Berger 69.

87 Die erste Neue Zeitung Im Jahr nach Christi Geburt, 1618. den 8. Martij Ist in einem Dorff Wibelich, nahe bey Geraw, ein schröcklich wunder vnd Mißgeburt von einem Schaff kommen, welches ein junges Lamm gebracht mit einem blawen Kragen, vnd blawen Vberschlag[.] sein Stimm aber ist nicht gewesen, als eines andern Schaffs stimme, sondern geschryen gleich als ein Schwein. Was aber solches bedeuten wird, ist vnwissendt. Es ist aber solches gewiß von Gott zu keinem andern Ende geschehen, als jederman zu einer treuen Warnung. Gott helffe, daß, ein jeder solches bedencke, seine sünde erkenne, darvon ablasse, vnd sich bessere. The author of this report of unnatural birth is absolutely convinced that it is a sign that reflects a warning from God. The phrase ("treue Warnung") is a common feature of the printed flyers (Zeitungen) of that day, and the Historia with its "treuhertzige Warnung" on the title page carries the legacy of this popular genre. The element of warning underlies the central message of the other two reports as well. The second report refers to a rich peasant woman who sends away a poor woman two children by saying "zum Teuffel." She is punished when she gives birth to three deformed children, one of whom has claws on its feet. The third report, in verse form, is about a recent storm of frightening magnitude ("ein schröcklich grosser Wind") and miraculous signs associated with it. Sinners, one after another, are punished. Numerous unnatural events have occurred, and more will occur. The author sees the day of judgment approaching ("der Jüngste Tag ist nicht weit"), and he calls for repentance ("last ab von Hoffart"). As far as he is concerned, everyone must realize the urgency. The final lines repeat the warning that comes from God. Ja wenn vnsere Hertzen were, wie Stein, Eisen vnnd Stahl, sollen wir vns doch bekeren, Gott dem Herrn thun ein Fußfall, er thut vns warnen Väterlich, mit vielen Wundem vnd Zeichen, ein jeder bessere sich. Amen. Amen. The entire flyer ar.d the illustration reflect the direct influence of the apocalyptic visions found in the final book of the New Testament, in the Book

88 of Revelation. The misshapen creatures of the reports, the horrible storms, and all the violence to mankind in the reports are portrayed through the prism of the biblical passages. Here as there the terrible events are a warning and a sign for the approach of the end of the world and final judgment. The presentation of frightening events as a warning is in accord with Luther's interpretation.39 The primitive illustration is very much in the tradition of the iconography of the Book of Revelation. There is no evidence that Johann Spies was the author of this text. But as in the case of the Historia, we are dealing with an anonymous work, and under the modest conditions of Spies's printing operation it is likely that he was in strong agreement with the sentiments it conveyed, even if he himself was not responsible for the text. The readership addressed is not the academic world, to which Spies had directed his books for so many years. The style appears understandably different from that of Spies's available writings, which appear more polished. The prominent common denominator is the orientation on the basis of the Bible. The belief in the approaching end of the world was not new for Spies; he expressed it decades earlier repeatedly with phrases such as "zu diesen letzten bösen vnnd gefährlichen Zeiten" and "[in] dieser letzten bösen Zeit," and "bey diesen letzten gefährlichen vnd betrübten Zeiten." 40 Clearly Spies's belief was strong, so it is not surprising that he should express it again, nearing the end of his life, by publishing this broadsheet. The narrator describes the fantastic events in the illustration without any doubts about their truthfulness. The naive inclination to believe all that is reported about supernatural events shares an attitude with that of the Historia. The broadsheet conveys pessimism and disillusionment, corresponding to the decline in Spies's fortunes. A phrase refers to the reprehensible behavior of children: " . . . auch fluchen vnnd schweren die Kinder / folgen den Eltern nicht." The Historia has its own complaint about such children but assures the reader that the parents should not be blamed. At any rate, Spies had his share of disapointments with at least two children. Lazarus, born in 1573, a year •5Q

In the conclusion of his short essay, Luther wrote that one of the two function of the Book of Revelation is to warn against heretics: "Darumb las Ergemis, Rotten, Ketzerey, und gebrechen sein vnd schaffen, was sie mögen . . . Wie wir hie sehen in diesem Buch, das Christus durch vnd vber alle Plagen, Thiere, böse Engel, dennoch bey vnd mit seinen Heiligen ist, vnd endlich obsigt." Martin Luther, Biblia. Das ist die gantze Heilige Schrifft Deutsch auffs new zugericht (1545, repr. Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1974) 3: 1472-1473. Cf. pp. 179-176 and 183 in the Appendix for dedicatory letters to Philipp König, Heinrich von Ysenburg, and Maximilian zum Jungen as well as the title page of Martin Chemnitz's works (containing the dedication to Maximilian zum Jungen).

89 after Spies and his wife settled in Frankfurt, was a student at the University of Frankfurt an der Oder in 1591. He married eight years later but abandoned his wife. In response to his wife's complaint, the Frankfurt court had to send a messenger to Gera in 1614 to ascertain his whereabouts. The parents were unable to help. 41 Spies's daughter Anna Maria had married the book dealer and publisher Johann Theobald Schönwetter. In 1602, she was accused of adultery and banished from Frankfurt. A petition by Spies, relatives and friends could not save her from permanent exile. 42 After the failures in Frankfurt and the death of his most successful son, Martin, Spies was increasingly isolated. In 1620, Spies's wife, Anna, died in Gera. Spies, who must have been in seventies by now, died there three years later, and he was buried, according to the records of the Lutheran church, on February 21,1623. 43

41

42

43

Berger 67 and 70. For the original text of the court's message about Lazarus cf. pp. 7476. Berger 69. Schönwetter appears as publisher for a book that Spies printed in 1599. Cf. note 23 in Chapter 3 in Part 2 below. Beiger 69.

5. Johann Spies: The Man behind the Historia

Johann Spies was not a complicated man. His career shows him as a man of great energy, totally committed to his calling. What he achieved as a printer is impressive. He came from a family of modest means, and he worked his way up; he was proud of his years of hard work as an apprentice and compositor. He was not afraid of manual work; he took on the tasks that advanced his goal of establishing an independent press. He achieved this goal in Frankfurt, where wealthy printer families engaged in fierce competition for a chance to be a force in one of the most prominent centers of the printing world. Probably without any university education, Spies drew on training in Latin and Greek from his school days in Oberursel. He was well informed in the fields of theology and law. A pious, orthodox Lutheran, he made the Bible his most trusted companion as an ultimate source of wisdom. Like many other Lutherans, he interpreted the Bible literally, and the consistent tendency of his press was a fundamentalist, fanatical, and militant zeal for the aims of the "pure" religion. He was a businessman, but he saw no contradiction between the printing business and the religious mission of Lutheranism. In times of difficulty he was willing to print books that were of little interest to him personally. In contrast to many of his competitors, Spies did not make it a practice to reprint the books of others. This is not to say that his claims were entirely trustworthy. In the case of Cato's distichs, Spies made exorbitant claims that were clearly unjustified. It is doubtful that the Historia enjoyed the imperial printing privilege that the title page claims. But in general he subordinated business and concern for profit to his ultimate mission. For him the press served God. To be able to print books for his religion he considered a special privilege, a gift of God. What he wrote about the importance of his profession reflects a great deal of pride. Es ist nimmermehr zu vergessen, sondern hoch vil thewer zu halten, diese hohe Wolthat, da Gott der Allmächtiger dieser letzten bösen

91 Welt, die Edle, aller nützlichste Gabe vnd Kunst der Buchtruckerey, auß sonderlicher Gnaden mitgetheilet, vnd damit viel guter nützlicher Bücher, wolfeil vnd gemein gemacht, die vorhin in dem Bapstthumb, da man sie alle schreiben muste, thewr vnd seltzam waren: Vnd hette man diese Kunst für tausend vnd mehr Jahren gehabt vnd gewust, wurden dadurch noch viel mehr köstlicher Bücher, so gar vmbkommen, erhalten worden seyn. Here Spies emphasizes the civilizing contribution of printing, which he sees as a contrast to the limited scope of the manuscript. He cannot refrain from seeing the disadvantages of earlier days in terms of the papacy. Spies makes clear that the goal of printing is not secular. He is most interested in printing spiritual books. Also dienen Gott vnd seiner Kirchen die Buchtrucker, so gute, nützliche, heylsame Bücher trucken, eben so wol, als die sie machen. Auß dieser Zuversicht habe ich mich unterwunden, dahin zu arbeiten . . . (Cf. pp. 188-189 in the Appendix) Such assertions cannot be dismissed as empty phrases; the record of books Spies printed demonstrates amply that he was serious about his mission to promote Luther's "pure" doctrine. But even in the friendly Lutheran environment of Frankfurt there were strict limits to what was permitted to appears in print. Spies often tested the resolve of the censors. Some authors, such as Nigrinus and Frischlin, would have preferred to publish their militant polemics in Frankfurt, but they had to do it elswhere. If Spies appears moderate in contrast to Oberursel printers, it was probably not because he lacked the will to attack the enemies of his religion, the Catholics, Calviniste, Jews, and witches. His restraint was probably dictated by a realistic assessment of the situation in Frankfurt. Books could not be produced without taking the possible reactions of the authorities and competing printers into account. Whether such considerations played a role in the Historia is a question that an analysis of the text might answer. As far as the place of the Historia in Spies's publishing program is concerned, the paramount aim that Spies expresses with repeated emphasis in his letter of dedication—to make the story serve as a warning to all Christians—appears sincere. The religious message that frames the adventures of Faustus was not a concession to the pious public or even to the censors. It was for Spies the precondition for publication.

II. The Making of the Historia von D. Johann Fausten

1. Compilation and Composition

The career of Johann Spies frames the Historia. The personal interest he took in the book—writing a dedication that articulated his strong feelings about its importance—suggests that it was not an oddity in the greater context of works he published and printed throughout his life. Gerald Strauss observes: "The Historia was no aberration on Spies's list . . . it was a product of his own rigorous Lutheranism and, more broadly, an instrument in his beleaguered fellow Lutherns' reformist assault on folk occultism as part of their large-scale push for cultural reform."1 When we examine the Historia on its own terms, we find that the prose lacks the harmony and unity of a literary text. In fact, the long tradition of scholarly literature about the Historia has established that the anonymous author relied on writings of others to a considerable degree. Many of these sources, from the most diverse authors and fields, have been identified. Thus, the Historia represents a work of compilation. But because the author revised and adapted his sources, the final result cannot be understood as a simple, mechanical process. Passages of radical transformation of sources may be found next to ones that show the original source almost untouched. In a sense, the author has encircled his sources with prose of gradually decreasing dependence. Ascertaining the subtle layers of original elaborations and transformation is the special challenge of interpreting the Historia. The divisions and the section headings seem arbitrary and do not reveal a clear organizational principle. They are not reflected in the table of contents. They were probably added at the latest stage:

Gerald Strauss, "The Faust Book of 1587: How to Read a Volksbuch," in: Peter Boemer and Sidney Johnson, eds., Faust through Four Centuries: Retrospect and Analysis (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1989) 33. Harry Gerber sees the Faust Book as a popular book of entertainment, and he does not see it fit into the context of his serious academic publishing program. "Im Rahmen des sonst wissenschaftlich gehaltenen Verlags von Spies will das Faustbuch ganz und gar nicht passen." Gerber 32.

96 1) Chapters 1-17: [No title given; chapters cover the birth, studies, the pact and disputations with the devil] 2) Chapters 18-32: "Folget nun der ander Theil dieser Historien, von Fausti Abenthewren vnd andern Fragen" 3) Chapters 33-68: "Folgt der dritt vnnd letzte theil von D. Fausti Abenthewer, was er mit seiner Nigromatia an Potentaten Höfen gethan vnd gewircket. Letzlich auch von seinem jämmerlichen erschrecklichen End vnnd Abschiedt." [The section of chapters 60-68 about Faustus's death is demarcated by a separate title] "Folget nu was Doctor Faustus in seiner letzten Jarsfrist mit seinem Geist vnd andern gehandelt, welches das 24. vnnd letzte Jahr seiner Versprechung war." The lack of clarity in divisions and titles seems to indicate that the classification might have originated in the rush of printing, as an afterthought.2 At most, the effort reveals that the adventures of Faustus were thought to be the central focus; most chapters deal with them. In a meticulous study of the Historia's background, Wilhelm Meyer found this division useless. He abstracted a more precise and sensible outline from the text: 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

Faustus's Origins, Studies and Devil Pact Faustus Explores Heaven and Hell Faustus Explores the Natural World The Adventures of Faustus The End of Faustus3

Although this outline describes the actual content in a more accurate and helpful way, it contributes little to understanding the subtle dimensions of composition. 4 Where does the author show most clearly how he organized "Die Auswahl obsolet» Quellen und die Verstümmelung von Zitaten erklären sich wohl aus der raschen Arbeit eines wenig kompetenten Kompilators, der sich auf noch größere Unkenntnis seines Publikums verlassen konnte." Müller, Romane 1342-1343. Wilhelm Meyer, "Nürnberger Faustgeschichten," in: Abhandlungen der philosophischphilologischen Klasse der königlichen Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 20 (1895): 356. Hans-Gert Roloff, in contrast to others who have written about the Historia, takes the preface seriously as a text written by the anonymous author and includes it in his analysis of the work's structure. His essay came to my attention only after the completion of my manuscript. Roloff writes: "Beim Faustbuch haben wir es in diesem Sinne mit einem strengen Verbundsystem von Problementwicklung, sprachlicher Realisierung und didaktischer Zielsetzung zu tun, ganz im Sinne der Zeit. Die herausragenden Pfeiler dieses Verbundes sind die elementaren Teile einer großen gedanklich-sprachlichen Demonstration: Exordium, Narratio, Argumentatio, Peroratio,

97 and wrote his book? An investigation of the author's borrowings promises to bring us a step closer to the the process of making the Historia. The long sequence of clearly identifiable borrowings begins immediately after the signing of the pact. As a commentary upon the dreadful significance of that action, in chapter 7 the narrator of the Historia presents three stanzas from Sebastian Brant's Narrenschiff. But it is easy to overlook the fact that these stanzas are revised to serve the narrator's sermonizing interpretation of the diabolical pact. Brant

Historia

Wer sein Lust setzt auff stoltz vnd Vbermut, Wer setzt sin lust vff zyttlich gut Vnnd darinnen sucht sein Vnd dar jnn sucht sin freyd vnd mut Freuwd vnd Muht, Der ist eyn narr jnn lib vnd blut. Vnd alles dem Teuffei nach thut, Der macht vber jhne ein eygen Ruht, Vnd kompt endtlich vmb Seel, Leib vnd Gut. 5 The elaborations on Brant's original text have changed a friendly criticism of human folly into an earnest attack on sin and evil. In the process of rewriting Brant's verses the author contributes the phrase "stoltz vnd Vbermut," which we recognize as one of the numerous leitmotivs from his sermonizing arsenal. Then he gives the devil, who does not appear in Brant's verses, a prominent place in the center of his stanza. Finally, he adds the phrase "Seel, Leib vnd Gut," an appropriate preview of the damnation that will be the consequence of Faustus's sinful behavior. In the second stanza the new line is "Ergibt sich d e n Teuffei Tag vnd Nacht." In the last stanza, "Dem geschieht recht, ob er schon erdrinckt" is replaced by "Dem g[e] Schicht recht, ob er schon nicht kan entrinnen," with obvious awareness of the special case of Faustus, whose soul is irredeemably lost. The anonymous author takes three stanzas from Brant, which he subjects to a similar kind of elaboration,

5

Epilog-Vorrede, Erzählung des Sachverhaltes, dessen Beurteilung, zusammenfassendes Ergebnis, Schlußwort." Hans-Gert Roloff, "Artes et doctrina. Struktur und Intention des Faustbuchs von 1587." In: Klaus Matzel and Hans-Gert Roloff, Festschrift für Herbert Kolb (Bern: Peter Lang, 1989): 539. Füssel and Kretzer 23-24 and 222. Cf. Klusemann 112-114.

98 totally transforming Brant's lines to serve as a little sermon against the evil pact and Faustus's fateful error. Chapters 7 through 17 appear to be a transitional segment in the Historia. On the one hand, there are obvious borrowings and descriptive passages that lack sermonizing interruptions; on the other hand, chapters 7, 8, 9, 10, 14, 15, 16, and 17 conclude in the tone of strong moralizing. These chapters emphasize that Faustus made a grave mistake and can be expected to pay for it. The end of the story is anticipated. A sharp division of segments is equally difficult to make at the conclusion of the Historia. If we simply focus on chapters 60-68 as the section that corresponds closely to the beginning, we overlook chapters 52 and 53 (narrating the attempt of an old man to bring Faustus back to the fold; the devil's intervention; and the second pact) as an integral part of the basic plot and also reveal the manipulating hands of the sermonizing narrator. Despite the transitional segments and the futility of making sharp divisions, it is possible to identify the largest part of the book (18-51; 54-60) as a product that required relatively little input from the author who wrote the beginning and end. Perhaps he assigned this work to someone else. Did the anonymous author contribute at all? Was this the work of collaborators? The withdrawal of the sermonizing narrator certainly contributed to creating the image of a magician whose powers and pleasures might have appeared more attractive than intended. 6 But the work of the compilation and borrowing was perhaps not entirely mechanical. There are points at which the views of the narrator reassert themselves however faintly and briefly. These points deserve special attention; they represent efforts to hold together a work that shows unevenness and even dissonance in narrative technique. Popular Christian literary tradition, elaborated on in the context of saints' legends, shows Simon Magus as the model for diabolical magicians. When Melanchthon expounded on the devil's aility to perform miraculous feats, he referred to Simon Magus's attempt to fly, and he spoke of a similar attempt made by Faustus in Ve lice.7 The Historia ignores the fact that both Simon Magus and Faustus were dashed to the ground. Faustus's ability to fly is seen instead as an opportunity for him to see what the world looks like from above, " . . . die Schwanke [verändern] das abschreckende Bild des Magiers, das Anfangs-und Schlußteil malen: Der Schwankheld ist weit weniger negativ gezeichnet als der Spekulierer und der skrupellose GenuBmensch." Müller, Romane 1329. Baron, "The Faust Book's Indebtedness" 528. Milchsack examines this background in great detail in his edition of the Wolfenbttttel manuscript. Gustav Milchsack, Historia D. Johannis Fausti des Zauberers nach der Wolfenbättier Handschrift nebst dem Nachweis eines Teils ihrer Quellen (Wolfenbüttel: Zwissler, 1892) CCLV-CCLXVII.

99 to satisfy his curiosity, to soar like an eagle. To describe what Faustus could see from the sky the Historia simply relied on a copy of Hartmann Schedel's world chronicle, Buch der Chroniken, first printed in 1493 and abstracted seemingly random passages at regular intervals from the entire volume. The direction of Faustus's itinerary was determined more by the sequence of passages or pages in the chronicle than by a logical plan for travel. In general, Schedel's text is copied verbatim. The description of Faustus's travels take up about 11% of the book. There are significant exceptions to this blind reliance on Schedel. In the descriptions of Rome and Constantinople the author appears and asserts himself. In Rome, Faustus and the devil are invisible, and they have a unique, firsthand view of papal corruption. They take advantage of their superhuman powers to make the pope look foolish. Er kam auch vnsichtbar für deß Bapsts Pallast, da sähe er viel Diener vnd Hoffschrantzen, vnd was Richten vnd Kosten man dem Bapst aufftruge, vnd so vberflüssig, daß D. Faustus darnach zu seinem Geist sagte: Pfuy, warumb hat mich der Teuffei nicht auch zu einem Bapst gemacht. Doct. Faustus sähe auch darinnen alle seines gleichen, als vbermut, stoltz, Hochmut, Vermessenheit, fressen, sauffen, Hurerey, Ehebruch, vnnd alles Gottloses Wesen deß Bapsts vnd seines Geschmeiß, also, daß er hernach weiters sagte: Ich meynt, ich were ein Schwein oder Saw deß Teuffels, aber er muß mich länger ziehen. Diese Schwein zu Rom sind gemästet, vnd alle zeitig zu Braten vnd zu Kochen. Vnd dieweil er viel von Rom gehört, ist er mit seiner Zauberey drey tag vnnd Nacht, vnsichtbar, in deß Bapsts Pallast blieben, vnnd hat der gute Herr Faustus seythero nicht viel Guts gessen, noch getruncken. Stunde also vor dem Bapst vnsichtbar einmal, wann der Bapst essen wolt, so macht er ein Creutz vor sich, so offt es dann geschähe, bließ D. Faustus jhm in das Angesicht. Einmal lachte D. Faustus, daß mans im gantzen Saal hörete, dann weynete er, als wenn es jm ernst were, vnd wüsten die Auffwarter nit was das were. Der Bapst beredet das Gesinde, es were ein verdampte Seele, vnd bete vmb Ablaß, Darauff jhr auch der Bapst Busse aufferlegte. Doct. Faustus lachte darob, vnd gefiel jm solche Verblendung wol.

100 For the Lutheran author this provides an irresistible opportunity for satire. The pope's capricious use of indulgences confirms Luther's rightful rebellion against church corruption. When Faustus arrives in Constantinople, there is another opportunity for satire against an enemy of "true" religion. Morgen am andern tage fuhr D. Faustus in deß Keysers schloß ein, darinnen er seine Weiber vnd Hurn hat, vnd niemand daselbst jnnen wandeln darff, als verschnittene Kanben, so dem Frawenzimmer auffwarten. Dieses Schloß verzauberte er mit einem solchen dicken Nebel, daß man nichts sehen kundte. D. Faustus, wie auch vor sein Geist, namen solche gestalt vnd wesen an, vnd gab sich vor den Mahomet auß, wonet also 6. tag in diesem Schloß, so war der Nebel so lang da, als lang er da wonete. Wie auch der Türck dißmal sein volck vermanet, diese Zeit mit viel Ceremonien zubegehen. D. Faustus der assz, tranck, war gutes muts, hatt seinen Wollust, vnd nach dem er solchs vollbracht, führe er im Ornat vnd Zierde eines Bapsts in die Höhe, daß jhn männiglich sehen kondte. Als nun D. Faustus widerumb hinweg, vnd der Nebel vergangen war, hat sich der Türck in das Schloß verfüget, seine Weiber gefordert, vnnd gefragt, wer allda gewesen were, daß das Schloß so lang mit einem Nebel vmbgeben gewest, Sie berichten jn, es were der Gott Mahomet gewest, vnd wie er zu Nacht die vnd die gefordert, sie beschlaffen, vnnd gesaget: Es würde auß seinem Samen ein groß Volck vnd streitbare Helden entnspringen. Der Türck nam solchs für ein groß Geschenck an, daß er jm seine Weiber beschlaffen, fraget auch hierauff die Weiber, ob er auch eine gute Prob, als er sie beschlaffen, bewiesen? Ob es Menschlicher weise were zugangen? Ja antworten sie, es were also zugangen, er hett sie geliebet, gehälset und were mit dem Werck wol gestaffiert, sie wolten solches alle Tage annemmen[.] Zu deme, so were er nackendt bey jnen geschlaffen, vnd in gestalt eines mannsbilds, allein sein Sprach hetten sie nit verstehen können. This adventure, inserted in the midst of borrowings from Schedel's chronicle, is unique in that the author goes beyond the satire he employed against the pope. As in that case, he makes fun of "superstitious" ceremonies. But the narrator strays somewhat from his didactic and polemical task; he is clearly enjoying the narrative, and he allows it to spin and develop without

101 restraint. The explicitness about Faustus's sexual adventures is surprising for a religious author. Nor is the Historia kind in its treatment of Emperor Charles V (f 1558). In contrast to Augustin Lercheimer, the anonymous author makes no attempt to excuse the emperor for allowing a necromantic show at his court. Although Charles knows that Faustus is a diabolical magician ("ein erfahrner der schwartzen Kunst"), this does not deter him from inviting the magician to perform at court. Whereas Lercheimer's necromancer, Trithemius, takes advantage of Maximilian's sorrow about his beloved deceased wife by offering to bring her spirit back to life, the Historia replaces Maximilian (t 1519) with Charles V, a persistent opponent of Luther and an enemy of Lutherans, and presents him simply as curious to see Alexander, the great ruler of antiquity, whom he considers his ancestor. The author uses the word begeren four times in the course of this short passage to express the emperor's strong desire to particiapate in a dangerous experiment. The transformation of the legend of Trithemius reflects the unmistakable intention of the author to show the emperor as a patron of the black arts. Lercheimer . . . Maria kommt hereii.n gegangen, wie der gestorbene Samuel zum Saul, spatzirt fein seuberlich für jnen vber, der lebendigen wahren Marien so einlich, daß gar kein vnderscheid war vnd nicht das geringste darann mangelte. Ja in anmerckung vnd Verwunderung der gleicheit, wird der Keyser eingedenck, daß sie ein schwartz flecklein zu hinderst am halß gehabt, auff das hat er acht vnd befinds auch also, da sie zum andern mal für vber giei g. So eben weiß der teuffei, v. ie ein jeder geschaffen ist, vnd so em gute gedechtnuß hat er, vnd solcher meister ist er im abcontrofeien. Da ist den Keyser ein grawen

Historia . . . Bald darauff, nach dem sich Alexander wider neiget, vnd zu der Thür hinauß gieng, gehet gleich sein Gemahl gegen jm herein, die thet dem Keyser auch Reuerentz, sie gieng in einem gantzen blawen Sammat, mit gülden Stücken vnd Perlen gezieret, sie war auch vberauß schön vnnd rohtbacket, wie Milch vnnd Blut, lenglicht, vnd eines runden Angesichts. In dem gedachte der Keyser, nun hab ich zwo Personen gesehn, die ich lang begert habe, vnd kan nicht wol fehlen, der Geist wirdt sich in solche gestalt verwandelt haben, vnd mich nit betriegen, gleich wie das Weib den propheten Samueln erweckt hatt. Vnd damit der

102 ankommen, hat dem Abt gewincket, er sol das gespenst weg thun: vnd darnach mit zittern vnd zorn zu jm gesprochen: Mönch, mache mir der poßen keine mehr: vnd hat bekannt wie schwerlich vnd kaum er sich habe enthalten, daß er jr nicht zu redete. Wann das geschehen were, so hette jn der böse geist vmmbracht. Darauff wars gespielt: aber Gott hat den frommen Gottsförchtigen Herrn gnediglich behiit vnd gewamet, daß er innfort solcher schawspiele müßig gienge.

Keyser solchs desto gewisser erfahren möchte, gedachte er bey jm, Nun hab ich offt gehört, daß sie hinden im Nacken ein grosse Wartzen gehabt, vnd gieng hinzu zu besehen, ob solche auch an diesem Bild zu finden, vnd fandt also die Wartzen, denn sie jhm, wie ein stock still hielte, vnd hernacher widerumb verschwandt, hiemit ward dem Keyser sein Begeren erfüllt.

The author of the Historia is not careful about details. The motif of the birthmark, which in Lercheimer's story reflects the emperor's love and former intimacy with his wife, makes little sense in the Historia. Emperor Charles V is said to have heard about a birthmark on Alexander's wife; in the hands of the anonymous author the motif has lost its original meaning. Of course, the most significant transformation takes place in the attitudes of the emperor toward the dangers of magic. When the emperor in Lercheimer's story realizes that something unnatural is happening, he scolds and warns the magician. Lercheimer sees the emperor as a pious man whom God wants to protect and who uses this episode to show that the emperor should avoid such magical shows. On the other hand, the Historia shows Charles greatly impressed by Faustus's art. The emperor allows the magician to remain at court and eventually rewards him. The new image of the emperor reveals an effort to damage his reputation and shows that the narrator deviated from his source in his attitude to imperial policies. Others are subjected to similar attacks. The Historia persists over three chapters in making fun of a certain knight who first appears in the story at the court of the emperor. When he is seen asleep in the window and not reacting to the emperor's dinner call, Faustus conjures huge antlers on his head so that he cannot move and escape from everyone's laughter. The knight makes two attempts to take revenge by military force against Faustus, failing in both instances with further embarrassment. Both times he has to run away from battle. In chapter 35, the knight and his soldiers get horns of goats; the horses

103 get homs of cows. In chapter 56, we see the knight again, and he is made to appear an inept commander and a coward as he tries to escape from an army of attackers that turns out to be an optical illusion. In the end he realizes that all this was to make fun of him ("alles zu höhn und spott"). The idea of putting antlers on someone to make him look like a fool was not original. Luther tells of a magician who embarrassed the Emperor Frederick III in this way. 8 Michael Lindener's Katzipori presents a magician who dons antlers on people peering out of windows at the market place. 9 What is new in the Historia is that the one being made to look foolish is not an emperor of earlier times or just a random onlooker, but a particular contemporary nobleman at the imperial court. Chapters 34,35, and 65 belong to a group of other chapters (37, 44, 54 and 55) in which members of the noble class are either satirized or treated cynically. The mysterious way in which the author introduces this particular nobleman suggests that a historical person is being satirized but his name is being withheld (" . . . hab ich mit Namen nicht nennen wollen, denn es ein Ritter und geborner Freyherr war, ob nun wol diese Abenthewer jm zum spott gereicht... "). At the same time, a marginal gloss on the side claims to resolve the mystery. But it is of doubtful value. The name suggested in this gloss, Baron von Hardeck, does not seem to make sense. Why would the author (or the printer?) of this gloss seriously single out the obscure "Baron" von Hardeck in faraway Austria? He seems to have been aware of the danger of libel; he might have carried the caution a step further by citing a name that could not possibly be serious. Ferdinand von Hardegg (1549-1595) was to, be sure, a count, and, in this sense, suffered a demotion in the Historia. But he had not been famous before the publication of the Historia. In 1593, he was appointed commander of the Hungarian

"Da machte er mit seiner Zeuberey, das ein Lermen ward draussen fur des Keisers Gemach, Vnd da der Keiser zum Fenster hinaus sähe, vnd wolte erfaren, was da weie, Da kriegte er am Heubte ei ι gros Geweih vnd Hirschhörner, das er den Kopff nicht kondte wider zum Fenster hinein bringen. Da sprach der Keiser, Mach sie wider ab, du hast gewonnen. Vnd saget D. M. Luther, Das gefeilt mir wol, wenn ein Teufel den andern vexiret vnd geheiet, Daraus schliesse ich, das ein Teufel stercker ist denn der ander." Füssel and Kreutzer 258. "Wie er [Schrammhans] aber ain grosser zauberer was, und im nicht vnmüglich ware inn der schwartzen kunst zuverbringen, macht er einem yetlichen (der zum fänster herauß sähe) ein hirschhorn an die stiren: Wie das sie aber die köpff zuruck wider hinein rucken wölten, künden sie nicht vor den hörnem, sähe eines das ander an, und war nichts dann lauter verwundem. Schrammhans lieff auff dem marckt herumb, vnnd spottet ir nach seim vermiigen." Michael Lindener, Katzipori. Quoted from Füssel and Kreutzer, Historia 257.

104 fortress Györ, and when he abandoned it to the Turks, he was executed for treason. 10 There are striking similarities between the satirized knight and Fabian von Dohna, who accused Spies of promoting a libelous book against him in 1588. 11 Both held the titles baron/Freiherr and [Burgjgraf. Both were present at the court of the emperor, and both were military commanders of disastrous military campaigns. The knight tries to take revenge. Dohna, in driving out the Lutherans from Heidelberg, was seen by the Lutherans to be taking revenge for having been driven out previously by the Lutherans. It should be noted that Dohna was at the imperial court on a number of occasions and was involved in military maneuvers for the emperor as early as 1583. 12 These parallels suggest that the Historia's knight was supposed to be a welldisguised image of Dohna. The Historia's persistent satire of nobility, especially of the knight of the imperial court, represents an important component in the design of the Historia, corresponding to the satirical treatment of the pope and the sultan. We need to consult one of Dohna's fellow Calvinists in Heidelberg, Augustin Lercheimer (that is, Hermann Witekind), to realize that the Historia could indeed be understood as an attack on the Calvinists. In the 1597 edition of the Bedencken Lercheimer calls the Historia a libelous book, written by the enemies of his religion. It slanders honest people and encourages curious young people to imitate Faustus. 1 3 Lercheimer names Luther and Melanchthon specifically as the victims of the slander. The treatment of the reformers of Wittenberg will concern us at a later point. But were they the only victims? Lercheimer cites the example of the Prince of Anhalt.

11

Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie 10: 352. W. Kopal, "Hardegg," Blätter des Vereins für Landeskunde von Niederösterreich 11 (1877): 211-233. Wilfried Enzenhofer, Hardegg und seine Geschichte (Wien, 1976) 154-158. Karl Vocelka, Rudolf II. und seine Zeit (Wien: Böhlau Nachf., 1985) 180-181. See pp. 65-67 above. Dohna represented Johann Casimir at the imperial court as early as 1577. Manfred Kuhn, Pfalzgraf Johann Casimir von Pfalz-Laulern. 1576-1583. (Ludwigshafen: Abrogast, 1959) 64. Joh. Heinr. Zedier, Großes vollständiges Universal-Lexikon (Halle: Zedier, 1734) 7: col. 1172. The Historia has numerous satirical references to nobility that could be interpreted as indirect attacks on Dohna; in Chapter 54, a young baron needs the aid of Faustus to win a beautiful young girl. Although this young man is not seen as identical with the nobleman in 34, 35, and 56, it is noteworthy that he, like Dohna, has studied in Wittenberg. Foerstemann 2: 160 (summer semester of 1569): "Generosus et inclytus dominus Fabianus burggravius et baro a Dohna etc."

IT

Lercheimer writes: "Es ist zwar nicht newe vnd kein wunder das solche schmeheschrifften von bösen leuten vnser religion feinden außgegeben werden . . . " Binz, Augustin Lercheimer 43.

105 Chapter 44 shows Faustus at the the court of the Prince of Anhalt. Faustus pleases the pregnant wife of the prince by magically presenting her with grapes and other fruit in January. In the following chapter he conjures up a castle and invites the prince to a luxurious feast. When he departs, Faustus receives an extremely generous monetary reward from the impressed prince. Like Emperor Charles V, the prince shows a dangerously uncritical view of the diabolical magician and his tricks. In a general way, Lercheimer complained in his 1585 book that the princes, who should have been doing something about diabolical magicians, were actually enjoying and using the services of such magicians. 14 He gives as specific examples magicians who performed such services for princes Albert the Great and Trithemius. Like Faustus, Albert was able to create conditions of spring in winter ("Der machte den herrn da zu ehren vnd zum lust, daß der Saal grunete vnd bliiete mit beumen, kreutern, laub vnd graß: der guckguck, lerch, nachtigall sungen, als wanns jm Meien were." 15 Like Faustus, Trithemius was able to get food by simply placing a dish in the window. 16 The anonymous author transformed these legends so that the person acting in a reprehensible manner was a historical person far enough from Frankfurt who could hardly be expected to cause difficulties. But why the Prince of Anhalt? Lercheimer, who could not avoid noticing these deliberate transformations, complained about the Historia in 1597: "Diß alles ist bößlich erdichtet vnd erlogen: wie er dann auch, der lecker, seine lügen vnd vnwissenheit damit entdecket daß er schreibet Faust sey bey den Grauen von Anhald gewesen vnd hab da gegauckelt, so doch dieselbige Herren nun über 500 jar Fürsten sind . . . " 1 7 It is not clear whether the Historia was demoting the family of Anhalt intentionally; the author states that the family now has the princely tide, but he is carelessly inconsistent. Whereas he grants the title reluctantly in chapter 44, he reverts to the title of count in chapter 45. For Lercheimer, who points out a number of inaccuracies in the book, this is just another confirmation of the author's wicked lies. He does not spell out the motivation for adding the name of Anhalt to the group that includes the pope, sultan, and emperor.

"Aber wie kan man den gemeinen gering leuten diesen teuffelischen handel mit fuge vnd billigkeit wehren, wann auch die damit vmbgehen, die sie davon abmanen, abhalten vnd darumm straffen solten? Als etliche hochverstendige geleite, etliche Fürsten vnd Herrn, die jre lust vnd kurtzweile darann haben, auch in jren geschefften die Zauberer zu warsagen brauchen?" Ljrcheimer.ßedenc/ten, fol. 16r. ^ 16

117 '

Lercheimer fol. 17v. Lercheimer fol. 19r. Binz, Lercheimer 41.

