Family Life in Adolescence 9783110402490, 9783110402483

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Patricia Noller, Sharon Atkin Family Life in Adolescence

Patricia Noller, Sharon Atkin

Family Life in Adolescence Managing Editor: Aneta Przepiórka

Published by De Gruyter Open Ltd, Warsaw/Berlin Part of Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Munich/Boston

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 license, which means that the text may be used for non-commercial purposes, provided credit is given to the author. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/.

Copyright © 2014 Patricia Noller, Sharon Atkin ISBN: 978-3-11-040248-3 e-ISBN: 978-3-11-040249-0 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. Managing Editor: Aneta Przepiórka www.degruyteropen.com Cover illustration: © Thinkstock/ Geogre Doyle

Preface Many parents fear the time when their beautiful happy children will become adolescents. Because of the continual media attention given to a  small group of adolescents who engage in risky or destructive behaviour, many seem to believe that every adolescent is out of control and that all parents are likely to have a terrible time trying to manage them. Yet, this is far from the truth. As the large amount of research reported in this book shows, most adolescents are responsible young people who care about their families and crave the support of their family members, particularly their parents. We also show that how parents behave towards their adolescents is critical to their wellbeing. Are parents prepared to set limits on their adolescents? Do they expect them to behave responsibly? Are they warm and caring in their relationships with their adolescents or are they controlling and critical towards them? The  answers to these questions are crucial to how young people are likely to develop. We also believe, on the basis of research that adolescence builds on earlier experiences in the family. In other words, children who have experienced positive, caring relationships with their parents are likely to become responsible adolescents. Because we are both psychologists, we focus on these research findings. We acknowledge that we have emphasized psychological research, most of which has been carried out using quantitative data, although we have also included qualitative research. Because psychology is such a  broad discipline, the research has been carried out by psychologists working from a  range of perspectives including those of social psychologists, clinical psychologists, developmental psychologists and health psychologists. Despite our tendency to focus on our own discipline, we have also included studies carried out by researchers in communication, family studies, sociology, psychiatry and criminology. The  research, as we have interpreted it, indicates that a well-functioning nuclear family (with two biological parents) is overall the best environment for children, although it is not always possible for a range of reasons. We realise that there are families of all forms that produce competent and happy adolescents, but also recognise that nonnuclear families are more likely to struggle due to a range of circumstances including access to resources. In this book, we focus on a number of family types, although we also acknowledge that we have omitted a discussion of the large body of research on adoptive and foster families. We believe that these are huge and complex areas that need a specific focus rather than just being part of a more general treatment of families with adolescents. Of course, the issues discussed in this book are also relevant for these types of families. Although the positive psychology movement is important in that it argues for focusing on the strengths of adolescents and against negative stereotypes, it is also clear to us that there are a  lot of potential traps for adolescents that need to be acknowledged and discussed. There is also a  great deal of research around the problems that some adolescents experience. In general, a relatively small proportion

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 Preface

of adolescents are involved in problem behaviours, but the effects of some of these potential traps can be devastating to the lives of those adolescents involved and their families. Because of the large amount of research discussed in this book, we believe it will be useful to social workers, youth leaders, teachers, welfare workers, religious leaders, psychologists and psychiatrists, in fact anyone who comes into regular contact with adolescents. Although we have not been able in the space provided to cover all the research that has been carried out, even in the last decade, we hope that our overview will contribute to a better understanding of young people and their development and the importance of families to that development. Patricia Noller Ph.D Sharon Atkin Ph.D

Acknowledgments We would like to thank reviewers for their invaluable feedback on earlier outlines for this volume. We also appreciated the input from our colleagues for the support and encouragement they have given us to continue with this project, and the School of Psychology at the University of Queensland for supporting us in our research and writing about adolescents. We need to acknowledge that the book does not cover every family type in detail. The  area of foster care, kinship care and adoption involve specific knowledge and expertise that cannot be adequately covered in a book such as this one. As someone who has worked with such families for many years Sharon would like it noted that she was uncomfortable about doing a brief overview of a body of knowledge so important and extensive that it is really a book in and of itself. We need also to thank the parents and adolescents who have helped us in our research, and others who have helped us carry out our studies. Of course, we need to thank those who have conducted research and those who have participated in projects around the world so that we have been able to draw upon such a large body research. We hope that we have been able to help our readers better understand that research, but we acknowledge that any omissions or errors are totally our responsibility. Finally, we would like to thank our families for their support during this project. Unfortunately, Charles Noller died suddenly during the revising of this volume and will not see the final version. Between us (the authors), we have experienced seven children going through adolescence and survived, as did they. The first author also has eight grandchildren, three of whom are currently adolescents and doing well. In addition, the eldest has reached the grand age of 26, and is clearly an adult. Patricia Noller Sharon Atkin

Contents Preface V Acknowledgments

VII

1 1 Adolescence and Families 1.1 Views of Adolescence 1 1.2 Stereotypes of Adolescence 3 1.3 The Chronology of Adolescence 5 1.3.1 Childhood to Adolescence 5 1.3.2 Early Adolescence to Late Adolescence 1.4 The Developing Brain 7 1.5 Community and Political Involvement 1.6 Summary 9

6 8

2 Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescents in the Family 2.1 Family Systems Theory 12 2.2 Cognitive Theories 13 2.2.1 Adolescent Egocentrism 14 2.3 Individuation 15 2.4 Identity Formation 18 2.4.1 Family Structure and the Development of Identity 2.4.2 Ethnicity and Identity 20 2.4.3 Marcia’s Identity Statuses 21 2.4.4 Identity Styles 23 2.5 Attachment Theory 24 2.5.1 Attachment Functions 25 2.5.2 Attachment Styles 26 2.5.3 Transfer of Attachment 28 2.6 Life Course Theory 29 2.7 Positive Youth Development 30 2.8 Summary 32 3 3.1 3.1.1 3.1.2 3.1.3 3.1.4 3.2 3.2.1

11

20

34 Family Environment and Adolescent Development Family Structure 34 The Role of Financial Difficulties 35 Financial Difficulties or Problems with Parenting? 36 Presence or Absence of Fathers 37 Instability of Family Structure 38 What Makes a Positive Family Environment? 40 Characteristics of Parent/s 41

Parent Personality 42 Attachment Security 42 Correspondence Between Attachment Styles of Parents And Offspring 43 3.2.3.2 Impact of Attachment on Parenting Style 44 3.3 Mental Health of Parents 44 3.3.1 Parent Depression 45 3.3.2 Alcoholism and Drug Abuse 46 3.4 Marital or Relationship Satisfaction, Conflict And Violence 46 3.4.1 Marital Satisfaction 46 3.4.2 Marital or Relationship Conflict 47 3.4.2.1 Violence 49 3.5 Relationships with Extended Family and Community 49 3.5.1 Social Class/Economics 50 3.5.2 Neighbourhoods and Communities 50 3.6 Work and Family 52 3.7 Family Functioning and Discipline 54 3.7.1 Parenting Style 54 3.7.1.1 Encouragement of Autonomy 56 3.7.1.2 Cohesion, Flexibility and Communication 57 3.7.1.3 Parental Rejection 57 3.7.1.4 Level of Control and Monitoring 58 3.7.1.5 Discipline 60 3.8 Sibling Relationships 60 3.8.1 Differential Parenting 62 3.8.2 Sibling Relationships and Adolescent Adjustment 63 3.9 Summary 63 3.10 Implications for Practitioners 65 3.2.2 3.2.3 3.2.3.1

4 4.1 4.2 4.2.1 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.6.1 4.6.2 4.6.3 4.6.4 4.6.5

67 Communication in Families with Adolescents The Changing Nature of Parent-Adolescent Relationships 67 Parent-Adolescent Communication 68 Gender of Parent Differences 69 Transmission of Values 70 Decision-Making in Families with Adolescents 71 Disclosure and Secrecy 74 Conflict in Families with Adolescents 75 Identity Styles and Conflict 76 Gender of Adolescent Differences in Parent-Adolescent Conflict Conflict Styles 77 Positive Aspects of Parent-Adolescent Conflict 79 Negative Aspects of Parent-Adolescent Conflict 80

76

4.7 Parental Discipline 81 4.8 Communication with Siblings 83 4.9 Family Relationships and Relationships with Peers 4.10 Technology and Communication 86 4.11 Culture and Communication 90 4.12 Summary 91 4.13 Implications for Practitioners 92

85

94 Adolescents in Divorced and Separated Families Residential Arrangements and Adjustment Following Divorce 96 Residential Arrangements 96 Shifting of Residences 96 Communication About the Divorce 97 Inappropriate Disclosures by Parents 97 Conflict and Children’s Adjustment Following Divorce 98 Conflict and Adjustment 98 Sex Differences in Reactions to Conflict 100 What Adolescents Say About Their Parents’ Conflict 101 Long term Effects of Divorce on Adjustment 102 Conflict, the Legal System and Adjustment 102 Shared Family Time and Family Resilience Following Divorce 102 Racial and Ethnic Differences in Experiencing Parents’ Marital Disruption 104 5.8 Adolescents’ Management of Relationships with Divorced Parents 104 5.8.1 Negative Evaluations 105 5.8.2 Controlling Information 105 5.8.3 Controlling Visitation 105 5.9 Children’s Perceptions of Their Sibling Relationships Following Divorce 106 5.9.1 Hostility and Warmth in Sibling Relationships 106 5.9.2 Explaining Affect-Intense Relationships 107 5.10 Parental Divorce and Adolescent Problem Behaviour 107 5.10.1 Divorce-Proneness and Adolescent Problem Behaviour 108 5.10.2 Environmental or Genetic Factors? 109 5.10.3 Parental Divorce and Offspring Mental Health 110 5.10.3.1 Divorce and Long-Term Depression 110 5.10.4 Does Divorce Cause These Problems? 111 5.11 Divorce and Romantic Relationships of Offspring 112 5.12 Living in a Stepfamily 112 5.13 Summary 114 5.14 Implications for Practitioners 115