106 Although the Anhalt family was generally supportive of Luther and the Reformation, its stance toward the leadership of orthodox Lutherans in the late 1570s and early 1580s was not positive. The Prince Joachim Ernst (15361586) of Anhalt resisted all efforts of the Lutherans to sign the Formula of Concord. The name of Anhalt was at this time symbolic of a defeat for the Lutherans, and the treatment of the prince in the Historia could rightfully be interpreted as a slander of the Calviniste. In 1581, while Lercheimer was in Neustadt, a book justifying the position of Anhalt against the Formula of Concord was published there. 18 Moreover, Christian, the young son of Joachim Ernst was a close associate of the Baron von Dohna and one of the persons considered for the position of commander of the German forces that Dohna ultimately took to France. 19 Thus, the indirect attack of the Historia against the name Anhalt takes us close to the thesis that the satire of the imperial knight was an attack against the Calvinist Fabian von Dohna. The comparison of many chapters with their sources does not yield dramatic results. As in the case of most passages taken over from Schedel, the wisdom of the devil, taken from encyclopaedic sources, such as Elucidarius, Jacobus de Theramo, Petrus Dasypodius, Jacobus de Gruytrode, and Heinrich Seuse, involve elaborations revealing no ideological or political motives. 20 Many feats of diabolical magic and pranks are taken primarily from Lercheimer and lengthened, but without the addition of significantly new content. This is true of the magic tricks that Luther once related (and Lercheimer retold) and appear as chapters 25, 38, 39, and 40. Faustus's visit to the Salzburg wine cellar is considerably longer than its source in Lercheimer's work, but the story is essentially the same. 21 The tale about the magical decapitation also relies on Lercheimer, but, as the Historia tells it, involves several competing magicians instead of just one. 2 2 The tradition of Protestant exempla collections offers many illustrations of lengthy elaborations of available source materials. The desire to increase the effectiveness of the exempla by making them entertaining is evident. Similar results of the rhetorical impulse have I O

° Cf. p. 26 above. Cf. Gustav Droysen, Geschichte der Gegenreformation (Berlin: Grote, 1893) 128-130. Heinrich Heppe, Geschichte des deutschen Protestantismus in den Jahren 1555-1581 (Marburg: Elwert, 1859) 147-255. Cf. Zarncke, "Johann Spieß" 291. 19 Krollmann 26-27. See also Ségur's instructions of August 26,1587. Bezold 3: 68. 20 Füssel and Kreutzer 224-233. The Salzburg anecdote is another example of the author's anti-Catholicism. Cf. Millier, Romane 1345, Baron, "The Faust Book's Indebtedness" 529-531, and Eva Maria Brockhoff and Ulrich Maller, Dr. Johann Fausts Luftfahrt in den Bischofskeller zu Salzburg (Salzburg: ' Alfred Winter, 1983). 22 Baron, "The Faust Book's Indebtedness" 522-531.

107 been observed in the transformation of the fable under Luther's influence. 23 At the same time, there appears to be an effort to give the work a documentary character.24 Although there is a precedent for the most radical transformation of sources, it is difficult to explain these changes or elaborations unless the publisher required a certain length to make the story of Faustus fulfill the requirements of a book. The consideration of selling the book at a certain price may have been the motive behind a pattern of a persistent lengthening of the sources. This analysis of chapters 18 through 59 brings together the "older" core of the book, that which relies on easily identifiable sources, from which it does not deviate greatly. It is a section of compilation and elaboration. The passages in which religious or political views can be detected are rare. The cautious, indirect attacks on the emperor and the prince of Anhalt identify the author as an orthodox Lutheran. But the function of this part of the book is primarily to entertain; the author generally allows the experiences and feats of Faustus to speak for themselves. The tendency to moralize and preach is kept to a minimum. This section produces a strong impression of the magician's powers. In this sense it goes far beyond traditional books about magic and witchcraft. It is a novelty that Faustus can perform and enjoy his diabolical magic practically undisturbed for about twenty-four years. Since we are talking about most of the book, the question remains whether the attractive features of diabolical activity could be effectively offset by the moralistic warnings against them in the other parts of the book. Within chapters 33-59 we can discern the compilation of anecdotes about Faustus's adventures (Schwänke). This is clearly the oldest core. Many stories go back to origins in Luther's table conversations. This segment implies that someone (was it Spies's friend in Speyer?) had made an effort to assemble all the stories available about Faustus. He found the largest number in Lercheimer's work. But he consulted other exempla collections to be able to assemble the most comprehensive set of stories available. Despite the fact that the two remaining sections, chapters 1-6 and 60-68— we may even include the transitional chapters (7-17) and (52-53)—are relatively short, they are more important, if we take the author's point of view seriously. In these sections we hear, to a much greater degree, the original J

24

Hasubek, Peter, "Grenzfall der Fabel? Fiktion und Wirklichkeit in den Fabeln des Erasmus Alberus." In: Peter Hasubek, Die Fabel. Theorie, Geschichte und Rezeption einer Gattung (Berlin: E. Schmidt, 1982) 53. "Quasi dokumentarischer Darstellungsgestus und Wahrheitsanspruch, Sammlung disperser Einzeleikenntnisse und Reihung von Exempla in lehrhafter Absicht lassen sich aus dem zeitgenössischen Begriff von historia ableiten." Müller, Romane 1338.

108 voice of the author, just as in the central, older core of the book, sources of the Faust tradition are the point of departure. The difference is that the deviations are far more radical. The author in these sections does not simply elaborate on his sources, he strikes out in new directions. He constructs the plot that holds the entire narrative together. The two sections, the introduction and the conclusion, form a closely knit unit. They show the same intense combination of narrative and sermonizing rhetoric. The same phrases and images appear. Whereas chapters 18-59 generally focus on the temporary rewards of the devil pact, chapters 1-6 (7-17) and (52-53) 60-68 show the conditions of the devil pact and its real significance and ultimate consequences. Chapter 3 . . . da der Teuffei jhm, wie man sagt, den armen Judas sang . . . Chapter 14 . . . ob er jm schon den L;ib hie hette lassen müssen, so were dennoch die Seele noch erhalten worden.

Chapter 65 Es ist zu spat, an Gott verzag Als nu der Geist Fausto den armen Judas genugsam gesungen, ist er widerumb verschwunden, vnd den Faustum allein gantz Melancholisch vnd verwirrt gelassen. Chapter 68

Chapter 15 . . . ich weiß, daß der Teuffei den Leib wil haben, vnnd ich wil jhme Verzweiffeit... Also täte er auch mit den gerne lassen, er laß mir aber nur Cain . . . Also gieng Doct. Faustus die Seele zu frieden. trawrig von jme [dem Teufel]. Chapter 16-17 Gleich wie Cain, der aLo verzweiffeite, Seine Sürde weren grösser, denn daß sie jh i le verziehen möchten weruen, Also auch mit Judas, etc. . . . D. Faustus gieng abermals gantz Melancholisch vom Geist hinweg... Es ist nun zu spat.

. . . nun aber ist es zu spat . . . Wiewol ich dem Teuffei den Leib muß lassen, so wöllst doch die Seele erhalten . . . wie dem Cain, der auch sagte: Seine Sünde weren grösser, denn daß sie jhme möchten verziehen werden.

109 This comparison illustrates the close relationship in the sermonizing rhetoric of the beginning and conclusion. Other examples for this mirroring effect at the conclusion could be added. But even this selection suffices to show conclusively that the narrator is expressing intense and closely related sentiments in both parts. He has no intention of making Faustus a hero. Faustus's growing concern about salvation, his doubts, and his despair are logical consequences of his deviation from the path of Christian virtues. His speculations and melancholy are not the profound searching melancholy of Albrecht Dürer or Marsilio Ficino. 25 Instead, the narrator establishes the points of reference that are crucial for the plot of the whole story: Faustus's great failure, the cause of his damnation, the devil pact. The efforts to understand the structure of the Historia should not cause us to overlook the function of the devil pact conception as the central organizing principle. Because the devil pact conception is so central, its background, evolution, and innovative revisions require special attention.

2S Maria E. Müller expresses the opposite view. "Der andere Faust. Melancholie und Individualität in der Historia von D. Johann Fausten," Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift für Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte 60 (1986): 572-608. Cf. Roloff 548-549.

2. The Emergence of the Faustian Pact

Augustin Lercheimer speaks of a pact that Faustus had made, but he supplies few details. As far as we know, Lercheimer was the first to claim that Faustus made a pact for twenty-four years and that when he later tried to repent, the devil forced him to sign a second pact and thus brought about his damnation.1 Aber sein geist warnet jn daß er davon [from Wittenberg, where he was about to be arrested] kämm, von dem er nicht lange darnach grewlich getödtet ward, als er jm vier vnd zwantzig jar gedient hatte.2 Der vielgemeldte Faust hat jm ein mal fürgenommen sich zu bekeren, da hat jm der teuffei so hart gedrawet, so bang gemacht, so erschreckt, daß er sich jm auch auffs new hat verschrieben.3 The reference to Faustus's intention to repent indicates the relevance of other passages in Lercheimer's book. Lercheimer relates, for example, that Faustus visited Melanchthon, who attempted to convert the magician and warn him that there would be serious consequences if he did not (" . . . kamm etwann zum Herrn Philippo, der laß jm dann einen guten text, schalt vnd vermanet jn daß er von dem ding beyzeit abstünde, es würde sonst ein böse end nemmen, wie es auch geschähe.") At the same time, Lercheimer tells of an unsuccessful attempt by a pious old man to convert Faustus ("Ein

There is, to be sure, a vague reference to Faustus's pact in one of Rosshirt's anecdotes (ca. 1575-1586): "Alls nun doctor Georgius Faustus im Lande hin und wider mancherley abentewer vnd Schalckheit geübt vnd getriben hette, dardurch er doch wenich Ehr noch danck erworben, kam die bestimpte Zeyt darinnen er sich gegen dem Teuffei seinem Lehrmeister, verschrieben hatte." Fiissel and Kreutzer 273. Lercheimer fol. 44v-45r. Lercheimer fol. 55r.

Ill Gottesförchtiger mann vermanete jn auch, er solte sich bekeren.") 4 These brief assertions occur in a context that points to Faustus only as one of many magicians illustrating the dangers of learned magic. They serve a relatively minor function in the book as a whole. In the hands of the anonymous author, however, they become the nucleus of the Faustian plot and thus the basis of the entire Historia. But it would be wrong to think that the author simply revised these passages. He was aware of a long tradition of stories, which he drew from, combined, and placed in a new context. To understand his contribution it is necessary to see it in relationship to its background. Although Lercheimer asserts that Faustus is taken by the devil in the end, it is not a foregone conclusion that he would have approved of an exemplum of warning that focuses simply on Faustus's losing his soul. After all, he concludes his brief narrative of Faustus and the Wittenberg student who had also made a pact with the devil by stating that one should treat such people mercifully ("Diesem exempel nach solt man fleiß anwenden vnd sich bearbeiten mehr solche leute zu bekeren vnd zu beßern, dann dann vmmzubringen vnd zu verderben.")5 The literary tradition favored a merciful ending for Faustus. In this respect the Historia deviated from tradition and even from its guiding authority, Luther. Although Luther repeatedly stressed the danger of the devil pacts, he and his close friend Philipp Melanchthon were inclined to favor a merciful treatment of sinners accused of diabolical magic. We need to take a closer look, therefore, at the stories they told. Although it would be impossible to examine every reference to the popular i.dea of the devil pact, the number of stories in which the reformers treated this phenomenon in detail is modest. We find these stories in Luther's table conversations and in the record of Melanchthon's Sunday lectures. Each has its own history, many stages of which can be reconstructed. The texts provide evidence about the origins, development, and association of the devil pact stories, with information about Faustus. 6

Lercheimer fol. 36v-37r. Cf. Baron, "The Faust Book's Indebtedness" 531-532. Lercheimer fol. 45r. In an attempt to establish a representative survey of the Wittenberg devil pact stories Briickner's comprehensive reference work has been useful: Wolfgang Brückner, Volkserzählung und Reformation. Ein Handbuch zur Tradierung und Funktion von Erzählstoffen und Erzählliteratur (Berlin: Schmidt, 1974). I have discussed some devil pact stories in Doctor Faustus from History to Legend (Munich: Fink, 1978) 80-81 and Faustus. Geschichte, Sage, Dichtung (Munich: Winkler, 1982) 65-74. About Luther's

112 A. Erfurt

The origin and transformation of the Erfurt devil pact story is well documented. We know how Luther reacted to the story when he first heard it, what his information was based on, and how, many years later, Philipp Melanchthon reported the story in an entirely changed form. On July 27, 1537, Luther responded to the news from Friedrich Myconius in Erfurt about a devil pact, and he thought that this news warranted the publication of a book. He asked Myconius to investigate the matter; he felt that it could serve the glory of Christ and that it promised comfort to many. It also implied, in his view, most terrifying portents for the pope. A letter of the same day by Justus Jonas shows that Luther and Jonas had discussed the devil pact story with intense interest. Jonas wrote that "by this horrifying example God appeared clearly to reject the profanity of the times in which many people—even if they did not make explicit pacts with the devil—impiously dedicated themselves to the riches and pleasures of this world while neglecting God, Christ, and religion." Both Luther and Jonas attached considerable significance to the Erfurt report as an exemplum; the story addressed itself to some serious immediate concerns. Antonius Lauterbach's report of a table conversation shows the sequence of events that interested Luther and Jonas so much: "On July 28, news came from Erfurt about a certain impious magician, who was executed there in that week by burning. . . . Describing how he had made a pact with Satan and deserted Christ, he confessed his crime. Because the devil had made his pact invalid and because the magician realized the deceptions, he requested the help of pastors. By the example of his genuine repentance he encouraged many to give up complacency and to fear God. He accepted his punishment joyfully. In this way the devil was defeated, being beaten at his own game, and he revealed what his advice was really worth."7 Luther's version of the story

influence on the Faustus legend see Erich Schmidt, "Faust und Luther," Abhandlung der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Berlin 25 (1896): 567-591. Secondary literature about the devil pact generally ignores the sixteenth-century background of this topic. Cf. Wolfgang S. Seifferth, "The Concept of the Devil and the Myth of the Pact in Literature Prior to Goethe," Monatshefte 45 (1953): 271-289 and Hans Joachim Gementz, Der Pakt mit dem Teufel (Hanau: Müller and Kiepenheuer, 1988). Luther wrote to Friedrich Myconius in Gotha on July 27, 1537: "De historia Erffordensi velim vos, exploratis omnibus, edere libellum, quia ad gloriam Christi & multorum solatium ea res pertinet, ut taceam, quam tenitura sit Papae pórtenla. 1537

113 makes no mention of the fact that the confession of the Erfurt sinner was obtained with the aid of torture. This fact emerges from the letter of Aegidius Mechler, w h o "converted" the sinner and reported about that to Luther. Even at the earliest stage of the devil pact story, it is appropriate to refer to the medieval legends of the holy sinner. The Theophilus legend is generally considered the model for the Faust story. But in this particular instance a story told about Bishop St. Basil offers a much more striking parallel.

Whereas

Theophilus, who makes a pact with the devil, is eventually returned to the fold through the intercession of Mary, St. Basil himself, not unlike the pastor Aegidius Mechler, is called upon to save the soul of a sinner, w h o has been trapped by the devil and cannot escape without help. St. Basil visits the sinner over a period of time. At first the sinner feels that his pact has made his case hopeless.

H e suffers

rom nightmares; devils threaten him.

But with

persistent encouragement, the sinner gradually regains hope, and finally a fervent public prayer led by St. Basil miraculously forces the devil to give up the pact.

The fateful signed document is given up by the devil and flies

through the air into the hands of the bishop. W h e n w e turn to Melanchthon's version of the Erfurt devil pact, w e find that after more than fifteen years, further mutations have taken place. In his brief presentation Melanchthon has given the e x e m p l u m a n e w focus.

He

feria 6. post Iacobi. M. L." On the same day, Justus Jonas also wrote also to Myconius: "Historiam de cive Erphordiensi, quam perscripsisti, mi Friderice, d. doctor Martinus et nos omnes non sine magna admiratione legimus et audivimus. Deus hoc exemplo horrendo videtur palam obiurgare horum temporum et huius saeculi profanitatem, ubi multi non quidem tarn crasse paciscuntur cum Satana, sed tarnen satis impie opibus et voluputibus mundi posthabent Deum, Christum, totam religionem. Scribam Egidio Mechlcro, ut explicatius totam rem nobis mittat, et curabimus typis exeudi." D. Martin Lwurs Werke. Briefwechsel (Weimar: Böhlau, 1938) 8: 104-105. The pastor, Aegidius Mxhler, who wrote a detailed account in response to Luther's request, quotes the prec e.e wording of the pact that the "miserable" man had made four and a half years earlier. In this pact (which, incidentally, is in German, in contrast to the Latin of the letter) the devil, in return for the rejection of baptism and faith, promises to provide money and wealth. After the sinner's capture, a crystallike stone is found in his home next to the pact. During his imprisonment the sinner is vexed constantly by the devil, and he asks for the aid of a pastor. Mechler describes how in five separate visits he was able to make the sinner realize genuine remorse and remain constant in his renewed faith until the time of his punishment. Mechler's letter brings to light the incidents that inspired Luther's devil pact story. But Mechler's report is not entirely firsthand. He relies on others for information about the events before his meeting with the imprisoned sinner. The pastor accepts the reality of the pact without question and reports how it came about and how a copy of it was found, together with the crystallike stone, in the sinner's house. The confession is clearly extracted with the help of torture ("Haec fassus est in tortura."). Otto Clemen, "Eine Erfurter Teufelsgeschichte von 1537," Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 10 (1912): 455-458. Having received the report from Myconius, Luther told the story of the Erfurt devil pact at his table. See text in: D. Martin Luthers Werke. Tischreden (referred to hereafter as Tischreden) (Weimar: Döhlau, 1912-1921) no. 3618A.

114 speaks about the initial reluctance of the captured sinner to repent, and he stresses the sinner's belief that redemption is no longer possible for him. The pastors had to make a special effort to make him understand that there was hope. For Luther this was not the problem; in his presentation the sinner realizes on his own the deception of the devil. For Melanchthon a problem Luther ignored becomes the essential one: the conversion finally becomes a reality when "pastors said that although he had committed a great evil, it was nevertheless God's will to have him return to his senses, and although he had made the pact with the devil, the pact was invalid for no one can give to another that which is not his own." Melanchthon agrees with Luther's assertion that the pact is invalid but ignores information about the devil's deceptions and stresses, instead, the inability of the devil to get possession of man's immortal soul. Melanchthon shifts the focus, which is now on the pastor's role in overcoming despair and on God's infinite mercy rather than simply on the deviousness of the devil.8 The new interpretation brings about a revision of the details. Melanchthon's exemplum is further removed from specific, time-bound concerns; his concluding statement makes a stronger claim for general acceptance and relevance. His revision of the exemplum has a close parallel in the devil pact story in the legendary biography of St. Basil. We noted that the exchange between the sinner and the representative of the court had an antecedent in Basil's life. Luther ignores this aspect of the incident. Melanchthon, who was probably unaware of Mechler's letter, now shifts the focus of the story to a conversion attempt resembling one described in great detail in the life of the saint Basil succeeds in persuading a despairing young man to realize that he can still reject his pact with the devil and that salvation is still possible. Through prayers Basil is able to force the devil to return the pact, and the sinner is spared of punishment. 9 In contrast to Luther,

The original text in: "Historiae quaedam recitatae inter publicas lectiones," K. G. Bretschneider, Corpus Reformatorum (Braunschweig: Schwetschke and Söhne, 1854) 20: cols. 540-541. Cf. note 10 below. The legend narrates the dramatic resolution of the crisis very much the way Melanchthon does: "Et orante Basilio et tenente in coelum manus, ecce Charta p[er] aerem delata et ab omnibus visa venit et imposita est in manibus Basilii, quam ille suscipiens dixit puero: agnoscis has litteras frater? Et ille: etiam manu mea scriptae sunt. Et frangens Basilius scriptum perduxit eum ad ecclesiam et dignum eum fecit ministerio et bene instruens et regulas sibi dans reddidit mulieri." In: "De sancto Basilio," Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda aurea, ed. by Th. Graesse (Dresden, 1846) 125. Jacobus de Voragine uses the name Heradius, a corrupted form of Helladius, who is refeired to in earlier texts as a witness; the father is generally known as Proierius. Cf. Ludwig Rademacher, "Die griechischen Quellen zur Faustsage," in: Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, philos.-hisL Kl. 206 (1927): 53. Rademacher shows that the

115 Melanchthon does not mention that the Erfurt sinner was punished at all; this significant omission brings his exemplum very close to the devil pact story of the saint's legend. Evidently its influence was at work. In 1585, Augustin Lercheimer also tells a version of this story, but since he does not supply the location and since he changes the story radically, it is at first not clear how much has survived from the original event in Erfurt. The devil pact of the magician is no longer the focus of the story. The magician is merely mentioned as the person who falsely accuses a poor man of theft. Lercheimer implies that torture produces false information and can have tragic consequences. 10 The story now has an entirely different function. Although the thrust of the exemplum has shifted, Lercheimer, like his predecessors, shows a great deal of sympathy for the plight of those accused and stresses the importance of mercy and forgiveness.

B. Valerius Glockner

The gradual fusion of contemporary incidents with narrative passages from saints' legends is illustrated by another devil pact story originating just a matter of months after the Erfurt incident. This incident revolves about Valerius Glockner, a student of the University of Wittenberg, the son of the mayor of the city of Naumburg and a pupil of Luther's friend Georg Major, in whose house the student lived. From the table talk we learn that Luther absolved Valerius from his pact on February 13, 1538. According to this report, the student had been "most disobedient, displaying no uprightness at all. When

legendary biography of St. Basil was an extremely popular work in the Middle Ages (p. 120). Cf. Erhard Dom, Der sündige Heilige in der Legende des Mittelalters (Munich: Fink, 1967). Ernest Cushing Richardson, "The Influence of the Golden Legend on PreReformation Culture History," Papers of the American Society of Church History 1 (1889): 239-248. A manuscript of the Munich State Library shows Melanchthon's Erfurt story with essentially the same concluding admonition as that of Lercheimer. The admonition deals with the problem of motivation for the devil pact: money and the prospect of recovering lost articles with the devil's help. The manuscript belonged to Johannes Spon of Nürnberg, a student who began his studies in Wittenberg in 1553. "Ich will euch wol ein gewissere Kunst lernen. Wenn du etwas verloren hast, so lege saltz drauff, so findestu es wider. Id est: Supra rem amissam pone salem." Clm 941, fol. 558v. Lercheimer writes: "Derhalben gehe man solches teuffels fragens müssig. Hastu etwas verloren, das suche vnd bekomme es wider auff rechte, zimliche, vngefehrliche weise: als, lege ein wenig saltz daraff, so hastu es alsbald..." Lercheimer 9r-9v. The close correspondence in the moral lesson leaves little doubt that Lercheimer, a former student in Wittenberg, also took his material directly from Melanchthon.

116 he was interrogated in this desperate condition by his teacher, who wanted to know why he lived without fear of God and man, he confessed that five years earlier he had committe 1 himself to the devil with these words: "God, I am giving up my faith ii. you, and I will have another master." Luther interrogated him concerning these words and scolded him harshly, asking whether he had said anything else, whether he was sorry, and whether he wished to be converted." Then Luther prayed for Valerius, stressing that God favored the spirit of gentleness in teaching those who have transgressed and that Christ's primary concern was for sinners. After Valerius publicly declared in church that he regretted having given himself to the devil and resolved from then on to be the devil's enemy, Luther admonished Valerius to lead an obedient and pious life. If the devil should tempt him again, he should quickly flee to his teacher or chaplain. There can be little doubt that Antonius Lauterbach, who was present at the ceremony that absolved Valerius, reported honestly what he saw. The report does not reveal, however, how the extraordinary confession came about. What prompted Valerius to admit to a pact with the devil, an admission that had earned an Erfurt sinner capital punishment? We cannot exclude the possibility that Valerius confessed because he was afraid of being tortured or severely punished, and perhaps, as was common practice, he was promised merciful treatment if he confessed. At any rate, the repetition of the verb examinare suggests that Valerius found himself in a situation similar to that of a trial for diabolic magic (". . . a praeceptore examinatus . . . Lutherus eum examinavit eumque graviter urgebat. . ."). He was in great danger, from which he thought perhaps to extricate himself with a confession. Whether he really believed that he had made a pact is not important. What is important is that Luther was convinced of it, and his pronouncements on this subject certainly left no doubt in Antonius Lauterbach, a witness and the author of the report.11 More than fifteen years later, Philipp Melanchthon gave an entirely different version of the same events. In the new account the name Valerius Glockner is no longer remembered; the youth is not the son of a mayor, but rather a young nobleman, whose father does not supply him with the money he needs to lead the proper student's life. While despairing in his need for money, the young man meets the devil, who is in the disguise of a ragged old man in a forest near the city. In return for a regular income, the young man is asked to sign a pact in blood. Each day for almost half a year under his bed he

11

Luther, Tischreden no. 3739. Cf. Milchsack, Gesammelte Aufsätze cols. 227-228.

117 can find the sum agreed, which enables him to lead a life of pleasure. Then the situation begins to appear suspicious. Georg Mayor's bidding to his pupils to prepare for Holy Communion causes great consternation in the young man, and his anxiety exposes him. We learn then of Luther's intervention, which was similar in Lauterbach's report. At the conclusion, however, we again have a radical departure from the original account: after Luther's fervent prayer for mercy, the same old man (in reality the devil) appears and returns the pact (chirographon), directing a resentful "O Du! O Du!" at Luther as he disappears.12 Melanchthon's contributions to the transformation of this story are not entirely arbitrary. The original story does not explain why the young man has made a pact. From Melanchthon we learn that he needs money. This is, of course, a common explanation for the pact throughout the Middle Ages, and we see evidence of it in the Erfurt story. It is conceivable that the similarity between the Erfurt and Valerius Glockner stories caused Melanchthon to assume that the same motivation was valid where the necessary information was not provided. Moreover, many details have close parallels in the devil pact stories of the saints' legends: meeting the devil outside the city, the exchanges with him, the signing of the pact in blood, and, finally, the marvelous return of the pact represent a pattern of correspondences. 13 Can so many correspondences occur by chance? Melanchthon's concluding passage clearly eliminates this possibility. Both the sinner whom Basil converts and Theophilus feel at first that they are bound to the devil as long as the devil has the pact. Most readers in the sixteenth century would have wondered whether Valerius Glockner could be assured of salvation without the return of the pact. Melanchthon's miraculous ending with its idea firmly based in medieval tradition provides that security. In Melanchthon's story we observe a logical and natural fusion of a historical incident with essential aspects of older well-

19

ιλ

Most of the anecdotes in the Leipzig manuscript described by Ernst Kroker date from 1554 and 1555. There is no piece dated later than 1557. The title of the section in which these stories are found is "Historiae collectae Wittebergae ex lectionibus D. Praeceptoris Philippi Mclanthonis" in a manuscript preserved at the University of Leipzig (Rep. IV. 115aa- 2). Quoted here from Ernst Kroker, "Anekdoten Melanchthons und Leipzig," Schriften des Vereins für Geschichte Leipzigs 10 (1911): 124-125. Also published by Milchsack. Gesammelte Aufsätze cols. 228-229. Cf. Andreas Hondorff, Promptuarium Exemphjrum fol. 70r. The Theophilus legend provides a striking parallel. In response to prayer, Mary returns the pact, placing it on the dying Theophilus's breast. Legenda aurea 593-594. As Hrotsvitha tells the story, Theophilus meets the devil in a forest. Hrotsvithae opera, ed. by H. Homeyer (Munich: Schöningh, 1970) 154-170 (lines 83-106).

118 known narratives generally thought to provide plausible explanations of situations involving the devil. Melanchthon's story stresses the miraculous power of Luther's prayer. Martin Luther was no longer alive, and Melanchthon transfigured him as one who absolved Valerius Glockner into a saintly figure capable of miracles like those of St. Basil. This is not the story of a sinner brought back to the fold; there is now a mythical struggle in which the forces of evil are overcome by superhuman means. Melanchthon's faith in Luther's mission in renewing Christianity has given the original story a new dimension. At any rate, we realize that such narratives have to be seen in the situations in which they originated: first, Luther's reacting to what he perceives as the need to save a youth from the snares of the devil; second, Melanchthon relating this incident later in such a way that the reasons for the devil pact are understood and Luther appears as a divinely inspired leader. The life of St. Basii with its story of the devil pact was well known and valued in Wittenberg. A convincing documentation of its influence is that Georg Major himself published it in Wittenberg in 1544, and Luther wrote an introduction to this edition. The story of the Wittenberg student also circulated widely. We find, for example, two different versions in Hungary. A French author was responsible for an entirely different rendition.14 In 1585, just two years before the publication of the Historia, Augustin Lercheimer told the same story in a way that shows its direct relevance to the Faustian devil pact. Information about the devil pact and about Faustus appear here together for the first time in a single exemplum. One part primarily treats Faustus. Lercheimer essentially retells what Johannes Manlius reports that

Georg Major, Vitae Pa'rum in usum ministrorum verbi (Wittenberg: Seitz, 1544) fol. 211r-216v. Péter Bomemisza, Ördögi kisértetek, ed. Alexander Eckhardt (Budapest, 1955) 138. Cf. Frank Baron, "A Faust-monda és változatai (Bomemisza Péter és Szenci Molnár Albert)," Irodalomtôrténti Kôilemények 90 (1986): 22-31. In 1567 the Frenchman Gilbert Cousin published still another variation of the Valerius Glockner story in: Gilbert Cousin (Cognatus), Narrationum syiva (Basel, 1567) 543-547. Written down more than a century later, a similar devil pact story concerns the life of the Hungarian author Szenci Molnár Albert The basic outline of the story is very close again to that of Melanchthon. Judit Vásárhelyi, "Molnár Albert és a Sátán Szôvetsége," Irodalomlôrténeti Kôzlemények 81 (1977): 395-403. Cf. György E. Szönyi, "Molnár Albert és a Tikos tudományok,'" Addattár XVII szâzadi szellemi mozgalmaink tôrténetéhez 4 (1978): 47-57. The narrators tended to revise their sources according to their particular interests. For Bomemisza the vice of drunkenness is of great concern. The author of the story about Szenci Molnár, as Melanchthon, focused on the popular motif of greed. For Bomemisza and Cognatus there was the new problem of pornography.

119 Melanchthon said about Faustus escaping. 15 But unlike Manlius, he has information about the twenty-four-year pact and Luther's and Melanchthon's efforts to convert Faustus. Then he proceeds immediately to the story of the Wittenberg student. This part of the exemplum, in which the student meets the devil during his walk outside the gates of Wittenberg, supplies information that we know comes from the devil pact stories of the saints' legends: the idea that the pact must be signed in blood ("nicht mit dinte, sondern mit seim eigen blute"), just as the devil of the Historia demands. The way Lercheimer tells it, the lives of Faustus and the Wittenberg student have the same significance. For him such stories helped to support his argument that one should not be too quick to burn people at the stake. The words "zu bekeren und zu beßern" appear in two places in the exemplum. They stress the importance of making an effort to rehabilitate people such as Faustus and the Wittenberg student.

C. Regensburg

It is not certain how Luther contributed to the story of the Regensburg magician, but a relatively late source attributes the story to him. 16 This story has come to light in a manuscript containing primarily excerpts and exempla characteristic of Melanchthon's Sunday lectures. The manuscript in question refers to the lectures Melanchthon delivered in November 1555. Concerning a magician and his penance. A few years ago in Regensburg there was a certain nobleman who led an extremely wicked life. He practiced magic. But when certain cities of Southern Germany, including Regensburg, were recipients of the purer reformed doctrine, this nobleman, despite his wicked way of life, went to church frequently to hear sermons. But after listening once to a sermon very attentively, he felt moved by a force from above, and he was suddenly gripped with terror. Having left the church, he began to think about his former, foolish way of life and to deplore and curse

16

"Hie Faustus in hoc oppido Wittemberga evasit, cum optimus princeps dux Ioannes dedisset mandata de ilio capiendo . . ." Johannes Manlius, Locorum communium collectanea (Basel: Opoiinus, 1565) 39. "Et nota est historia recitata a D. Luthero de nobili quodam pontificio & mago . . . " Nicolaus Selneccer, Operum Latinorum pars quarta (Leipzig: J. Steinemann, 1584) 206. A version of the story is also found in Wolfgang Biitner's revised exempla collection Epitome historiarum of 15%, published in Leipzig by Frantz Schnellboltz, fol. 20r.

120 it. He changed his life and behavior so that his piety was apparent to all, and by his example many were moved to embrace the cause of this doctrine. But in old age, when he was close to death, he called certain friends, among whom there was a doctor, to his bedside, and as his death was imminent, he said to his friends: "I see that I am being called by God from this life. Although I stand firm in my faith so that I am assured of salvation through Christ's sacrifice and the devil has no power over me, because I had made a pact with the devil previously and now my soul was stolen from him, after my death he will rage against my body and deform it. You need not be disturbed by this." When the nobleman expired, there was rumbling and such disturbance that the house appeared to collapse. The doctor, who had been present up until then, was gripped by great terror and fled. In the meantime, the devil twisted the dead man's face against his back and left him in that condition. The friends entered again after the house calmed down and saw the corpse deformed in this way, and they ordered him to be buried in a very honorable manner.17 The Regensburg story deserves attention because it shows a situation very close to that in the conclusion of the Historia. At the same time, many elements draw it close to earlier devil pact stories. The familiar motifs suggest that this story has evolved to a considerable extent beyond the historical situation that first inspired it. For example, there is the crucial role of the Lutheran pastor who converts a great sinner. Melanchthon adds the idea that the devil did not have a right to the sinner's soul. The violent death of the sinner, despite a confession and repentance, is present in the original Erfurt story, which narrated the execution of the sinner.18 17

IO

Gustav Milchsack, Gesammelte Aufsätze cols. 269-270. This story is found in the Wolfenbüttel manuscript 1169 Helmst., fol. 114v. The title: "Exempla insignia factorum dictorumque memorabilium, et principum et privatorum, collecta ex lectionibus D. praeceptoris Philippi Melanthonis et alionim." The collection was probably written down about 1555. Cf. Milchsack, cols. 252-256. Luther tells the story of a pope (Sylvester II, 999-1003) who paid for his pact with the devil by the dismemberment of his body, but who in the end was able to save his soul by penance. Luther, Tischreden no. 6448. Cf. no. 5451. The motif of violent death at the hands of the devil is common at this time, especially with the twisted head. The life of a Cologne physician in the Zimmerische Chronik ends in this manner. Frank Baron, "Which Faustus Died in Staufen? History and Legend in the Zimmerische Chronik," German Studies Review 4 (1983): 185-194. In 1562, Manlius shows this grotesque death of Faustus; Johannes Gast does the same as early as 1548; in the preface (Vorred an den Christlichen Leser) the Historia of 1587 follows their lead. Luther's table conversation about Johannes Eck and Joachim I of Brandenburg, his famous religious and political opponents, illustrates this important

121 The myth of violence that the witch craze created plays an even more prominent role in the narration of Faustus's death. Lercheimer states that Faustus was taken in a violent way. But he does not give details; he tells the story of the Regensburg magician and thus shows what could be expected in Faustus's case. Lercheimer does not mention that the conversion resulted from the sermon of a Lutheran pastor; instead, he focuses on the discussion with friends before his death. Vor jaren ist zu R. auff dem Reichstage ein zauberer oder schwartzkiinstler gewesen, der sich vor seinem letzten, da er wußte daß jn der teuffei, jrem vertrage nach, holen wurde, wider zu Gott bekert, vnd deßen eine gute christliche Bekantnuß und anzeigung gethan hat: aber nicht desto weniger in bestimmter nacht vom Geiste erwürget worden, daß er morgens für seim Bette gelegen auff dem Rucken umb jm das Angesicht abwertz auff dem boden gestanden. Aber doch haben die hochgelerte berühmte Theologi vnd Doctoren der heiligen Schrifft, damals daselbs zu eim gesprech versammlet, von denen er zuvor rhat, underricht, und trost begert vnd eingenommen, vnd denen er seine bekantnuß gethan, an seiner seelen Heil nicht verzweiffeit. Denn wie Gott wil daß die Übeltheter von der Oberkeit gestraffet und schendlich hinngerichtet werden, andern zum exempel, derhalben aber die seel nicht verwirfft noch verdammt: gleichs fais wil er villeicht auch, ob sich diese schon bekeren, und er die seel zu gnaden auffnimmt, daß sie nicht desto weniger vom teuffei am Leibe geschendet werden, andern zum Spiegel und zu[m] Abschrecken. Also wann ers dahinn bracht hat, daß die armen hexen brennen, dann lachet jm, dem schadenfro, das hertze: ob jm wol die seel nicht werden mag. 19 The Wittenberg version of the Regensburg story focuses on the idea of conversion, the return to the fold through a Protestant sermon. There is no mention of a pact in that earlier story, but a long period of dealing with the factor in the development of devil pact stories. According to Luther, both Eck and the elector had made pacts with the devil in order to lengthen their lives. Luther, Tischreden nos. 5451 and 6809. Cf. Martin Rade, Zum Teufelsglauben Luthers, in: Marburger theologische Studien 21 (1931). Rade gives other examples of Luther's use of Teufelspolemik. This kind of attack made use of a considerable freedom in associating and shifting information from one subject to another. Motifs, images, or an entire devil pact story could be borrowed from other sources and brought to bear on a particular subject, motivated strongly by religious and polemical zeal. Lercheimer fol. 5r-5v.

122 devil is evident. Lercheimer refers specifically to the existence of a pact and focuses on its tragic consequences. The body must go to the devil. Lercheimer grants that the authorities have to execute those who were guilty of such an evil deed. But he sees the need to prevent the process from going to that dangerous point. If execution takes place, the devil has won. Lercheimer sees a special significance for the fate of witches; he implies that burning the witches is, in effect, a potential victory for the devil. It is such burnings that his book desires to prevent.

D. Francisco de Spiera

The story of Francisco de Spiera (or Spera, t 1548) is not about a devil pact, but it describes a situation closely related to the crisis of the Regensburg sinner. The influential Philipp Melanchthon was the author of a version published in Wittenberg in 1549. Spiera, a doctor of law, had been forced to recant his Protestant beliefs. This action against his own conscience drove him into a deep depression. Basing his report on an account by Pier Paulo Vergerio, who tried to console Spiera, Melanchthon describes in great detail Spiera's condition of despair. He describes a man who has lost all faith and identifies himself with Judas and Cain: his sin is thought to be too great to be forgiven. Hatt gar zu Gott kein hoffnung, Wünschet an des Juda Cain [oder] eines anderen verdampten menschen stad zu sein, aida Gottes zorn, straff vnd emstlich gericht zu erwarten. Bekennet, das Gottes gnad viel grosser sey den alle Sünde, komme jhm aber nicht zu gut, dieweil er ewig von Gott verworffen vnd aus der zal der auserweleten aus geschlossen, Christus hab nicht fur jhn, sondern allein fur die ausserweleten gelitten vnd gebeten, Drumb werde ehr den andern zum exempel ietzund schrecklich gestraffet vnd verworfen.20 Melanchthon argues against the misconceptions that underly Spiera's thinking. He sees salvation easily within the reach of such a sinner, if only he would understand God's message of mercy in the Bible. From the account in Melanchthon's hands it appears that Spiera, despite all the pleading and K.G. Bretschneider, Corpus reformatorum 20: col. 617. Cf. Milchsack, Gesammelte Aufsätze cols. 148-149.