5 5.1 5.1.1 5.1.2 5.2 5.2.1 5.3 5.3.1 5.3.2 5.3.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7

6 The Family and Adolescent Issues 118 6.1 Positive Youth Development 119 6.2 Externalizing Behaviours 121 6.2.1 Alcohol and Illegal Drugs 121 6.2.2 Smoking 126 6.2.2.1 Risk and Protective Factors for Smoking 126 6.2.3 Issues Around Sexuality 128 6.2.3.1 Sexual Activity 128 6.2.3.2 Sex Education and Contraception 129 6.2.3.3 Pregnancy and Childbearing 130 6.2.4 Conduct Disorder, Antisocial Behaviour, Aggression and Delinquency 130 6.2.4.1 Conduct Disorder 130 6.2.4.2 Aggression and Antisocial Behaviour 131 6.2.4.3 Delinquency 132 6.3 Internalizing Behaviours 132 6.3.1 Depression 132 6.3.1.1 Effects of Parental Depression 134 6.3.1.2 Coercive Family Processes 134 6.3.1.3 Supportive and Facilitative Interactions 135 6.3.1.4 Life Skills and Depression 135 6.3.2 Self-harm and Suicide 136 6.3.3 Eating Disorders 139 6.4 Summary 141 6.5 Implications for Practitioners 143 146 7 Leaving the Family 7.1 Emerging Adulthood, Delayed Transitions and Leaving Home 7.2 Family Structure and Leaving Home 147 7.3 Family Relationships and Leaving Home 148 7.4 Leaving Home for College 149 7.5 Leaving Home for the Military 150 7.6 Leaving Home to Marry or Cohabit 151 7.7 Rural Youth Leaving Home 152 7.8 Running Away From Home 153 7.9 Homelessness 154 7.10 Summary 156 7.11 Some Implications for Practitioners 157 8 8.1 8.2

159 Risk and Resilience in Adolescence Characteristics of Resilience 159 Characteristics of Resilient Adolescents

161

146

8.3 Resilience and Mental Illness 162 8.4 Individual Factors and Resilience 163 8.5 Family Factors in Resilience 164 8.5.1 Secure Attachment 164 8.5.2 An Emotionally Warm Atmosphere 165 8.5.3 Open Communication 165 8.5.4 Provision of Encouragement and Support 166 8.5.5 Adequate Rules and Supervision 166 8.5.6 Sex Differences in Resilience 166 8.6 Resilience and Emotion Regulation 167 8.7 Resilience Against Depression 169 8.8 Self-esteem, Resilience and Protection from Risky Behaviour 8.9 The Importance of the Family Environment 170 8.10 African-American Youth: A Case Study 170 8.11 Temperament and Resilience 172 8.11.1 Temperament and Parenting: How They Interact 172 8.12 Conclusions 175 177 References List of Figures 217 List of Tables 218 Index 219

169

1 Adolescence and Families In this book we aim to explore the research that has emerged over the last couple of decades about adolescents within the family. The primary focus is on adolescence in the western world as that is our experience and knowledge, and where most of the research is carried out. We have aimed, however, to incorporate cross-cultural information, whilst not claiming to be experts in this vast and complex area. In the current chapter we aim to give a  general overview of how adolescence is viewed and some of the more recent societal changes that have impacted on the adolescent experience. We also discuss the links between adolescence and family life, the main focus of this book. In this chapter we will discuss views of adolescence and set the context for understanding the adolescent experience in this modern world. We will discuss adolescence as a life stage, and explore the chronology of adolescence from childhood to adulthood. We acknowledge that all families are not the same and that adolescents are likely to have different experiences depending on the nature of the family in which they develop. We also give a brief overview of current research on adolescent brain development and implications for adolescent lifestyle and behaviour.

1.1 Views of Adolescence The view that adolescence is a  time of storm and stress, both for the adolescents themselves and for their families, has lost dominance, although it is still true that for some adolescents, this is a challenging stage of their lives. The notion that adolescence is a  stressful time in families comes from evidence that indicates there are several areas where difficulties for families can arise. During this time there can be increased conflict with parents (see Chapter 4), and adolescents can become more moody and higher in risk-taking (Arnett, 2007a). As adolescents seek new experiences they are likely to be exposed to various potentially problematic or dangerous influences (see Chapter 6). The three main developmental tasks for adolescents are (1) to become independent from their parents, (2) to develop an  individual identity and (3) to develop mature peer relationships and explore romantic relationships whilst maintaining strong connections with parents (Arnett, 2000, 2001). (These issues of individuation and identity development will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 2.) Young people also need to prepare themselves, through education and training, for the world of work. It is important to remember that these tasks are no longer seen as peculiar to adolescence, but as continuing to be developed during emerging adulthood. (See Chapters 2 & 4) Elliot and Feldman (1990) refer to adolescence as a time for self-discovery and for learning the skills that are needed for adulthood. Adolescents are developing new © 2014 Patricia Noller, Sharon Atkin This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License.

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 Adolescence and Families

ways of thinking that can change the ways in which they see themselves and their family members (Larson & Richards, 1994; Sroufe, Egeland, Carlson, & Collins, 2005). The fact that adolescents have generally developed advanced thinking skills, allows them to reflect upon and question existing family conventions (Grotevant & Cooper, 1986; Sroufe et al.). This questioning, of course, may contribute to increased conflict within the family; however, conflict can be a way for adolescents to learn how to deal with differences of opinion and negotiate an individual point of view. Families vary in their ability to cope with change and to accept adolescents’ strivings for individuality; however, the need for flexibility in the family becomes more important when children reach adolescence (Hauser, Powers, & Noam, 1991). The amount of disruption created by adolescents’ autonomy-seeking will be at least partly dependent upon the parents’ levels of acceptance or resistance to this process (Noller, 1995; Noller &  Patton, 1990). Strong parent-adolescent relationships that manage the changes in the ways parents and adolescents relate to one another, are likely to support adolescents’ abilities to explore relationships outside the family (Collins & Laursen, 2004). In contrast to the play-friends children have, intimacy in friendships becomes a  feature for adolescents, although girls tend to have more intimacy in friendships than do boys (Arnett, 2007a). The  friendships that adolescents have involve trust, loyalty and shared values (Steinberg, 2005). Such friendships provide young people with opportunities to develop their social skills. Young people learn about relationships within the family and this experience provides them with the basis for exploring and expanding their social skills within peer friendships (Sroufe et al., 2005). Adolescents tend to report that their relationships with friends and romantic partners are closer than their relationships with family members. This focus on peers does not mean that parents are not important to young people. In addition the quality of relationships with peers and parents is linked; adolescents who enjoy good relationships with parents are more likely to have good relationships with their peers (Steinberg, 2005). Just as friendships do, romantic relationships become an increasingly important part of adolescents’ lives (Brown, 2004). It appears that adolescents may model their dating relationships on what they have seen in the relationship between their parents (Steinberg, 2005). Thus adolescents whose families have poor relationships and relationships that are highly conflicted are less likely than those from harmonious families to learn the skills necessary for successful relationships outside the family. In addition, the quality of adolescents’ relationships with both parents and peers influences the quality of their romantic relationships (Brown, 2004). Early serious dating before the age of 15 appears to be associated with poorer social development, especially for girls. Later dating, and dating that occurs in the context of supportive family relationships and good peer friendships, can have a beneficial effect on adolescents’ self-esteem (Steinberg, 2005). Therefore, the development of



Stereotypes of adolescence 

 3

relationships within the family also has implications for the timing and quality of future relationships. We want to emphasise that we view adolescence as a  dynamic concept interdependent with the complex and changing world in which we live. The  ways in which adolescence is defined varies with social changes in any given place and between cultures. Therefore, the many changes in our world over the last couple of decades have impacted on both views of adolescents and how their development is understood, as well as on the experiences of adolescents themselves. Given that our primary focus is on families, it is important to acknowledge that not all families are the same, with many variations in family structure. What we generally call the nuclear family is traditionally seen as involving two married parents and their biological child or children. Variations include two unmarried parents (cohabiting or de facto) and their biological children, a single parent (generally the mother) and her biological children to one or more fathers, a biological parent and his or her child or children and a  stepparent. Families may also include adopted children or children created by artificial insemination, including donor sperm or donor egg. In families involving gay parents, there are two mothers or two fathers, either or both of which may be unrelated biologically to the child. There are also families where children live with foster parents due to the inability of any biological family member to provide care. Some families have more contact with the members of their extended family than others, and are more open to influence from family members such as grandparents. Some children are even raised by grandparents because of the inability of the parents to fulfil the parenting role. Reasons that parents may be unable to care for their own children might include incarceration, drug or alcohol dependency, mental or physical health issues or death. In addition, in some cultural groups, particularly those from collectivist cultures, grandparents are likely to be co-resident with the family. Obviously, covering all of these different types of families in this book is impossible. In addition, for some types of families there is a great deal of research and for other types there is very little. Our areas of knowledge direct our focus towards the more predominant types of families: nuclear families, the extended family, singleparent families, and divorced and remarried families.

1.2 Stereotypes of adolescence The notion of storm and stress in adolescence is really a stereotype, an exaggerated image of adolescence based on the behaviour of a  few (Arnett, 2007b). Arnett acknowledges that although there may be some truth to the negative stereotypes of adolescence, there are clearly differences between individuals and between cultures in the extent to which adolescence could be seen as stormy or stressful (Arnett, 1999).

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 Adolescence and Families

The National Association for Social Workers in Washington put out a  practice update paper in 2002 that discusses how negative stereotypes about adolescence in our communities are more dominant than positive ones. They argue that a negative social view is damaging to the well being of adolescents in our communities as it can lead to adolescents taking on board the image that is portrayed of them, which, in turn, affects their own self-image, what social psychologists call self-fulfilling prophecies. These social workers concluded that promoting positive images of adolescents would break down the negative stereotypes, and provide a  more realistic account of their behaviour (NASW, 2002). We believe that a balanced approach is important. Researchers and practitioners cannot ignore the potential for adolescents to make poor decisions and to engage in negative behaviours. On the other hand, it is totally inappropriate for all adolescents to be labelled as dysfunctional because of the bad behaviour of a small minority. We will discuss the problems that adolescents can confront during this stage of life. (See Chapter 6) A framework has been put forward in reaction to this focus on the negative aspects of young people’s behaviour. This framework has been called Positive Youth Development (see Chapter 2) and has been suggested as a  way to view adolescence from an  asset- or strengths-based perspective that acknowledges young people as agents in their own lives (e.g., Benson, Scales & Mannes, 2003; Damon, 2004; Klatt &  Enright, 2009; Larson 2000; 2006; Lerner, Brentano, Dowling, & Anderson, 2003). However, stereotypes of adolescence abound in our communities and within some families. Adolescents are perceived by many adults as rude, irresponsible and wild. Many adults have little contact with the adolescents in their communities and this lack of contact can contribute to an  acceptance of negative stereotypes. If communities are more connected, and the adults and adolescents experience their community this way, adults tend to have a more positive view of adolescents (Zeldin & Topitzes, 2002). However, adults can tend to hold negative stereotypes of adolescents even when they are not consciously aware that they do (Gross & Hardin, 2007). In a longitudinal study conducted over five years, adolescent participants were initially assessed from Grade 7 and then reassessed at Grades 10 and 12. Jacobs and colleagues (Jacobs, Chhin &  Shaver, 2005) assessed parents’ beliefs in negative stereotypes of adolescence in general, and the link between those stereotypes and their views of their own adolescent. Parents who held stronger stereotypical beliefs about adolescence viewed their own adolescent as more peer-focused and concerned about their social life than did parents whose beliefs in stereotypes were weaker. This finding held true over a three-year period. So stereotypes can even impact parents’ views of their own children whom they know as individuals. Also, and even more concerning, was that parents’ beliefs were related to the later behaviour of their children, and to their relationships with them. When their parents’ stereotypical beliefs were strong, adolescents were more focused on peers, displayed more



The Chronology of Adolescence 

 5

problematic behaviour and had poorer relationships with parents. This study also indicated that having at least one parent who did not hold strong stereotypical beliefs was associated with less negative outcomes for adolescents.

1.3 The Chronology of Adolescence The steps required to move from adolescence into adulthood have undergone significant changes for many adolescents over the last 50 years (Arnett, 2007a) as has our understanding of this developmental stage. The chronology of adolescence is dictated, to an  extent, by societal needs (Sisson, Hersen &  Van Hasselt, 1987; Thurlow, 2005). In the current context of a diminishing need for younger people in the work force, and the trend toward longer education and dependence upon parents, adolescence could be seen as lasting until the early to mid twenties, rather than to the age of 18. Because of these changes, the position of adolescents is somewhat ambiguous, as the extended duration of adolescence means that expectations of both parents and adolescents for the adult status of the adolescents are delayed (Newton, 1995; Thurlow, 2005). Previously parents and their children could expect a fairly consistent chronology from childhood to adulthood and independence. Now, to a much greater extent, this trajectory is more variable and adolescents have to rely on the family for longer periods, with implications for the adolescents, their parents and other family relationships.

1.3.1 Childhood to Adolescence An important principle to understand is the significance of developmental history to how young people cope with adolescence and to the quality of family relationships during this “challenging period” (Sroufe et  al., p.175). These authors, based on a  longitudinal study of American children beginning before birth and continuing for 30 years, discuss “the legacies of the earliest years of life” (Sroufe et al., p.175), showing very clearly the ways that later development builds on earlier experiences in the family and beyond. For example, the ability to regulate emotion and the sense of inner worth and ego-resiliency are seen as products of earlier developmental history. These attributes are critical to the acquisition of the skills needed for positive relationships within the family and to later social relationships within the broader social world. As Sroufe et al. point out “more children have problems, and more serious problems, during adolescence than during middle childhood” (Sroufe et al., p.175), problems that they see as resulting primarily from developmental history. Steinberg and Morris (2001) also provide support for this viewpoint. In other words, problems in adolescence do not come out of nowhere, but build on the foundations established in infancy and childhood.

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 Adolescence and Families

It is important to acknowledge that families participating in the Sroufe et al. (2005) study were poor families that would be considered at risk for developmental problems. Nevertheless, many of these families and their young people developed in positive ways. Hence it is clear that some families that would normally be considered vulnerable can transition effectively through this phase and actually thrive because of their positive connections and supportive family contexts. In fact, there is a  great deal of evidence that most adolescents do not develop significant problems and do cope effectively with the challenges they confront during this period of their lives (Arnett, 1999; Steinberg, 1999; Steinberg &  Morris, 2001). Gutman and Eccles (2007) showed that those adolescents whose family environments satisfy their developmental needs such as providing appropriate involvement in decision-making are more likely to become well-adjusted young people. Adolescents’ beliefs about their choice to be involved in decision-making with their parents, or make decisions on their own certainly seem important to positive development (Van Petegem, Beyers, Vansteenkiste & Soenens, 2013; Van Petegem, Vansteenkiste & Beyers, 2013). As Parke (2004a) notes there is a  very strong interdependence among family members. Hence, to understand families and their relationships, we need to realise the interconnections among the roles and functions of various members and how they affect each other. Thus as children move into adolescence, where they have an expectation of increasing independence, parents begin to change from being advisors to being guides, gradually allowing more autonomy to their young people. In an earlier study, Grotevant and Cooper (1986) showed the need for this change in family relationships so that adolescents can develop more equitable relationships with their parents.

1.3.2 Early Adolescence to Late Adolescence Changes between early and late adolescence occur for a  number of reasons. For example, the onset of puberty, cognitive development, transitions to high school, and changing relationships with peers and family members (Gutman & Eccles, 2007). For some adolescents, these changes are constructive and are likely to promote positive growth and adjustment. For other adolescents, however, these changes are likely to have an impact on both their self-esteem and their mental health. Further, for a  minority of adolescents, these changes are likely to increase the risk of their becoming involved in a range of problem behaviours (Bongers, Koot, Van der Ende, & Verhulst, 2004; Eccles, Midgley, Wigfield, Reuman, et al., 1993; Hankin, Abramson, Moffitt, Silva, McGee, & Angell, 1998). (See Chapter 6) The impact of these changes may also vary by gender and ethnicity. Much has been made of the lack of rites of passage for adolescents coming into adulthood (Hendry, Glendinning, Shycksmith, Love &  Scott, 1994; Newton, 1995), and the ambiguity surrounding adolescents’ status (Thurlow, 2005). These issues are emerging as increasingly complex, and researchers have looked to new ways to



The Developing Brain 

 7

understand early life transitions. A clear pathway from childhood to adolescence to adulthood no longer represents the experiences or expectations of most adolescents and their families. Because of this complex context in which adolescents make the transition through to adult status, the concept of “emerging adulthood” has been used to describe a newly-defined developmental phase encompassing the ages 18-25 years, a  period of transition between adolescence and adulthood (Arnett, 2000a; 2004; 2007). According to Arnett (2007) it is during this period, in western societies at least, that young people are finalising the tasks they began in adolescence and defining their individual identities and their futures in love and work. Emerging adults are moving beyond reliance on their parents but are not quite at a stage where they have made commitments to partnerships or careers.

1.4 The Developing Brain Developmental neuroscience, and in particular the use of Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI), has enhanced current knowledge of brain development and provides information that has implications for our understanding of adolescence. This research indicates that brain development is not complete in adolescence and that the pre-frontal cortex is changing and developing until the mid twenties (Keating, 2004). This plasticity of the brain during adolescence is helpful for learning and as we learn through new experience, adolescents are often seen as “sensation seeking”. For this reason, these new experiences, both positive and negative, will impact upon development (Konrad, Firk &  Uhlhaas, 2013). Adolescent brain development and restructuring, like behavioural changes, are related to the hormonal changes of puberty (Goddings, Heyes, Bird, Viner & Blakemore, 2012; Konrad et al., 2013). Therefore it is fair to say that adolescents have many changes to contend with whilst they mature physically and emotionally in an ever-changing, and more ambiguous world. Different parts of the brain develop at different rates, and during adolescence there is a lot of growth in the pre-frontal cortex. This development involves the higher functioning areas of the brain and is about thinking and psychosocial skills that are related to the ability to manage emotions and plan and make decisions, among other things (Steinberg, 2004). In a review of the literature on brain development, Konrad and colleagues (2013) indicate that the imbalance between the earlier maturing limbic and reward systems of the brain and the later maturing pre-frontal control system of the brain in adolescence may underlie adolescent emotional reactivity and risky behaviour. Steinberg (2004) and Konrad and colleagues (2013) indicate that the advances in neuroscience have supported the view that adolescence is a time of development that holds both risks and opportunities for young people. These findings underline the importance of good quality family relationships that provide positive guidance and support to adolescents until their brains are fully developed.