123

arguments of his friends, persists in his despair and is intent on committing suicide. In his concluding remarks Melanchthon does not dwell at all on the question of how Spiera died. 21 Melanchthon's primary concern is about the ways in which one can avoid the path of Cain, Saul, Judas, and other lost sinners. At any rate, this particular story goes an important step beyond the Regensburg story and approaches that state of mind that considered the despair, death, and merciless condemnation of Faustus appear as a just and appropriate end. Johannes Spies printed a Latin version of the fate of Spiera a year before the Historia.22 The devil pact story with a positive, merciful ending, represents a strong tradition, which makes itself felt in the Historia by contributions to the plot and motifs. The saints' legends are constantly in the background of these contemporary stories, so the narrators are not entirely aware of the difference between legend, tradition, and historical event. The basic premise of a merciful ending is given in the Historia. Of course, by discarding the Bible and then signing a devil pact, Faustus has destroyed the obvious basis for recovery and has essentially narrowed his options to one: saving his soul. He could still save his soul, just as the sinners of these stories had done. The anonymous author spells this option out in unmistakable terms. Er [Faustus] wolte aber keinen Glauben noch Hoffnung schöpfen, daß er durch Büß möchte zur Gnade Gottes gebracht werden, Denn wenn er gedacht hette: Nun streicht mir der Teuffei jetzt eine solche Farbe an, daß ich darauff muß in Himmel sehen, Nun so wil ich umbkehren, vnd Gott vmb Gnade vnd Verzeihung anruffen, Denn nimmer thun, ist ein grosse Büß, hette sich darauff in der Christlichen Gemein in die Kirchen verfügt, vnnd der heyligen Lehre gefolget, dardurch also dem Teuffei einen widerstand gethan, ob er jm schon 21

22

Spiera is reported to have died of natural causes. "Francesco Spiera," in: Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche (Leipzig: Hinrich, 1906) 18: 648-649. Andreas Hondorff, Theatrum historicum (Frankfurt: Spies, 1586) 100-103. About the mythical dimension of the identification with Cain and other sinners cf. Friedrich Ohly, Der Verfluchte und der Erwählte. Vom Leben mit der Schuld (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1976) 98-104. Ohly shows that the closely related concepts of excessive selfreliance, boldness, and subsequent despair are familiar warning signs in the religious thought of the Middle Ages. Friedrich Ohly, "Desperatio und Praesumptio. Zur theologischen Verzweiflung und Vermessenheit," in: Helmut Birkhan (Hrsg.), Festgabe für Otto Höfler (Wien: Baumüller, 1976) 499-556.

124 den Leib hie hette lassen müssen, so were dennoch die Seele noch erhalten worden, Aber er wardt in allen seinen opinionibus vnnd Meynungen zweiffelhafftig, vngläubig vnd keiner Hoffnung. 23 In the end, Faustus appears to be desperate enough to accept these terms and act accordingly. Dann ich sterbe als ein böser vnnd guter Christ, ein guter Christ, darumb daß ich eine hertzliche Reuwe habe, vnd im Hertzen jmmer vmb Gnade bitte, damit meine Seele errettet möchte werden, Ein böser Christ, daß ich weiß, daß der Teuffei den Leib wil haben, vnnd ich wil jhme den gerne lassen, er laß mir aber nur die Seele zu frieden. 24 The conditions for salvation appear to be present. Why must Faustus be damned? The printer appears to caution that this line of questioning is not justified. What Faustus said was not sincere; it was the repentance of Judas (the gloss is: "Judas Rew"). The author himself makes his view clear in the subsequent exchange. The students plead with Faustus and urge him to let learned theologians save him from the devil. He should appeal to Christ and say that he is willing to give up his body as long as the soul is not lost. Faustus's response seals his fate: he feels like Cain, whose sins are too great to be forgiven. Despite what theologians might think, the author believes that it is possible to go too far. 25 Faustus is the victim of ultimate despair; he has no hope of salvation. His belief is prepared and reinforced at various points: in the resolution not to allow a return to the Christian fold to take place (chapters 4 and 52), in the belief that it is too late to turn back (chapters 17 and 65), and by thinking that his sin was too great to be forgiven (chapters 16 and 68). These persistent expressions of despair are found thus at the beginning and the end, obviously representing the forces that prevail in the end. The author rejects the traditional solution for Faustus. Marguerite De Huszar Allen analyzes the life of Faustus as the antithesis of the typical saint's legend. Her study shows that the Historia, while adhering to the essential patterns of the saints' lives, may be seen as a reversal in which

23

FQssel and Kreutzer 33.

24

Füssel and Kreutzer 121. For a discussion of this problem in relationship to Lutheran thought cf. Hartmut Rudolph, "Das Faustbuch im kirchengeschichtlichen Zusammenhang," Das Faustbuch von 1587. Entstehung und Wirkung. In: Bad Kreuznacher Symposien II, ed. by Richard Auemheimer and Frank Baron (Munich: Profil, 1991).

125 the exemplary biography is transformed into a cautionary tale: For polemical purposes, an unholy one has usurped the role of the saint. 26 Thus, Allen argues persuasively for the concept of "inverted hagiography" as an explanation of the obvious links and parallels between the Historia and the Legenda aurea. When the author of the Historia takes over some of the features from the biography of Valerius Glockner (that is, the life of St. Basil), he is unconsciously bringing about the "reversal" that Allen describes. The name Mephostophiles has inspired many interpretations, but perhaps the most convincing is that proposed by Fiissel and Kreutzer, that the name is derived from Greek and that its three components indicate 1) negation; 2) light, and 3) loving. 27 In this sense the devil represents the reversal of the divine light. This manner of creating a fictional name would not have been foreign to Spies, who engaged in a similar word play when he presented his edition of the Disticha Catonis to the public. In the preface he addresses the reader as Philophiles, one who loves love (that is, friendship). 28 Spies printed this book for the book fair of fall 1587, at the time when the Historia appeared. The "reversal" is illustrated in the transformation of verses by Luther. In their reversed form they become appropriate as a little sermon of the devil. Luther

Historia

Schweig, leyd, meyd vnd vetrag, dein not niemand klag, An Gott nicht verzag dein hiilff kombt alle tag. 29

Darumb schweig, leyd, meyd vnd vertrag, Dein Vnglück keinem Menschen klag, Es ist zu spat, an Gott verzag. Dein Unglück läufft herein alle tag.

By having the devil preach in opposition to Luther, the author remains faithful to basic premises of the reformer. But he is now focusing on the most negative outcome conceivable. The anonymous author inserts the key concept of*

28 29

Marguerite De Huszar Allen, The Faust Legend: Popular Formula and Modern Novel, in: Germanic Studies in America (New York: Lang, 1985) 53: 17. Cf. André Jolies, Einfache Formen (Halle: Niemeyer, 1930). Füssel and Kreutzer 188. Their interpretation is supported by Jeffrey Burton Russel: "The chief elements are the Greek me, "not"; phos, photos, "light"; and philos, "lover"-yielding "he who is not a lover of light," an ironic parody of Lucifer, "lightbearer." Mephistopheles. The Devil in the Modern World (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986) 61. Cf. Müller, Romane 1376. Many attempts to solve the puzzle begin with the false assumption that the devil's name is Mephistopheles, as it appears in Goethe's work. The original name is Mephostophiles. Cf. Figure 5 and note 48 in Chapter 2 of Part I above. Johann Matthesius, D. Martin Luthers (Berlin, 1855) 295.

126 of despair "zu spat" and reverses "nicht verzag" into "verzag." His decision to challenge traditional wisdom and insisting on a harsh, merciless resolution he could point to stories and a tradition that lent him support. The forces that prepared the "reversal" are also detectable in the exempla tradition. But in this respect the social phenomenon of witchcraft plays a more visible role. In fact, all devil pact stories of this period relate to it. The biography of Faustus represents a warning of unprecedented urgency to desist from diabolical magic and as such it became embroiled early in the debates about witchcraft.

3. The Trial of Faustus. The Legacy of Witches and Learned Magicians

Johannes Manlius presented the violent death of Faustus at the devil's hands as early as 1562, stressing the horrible fate of a man who, ignoring the obvious dangers, invoked and used evil spirits. Manlius established a potientially beneficial social function for the exemplum of Faustus. He presented motifs that set the stage for later developments. But Johann Weier and Augustin Lercheimer (for whom Manlius served as a source) placed Faustus in a context that promised to add new motifs. Unlike other exempla collections, these two books represent contributions to the witchcraft debate. The inclusion of Wittenberg source materials on Faustus in these collections sets the stage for the convergence of two previously distinct components: Faustus and witchcraft. Johann Weier (Weyer), a physician practicing in a small duchy north of Cologne, served Duke William of Jülich-Cleve-Berg for twenty-seven years. With the Duke's protection, he daied to attack some fundamental assumptions about witchcraft. He questioned the reality of fantastic actions, such as the witches' sabbath, devil pact, and copulation with the devil, which, he contended, existed only in the imagination. He attributed the reports about them in part to the desperation of people under the threat of torture and, to an even greater degree, to an illness toward which, he believed, women were especially susceptible: melancholia, a derangement of the mind caused by the influence of the devil. The devil was responsible for the fantasies of witches. Ignorance made the work of the devil easier. With these arguments Weier defended the women accused of witchcraft as innocent people unjustly persecuted. Despite these efforts, it would be a mistake to see Weier as a rational, enlightened thinker in the modern sense. His collection of exempla is just as rich in fantastic diabolical deeds as are the Wittenberg sources that he took over without critical analysis. Thus, we find the Wittenberg anecdotes about Faustus, magicians, and witches transmitted here with little change. It is

128 important to see that Faustus, who was included in the 1568 edition of Weier's book for the first time, entered a new context. He was still the diabolical magician, as Luther haü .abeled him, but now he was grouped together with other learned magicians in one category, which Weier singled out for attack. In contrast to the witches, who were ignorant and innocent, the magicians were great sinners, who turned to the devil despite their learning. The learned magicians should have known better. Weier urged the authorities to persecute these magicians. Clearly, Weier hoped to shift the focus of the witch hunting from those who were most threatened and most vulnerable to those who were few in number and often under the protection of high-ranking people. It is difficult to measure whether Weier's arguments were able to stem the tide of witch hunting to a significant degree, but their impact probably set the stage for later mutations in the stories and feats associated with Faustus. Weier argued against the reality of the devil pact, and he generally excluded the Wittenberg devil pact stories and avoided explicit references to confessions about pacts of witches. Although Weier did not explain how learned magicians obtained the aid of the devil, he must have thought that this was possible without resorting to a pact. Weier saw Faustus as a great sinner and was the first author to bring his name into the witchcraft debate. When we turn to Augustin Lercheimer's exempla collection and consider it from the perspective of the same questions, we realize that an important change has taken place. Like Weier, Lercheimer argued that witches were ignorant, sick, deluded by the devil, and therefore innocent. Both Weier and Lercheimer see the ignorance of women as a fact that speaks best in their defense. Like Weier, Lercheimer was one of the few scholars who dared to take the dangerous position against witch hunts. Unlike Weier, however, he believed in the reality of the devil pact, and as a student at the University of Wittenberg (and a friend of Melanchthon's), he could recall and relate Luther's and Melanchthon's devil pact stories.1 He used them to illustrate the guilt of the learned magician, and thus he was able to revive and intensify Weier's polemic against such magicians. The pact conception served to illustrate the sin on which authorities should focus. Lercheimer applied the rhetorical weapon of the pact consistently against learned magicians. In this context Faustus appears to have been a victim of the witchcraft debate and Lercheimer's efforts to achieve more humane treatment of witches. "... ich (will) erzelen was ich von dem frommen hochgelerten Herrn Philip. Melanthon neben andern viel hundert Studenten, gehöret habe." Binz, Augustin Lercheimer and Lercheimer fol. 35r.

129 The history of witch hunting and the evolution of the image of Faustus may be seen at first as two distinct lines of development. As a result of a repeated restructuring of historical materials, these lines came together, leading to a convergence in the context of Lercheimer's work. Here the essential plot of the Faustian story is present: the concept of the pact, the dangerous idea of a contract with evil forces to transcend human limitations for the sake of power and knowledge. This concept was shaped by the imagination of persecution and fear, and to a lesser degree by the literary imagination. The Faustian pact has formed the consistent point of departure for the rich tradition of Faust literature until the present time. Two stories illustrate the stages leading to the Faustian pact as the plot of the Historia.

A. Jena

The devil pact incident of Jena took place in 1558, just two years before Melanchthon's death. It is plausible that Melanchthon himself received news of the incident from Jena. Manlius, who narrated it in 1562, might simply have copied a passage from Melanchthon's correspondence. On the other hand, this may simply be one of those instances in which Manlius did not rely on his teacher but on some other source for information. As in the case of the Erfurt and Valerius Glockner stories, we are able to recognize a historical event at the core of the report. Manlius places it immediately after the Erfurt story and makes a special point of the similarity. After a certain carpenter died, his family accused his physician of responsibility for the death. When the magician was examined, under torture, concerning his crime, he confessed everything, especially that he had killed the carpenter who once had harmed him, and that he had learned his magic from a little old woman living in the vicinity of the Harz forest. He also confessed that the devil was continuously at his side, advising him whenever people were about to come to him, telling him how he should treat all his patients. After these things were ascertained, he was impaled and burned.2 "Cum vero magus in tortura de suis sceleribus peractis examinaretur, totum negocium confessus est, in primisque quod interfecisset ilium fabnim, qui semel ipsum laeserat, et quod magiam suam a quadam vetula in vicinia Harciniae sylvae habitante didicerat. Item

130 If Manlius had been aware of Aegidius Melcher's original Erfurt report, he might have been struck even more by the similarity between the Erfurt and Jena incidents. He evidently noted some common features beyond the "fact" of the devil pact: the deceptive behavior of the devil-inspired magicians and the successful capture of the evildoers. We find once again that the primary source of information about the pact is an interrogation leading to a confession. As in the Erfurt incident, torture is used to obtain information; this information undoubtedly developed from the charges and suspicions of the magician's enemies. The confession enabled the report to become a coherent and consistent narrative. In the earliest report, the Erfurt sinner is not explicitly designated as a magician. For Luther the magician's association with diabolical magic becomes a certainty because of the "facts" emerging from the victim's confession. In this respect, the Jena situation is similar. We can observe how a confession induced under torture transforms a physician into a magician. At first, it is stressed that the physician restores many rich people to health. Because of the death of a patient, suspicions arose and charges were made. That the physician poisoned his patient intentionally is, of course, conceivable, but the physician's defense of himself is totally repressed. Only after torture does he "explain" that he had used the devil's help to treat his patients. This explanation was probably inspired by the delusions of those who interrogated and accused him. In the sixteenth century such trials transformed many accused people into magicians.3 In Andreas Hondorffs version of the Jena story (first published in 1568), the physician is shown more emphatically as a diabolical magician from the

semper ipsi affuisse diabolum, de hominibus ad ipsum advenientibus commonefacientem et inspirantem ei, quid praesentibus & absentibus, ipsumque consulentibus largiri deberet. His itaque compertis palo infixus, & combustus est." Johannes Manlius, Locorum communium collectanea 35-36. Cf. Brückner 464,475, and 495. Evidence that trials and confessions encouraged the development of the Faust story is provided by a story about a magician in Naumburg. The magician confessed to having performed magical feats that were later attributed to Faustus. For example, it is said that he allowed his leg to be pulled out, a story told earlier by Luther. Andreas Hondorff, Promptuarium exemplorum (Frankfurt: Schmidt, 1580) fol. 74r. Cf. Füssel and Kieutzzer 261-262 and Robert Petsch, Das Volksbuch vom Doctor Faust (Halle: Niemeyer, 1911) 203. The first edition of Hondorffs book appeared in 1568. Another source suggests that the pact story "Devil in Glass" could have had similar origins. Wolfgang Brückner writes about a certain Nicomachus who confessed under torture that he gave up Christ and served the devil; finally, he lost his mind and died a painful death. Cf. Epitome historiarum fol. 119r, described in Brückner 491.

131

start; information obtained from his confession and related in the earlier versions at the conclusion is revealed here at the beginning.4 In contrast to the Erfurt story, the Jena account does not leave any sign of hope. There is no indication that the soul of this confessed sinner might yet be saved. The cruel punishment by impalement gives the impression of an irretrievable loss. In this narrative we are confronting the unmitigated judgment of the court; we miss Luther's and Melanchthon's interpretation of the circumstances in a wider religious context, in which the way to salvation is not entirely closed off. Johannes Weier published a version of this story in De praestigiis daemonum. He obviously felt that the behavior and punishment of the Jena magician fit neatly into the context of his arguments; the magician's fate illustrated how learned magicians should be treated. He thought that they were supported by a passage about the diabolical activities of Faustus. Weier reduced Manlius's text by almost half. The introductory remark that the physician had helped many is eliminated. There is no mention of torture as a means to gain a confession. Weier's version strengthens the impression of a harsh, merciless treatment.5 As we consider stories of the 1550s and 1560s, we see the hostile attitude towards the learned magician emerging with greater clarity and stronger emphasis.

"Anno 15S8. Ein halbe Meil von Jhena is auch ein Warsager oder Zäuberer gewest, dem der Teuffei die Kreuter angezeiget. Item es hat jm auch der Teuffei, der stets umb jm gewesen, allwege eingegeben, was dieser den Leuten rahten solte, hat also vielen Leuten in Kranckheiten geholffen." Andreas Hondorff, Promptuarium exemplorum fol. 72v. In Spies's Latin edition of this work (Theatrum historicum} this story appears on pp. 141142. The same story is also found in Jodocus Hocker, Der Teufel selbs (Ursel: Henricus, 1568) 267-268, with Manlius cited as the source. Cf. Brückner 475. The publication of a German translation of Weier's book provides another characteristic pattern of transformation. We have a case of faulty copying, which leads to a considerable distortion of the original information. Manlius reported that the physician had learned his craft from a little old woman living in the vicinity of the Harz forest ("in vicinia Harcinae silvae"). Weier mistakenly replaced an a with an e: "non procul Hercinia sylva." But finally, in the translation of Johannes Fuglin, this becomes "nit weit von dem Schwartzwald." Johannes Weier, De praestigiis daemonum (Basel: Oporin, 1568) 144 and in German, translated by Johannes Fuglin, (Frankfurt: Basse, 1586) 94. If such a rapid metamorphosis of the written text is possible, one may wonder how many much more rapid and radical changes can occur as stories are transmitted by word of mouth. We can better understand how in the Zimmerische Chronik names and places for very similar stories can be so different. At any rate, the change in this instance is not entirely arbitrary. Fuglin's work was published in Frankfurt; characteristically, the change brings us closer to the geographical vicinity of the new narrator.

132 Β. The Devil in Glass

In 1562, Johannes Manlius related a brief story about a physician who sought out the devil, whom he imprisoned in a flask and consulted concerning things about which he was not sure. The devil helped him become a successful doctor. He was able to amass a great deal of wealth. Before his death he wanted to do penance, but, like Ajax, he was overcome by an insane furor, and, continuously calling upon his true ally, he shouted horrible blasphemies against the Holy Ghost Finally, in this fit of madness, he died. 6 In Manlius's publication this story is placed immediately before the Erfurt story and hence in proximity of the Jena report, to which it bears a striking resemblance. Both narratives show a doctor who seeks to cure his patients; this story combines the search for knowledge with the motivation of greed. This story contains elements that are absent in its medieval antecedents. For example, the dimension of intellectual curiosity is a motivation not present in the earlier stories. Manlius's magician practices medicine and is driven by a passion to master the secrets of his trade. Thus, Manlius prepares the way for the identification with Paracelsus. The Zimmerische Chronik presents this aspect of the story vaguely. We know only that one day the nobleman went out into the forest and wanted to experiment. With the idea of experimentation we are a step nearer to the curiosity of Faustus, and we note the simultaneous change in the ending of the narrative, turning the fate of the magician, who managed to survive in the Middle Ages, into a tragic one in the sixteenth century. 7 Although we can no longer trace the contemporary origins of this Manlius 34. In Jansen Enikel's world chronicle, written about 1289, we find Vergil dealing with devils trapped in a glass flask. This story appears in countless variations, eventually and is absorbed in the legends about the magician and physician Theophrastus Paracelsus. It also survived in Grimm's fairy tales. The Zimmerische Chronik, which was written between 1565 and 1566, tells about a nobleman from Almanshofen. It is noteworthy that this version, like the story told by Manlius, reports an end at the hands of the devil. Philip Strauch (ed.), Jansen Enikels Werke, in: Monumenta Germaniae histórica (Hannover, 1891) 3,1: 462-463. Also in: D. Comparati, Virgilio nel Medio Evo (Florence: "La Nuova Italia," 1946) 2: 198-199. The same story was told later about Paracelsus. Cf. Anton Birlinger, Volkstümliches aus Schwaben (Freiburg: Herder, 1861) I: 213. Birlinger does not give a precise source for his story; he indicates that it was transmitted orally. Cf. Johannes Bolte and Georg Polivka, Anmerkungen zu den Kindermärchen und Hausmärchen der Brüder Grimm (Leipzig: Dieterich, 1915) 2: 414-422; Andreas Hondorff, Promptuarium exemplorum fol. 29r. Zimmerische Chronik 1: 476. A similar story is told by Johannes Weier about a Goslar teacher, who "studied the black arts of Faustus" and learned how to capture a devil in glass. The story follows the narrative about Faustus and comes before the Jena story. Weier 143-144. "Noch erschrockenlicher ist, das sich in solichem fai warhaftiglichen bei fünfzig jharen zu Cöln begeben mit ainem fiirtreffenlichen doctor der aiznei. Der hat groß guet und ehr

133 story precisely, the n e w elements s h o w a strong similarity to the content o f the Jena report, suggesting that they were at least inspired by similar experiences. Although the c o n f e s s i o n s o f those accused o f magic inspired such stories, the authorities, w h o promoted trials against magic, had definite ideas about what should be contained in such confessions. A s early as 1437, a decretal o f P o p e E u g e n e IV c o n d e m n e d the magicians, w h o s e i m a g e l i v e s o n in these stories: "They sacrifice to demons, adore them, seek out and accept responses f r o m them, d o h o m a g e to them, and m a k e with them a written agreement or another kind o f pact through w h i c h , by a single word, touch, or sign, they may perform whatever evil deeds or sorcery they wish and be transported to or a w a y f r o m wherever they w i s h . T h e y cure diseases, p r o v o k e bad weather, and m a k e pacts concerning other evil deeds." 8 Although Lercheimer's book does not use the stories o f Jena or the "Devil in Glass," his c o m m e n t s about about learned p e o p l e , e s p e c i a l l y physicians, w h o try to rise above others s e e m to be influenced by them.

A l s o findet m a n Artzet die aller kranckheiten vrsache v n d heilung, aller kreuter vnd anderer artzeney krafft, v n d wirckung w i ß e n wollen, d a ß j n e n k e i n patient absterbe, sind mit zimlicher kunst nicht zu frieden: die laßen sich mit d e m teuffei ejn

9

mit seiner kunst bekommen; letzstlich aber, als die stund kam, do gesegnet er sein weib und kündt, bekannt, das er sich vor vil jham dem bösen gaist ergeben, und durch dessen hilf und veihaißen hett er ain solche geliickliche pra[c]ticam gehabt; iezo miiest er daran, da were seins lebens nit mehr. Gieng darauf in ain keller. Bald ward ain ungestimmes wesen im haus gehört; das weret ain halbe stundt nit, da vergiengs. Man gieng dem herren in keller nach, zu sehen, wie es umb in stünde; da fand man in todt uf der erden ligen und wardt im der köpf umbgetrait, das im das angesicht hiinder sich sähe." Zimmerische Chronik 1: 577-578. This passage follows a few lines after the report about the diabolical magician Faustus. Cf. Luther, Tischreden no. 6809. Between the Faustus passage and this story the Zimmerische Chronik reports: "So hat der doctor . . . zu Marggrafen-Baden sich dieser kunst auch underwunden; als im aber die kunst feiet und den gaist in ainem experiment wolt übertreiben und netten, ward er in die höche gefüert; da ließ er ine herab wider fallen; doch b[lie]b er bei leben." Lercheimer also followed in the footsteps of Melanchthon and Manlius: "Wir lesen daß der teuffei den Simon, den zauberer, (deßen in der Apostel geschichten meidung geschihet) hab zu Rom in der lufft ummher geführt, und jn fallen laßen, daß er den hals zerbrach. Wie er dem Faust thete zu Venedig, der aber mit dem leben davon kämm." Lercheimer fol. 29r-29v; Binz, Augustin Lercheimer 61. The theme of curiosity as a dangerous driving force is found often in Lercheimer's work: ". . . die menschen (sind) fürwitzig. . . , wollen wissen das sie nicht wissen sollen . . . " Lercheimer (1585), fol. 6v. Peters 146. Cf. Joseph Hansen, Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Hexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgung im Mittelalter (Bonn: Georgi, 1901) 17-18. "Also findet man Artzet die aller kranckheiten Ursache und heilung, aller kreuter und anderer artzney krafft, und Wirkung wißen wollen, daß jnen kein patient absterbe, sind mit zimlicher kunst nicht zu frieden: die laßen sich mit dem teuffei ejn, der zwar alle ärtzet und natuikündiger auff erden in meisterschafft vbertrifft, der hilfft jnen wie und so

134

In the first chapter of the Historia Faustus is introduced as a physician who has been able to help many people. Against the background of a tradition of diabolical physicians, this willingness to be helpful may not have helped his image at all. Achievements in learning in all forms (Faustus has a doctorate in theology from Wittenberg) have become suspect. The strong element of exaggeration in the description of Faustus's learning should not surprise us. It corresponds to the persistent patterns of change that the phenomenon of thé exempla collections promoted. These popular books, to which Weier's and Lercheimer's works belong, tended to borrow from each other. Individual stories were influenced by other stories with which they were grouped, hence the similarities among all stories discussed here. Above all, there is a tendency to exaggerate in support of the editor's particular focus. Georg Lukács has referred to this phenomenon in the evolution of a legend as the predictable pattern of exaggerations of historical facts ("vollkommen gesetzmäßige und notwendige Übertreibung der realen Fakten"). 10 Behind the exaggeration of Faustus's learning and desire to learn is the fear of the devil and the need to warn against learned magic. The authors of the legend were intent on showing that scholarly magicians should know better than to dabble in diabolical magic. Accounts with similar content were available in many forms, not only by word of mouth or the exempla collections considered here. They were, of course, used in the widely distributed theoretical tracts to promote persecution. They were reported about regularly in the early form of today's newspaper, the newe Zeitung. Within this genre, the particular form of warning literature developed, the schreckliche newe Zeitung, in which reports about witch confessions played a central role. The genre has not received the scholarly attention it deserves as a factor in the evolution of the Historia. Recently Stephan Fiissel pointed out its relevance. He cited a "newspaper" of 1560 and showed that the text introducing the story of a devil pact is similar to corresponding passages in the Historia. The anonymous author of the report speaks of the facts that should serve to warn against diabolical magic, and, like the author of the Historia, he quotes the familiar passage about the devil as a

10

fem er wil, und es jm von Gott zugelassen wird: aber nicht umbsonst, wie der außgang zu erweisen pflegt." Lercheimer fol. Uv-12r. Binz, Augustin Lercheimer 24. Cf. Frank Baron, "Georg Lukács on the Origins of the Faust Legend," in: Peter Boerner and Sidney Johnson, Faust through Four Centuries. Vierhundert Jahre Faust (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1989) 13-25.

135 roaring lion, who seeks to destroy man (1 Peter, 5). 11 There is evidence that this is just one example of an entire genre of warning literature. An illustrated single-leaf "newspaper" appeared in Wittenberg in 1540 about the execution of four witches with a similar warning.12 As we approach the time of the Historia, such reports about witchcraft cases increase. As Wolfgang Behringer has shown, the year 1590 experienced powerful waves of witch panics throughout Germany. This phenomenon is reflected in the newspapers of the time.13 The recognizable historical basis or common denominator of all these stories and reports is the struggle against witchcraft. If we look at the common trials of witchcraft, we can find the original elements that inspired them. The trials in combination with torture or the threat of torture produced a constant stream of confessions. News of confessions was a daily experience of life in the sixteenth century. Often they were called voluntary confessions, but this category included confessions made under the threat of torture. Such reports were a direct result of questions put to prisoners and the radical restructuring of the facts of their lives into imaginary accounts.14

14

Stephan Füssel, "Die literarischen Quellen der Historia von D. Johann Fausten." In: Das Faustbuch von 1587. Entstehung und Wirkung, ed. by Richard Auernheimer and Frank Baron. Bad Kreuznacher Symposien II (Munich: Profil, 1991). Frank Baron, "Ein Einblattdruck Lucas Cranachs d.J. als Quelle der Hexen Verfolgung in Luthers Wittenberg," in: Joachim Knape and Stephan Füssel (eds.), Poesis et pictura. Studien zum Verhältnis von Bild und Text in Handschriften und frühen Drucken (BadenBaden: Koerner, 1989) 277-294, especially 288 and 293-294. For example, Νewe Zeitung aus Berneburgk, schrecklich vnd abschewlich zu hören vnd zu lesen, von dreyen alten Teuffels Bulerin, Hex[ejn oder Zauberinnen (s.l., 1580). Abraham Saur, Eine kurtze, treuwe Warnung, Anzeige vnd Vnderricht: Ob auch zu dieser vnser Zeit vnter vns Christen, Hexen, Zäuberer, vnd Vnholden vorhanden: vnd was sie außrichten k[ö]nnen, etc. (Frankfurt: Christoph Rab, 1582). Copies of both items are in Wolfenbüttel. The title page also has the biblical passage from 1 Peter 5. Saur regularly edited and published for Nicolaus Basse in Frankfurt. He was the editor of the previously discussed witchcraft compilation Theatrum de venificis of 1586. A law professor in Marburg, Saur published a book about the legal aspects in the application of tature: Peinlicher Prozeß (Frankfurt: Basse, 1580). In 1594 (possibly as early as 1589), a Cologne newspaper (Warhafftíge newe Zeitung) reported about about a confession of an eminent citizen of Trier, Dr. Dietrich Flade. Cf. Baron, "From Witchcraft to Doctor Faustus" 1-21. For further examples of this genre cf. R.E. Prutz, Geschichte des deutschen Journalismus (Hannover: Kius, 1845), pp. 166-167. Martha J. Crowe (ed.), Witchcraft. Catalog of the Witchcraft Collection in the Cornell University Library (Milwood, New York: KTO Press, 1977) 412 and 592-593. Wolfgang Behringer, "Hexenverfolgungen im Spiegel zeitgenössischer Publizistik. Die "Erweytterte Unholden Zeyttung' von 1590," Oberbayerisches Archiv 109 (1984): 339360. Recent archival research about witchcraft during the sixteenth century by the following scholars has been partii, ularly useful for understanding the origins and context of the Historia: H.C. Erik Midelfort, Witch Hunting in Southwestern Germany 1562-1684 The Social and Intellei tual Foundations (Stanford: University Press, 1972); Gerhard

136 One decisive factor in these developments was the set of questions used in the interrogations. Lists of questions have survived. Many questions point to the main outline of the Faust story and its motifs. 15 There were routine questions about a pact and many questions about conspiracies, flying to witches' meetings, destroying crops, and other destructive activities. The lists provide evidence that the second pact that Faustus makes, which has its precedent in Lercheimer's book, is not a figment of the literary imagination. It appears that the concept of the second pact was an attempt of interrogators to explain why a suspect, who had confessed to participating in witchcraft, might wish to recant. The questions used in Eichstädt to interrogate witches are clearly designed to blame activities on the devil behind the scenes, influencing the accused, who might wish to retract after a pause in the torture. The interrogator is instructed to ask: "80. Does she remember the confession she made? 81. What is the reason for her to retract? 82. When did such hopeless attempt occur to her? Who had given her the advice? Did the evil spirit suggest it to her? What did he say when he was with her? 83. Were there other people to give her that advice? Who? She should give the correct response so that it will not be necessary to get the truth out with torture. 84. She should think of her salvation, since she will not escape the authorities; after all, it is better to suffer a temporal punishment here on earth than to get eternal punishment beyond." 16 The "real" violence is seen to be inflicted by the devil. The devil is thought to threaten the witch so that she does not confess the "truth." The drama of the interrogation created and propagated new explanations of what was "really" happening. The second pact idea could explain to the interrogator and to the outside world how cruel the devil was. It

Schormann, Hexenprozesse in Nordwestdeutschland (Hildesheim: Lax, 1977); Carlo Ginzburg, The Night Battles: Witchcraft & Agrarian Cults in the Sixteenth & Seventeenth Centuries, transi, by John & Anne Tedeschi (New York: Penguin, 1983), and Wolfgang Behringer, Hexenverfolgung in Bayern. Volksmagie, Glaubenseifer und Staatsräson in der Frühen Neuzeit (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1987). 15

For examples of such lists of questions cf. [J. Mundigl], Der Kelheimer Hexenhammer (1487) (Grünwald: Kölbl, s.a.). "Von der peinlicher Frag," in: A.L. Reyscher, Vollständige, historisch und kritisch bearbeitete Sammlung der württembergischen Gesetze (Tübingen: Fues, 1841) 2: 326-339. "Fragenschema bei Eichstätter Hexenverhören unter der Regierung des Fürstbischofs Johann Christoph von Westerstetten 1612-1636," in: Ch. Hinckeldy, Strafjustiz in alter Zeit, in: Schriftenreihe des mittelalterlichen Kriminalmuseums Rothenburg ob der Tauber (Rothenburg: Schulist, 1980) 3: 213-215. Herbert Pohl, Hexenglaube und Hexenverfolgung im Kurfürstentum Mainz. Ein Beitrag zur Hexenfrage im 16. und beginnenden 17. Jahrhundert, in: Geschichtliche Landeskunde (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1988) 32: 302-315. Rossell Hope Robbins, The Encyclopedia of Witchcraft and Demonology (New York: Bonanza, 1959) 106-107.

16

Strafjustiz in alter Zeit 215.

137 made it easier to grasp why a witch might be intransigent. Its later appearance in the Historia, after the attempted conversion by the pious old man, may be seen as another instance in which the Faust story became a beneficiary of the witch persecution. Although the conception of a second pact may appear to be new for Faustus when it appears in Lercheimer's Bedencken, it was not a novelty in the history of witchcraft. For example, Ludwig Milich in his Zauberteuffel, printed in 1563 in Frankfurt, discusses just such a renewal: . . . ist dem Teuffei an solcher widerholeten Verbindung etwas gelegen. Denn wenn ers bey dem ersten pact alleyn liess bleiben, köndten die hexen wider abfallen, vnd sich zu Gott bekeren. Daß er aber darfür bawen künde, so ist jhm vonnöthen, daß er nicht ablasse, Sondern erinnere sie offt des gethanen Eydes, vnnd bringe sie je länger je tiefer inn sein eygenthumb vnnd dienstbarkeyt.17 The affinity between Lercheimer's and Milich's understanding of the second pact suggests that it was a common conception of witchcraft persecution. Similarly, the pastor's attempt to bring the sinner back into the fold is firmly set in the ritualistic sequence of events in the witch trial. It was the pastor's sad duty not only to console the prisoner but also to persuade him or her that the best way to save the soul was to confess. 18 The appearance of a pious man is a constant feature of the Wittenberg devil pact stories and of the saints' legends on which they relied, but these stories also had strong contemporary support in the daily experience of the witch trials. In a plausible manner, Friedrich Spee, who had firsthand knowledge of the treatment of witches, explains the myth of the diabolical magician's violent death. According to Spee, the torturer (that is, executioner) is the ultimate source of the idea that the devil strangled the victim. He who had himself tortured the body beyond recognition, is the witness and source of the devil's deed. The claim excuses him and appears convincing to those who see the horrible result. 19 The image of the devil strangling his victims is one that

17

18

19

Ludwig Milich, Der Zauber Teuffel (Frankfurt: Lechler, 1563) 163. Cf. Milchsack, Gesammelte Aufsätze col. 271. " . . . sehr häufig werden Angeklagte durch Geistliche zum Geständnis bewogen." Schormann 129. Spee, Cautio criminalis 208-209.