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 Adolescence and Families

It was once thought that adolescents participated in risky behaviours (e.g. drug use, unprotected sex, dangerous driving) because they lacked the knowledge and skills to make good decisions about these issues. However, current knowledge provides evidence that adolescents understand the hazards involved in such risky activities but because of their lack of decision-making skills, decide to engage in them regardless (Steinberg, 2007). Steinberg contends that the less-developed psychosocial brain-pathways of adolescents may prevent them from making good decisions in some of these situations. The social advantages of risky behaviour may be considered by adolescents to be more advantageous than the risks themselves (Konrad et al., 2013). In other words, when the socio-emotional part of the brain is active, such as when adolescents are with peers, the brain processes that provide control are less likely to be able to exert an influence on decision-making, and adolescents are more likely to make bad or risky decisions. Obviously if adolescent brains are also fuelled by the use of alcohol and other mind-altering substances, disaster is possible (see Chapter 6). Steinberg (2007) also argues that understanding the environment, such as family and peer relationships, together with the ways the development of neural pathways affects adolescents’ abilities to make good decisions and manage their emotions, is important. It will be interesting to see the advancements in these fields of research over the next decade and hopefully this branch of science will continue to be consistent with developmental research.

1.5 Community and Political Involvement Studies of the benefits of community involvement for young people show that those who are active in their communities have lower rates of the kinds of problem behaviours in which adolescents can become involved (Allen, Philliber, Herrling & Gabriel, 1997; Barber, Eccles & Stone, 2001; Mahoney & Cairns, 1997). In a  study of adolescents in their final years of secondary school, and using measures of psychological adjustment, identity development, and parent and peer interactions to predict their community and political involvement, four distinct groups of adolescents were identified (Pancer, Pratt, Hunsberger &  Alisat, 2007). The  researchers labelled the four groups as Activists, Helpers, Responders and Uninvolved. Activists tended to be involved in both community and political activities; Helpers helped people in their communities on an  individual basis but tended not to be involved in political activities; Responders did not initiate helping or political activities but were willing to volunteer assistance when that was needed; the fourth group were the uninvolved adolescents. Involved adolescents, whether activists, helpers or responders, reported higher levels of optimism, self-esteem and support than the uninvolved adolescents. The  authors point out that the sample was not randomly selected, although it was representative of a significant proportion of the young students in the area. The authors

Summary 

 9

also acknowledge that the direction of causation needs to be interpreted with caution. It is possible that it is the young people who are better adjusted who are the most likely to get involved in their communities, rather than that community involvement leads to better adjustment. Realistically the effects could be bidirectional.

1.6 Summary The ways in which ‘adolescences’ are defined varies across cultures and with the changes in societies. Currently, adolescents have greater freedom but fewer structures that support them to make choices and decisions about their futures. The view that adolescence is a stressful time for families has lost dominance. Most families make the transition through this stage without any major disturbance. Stereotypes of adolescents are largely negative and many adults perceive adolescents as rude, irresponsible and wild. When adults and adolescents are connected with each other and their communities, adults tend to view adolescents more positively. Adults are not always consciously aware of the stereotypical views they hold of adolescents. Parents who hold strong stereotypical views of adolescents in general can perceive their own adolescent in a more negative light than those who do not hold such strong stereotypes. Also, when parents hold strong stereotypical views, their adolescents are likely to display more problematic behaviour and have poorer relationships with them. New discoveries in neuroscience have indicated that brains are not fully developed until the mid-twenties. This later development is about the refinement of thinking and psychosocial skills. In adolescence the pathways in the brain that provide control are less developed and adolescents may be more likely to make risky decisions, particularly when they are with their peers. In Chapter 2 we explore some of the many theoretical perspectives that are used to explain and understand this life stage. We focus on Family Systems Theory, cognitive theories, Separation-Individuation, identity formation, Attachment theory, and Life Course Theory. We also consider the relatively new emphasis by some scholars of Positive Youth Development. In Chapter 3 we focus on the diverse environments in which young people grow up, and the impact of those environments on the well-being and development of adolescents. We look at the effects of family structure, financial difficulties, parent characteristics, issues related to parenting such as parental mental health and the quality of the marital relationship. A further focus is on the importance of relationships with siblings and the extended family and the communities with which the adolescents are involved. In Chapter 4, we explore the quality of family communication and relationships. The primary focus is on the implications of these processes for adolescent adjustment. We focus on the changing nature of these relationships as adolescents renegotiate

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 Adolescence and Families

roles and rules with their families, to ensure that their relationships reflect the increasing need for adolescents to become independent. We include discussion of conflict, decision-making, disclosure and secrecy, discipline, sibling communication and families’ use of technology as a communication tool. The impact for children of parental divorce in the western world has featured in much research over the last few decades and we explore the impact of family breakdown on adolescents in Chapter 5. We discuss the impact of common living arrangements for children following the divorce of their parents, and communication, conflict and parental disclosure following the breakup. We also address the long-term effects of family breakdown on adolescent adjustment and later relationships, and the ways that adolescents manage their relationships with the non-resident parent and siblings. Another focus is the impact of living in a stepfamily. In Chapter 6 we look at a  broad array of adolescent issues and the multiple features of families that can contribute to adolescent outcomes. We explore the issues in terms of externalising and internalising behaviour. We discuss alcohol and other drugs, issues around sexuality, antisocial behaviour and delinquency, depression, self-harm and suicide, and eating disorders. Whilst leaving home during adolescence is not the norm for most young people many do leave for a variety of reasons. In Chapter 7 we aim to give an overview of the contexts in which adolescents may leave the family home at this early stage of life. We consider the impact of family structure, and the quality of family relationships on the timing of leaving home for young people. We also discuss other reasons for leaving home such as for study or career options, or to cohabit or marry. We also focus on young people who run away and those who become homeless. In Chapter 8 we focus on the concept of resilience and explore both the causes and consequences of resilience, asking why some adolescents are able to handle adversity so well and others not so well. We also discuss the complex links between parenting and temperament, focusing on some longitudinal research, some of which was initially carried out on infants and children, following these children into adolescence and beyond. Adolescents are living in a  rapidly changing world that impacts the ways in which this developmental stage is viewed and studied. The ways that society and the world in general have changed over the last few decades have created new challenges and complexities for both adolescents and their families. For this reason support, guidance and understanding from parents are critical to the well being of adolescents, during this time and into adulthood. In the next chapter we explore the theories that are used to understand and investigate the adolescent experience in the context of the family.

2 Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescents in the Family In this chapter our goal is to focus on theories of adolescence and adolescent development. Theories have two basic functions: the first is to organize and give meaning to what we understand about an area and the second is to guide researchers by suggesting hypotheses that they can test in their experiments (Goossens, 2006). For example, attachment theory, which we will explore later, gives researchers ideas about how those adolescents who are secure and those who are insecure in terms of their attachment to parents are likely to behave in particular situations, such as in relating to their mothers (Becker-Stoll, Fremmer-Bombik, Wartner, Zimmerman & Grossman, 2008) or becoming involved with a romantic partner (Hazan & Zeifman, 1994). As previously mentioned, in early theories of adolescence, this phase of development was seen as a  period of storm and stress, because of puberty (Freud, 1958) and the strong mechanisms of defence needed to control sexual impulses at this time of life, or because of changes in the emotional life of adolescents (Hall, 1904). According to Hall, because the higher emotions (e.g., sympathy, love, aesthetic enjoyment) are only developing at this stage, adolescents are subject to continuous oscillations between emotional extremes. Examples of such extremes or oppositions include sensitiveness and dullness, self-confidence and humility, selfishness and altruism, wisdom and folly. According to the ‘storm and stress’ theory, adolescents were expected to experience (and display) frequent mood swings, to have difficult relationships with their parents, and to be prone to risk-taking (Arnett, 1999). While these characteristics may sound familiar to those who live or work with adolescents, particularly troubled adolescents, it is problematic to assume that all adolescents everywhere experience these problems to a  similar degree. We now know that most adolescents survive this period of their lives without extreme mood swings, have relatively harmonious relationships with their parents and don’t take risks like driving at high speed while under the influence of alcohol (Arnett, 1999). Nevertheless, adolescence is generally perceived, especially in Western cultures, as a  difficult time for many young people because during this stage, they need to establish their own unique identity and also deal with pressure from their peer group and respond to the expectations of society (Northrup &  Bean, 2007). Hill and her colleagues argue that adolescence “is marked by change and renegotiation in almost every arena” (p.367; Hill, Bromell, Tyson & Flint, 2007). Relationships with parents need to be renegotiated to reflect the greater maturity and needs for autonomy of the adolescent. In addition, biological, social and cognitive development are likely to result in big changes in all three areas.

© 2014 Patricia Noller, Sharon Atkin This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License.

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 Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescents in the Family

The anthropologist, Margaret Mead (1928), studied young people on an island in Samoa who had little contact with the west and showed that the ‘storm and stress’ experience was not universal but largely determined by the broader culture in which the young people lived. Of course, it is arguable whether finding one very different culture where such a phenomenon does not appear to exist really ‘proves’ that the storm and stress experience is not common among adolescents. Other researchers such as Daniel Offer (e.g., Offer, Ostrov &  Howard, 1982) and Reed Larson (Larson &  Richards, 1994; Larson, Richards, Moneta, Holmbeck &  Duckett, 1996) have found more concrete evidence that most adolescents cope effectively with this stage of their lives. It is important to note that these studies were carried out with normal community adolescents and are not based on the experiences of the “neurotic Viennese women” with whom Freud worked, or even on adolescents who could be labelled as having mental health problems.

2.1 Family Systems Theory From a systems theory perspective, the family is seen as “a dynamic whole composed of constantly shifting inter-relationships but still bounded and rule-governed” (Sieburg, 1985, p.xi). In other words, the focus is not so much on the individual members of the family, but on how the behaviour of each family member affects the others. The impact that each member has on other members, and on the system as a whole, is seen as systematic and predictable (Cox & Paley, 1997; Parke, 2004a). According to Family Systems theory, there are also subsystems such as the parental subsystem (which may involve two resident parents, one resident and one non-resident parent, one resident biological parent and a step-parent, and a non-resident parent, or a single parent) and the child subsystem (involving all the children in the family). In a step- or blended family, the child subsystem might be divided between his children and her children, or even his children, her children and their children. The basic principles of Family Systems Theory include: –– the whole family system is greater than the individual contributions of members; –– change in one member of the family will affect other members and the system as a whole; –– families can react to the same experience quite differently and similar experiences do not necessarily lead to the same outcome; –– families need to be able to change in response to both factors internal to the family and to external factors such as changes in society; –– family members tend to work together to restore the status quo following a difficult event; –– behaviour is primarily communicative, with the most important communication being about the relationships between individuals; –– Families have rules, both implicit and explicit, that define the nature of the family.



Cognitive Theories 

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Family Systems Theory (FST) changed the way scholars think about families in several ways. The focus moved from individual members to the family as a whole, especially in two important areas: family breakdown and the way therapy is approached (Noller & Fitzpatrick, 1993). For example, “no fault divorce” can be seen as an outcome of FST, with the focus on the system rather than on the bad behaviour of any individual. Family therapy could also be seen as an outcome of FST, because the focus is on the complex interactions among family members, rather than on the “identified patient” who might be a scapegoat for the rest of the family members. From an FST perspective, the rules governing the system need to be flexible and negotiable in response to the changing needs of the developing adolescent. Changes in parents’ behaviour and the family climate can be predicted by the attributes and behaviours of adolescents. Further, the family environment is a product of the input of both the parent/s and the adolescents (Persson, Stattin &  Kerr, 2004; Stattin, Persson, Burk & Kerr, 2011). Stattin et al. argue that democratic family systems are created by the interdependence of parent/s and adolescents, with mutual openness and responsiveness being important. These authors found that both adolescent and parent behaviour predicted changes in adolescents’ perceptions of the family climate. In addition, when changes occurred, the behaviour of both parent and adolescent were affected. Family Systems Theory plays an important role in our understanding of families and the individuals within them. For example, a  crucial change that has occurred because of FST is the emphasis on family therapy, with the identified patient seen as a  product of the family system rather than a  problem in his or her own right. Family therapy focuses on “fixing” the family system, rather than focusing on the individual, who may just revert to the problematic behaviour when returned to the family following therapy.

2.2 Cognitive Theories Cognitive theorists such as Piaget (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958) and Elkind (1967) focused their attention on the changes in thinking that occur during adolescence. Adolescents become capable of formal operations, meaning that their thinking becomes more abstract and they can consider various possibilities, deal with propositions and plan ahead. These features should mean that parents and adolescents are able to engage in meaningful conversations about issues that affect the adolescent’s future such as study and travel plans. The  research that we mentioned in Chapter 1 about the development of the adolescent brain, however, would suggest that adolescents need help from their parents in working through decisions. According to Piaget and his colleagues, adolescents tend to be idealistic, but in a  naïve kind of way, thinking that they can change the world for the better. He argues that an important step towards adulthood is to become more realistic. On the

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 Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescents in the Family

other hand, a more positive approach may be to harness this idealism in ways that benefit society. For example, in the recent (2011) disastrous floods in Queensland, Australia, many young people were among the army of volunteers who went out helping complete strangers whose homes had been flooded to clean the mud out of their houses and clean up possessions that could be salvaged. Some of these young volunteers came from interstate and even from as far away as Texas, USA. Family influences such as belonging to a family that is highly community-minded or that has a focus on caring for those in need are likely to play a large part in a young person’s willingness to be a volunteer in such circumstances.

2.2.1 Adolescent Egocentrism Another cognitive theory about adolescent behaviour is Elkind’s (1967) focus on what he calls the egocentrism of adolescents who are likely to be very preoccupied with themselves and their own issues and tend to think that others are preoccupied with them as well. From this preoccupation comes the self-consciousness that is so much a part of the adolescent experience. Elkind describes the egocentrism of adolescence as “the failure to differentiate between the cognitive concerns of others and those of the self” (p.1025). He also describes how adolescents tend to see themselves as surrounded by an imaginary audience and how they construct a personal fable for themselves. One of the best examples of the imaginary audience in recent literature is in Ian McEwan’s “Atonement”, where the 13 year-old Briony imagines her mother’s funeral with herself as the complete focus of attention (see Box). According to Goossens (2006a), this concept of the imaginary audience may also help to explain why adolescents are so self-conscious, because they project both their good and bad feelings onto their imaginary audience, an audience that they believe is always watching.

"Her mother was forty-six, dispiritingly old. One day she would die. There would be a funeral in the village at which Briony's dignified reticence would hint at the vastness of her sorrow. As her friends came up to murmur their condolences they would feel awed by the scale of her tragedy. She saw herself standing alone in a great arena, within a towering colosseum, watched not only by all the people she knew but by all those she would ever know, the whole cast of her life assembled before her in her loss. And at the churchyard, in what they called the grandparent's corner, she and Leon and Cecilia would stand in an interminable embrace in the long grass by the new headstone, again watched. It had to be witnessed. It was the pity of these well-wishers that pricked her eyes." McEwan, L (2003) Box 2.1: Adolescent Imaginary Audience

Individuation 

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The concept of personal fable refers to the adolescent belief about being special and unique (in the sense of better than others) and invulnerable to harm, or invincible. For example, they may believe that smoking will not harm them (Frankenberger, 2004), that they can drive a  car without passing the test, or have unprotected sex or engage in binge-drinking without the consequences that might result for other people (Schwartz, Maynard &  Uzelac, 2008). While these concepts are interesting and provide for fascinating anecdotes, there does not seem to be extensive research into these phenomena or the association between these phenomena and family processes. In addition, as we noted in Chapter 1, there is evidence that although adolescents understand the dangers of risky behaviour, they are likely to engage in these behaviours, to varying degrees, in any case (Steinberg, 2007).

2.3 Individuation There are two somewhat related processes that adolescents need to go through in order to become mature adults: separation-individuation and establishing an independent identity. Although these two processes of individuation and identityformation are discussed separately, they are clearly related and may be occurring simultaneously. In a sense, engaging in the separation-individuation process makes it easier to develop a separate identity and developing a separate identity makes the individuation process easier. Erikson (1968) saw identity formation as the central outcome of individuation. Separation-individuation, as the name suggests, can be seen as two separate but related processes (Bray, Adams, Getz & McQueen, 2003; Silverberg & Gondoli, 1996). According to Bray et al., individuation reflects an individual’s need for close intimate relationships with parents or parental figures while still being able to operate autonomously and make many of one’s own decisions. Separation, on the other hand, can involve an  unhealthy detachment from the family and a  rejection of parental values in favour of those of peers. More recent discussions have focused on whether it is more helpful to define individuation in terms of autonomy or independence (e.g., Van Petegem, Vansteenkiste, & Beyers, 2013). The process of individuation does not necessarily involve leaving the family home or breaking ties with family members but is likely to involve a gradual change (probably not fast enough for adolescents) in which they have more influence on decisions involving themselves, and parents have less influence. As Crespi and Sabatelli (1997) note, young people at this stage are expected to rework their ties to their family members and to establish “a separate yet connected self” and come to see themselves as separate and distinct within their social network of family and friends. They also need to renegotiate their relationships with their parents so that they are no longer a child being ‘controlled’ by a parent but a person of more equal status seeking relationships of greater mutuality with their parents. The task for adolescents is to

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 Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescents in the Family

develop increasing autonomy while, at the same time, maintaining a  strong sense of connection and a  meaningful emotional bond with their parents (PalladinoSchultheiss, & Blustein, 1994). In their classic study of individuation in adolescents, Grotevant and Cooper (1986) analysed the family interactions of adolescents. They focused on two qualities: individuality and connectedness because they believed that these two factors were important for the development of healthy adolescents. Individuality was important because it allowed the adolescents to see themselves as distinct from other family members and thus to both express their own views and acknowledge the views of other family members who were separate from them. Their connectedness to other family members, on the other hand, gave them the security to express their views without the fear of being “shot down in flames”. As the work by Grotevant and Cooper (1986) shows, this important process of individuation can be either helped or hindered by parental reactions to adolescents’ attempts at individuation. Cobb (1998) argues that how easy or difficult adolescents find this transition depends on the kind of support they receive, particularly from their parents. Where the adolescents are able to experience real connectedness to other family members and are secure in their presence, real sharing of ideas could take place. In an Australian study, Noller and Callan (1986) used the two main dimensions of Olson’s Circumplex model (Olson et al., 1983) and found that adolescents wanted high levels of adaptability in their families so they could make decisions for themselves about what they would do, but they also wanted high levels of cohesion or closeness so that they could be confident in the support of their parents. Vansteenkiste and colleagues (Vansteenkiste, Soenens, Duriez & Van Petegem, 2014) found that whether adolescents internalised rules or became defiant depended on the way that the rule was introduced. The  degree of rule enforcement was not as important as the way rules were communicated. Because individuation develops more easily when family relationships are healthy, this process can be seen as a “co-construction by children and their parents” (Reis & Buhl, 2008, p.369). The role of parents is to encourage individual adolescents to think, feel and act independently of other family members and the process can be explained in terms of parent-child transactions during this family and life stage (Koepke &  Denissen, 2012). Where this kind of differentiation is not encouraged, family members’ individuality is likely to be negated. A worst-case scenario is when having different ideas is seen as disloyalty and a threat to the stability of the family (Crespi & Sabatelli, 1997). Those who struggle to individuate are likely to become overdependent on family members and over-identified with them. Paradoxically, those who successfully individuate tend to have a greater capacity for close relationships without the risk of being overly dependent on them. Even in divorced or separated families, the quality of relationships with both the mother and the father is related to the separation-individuation process (Jones, Kramer, Armitage, & Williams, 2003). Young adults whose parents were divorced by