138

Luther used frequently. 20 Like the other motifs of the Faust story, it was promoted by the exempla literature and the witch trials; both sources tended to reinforce each other by a process of reciprocal influence. The brutal methods of witch persecution represented myth-producing machinery. Theorists of witchcraft constantly reminded the authorities about the "real" world of the witches and how to deal with that "reality." Because the captured sinner was joined in prison by the devil, who attempted to take the sinner's soul to hell, the authorities had to try to counter him with a genuine conversion. In his Hexen Büchlein, Jacob von Liechtenberg advises the authorities how best to prevail in this great struggle. Weiter ist zumerken, was zu der Hexen, Zauberer gefengknuß auch todt gebürt, so bald sie gefangen, kompt jhr Ascendent [that is, the devil], tröst sie etwan, wie er sie erlösen wolle, damit sie inn vnglauben standhafft sein vnnd bleiben, dieweil er jr noch zu seinen grewel bedarff, spricht jr freundtlich zu, wiewol er sie mehrmals betreugt, dann offt Gott das nicht haben will, damit der grewel aufgehebt, noch laßt sie der teuffei nicht, damit sie nicht zu Gott bekert werden, daher er jr etwann den halß abwürgt. . . auff das ist vonnöten[,] das man gut sorg vnd acht auff sie hab, mit gottes wort hefftig tröst.. 2 1 Here again the devil helps to explain the resistance of the prisoner to confess, the reluctance to become part of that mythical world that will certainly mean death. Liechtenberg describes the essential elements of the drama that the anonymous author imposes on Faustus's last struggles. On the one hand, the devil holds on to the sinner with his deceptive tricks (ready to strangle his victim). On the other hand, the authorities need to console and to teach that God's mercy can overcome even death. Though the authorities had to force their victims to confess their participation in the witches' fantastic world and rituals, the author of the Historia took on the task of applying the mythical experience of those victims to Faustus. He had to transpose the images and the drama of those real sinners to the imagined world of Faustus. Because the anonymous author believed that the struggle between the devil and the authorities was real, not imaginary, he had no difficulty in imposing the legacy of witchcraft persecution on Faustus. 20

Baron, "Ein Einblattdruck" 278. Jacob Freyherr von Liechtenberg, Hexen Bächlein. Das ist, ware Entdeckung vnd erklärung aller fürnembster Artickel der Zauberey (s.l., 1575) 68.

139 Of all the motifs that may be considered a legacy of witchcraft persecution, the conception of the devil pact is central. It is the nucleus of the Faustian plot, the unifying idea that draws the diverse motifs together. Although it was certainly unique to apply it retroactively to Faustus, it would be an oversimpification and perhaps even wrong to credit Lercheimer and the anonymous author with the invention of this unifying idea. As we have seen, it had its constant reminder and precedent in the confessions of witches. Its existence and threat as a contemporary social problem was spelled out in the legal codes. According to Christian Thomasius, an outspoken critic of witch persecution in the seventeenth century, the saints' legends played a decisive role in preparing the the witch hunts. They were the basis for the myth of the devil pact and the "evidence" used to convict the accused.22 Up to the middle of the sixteenth century, witchcraft that did not result in harm to anyone was not generally punished by death. But the concern about the spread of witchcraft brought about the institution of stricter measures. In 1570, professors of the University of Wittenberg debated the problem. They discussed the theories of Johann Weier, and they attributed the reported activities of witches to their sick imagination. They rejected Weier's attempts to excuse or diminish the guilt of the accused. One reason used to reject Weier was that he was not a lawyer but a physician. Deß Wieri rationes seyn nicht sehr wichtig, als der ein Medicus, vnd nicht ein Jurist gewesen, So ists ein geringes Fundament, daß meynet, die Weiber werden nit leiblich zum Tantz vnd Teuffels Gespenste geführt. . . These deliberations have survived; Johann Spies believed that they were important, and he himself printed them in 1599 2 3 The new laws in Saxony ΊΊ

yi

"Dieses ist also der Ursprung der persuasion von der Zauberey, so mit dem Bündnüß des Teuffels verknüpfet: wiewohl kein Zweiffei ist, daß damahls verständige Leute über solche Mährlein gelachet haben." Christian Thomasius, Vom Laster der Zauberey. Ober die Hexenprozesse (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1986) 146. Johannes Schneidewein et al., Illustres, aureae, solemnes, diuque exoptatae quaestionum variorum apud iuris utriusque interpretes controversarum decisiones & discussione s (Frankfurt: Spies, 1599), fol. 104v. A copy of this book is in the library of the Harvard University Law School. The book was published by Spies's son-in-law, Johann Theobald Schönwetter. Spies contributed a Latin introduction. He justifies the publication for those who may not be aware of its importance: "Benevolo lectori salutem precalur typographic Francofuit. Scio, benevole lector, non defuturos, qui vitio mihi versuri sint, quod !ias controversarum quaestionum resolutiones doctissimas, iussu illustrissimi principis, Dn. Augusti electoris Saxoniae, ab insigniter doctis viris,

140

that resulted from these deliberations were stricter and placed the devil pact in the foreground of the perceived dangers. Alldieweil die Zauberei hin und wieder heftig einreißt, und nicht allein in gemeinen beschriebenen kaiserlichen Rechten, sondern auch in göttlicher Schrift zum höchsten verboten ist, demnach ordnen wir, so jemand in Vergessung seines christlichen Glaubens mit dem Teufel Verbiindnis aufrichtet, umgeht oder zu schaffen hat, daß dieselbige Person, ob sie gleich mit Zauberei niemand Schaden zugefügt, mit dem Feuer vom Leben zum Tode gerichtet und gestraft werden soll.24 The Palatinate followed suit in setting down the same harsh punishment for a crime that had no visible result. Sintemal die Göttliche Maiestat nicht allein durch fluchen vnd schweren, welches zwar zum höchsten billich zu bejammern, sondern auch höher verletzt vnd geunehrt wirdt, wann der Mensch vn Gott gar abfeilt, vnd sich auß desselbigen Bundt, dareyn er bey der heiligen Tauff genommen worden, thut, vnd mit dem Sathan wissentlichen verbindet, So statuiren, ordnen vnd befehlen wir hiemit, so jemandts solcher gestalt seinen Christlichen Glauben, darauff er getaufft, fürsetzlicher weise verleugnet, mit dem Teuffei Bündtnuß machen, oder demselben vmbgehen vnd zu schaffen haben, Zauberey vben, vnd treiben, Viehe oder Menschen, mit oder ohne Gifft beschädigen, dessen auch vberwiesen, oder sonsten gestendig seyn, auch sich also

consistoriorum per Saxoniam iudicibus & assessoribus, non sine magno labore collectas, iam dudum mysterii loco habitas, nullo plane, aut eo sane exiguo Consilio, publici iuris faciam tecumque communicem. Sed hi fortasse non noverunt, quanta operis huius utilitas sit, quantaque praestantia " Cf. Nikolaus Paulus, Hexenwahn und Hexenprozeß vornehmlich im 16. Jahrhundert (Freiburg: Herder, 1910) 56-57. The impulse for the more aggressive action against the devil pact may have originally come from Württemberg. Gehring writes: " . . . die Carolina spricht vom Gebrauch der Zauberei ohne schädigende Wirkungen, die württembergische Landesordnung [1567] aber von einem 'Bündnis mit dem Teufel zu Nachteil und Beschädigung der Menschen, damit noch niemand Schaden getan' ist. Wir sehen, wie weit die Beschäftigung mit dem Thema inzwischen den Gesetzgeber gebracht hat: Das Bündnis mit dem Teufel scheint ihm als wesentliches Merkmal der 'Zauberei oder Hexerei', wie es jetzt heißt." Paul Gehring, "Der Hexenprozeß und die Tübinger Juristenfakultät. Untersuchungen zur Württ. Kriminalrechtspflege im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert," Zeilschrift für Württembergische Landesgeschichte 1 (1937): 169. Cf. Reyscher 2: 344 ff. 24

Paulus 54. Cf. Hertnann Theodor Schlett, Die Constitution Kurfürst Augusts von Sachsen vom Jahre 1572 (Leipzig, Brockhaus, 1857) 315-317.

141 befinden würde, daß derselb oder dieselbe vom Leben zum Todt mit dem Fewer gericht vnd gestrafft werden sollen. Johann Spies printed this law in Heidelberg as part of the new laws for the Palatinate in 1582. 25 Spies was thus one of those who worked hand in hand with authorities to promote measures that would make the crime of the devil pact too costly to commit. His Historia was part of a strategy of warning and threats as well as merciless action. In this sense the book does not appear simply as a profit-making venture. Serious religious and social concerns were in the background and in the message of this work. In religion, literature, and law Spies and his book stood for a strict, uncompromising approach. Before the end Faustus has an opportunity to repent and save his soul. Just as in some of the devil pact stories we have considered and in the witch trials in general, a pious Christian makes an attempt to bring Faustus back to the fold. For Luther and Melanchthon this is an essential part of such stories; here Christian faith is asserted against the onslaught of the devil and the subsequent conversion, which assures the salvation of the soul, confirms the truth and triumph of that faith. This is the crucial climax of such stories, in which the narrator has the opportunity to express the most effective response to a serious crisis of faith. In a time of religious discord it was an opportunity to show which religion could best meet the challenge of the devil. 26 In the matter of converting Faustus, the Historia deviates from its source in significant ways. Augustin Lercheimer describes different attempts to convert Faustus. In one passage he describes a visit Faustus had made to Melanchthon's house and shows how the reformer had warned Faustus to change his ways. At the same time, Lercheimer attaches an anecdote about a pious old man who had made the same attempt, this story was taken over from Luther, who had not made any link to Faustus. In another passage Lercheimer also speaks of Faustus's stay in Wittenberg during the time of Luther and Melanchthon. Faustus was allowed to stay in that city; the influence of the reformers was the best hope for a conversion (" . . . das ließ man so geschehen, der hoffnung, er würde sich auß der lehr, die da im schwang

25

[Pfalz. Ludwig VI], Churfürstl. Pfaltz Landtrechtens [5. Teil: Criminalia] (Heidelberg: Spies, 1582) f. 9r. Carl Georg v. Wächter, Gemeines Recht Deutschlands (Leipzig: Weidmann, 1844) 56. Johann Nas, a Catholic polemicist, used the theme of the converting Faustus to poke fun at Wittenberg. It was clearly a Catholic narrator who attributed the attempt to convert Faustus to a monk in the "Erfurt stories," added in the new edition of the Faust Book in 1587 (not in 1589). Baron, "The Faust Book's Indebtedness" 533-534.

142 gieng, bekeren vnd beßern"). 27 How the anonymous author uses this "historical" information in his narrative reveals that he is not willing to retain all that he found. He makes significant changes. Lercheimer

Historia

Chapter 52 Der vnziichtige teuffelische bube Faust, hielt sich ein eil zu Wittebergk, kämm etwann zum Herrn Philippo, der laß jm dann einen guten text, schalt vnd vermanet jn daß er von dem ding beyzeit abstünde, es würde sonst ein böse end nemmen, wie es auch geschähe.... Ein ander alter Gottsforchtiger mann vermanete jn auch, er solte sich bekeren. Dem schickte er zur dancksagung einen teuffei in sein schlaffkammer, da er zu bett gieng, daß er ja schreckete. Gehet vmbher in der kammer, kröchet wie ein saw. Der mann war wol gerüst im glauben, spottete sein.

77'

Lercheimer fol. 36v-37r and 44v.

E n Christlicher frommer Gottsförchtiger Artzt, vnd Liebhaber der H. Schlifft, auch ein Nachbawr deß D. Fausti, Als er sähe, daß viel Studenten jren Auß vnd Eingang, als ein schlüpfwinckel, darinnen der Teuffei mit seinem Anhang, vnd nit Gott mit seinen lieben Engeln wohneten, bey dem Fausto hetten, Name er jme für, D. Faustum von seim Teuffeiischen Gottlosen wesen vnd fürnemmen abzumahnen. Chapter 53 [Faustus ist] dem guten alten Mann so feind worden, daß er jhm nach Leib vnd Leben stellete. . . Denn gleich vber 2. tag hernach, als der fromm Mann zu Bett gienge, hörete er im Hauß ein groß Gerömpel, welchs er zuvor nie gehört hette, das kömpt zu jhm in die Kammer hinein, kürrete wie ein Saw, das triebe es lang. Darauf fieng der alt Mann an deß Geists zu spotten . . .

143 On a superficial level, the changes are mechanical. Form the attempts of two individuals to convert Faustus the Historia makes just one. What was described in a single short paragraph in the source is expanded to fill almost two chapters. Such revisions are characteristic.28 But what is unexpected is the elimination of all traces of Melanchthon in the efforts to convert Faustus. With this deliberate action the anonymous author acted in defiance to a long tradition that went back beyond Leicheimer. As early as 1S62, Manlius linked the name of Melanchthon to the biography of Faustus. He introduced his sketch about Faustus by stating that the magician had been born in Cundlingen. 2 9 Manlius was a pupil of Melanchthon, and his assertions carried weight within the exempla tradition and with Leicheimer as well. The anonymous author had to have good reasons for rejecting Melanchthon as the spiritual leader who plays a pivotal role in the life of Faustus. In the 1580s such a rejection could mean only one thing: the author of the Historia did not accept Melanchthon as the ideal spiritual leader; for him Melanchthon represented, instead, an unacceptable deviation from pure Lutheran doctrine. The rewriting of his sources at this particular point identifies the author as an orthodox Lutheran, who opposed the tendency of moderation represented by Lercheimer and other Philippists. As one who rejected Melanchthon, the author was firmly in the religious camp of Johann Spies. In fact, the elimination of all traces of Melanchthon as a moral authority was essential before any book could appear in Spies's press. On the subject of Melanchthon, Spies was uncompromising. As we have seen, his publication of Melanchthon served primarily to highlight the fact that Melanchthon betrayed the cause of Lutheranism after Luther's death. 30 When Spies wrote in the dedication to the Historia that he ya

29

In the passage that relates Faustus's pact with the devil Lercheimer also describes the devil pact of the Wittenberg student Valerius Glockner. These two people become one person in the Historia. Baron, Faustus 57.

•3Λ

Spies expressed this in unmistakable terms in a preface of 1592: "Lutherus equidem, magnus ille Germaniae Vates, saepe id in ipso desidaravit, pusillanimitatemque ipsius non raro iusto zelo reprehendit: et prudenti patientia ita toleravit & gubemavit, ut, dum ipse in vivis esset, Philippus nunquam contra Lutheri doctrinam quicquam in quoquam articulo committere ausus fuerit. . . . Libuit ergo, ut rectius constaret, quid de hac controversia sentiendum sit, etiam has duas quaestiones, a clarissimo & in re sacramentaria esercitatissimo theologo, Domino Iohanne Matthaeo, paulo ante obitum pertractatas, in vulgus emittere. Et licet in iis demonstrate, Philippum vel tandem a Lutheri doctrina secessionem fecisse . . . " Preface by Johann Spies to Johannes Mattheus, Quaestiones duae: prima. Num doctrina Philippi Melanchthonis de Coena Domini tit quaedam media sententia inter Lutheri doctrinam, et Calvini dogma: siculi quorundam est opinio, qui dicunt, se non esse Calvinistas, sed sequi sententiam Philippi

144 had not yet seen the story of Faustus told in a proper fashion, he was probably thinking primarily about the lack of a full-length biography (" . . . hab ich mich selbst offtermal verwundert, daß so gar niemandt diese schreckliche Geschieht ordentlich verfassete . . . "). But he was undoubtedly aware of Lercheimer's publication, which had appeared in Frankfurt during the previous year. Thus, he must have thought of the need to eliminate Melanchthon as the moral force that struggles against the devil in Faustus's life. The controversial issue of Holy Communion—about which Melanchthon was thought to deviate from Luther—occurs in the final scene of the Historia when Faustus seems to be reenacting Christ's last hours. Faustus asks his Wittenberg students and friends to join him for a "last supper." After food and wine, he asks them to stay with him for a while as he prepares to die. 31 Thus, like the Philippists, Calvinists, and Zwinglians, Faustus, too, betrays Christ by making a travesty of Holy Communion. Gerald Strauss has suggested still another way in which the religious controversies of the time might have influenced the Historia. Strauss tries to understand the paradoxically negative image of student and religious life in Wittenberg, the seat of Lutheranism. When Augustin Lercheimer reacted to the Historia in 1597, he was most upset by this particular aspect. As one who had studied in Wittenberg in Melanchthon's time, he knew that life there was much more disciplined. In this respect the Historia was slanderous. Strauss sees the accession of a new ruler for Wittenberg as a possible reason for the unfriendly attitude toward that city: "In 1586 the situation in Saxony had suddenly changed. August's successor, Christian I, had abandoned his father's crusade against Philippism and moved toward a compromise on the theological points in dispute. This outraged the orthodox . . . " 3 2 Scenes of

dogma de coena domini: an vero in doctrina Lutheri conslanler perseveraverit (Frankfurt Spies, 1592). 31

32

Urs Herzog sees the ritualistic aspect of Faustus's last actions and shows them to be the basis for the final passages in Thomas Mann's Doktor Faustus. But by calling Faustus's death a worthy death he appears to be influenced by Mann's presentation. "Dieses Leiden und Sterben ist mehr als würdig, denn es ist nachgebildet der Passion des Erlösers, der mit seinen Jüngern das Abendmahl gehalten hat, bevor er für sie gestorben i s t . . . " Wirkendes Wort 27 (1977): 29. Cf. Müller 1425. Gerald Strauss, "The Faust Book of 1587: How to Read a Volksbuch" 35. Gustav Milchsack's view that Faustus is simply a mask for Melanchthon has not been accepted. Although his interpretation is false in many places, Milchsack was undoubtedly correct in pointing out the author's militancy against Melanchthon. Milchsack, Gesammelte Aufsätze cols. 130-134. Cf. Helmut Arntzen, Satire in der deutschen Literatur (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1989) 1:193-194.

145 constant eating, drinking, and frivolous activities could have been an attack on the turn of events and new conditions in Wittenberg.33 Although the religious controversies clearly motivated the author in the adaptation of his sources, the need to warn against and persecute those who dabble in magic remains the persistent motivation behind the Historia. The function of the conversion attempt is crucial; it portrays the authorities as benevolent and merciful. By rejecting this offer of mercy, the sinner shows conclusively that he belongs to the devil and the devil can do with him as he wishes. This is clearly the view expressed in the preface, which portrays the story of Faustus as a trial of a person whom the authorities failed to prosecute. Wer auch jemals Historien gelesen, der wirt befinden, wenn gleich die Obrigkeit jr Ampt hierin nit gethan, daß doch der Teuffei selbst zum Hencker an den Schwartzkünstlern worden. 34 Thus, the Historia describes the deserved fate of the learned magician who, as Weier and Lercheimer argue in a different context, too often enjoys the favor of the courts. So that no one may think that such sinners escape without punishment, there are stories in the Bible as well as exempla collections that prove that the devil serves as executioner, he kills those that the authorities do not. The authorities, the author of the preface, and the Historia all operate on the assumption that the devil is actually present in the dramatic struggle for the sinner's soul. All of them are believers, and in this sense they too are victims of the witchcraft legacy, not being aware of the mythproducing cycle they have inherited and help to propagate. In general, the background of the Historia does not present a simple and harmonious picture. Many conflicts and interests left their imprint. Above all the Renaissance and the Reformation were catalysts. The story reflects intense struggles about religion. But the unifying impulse, even if not altogether successful, did not originate in the religious sphere. The choice of topic, that of a diabolical magician, automatically brought the phenomenon of witchcraft persecution into play. It is this phenomenon that dictated the appropriate motifs, images, and patterns of thought. In a sense, the biography of Faustus became a retroactive trial for witchcraft. In the manner of witches Faustus was submitted to interrogation that forced him to confess. His biography was 33

The question anses, however, about the logic behind attacking contemporary Wittenberg in a book that treats a period in which Luther was firmly in control. A certain degree of reservation about this interpretation is justified.

34

Fiissel and Kreutzer 10.

146 restructured progressively over a period of about fifty years. Inasmuch as he was a learned magician and not an ignorant witch he deviated from the stereotype. But the exaggerated emphasis on his learning is not intended to exonerate him but to magnify his responsibility and justify his merciless fate. The crucial legacy of witchcraft persecution was the conception of the devil pact. It provided the basis of the Faustian plot and made it possible to integrate the diverse adventures and diabolical "miracles" against the backgound of the great mythical struggle between evil and divine forces. It provided the unifying idea for material that defied unity. The discovery and exploitation of the pact was the imaginative contribution of the anonymous author, and it has made the life of Faustus a story of lasting impact.

4. Dissonances and Unity in the Historia

If we take the words of Johann Spies literally, the original anonymous author of the Historia was a friend in Speyer. As Spies explains in his letter of dedication, his friend had responded to his inquiries about the existence of written material about Faustus. The friend sent him the story with a request to have it appear as a warning. The publication he had in mind was not fiction or literature for entertainment, but something in the order of a broadsheet or pamphlet in the well-established tradition of schreckliche newe Zeitungen. . . . daß ich dieselbige [Histori] als ein schrecklich Exempel deß Teuffeiischen Betrugs, Leibs vnd Seelen Mords, allen Christen zur Warnung, durch den öffentlichen Druck publicieren vnd fürstellen wolte. Unfortunately, it is not clear how much of the Historia was in its final form when it arrived in Frankfurt. It is possible, of course, that the entire book, with the exception of the dedication, originated in Speyer. If the friend in Speyer recognized the value of the material as an exemplum and warning, as Spies writes, he could have performed the task of revising and rewriting. But for the sake of discussion, a more modest contribution may be assumed; at the very least the "friend in Speyer" sent a compilation of anecdotes that make up the basis of the "core" chapters, the inspirational material ("ein gemeine vnd grosse Sag in Teutschlandt von Doct. Johannis Fausti, deß weitbeschreyten Zauberers vnnd Schwarzkünstlers mancherley Abenthewren"). As the previous analysis suggests, this "core" represents the oldest segment of the book and depicts the adventures of Faustus. Since it reveals an extensive process of revisions and elaborations, the question arises: Where did these changes take place? In many cases the changes simply entail an arbitrary lengthening, a process that indicates that the needs of the printer were taken into account. The biography of Faustus should be of book length. If this consideration is valid, its implication for the understanding of the steps leading

148 to publication are far-reaching. It means that Johann Spies and his collaborator(s) in the print shop had direct influence on the progress of the book from a very early stage. Perhaps only a primitive compilation of anecdotes and source materials originated outside this sphere of influence. Whether the "friend in Speyer" was simply the modest supplier of the "core" materials or one of the close collaborators is impossible to determine. But the persisting mystery about the names of those who worked with Spies need not detain us from gaining a better understanding of what they did. The crucial, creative event that transformed the sources into a frightening exemplum and warning may be seen as a response to the challenge that the fascinating anecdotes about Faustus posed. For a person of fundamentalist moral standards, such as Spies, the legendary accounts of Faustus's adventures, showing his impressive knowledge, enviable pleasures, and miraculous powers, represented a potentially troublesome legacy.1 The author needed to take control of this material. This is precisely the primary function of the sermonizing chapters 1-6 (7-17) and (52-53) 60-68. The response to the potential attractiveness of diabolical magic is its ruthless and merciless condemnation. Therefore, the "core" chapters are framed, surrounded by unambiguous, didactic exposition of Faustus's beginnings and end, along with his pact and its tragic consequences. The intention is clearly to destroy any notion that it might be profitable to experiment with diabolical magic. The author puts the life of Faustus in a Christian context. His narrative is not simply a chronology of events; it is a sermon as well. The narrator of Faustus's life and fate is most in his element when he or his characters are delivering serinons. Even Faustus's enemy, Mephostophiles, takes pleasure in doing just that. At times these speeches of the devil are deliberately and unmistakably deceptive. But on other occasions the devil takes over the function of the narrator by pointing out where Faustus failed and how he lost the chance to be saved. When Faustus wants to know from the devil what he would have done if he had been in Faustus's place (in chapter 17), Mephostophiles responds by delivering a sermon worthy of the best Lutheran pastor. Only at the end of this little "sermon" does the devil undermine his credibility in the eyes of the reader when he states that for Faustus it is too late to be forgiven. When Faustus, gripped by fear of eternal

In the literature of witchcraft there is a tendency to see see sexual intercourse with the devil as a painful experience. Robbins 461-468. At the same time, it should be noted that on such a basic question as the power of witches, the entire range of opinions was represented. Thus, Emperor Maximilian wished to know from Trithemius why witches had more powers than did pious Christians. Arnold 223-225.

149 punishment, is about to die, Mephostophiles holds another exemplary sermon in which he speaks of himself as an abbot, monk, God's ape, and a liar and murderer (chapter 65). Since the devil had warned earlier, now he can simply gloat about Faustus's foolishness. His sermon is a compilation of common sayings. 2 Again, only at the conclusion do we have the narrator's view that this speech has thrown Faustus into a state of melancholy and confusion. This sermon may be seen as one of a series that leads to the conclusion of the book. Faustus himself holds a sermon to the students on the occasion of his "last supper." It is inspired by remorse, and the proper interpretation becomes evident only after the marginal note points out that the remorse is that of a Judas. Faustus's sermon is followed by admonitions of students, who try to get him to pray for forgiveness. Then the narrator appears and delivers the final sermon about the meaning of Faustus's end. The persistent effort to reject and condemn diabolical magic does not effectively cover up the potential attractiveness of the opposite tendency. As an examination of the initial responses to the Historia indicates, the provocative adventures of Faustus represent a significant deviation from the all-pervasive stereotype of the ignorant female witch. Although the striking features of the new image were well established before 1587, they were fragmented and in the background of theoretical discourses about witchcraft. Now the Historia revealed and even exaggerated the knowledge, sexual adventures, and wideranging powers of Faustus. It is probably a mistake to attribute the features of the enviable Faustus image to the original anecdotal material. Paradoxically, simultaneous creative efforts produced the opposing tendencies and voices of dissonance. The author responsible for revising and elaborating on the sources was clearly the same author who wrote the sermonizing parts that encircle or frame the "core" chapters. The ever-present list of sinful characteristics also appears in the elaborations.

On the basis of their study of possible sources, Fränkel and Bauer conclude: "Wir neigen also entschieden der Ansicht zu, daß unser Kapitel aus Fetzen verschiedener Sammlungen zusammengestoppelt worden ist." Ludwig Frankel and Adolf Bauer, "Entlehnungen im ältesten Faustbuch," Vierteljahrschrift für Literaturgeschichte 4 (1891): 361-381. It is also conceivable that the anonymous author knew such sayings by heart

150 Historia

Historia

Chapter 5 sein stoltzer Hochmuht, Verzwiefflung, Verwegung vnd Vermessenheit; wegen seiner Hoffahrt vnnd Vbermuht Chapter 68 eines hoffertigen, stoltzen, fürwitzigen vnd trotzigen Sinnes vnnd Kopffs

Chapter 26 (Rome) Faustus sähe auch darinnen alle seines gleichen, als vbermut, stoltz, Hochmut, Vermessenheit, fressen, sauffen, Hurerey, Ehebruch, vnnd alles Gottloses Wesen

Clusters of synonyms or closely related concepts are characteristic of the anonymous author's style, and since his predilection is not shared by most of his sources, the efforts to manipulate texts are easy to identify. His intrusion into Schedel's text in the midst of the description of Rome is unmistakable. On the other hand, in the first chapter, in which the moralizing author is fully in command, we observe a curious tendency to make Faustus a scholar of stature (he has a doctorate in divinity from the University of Wittenberg) as well as a physician of good reputation. As much as the plot, the fanatical didacticism, and the motifs of sinfulness contribute to the unity of the story, the underlying dissonance and paradox remain. In the sixteenth century, the Historia could be interpreted different ways. There were undoubtedly many who took the narrator a. his word and found him convincing. There was also clearly the possibility of rejecting him as an unreliable or even hypocritical guide. But whether the reader rejected him as a credible moral authority, he experienced the much-maligned pleasures of diabolical magic vicariously. The book could offend some readers who thought that it was too explicit to be safe for the general public, especially, for youth. It is evident that the author was aware of this danger, for much of the book is directed to minimizing it. To understand the process that produced the Historia the focus must be on the sermonizing context or frame of its historical "core." This includes the title page, Spies's dedicatory letter, and the preface (Vorred an den Christlichen Leser), which reinforce the chapters imposed on the original material. All these segments serve different functions. Despite

151 these differences, there is a strong agreement in purpose, expressed in words and phrases that vary little from segment to segment

Tide

alien hochtragenden, fürwitzigen vnd Gottlosen Menschen zum schrecklichen Beyspiel, abscheuwlichen Exempel, vnd treuwhertzige Warnung

Dedication Spies der gantzen Christenheit zur wamung . . . ein schrecklich Exempel deß Teuffeiischen Betrugs, Leibs vnd Seelen Mords, allen Christen zur Warnung

Preface

Historia

ein

Chapter 5

grewlicher vnd erschrecklicher Handel . . . Was könnte doch grewlichers vnd erschrecklichers von einem Menschen gesagt werden . . . das erschrecklich Exempel... zur Warnung vnnd Besserung

Dieses war ein grewlich vnd erschrecklich Werck... Solches wil ich zur Warnung vnd Exempel aller frommen Christen melden Chapter 68 ein erschrecklich Exempel seiner Verschreibung vnnd Ends furgebildet ist, desselben müssig zu gehen

The repetition shows that the publisher and his author were in close agreement about the nature and purpose of the book. The story was terrifying; that guaranteed a powerful moral impact. This common element shows that the Historia may be seen as an extension of the exempla tradition. It also

152 signals its closeness to the literature of warning. The reader is supposed to see the direct relationship between Faustus's sinful life and his punishment. Dedication Spies

Preface

Historia

Chapter 2

Sicherheit, Vermessenheit, vnnd fürwitz

grewliche Schandt vnd Laster getrieben, mit fressen, sauffen, Hurerey vnd aller Vppigkeit... ein muhtwillige Vnsinnigkeit vnd grewliche Verstockung

Hoffart vnd Vbermuht Chapter 4 Stoltz vnd Hochmut Chapter 5 stoltzer Hochmuht, Verzweifflung, Verwegung vnd Vermessenheit... Hoffahrt vnnd Vbermuht Chapter 64 Vernunfft, Mutwill, Vermessenheit vnnd freyer Will Chapter 68 eines hoffertigen, stoltzen, fürwitzigen vnd trotzigen Sinnes vnnd Kopffs

From one topic to another there are minor variations between segments, but often these are simply a result of different contexts and functions. In the

153 above comparisons, for example, the preface sets as a task to demonstrate the biblical basis for understanding Faustus's fate. Biblical quotations make up a large part of this segment. Understandably, the vocabulary deviates to a certain degree from the rest of the book. This is not to say that the Bible lacked authority at any single point. The image of the devil as a liar and murderer is based firmly in the Bible, as the marginal gloss of chapter 22 clearly implies.

Dedication ein Exempel deß Teuffelischen Betrugs, Leibs vnd Seelen Mords . . . deß Teuffels Neid, Betrug vnd Grausamkeit Marginal Glosses (Spies?) Chapter 22

Preface Lügen vnd Mordtgeist... abtrünniger, verkehrter vnd verdampter Geist . . . leuget vnd treuget so lang vnd v i e l . . . Lügen vnd Mordgeist wissentlicher] vnd abgesagt[er] Feind

Historia

Chapter 9 Dieb vnd Mörder Chapter 20 Der Geist gab Doctor Faust hierauff ein Gottlosen vnd falschen Bericht Chapter 65

Teuffei du leugst, Gottes Wort lert anders hievon.

Lügner vnd Mörder Chapter 68

Chapter 52

Si Diabolus non esset mendax et homicida.

Solche vnd noch mehr Trosts gab er jhme, doch falsch vnd der heyligen Schlifft zu wider.

Not only the preface is generous with biblical quotations; the title page displays a quotation from James IV prominently:

154 Seyt vnderthänig, widerstehet dem Teuffei, so fleuhet er von euch. 3 The book closes with a different quotation, which, however, also admonishes the reader to resist the devil: Seyt nüchtern vnd wachet, dann ewer Widersacher der Teuffei geht vmbher wie ein brüllender Löwe, vnd suchet welchen er verschlinge, dem widerstehet fest im Glauben. (1 Peter V) 4 The same biblical admonitions appear in the preface. The repetition and prominence demonstrate emphatically that Spies and the author of the preface were in complete agreement about the importance of the exhortations. They form supporting pillars that reinforce the frame for the adventures of Faustus. The tension between the sermonizing author and the entertaining adventures of Faustus is not the only dissonance that the examination of the composition brings to light. There is also the question of the author's integrity and sincerity. Lercheimer, who was aware that the author deliberately manipulated his sources and invented stories, called the author a liar. Because literary historians treat this work as Action and the product of the literary imagination, such an accusation is not deemed worthy of attention. If the Historia is deliberate fiction, the reader may suspend disbelief and should not hold the author accountable for the factual reality of the story. Hans Joachim Kreutzer has written that the Historia represents a paradox: The author pretends to narrate the life of a person who actually lived, but in reality he presents one of the first great Actional biographies. 5 Barbara Könneker stresses that, despite its expressed intention, the Historia lacks value as a warning against magic; it is essentially a book of entertainment (Schwankliteratur).6 Placed in the category of stories of popular entertainment such as Eulenspiegel, Fortunatus, and Herzog Ernst, and Amadis, the dissonances in the Historia appear excusable. Within this category the claim to

In contrast to the title page of Theatrum de veneficis, which also quotes this passage ("Widerstehet dem Teuffei, vnd er wirdt von euch abweichen"), the Historia is more faithful to Luther's text. For the use of the same passage for a "newen Zeitung" cf. Füssel, "Die literarischen Quellen." FUssel and Kreutzer 334. Cf. Barbara Könneker, "Der Teufelspakt im Faustbuch," in: Das Faustbuch von 1587. Entstehung und Wirkung, ed. Richard Auemheimer and Frank Baron. Bad Kreuznacher Symposien II (Munich: Profil, 1991).

155

historical truth has the character of a topos; it is common knowledge that truth is mixed with invention.7 On the other hand, the Historia, seen in the context of Spies's publications and career, does not fit into the category of books intended exclusively for entertainment. If there had been a special class of books designated as nonfiction in the sixteenth century, the Historia would have been seen in that category. The sixteenth century was a period of transition, in which the concepts of fact and fiction and their proper places was not clearly defined. Historians and biographers made generous use of fiction in their narratives. In the Renaissance historians began to reject this practice, and Renaissance storytellers asserted fiction as their prerogative.^ The Historia belongs to a conservative tradition in which the new critical distinctions were not recognized. Within this broad category of the exempla tradition, the witchcraft debate, and early newspaper (newe Zeitung), the topic of diabolical magic had a special place, and its seriousness did not permit open admission of falsehoods. And yet the Historia is responsible not simply for exaggerations or rhetorical excesses; it engages throughout in deliberate restructuring, transformation, and manipulation of "historical" sources. The author adds material that from the start had nothing to do with Faustus. He invents conversations. The exempla and legend traditions are rich with mutations of the most fantastic kind, but they can be attributed generally to religious zeal. Melanchthon's narrative of Luther's miraculous prayer, bringing back a pact from the devil, is an example of such a startling mutation. But the author of the Historia goes far beyond the commonly employed rhetorical exaggerations and elaborations. His inventions of devil's miracles are not based simply on a tradition of beliefs, as are those found in saints' legends. Did he have any moral support or justification? The literature of witchcraft and witch theory would have provided him with arguments that permitted great latitutude in the struggle against witchcraft. The Malleus malificarum openly recommends lying to the accused, promising relief from suffering or even freedom, in order to obtain a confession. 9 The

See the discussion "Zum Fiktionsbegriff ' in: Jan-Dirk Müller, Volksbuch/Prosaroman im 15.116. Jahrhundert. Perspektiven der Forschung, in: Internationales Archiv für Sozialgeschichte der deutschen Literatur (Sonderheft) (1985) 71-75. Müller, Romane 1337-1338. William Nelson, Faci or Fiction: The Dilemma of the Renaissance Storyteller (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973) 4 4 3 . "Here it is asked whether, in the case of a prisoner legally convicted by her general bad reputation, by witness, and by the evidence of the fact, so that the only thing lacking is a confession of the crime from her own mouth, the judge can lawfully promise her life

156 worthy end justified the means. Since the structure of the Faust story shows the influence of witch confessions and engages in a restructuring in the manner of the witch trials, the author might have assumed that it was his prerogative to employ in his narrative the wide latitude in power that was available to judges and interrogators in those trials. The retroactive trial of the learned Faustus justified unprecedented methods. In a Cologne newspaper (schreckliche newe Zeitung) of 1594 the life of Dr. Dietrich Flade is compared to that of Faustus. It is suggested that a big book should be written about Flade, just as it had been written about the magician. What is written about Rade on the basis of his confessions under torture approaches the fantastic adventures of Faustus. As a learned witch, Flade's powers and sphere of destructive influence extended far beyond that of any diabolical magician. Since the transcripts of Flade's sensational trial have survived, it is possible to retrace the remarkably quick metamorphosis of a man of learning, respected within his community, into a practitioner of witchcraft. His revised biography, presented to the public as nonfiction demonstrates that publishers could expect readers to take these fantastic narratives seriously for what they claimed to be, warnings against diabolical magic. But the Historia reflects methods of compilation and composition that go beyond the zeal to stamp out diabolical magic. For example, even the most fanatical zeal cannot explain the manner in which the anonymous author manipulates Hartmann Schedel's world chronicle. The author's lengthy elaboration of the story cannot be understood simply in terms of a witchcraft background. The need to make such an extraordinary extension of the narrative was made under the influence of the printer for business considerations. The printer apparently required the book to be of a specific length, and the Schedel text, in combination with the mechanical extension of many anecdotes, offered a simple solution. The profit motive must have been instrumental in promoting some of the most radical deviations from the available source material on Faustus. The lack of effort to revise and integrate the Schedel text into the narrative as a whole (long passages were copied word for word) suggests thai this work was created in a great hurry, perhaps in order to meet the specific deadline of the printer. The requirements of profit contributed to a process of radical fictionalizing even beyond the traditional boundaries of witchcraft literature. Such considerations increased dissonance in a work that struggled to get control over its obstinate subject. . . . but in such a way that he should afterwards disclaim the duty of passing sentence on her, deputing another judge in his place." Malleus maleficarum 3: 14.