Individuation 

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the time they were adolescents indicated much higher levels of blurred boundaries within their families during their adolescence (Perrin, Ehrenberg & Hunter, 2013). Jones and colleagues found that boys whose fathers lived elsewhere were more separated from their fathers on some dimensions, although this difference was less clear when the boys had a high quality relationship with both of their parents. The more contact the son had with his non-resident father, the more likely he was to achieve a  healthy separation, although he was still likely to maintain strong dependence on his father. (See Chapter 5 for more information on adolescents in divorced or separated families). Although there are not a lot of differences between males and females in terms of the processes involved in separation-individuation, there is evidence that males tend to shun dependent ties, whereas females tend to have a greater capacity for forming close relationships with their peers (Gnaulati & Heine, 2001). These findings would seem to provide support for the view that modern males eschew commitment and are less willing to marry or be involved in committed relationships. Comparisons of the individuation process between adolescents in the USA and in European countries showed that the relative power of adolescents was greater in German families than in American families (Laursen, Wilder, Noack & Williams, 2000; Noack &  Buhl, 2004). This finding may be a  function of a  higher focus on authority in the USA (Reis & Buhl, 2008). German adolescents reported being closer to their mothers than did American adolescents, although there were no differences with regard to closeness to fathers (Laursen et al., 2000). It is important to remember, however, that individuation is likely to be different in Western countries where there is a much stronger focus on individualism and agency (having the power to take action) than is true for collectivist cultures such as Turkey (Kagitcibasi, 2005). One problem for Western societies in particular is that too much emphasis on individuation can lead to the kind of rampant individualism that we see in the media where an individual is supported by the media in believing that he or she is ‘the most important person in the world’ and should do what is best for him or herself even if others could be hurt by such selfish behaviour. Collectivist cultures tend to put more emphasis on what is good for the family or the society rather than on what is good for the individual. While such an  approach may sometimes ‘cramp the style’ of individuals, not allowing them the freedom that is available in the West, it may also produce a more harmonious society. Collectivist countries can be found in Asia, Africa, the Middle East and the Pacific Islands. Psychiatrist Stuart Hauser and his colleagues who carried out a  30-year longitudinal study known as the Adolescent Families Development Project (see Allen, 2010; Hauser & Allen, 2006; Hauser, Allen & Golden, 2006) were particularly interested in exploring the ways in which family interactions during adolescence impact on adolescents’ psychosocial development. The sample for this study involved 146 young people, all of whom were 14 years of age. Half the sample were Boston High School students and the other half were psychiatric patients who had been in hospital

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 Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescents in the Family

for a range of psychiatric disorders, although adolescents who suffered from thought disorder, mental retardation or organic disorders were excluded. The adolescents in the sample, who had also experienced serious abuse by close family members, lived for between two months and a year in the hospital. Data collection was very comprehensive and included questionnaires and tests, open-ended interviews, and audio-taped observational data of parents and teens discussing disagreements. Working from an  understanding that ”a central task of adolescent development is the adolescent’s need to establish autonomy while maintaining relationships with parents” (Allen, 2010, p. 243), Hauser, Allen and colleagues focused on the ways that adolescents’ interactions with parents facilitated or hindered their individuation (Hauser, Borman, Jacobson, Powers, 1991; Hauser, Powers & Noam, 1991). These researchers were interested in how adolescents reacted to parents’ continual attempts to constrain their needs for more autonomy and the consequences of that type of parenting over time. Hauser, Allen and colleagues focused on the expression of hostility and found that there was a modelling effect, with hostile behaviour on the part of parents producing hostile behaviour in adolescents. They also found that where adolescents struggled to achieve an appropriate level of autonomy, they tended to be more negative in their interactions over time (Allen, Hauser, Eickholt, Bell &  O’Connor, 1994) and more hostile to other family members (Allen, Hauser, O’Connor, Bell & Eickholt, 1996). A further consequence of parents constraining an  adolescent’s moves towards greater autonomy was greater hostility in their relationships with their peers. Adolescents whose strivings towards autonomy were undermined by their parents were more hostile than other adolescents in their relationships with their peers as many as ten years later (Allen, Hauser, O’Connor &  Bell, 2002). As Allen (2010) summarizes this aspect of the research, “frustration of a central developmental task was associated with more dysfunctional behaviour much later in development and in new contexts” (p.247).

2.4 Identity Formation Every adolescent tends to reach a point in time when they realise that they can no longer continue behaving as a child and they have to put away childish things (Cobb, 1998). Adolescents face many changes and need to make sense of a  range of new experiences and new expectations, and to forge a stable identity. Achieving a stable identity involves making a  number of decisions about who one is and what one wants to become. As Kroger explains, the goal of adolescence is “To become faithful and committed to some ideological world view, …to find a  cause worthy of one’s vocational energies and reflecting one’s basic values” (Kroger, 2004, p.29). Kroger sees the establishment of a stable identity as “one of life’s critical crossroads in the transition to adult life”.



Identity Formation 

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Identity refers to a  person’s “stable, coherent and integrated sense of self” (Perosa, Perosa & Tam, 1996, p.818). In other words, those with stable identities know who they are and what they stand for. A stable identity will involve a range of choices other than a vocational choice, including choices about political preferences, religious commitments and sexual orientation to name a few relevant areas. These choices are likely to be affected by family relationships whether, in extreme cases, an adolescent decides to adopt family values in their entirety or to rebel totally against those values and live on the street, for example (Pears & Noller, 1995). In earlier times, at least in Europe and the United Kingdom, identity tended to be restricted by social status and family ties that determined a  person’s position for life (Baumeister, 1987). For example, in the fairly rigid social class structure that permeated Britain in earlier times, individuals were expected to work within the confines of the social class of their family of origin (Jane Austen’s “Pride and Prejudice” is about this issue). Young males would be expected to be a labourer or a tradesman or a professional in line with the work of their fathers. Boys would also be expected to attend a similar school to their father and to marry someone of their own class. Forming an identity has come to be seen as a task that every adolescent needs to accomplish (Erikson, 1968). Part of the process of identity formation involves reflecting on the rules, roles and values that were adopted as a child in the family. Adolescents need to make decisions about which ones to continue and which to discard in the light of their own developing interests and values and their understanding of their own talents (Kroger, 2004). Erikson (1968, 1980) saw individuals as falling along a dimension from identity synthesis (those who have successfully worked through the process discussed above) and identity confusion. Those at the identity confusion end of the dimension are those who have difficulty developing a workable set of values and ideals that will be part of their adult identity (Schwartz, 2001). Some writers have emphasized that adolescents are likely to be continually receiving feedback from the social environment, particularly from family and friends, as they explore alternative identities and commit to certain values and roles (Kerpelman & Lamke, 1997). Some of this feedback will confirm them in the choices they have already made about identity, and some will lead them to think further about that identity. In addition, whereas some adolescents and young adults are likely to be open to such feedback even when it is not consistent with their own view of themselves, others are likely to seek only feedback that is in line with their own view and still others are likely to ignore all feedback. “It’s my life and I’ll do what I want”. Grotevant (1987) in his discussion of identity focused on the exploration process and noted that individuals are likely to differ in terms of the abilities and orientations that they bring to this process. For example, those who are rigid in their orientation and have few skills in critical thinking or problem-solving would have difficulty engaging in the kind of exploration of alternative possibilities needed to reach the stage of identity achievement. Meeus (2011), in his extensive review of longitudinal research on adolescent

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identity formation, argued that there is a lack of empirical research showing that young people actually engage in exploration before committing to an identity. He argued that family relationships are critical to this whole process of identity achievement. Meeus showed that for adolescents, having a mature identity is related to the level of warmth in the family. Those with a  mature identity tend to show high levels of psychological adjustment, be positive in terms of their personalities and do well at school.

2.4.1 Family Structure and the Development of Identity Benson and Johnson (2009) explored the ways in which family structure during the adolescent years affects the age at which young people self-identify as adults. According to their findings, those in families with their two biological parents were less likely than those in single-parent and stepfamilies to see themselves as adults. Two-parent adoptive families were similar to the biological families. These researchers argue that the differences can be explained by the lack of economic resources available to nonnuclear families. The findings for stepfamilies, however, indicated that other factors such as the quality of relationships and the level of responsibility afforded the young person as well as the level of parental monitoring had an impact on the adolescent’s subjective sense of having attained adulthood.