5. The Contributions of Johann Spies to the Historia

Spies probably contributed more than just a letter of dedication. It is generally assumed that the title page and marginal glosses were his work. Taken as a whole, they may be seen as a final concerted effort to insure that the reader understands the text properly. The author of the glosses follows the action as if he were present and participating in the events narrated. Usually the glosses are purely descriptive, but sometimes they express considerable emotion. Chapter 6: Chapter 22: Chapter 24: Chapter 52: Chapter 53 Chapter 68:

[Faustus signing the pact]: O HERR Gott behiit. Teuffei du leugst, Gottes Wort lert anders hievon. Denn es war nur eine lauter Phantasie oder träum. Der Teuffei feyrt nicht. [At the second signing of the pact]: Behiit Allmächtiger Gott. [When Faustus addresses his friends before he dies]: Deß Teuffels Brüder; Judas Rew.

In his preface of 1598, Spies uses the phrase "Es feyret wol der Satan auch nicht," and indicates by choice of expression, if not by any originality of wording, that he could well be the author of the glosses. What is common to these responses is intensity, engagement, and zeal, presenting the modern reader with an incongruous situation. The printer, fully aware of the deliberate inventions of his text, responds to the events as if they had really occurred. Is it all a pretense? Deceptive manipulation of the reader? Or is it excessive piety, after all? Was it possible to participate in the creation of a fantastic narrative of half-truths and deliberate fiction and then proceed to take it seriously as if it were a real threat to life and soul? As fantastic as this paradoxical behavior may seem, it was not far from the common experience of sixteenth-century life. It was this process that authorities promoted in persecuting witches: creating conditions of horrible crimes and guilt, then justifying radical measures to eradicate the causes that they themselves had created. Deliberate invention and manipulation combined with piety to threaten

158 and force society to submit to the control of authority. Spies and his collaborators) carried out on another plane what was a matter of course in the daily trials that took place in those days. If Spies did not sincerely believe that the events of his book had happened, he did believe that they could have happened; they were similar to events he had heard about. If the deliberate inventions of the Faust story reflect business considerations, the expressions of piety in the glosses were intended to overshadow them and leave the reader with the final impression of a religious message. If we take the evidence of Spies's career seriously, we have to accept the frame and context he assigned to the adventures of Faustus as a sincere effort. In taking the diabolical magic of Faustus seriously, Spies had Luther's support and a long tradition of theoretical witchcraft theories, exempla handbooks for preachers, and the popular schreckliche newe Zeitungen. Spies did not act alone; he represented a long-standing tradition that stressed the existence of diabolical phenomena and the need to warn against it. Georg Lukács reflected on the crystallization of the Faust figure from the Lutheran struggle against dangerous tendencies. Denn alle Überlieferungen der Faust-Sage stammen "aus Feindesland": es sind Lutheraner, begeisterte Anhänger der Reformation, die die Renaissance-Legende—die tragischen Konflikte der schrankenlosen Forderungen des aus dem Mittelalter befreiten Menschen nach Allwissenheit, nach unbeschränkter Aktivität, nach unbegrenztem Genuß des Lebens—vom Standpunkt der religiösen Sündhaftigkeit solcher Bestrebungen behandelten, die aus dem tragischen Helden der Renaissance ein abschreckendes Beispiel modelten.1 Lukács sees the image of Faustus evolving from a long struggle. His interpretation supports the view that Spies did not act alone; the Historia simply gave a new form to an old struggle in which many participated. One could debate whether there really was a Renaissance legend or tragic hero, to which Spies and the enemies of magic were responding. Within the long tradition of stories about Faustus in Wittenberg, starting with Luther, people saw Faustus in terms of his dealings with the devil. 2 They identified him with such Renaissance magicians as Trithemius and Agrippa, who, like

Baron, "Georg Lukács" 14. Baron, "Georg Lukács" 22.

159 Faustus, were in league with the devil. With Weier's and Lercheimer's attacks on learned magic, the sinful ambitions of the Renaissance magician were conjured up. In this sense, Lukács might be close to the mark when he sees the Faust story as a condemnation of the tendencies or ambitions to enjoy limitless activities, knowledge, and pleasure. Trithemius, Agrippa, Paracelsus, and other Renaissance magicians might be seen to represent such ambitions. The Historia articulates these tendencies in terms of the Formula of Concord. At the end, Faustus laments the tendencies that brought him to his inevitable downfall: the excessive reliance on reason and free will ("Ach Vernunfft vnd freyer Will"). 3 The Formula of Concord, which Spies published in Heidelberg and wanted to publish again in Frankfurt, condemned these ambitions.4 The preface, "Vorred an den Christlichen Leser," has the character of a sermon. It begins with a description and condemnation of diabolical magic, written in the style of Luther's pronouncements on that topic.5 Biblical quotations abound, and only at one point does the author quote a contemporary source. He uses anecdotes from Weier's De praestigiis daemonum to illustrate that dealings with the devil are punished brutally by the devil himself. The quotation cannot be used as evidence that the author was particularly well acquainted with Weier's views or that he agreed with his theories of witchcraft. Weier serves as a convenient resource.6 Weier's book appeared in a new edition, as a companion volume to the witchcraft compilation De venificis in 1586. Spies's competitor in Frankfurt, Nicolaus Basse, printed both works, and the two together probably contributed to essential source material for the preface as well as for the book. The preface to the Historia is not signed. The consensus is that the author was a Lutheran minister. Robert Petsch, for example, assumes that this is the case when he describes the authors of the two parts as one and the same FUssel and Kreutzer 114.

Die Bekenntnisschriften 776-781. FUssel and Kreutzer 183. Luther writes: "Wiewol alle Sünde sind ein Abfall von Gottes wercken, damit Gott grewlich erzürnet vnd beleidiget wird, Doch mag Zeuberey, von wegen jres Grewels, recht genant werden, crimen laesae Maiestatis diuinae, ein Rebellion, vnd ein solch Laster, damit man sich fumemlich an der Göttlichen Maiestet zum höchsten vergreift.'' Füssel and Kreutzer 218. Conrad Lautenbach, who wrote an introduction to one of Weier's works, shows that it was possible to recommend Weier forreadingwithout necessarily sympathizing with all his theories. As Lautenbach describes Weier's contribution, there was not much provocation involved. Lautenbach takes the controversial edge from the work. See pp. 33-34 above. The Historia owes to Weier and Lercheimer the link between learned and diabolical magic, but the spirit of tolerance that motivated Weier is not evident in the story of Faustus.

160 person: . . . er war höchst wahrscheinlich ein lutherischer Geistlicher und seine Vorrede ist eine rechte Strafpredigt wider die Zauberei." 7 Similarly, Hans Henning quotes from the preface about necessary precautions, but he sees no need to make distinctions about authorship: "Ja, der Autor war sich bewußt, daß selbst diese massive Warnung noch nicht ausreichen möchte. Er hat deshalb gefährliche Beschwörungsformeln im Text ausgelassen. Zusammengefaßt werden diese Gedanken noch einmal im letzten Absatz der 'Historie.'" 8 The view that the author of the preface was the author of the entire book seems persuasive. The assertions at the end of the preface certainly imply a strong control over and involvement with the text of the Historia. Damit aber alle Christen, ja alle vernünfftige Menschen den Teuffei vnd sein Fürnemmen desto besser kennen, vnnd sich darfür hüten lernen, so hab ich mit Raht etlicher gelehrter vnd verstendiger Leut das schrecklich Exempel D. Johann Fausti, was sein Zauberwerck für ein abscheuwlich End genommen, für die Augen stellen wöllen[.] Damit auch niemandt durch diese Historien zu Fürwitz vnd Nachfolge möcht gereitzt werden, sind mit fleiß vmbgangen vnnd außgelassen worden die formae coniurationum, vnnd was sonst darin ärgerlich seyn möchte, vnnd allein das gesetzt, was jederman zur Warnung vnnd Besserung dienen mag. 9 The author of the preface claims to have made the decision to make the story available to the public, and before publication he takes it upon himself to exclude original material or even to excise certain sections. Finally, he is able to promise his readers that he will soon provide a Latin translation. Because the preface documents its sources, in contrast to the narrative of the Historia— and this tendency sets it apart from the narrative that follows—the preface has

Petsch xliii. Henning, Historia Iii:. Mana E. Müller also makes the same assumption: "Der anonyme Autor führt diese gegenläufigen Intentionen bereits in seinerx Vorred and den Christlichen Leser' als gewissermaßen apriorische Koordinaten ein." Müller, "Der andere Faust" 573. Müller is in agreement with Heidrun Opitz on this question. Cf. Heidrun Opitz, "Die Historia von D. Johann Fausten von 1587," in: Winfried Frey et al., Einführung in die deutsche Literatur des 12. bis 16. Jahrhunderts (Opladen, 1981) III: 242. Klusemann agrees with the view that the preface is written in the style of a sermon. Eberhard Klusemann, Sprache und Stil als Mittel der Textkritik. Untersuchungen zur "Historia von D. Johann Fausten" (editio princeps von 1587) (Diss. Marburg, 1977) 91. Füssel and Kreutzer 12.

161 the obvious function of providing the basis for judging diabolic magic. This function makes a scholarly approach appropriate.10 The literal interpretation of the dedication and the preface allows us to reconstruct the sequence of events leading to the publication of the Historia. 1) Responding to general interest, Johann Spies makes repeated inquiries among his scholarly acquaintances whether a book about Faustus existed. 2) At last, a good friend in Speyer sends him a manuscript with the request that Spies publish the work as a frightening exemplum and warning. 3) The friend in Speyer writes the preface, indicating that he had consulted scholarly acquaintances about publishing such a book, that he eliminated provocative passages, and that he would soon provide a Latin translation. This sequence assigns an active contribution to the friend in Speyer, and it raises the question of his identity once more. Hans Henning has reviewed attempts to solve the question of authorship; it becomes evident that they generally lack supporting evidence. 11 Helmut Häuser's proposal that Conrad Lautenbach might have played an active role in the shaping of the Historia provides what other theories have not had, texts for comparison. Lautenbach probably participated in the process of censorship that preceded publication. Having worked closely with Spies in Heidelberg and continuing to do so in Frankfurt, he also fulfills the requirement of a good friend.. But Lautenbach did not reside in Speyer; he lived in Frankfurt. Even more problematic is that his texts do not show the stylistic features characteristic of the Historia.'s prose. 12 A literal interpretation of the introductory segments forces readers to conclude that the author lived in Speyer. There is no doubt that Spies had friends there. As early as 1574, Spies had contacts with Friedrich Ochsenkopf, a printer from Speyer. In 1586, Nicodemus Frischlin, working closely with Spies (publishing four different works in that year) visited Speyer

10

11

12

It should be pointed out, however, that the details given about Faustus's death do not agree precisely. Whereas the preface reports the devil's killing Faustus by twisting his neck, the text itself provides no such detail. The preface draws here on the exempla tradition that included the influential biographical sketch by Manlius. He considers Magister Andreas Frey, a teacher in Speyer and a writer linked to Wilhelm Werner von Zimmern. Henning, Historia xl-xlii. Häuser, "Zur Verfasserfrage" 151-173. Similar objections can be raised against Häuser's more recent suggestion of Sebastian Brenner. Helmut Häuser, "Sebastian Brenner, Bearbeiter der Historia"' Günther Mahal (ed.), Die "Historia von D. Johann Fausten" (1587) (Vaihingen: Melchior, 1988) 37-51.

162 on two occasions. 13 Somewhat later, at the latest in 1602, Spies's son Johann Philipp Spies established a press in that city. 14 Any interpretation of the Historia must take account of the possible existence and crucial role of the "friend in Speyer." On the other hand, that kind of interpretation povokes a number of questions. There is the possibility that the unnamed "friend in Speyer" was fictional to protect those most responsible for the book. After all, a publication such as the Historia entailed risks, as a number of contemporary reactions clearly demonstrated. 15 Questions are justified, especially about the last passage of the preface and the last phase of the events before publication. 1) Why did the author of the preface have to consult scholarly persons before publication? In his dedication Spies indicates that this is something that he himself was doing. 2) Why does the author of the preface speak of concern about public's reaction? Was this not a matter for Spies, the printer and publisher, to worry about? 3) If the author of the preface was the author of the entire book, why did he eliminate parts of it? Was this not again a matter for Spies to worry about, decide, and carry out? After all, he had to deal with questions of censorship and negotiate about it with the council of ministers and the city council. 4) Was it not Spies's business to promise the publication of a Latin translation of the Historial

These questions suggest that the author of the preface was encroaching on Spies's areas of responsibility. The final assertions of the preface appear more logical and appropriate if we assume that the author of the remarks was not "the friend in Speyer" but Spies himself. 16 The manner in which the preface n

14

15 16

Frischlin made contact with Bishop Eberhard von Dinheim (later Frischlin dedicated his edition of Horace to him), Georg Ulrich von End (Kammergerichtsassessor), and Thomas Friedberger (Hofsekretär). StraiiB, Leben und Schriften 364-374. Johann Philipp Spies signed a petition in Frankfurt in 1602 as a citizen of Speyer. Gerber, "Johann Spies," p. 34. Cf. Berga·, "Neue Funde," p. 69. For that year there is a record of requests by Johann Philipp Spies for imperial privilege to print books, österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Impressoria, Karton 67, fol. Ulr-119v. Cf. Kastner. "Valentin Kobian und Johann Philipp Spies" 19S-201. Müller, Romane 1363. Harry Gerber assumes that Spies was the author of the "Vorred an den Christlichen Leser" and then goes on to formulate his hypothesis that Spies was probably the author of the text of the Historia as well. Geiber 32 and 34.

163 expresses the act of consulting scholarly advisors can be ascertained as an expression that Spies liked to use. I have italicized what Spies and the author of the preface express with very closely related words.

Spies Preface Dedication

Historia

Historia

hob ich nicht vnterlassen bey

so hob ich mit Raht etlicher

Gelehrten vnd verständigen

gelehrter vnd verstendiger Leut

Leuten nachzufragen . . . mit

das schrecklich Exempel D.

begeren, daß ich dieselbige als ein

Johann Fausti, was sein

schrecklich Exempel...

Zauberwerck für ein

durch

den öffentlichen Druck

abscheuwlich End genommen,für

publicieren vndfürstellen wollte

die Augen stellen wollen

Preface Paradeißgärtlein 1588 vielen guthertzigen, verständigen vnd gelehrten Leuten The polite plea of the "friend in Speyer" described in Spies's dedicatory letter appears to contradict the authoritative assertions of the preface. But if we assume that Johann Spies wrote the dedication as well as the preface, these two introductory segments present a coherent logical unit. Both express intensity of feeling about the value and the purpose of the book. Spies, who by his inquiries initiated the project, dedicates the book and then, after the dedication, also takes the steps that protect it after printing. He emphasizes that he had consulted responsible people. Spies makes sure that the content does not offend religious sensibilities and asserts his right to publish a Latin translation. Above all, he establishes the sermonizing tone that characterizes the beginning and end of the Historia.

164 If we consider the six other available German dedicatory letters of Spies's, we observe that each combines the dedication and preface into a single unit. In every case Spies provides details about his book, pointing out its religious meaning and justifying its publication in terms of biblical texts. The Historia is unique for Spies in that it contains an isolated letter of dedication. In this case Spies appears to have made special arrangements about the preface, for which he ordinarily assumed responsibility with great zeal. The argument that the preface is crowded with quotations from the Bible and appears to be the work of a minister, though the dedication lacks this dimension, has been used to separate the author of the dedication from that of the preface. 17 The awareness of Spies as an intensely religious person who could write in the style of a minister puts this question in a different light. We see him as a printer and publisher intent on making all his books serve the cause of Christianity. The addition of thirteen biblical passages on the subject of diabolical magic in his 1588 edition of the Historia suggests the same tendency. The form of Spies's other prefaces suggests that here he simply separated into two parts what he was accustomed to doing in a single introductory text. By leaving the second unit unsigned he removed from himself the ultimate responsibility for the details in the book; he had an escape clause. Although this line of argumentation does not eliminate a role for the friend in Speyer, it does remove him from the authorship of the preface. The thesis that Spies was the author of the preface forces us to revise the postulated sequence of events. Accordingly, Spies might be seen as the one who again consulted scholarly acquaintances and acted on their advice, eliminating provocative passages. Because Spies was required to submit his work for censorship, it is likely that he sought support from influential citizens of Frankfurt.18 The unavoidable threat and pressure of censorship makes it likely that he took precautionary measures. The assertion that potentially risky passages had to be excised refers to just such a measure. We need not take the promise of a Latin translation seriously. Such a work never appeared But the promise indicated the desire to have readers consider this publication worthy of scholarly interest. Whether the thesis of Spies's authorship of the preface is accepted, it is a fact that closely coordinated formulations of purpose link the dedication, the 17

18

"Der Stil zeigt deutliche Unterschiede zur Widmungsvorrede von Spieß. Im Predigtstil der Zeit abgefaßt. Die zahlreichen rhetorischen Mittel (Sentenzen, Exempel) legen es nahe, in dem Verfasser dieser Vorrede einen Geistlichen zu vermuten." Füssel and Kreutzer 183. See pp. 61-62 above. The Frankfurt records of the censor for the period in question have been lost.

165 preface, and many sermonizing chapters of the Historia. The evidence justifies the conclusion that the final coordinating effort probably took place in Frankfurt under Spies's supervision. The view that Spies played a major role in the rewriting of the sources is not original. Thomas Mann, for example, asserted that Johann Spies probably compiled the entire Historia, basing his view primarily on the Spies's dedication, the text of the story, and his understanding of its background in the history of printing. Nach Erfindung der Buchdruckerkunst im 15. Jahrhundert war der Stoffhunger groß für den neuen, so breite populäre Möglichkeiten bietenden Apparat. Das müßigste Zeug war eben recht, die sensationelle junge Technik zu speisen, und um nur zu produzieren, machte der Drucker oft selbst den Verfasser. So ist das älteste FaustBuch, vom Jahre 1587, wahrscheinlich vom Buchdrucker Spies in Frankfurt selbst kompiliert.19 Mann's hypothesis is difficult to prove or disprove. The awareness of Spies's career, background, interests, and religious zeal does not necessarily make Mann's opinion more convincing. Harry Gerber, who wrote a short biographical sketch of Spies in 1950, arrived at the same conclusion as Mann did. Like Mann, he provided little solid evidence for his argument that Spies was the author. 20 The fact that Mann's and Gerber's views have been generally ignored shows that more evidence is needed before they are taken seriously. Despite the lack of desirable evidence, the thesis of Spies's authorship for the sermonizing and polemical parts of the Historia deserves consideration. To attempt to prove on the basis of stylistic analysis that an anonymous text was written by a certain author is risky. For the modern reader it is easy to detect in Spies's prefaces a characteristic tendency to elaborate with clusters of synonyms. The same tendency can be ascertained for the Historia, at least for the segments that are not taken from other sources. This common trait appears to call for an elfort to employ a statistical study to prove or disprove 19

Thomas Mann, "Uber Goethes "Faust,1" in: Schriften und Reden zur Literatur, Kunst und Philosophie (Frankfurt Fischer, 1968) 2: 299. "Damit kann man wohl auch auf den in der Vorrede ungenannten Bearbeiter einen Schluß ziehen. Seine betont streng lutherische Einstellung kann für Spies selbst zutreffen, da sie zu seinen sonstigen Verlagswerken vortrefflich paßt. Die Darstellung von Fausts Wirken als abschreckendem Beispiel für die Christenheit liegt ganz in der Denkungsart von Spies begründet Die teilweise unkritische Verwertung gelehrter Dinge entspricht seinem Bildungsgange." Gerber 34.

166 Spies's authorship. But if one examines the style of contemporary authors, one finds that Spies's prose was not unique, as it might at first appear, especially in contrast to the sources he uses. 21 Whatever results a statistical study would yield, its conclusions could be easily disarmed by the objection that Spies was one of many whose prose had similar features. The only conclusion that might survive such a debate is that Spies cannot be discounted as the author. That conclusion is possible even without the help of a statistical study of style. A strong argument that Johann Spies was indeed the author of the Historia is the close correspondence between his vigorous promotion of orthodox Lutheran positions throughout his career and the similar tendencies expressed and implicit in the Historia. A cursory comparison of Spies's writings and the text of the Historia confirms the existence of close parallels. Spies

Historia

Vorrede Der Psalter Dauids

Chapter 8

1583

Wiewol solches [Der Psalter Dauids] hernach die ungelehrten Mönche vnd Nonnen zu grossem Aberglauben vnd Abgötterey mißbrauchet, vnd ein vnverständig vnniitz Geplärr darauß gemacht...

Er [Mephostophiles] ging im Haus vmb wie ein feuriger Mann, daß von jm giengen lauter Fewerstramen oder Stralenf.] Darauf folgete ein Motter [Gebrumm, Gemurmel] vnd ein Geplärr, als wann die Mönch singen, vnnd wüste doch niemand, was für ein Gesang war.

Hermann Gumbel uses the Historia extensively as one of its sources, and for that reason his study is particularly valuable. Hermann Gumbel, Deutsche Sonderrenaissance in deutscher Prosa. Strukturanalyse deutscher Prosa im sechzehnten Jahrhundert (Frankfurt Diesterweg, 1930; repr. Olms, 1965). Emil Dickhoff, Das zweigliedrige WortAsyndeton in der ältere ι deutschen Sprache (Berlin: Mayer & Müller, 1906). Although Hans Pliester's study fiicuses on the Baroque period, it covers the sixteenth century. Hans Pliester, Die Worthäitfung im Barock (Bonn: Röhrscheid, 1930).

167 The quotation from the preface of Spies's 1583 edition of the Psalms reflects the historical view of a pious Lutheran that ignorant monks, representing Catholicism, misused or distorted their musical heritage. Their destructive activities are seen in stark contrast to Martin Luther's valuable contributions to church music. Mephostophiles, appearing to Faustus in a monk's garb, appropriately brings with him in chapter 8 music that reminds one of the senseless clatter (Geplärr) that monks make. Both texts clearly draw on a tradition of Lutheran polemics. There is no need to assume that the same sentiment and imagery stem from the same person. But the precise correspondence in word and thought certainly emphasizes that the two texts express close agreement. This agreement should be seen in relationship to the repeated statements, by both Spies and the author, that the life of Faustus is an example of diabolical evil and that it serves as a warning to all Christians. The author of the Historia presents the account of Faustus's life as a reliable historical document. The wording used in the devil pact has the legalistic language that Spies himself used in his letter of recommendation for Nikodemus Frischlin. Spies, 1588 Letter for Frischlin

Dessen hab ich mich zu warem Vrkund mit eigener hand vnderschrieben . . .

Historia Chapter 6

Zu festem Vrkund vnnd mehrer Bekräftigung, hab ich diesen Receß eigener Hand geschrieben, vnderschrieben . . .

Such correspondences of commonplace words or phrases cannot help to solve the question of authorship. But if many correspondences exist in the context of strong ideological parallels, they certainly confirm at least a close collaboration between Spies and the author. It is difficult to imagine that the book could have been written without a series of consultations. The purpose of this study has been more modest than to attempt to identify the author of the Historia. If the anonymous author was able to keep his secret from his contemporaries, the secret is not likely to emerge 400 years later. Nevertheless, Johann Spies was the publisher and printer. It was his book in many respects; in his dedication he makes a special point of his personal interest. He claims to have discovered the possibilities of the topic; his

168 inquiries acted as a catalyst. The policies of his press set the conditions for books that appeared in it, guaranteeing that the story of Faustus would promote the positions of "pure" religion, that is, those of militant Lutheranism. Spies's career presents an influential background and context for the Historia. The origins of the Historia cannot be reduced to a simple formula or a single frame of reference. A best seller meant different things to different people, and the Historia offered something for almost everyone. Above all, it put the story in touch with universal human problems. Just as the career of Spies forms the context for the Historia, so the phenomenon of diabolical magic and the persecution of witches in the sixteenth century forms the background for the plot. As the early reactions to the Historia show, this subject could become provocative in unpredictable ways.

Fear of such

consequences is implied in the preface and best explains the retreat of the author into anonymity.

Censorship asserted itself even before the book

appeared. These backgrounds and influences form the outlines for the powerful currents of persecution, religious zeal, and profit interests; these currents converged at the point when the Historia was bom.

III. Appendix

1. The German Prefaces and Letters of Johann Spies

The extant writings of Johann Spies are primarily occasional prefaces to the books he printed. The fact that he wrote prefaces for certain books indicates that he attached special significance to those publications; the Historia belongs to this relatively small category. Because of its general availability, the preface to the Historia is excluded here. The following selection includes prefaces with possible relevance to the Historia. Whenever the Latin prefaces appeared pertinent, I have treated them at the appropriate point in the discussion of Spies's career. Most Latin prefaces relate to legal questions: Friedrich Schenk von Tautenburg, Commentarii duo (1584); [Heinrich Schilbock] Commentarius ad institutionum libros iuris civilis (1584) [two editions with different prefaces]; Matthaeus Entzlin and Valentin Forster, Disputationes iuridicae duodecim (1584 & 1585); and Johannes Schneidewein et al., Illustres, aureae, solemnes, diuque exoptatae quaestionum variorum apud iuris utriusque interpretes controversarum decisiones & discussiones (1599). A notable exception to this specialization is Spies's preface to Nikodemus Frischlin's In A. Persii Falcci satyras, eruditae et elegantes paraphrases, quae vice commentarii esse possunt (1587). Since it has been impossible to locate all works that Spies printed, the search for other prefaces by Spies cannot be considered closed. To facilitate comparisons with the Historia, the original German texts have been reproduced with minimal changes: most virgules have been replaced by commas, and the umlaut has generally taken the place of the small e above vowels. Obvious abbreviations (such as uñ for und) have been written out. The following abbreviations indicate where the original works are found: "E" for the University Library of Erlangen; "H" for the University Library of Heidelberg; "M" for the Bavarian State Library of Munich; "W" for the Herzog August Library in Wolfenbüttel.

172 I. Johann Clauß. Der Psalter deß Königlichen Propheten Dauids Reimenweiß, allen Liebhabern Christlicher Lehr, sonderlich aber der Jugendt zu gut, in Druck verfertiget. Heidelberg: Johann Spies, 1583. H. [Vorrede] Dem Durchleuchtigsten vnd Hochgebornen Fürsten vnd Herrn, Herrn Ludwigen, Pfaltzgraffen bey Rhein, deß Heiligen Röm. Reichs Ertztruchsessen vnd Churfürsten, Hertzogen in Bayern, etc. Meinem gnädigsten Churfürsten vnd Herrn. Gottes Gnade vnd Segen, sammt hertzlicher Wündschung eines glückseligen neuwen Jars, beyneben vntertheningster Erbietung meiner schuldigsten vnnd gehorsamsten Dienste zuvor. Durchleuchtigster Hochgeborner Gnädigster Churfürst vnd Herr[.] Es müssen alle Gottselige Hertzen, die sich jemals in H. Göttlicher Schlifft gevbet, vnd etwas Verstandts darinn erreichet haben, bekennen, daß der Psalter Dauids ein sonderlich Kleinot in der Christlichen Kirchen, vnd nicht der geringsten, sondern fürnembsten Bücher eins in der Heiligen Bibel sey. Dann wiewol er im ersten Anblick schwer vnnd vnanmutig scheynet, so ist es doch nur vmb den ersten Anfang zu thun, biß man der geistreichen Wort deß hocherleuchten geistlichen Poeten Dauids, ja der Sprach deß H. Geistes selber etlicher Massen gewohnet. Alsdann wirt er zu eytel Zucker, daß man sein nicht satt oder müde werden kan, sondern je öffter man drinn lieset vnnd studieret, je mehr man Lust vnnd Lieb darzu gewinnet. Dann gleich wie man in einen wolgepflantzten Lust: vnd Würtztgarten allerley Gattung von schönen Bäumen, guten Kräutern, wolriechenden Blumen, alles in mancherley Gestalt, Färb vnd Krafft: In einer wolbestellten Apotecken, allerley kräfftige Artzney wider allerley zufällige Kranckheiten vnd Gebrechen: Vnd in einem wolgerüßten Zeughauß allerley Wehr, Waffen vnd Kriegrüstung wider die Feinde zu suchen vnnd zu finden hat: Also findet man auch in dem Psalter Dauids herrliche Propheceyen vnd Weissagungen von Christi unsers Seligmachers Person, Ampt, Reich vnd Gutthaten: Nützliche Lehr von allen Artickeln Christliches Glaubens vnd Wandels: Gebet in allerley Nöthen vnd Anligen: Dancksagung für alle empfangene Gnaden vnd Wolthaten: Vnd endtlich Trost wider alle Anfechtungen, wie die jmmer Namen haben mögen. Da ist vberal nichts vergessen oder außgelassen, was einem Gottseligen Menschen zu wissen, zu glauben vnnd zu thun von nöhten ist. Derhalben dieses Büchlein, als ein kleine Bibel, wol wehrt, daß man es fleissig lese,

173 singe, vnnd in alle andere nützliche Weiß vnd Wege vbe. Das haben auch die heiigen Lehrer der ersten Christlichen Kirchen gemeynet, da sie den Psalter Dauids, für allen andern Büchern, täglich in allen Stifften vnd Klöstern zu lesen vnd zu singen verordnet haben. Vnd wiewol solches hernach die vngelehrten Mönche vnd Nonnen zu grossem Aberglauben vnd Abgötterey schändlich mißbrauchet, vnd ein vnverständig vnnütz Geplärr darauß gemacht, da sie mehr auff die Noten vnnd mancherley Tonos deß Gesangs, dann auff den Verstandt vnnd rechten Gebrauch deß Psalters gesehen haben: So ist doch der Psalter Dauids durch etliche fürtreffliche Männer, die Gott zur Reformation der Kirchen vnnd Schulen in diesen vnsern letzten Zeiten erwecket vnnd gebrauchet hat, widerumb in seine rechte Vbung gebracht, vnd also angerichtet, daß man denselbigen nu in allen Sprachen lesen, verstehen vnnd singen kan. Darzu dann D. Martin Luther nicht wenig geholffen, als der den Psalter nicht allein in recht gut Deutsch gebracht, vnd der H. Psalmen viel mit nützlichen Predigten vnd Außlegungen erkläret, Sondern auch die fürnembste Psalmen in Reymen vnd Gesangsweiß gestellet, dem hernach andere gefolget, vnnd die vbrige Psalmen in Reymen vnd liebliche Melodey gebracht haben. Der gantze Psalter Dauids, von Paulo Dolscio in Griechische, Von Eobano Hesso aber vnnd Cornano in Lateinische Verß gestellt: Also hat auch Johan Clauß, weyland Brandenburgischer oberster Secretarius, sich vor Jahren an dieses treffliche Büchlein gerichtet, vnd dasselbige in deutsche Reymen gebracht, vnnd jedes mal also parphrasiert, vnnd jhm selbst appliciert, daß man sich vber deß Mannes grossen Fleiß, hohen Verstandt vnnd sonderliche Gottseligkeit zu verwundern hat. Also haben wir nu den gantzen Psalter Dauids durch Gottes Gnaden in allen Sprachen, beydes in Prosa, Verß vnd Gesangsweiß, vnd darzu jedes auff mancherley Art, daß jhn ein jeder nach seiner Andacht vnd Gelegenheit, in vnd ausser der Kirchen, nützlich lesen, beten vnd singen kan. Gott gebe vns solches nur auch danckbarlich zu erkennen, vnnd recht zu gebrauchen. Dieweil dann E. C. G. ein sonderlicher Liebhaber deß Psalters Dauids seyn, vnd auß hohem Verstände vnnd täglicher Vbung, vnnd eigener Erfahrung erkennen, daß keine Arbeit in vielgedachtem Psalter vergebens sey, vnd für andern die deutsche Reymen gemeldtes Secretary, vber die Psalmen Dauids, jn dermassen gelieben lassen, daß sie nicht allein Herrn Conrad Lauterbachen, Predigern in der Statt allhie, gnädigst aufferlegt vnd befohlen, dieselbigen zu vberlesen, mit dem Original zu conferieren, vnd, wo von nöthen, zu verbessern, Sondern auch gnädigst von mir begert, denselbigen von newem wider auffzulegen vnnd zu drucken[.] Also hab ich E. C. G. Andacht vnnd Christliche Wolmeynung keines Wegs hindern, sondern die

174 Arbeit vnd den Kosten gern daran wenden, vnd diesen Psalter zum vnterthänigst Gehorsam wider aufflegen vnnd nachdrucken sollen vnnd wöllen. Verehre E. C. G. denselbigen hiemit zu einem glückhafftigen seligen neuwen Jar, mit vnterthänigster Bitt, sie wöllen diesen meinen angewandten zimlichen Fleiß vnnd Kosten in Gnaden auff vnd annemmen: E. C. G. vnd dero Junge Herrschafft hiemit dem Allmächtigen in seinen Vätterlichen Schutz vnnd Schirm, vnd deroselben auch mich zu beharrlichen Gnaden vnterthänigst befehlend. Datum Heidelberg, den I. Januarij, Anno, etc. 83. E. C. F. G. Vnterthenigster, Johan Spies Buchdrucker

II. Luther, Martin. Vom H. Abendtmal D. Martini Lutheri Erweisung. Daß diese Wort Christi (Das ist mein Leib, etc.) noch fest stehen, wider die Schwärmgeister. Frankfurt am Main: Johann Spieß, 1586. E. [Vorrede] Dem Ehrenvesten, Achtbarn vnd Wolweisen Herrn Philippo König, deß Durchleuchtigen Hochgebornen Fürsten vnd Herrn, Herrn Reicharts Pfaltzgraffen bey Rhein, Hertzogen in Beyern, etc. Raht vnd Diener. Gottes Genade, meinen Gruß vnnd Dienst zuvor, Ehrnvester, Achtbarer, Wolweiser Herr, großgünstiger lieber Gevatter[.] Es haben mich in nächst verschienen Franckfurter Fastenmeß etliche fürnemme Herren von frembden Orten gebetten, das Büchlein D. Martin Luthers (daß diese Wort, das ist mein Leib, etc. noch feststehen) wider auffzulegen, vnd auß dem alten Exemplar nachzutrucken auch sich erbotten, ein namhafftige Summa der getruckten Exemplar gegen gebürlicher Bezahlung von mir zunemmen, vnd vnter sich vnd jre gute Freunde außzutheilen. Dann sie es dafür halten, wie auch an jhm selber war, obwol D. Martin Luther viel guter vnd nützlicher Bücher von dem H. Abendtmal geschrieben, so hab er doch in dieser Schrifft den besten vnd einigen Grundt wider die Zwinglische vnnd Caluinische Schwermerey gelegt, vnnd die rechte Lehr von der waren Gegenwertigkeit deß wesentlichen Leibs vnnd Bluts Christi in dem H. Abendtmal, das hie vnten auff Erden gehalten wirdt, dermassen erwiesen vnd erhalten, daß es allen Sacramentierem bißher

175 vnmüglich gewesen, etwas warhafftiges vnnd gründliches, das den Stich halten könte, darwider auffzubringen. Dieweil mir dann nicht zweiffeit, gemeldes Buch werde den Tittul, den einmal bekommen, mit der That erhalten, vnd in alle Ewigkeit war bleiben, daß die Wort Christi (das ist mein Leib) nicht nur ein lehre Figur vnnd Bedeutung deß im Himmel, als an einem gewissen Ohrt sitzenden, aber von dem außgetheyleten Brodt vnd Wein im H. Abendtmal so weit als Himmel vnd Erden von einander, weit abwesenden Leibs vnd Bluts Christi, nach Zwinglischer vnnd Caluinischer Weiß zuverstehen, sonder eygendtlich auch die ware Gegenwertikeit deß waren vnnd wesentlichen Leibs vnnd Bluts Christi auff sich tragen, wie D. Martin Luther in diesem Büchlein außführlich darthut, hab ich jhnen jre ziemliche Bitt desto weniger abschlagen sollen oder wöllen. Damit ich aber nicht allein gemeldten Herrn nach jhrem Begeren, sonder auch vielen andern Christen, denen der Streit vom H. Abendtmal nicht zum Besten bekannt, vnd die sich offtermals bereden lassen, als ob D. Martin Luther, oder zum wenigsten Herr Philippus Melanchthon, vnnd andere Sächsische Theologen, noch bey Leben D. Luthers, in der Lehr von H. Sacramenten zu den Zwinglianern vnd Caluinisten getretten, vnd sie für jhre Brüder angenommen vnd erkennet, zu jrer Notturfft dienen vnd wilfahren möchte, hab ich auch neben gedachtem Büchlein etliche Protestationes D. Luthers, daß er der Zwinglischen Meynung nie gewesen, auch zu ewigen Zeiten nimmermehr werden könne oder wölle, sampt beiden Historien von dem Gespräch zu Marpurg Anno 1529. vnd der Concordi zu Wittenberg zwischen den Sächsischen vnd Oberländischen Theologen, auff Erinnerung vnnd Gutachten etlicher guthertzigen Leut, auß den Publicierten Actis auffs trewlichst vnd kürtzest zusammen gefasset, vnnd dem Christlichen Leser vmb besserer Nachrichtung willen, vnd zu Ableynung vieler erdichter reden, mit angehencket. Dieses gefertigte Handtbüchlein nun, Ehrnvester Großgünstiger Herr Gevatter, vberschicke E. E. ich hiemit auß sonderlicher Lieb vnnd Freundtschafft vnd zur Anzeig meines geneygten Willens gegen E. E. Dann ob mir wol bewust[,] daß dieselbige dieses meines Diensts für andern so hoch nicht bedürffe, Sintemal ich E. E. durch Gottes Gnaden in allen Artickeln der Christlichen Lehr, vnnd sonderlich in dem Streit von dem H. Abendtmal dermassen gefasset vnd gegründt weiß, daß sie ehe alles thun vnd leiden, dann von der einmal erkannten vnd bekannten Warheit abweichen würde, vnd solches schon allbereit vor zweyen Jaren in der Religions Enderung zu Heydelberg vnd in der Churfürstlichen Pfaltz mit der That erwiesen, in dem

176 sie lieber jhren Ehrenstandt in der Churfiirstlichen Cammer Cantzeley zu Heydelberg, vnd allerhandt gute Gelegenheit vber bestendiger Bekanntnuß der Warheit fahren lassen, dann mit Annemmung vnnd Bemäntelung der in heyliger Göttlicher Schrifft, reiner Augspurgischer Confession, vnnd Religions frieden verworffener Gegenlehr jhr selbst ein böß Gewissen, GOTTES Zorn vnnd Straff wissendtlich auffladen wollen: So hab ich doch meinen guten Willen vnnd danckbar Hertz gegen Ε. E. etlicher massen anzeigen, vnd hiemit zum wenigsten bezeugen wollen, daß ich auch selbs noch wie allwegen, beydes in allen Weltlichen Sachen gute Corresponded, vnd auch in Religions Sachen die Einigkeit deß Glaubens mit Ε. E. begere zuhalten. Dann ich ja so bald nicht vergessen soll vnd kan, was grosser Ehr vnnd Freundtschafft E. E. mir damals erzeigt, als sie sich erbitten lassen, meinen Jüngern Sohn Johann Philippum den 8. Julij, Anno, etc. 84. nach Christlichem Brauch auß dem Tauff zuheben, vnnd sich hoch zuverpflichten kiinfftig im Fall der Noht, auch das vätterlich Ampt mit guter Lehr vnd Zucht neben vnnd nach mir an jm zuverrichten. Vnd erkenne mich demnach schuldig, bins auch von Hertzen geneigt, E. E. vnd derselbigen gantzen Haußhaltung widerumb nach meinem besten Vermögen, mit Haab, Gut, Leib vnd Leben zu dienen, wo vnd wenn ich kan, vnnd wozu ich gut bin. Dieweil ichs aber zu dieser Zeit nicht besser vermag, So bitte ich, E. E. wölle mit diesem Handtüchlein für lieb nemmen, vnnd mein großgünstiger Herr Gevatter vnd Befürderer seyn vnd bleiben. Thue hiemit mich vnd die meinen E. E. vns aber beyderseits, sampt ewer lieben Haußfrawen, meiner freundtlichen lieben Gevatterin vnd lieben Kindlein, zu diesen letzten bösen vnnd gefährlichen Zeiten, in den gnädigen Schutz vnnd Schirm deß Allmächtigen Gottes, durch CHristum vnsern Heylandt, befehlen. Datum Franckfurt am Mayn, den 10. Tag Julij, Anno 1586. E. E. Dienstwilliger Gevatter Johann Spieß Bürger vnd Buchdrucker daselbst.