2.4.2 Ethnicity and identity An important aspect of identity development concerns ethnic identity. This issue has probably become more important, given the heavy rates of migration, particularly to the western world and the current emphasis on multiculturalism. Ethnic identity involves understanding one’s ethnic group and one’s membership in that group even when one is likely to be a victim of racial or ethnic stigmatization (Hill et al., 2007; Hughes, Hughes, Rodriguez, Smith, Johnson et al., 2006). For example, those young people who have developed a strong ethnic identity as African American tend to be more socially competent and perform better academically than their peers whose ethnic identity is weaker; they are also less likely to become involved in delinquent or acting-out behaviour (Yasui, Dorham & Dishion, 2004). Identity development for these adolescents was influenced by both the home environment and their peers (Hill et  al., 2007; Hughes et al., 2006). In fact, Hill et al. see identity formation for adolescents in Western cultures as mainly occurring outside the family in interaction with peers. African American adolescents need to be socialized about the history and the cultural beliefs of African Americans and also about the identification and handling of discrimination. They also need to carry out the kind of identity exploration that leads to positive mental health outcomes, despite the difficulties likely to be encountered (French, Seidman, Allen & Aber, 2006).



Identity Formation 

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In a  study of the ethnic identity of a  sample of African-American adolescents, having a higher level of ethnic identity was positively related to parents’ income and family cohesion as well as to their interpersonal functioning and their self-esteem (Street, Harris-Britt and Walker-Barnes, 2009). Ethnic identity was negatively related to their reports of conflict in the family and to their levels of depression. Those adolescents who reported having a positive ethnic identity as well as high levels of cohesion in their family also reported the highest levels of psychological adjustment, supporting the importance of adolescents establishing, not only a stable and coherent identity, but also the need for that identity to be positive if they are to be well-adjusted. Northrup and Bean (2007) discuss the situation of multiracial adolescents (That is where mother and father are of different ethnic backgrounds.) They focus on adolescents, one of whose parents is Latino (Hispanic) and the other is AngloAmerican. They see adolescents with a  multiracial parentage as likely to have a  particularly difficult time in establishing an  identity. These authors argue that these young people “must develop this new identity and decide how, or even if, they can reflect positive aspects of all heritages while simultaneously rejecting social expectations and stereotypes” (p. 252). Northrup and Bean (2007) focus on the special problems of adolescents who have at least one Latino parent, arguing that those whose Latino parent is white are likely to have an easier experience of identity formation and general social experience than those whose Latino parent is dark-skinned (Alvarez, 1998; Bonilla-Silva, 2004). In addition, youth with mixed-race parentage may not always be accepted by the extended families and racial groups into which they have been born (Deters, 1997). If one group is more accepting than the other group, a young person may decide to adopt that identity exclusively (Northrup & Bean). According to Hill et al. (2007) the development of ethnic identity often begins with a crisis such as experiencing discrimination or finding oneself in a more diverse group of peers in middle school or high school. Discrimination is obviously more likely to occur in groups involving young people from several different ethnic groups. Unfortunately, low-income African Americans are more likely than those of other ethnicities to experience discrimination. It is important to remember, however, that low-income Anglo-Americans are also likely to experience discrimination, particularly in schools involving whites from different SES groups.

2.4.3 Marcia’s identity statuses Based on his Identity Status Interview, Marcia (1966) defined four identity statuses that may characterize adolescents. Whereas some critics claim that Marcia’s model is out-dated, Meeus (2011) claims that his work is the “most important elaboration” of Erikson’s work (p.75) ever carried out. In addition, Schwartz (2001) has commented on the usefulness and versatility of the identity status model. Marcia’s model was based

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 Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescents in the Family

on two dimensions. The first dimension concerns whether or not an individual has made a commitment to particular social roles and values, and the second concerns whether or not the commitment was preceded by a period of exploration. According to Marcia, the best commitments are made after a period of exploration that leads to a time of crisis and decision-making. (See Table 2.1) Table 2.1: Marcia’s Identity Statuses Period of Exploration Commitment

Yes

No

Yes

Identity achieved

Foreclosure

No

Moratorium

Identity diffusion

Marcia argued that the identity-achieved individuals have been through a period of exploration concerning who they are and what they want from life, whereas foreclosed individuals have committed themselves to an  identity without going through such a period of exploration. These individuals, who are often females (Perosa et al., 1996), tend to adopt “roles and values of childhood identification figures”. For example, they may choose a career by deciding to ‘follow in their mother’s or father’s footsteps’ (Kroger, 2004, p.37); they may also decide, at a later time following some personal experience with that type of work that it doesn’t really suit them. Neither of the other two groups, Moratoriums or Diffusions have committed themselves to a particular set of roles and values, but Moratoriums are at least going through a process of exploration, whereas Diffusions are not really exploring the different possibilities that need to be considered in working towards a stable identity. In his review of the research on these identity statuses, Marcia (1980, 1993) concluded that those in the Identity-achieved status were most likely to be welladjusted, followed by those in the Foreclosure status. Those in the two groups characterized by low levels of commitment, Moratorium and Diffusion, were the least likely to be well adjusted, with those in the Diffusion status being the least well-adjusted of the four groups. This group was very similar to those Erikson (1968) described as identity-confused. It is also interesting to note that those in the groups high on exploration (Identity-achieved and Moratorium) were high in openness (that is, able to deal with the unfamiliar) and high in intellectual curiosity whereas those in the Identity-achieved and Foreclosure groups scored higher on conscientiousness than those in the two groups that were low on commitment (Clancy & Dollinger, 1993; Kroger & Green, 1996; Soenens, Duriez, & Goossens, 2005). Some studies show links between identity and parenting (Luyckx, Soenens, Vansteenkiste, Goossens & Berzonsky, 2007; Schwartz, Mason, Pantin & Szapoczik, 2009). Warm and supportive relationships with parents, as opposed to controlling relationships, were related to more advanced identity formation. Reis and Youniss



Identity Formation 

 23

(2004) found that over time, those adolescents whose identity development was stable or maturing were more likely to have improved communication with their mothers than those whose identity development regressed. Beyers and Goossens (2008) explored the short-term changes in identity formation in late adolescents, and their association with changes in their relationships with their parents. These researchers found that parenting was critical to the process of identity formation. A context of supportive parenting facilitates adolescents’ identity formation. Specifically, parents can assist their adolescent by being accepting and responsive and can inhibit their adolescent’s identity development if they are rejecting or overly controlling. There is also evidence that being involved in activities in one’s community, particularly in serving that community, aids in the development of identity (Pancer et  al., 2007; Pratt et  al., 2003; Taylor &  Pancer, 2007. Pancer et al. found that the Activists and Helpers in their study were significantly more advanced in terms of their identity development than those who were less active or not involved at all. (See Chapter 1 for more detail on this study)

2.4.4 Identity styles Another way of looking at identity formation involves focusing on the styles that individuals use in constructing a  stable identity, and thus focusing on the process rather than on identity status, given that personal identity tends to be constructed in social interactions with family, friends and others (Berzonsky, 1989, 1990). Combining the two approaches actually aids our understanding of the strong association between style and status (Schwartz, 2001). Berzonsky suggested three styles: informational, normative and diffuse-avoidant. (See Table 2.2) Table 2.2: Identity Styles Identity Style

Description

Informational style

Seek out information Reflect and work on problem Flexible commitments Related to identity-achieved status Highly conforming Rely on authority figures Rigid and dogmatic commitment Related to foreclosure status Put off making decisions React emotionally rather than rationally Low level of commitment Related to diffused status

Normative style

Diffuse-avoidant style

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 Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescents in the Family

The informational style involves having high self-esteem, seeking out information, working on the problem, making flexible commitments and being willing to reflect on the issue. This style is generally seen as the most adaptive style (Berzonsky, 1992; Schwartz, 2001). A person graduating from high school who carefully checks out potential courses and gets as much information about them as he can, keeping his options open until he has all the information, could be seen as operating in the informational style which is strongly related to the identity-achieved status (Berzonsky, 1993; Berzonsky & Neimeyer, 1994). These adolescents are likely to have parents who use an  authoritative style (see Chapter 3 on family environment for further discussion of parenting styles) and encourage exploration and negotiation in their youngsters. The normative style involves a closed-minded approach rather than exploration (Berzonsky, 1993) and is associated with the Foreclosure status. Thus those with a normative style tend to be highly conforming, relying heavily on authority figures such as parents, and their commitment tends to be rigid and dogmatic in line with their highly stable identity (Berzonsky & Neimeyer, 1994). As Schwartz (2001) notes, “the normative style involves passive copying of external standards and strong resistance toward any attempt to change those standards” (p.23). Someone with a normative style who was graduating from high school would be likely to take the course suggested by authority figures such as parents and teachers rather than do the kind of exploration that someone with an informational style would do. These adolescents are likely to have parents who use an authoritarian parenting style. In these families, obedience is likely to be a stronger value than encouraging adolescents to explore and negotiate and work things out for themselves. Adolescents with a  diffuse-avoidant style as the name suggests tend to put off making decisions and commitments and to deal with each situation as it comes, rather than having an integrated approach to life (Berzonsky, 1992). They are not good at problem solving and tend to react to situations emotionally rather than rationally. This style is associated with low levels of commitment, as well as low self-esteem and an unstable view of oneself. These adolescents have little concern about what the future holds for them or about the long-term consequences of the choices that they make. This style is most closely related to the diffused status in Marcia’s model (Berzonsky, 1989; Schwartz, 1998). Adolescents with a diffuse-avoidant style are likely to come from families where the parents’ style is permissive, leaving their youngsters to work things out for themselves without much guidance or negotiation.