177 III. Roßbach, Conrad. Paradeißgärtlein, darinnen die edelste vnnd fürnembste Kräuter nach ihrer Gestalt vnd Eigenschafft abcontrafeytet, vnd mit zweyerley Wirckung, leiblich vnd geistlich, auß den besten Kräuterbüchern vnd H. Göttlicher Schrifft zusammen geordnet vnd beschrieben sind. Frankfurt am Main: Johann Spieß, 1588. W. [Vorrede] Den Ehm vnd Tugentreichen Frauwen, Ivstinae Weissin, gebornen Holtzhäuserin, deß Ehrenvesten vnd wolweisen Herrn Georgii Weissen von Lympurg, jetzt regierenden alten Herrn Bürgermeisters allhie zu Franckfurt, Ehelichen Haußfrawen. Vnd denn auch der Ehrn vnd Tugendtreichen Frauwen Margarethae Kellnerin, gebornen Newhäuserin, deß Ehrnvesten vnnd Hochgelehrten Herrn D. Henrici Keinen, dieser Stadt Syndici, Ehelichen Haußfrawen. Gottes Gnad vnd Segen, beneben mein willigen Diensten jeder zeit bevor, sampt Wündtschung aller glückseligen Wolfahrt zu Leib vnnd Seel, Ehrenreiche vnd Tugendthaffte Frauwenf.] Es spricht Syrach in dem 38. Capitel: Die Artzney kompt von dem Höchsten, der Herr lest sie auß der Erden wachsen, vnnd ein Vernünfftiger verachtet sie nicht. Gott hat solche Kunst den Menschen gegeben, daß er gepreyset würde in seinen Wunderthaten. Damit heylet vnd vertreibet er die Schmertzen, vnd der Apotecker machet Artzeney darauß. Mit welchen Worten der fromme Lehrer erstlich anzeiget, woher die Artzeney jhren Vrsprung vnnd Anfang habe, nemlich auß der Erden, die allerley Gewächß, Bäume, Stauden vnnd Kräuter mit vnterschiedlichen Namen, Farben Eygenschafften, Geruch vnnd Wirckung, herfür bringet, darauß hernach allerley Safft vnnd Wasser distilliert vnd außgepresset, Puluer zubereitet, vnd zu der Artzeney praepariert vnd temperiert werden. Dabey läßt es aber der H. Mann nicht bleiben, Denn die Erde für sich selber nicht deß Vermögens ist, solche vielfältige vnd köstliche Simplicia auß eygenem Trieb fortzubringen, Sonder er suchet den Vrsprung der Artzeney noch weiter, vnd schreibet sie dem ewigen vnd einigen wahren Gott zu, als der nicht allein anfanglich die Erde nach seiner unendtlichen Weißheit vnd Allmacht erschaffen, sonder sie auch gesegnet vnd mit so mancherley Gewächsen besamet, vnnd fruchtbar gemacht, wie Moses Genesis am ersten sagt: GOtt sprach: Es lasse die Erde auffgehen Graß vnnd Kraut, das sich besame, vnnd fruchtbare Bäume, da ein jeglicher nach seiner Art Frucht trage, vnd habe

178 seinen eygen Samen bey jhm selbs auff Erden, vnd es geschach also. Ja er erhaltet nicht allein solche Fruchtbarkeit der Erden, vnd lasset noch jährlich allerley Bäume vnnd Kräuter auß der Erden wachsen, sonder schaffet vnnd erwecket auch Leut, die sich der mancherley Erdtgewächß mit Lust annemmen, derselben Vnterscheidt, Eygenschafft vnd Wirckung nachfragen, vnd durch seine Gnade erlehrnen die Artzeney darauß zubereiten, vnd den Vnerfahrnen zeigen vnd applicieren können, Wie Syrach auch sagt: GOtt hat den Artzt erschaffen. Item: Er hat den Menschen die Kunst gegeben. Das heißt ja die Artzeney vnnd die Erdtgewächse, darauß die Artzeney gemacht wirdt, hoch gelobet vnd gerhümet. Zum andern lehret Syrach auch, daß ein Mensch die von Gott erschaffene Artzeney in fürfallenden Kranckheiten vnd Leibsschwachheiten mit gutem Gewissen wol annemmen vnnd gebrauchen könne vnd solle, vnnd spricht: Wenn du kranck bist, so verachte diß nicht, Sonder bitte den HERRN, so wird er dich gesundt machen, etc. Vnnd nach dem er die Krancken zur Büß vermahnet, sagt er: Laß den Artzt zu dir kommen, dann der HERR hat jn geschaffen, vnd laß jhn nicht von dir, weil du sein doch bedarffest. Wie dann auch der Prophet Esaias den König Hiskia nicht allein zu einem seligen Sterbstündlein bereitet, Sonder jhm auch ein Pflaster von Feigen auff seine Drüse legen läßt, auff daß er wider gesundt würde. Vnnd sind die keines wegs zu loben, sondern als vnverstendige Leut auß Gottes Wort zustraffen, welche die Artzeney verachten, vnd als vnnützllich vnd vnnötig widerrhaten vnnd verwerffen. Dann ob es wol an jhm selber wer, daß Gott einen gesunden Menschen auch wol ohne Artzeney bey Gesundtheit erhalten, oder von zufelliger Kranckheit wider erledigen kan, So sollen wir doch Gott nicht versuchen, sonder die erlaubte vnnd gezeigte Mittel brauchen, vnd nichts desto weniger vnser Gesundheit vnd Kranckheit, ja vnser Leben vnd Todt, zu Gottes Willen stellen. Zum dritten, zeigt Syrach auch an zweyerley Nutz vnd Brauch der Artzeney, so auß der Erden wächset. Nemlich, daß sie vns erstlich zu erhaltung vnd widerbringung unser leiblichen Gesundtheit dienen soll, wie er sagt: Damit heylet vnd vertreibet er die Schmertzen, vnnd der Apotecker machet Artzney darauß. Dann weil Menschliche Natur nach dem Fall vnserer ersten Eltern vmb der Erbsünde willen, auch von wegen der täglichen vnnd wircklichen Sünden so viel vnnd mancherley Kranckheit, vnd den Todt selbst vnterworffen ist, so will sich dennoch Gott der Bußfertigen widervmb erbarmen, vnnd durch das Mittel der Artzeney viel Kranckheiten vnd Leibschäden gnädiglich vorkommen oder vertreiben, wie geschrieben stehet, Job. 5. Gott verletzet vnd verbindet, Er zerschmeißt, vnd seine Hand heylet,

179 etc. Item Jac. 5. Ist jemandt kranck, der ruffe zu sich die Eltesten von der Gemein, vnnd lasse sie vber sich betten, vnnd salben mit Oele, in dem Namen deß HERRN, vnnd das Gebett deß Glaubens wird dem Krancken helfen, vnd der HERR wirdt jhn auffrichten, vnnd so er hat Sünde gethan, werden sie jm vergeben seyn. Darnach daß wir auch GOTtes Krafft darauß erkennen, vnd jn in seinen Wunderthaten preysen lehrnen, das ist, wie S. Paulus Rom. I. sagt, Gottes vnsichtbares Wesen, seine ewige Allmächtigkeit vnnd Gottheit darauß ersehen. Welches ist der Geistliche Nutz vnd Brauch, den wir von den schönen, wolgefärbten, lieblichen vnd wolriechenden Blümlein vnd kräfftigen Kräutlein oder Gewächsen suchen vnnd nemmen sollen, nemlich, daß wir auß den sichtbaren vnd wolbekandten Creaturen die vnsichtbare vnnd von Natur vnbekandte Geheimnuß vnnd Haußhaltung Gottes zu unserer Lehr, Trost, Vermahanung vnd Besserung betrachten, vnd daher zur Danckbarkeit, Glauben, Lieb, Hoffnung, Gedult vnd allen Christlichen Tugendten gereitzet werden sollen. Wie vns denn Gott gemeiniglich die Geistliche Artzeney wider die Sicherheit, Vnglauben, vnd andere Sünde, durch eusserliche Mittel vnnd leibliche Creaturen fürbildet vnnd lehret, Als Exempel weiß darvon zureden: Wer schwach vnnd kranck ist an dem Glauben, vnd mit der Bauchsorge angefochten wirt, der schawe an die Lilien auff dem Felde, wie sie wachsen, sie arbeiten nicht, auch spinnen sie nicht, Ich sage euch, sagt Christus Matth. 6. daß auch Salomon in aller seiner Herrligkeit nicht bekleydet gewesen ist, als derselbigen eins. So denn Gott das Graß auff dem Felde also kleydet, das doch Heut stehet, vnd Morgen in den Ofen geworffen wird, solt er das nicht viel mehr euch thun, O jhr Kleingläubigen? Wer an der Krafft deß Euangelij vnnd seines schwachen Glaubens zweiffeit, der bespiegele sich an einem Senffkom, welches das kleinest ist vnter allen Samen, wenn es aber erwachset, so ist es das grossest vnter dem Köl, vnd wird ein Baum, daß die Vogel vnter dem Himmel kommen, vnd wohnen vnter seinen Zweigen. Vnd höre weiter was Christus saget, Matth. 17. So jhr Glauben habt, als ein Senffkorn, so möget jhr sagen zu disem Berge, Hebe dich von hinnen dorthin, so wird er sich heben, vnd euch wird nichts vnmüglich seyn. Vnd Luc. 17. Wenn jhr Glauben habt als ein Senffkorn, vnd saget zu disem Maulberbaum, reiß dich auß, vnd versetze dich inns Meer, so wirdt er euch gehorsam seyn. Vnd Matth am 17. Wer mit Stoltz, Hoffart, Vermessenheit vnd Hoffnung langes Lebens angefochten wirdt, der lasse ein Graß auff dem Feldt, das früe blüet vnd bald welck wirdt, vnd deß Abends abgehauwen wirt vnnd verdorret, seine Doctor vnd Artzet seyn, vnd nemme mit Danck das Recept Esaiae 40. an: Alles Fleisch ist Heuw, vnd alle seine Güte ist wie ein Blum auff dem Felde. Das Heuw verdorret, die Blum verwelcket. Denn deß HERRN Geist blaset

180 drein. Item Psal. 90. Das macht dein Zorn, daß wir so vergehen, vnnd dein Grimm, daß wir so plötzlich dahin müssen. Also vermanet vns der Weyrauch zum Gebett, der wolriechende Balsam zur Einigkeit, Psal. 133. vnnd kurtz darvon zureden, gleich wie ein jedes Stäudlein vnd Kräutlein, es seye so klein oder groß als es jmmer kan, in der eusserlichen Artzney seine sonderliche Krafft vnnd Wirckung hat, Also hat es auch seine Bedeutung, Nutz vnd Brauch zu der Seelen Artzeney. Von der leiblichen Artzeney wöllen wir jetzund weitläufftiger nicht sagen, dieweil hievon viel vnd grosse Kräuter vnd Artzeney Bücher in öffentlichem Truck vorhanden sind. Aber von dem Geistlichen Brauch der Erdtgewächß, Stauden vnnd Kräuter hab ich nie keinen sonderlichen Tractat gesehen, vnd doch allwegen gewündtschet, daß sich etwann ein gelehrter vnnd erfahrner Mann dieser Arbeit vnterstünde, der die heimliche vnd Geistliche Deutung der fürnemmesten Kräuter und Gewächß, der H. Göttlichen Schafft gemäß, zusammen vnnd in ein Ordnung brächte, vnd da sich niemand finden wöllen, hab ich zuletzt den Ehrwirdigen vnd Wolgelehrten Herrn Conradum Roßbach, Pfarrherrn zu S. Johanns Berg in der Wetteraw, vermögt vnd erbetten, diese Arbeit auff sich zu nemmen, vnnd der Christenheit zu gutem, vnd sonderlich denen, so jhren Lust vnd Freude haben mit Garten, Kräutern, Blumen, vnnd gebrendten Wassern zu nützlicher Erjnnerung, den Anfang machte vnd ein Prob stellete. Welches er auch geleistet, vnd wie vor Augen, zu forderst eines jeden Krauts Krafft vnd Wirckung in der leiblichen Artzeney auß den bewährtesten Kräuterbüchern, darnach auch seine Geistliche Deutung vnd Gebrauch sein kurtz vnnd darmit es desto anmühtiger were, Reimen weiß verfasset. Dieweil dann mit dieser Arbeit nicht allein mir, sonder vielen guthertzigen, verständigen vnd gelehrten Leuten ein gut Benügen vnnd Wolgefallen geschehen, auch das Werck den Meister selber loben wirdt, so hab ich nicht vnterlassen können oder wöllen, dieses wolgerüstete Paradeiß Gärtlein, mit künstlichen vnnd wolgerissenen Figuren zum besten zugerüstet, in den Truck zuverfertigen, vnd männiglich zu seinem Nutz vnd Christlicher Kurtzweil mitzutheilen, der Hoffnung, es werde jhm jederman, bey des obgemeldtes Herrn Roßbachs wolgemeynte Arbeit, wie auch meinen angewendten zimblichen Kosten, gefallen lassen, vnd sich dessen zu seines Leibes vnd der Seelen Gesundtheit gebrauchen. Dieses kurtze vnd nützlich Wercklein aber, Ehrn vnd Tugendreiche Frauwen, hab ich E. E. vnd T. für andern dedicieren vnd zuschreiben wöllen, dieweil nicht allein derer Gottsforcht, Ehrbarer Wandel vnd Tugendt in der gantzen Stadt wolbekandt vnd berhümet ist: sondern auch mir vnnd meiner

181 lieben Haußfrauwen von E. E. vnnd T. selbsten, vnd dann auch deroselben lieben Voreltern vnd Freunden viel Liebs vnd Guts, Ehr vnd Treuw begegnet vnnd widerfahren. Wie vns dann, Ehr vnnd Tugentreiche Frauw MARGARETHA, noch nicht vergessen, auch nimmermehr vergessen soll, was Gutthaten meiner Ehelichen Haußfrauwen von Ehrenvesten vnnd Wolweisen Herrn Georg Newhausen, Weilandt Rahtsverwandten vnnd Schöpften allhier, E. E. vnnd T. vielgeliebten Herrn Vattern, da jrer in jhrer Schwachheit vnd Kranckheit nicht als einer Dienerin, Sondern als deß Kinds im Hauß gewartet worden, darzu denn Ε. Ε. T. selbsten zu jeder zeit mit allerley Handreichung das beste gethan haben. Deßgleichen sind vns auch Ehr vnd Tugentsame Frauw IVSTINA, von Weiland dem Ehrnvesten Junckherrn Conrad Weisen, Euwer E. vnd T. vielgeliebtes Herrn Brüdern, vnnd seiner Haußfrawen seligen, bey dem wir vnsern Christlichen Kirchgang mit einander gehalten, vor, in vnd nach der Hochzeit viel Gutthaten bewiesen vnd erzeigt worden. Weil dann, Ehr vnd Tugendthaffte Frawen, wir beyde gegen E. E. vnd T. weiland vielgeliebte Eltern vnd Freunde (dieweil sie nunmehr in Christo seliglich entschlafen) vns, wegen oberzehlten Wol vnnd Gutthaten nicht danckbar haben erzeigen können: Als haben wir gleichwol je vnd allweg auff Mittel vnd wege gedacht, wie wir vnser danckbares vnd wolgemeyntes Gemüht mit etwas gegen E. E. vnd T. als noch lebende nechste Gefreundinnen, erklärten vnd erzeygten: Habe demnach E. E. vnnd T. ich gegenwertiges geringschätziges Kräuterbüchlein oder ParadeißGärtlin vor andern sampt vnd sonders dedicieren vnd verehren wöllen, vnterdienstlich bittende, E. E. vnd T. wöllen es zu günstigem Gefallen von mir auff vnd annemmen, den Willen für die Werck erkennen, vnd mein danckbarlichs Gemüht darauß prüfen: Ferner auch Meiner vnd der meinen zum besten eingedenck seyn vnd bleiben. Thue hiermit E. E. vnd T. beneben deroselben vielgeliebten, wie auch meinen Großgünstigen gebietenden Herrn, sampt allen jhren Haußgenossen, in den gnädigen Schutz vnd Schirm deß Allmächtigen empfelen. Datum Franckfurt am Mayn, auff des H. Apostels Matthiae Tag, welcher war der 25. Februarij, im Jahr, nach der Gnadenreichen Menschwerdung vnsers einigen Erlösers vnnd Seligmachers Jesu Christi, M.D.LXXXVIII. E. E. vnd T. Allzeit Williger Johann Spieß, Bürger vnd Buchtrucker daselbst.

182 IV. Letter of Spies for Nicodemus Frischlin. Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart. A 274 (Tübingen) Bü 47, fol. 21r. Ich Johannes Spies bürger vnnd buchdrucker zu Franckfurt, bekenne hiemit für mich vnd alle meine Hausgenossen, daß der Ehrwnvest vnd hochgelarte Herr Nicodemus Frischlinus medicinae D[octor] et Poeta laureatus Anno 86 die ganze Zeit hero, als er bey mir zu Franckfurt in meiner druckerey, etlich monat lang, wegen seiner Bücher, die ich nun in öffentlichen druck in zimlicher anzall gedruckt, ehrlich, nüchtern, bescheiden vnd aller gebür nach gegen menniglichen verhalten, daß seinerhalben von keinem menschen nit einige klage iemals endstanden vnd er die ganze Zeit mit der Conectur (ohn daß er von Franckfurt abgefordert wordenn, da der Nomenclátor seines beywesens am allerbesten bedorfet hat) mit allem vleiß abgewartet. Daß dieienigen, welche ihn also vnd dergestalt, wie er sich bey mir beklagt, bey ehrlichen leuten außtragenn, ihme, so viel mir vnd all den meinen bewust, mit aller vnwarheit an seinen ehren nicht wenig verlezenn vnd mir vnd den meinen nicht einen geringen verdruß damit beweisen, welches ich vnd die meinen für unsere personen zu seiner gelegenheit unvindicirt nicht werden hingehen lassen. Dessen hab ich mich zu warem Vrkund mit eigener hand vnderschrieben, vnder meinem gewonlichem petschaft. Datum Franckfurt, den 24. Novemb. An[no] 88. V. Aegidius Hunnius. Grändtliche vnd außführliche Beweisung. [Translation of Articulus de sacramentis] Frankfurt am Main: Johann Spieß, 1591. W. An den gutwilligen Leser. Christlicher, guthertziger Leser, es hat der Ehrwirdige vnd Hochgelehrte Herr Doctor Egidius Hunnius, mein freundtlicher lieber Herr Gevatter, die nechst verschiene Herbstmeß, seinem Tractat vnd Vnterricht von den H. Sacramenten, eine sehr nützliche Vorrede, vom rechten Verstandt der Augspurgischen Confession, vorgesetzet, vnd darinn gründtlich erwiesen, beydes, daß die Zwinglianer vnnd Caluinisten der Augspurgischen Confession von Anfang niemals beygepflichtet, vnd sich demnach auff den heutigen Tag derselbigen fälschlich, vnd allein zum Schein vnd Bemäntelung jhrer grewlichen vnd Gotteslästerlichen Irrthummen, wider jhr eigen Gewissen, berühmen vnnd mißbrauchen. Vnd nach dem sichs im Werck befindet, daß mit gedachtes Herrn Doctoris Praefation, wie dann auch mit dem gantzen

183 Buch, vielen guthertzigen Leuten wol gedienet, vnd ich auch seither zum offtern mal von hohes vnd nidgrigs Standts Personen gebetten worden, dieselbige Praefation zuverteutschen lassen, vnd sonderlich zutrucken: So habe ich nicht vnterlassen sollen noch wollen, auff jhr fleißiges Anhalten, gemeldte Vorrede nicht allein in Teutscher Sprach, wie sie durch den Ehrwirdigen vnd Hochgelehrten Herrn Ieremiam Vietorem, der H. Schrifft Doctorn, vnd Pfarrherrn zu Glessen, transferirt worden, sonder auch insonderheit allen frommen Christen zum besten, vnd der Warheit zu gutem, durch den öffentlichen Truck mitzutheilen. Vnd bitte demnach, jedermann wölle jhm diese meine Wolmeynung, Fleiß vnd Emst der Kirchen Christi zu dienen, gefallen lassen, vnd sich deroselbigen zu Gottes Ehren, vnd eigener Wolfahrt seliglich gebrauchen. Thue hiemit vns alle dem Allmächtigen, getreuwen, vnnd barmhertzigen Gott, inn seinen Vätterlichen Schutz vnd Schirm, durch Christum befehlen, Datum Franckfurt am Mayn, den 16. Martij, Anno M.D. XCI. Johann Spieß Bürger vnd Buchdrucker daselbst VI. Martin Chemnitz, Richtige, vnd inn H. Schrifft wolgegriindte Erklärung, etlicher hochwichtiger vnd nötiger Artickel vnser Christlichen Religion, in sonderliche Tractat vnd Predigten gefasset. Frankfurt am Main: Johann Spieß, 1592. W. Vorrede Dem Ehrenuesten vnd wolweisen Herrn, Maximiliano zum Jungen, RahtsVerwandten vnnd Schulherren zu Franckfurt, meinem Großgünstigen Junckern vnd freundlichen lieben Geuattern. Gottes Gnad, meinen Gruß vnnd Dienst zuvor, Ehrenuester Juncker, Freundlicher lieber Geuatter[.] Es ist wol zu erbarmen vnd hefftig zu beklagen, daß zu vnsern letzten Zeiten, bey solchem hellen Liecht deß H. Euangelij, so viel seltzame vnnd vngleiche Meynungen, von den fürnembsten Artickeln vnser Christlichen Religion, nit allein bey dem gemeinen Pöfel, sonder auch wol vnter den Gelehrten entstehen, vnd beyds mündlich vnd schrifftlich außgebreitet vnd fortgepflantzet worden. Welches dann eygenüich deß Teuffels Werck ist, dardurch er nicht allein rohe vnd sichere Leut in jrer Vnachtsamkeit stärcket, vnd zu Vernichtigung aller Religion vnd Gottesforcht anreitzet, sondern auch wol guthertzige Leut, denen die Ehr Gottes vnd jhr

184 eygene Seligkeit angelegen, durch solche Zwytrachten offtermal so jrr vnd bestürtzet macht, daß sie sich entweder einsmals von der Warheit zu der Lügen abwenden, oder jhe zum wenigsten anfahen zu zweiffein, welches Theil recht oder vnrecht lehre, glaube vnd bekenne. Hergegen aber ist es ein sonderlich Gnade vnnd Gutthat Gottes, die in Ewigkeit nimmermehr weder mit Gedancken gnugsam ergründet, noch mit Worten nach Notturfft kan gepriesen werden, daß Gott, der da wohnet in einem Liecht da niemandt zu kommen kan, 1. Timoth. 6. vnd den niemandt jemals geshen, Johan. 1. sich selbst in seinem H. Wort, den Schrifften der H. Propheten vnd Aposteln, den Büchern altes vnd newes Testaments zu erkennen gegeben, vnd beydes sein Wesen vnd Willen vns Menschen geoffenbaret, auch mit runden vnd klaren Zeugnissen erkläret, was von allen vnd jeden Artickeln zu wissen, vnzweifflich zu glauben vnnd sicherlich zu bekennen, wie der Apostel 2. Pet. 1. sagt: Wir haben ein festes Prophetisches Wort, vnd jhr thut wol, daß jhr darauff achtet, als auff ein Liecht, das da scheinet in einem tunckeln Ort, biß der Tag anbreche, vnd der Morgenstern auffgehe in euwern Hertzen. Vnd der Königliche Prophet Dauid bestättigts mit seinem eygenen Exempel, daß ein Mensch, der sich mit warem Ernst an Gottes Wort halte, in Religions Sachen etwas Sattes vnnd Gewisses haben könne. Dann also spricht er: Psal. 119. Du machst mich mit deinem Gebott weiser, denn meine Feinde sind, dann es ist ewig mein Schatz. Ich bin gelehrter, denn alle meine Lehrer, dann deine Zeugniß sind meine Rede. Ich bin klüger, denn die Alten, dann ich halte dein Befehl, etc. Dein Wort macht mich klug, darumb hasse ich alle falsche Wege. Dein Wort ist meines Fusses Leuchte vnnd ein Liecht auff meinem Weg. Wann dann der barmhertzige Gott nach seiner grundtlosen Güte, seiner lieben Kirchen vnd Christenheit, auch fromme Gottselige vnd eyfferige Lehrer bescheret, vnd sie mit dem H. Geist vnnd Göttlicher Weißheit begäbet, daß sie die mancherley Geister prüffen, die Wahrheit bezeugen, vnd die Jrrthmb offenbaren vnd widerlegen können, so hat man jhm so viel desto mehr dafür zu dancken, vnd sich derselben hocherleuchten Diener vnnd Außleger der H. Schrifft, zu mehrer Versicherung zu gebrauchen, vnd jhre Arbeit zu raht zu halten. So ist derhalben zu diesen letzten, betrübten vnnd verwirrten Zeiten das vnser beste Trost vnd Freuwd, daß wir erstlich Gottes Wort, lauter vnd vnverfälschet in allerlley Sprachen haben vnd lesen mögen, Darnach, daß vns Gott jeder Zeit auch erfahrne vnd treuwe Lehrer, Propheten, Euangelisten vnd Seelsorger bescheret, welche vns nicht allein den rechten Weg zur Seligkeit auß Gottes Wort weisen, sonder auch für Jrrthumben vnd Abwegen warnen

185 können vnd wöllen. Vnd wil vns demnach gebühren, daß wir nicht allein die H. Bibel mit sondeim Fleiß lesen, sondern auch auff die reinen Lehrer vnd Außleger der H. Schrifft gute Achtung haben, vnd jhre nützliche Arbeit danckbarlich gebrauchen, wie der Apostel 2. Timot. 3. vermahnet: Bleibe in dem, das du gelern[t] hast, vnd dir vertrauwt ist, Sintemal du weist, von wem du gelernet habest, vnnd weil du von Kindt auff die heylige Schrifft weissest, kan dich dieselbige vnterweisen zur Seligkeit, durch den Glauben an Christo Jesu. Dann alle Schrifft von Gott eyngegeben, ist nütz zur Lehr, zur Straff, zur Besserung, zur Züchtigung in der Gerechtigkeit, daß ein Mensch Gottes sey vollkommen, zu allen guten Wercken geschickt. Weil dann der ehrwürdige vnd hochgelehrte Herr, D. Martinus Chemnitius seliger, zu diesen vnsern letzten Zeiten, von Gott auch darzu erwecket ist, daß er die heylige Schrifft in jhren rechten Verstandt erkläre, die Warheit münndlich vnd schrifftlich fortpflantze, die Jrrthumb entdecke, vnd jederman dafür warne, Vnd er auch in solchem seinen befohlenen Ampt nach aller frommer vnd verständiger Leut Zeugnuß fleissig vnd treuw gewesen, vnd viel bey der Religion gethan, so wil es ja der Kirchen Notturfft vnd Erbawung erfordern, daß man dieses hocherleuchten, in der heyligen Schrifft hochverständigen, vnd in der H. Vätter Schrifften vnd den alten KirchenHistorien wolgeübten vnd erfahrnen Theologi Schrifften, Predigten vnnd Erklärungen vieler spennigen Glaubens Artickel in hohem Werth halte, vnnd vns selbs, die wir noch leben, zu Gutem, vnnd den Nachkommen zum Zeugniß, als einen sonderlichen Schatz beylegen. Auß diesen Vrsachen hab ich diese seine Bekäntniß vom H. Abendmal sampt etlichen andern nützlichen vnd wolgegriindten Predigten gleichsam in ein Handbüchlein zusammen fassen, vnd vnter E. E. Namen der Christenheit durch den Truck mittheilen wöllen, nit der Meynung, daß E. E. dieses Vnterrichts für andern bedürffe, sondern daß ich mich der vielfältigen Gutthaten vnd Christlichen vnd nachbauwrlichen Diensten, so E. E. vnd derselbige Ehegemahl, Christlicher Gedächtnuß, mir vnd den Meinen bewiesen, etlicher Massen eyngedenck, vnd dafür danckbar erzeigte. Zum andern, daß E. E. ich auch mit dieser Dedication, vnd sonderlich mit deß Herrn Chemnitij Seligen schönen Predigt von Auffrichtung vnd Bestellung Christlicher Schulen, zu den auffgetragenen newen Ehrenämptern gratulierete vnd Glück wünschete. Dann ich gern gehört, daß E. E. nit allein zu einem Rahtsherrn vnnd Vorsteher gemeiner Statt, sonder auch zum Scholarcha erwehlet vnd verordnet worden, vnnd bitte Gott, er wölle E. E. langes Leben vnnd beständige Gesundheit zu solcher hohen vnd löblichen Verwaltung gnädiglich verleyhen. Thu E. E. mich hiemit zu Dienst, vnd vns sammenthafft

186

dem Allmächtigen Gott zu Schutz vnd Schirm befehlen. Datum Frankfurt 6. Septemb. 1592. Ε. E. Dienstwilliger Johannes Spieß

VII. Johann Spies's letter requesting imperial printing privilege for six years to protect books described in an attached list, including a number of legal works by Christopher Henricus and Otto Melandrus. Österreichisches Staatsarchiv. RHR, Impressoria 67, fol. 128r-131r. The document granting the requested privilege by Emperor Rudolph II (dated September 19,1596 in Prague) is found preceeding Spies's letter on fol. 124r-125v. The letter is followed on fol. 132r-139v by another letter and enclosures by Spies, requesting protection of ten years for legal tracts by Petrus Friderus Mindanus and Nöe Meurer, a philosophical tract by Henningus Henricus Rennemanus, books on history by Augustinus Brunnius and music by Johann Magirus, and the Octo questiones ad Maximilianum by Johannes Trithemius. The document granting privilege (also on September 19, 1596) for this request is found Reichsregister Ks. Rudolf II. vol. 23, fol. 338r-339v. Allerdurchleuchtigster Großmechtigster vnndt vnvberwinddichster Kayser, allergnedister Herr. Euwer Kayß. May. gibt nechst Presentirung meiner gehorsambstenn Schuldpflichtigstenn dienst ich allervnterthenigst zu vernehmen, welcher gestalt mir, alß der ich nun ein Zeit hero allerhandt gute Authores vnndt Scribenten sonderlich in der Juristenfacultet nicht ohne schweren Vncostenn vnndt müh in offenen Truckh gegebenn, vnndt derhalben bey gelehrten hin vnndt wider in gutem bekhandt wordenn binn, newlicher Zeit zwen Neu we vnnd biß dahero noch niehmahlen Publicirte Tractät wie ab beiden Specificationen beygefügten litera Α. vnndt Β. mit mehrerm zuerkhennen, zu hendenn khommen seindt, welche ich in ahnsehungs derselben zu des H. Reichs Teutscher Nation vnnd sonderlichenn E. Kay. May. hochloblichen Cammergerichts vblichen Practick vnnd Observantz vberaus dienlich, sonsten aber weder E. Kayß. May. noch den hochlöblichen Stenden des Heyligem Reichs in ichtwas nachtheiligs sein, noch des Religionweßenn im wenigsten berürenn sollenn vnndt derowegen mir von viehlen fürtrefflichen Leuthen höchlich commendirt vnnd gerühmbt worden seindt[,] ehester gelegenheit vff meinen verlag truckhen zu lassen, nicht vngemeinet wehre.

187 Dieweihl ich aber wenn solchs geschehenn, in der sorglichen gefahr stehen müste, daß mir berürte bûcher, so bait die all durch meinen truck bekhandt werdenn, von andern heuffig heuffig [sie] nachgetruckt werdenn möchtefn], dadurch nicht allein meine Exemplaria vndistrahirt ligenn verpleibenn, sondern auch andere leuth ihren nutz aus meinem schwehrenn Verlag vnnd Wagnus schaffen würden, alles zu meinem vnuberwidlichenn verderblichen Schadenn. Derowegenn vnnd zu abwendung deßen E. Kay. May. allergnedigsten Prouision ich zum höchsten benotigt bin. Also ist hiervff mein aller vnterthgenigst gehorsambste bitt, E. Kayß. May. geruhen mir in erwegung ahngeregter vrsachen ein solch Kays. Priuilegium vnndt befreyung allergnedigst zu ertheilen, darinnen menniglichenn verbotten werde, bemelte beede Tractät ohne meinen Consens vf sechs jähr langh im H. Reich nirgends zu truckhenn, oder da sie außerhalb nachgetruckt, darinnen zu distrahiren mit oder ohne additiones Teutsch oder Lateinisch in großem oder kleinem Format, oder sonsten in einigerley Weyß, alles bey Verwirkhung einer gewißen benanten ausgetrucktenn Pöen vnnd ein einziehung aller Exemplarien. Dessen bin ich vrbiertìg mich ein erstat[t]ung der vnderschiedlichen Taxen vnndt Vbersendung etlicher Exemplarien der gebür allervnterthenigst zu erweißenn; auch hinfuro deß jenige so zu mehrung E. Kay. May. hoheit vnnd der loblichenn Teutschen Nation Ehr vnndt Rhumbs dienlich bey meinem [geringfügigen beruff mit der sterkhung meines eußersten Vermögens iederzeit mit höchstem vleiß zu befürdern, Vndt thue E. Kayß. May. in erwartung der allergnedigstenn Resolution dem allerhöchsten zu langwiriger Leibsgesundheit vnndt fridtfertiger Kayserlicher Regierunge mich aber derohalben zu Kays, miltesten Gnadenn alles vnterthänigst empfelen, E. Kays. May. Aller vnterthenigster Gehorsambster Johannes Spies Buchtrucker zu Franckfurt.

VIII. Martin Richter*, Chronicon oder Geschichtsbuch: Das ist: Beschreibung aller Bischöff, Ertzbischoffer, Patriarchen, und Bäpsten der Römischen Kirchen, item aller Keyser zu Rom, Constantinopel und in Teutschland, auch der Könige in Italia vnd Gallia, sampt andern Fürsten und Völkern deß Christlichen Namens, nach Christi Geburt an biß auff das Jahr 1556. [Followed by a so-called Appendix:] Georg Nigrinus, Continuatio und

188

Bekandtnuß, Zeugnuß, Lehr und Schrifften. Frankfurt am Main: Johann Spies, 1598. M. * The actual author of this work, as Schottenloher has shown, was the historian Adam Reissner. Karl Schottenloher, Jakob Ziegler and Adam Reissner. Eine quellenkritische Untersuchung über eine Streitschrift der Reformationszeit gegen das Papsttum (Munich: Wolf & Sohn, 1908) 38-40. Vorrede Dem wolgebornen Herrn, Herrn Heinrichen von Ysenburg, Graffen zu Büdingen, etc. Meinem gnädigen Herrn. Wolgeborner Graf, E. G. seyen meine jeder zeit willige Dienste, neben Wündschung GOttes Segens vnnd aller Wolfahrt zuvor. Gnädiger Herr: Als mir diß Historien Buch vor einem Jahr, aus einer namhafftigen berühmpten Liberey, von guthertzigen Leuten zukäme, so dafür hielten, es sey wol werth vnnd nützlich, daß es durch den öffentlichen Track auch anderen mitgetheilet werde: Hab ich es auch andern, der Historien erfahrnen vnd liebhabern gleichsfals gezeiget, vnnd gebetten, daß sie darzu mir behülfflich seyn wöllen, und sonderlich darzu vermöcht den Ehrwürdigen und Wolgelehrten Herrn, M. Georgium Nigrinum, Hessischen Superintendenten vnnd Pfarrherrn zu Echzel, welcher dann das ander Theil, oder den Appendicem, darzu colligiert, vnd biß auffs nächst verschienen Jahr zugerichtet hat, so auch auffs bäldest, als es jmmer müglich, noch von mir in Track verfertiget werden soll. Es ist nimmermehr zu vergessen, sondern hoch vil thewer zu halten, diese hohe Wolthat, da Gott der Allmächtiger dieser letzten bösen Welt, die Edle, aller nützlichste Gabe vnd Kunst der Buchtruckerey, auß sonderlicher Gnaden mitgetheilet, vnd damit viel guter nützlicher Bücher, wolfeil vnd gemein gemacht, die vorhin in dem Bapstthumb, da man sie alle schreiben muste, thewr vnd seltzam waren: Vnd hette man diese Kunst für tausend vnd mehr Jahren gehabt vnd gewust, wurden dadurch noch viel mehr köstlicher Bücher, so gar vmbkommen, erhalten worden seyn. Darvmb dancken wir Gott billich, für diese seine edle, vberauß nützliche Gabe, so vns reichlich vnd vberflüssig darreicht den Vorraht, die Mittel vnd Werckgezeug Göttlicher Gnaden, damit seine auffgethane Schatzkammer aller Künste, vnnd sonderlich seines Worts, so gemein gemacht hat, daß die meisten nicht mehr erkennen, vnd meinen, es müsse also seyn, vnd sey allwegen also gewesen. Es feyret wol der Satan auch nicht, vnd mißbrauchet diese herrliche Gabe GOttes auch zu seinem Vortheil, sein Reich zu befördern,

189 zu stärcken vnnd fort zu pflantzen, in dem er gleichsfals durch seine Werckgezeug, böse schädliche, verfiihrische, ärgerliche Bücher zurichten, vnnd durch den Track in die Welt außsträwen läßt. Dem aber trewe Lehrer vnd Seelsorger, vnd Oberkeiten abwehren, vnnd darwider fechten müssen, mit Christlichem Eiffer vnd Ernst, ein jeglicher an seinem Ort vnnd in seinem Standt: Seyndt aber auch in gleichem Urtheil vnnd Straffe die böse, schädtliche, ärgerliche Buchtrucker mit denen, so sie auß Augentriebe deß bösen Geistes, machen: Also dienen GOtt vnd seiner Kirchen die Buchtrucker, so gute, nützliche, heylsame Bücher trucken, eben so wol, als die sie machen. Auß dieser Zuversicht habe ich mich unterwunden, dahin zu arbeiten, daß dieß Buch in Track verfertiget worden, so ein Chronicon vnd Historienbuch genannt, darinnen der Author der Römischen Kirchen Standt, mit jhren Bischoffen, Ertzbischoffen, Patriarchen vnd Bäpsten, mit jhren Namen, Ordnung, Succession vnd Satzungen fumemblich begrieffen (ob er wol auch zugleich mit, der Keyser und Könige, so zu jedes Bapsts Zeiten gelebt, fürnembster Geschieht gedencket) Darauß zu vememmen, wann vnd wie der Antichrist in dieselbige eyngenist, sich erhaben, gehrrscht, vnd tyrannisiert habe: Dann dieser neben dem Mahomet vnd Türcken jetzt der grösten vnd schädtlichsten Feindt einer ist, deß Reichs vnsers HErrn Jesu Christi, vnd seines gläubigen Häuffleins. Diß ist der fürnembste Zweck vnd Ende, darauff der Author gesehen, vnd darbey auch den Leser hat erinnern wöllen, der wunderlichen Versehung vnnd Regierung GOttes in seiner Kirchen, welche er gleichwol tröstet, stärcket vnd erhält, vnter den mancherley Veränderungen vnnd Straffen der Welt, da sich offt ansehen läst, als wolte vnd müste alles zugrandt vnnd vntergehen, was recht, nützlich vnd heylsam ist seinem armen Häufflein, das er doch nicht gar trostloß verlässet, sondern spricht zu jhm, Esaie 34. Fürchte dich nicht, dann ich habe dich erlöset, Ich habe dich bey deinem Namen geruffen, du bist mein. Vnd am 49. Der HERR hat sein Volck getröstet, vnd erbarmet sich seiner Elenden: Zion aber spricht: Der HERR hat mich verlassen, der HERR hat meiner vergessen: Kan auch ein Weib jhres Kindes vergessen, daß sie sich nicht erbarme vber den Sohn jhres Leibes? Vnd ob sie desselben vergesse, so will ich doch dein nicht vergessen, spricht der HERR. Vnd dergleichen viel solcher Trostsprüche findet man bey dem Propheten, welche vbereinstimmen mit den Trostreichen Worten deß HErren Christi, Luc. 12. Fürchte dich nicht du kleine Herde, dann es ist ewers Vatters Wolgefallen, euch das Reich zu geben. Vnnd Johann. 14. Ich will euch nicht Waysen lassen, Ich komme zu euch. Ja er ist alle zeit seiner Verheissung nach mit vnnd by den seinen in der Noht, alle Tage biß an der Welt Ende, Matth. 28.

190 Darvmb förchten wir vns nicht, wann gleich die Welt vntergienge, vnd die Berg mitten ins Meer süncken: Wann gleich das Meer wütet vnd wallet, vnd von seinem Vngestiimme die Berge eynfielen: Dannoch solt die Statt Gottes fein lustig bleiben mit jhren Brünnlein, da die heyligen Wohnungen deß Höchsten seyndt. Gott ist bey jhr darinnen, darumb wirdt sie wol bleiben, Gott hülfft jhr frühe, etc. singet die Christliche Kirche mit Dauid, Psalm. 46. Aber diß ist nicht meines Ampts, sonder der Prediger, von welchen es E. G. täglich hören, auch selbst lesen, vnd sich gem in Gottes Wort vben. Meines Ampts vnd Beruffs ist, Bücher trucken vnd verkauffen, allen Predigern vnd der Christenheit mit zu dienen, wie gesagt: Ich hab aber E. G. diß Buch dediciern wöllen, weil der erst Author vor längst gestorben, der jetzige Renouator vnd Augmentator aber, M. Georgius Nigrinus, so ander Theil vnd den Appendicem zugericht, gleich darzu gerathen, vnd auff E. G. das Loß geworffen hat: Sintemal er venmercket vnd vernommen E. G. Eiffer vnd Ernst zu der Euangelischen Himmelischen Wahrheit, vnd daß E. G. ich zu der angestellten vnnd ins Werck gerichter Reformation Gottes Gnade vnd Segen wündsche, vnd von Hertzen bitte, daß der Allmächtige Gott E. G. mit guter Gesundtheit begäbe vnd stärcke, vnd das Leben noch lange friste, daß sie seiner armen Kirchen noch ein lange Zeit, inn diesem trawrigen Zustandt, da von den Secten alles zerrüttet vnd verwüstet vnd gleich in ein Hauffen geworffen wirdt, ein getrewer Nutritius vnd Pfleger seyn möge. Inmassen viel frommer Hertzen E. G. trewlich gönnen, vnnd hertzlich wündschen. Solchen mein guthertzigen vnd wolmeynenden Intent vnd propositum nun, wöllen E. G. von mir, wie ich dann vngezweiffelter Hoffnung bin, in allen Gnaden verstehn, vnd mein gnädiger Herr seyn vnd bleiben, Befehle hiermit dieselbige sampt dero geliebten Gemahlin vnd der gantzen Regierung, in Schutz deß Allmächtigen gnädigen Gottes: Der wölle das gute Werck, so er in E. G. angefangen, gnädiglich vol[l]führen biß an das Ende, vnd dergleichen andere mehr Hertzen der Obrigkeit erleuchten vnnd erwecken zu seines Göttlichen Namens Ehre, auch seiner hochbetrübten Kirchen zeitlicher vnd ewiger Wolfahrt, Amen. Geben zu Franckfort am Mayn, Anno etc. 1598. den 1. Aprilis. E. G. Dienstwilliger Johann Spies, Buchtrucker vnd Bürger daselbst.

191 IX. Letter of Johann Spies to his lawyer in Speyer, Dr. Johann Philipp Hurtter. August 21, 1609. The original letter is found in the Frankfurt City Archives, Reichskammergericht S 7048 XVII. This letter was published by Erna Berger in her article "Neue Funde zur Biographie des Frankfurter Buchdruckers Johann Spieß ( t 1623 in Gera)," Archiv für Frankfurts Geschichte und Kunst 53 (1973): 76-77. Ehrenvester, hochgelerter, insonders gunstiger Herr Doctor[.] Vor 8 tagen hab E. E. ich geschrieben und bericht, daß der Jud vor 14 tagen als dinstags den 8. Aug. die execution würcklich gethan und mir die gantz truckerei genommen hat undt dabeneben flenlich gebetten, E. E. wollen doch die notturfft darauff zu handien Ihr großgunstig urteill hieinnen, periculum in mora undt er dieselbige feylträget undt alle augenblick distrahiren will, angelegen sein lassen; weill mir aber keine antwort deßwegs zukommen, daß ich also nicht wissen kann, ob E. E. das schreiben eingehendiget oder nicht, als bitt ich nochmals dienstlich, mich doch in diesem fall nicht zu lassen, sondern großgunstig zu bedencken, daß mir alle meine wolfarth darauff stehe und derwegen die supplication pro mandato de restituendo vel non atiendo oder waß sonsten am furtreglichsten seyn mag, stellen zu lassen, ich wills hertzlich gern zhalen; dann mir hie niemandts gern, weil der rhat nitt interessili ist, dienen will. Weß ich mich nun dißfalls zu getrösten, bitt ich, mich unbeschwert großgunstig bey zei[te]n deß zu berichten, welcher protection E. E. hand trewlichen empfhelendt. Raptim Franckfurt den 21. Aug. anno etc. 1609. E. E. dienstwilliger Johann Spies, Buchtr.

2.

The Works Published and Printed by Johann Spies

The primary aim of the following chronological listing of works is to show the Historia von D. Johann Fausten in the context of the printing and publishing career of Johann Spies. Since the only available listing by Spies himself originates from the year 1596, a complementary source of information is needed for the earlier years during which the Historia appeared. A complete and precise reproduction of all title pages could serve as a solid base of orientation about the nature of Spies's career, but such an ambitious project did not appear to be justified in the context of a monograph with a focus on the relationship between Spies's life and work and the origins of the Historia. In order to present a clear and accessible overview, the titles of Spies's books had to be subjected to a certain degree of abbreviation and standardization. The list has been limited to works that appeared up to the year 1590. The excessive length of many titles has made it advisable to exclude information of minimal interest. In general, the style of this list follows that of the short title format of the British Museum catalogues. The uneven and decorative capitalization in German as well as in Latin has been abandoned. In Latin texts u has replaced ν in accordance with current usage; in German texts commas have generally replaced virgules, and umlauts appear instead of the e over vowels. Most abbreviations have been written out. Whenever information was obtained from the published listings of the Verzeichnis der im Deutschen Sprachbereich erschienen Drucke des XVI. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1983) or from the unpublished catalogues of this bibliographical project in Munich and at Wolfenbiittel, the abbreviated reference "VD 16" appears (the published volumes have allowed me to include VD 16 numbers for names and titles that begin with the letters A through R.). Other abbreviations are: "F' for the City and University Library in Frankfurt am Main; "FStA" for the City Archives of Frankfurt am Main; "H" for the University Library of Heidelberg; "L" for the British Museum, Library, London; "M" for the Bavarian State Library of Munich; "R" for the Vatican Library; and "W" for the Herzog August Library in Wolfenbüttel. An asterisk next to the name of a particular library indicates that I have been able to examine the work in question firsthand.

193

Books Printed in Frankfurt am Main

1580 1.

Albertus Magnus. De secretis mulierum, libellus, . . . eiusdem de virtutibus herbarum, lapidum, & animalium quorundam, libellus. Item de mirabilibus mundi. Publisher: Hartmann Hahn. F (Senckenbergische Bibliothek)*; cf. VD 16: A 1422. Bound together with no. 3 below.

2.

Amman, Jost and Tobias Stimmer. Der ander Theil deß newen Kunstbuchs, in welchem Reissen vnnd Mahlen zu lehrnen, allen Kunstliebhabenden zu nutz an Tag geben. Publisher Sigmund Feyerabend. F*; L; R. Vol. 1 was printed in Frankfurt by Peter Schmidt in 1578.

3.

[Aristoteles]. Problemata Aristotelis, ac philosophorum medicorumque complurium, ad varias quaestiones cognoscendas. Publisher: Hartmann Hahn. F (Senckenbergische Bibliothek)*. Cf. Eriiaid Klöß, "Der Frankfurter DruckerVerleger Weigand Han und seine Erben," Arch. f. Gesch. des Buchwesens, 2 (1959), 369. VD 16: Ρ 4890.

4.

[Aristoteles]. Problemata Aristotelis. Gründliche Erörterung vnnd Aufflösung mancherley zweiffelhafter Fragen. Publisher Hartmann Haha L; Marburg; cf. Klöß, p. 369. VD 16: Ρ 4905. Bauwren Practica, oder Wetterbilchle. Publisher: Hartmann Hahn. Cf. G. Hellmann, Die Bauern-Praktik 1508. (Berlin, 1896), pp. 13 and 23. VD 16: Β 831. Ein lustiges vnd sehr nützlichs Büchlin, darinn vermeldet, wie die Königin Frauw Venus mit ihren Gespielen, Frau Liebin, Frauw Stät, Frau Treuw, mit sampt Frauw Gerechtigkeit, Frauw Weißheit, Frauw Geistlichkeit etc. von wegen deß Pfennings in groß Elend kommen sind. (Listed in the catalogue of the Franklin! library without indication of location.) Heibach d. J., Wendelin. Carmen gratulatorium. In honorem nuptialem venerabilis, docti, et ornatissimi iuvenis M. Heinrici Sesleri Mülbergensis . . . and castissimae virginis Ottiliae Schreinerae Geraviensis. W*; VD 16: Η 1548.

5.

6.

7.

8.

Kramer, Nicodemus. Der Steg vnd Weg zum ewigen Leben. Wie man zum seligen Sterben sich bereiten, vnd mit warem Trost vnd Glauben, wider deß Todes Schrecken, durch den Todt zum Leben dringen sol. Hartmann Hahn. M*; VD 16: Κ 2218. Cf. earlier printings in 1563, 1571, and 1572, VD 16: Κ 2214-2217.

9.

Eine gar lustige History von Hertzog Ernst. Publisher: Hartmann Hahn. L; VD 16; cf. John Lewis Flood, The Survival of German "Volksbücher" (Diss.

194 London, 1980), 1,185. VD 16: H 2665. Cf. earlier printings by Weigand Han, ca. 1557-1558. VD 16: H 2662-2263. 10.

Mandeville, Sir John. Reysen vnd Wanderschafften: Durch das Gelobte Land, Indien vnd Persien. Publisher: Hartmann Hahn. University of Kansas Libraries*; L; VD 16: J 627.

11.

[Portenbach, Johannes Georg], Catalogus novus, nundinarum vernalium. VD 16: Ρ 4347. Cf. Gustav Schwetschke, Codex nundinarius. (Halle, 1850). p. XIII.

12.

Rabe, Ludwig. Christiichs Bettbiichlins ander Theil. Publisher: Johann Feyerabend. (Colophon: 1581) M*; VD16:R26. Reusner, Nikolaus. Picta poesis Ovidiana. Thesaurus propemodum omnium fabularum poeticarum, Fausti Sabaei Brixiani. Publisher Sigmund Feyerabend. W*; L; VD 16: R1471.

13.

1581 14.

Hondorff, Andreas. Promptuarium exemplorum. Das ist Historien vnd Exempelbuch. Publisher: Sigmund Feyerabend. Cf. Schade, H„ p. 695. VD 16: H 4742.

15.

Kirchhof, Hans Wilhelm. Wendvnmuth. Darinnenßnffhundert vnndfünfftzig höflicher, züchtiger vnd lustiger Historien, Schimpffreden vnnd Gleichnissen, begriffen, gezogen auß etlichen alten Scribenten vnnd Facetijs Heinrici Bebelij. Publisher: Johann Feyerbend. R ; V D 1 6 : K 9 5 1 . Earlier printings by Georg Rab and the heirs of Weigand Han in 1563 and 1565. VD 16: Κ 949-950.

16.

Paracelsus, Theophrastus. Fasciculus Paracelsicae medicinae. Publisher: Sigmund Feyerabend. M*; L. Rivander [Bachmann], Zacharias d. Ä. Düringische Chronica. Von Vrsprung vnd Herkommen der Düringer. F*; W*; Y; L; VD 16: Β 48. Rivander [Bachmann], Zacharias d. Ä. Der ander Theil Promptuarii exemplorum. [Printed with Sigmund Feyerabend] M*; F*; VD 16: Β 44. Duo volumina epistolarum obscurorum virorum. Publisher: Sigmund Feyerabend. M*; VD 16: E 1729. Cf. E 1730-1731. Cf. E. Böcking, Hutteni opera (Leipzig, 1869), Suppl. II, S. 16-17.

17. 18. 19.

1583 20.

Rosthius, Nicolaus. Fröhliche neuwe teutsche Gesäng, so zum Theil geistlich, ζ um Theil auch sonst kurtzweilig, mit vier, fiinff vnd sechß Stimmen, componiert. Publisher: Johann Spies. Printer: Christoph Rab. Hamburg*.

195 Books Printed in Heidelberg

1582 21.

Chemnitz, Martin et al. Epithalamia scripta nuptiis reverendi and ornatissimi Dn. M. Joann. Fladungi, professoris hebraeae linguae in academia Heidelbergensi, domusque sapientiae praeceptoris et pudicissimae virginis Blandinae Kirchnerianae, clarissimi et reverendi viri D. Timothei Kirchneri s. theologiae doctoris, and professoris primarii in academia Heidelbergensi. Freiburg*.

22.

Concordia. Christliche widerholete einmütige Bekandtnüß nachbenandter Churfürsten, Fürsten vnd Stände Augsburgischer Confession. M*; W*; H; R [Cf. Bibliotheca Palatina. In: Heidelberger Bibliotheksschriften, Bd. 24, E 5.6 and E 7.4]; VD 16 [under Konkordie]: Κ 2002-2003.

23. 24.

Entzlin, Matthaeus. [TJheses... defideiussoribus. H. Entzlin, Matthaeus. Theses de iure dotium. Resp. Ludwig Casimir Hugwerner. H. Cf. Hermann Mündt, Bio.-bibl. Verzeichnis von Universitäts- und Hochschulhandschriften (Leipzig, 1934), vol. l,no. 16341.

25.

Forster, Valentin. Deo duce et auspice: decreto amplissimi iurisconsultorum ordinis. VD 16: F 1905. Frenzel, Salomon. Carmen gratulatorium illustrissimis principibus ac (Hominis, domino Friderico, et Domino Philippo, fratribus, haeredibus Norvegiae, Ducibus Schlesvicensibus, Holsatiae, Stormariae, Dithmarsiae, Comitatibus in Oldenburg and Delmanhorst, etc. Freiburg*.

27.

28. 29. 30.

31. 32. 33. 34.

Gravius [Grave], Ludovicus. [TJheses de exquisita tertiana intermittente febri. Marburg [listed in the Heidelberg catalogue]. Haeber, Michael. Carmen elegiacum in obitu illustriss. Principis ac Dominae Elisabethae. Cf. Basse, I, p. 591. Cf. no. 64 below. Kirchner, Timotheus. Oratio de verbi Dei origine, authoritate, certitudine et proprietatibus, quibus ab omnibus aliis flctitiis religionibus discernitur, deque eiusdem usu. W*; VD 16: Κ 1060. Kirchner, Timotheus. Oratio in funere d. d. Elizabethae electorissae Rheni Palaünae. W*; VD 16: Κ 1060. Kirchner, Timotheus and Peter Patiens. Propositiones de sacra Domini coena. W*; VD 16: Κ 1064. Maibach, Philipp. Theses de peccato originis. H*; VD 16: M 922. Maurer [Murarius], Leonhard. METPON ΑΛΚΙΚΟΝ in gratiam et honorem reverendorum, clarissimorum atque doctissimorum septem virorum, cum eis in antiquissima ac celeberrima Heidelbergensi academia trium superiorum

196

35.

facultatum summits doctoratus honos et dignitas ad 15. Cal. Octob. Anno M. D. XXXII conferretur. H*. Maurer [Murarius], Leonhard et al. Echo et iambicum dimetrum in laudem et honorem omni virtutum genere ornatissimi iuvenis Salomonis Frencelii. Freiburg*. Cf. VD 16, M 6796 and M 6798 for two additional works of L. Maurer, printed in Heidelberg, probably by Spies, but now lost.

36.

Meurer, Noe. Liberey Keyserlicher, auch Teutscher Nation Landt vnd Statt Recht. W*; M*; VD 16: M 5009.

37.

Mylius [Miller], Georg. Christlicher Sendtbrieffan einen Ersamen Wolweisen Raht, der vhralten löblichen freyen Reichßstadt Cölln, welcher hiemit treuwhertzig vermanet vnd hochflehenlich gebeten wirdt, der Vnderthanen daselbs, so der Augspurgischen Confession mit auffrichtigem Hertzen zugethan, mit Verfolgung zu verschonen. W*; VD 16: M 5331. Also printed by Spies in 1583, VD 16: M 5332.

38.

Petnkover [Pettenkofer], Andreas. Carmen heroicum in diem natalem lesu Christi unici generis humani salvatoris. W*; VD 16: Ρ 1944. Pfalz. Ludwig VI], Churfürsti. Pfaltz Landts Ordnung, [includes:] [1] Erster Theil der Churf[rstlichen Pfaltz Landtrechtens. Darinnen Iudicialia. Der Vndergericht Proceß vnd Ordnung; [2] Hoffgerichts Ordnung; [3] Churfürstlicher Pfaltz verneuwerte Ehe vnnd Ehegerichts Ordnung. [Bound together with:] Ander Theil der Churfürstlichen Pfaltz Landtrechte. Von Conträcten vnd Handthierungen. Dritter Theil der Churfürstlicher Pfaltz Landtrechte. Von Testamenten vnd letzten Willen. Vierter Theil der Churfürstlicher Pfaltz Landtrechte. Von Erbschafften ohne Testament. Fünfter Theil der Churfürstlichen Landtrechte. Criminalia. W*; VD 16: Ρ 2205-2207.

39.

40. 41. 42.

43.

[Pfaltz. Ludwig VI]. Ordnung, wie sich die Handwerker vnd Handthierer in der Churfürstlichen Pfaltz verhalten sollen. H. [Pfaltz. Ludwig Vi and Philipp of Baden], Christliche Policey Ordnung, in der Gemeinschafft Creutzenach. W*; [Pfaltz. Ludwig VI, Richard/Reichard of Pfalz-Simmern, and Philipp of Baden], . . . auffgerichte Christliche Policey Ordnung, in jrer Chur vnnd Fürstlichen Gnaden gemeinem Ampt Kirchberg. W*; VD 16: Ρ 2200 and Ρ 2263. [Pfaltz. Ludwig VI], Verzeichnuß etlicher capitum, darauf ein jeder minister, so in churfürstlicher Pfaltz zu einem kirchendiener aufgenommen wirdt, anzugelobegen vnd zu jurieren schuldig etc. (Without year of publication) Hauptstaatsarchiv München. Cf. E. Sehling, Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des XVI. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen, 1969), XIV, pp. 506508.

197 44.

[Pfaltz. Ludwig VI]. Verzeichnuß etlicher capitum, darauf ein jeder Schulmeister, so in churfärstlicher Pfaltz aufgenommen wirdt, promission thun solle etc. [Without year of publication] Hauptstaatsarchiv München. Cf. E. Sehling, 508-509.

45. 46.

Rosberg, Benedikt Carmen gratulatorium in honorem ... Petri Patientis. H. Schechsius, Johannes and Paulus Schechsius. Christliche vnd einfeltige Leichpredigt: Der durchleuchtigsten... Fürstin vnd Frawen .. . Elisabethen, Pfaltzgröffin bey Rhein Churfiirstin, Hertzogin in Bayern, gebornen Landgräffin zu Hessen, etc. Gehalten zu Heydelberg in der Pfarrkirchen zum Heyligen Geist, den 21 Martii 1582. W*; L; R. Schönwaldt, Andreas. Elegia Iesu Christi, pacis et concordiae datoris et autoris. H*.

47.

1583 48.

[Agenda] Forma, Wie Personen, so wider Göttlich vnnd Weltlicher Obrigkeit Verbott in Vnzucht betretten, der Kirchen Abbittung thun, vnd deren selben wider eyngesöhnet werden sollen. VD 16: A 856.

49.

Albinus, Kaspar. Sapphicum gratulatorium in honorem et laudem omni virtutum genere ornatissimorum adolescentum, Iohannis Patientis . . . et Philippi Pithopoei Salsani. VD 16: A 1573.

50.

Bader, Matthaeus. ΓΕΝΕΘΑ1AKON in natalem inclytum illustrissimi principis Ludovici, filii. M*; VD 16: Β 118. Bader, Matthaeus et al. Elegiae in obitum eximia pietate pudicitiaque singulari praestantis matronae, Otiliae, reverendi... viri D. Petri Patientis ... uxoris. VD 16: E 956 [No longer available in Munich.] Cf. Pfälzische Bibliographie, no. 71a and Schotteloher, no. 16993. Carmina gratulatoria in gratiam et honorem Samuelis Lautenbachii Argentinensis, Conradi Lautenbachii ministri ecclesiae Heydelbergensis filii, cum una cum aliis duodecim philosophiae candidatis in Heydelbergensium Academia ab facultatis artium senatu primae laureae honore et dignitate publice ornaretur, scripta ab amicis. (Schottenloher, 1,436)

51.

52.

53.

54.

Chemnitz, Martin. Nicer gratulans nuptiis illustrissimi principis Ludovici, comitis Palatini ad Rhenum et electoris, et inclytae virginis Annae, comitis Essardi (II.) domini Phrisiae Orientalis, filiae. (Schottenloher, no. 32236). Clauß [Claus], Johann (ed.). Der Psalter deß Königlichen Propheten Davids, Reimerweiß. H*; VD 16: Β 3344.

198 55.

Collinus, Joseph. Elegia funebris, in felicem ex huius vitae miseriis abitum, illustrissimi principis, ac domini D. Ludovici VI. Palatini Rheni... ecclesiae nutritii, studiorum maecenatis, patris patriae, sanctae aeternaeque memoriae scripta. (Pfälzische Bibliographie, no. 73c; listed in Heidelberg cat)

56.

Corner, Christoph. In epistolam D. Pauli ad Romanos scriptam commentarius. W*; VD 16: C 5166.

57. 58.

Comer, Christoph. Epistola D. Pauli ad Galotas scripta. W*; VD 16: C 5165. [Elegiae] Henningo a Broeck. W*; VD 16: H 1948.

59. 60.

Entzlin, Matthaeus. Conclusiones de testibus. H. Epicedio in obitum illustrissimi principis ac domini, Domini Ludovici . . . comitis Palatini adRhenum. W*; H*; R. VD 16: E 1591. Cf. Kirchner, 1584. Epithalamia in nuptias Petri Struppii Gelnhusani. VD 16: E 1807 [No longer in Munich], Fladung, Georg. M. Georgii Fladungi in Academia Heidelbergensi Professoris Rospeccius. Sive iureconsulti sapientis ... reip. Christianae salutaris, memoria. VD 16: F 1585. Frenzel, Salomon. Gratulatorium carmen illustrissimo principi ac domino. Domino Friderico, haeredi Norwegiae, Duci Schlesvicae, Holstatiae, Stormariae, Dithmarsiae, corniti in Oldenburg and Delmanhorst, etc. Freiburg* (Different from 1582 poem). Haeber, Michael. Pompa funebris in obitu illustrissimae principis ac dominae, Dominae Elisabethae, illustriss. principis ac domini, Domini Ludovici comitis Palatini ad Rhenum... coniugis charissimae. M*; VD 16: H 119.

61. 62.

63.

64.

65. 66. 67.

68.

Hartmann, Ludwig Kasimir. Elegìa gratulatoria in honorem Joannis Halbritteri Rhecensis. H*; VD 16: H 668 (Munich copy is lost). Homberger, Jeremias. Examen theologicum. M*; VD 16: H 4574. Homberger, Jeremias. Vehiculum sacrum peregrinantes: Hoc est: Christianae religionis praecipui loci. W*; VD 16: H 4585-4586 (1582 on title page; colophon: 1583). Kirchner, Timotheus. Propositiones de vivifica carne Christi. W*; VD 16: Κ 1066.

69. 70.

[Kirchner, Timotheus et al. Apologia libri Christianae concordiae. F*; W*; VD 16: Κ 1031 (Munich edition shows minor variations). [Kirchner, Timotheus,et al.]. Apologia, oder Verantwortunng des Christlichen Concordien Buchs, in welcher die wahre Christliche Lehre, so im Concordi Buch verfasset, mit gutem Grunde heiliger Göttlicher Schrijft vertheydiget: Die Verkehrung aber vnnd Calumnien, so von vnriihigen Leuten wider gedachtes Christlich Buch im Druck außgesprenget, widerlegt werden. W*; VD 16: C 2150-2151 and Κ 1028-1029 (Wolfenbüttel has an expanded edition).

199 71.

[Kirchner, Timotheus et al.]. Warhaffte Christliche vnd gegründte Widerlegung der vermeynten Entschuldigung der Prediger zu Bremen, in zweyen fiirnemmen Artickeln der wahren Religion, von der Person Christi, vnd heyligem Abendtmal. M*; W*; VD 16: C 2223-2224 and Κ 1076-1077 (Wolfenbüttel has an expanded edition).

72.

[Maibach, Philipp et al.] Refutatio Irenaej. Gründlicher Bericht, auff das Examen M. Christophori Iren[a]ei, so er anno 1581. wider den ersten Artickel deß Christlichen Concordi Buchs, von der Erbsünde, durch offenen Druck aussgesprenget. W*; V; VD 16: M 915-916 (Differences exist between the Munich and Wolfenbüttel editions of the same year).

73.

Maibach, Philipp, Timotheus Kirchner, and Martin Chemnitz. Refutatio vera, Christiana et solida: frivolae excusationis Bremensium ecclesiae ministrorum, in duobus praecipuis articulis verae religionis, de persona Christi and Sacra Domini Coena. F*; VD 16: C 2227.

74.

Melanchthon, Philipp. Compendium grammatices Latinae desumptum ex maiore Philippi grammatica, pro inferioribus claßibus illustris Paedagogii Heydelbergensis. M*; VD 16: M 3406.

75.

Mylius [Miller], Georg. Christlicher Sendtbrieff. W*; M*; L; H; VD 16: M 5332. Cf. 1582 edition. Nigrinus [Schwartz], Georg. Trostschrifft an die betrübten Christen zu Cölln, so sich [cf. Roth] mit jhrem Bekändtnüß von Bapstthumb abgesondert, vnd derwegen verschmäht vnd verfolget werden. Darinn auch geantwortet wirt dem Gespött vnd Lästerungen deß Melchior Braunen. M*.

76.

77.

[Pfaltz. Ludwig VI]. . . . neuw auffgerichte vndpublicierte Policey: Allmusen: vnnd Ehe Ordnunge, auch Widertäuffer Edict. W*; VD 16: Ρ 2196, 2201, 2203, and 2212.

78.

[Pfaltz. Ludwig VI], Mandat vnd Constitution, welcher Gestalt die Blutschanden, Notzucht, Raub, oder Entführung, auch Ehebruch, Hurerey vnnd dergleichen Laster, zu straffen. VD 16: Ρ 2208. Schechsius Johann. Christliche kurtze vnnd einfältige Predigt, gehalten zu Bonn den xx. Januarij Anno etc. 83. M*; W*; R (There are minor variations between the Munich and Wolfenbüttel editions). Schechsius, Johann. Christliche Predigt auß dem Evangelio Iohan. 6. R. Schechsius, Johann and Paul Schechsius Christliche Leich Predigt, deß durchleuchtigsten hochgebornen Fürsten vnd Herrn Ludwigen, Pfaltzgraffen bey Rhein ... in der Pfarr Kirch zum H. Geist, den 23 Octob. Anno 1583. Durch Ihrer Ch. F. G. Hoffprediger, Johannem Schechsium. Sampt angeheffter Predigt... Durch Ihrer Ch. F. G. Hoffprediger, Paulum Schechsium. R. Schopff, Philipp. De peste. W*.

79.

80. 81.

82.

200 83. 84.

Schopper [Schöpper], Jakob d. J. Theses de iustificatione. L; W*. Schopper [Schöpper], Jakob d. J. Verantwortung der Christlichen vnnd wolgegriindten demühtigen Supplication der Augspurgischen Confession verwandten Bürger in deß H. Rom. Reichs Statt Cölln umb gnädige Erlaubnüß deß öffentlichen Exercitij jhrer Religion, etc. wider die vngegründte Lästerschrifft Melchior Braunen. W*; H.

1584 85. 86.

87. 88. 89.

90. 91.

92. 93. 94. 95. 96.

97. 98.

Amoldi, Joseph and Johann Kleinschmidt \ersus gratulatorii. H (missing). Warhaffter Bericht von der vorgenommen Verbesserung in Kirchen vnd Schulen der churfürstlichen Pfaltz. [Spies?] Cf. F. W. E. Roth, Zur Geschichte der Heidelberger Buchdruckereien, in: Neues Archiv für die Gesch. der Stadt Heidelberg, 4 (1901), 226-256. Bloß, Sebastian. Disputatio physica, de natura, et reliquis corporis naturalis motionum caussis. VD 16: Β 5775. Carmina gratulatoria in laudem et honorem ... Andreae Raseiii Ambergensis. VD 16: C 1131. Commentarius ad institutionum libros iuris civilis. (With Latin introduction by Johann Spies) W*; VD 16: C 4648. Cf. same title and text under Schilbock [no. 108], with new introduction and explanation by Spies. Entzlin, Matthaeus. Conclusiones quaedam de usuris. VD 16: E 1391. Entzlin, Matthaeus and Valentin Forster. Disputationes iuridicae duodecim. (With Latin introduction by Johann Spies) W*; VD 16: E 1405. Cf. 1585 edition with new title page. Entzlin, Matthaeus. Themata de servitutibus realibus. H. Forster, Valentin. Propositas de iurisdictione conclusiones. H*. Forster, Valentin. Propositiones iuris de probatiorùbus. H*. Forster, Valentin. Theses de iure turando. H*. Heliconius, David. Votum honoribus doctissimi acpolitissimi viri, D. Casparis Leisleri Hassi, cum in alma Heidelbergensium academia doctorali in utroque iure laurea 17. Decemb, . Anno M.D. LXXXIV. insigniretur. H*. Kirchner, Timotheus. Gründtlicher, warhafftiger Bericht, auff das Wächterhörnlein M. Christophori Iren[a]ei. M*; VD 16: Κ 1047. Kirchner, Timotheus. Enchiridion D. Timothei Kirchneri. In welchem die färnembsten Hauptstück der Christlichen Lehre, durch Frag vnd Antwort, auß Gottes Wort gründtlich erkläret. . . wirt. W*; M*; R; VD 16: Κ 1037. Cf. Frankfurt edition of 1585.

201 99.

Kirchner, Timotheus. Oratio de vita et morte... Ludovici comitis Palatini ad Rhenum... Accesserunt epicedio. H*; VD 16: Κ 1059. 100. Kirchner, Timotheus. Propositions de vivifica carne Christi. Η. 101. Landesordnung. Churfürstliche[n] Pfaltzs, vnnd deß Stiffts Speyer Lands Ordnung, wie solche in deren beyden Gemeinschafften, Altenstatt vnd Landeck, vnd darzu gehörigen Flecken vnd Dorffen verkündet vnd publiciert worden, etc. Darmstadt (listed in the Heidelberg catalogue of printers). 102. Lautenbach, Konrad. Ein Christliche Trostpredigt bey der Leich der edlen vnnd tugendtreichen, auch Christlichen vnd gottseligen Frauwen, Brigita von Wolfframßdorff, geborene von Lautern. M*; VD 16: L 726. 103. [Maestlin (Möstlin), Michael et al.] Notwendige vnd griindtliche Bedennckhen. Von dem allgemeinen . . . Römischen Kalender . . . Sampt Erklärung vnd Widerlegung deß vngegründten vnnd vnnothwendigen neuwen bäpstischen Kalenders. W*; H; L; VD 16: Ν 1892. 104. Maibach, Philipp. Refutatio examinis M.Christophori Irenaei.quod adversus primum caput libri Christianae concordiae, de peccato originis anno 1581. publice edidit. W*; H*; VD 16: M 917. 105. Marius [Mayer, Meier], Georg [of Würzburg]. Etlicher Gelehrten Bedencken, vonn dem heylsamen Saltzbronnen zu Offenauw, nechst vnter der Reichsstatt Wimpffen gelegen. H*; VD 16: M 2218. 106. Melanchthon, Philipp. Sententiae sanctorum patrum, de Coerta Domini, bona fide recitatae et editae Wittebergae a Philippo Melanchthone Anno M.DXXX. Quibus addita epistola Philippi Melanchthonis, and loannis Brentii eodem anno scripta. W*; VD 16: M 4228. Cf. CR, XXIII, cols. 733-751. 107. Schenk von Tautenburg, Friedrich and Johann Halbritter. Commentarii duo, ad ius feudale. M*. 108. Schilbock, Heinrich. Commentarius ad Institutionum libros iuris civilis. W*; M 1585 109. Entzlin, Matthaeus and Valentin Forster. Disputationes iuridicae duodecim. (With Latin introduction by Johann Spies) M*; VD 16: E 1406 (Same as 1584 edition above, except for the date on the title page).

202 Books Printed in Frankfurt

1585 110. Codomann, Lorenz. Gründtliche Eyntheilung der heiligen Zehen Gebott Gottes. W*; VD16: C 4470. 111. Heylandt [Heilandt], Valentin. Geistliches Zeughauß, darinn die besten Wehre vnnd Waffen wider alle leibliche vnnd geistliche Anfechtung zu finden, auß dem H. Gottes Wort, D. Martini Lutheri vnd anderer reinen Lehrer Schrifften, allen betrübten vnnd bekümmerten Hertzen zu Trost zusamen getragen. W*; VD 16: H 3436. 112. Hunnius, Aegidius. Christliche Erklärung deß streittigen Artickels von der Erbsünde. W*; F*; VD 16: H 6000. 113. Hunnius, Aegidius. Commentarius in evangelium de lesu Christo, secundum loannem, perspicuis annotationibus illustratus. M*; VD 16: H 6022. Cf. H 6023, expanded edition of 1586. 114. Hunnius, Aegidius. Libelli IIII de persona Christi, eiusque ad dextram Dei sedentis divina maiestate. F*. Cf. 1587 edition. 115. Hunnius, Aegidius. Propositiones de praecipuis Christianae religionis capitibus, quae hoc exulcerato nostro seculo in controversiam trahuntur. W*; VD 16: H 6112.

116. Kirchner, Timotheus. Enchiridion . ..In welchem die firnembsten Hauptstück der Christlichen Lehre, durch Frag vnd Antwort, auß Gottes Wort gründtlich erkläret, vnd was denselbigen zuwider fürnemblich eingewandt kürtzlich widerlegt wird. W*. Cf. VD 16: Κ 1038. 117. Prothymaeus [Kuppelich], Georg. Abdanck der Welt. Wie sich ein jeder Christ wider die erschreckliche Anfechtung deß zeitlichen vnd ewigen Todts verwahren, vnnd zu einer seligen Heimfahrt auß diesem Jamerthal zu dem himlischen vndfreudenreichen Leben bereiten solle. W*; VD 16: Κ 2577. 118. Prothymaeus [Kuppelich], Georg. Krafftwasser für bekümmerte vnnd trostlose Wittwen vnd Wäisen. Das ist, Lehr, Trost vnd Vermahnung vom Witwen vnd Wäisenstandt vnnd Ampt, auß heiliger Schrifftfleissig zusammen gezogen. VD 16: Κ 2579.

203 1586 119. Camerarius, Conrad. Anklagen, darmit M. Cyriacus Spangenberg in seinem vermeyruhen Gegenbericht mich Conradum Camerarium, Diaconum der Kirchen Gottes zu Schlitz, vngütlich zu beschweren sich vnterstanden hat. W. 120. Codomann, Lorenz. Harmonía evangelistarum. Das ist: Griindtliche vnd eygendtliche Vergleichung der gantzen Evangelischen Histori. F*; W*. Cf. VD16: Β 4663, printing of 1568. 121. Engel, Johann d. Ä. Ein Christliche Leichpredigt... vber dem Begräbniß deß wolgelehrten Jünglings Josephi Arnoldi seliger, candidati philosophiae, vnd Herrn Magistri Mathusalemi Arnoldi, Pfarrherrs daselbsten einigen Sohns. M*; VD 16: E 1200. Cf. E 1199, expanded edition of 1585. 122. (Frischlin, Nicodemus. Ed.) Nicodemi Frischlini Aristophanes ... Repurgatus amendis, et imitatione Plauti atque Terentii interpretatus. W*; VD 16: A 3269. 123. Frischlin, Nicodemus. De astronomicae artis, cum doctrina coelesti, et naturali philosophia, congruentia, ex optimis quibusque graecis latinisque scriptoribus ... collecta: libri quinqué. W*; VD 16: F 2915. 124. Frischlin, Nicodemus. Grammatice latina compendiose scripta, ac in octo libros distributa. M»; W*; R; VD 16: F 2959. 125. Frischlin, Nicodemus. Nomenclátor trilinguis, graecolatinogermanicus. F*;VD 16: F 2947. Cf. F 2948, expanded edition of 1588. 126. Hondorff, Andreas. Theatrum historicum, sive promptuarium illustrium exemplorum . . . labore et industria Philippi Loniceri . . editio secunda. Publisher: Sigmund Feyerabend. Braunschweig*; VD 16: H 4748. Cf. Brückner, p. 698. Johannes Feyerabend printed an edition in 1585. VD 16: H 4747. 127. Hunnius, Aegidius. Commentarius in evangelium de ¡esu Christo, secundum Ioannem, perspicuis annotationibus illustrants. VD 16: H 6023. 128. Hunnius, Aegidius. Griindtliche Abfertigung deß vnwarhafftigen kurtzen Gegenberichts M. Cyriaci Spangenbergii, wie auch deß Büchleins, welches er vnter dem Namen Candidi Sylvestri inn öffentlichen Truck wider die Christliche Erklärung Egidii Hunnii von der Erbsünde außgesprengt hat. F*; M*. 129. Hunnius, Aegidius. Comoediarum seu dramatum sacrorum libellus. In quo sunt: De losepho patriarcha comoediae duae. W*; VD 16: H 6075. 130. Hunnius, Aegidius. Epistola canonica Ioannis evangelistae et apostoli, perspicua enarratione illustrata, and nuncprimum edita. M*; VD 16: H 6055. Cf. H 6056, expanded edition of 1588.

204 131. Hunnius, Aegidius. Christliche Haußtafel, das ist: Beschreibung allerley Stände vnd Orden der Christen. W*; VD 16: H 6003. Cf. H 6004, expanded edition of 1588. 132. Hunnius, Aegidius. Die Klaglieder des heiligen Propheten Ieremie, außgelegt vnd erkläret. W*; VD 16: H 6082. Cf. H 6083, expanded edition of 1588. 133. Hunnius, Aegidius. [Leichenpredigt für Klara Anna von Cronberg], Cf. Kat. der füirstl. Stolberg-Stolberg'schen Leichenpredigten-Sammlung. Wolfenbüttel, No. 8059. 134. Luther, Martin. Vom H. Abendtmal D. Martini Lutheri Erweisung. Daß diese Wort Christi (Das ist mein Leib, etc.) noch fest stehen, wider die Schwärmgeister. Erlangen*; VD 16: L 4277, first printed under the title Daß dise wort Christi in 1527. 135. [Nicolai, Johann Baptista]. Tomus secundus regularum iuris, tarn civilis quam pontifìcii. Publisher: Sigmund Feyerabend. F*.

1587 136. Album familiare: Stammenbuch: sive, disticha moralia latino-graeca, et germanica, in studiosorum iuvenum usum mire apposita, and nunquam antea excusa. W*; VD 16: A 1630. 137. Bemel, Georg. Tractatus adformulant testamenti. Das ist: gründlicher Bericht, vnd vollkommene Beschreibung, darin die gantze Materia testamentaria . . . erkläret wirdt. W*; VD 16: Β 1665. 138. [Biblia, VT], Sechs Propheten h. Göttlicher Schrifft, nemlich: Danieli,] Obadias, Jonas, Micha, Haggai, vnd Malachias griindtlich außgelegt... durch Egidium Hunnen. W*; VD 16: Β 3830. 139. Caesar, Ioann. Bapt. Corculo sponsi, 1. V. D. Christophori, Dn. Ioannis Kelneri, sculteti in republ. nostra spec tatiss imi; filii: sponsae, viriginis lectissimae, Mariae Veronicae, Dn. Adolphi a Glauburgo quondam filiae: Francofurtensium e familiis patritiis oriundorum, nuptiarum iure conglutinato, unitoque. FStA*. 140. Cicero, M. Tullius. M. Tullii Ciceronis libri tres: De fato; Somnium Scipionis; Paradoxa. (Edited by Matthaeus Dresser). Publisher: Nicolaus Neriich. W*; VD 16: C 3094. 141. Dresser, Matthaeus. Oraüones. W*; VD 16: D2750. 142. Engel, Johann d. Ä. Ein Christliche Leichpredigt . . . Gehalten vber dem Begräbnuß, deß würdigen vnde wolgelehrten Herrn, Martitini Rujfini

205 Zuiccauiensis, gewesenen Pfarrherrs zu Wolffskähle ... 1584. VD 16: E 1203. Cf. Basse, II, p. 87. 143. Faust von Aschaffenburg, Johann Friedrich. Epithalamium, in honorem clarissimi et doctissimi, ut et nobilitate praestantiss. viri D. Christophori Kellneri, i. u. doctoris, patricii Francofurtensis spectatissimi and ciariss, avunculi sui magni, filii; spensi: necnon pudicissimae virginis Mariae Veronicae a Glauburgo, nobilis quondam Adolphi a Glauburgo filiae; sponsae: animi amicissimi signiflcationis ergo conscriptum. FStA*. 144. Faust von Aschaffenburg, Johann Friedrich. Munus thalassionis nuptiis nobilitate praestantis viri, D. loannis Friderici Bormii, nobilis D. leremiae Bromii, patritii quondam Francofurtensis, relieti filii; sponsi: et castissimae virginis Elisabethae, ampliss. et clariss. viri, Hermanni Lerssneri, i. u. d. excellentiss. et illustriss. principis D. Ludovici, Hassiae Landgravii, etc. consiliarii prudentiss. academiaeque Martisburgensis [sic] professons et procancellarii digniss.filiae; sponsae: cognationis et amicitiae ergo oblatum. FStA*. 145. Frischlin, Nicodemus [cf. Persius]. Nicodemi Frischimi, in A. Persii Flacci Satyras, eruditae et elegantes paraphrases. M*; Univ. of Chicago*; W*; VD 16: Ρ 1630-1632. The copies now in Munich [Ρ 1630] and in the Marienbibliothek in Halle include Spies's introduction. 146. Frischlin, Nicodemus. Nicodemi Frischlini, in Q. Horatii... epistolarum libros duos paraphrasis. M*; W*; VD 16: Η 4942. 147. Historia von D.Johann Fausten. W*; VD 16: F 642. 148. Hunnius, Aegidius. Commentarius in epistolam Divi Pauli apostoli ad Ephesios. F*; Maiburg. 149. Hunnius, Aegidius. Epistola Divi Pauli,apostoli posterior ad Thessalonicenses scripta. VD 16: H 6059. 150. Hunnius, Aegidius. Libelli 1111. de persona Christi. F*; W*; VD 16: H 6087. Cf. Marburg edition of 1590. 151. Hunnius, Aegidius. Oratio, quapenitìus excutitur et tractatur KPITH'PION certitudinis historiae biblicae andsacrae. F*; W*; VD 16: H 6102. 152. Christliche Leichpredig bey dem Begräbnuß der edlen tugentsamen Frauwen Clara Anna, geborne von Kronberg, deβ edlen Caspari Magni Schencken von Schweinßburg, gewesenen Ehegemahl seligen. Basse, II, p. 49 153. Pancratius d. Ä„ Andreas. Christliche Leichpredigten, genommen auß allen fiirnembsten Sprächen der Bücher Altes Testaments. W*; VD 16: Ρ 189 (Munich has an expanded editioa New edition in 1588). 154. [Pfalz-Zweibrücken. Herzog Karl I.] Hoffgerichts Ordnung der hindern Grafschaft Spanheym. VD 16: Ρ 2282.

206 155. Rivender [Bachmann], Zacharias. Der ander Theil Promptuarii exemplorum, darinnen viel herrliche schöne Historien allerley alten vnd neuwen Exempel. Publisher: Sigmund Feyrabend. W*; VD 16: Β 45 (reprinting of the 1581 edition). 156. Roßbach, Konrad. Rosa D. Mariae. Das ist, Christiichs vnd geistliches Rosengärtlein: Darinnen die schöne himmlische Blum, das edle Marien-Röselein, lesus Christus von Nazareth, sampt seiner Natur, Pflantzung, Krafft, vnd Tugent zu finden vnd beschrieben ist. VD 16: R 3103. 157. [Mylius, Jonas] Epitome, de poesi seu prosodia Graecorum. [Editor: Seidelmann (Sidelmann), Erasmus]. Basse, I, p. 571 and Zamcke, p. 295.

1588 158. Chytraeus, David. Davidis Chytraei in evangelion loannis scholia. W*; VD 16: Β 4935 (an edition of 1589 listed in Basse, I, p. 28). 159. Figulus, Sebastian. Epithetorum oratoriorum farrago. W*; VD 16: F 1013. 160. Historia von D. Johann Fausten. Printer: Wendel Homm; publisher: Johann Spies. M*; VD 16: F 646 (Section added after the introduction of the first edition: "Zeugnuß der h. Schlifft, von den veibottenen Zauberkünsten"). 161. Hunnius, Aegidius. Eine Christliche Leichpredigt, bey der Begräbnuß deß Ehrwirdigen vnd hochgelehrten Herrn, M. Helfrici Herdenij, gewesenen Pfarrherrs zuMarpurg. W*; VD 16: H 1610. 162. Hunnius, Aegidius. Epistola canonica loannis evangelistae et apostoli. VD 16: H 6056. 163. Hunnius, Aegidius. Postilla. VD 16: H 6103 (an edition of 1589 listed in Basse, II, p. 50). 164. Natta, Marcantonio. Consiliorum sive responsorum ... [T. II-IVJ. Publisher: Sigmund Feyerabend. F*; VD 16: Ν 164. 165. Nigrinus [Schwartz], Georg. Christliche Predigten von Krieg vnd Kriegsgeschrey, wie man sich dargegen vnd darinnen recht vnd Christlich verhalten solle. F*. 166. Pancratius d. Ä., Andreas. Sieben besondere Leichpredigten, darinnen sieben Anfechtunge[n), welche vber dem Absterben der Kinder die Eltern can meisten zu betrüben pflegen, kiirtzlich erklärt, vnd wie inen zubegegnen, auß Gottes Wort Christlich erwiesen vnd angezeigt wirt. M*; VD 16: Ρ 199. 167. Pancratius d. Ä„ Andreas. Christlicher Leichpredigten erster [zweiter und dritter} Theil. (Ed. by Solomon Codomann) M* (cf. 1588 edition) VD 16: Ρ 190.

207 168. Predigli] von dem seligen Abscheidt weylandt der ehrenreichen Frauwen Elisabethen Söhnin, deß wolgeachten Antonij Zubrotdts Sölmischen Kellers zu Petterweil, etc. ehelichen Gemahl, welche Christlich in Herrn entschlafen ist den 31. Maii, Anno 87. Basse, II, pp. 38-39. 169. Reusner, Nikolaus. Nicolai Reusneri Leorini Silesii symbolorum imperatoriorum classis prima [secunda et tertia]. M*; W*; F*; VD 16: R 1496. 170. Roßbach, Konrad. Paradeißgärtlein, darinnen die edleste vnnd filrnembste Kräuter nach ihrer Gestalt vnd Eigenschafft abcontrafeytet vnd mit zweyerley Wirckung, leiblich vnd geistlich, auß den besten Kräuterbüchern vnd H. Göttlicher Schrifft zusammen geordnet vnd beschrieben sind. W*; VD 16: R 3102. 171. [Schard, Simon] [Cf. Furio Ceriol, Federico]. Idea consiliarii: Hoc est, de conciliis et consiliariis principum. W*; VD 16: F 3422.

1589 172. Agenda, das ist, kurtze vnd einßltige Erzehlung der fürnemmsten Kirchenbräuch vnd Ceremonien, so in der reinen evangelischen Kirchen zu Franckfurt am Mayn, gehalten werden. F*. 173. Bender, Johann Ludwig. Commentarius in constitutionem imperii de revisione actorum et sententiarum in iudicio camerae pronunciatarum. F*; W*; VD 16: Β 1690. 174. Chytraeus, David. In historiam ludicum populi Israel dilucidus et perspicuus commentarius. M*; W»; F; VD 16: C 2631. 175. Fohmann, Jacob and Johann Reinhold. Zwo Christliche Predigten bey der Begräbnissen weilandt deß ehrenvesten vnd hochachtbaren Wolffen zur Todtenwart vnd seiner Haußfrauwen Anastasie, etc. Basse, II, p. 49. 176. Frischlin, Nicodemus. Zwo schöne geistliche Comoedien, Rebecca vnnd Susanna, vormals wol vnd zierlich in Latein an Tag gegeben, jetzund aber zum ersten mahl allen frommen Christen, insonderheit Matronen vndJungfrauwen zu sonderlichem gefallen, in liebliche teutsche Reimen transferiert vnd versetzet durch M. Jacobum Frischlinum. Publisher: Wendel Homm. Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig*. Cf. Goedeke, II, p. 385 and Basse, II, p. 139. 177. Frischlin, Nicodemus (ed). P. Virgilii Moronis Bucolica et Geórgica; ex [MJaccio Plauto, P. Terentio, Catone, Varrone, Columella and C. Plinio maxime luculenta ac perspicua paraphrasi expósita and enucleata. M*; W*. 178. Graeter [Gretter], Jakob d. J. Zustandts Predigten, das ist: Beschreibung etlicher besondern Christlichen Predigten, nach allerhandfürfallender Sachen

208 Beschaffenheit:

als sonders zu Rathswahlen, Kirchenbestellungen,

Tagen, Kriegsgeschreyen,

Hochzeiten,

Leichen, vnd andern

heyligen zutragenden

Anleytungen gehalten. Publisher: Wendel Homm. W*; VD 16: G 3239. 179. Gualtperius [Walper], Otto. De dialectis Graecae linguaepraecipuis ... libellus methodice conscriptus. M*; W*; F. 180. Gualtperius [Walper], Otto. Oratio pro defensione Lutheri

Lutheranorumque,

opposita orationi Alberti Hungeri; habita Marpurgi in solenni 26. baccalaureorum renunciatione. Basse, I, p. 634. Cf. 1590 edition in Munich. 181. Hunnius, Aegidius. Articulus de iustificatione hominis peccatoris gratuita. M*; VD 16: H 5976. Cf. H 5977, edition of 1590. 182. Hunnius, Aegidius. Articulus de Trinitate.

W*; F*; VD 16: H 5982-5983

(Wolfenbüttel has two different editions, one of which is expanded. Another edition of 1590 is listed by Basse, I, p. 9.) 183. Hunnius, Aegidius. Exegesis epistolae adHebraeos, scripta, recognita, et denuo emendatius edita. W*; VD 16: H 6071 (An earlier edition not printed by Spies had appeared in Marburg in 1586.) 184. Küntzel, Wolfgang.

Patientia

victrix: Das ist, Krafft vnd Tugend

deß

Christlichen vnd edlen Krauts Patientia, Gedult. W*; VD 16: Κ 2546. 185. Leyser, Polykarp [Peters, Friedrich], Eine Christliche Leichpredigt, bey der Begräbnuß deß...

Fritzen von der Schullenburg. W»; VD 16: L 1424.

186. Pappfus], Johann. Commentarius in confessionem fldei, anno XXX. in comitiis Augustanis invictiss. imperatori Carolo V. exhibitam, and eiusdem confessionis apologiam. M*; VD 16: C 4728. 187. Pistorius, Philipp and Aegidius Hunnius. Zwo Christliche Leichpredigten. W*; VD 16: Ρ 3066. Cf. VD: Η 6014. 188. Possei, Johann d. Ä. lohannis Posseiii orationes octo, habitae in publicis congressibusacademiaeRostochiensis.

W*; VD 16: P4421.

189. Reusner, Nikolaus. Nicolai Reusneri Leorini ic. MIKPOTE ΎΝΗ, sive ars parva, et quasi medulla iurisprudentiae, Iustinianeae. W*; VD 16: R 1447. 190. Sturtz, Christoph. Methodus logica universi iuris civilis in IUI. institutionum, L. pandectarum, and IX. libros codicis, iusta ratione continuationis titulorum animadversa and proposita.

omnium

(An earlier edition printed by Stephan

Myliander had appeared in Rostock in 1588.)

209 1590 191. Chemnitz, Martin. Wolgegriindte Lehr D. Martini Chemnitii von der wahren Gegenwertigkeit deß Leibs vnd Bluts Christi in seinem heyligen Abendmal. W*; VD 16: C 2214. 192. Engel, Johann. Ein kurtze tröstliche Leichpredigt... vber dem Begräbnuß der Jungfrauwen Walpurgis Anne, deß ehrenfesten, hochgelehrten Herrn D. Joachimi Struppij von Gelnhausen... Tochter. VD 16: E 1204. Cf. Kat. der fürstlich Stolberg-Stolberg'schen Leichenpredigten-Sammlung, no. 21816. 193. Hunnius, Aegidius. Articulus sive locus de sacramentis veteris et novi testamenti, praecipue de baptismo and coena Domini per quaestiones et responsiones. W*; VD 16: H 5984. 194. Hunnius, Aegidius. Epistolae Divi Pauli apostoli ad Romanos expositio plana et perspicua. W*; VD 16: H 6063. 195. Hunnius, Aegidius. Tractatus de sacrosancta maiestate, autoritate, fide oc certitudine sacrae scripturae Propheticae and Apostolicae. VD 16: H 6130. Cf. Basse, I, p. 9. 196. Hunnius, Aegidius. Oratio funebris, de vita et morte Christianissimae pientissimaeque principis ac dominae, Dominae Hedwigis, illustrissimi Hassorum principis, Ludovici, Landgravii, etc. dilectae coniugis. W*; VD 16: H 6099. 197. Leyen Bibel für die einfeltigen Bauwersleuth, gestellt durch die Prediger zu Franckfurt. Basse, II, p. 118. 198. Pancratius d. Ä., Andreas. Passions vnd Osterpredigten. W*; VD 16: Ρ 198. 199. [Sayn, Graf Heinrich IV.] Kirchen Ordnung, welcher Massen inn der Lehre Göttliches Worts, Administration der H. Sacramenten, in den Ceremonien, vnd anderen zum Kirchen Dienst gehörigen Stücken, auch Versehung der Schulen, in vnser, Heinrichs Graffen zu Sayn, Herrn zu Homburgk, Moncklahr vnd Mentzburgk, etc. Graff vnd Herrschafften, vnsere Superintendenten, Pfarrherrn, vnd andere Kirchen vnd Schul Diener sich verhalten sollen. W*; F. 200. Sturtz, Christopher. Christophori Sturcii, nobilis Livoni, i.e. commentarius in regulas iuris civilis. W*. (Minor differences between the Wolfenbüttel and Munich editions). 201. Wigand, Johann. De generationefllii Dei. M; W.

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Index

Acontius, Balthasar 10

Bitsch, Johann Ludwig 81

Aconüus, Melchior 10

Bloß, Sebastian 200

Aesop 71,78

Bongars, Jacob 67

Agrippa von Nettesheim, Heinrich

Bornemisza, Péter 118

Cornelius 158,159

Brant, Sebastian 47, 97,98

Albert the Great 105,193

Braun, Melchior 199

Albinus, Kaspar 197

Bromius, Johann Friedrich 44,205

Alexander the Great 101,102

Brunnius, Augustinus 186

Allen, Marguerite De Huszar 125

Busius, Urbanus 56, 57

Amman, Jost 24,44

Caesar, Johann Baptist 43,47,48,49,

Apel, Jacob 84

204

Aristophanes 40,42,203

Caesar, Theophil 43

Aristoteles 193

Caesar, Wolf Dietrich 43

Arnoldi, Joseph 200,203

Cain 108,122,123,124

Assum, Johann 61

Calvin, John 2,14, 88

August, I, Elector of Saxony 144

Camerarius, Conrad 203

Axin, Christoff 80

Camerarius, Joachim 12

Bader, Matthaeus 197

Cato 11, 45,46,47,48, 90, 204, 207

Basil 113,114,115,118

Charles V, Emperor 101,102,105, 208

Basse (Bassée, Bassaeus), Nicolaus 19,

Chemnitz, Martin 63, 73, 77, 88,183,

33, 35, 64, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 135, 159

185,195, 197, 199, 209 Christian I, Elector of Saxony 144

Becker, Gertraud 60

Chytraeus, David 63,77, 206,207

Behringer, Wolfgang 135

Cicero 12,204

Beke, Berthold von der 81

Clauß, Johann 31, 32, 172, 173, 197

Bemel, Georg 204

Codomann, Lorenz 202,203,206

Bender, Johann Ludwig 207

Coler, Jacob 52

Berger, Erna 191

Collinus, Joseph 198

Beyer, Hartmann 15

Comarius, [Friedrich?] 32,173

Binder, Heinrich 59

Corner, Christoph 198

226 Cnisius, Martin 40, 56, 57, 64, 81

Flade, Dietrich 58, 59,135,156

Daneau, Lambertos 35

Fladung, Georg 198

Dasypodius 106

Fladung, Johannes 195

Dinheim, Eberhard von 162

Fohmann, Jacob 207

Dohna, Fabian von 36, 37, 65, 66,104

Forster, Valentin 171,195, 200, 201

Dolscius, Paul 32,173

Frederick ΙΠ, Emperor 103

Donatus 11

Frenzel, Salomon 195,196,198

Dresser, Matthaeus 42,204

Friedberger, Thomas 162

Dürer, Albrecht 109

Friedrich, Matth[a]eus 18

Eberbach, Christoph 82

Frischlin, Jacob 71

Eck, Johannes 121

Frischlin, Nicodemus 16,31,39,40,

Elisabeth (Elizabeth) of the Palatinate

41, 42, 64, 71, 74, 77, 81, 84, 91,

(wife of Ludwig VI) 26,195,197,

161, 167,171, 182, 203, 205, 207,

198

208

Elucidarius 106

Frisius, Paul 70

End, Georg Ulrich von 162

Fuglin, Johannes 131

Engel, Andreas 80

Füssel, Stephan 125, 134

Engel d. Ä„ Johann 203,204,209

Gerber, Harry 165

Engelsing, Rolf, 76

Glaser, Peter 19,81

Enikel, Jansen 132

Glauburg, Adolph von 50,204,205

Entzlin, Matthaeus 171, 195,198, 200,

Glockner, Valerius 57, 115,116, 117,

201

118,125,129, 143

Estieiine, Henri 20

Goethe, Johann Wolfgang 1

Eugene IV, Pope 133

Gottfried, Hans 19,81

Faber, Caspar 18

Graeter (Gretter), Jacob 207

Faust, Johann Friedrich 45, 50, 61, 81,

Gravius (Grave), Ludovicus 195

205

Gruber, Sebastian 53

Faustus, Georgius 110

Grynaeus, Jacob 36,37

Feinaug, Johann 54, 55

Gualtper (Walper), Otto 42,208

Ferber, Augustin 80

Gutenberg, Johann 9

Fettmilch, Vincenz 79

Haeber, Michael 195,198

Feyerabend, Johann 194,203

Hala, Oseas 41,81

Feyerabend, Sigmund 9,19,22,24,44,

Halbritter, Johann 198,201

69, 70, 71, 72, 77, 78, 193, 194,

Han (Gallus) Hartmann 23,24,193

203, 205,206

Han (Gallus), Kilian 20,22,23,24

Ficino, Marsilio 109

Han (Gallus), Weigand 22,194

Figulus, Sebastian 206

Hardeck, Baron (Freyherr) von 103

Fischer, Peter 61

Hardegg, Ferdinand von 103

Flacius Ilyricus, Matthias 33

Harnisch, Matthaeus 28,29,64,75

227 Hartmann, Ludwig Kasimir 198

Jungen, Christoff zum 71

Hayum zum Halben Mond 23, 80, 82

Jungen, Maximilian zum 50, 88,183

Häuser, Helmut 161

Kellner, Christopher 44,204

Heibach, Wendelin 24,83,193

Kellner, Heinrich 50, 57,61,71

Heliconius, David 200

Kellner, Margaretha 50,71,177

Henning, Hans 71,160,161

Kirchhof, Hans Wühelm 194

Henricus, Nicolaus 13,14,15,16,17,

Kirchner, Timotheus 37, 39,195,198,

18, 19, 20, 25, 26, 30, 31, 39, 60, 64,186

199, 200, 201, 202 Klinge, Konrad 72

Henry of Navarre 66

Koll[e], Hieronymus 10,11

Hessus, Eobanus 32,173

Konrad von Würzburg 21

Heylandt (Heilandt), Valentin 202

Kopp, Manfred 17,18

Hock, Alexander 54,55

König, Philipp 83, 88, 174

Hocker, Jodocus 18,19,20,131

Könneker, Barbara 154

Hoff, Hieronymus 10,11

Kremer, Nicodemus 193

Homberger, Jeremias 198

Kreutzer, Hans Joachim 125,154

Homm, Wendel 17, 70,71,206,208

Küntzel, Wolfgang 208

Hondorff, Andreas 24,46,58,70,130,

Lautenbach, Conrad 31, 32,33,34,35,

131, 132, 194, 203 Hoppenrod, Andreas 18

36, 38, 61, 62, 63, 77, 159, 161, 173,197,201

Horace 40,205

Lauterbach, Antonius 112,116,117

Humm (Homm), Anton 81

Lechler, Martin 78

Hunnius, Aegidius 16,17, 39,40,42,

Leipzig, (Lipsius), Caspar 56

77, 182, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 208, 209

Lercheimer, Augustin (Hermann Witekind, Wilcken) 2,28, 37, 38,

Hurtter, Johann Philipp 82,191

57, 58, 60, 61, 70, 101, 102, 104,

Hutten, Ulrich von 194

106, 107, 110, 111, 115, 118, 121,

Irenaeus, Christopher 200,201

127, 128,133,134, 136, 137,139,

Isaak zum Halben Mond 23,80

141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 154, 159

Jacobus de Gruytrode 106

Lerssner, Elisabeth 44,205

Jacobus de Theramo 106

Leyser, Polykarp (Peters, Otto) 208

Jacquier, Nicolaus 70

Liechtenberg, Jacob Freyherr von 138

Joachim I, Count of Brandenburg 121

Lindener, Michael 103

Joachim Ernst von Anhalt 27,29,104,

Lipsius (Leipzig), David 55,56

105, 106,107 Johann Casimir, Count of the Palatinate 27, 28, 29, 36, 37, 65 Jonas, Justus 112,113 Judas 122,123,124,149

Loos, Cornelius 3 Lossner, Ambrosius 21 Lüders, Ludolf 51

228 Ludwig VI, Elector of the Palatinate 26,

Meyer, Wilhelm 96

27, 28, 29, 31, 36, 141, 172, 196,

Mieg (Müeg), Claudius 53

197,198,199

Milich, Ludwig 137

Ludwig of Stolberg-Königstein 11,14, 15

Mindanus, Petrus Fridenis 186 Molitor, Ulrich 33,34,35

Lukács, Georg 134,158,159

Molnár, Albert 118

Luna,Johande 85

Mülheim, Johann von 71

Luther, Martin 9, 16, 30, 32, 88, 101,

Musculus, Andreas 18

103, 104, 107, 111, 112, 113, 114,

Myconius, Friedrich 112

115, 116,117, 118, 119, 120, 121,

Myliander, Stephan 208

125, 126, 130,131, 133, 138, 141,

Mylius (Miller), Georg 196,199

143, 155,158,167, 173, 174, 175,

Nas, Johann 64, 65, 141

202, 204, 208

Natta, Marcantonio 206

Maestlin (Moestlin), Michael 201

Neriich, Nicolaus 204

Magirus, Johann 13,186

Newhausen, Georg 21,181

Major, Georg 115,117,118

Nicolai, Johann Baptista 204

Mandeville, Sir John 194

Nigrinus (Schwartz), Georg 16,17,31,

Manlius, Johann 118,119,120,127, 129, 132, 143

49, 64, 91, 187, 190, 199, 206 Obenhin, Christoph 16,18

Mann, Thomas 165

Ochsenkopf, Friedrich 21,161

Marbach, Philipp 36,195, 199, 201

Ostein, Lienhart 53

Marius (Mayer, Meier), Georg 201

Ovid 12,194

Marstaller, Philipp 18

Pancratíus (Pangratius, Pankratius) d. Ä„

Mattheus, Johannes 143

Andreas 205,206,209

Maurer (Murarius), Leonhard 195,196

Papp, Johann 62, 63, 68, 77, 208

Maximilian I, Emperor 33,101

Paracelsus, Theophrastus 132,159,194

Mechler, Aegidius 113,114,130

Patiens, Peter 16, 26, 27, 31, 36, 38,

Megiser (Megeiser), Hieronymus 43,78, 83

197 Penkover (Pettenkofer), Andreas 196

Meiland, Jacob 13

Persius, 40, 41, 42, 74, 171, 205

Melanchthon, Philipp 2, 16, 28, 29, 30,

Petsch, Robert 159

57, 104, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115,

Philipp of Baden 196

116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 128,

Philophiles 45,46,125

129, 131, 141, 142, 143, 144, 155,

Pineau, Severus 82

175, 176, 199, 201

Pistorius, Philipp 24, 60, 208

Melandrus, Henricus 186

Planudes, Maximus 45,46

Melandrus, Otto 186

Plato 20

Mephostophiles 125,166,167

Plautus 41,203,207

Meurer, Noë 186,196

Plinius 41,207

229 Porss, Johann Jacob 81

Sayn, Graf Heinrich IV 209

Portenbach, Johannes Georg 194

Schard, Simon 207

Possei, Johann 42,208

Schechsfius], Johann 36,199

Praetorius, Johannes 13

Schechs[ius], Paul 36,199

Prothymaeus (Kuppelich), Georg 202

Schedel, Hartmann 99,100,150,156

Rab (Corvinus), Christoph 81,194

Schenck, Johann Georg 81

Rab (Corvinus) Georg 22,23,24, 35,

Schenk von Tautenberg, Friedrich 42,

194

171, 201

Rabe, Ludwig 194

Schilbock, Heinrich 42,171,201

Rechtani, Vespasiani (cf. Caesar, Johann

Schild, Eustachis 18

Baptist) 43,48

Schmidt, Friedrich 85

Redlinger, Christopher 62

Schneidewein, Johannes 139,171

Reinhold, Johann 207

Schnellboltz, Frantz 119

Reiser, Franz 83

Schopff, Philipp 199

Reissner, Adam 188

Schopper, Jacob 36,200

Rennemanus, Henningus Henricus 186

Schottenloher, Karl 188

Reusner, Nicolaus 42, 207,208

Schönwaldt, Andreas 31

Richard (Reichard) of Pfalz-Simmern 196

Schönwetter, Johann Theobald 89,139

Richter, Günther, 76

Schreiner, Ottilia 83

Richter, Martin 10,187

Schuler, H. 85

Rihel (Richel), Josias (and Theodosius)

Selneccer, Nicolaus 63,77,119

35,62 Rivender (Bachmann), Zacharias d. Ä. 194, 206 Rosabella, Katharina (cf. Karl Sigmund Spieß) 82

Sesler, Heinrich 83 Seuse, Heinrich 106 Ségur, Francois de 66,67 Sidelmann, Erasmus 42 Simon Magus 98

Ross, Peter 21

Socrates 20

Roßbach, Conrad 49,71,177,180

Spangenberg Cyriakus 19,203

Rosthius, Nicolaus 13, 20, 84,194

Spee, Friedrich 3,137

Rudolph II, Emperor 186

Spiera, Francisco de 122,123

Rueff, Georg 67,68

Spies (Spieß), Anna 21, 89

Ruffinus, Martin 204

Spies (Spieß), Anna Maria 89

Runkel, Margarethe 60

Spies (Spieß), Johann Philipp 83, 162

Ruppel, Johann 13

Spies (Spieß), Karl (Carol) Sigmund 82,

Ryff, Walter Hermann 21

85

Sabinus, Georg 12

Spies (Spieß), Katharina 43

Saur, Abraham 135

Spies (Spieß), Lazarus 88

Sauer, Johann 79

Spies (Spieß), Martin 83,84,89

Saul 123

Spies (Spieß), Michael 9

230 Spies (Spyß), Wigand 9 Spon,Johannes IIS Stiglius, Johannes 12 Stimmer, Tobias 24 Straub, Leonard 59 Strauss, Gerald 95,144 Strupp, Joachim 32,44,209 Sturtz, Christoph 208,209 Sylvester Π, Pope 120 Sutor, Cornelius 15 Tacke, Heinrich 61 Terence 203,207 Theophilus 113,117 Thomasius, Christian 139 Toxites, Hieronymus 84 Trithemius, Johannes 33,35,70,73, 101,105, 158,159, 186 Ulner, Nikodemus 60 Voragine, Jacobus de 114 Vergerio, Pier Paulo 122 Virgil 12,41,207 Voltz, Nicolaus 52 Wagner, Christoph 56,85 Wechel, Johann 47,48, 80 Weier (Weyer), Johann 17,33,34,60, 127, 128, 131,132, 134, 139, 145, 159 Weiß, Georg 21, 50,177,181 Weiß, Justina 50,177,181 Wenßler, Mich[a]el 9 Westphal, Joachim 15 Wigand, Johannes 16,63,77,209 William of Jülich-Cleve-Berg 127 Wolf Π, Johann 83 Wolf Ernst zu Stolberg 51 Ysenbuig, Heinrich von 88 Zarncke, Friedrich 42 Ziegler, Jakob 188

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