2.5 Attachment Theory Attachment theory is based on the assumption that a  person’s relationship with the mother (or primary carer) in infancy has a  profound effect on that person’s adjustment and future relationships (Bowlby, 1969, 1973, 1980). The responsiveness



Attachment Theory 

 25

of the mother is seen as critical to whether the child develops secure or insecure attachment. If the mother is responsive when the child cries and is able to calm him, then the child is likely to be secure in attachment. Secure children are able to explore their environments and learn and grow, with confidence that their parents will be there for them when they are needed. According to Bowlby, on the basis of early family relationships, individuals develop working models about themselves, others and how relationships work. Those who develop positive working models about themselves and others are more likely to experience secure attachment and to have more satisfying relationships throughout their lives (Davila, 2011). Bowlby did not claim that these patterns are unchangeable, although they may be difficult to change.

2.5.1 Attachment Functions Secure attachment relationships are seen as performing four functions: proximity seeking (the child wants to be near the attachment figure), separation protest (the child objects to separation from the attachment figure at least when very young), secure base (confidence in the availability of the attachment figure allows the child to explore the environment) and safe haven (when distressed the child can return to the attachment figure and expect comfort and protection). Attachment security affects the quality of family relationships in adolescence. Securely-attached adolescents can balance autonomy and attachment needs more readily than insecure adolescents (Allen & Hauser, 1996). Productive problem-solving approaches that both assert the adolescent’s opinion and preserve relationships with parents tend to be a feature of discussions between parents and their securely-attached adolescents. In contrast, discussions between insecure adolescents and their parents tend to feature avoidance of problem-solving, anger and coercion. Interestingly, these difficulties could be predicted from attachment insecurity as assessed in infancy and at age six (Becker-Stoll & Fremmer-Bombik, 1997). Although adolescence is a stage where the young person is attempting to decrease their dependence on parental relationships, insecure adolescents are likely to find their striving for autonomy increases the impact of parental relationships on their lives. Allen and Land (1999) argue that families of insecure adolescents may have particular difficulties with the adolescent’s attempts to renegotiate the relationship to achieve greater autonomy and respond with behaviours that reinforce the insecure attachment. Although adolescents seek to establish an  increased level of autonomy and independence, research indicates that this autonomy is best achieved in the context of secure relationships with parents (Allen, Hauser, Bell &  O’Connor, 1994; Allen &  Land, 1999, Fraley &  Davis, 1997). Adolescents who are securely attached are able to develop autonomy at the same time as relating well to parents, other family members and peers (Allen & Hauser, 1996; Becker-Stoll, Fremmer-Bombik, Wartner,

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 Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescents in the Family

Zimmerman, &  Grossman, 2008). In fact, a  critical developmental task for the adolescent is being able to function independently of parents in terms of the social, emotional and cognitive aspects of their lives, while at the same time maintaining a close relationship with them (Allen et al., 1994; Allen & Land, 1999). The importance of a  secure attachment relationship with parents is underlined by the finding that infant attachment security is associated with autonomy and closeness in adolescence (Becker-Stoll &  Fremmer-Bombik, 1997; Becker–Stoll et  al., 2008). In other words, those who are secure in attachment are most likely to achieve a good balance between their own autonomy and their closeness with their parents. Allen and his colleagues (Allen et al., 1994) were also able to use their longitudinal data referred to in Chapter 1 to understand the consequences of experiencing severe psychiatric disorders in early adolescence (by 14 years of age). They found that almost all of those hospitalized adolescents were insecure in attachment when they were 25 years of age. One of the ways that this insecurity was manifested was in the fact that they had not been able to resolve the traumatic events that had caused their hospitalization in the first place (Allen, Hauser, & Borman-Spurrell, 1996). Insecurity of attachment was related to current (i.e., at age 25) involvement in criminality and the use of hard drugs, even when the researchers controlled for the fact that they had spent time in a  psychiatric institution. Allen (2010) comments that insecurity of attachment seems to not only be a  marker of psychiatric problems, but also is predictive of later problems. There is evidence that secure adolescents are likely to have more positive experiences of romantic relationships than are insecure adolescents. Davila (2011) focuses on the impact of attachment security on romantic relationships in adolescence. Greater security is related to more positive expectations of marriage and future relationships and experiencing less depression in their adolescent romantic relationships. Further, secure adolescents are also less likely to stay in an unhappy relationship. The literature is clear that the attachment security developed in the family has a direct impact on relationships both in adolescence and into the future. Laible (2007) found that “secure attachment relationships foster appropriate social behaviour by promoting high levels of emotional awareness, empathy, positive expressiveness, and low levels of negative dominant expressiveness”(p.1185).

2.5.2 Attachment Styles Individuals can also be categorized into different attachment styles. Mary Ainsworth and her colleagues (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters & Wall, 1978) identified three major infant attachment styles based on the behaviour of the infants and the quality of care- giving of the primary carers. Hazan and Shaver (1987) used this typology to describe and assess attachment styles in adult romantic relationships,



Attachment Theory 

 27

including those of adolescents. They found that the percentages of individuals endorsing the different styles were similar to those found for infants (56 percent claimed they were secure, 23 percent claimed they were avoidant and 25 percent claimed they were anxious-ambivalent). Those who claimed to be secure tended to describe their relationships with their parents as warm, avoidants described their mothers as cold and rejecting and anxious-ambivalents saw their fathers as unfair. Bartholomew and Horowitz (1991), on the other hand, argued, based on Bowlbys’ theorising, that attachment styles could be described in terms of attitudes to oneself and to others. –– Those who had positive views of both themselves and others were categorized as Secure. These individuals tended to be comfortable with both intimacy and autonomy. –– Those who had negative views of both themselves and others were categorized as Fearful. They tended to be uncomfortable getting close to others and to worry a great deal about being hurt. –– Those who had positive views of themselves and negative views of others were categorized as Dismissing. They tended to downplay the importance of relationships and put a  lot of emphasis on being independent and selfsufficient. –– Those who had a negative view of themselves and a positive view of others were classified as Preoccupied, and tended to want very close relationships but also worried a lot about being hurt or abandoned. (See Table 2.3). Table 2.3: Characteristics of Four Styles of Attachment MODEL OF SELF MODEL OF OTHER

Positive

Negative

Positive

SECURE Easy to get close to others Comfortable depending on others Comfortable with others depending on them Don’t worry about being alone or not accepted

PREOCCUPIED Want to be completely emotionally intimate with others Uncomfortable without close relationships Worry that others don’t value them as much as they value others

Negative

DISMISSING Comfortable without close relationships Import to feel independent and selfsufficient Prefer not to depend on others or have others depend on them

FEARFUL Somewhat uncomfortable getting close to others Difficulty trusting others of depending on them Worry that will be hurt if get close to others

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 Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescents in the Family

Attachment security/insecurity is assessed in various ways. One popular way, particularly among clinicians is the Adult Attachment Interview (AAI; Main, Kaplan &  Cassidy, 1985) that looks at the coherence with which adults can report on their early attachment relationships. Another method of assessment is to use a categorical measure of attachment such as that devised in the classic study of Hazan and Shaver (1987) which was the study that initiated a  large amount of research on adult attachment carried out in the 1980s, 1990s and later. This categorical measure involved providing participants with descriptions of three attachment styles: Secure, Avoidant and Anxious-ambivalent and having them choose which description was most applicable to them. Later, Bartholomew and Horowitz (1991) designed a measure suitable for assessing the four styles involved in their model discussed earlier: Secure, Preoccupied, Dismissing and Fearful. Although much research has been stimulated by the availability of categorical measures, there are also problems with this type of assessment. For example, as we noted earlier, the four styles are not evenly distributed among members of the population. As reported earlier, Hazan and Shaver (1987) found that the distribution of attachment styles among adults was similar to the distribution among infants as found by Ainsworth et al., (1978) with about 50 percent or so reporting that they are secure and the rest being spread over the other categories. Thus using a categorical measure in research studies can be problematic, because of uneven cell sizes that make analysis difficult. For this reason, continuous measures of attachment have been developed with the goal of providing measures of the dimensions central to attachment. The advantage of dimensional measures for researchers is that all participants obtain a score on each of the dimensions and there are no cell-size problems. In addition, participants do not have to choose between three or four categories that they may not see as particularly relevant to them. The  Attachment Style Questionnaire (ASQ; Feeney, Noller &  Hanrahan, 1994), for example, assessed five dimensions: confidence in self and others, preoccupation, need for approval, discomfort with closeness and relationships as secondary. The Experiences in Close Relationships questionnaire (Brennan, Clark & Shaver, 1998) focuses on two main dimensions: anxiety and avoidance that have been shown to clearly differentiate between the attachment styles.

2.5.3 Transfer of Attachment Allen and Land (1999) discuss the similarities and differences between infant attachment and adolescent attachment. For example most young people in mid adolescence will seek comfort and help from their parents when they are highly distressed, even as they reach young adulthood. On the other hand, they have a strong need to break their dependency on their parents, and to develop strong relationships with peers, including romantic partners. Hence they do not relinquish attachment



Life Course Theory 

 29

needs and behaviours, but rather transfer them to peers, particularly a  romantic partner. We know that the attachment functions discussed earlier (proximity seeking, separation protest, safe haven and secure base) are not all transferred to peers or a romantic partner at the same time (Hazan & Zeifman, 1994), and the stage at which they are transferred can vary from one person to another. These researchers found that more than half of the children as young as 6 or 7 preferred to spend time with their peers rather than their parents (proximity seeking), more than 60% of the early adolescents (11-14) preferred to talk to their peers rather than their parents about their problems (safe haven) and that only about 40% of 15-17 year olds had transferred the secure base function. It seems that even in their twenties, about 60% of young people preferred their parents as their secure base (Fraley &  Davis, 1997; Trinke & Bartholomew, 1997). In general, the secure base function does not seem to be fully transferred until adulthood (Friedlmeier & Granquist, 2006). Transfer of attachment also depends on whether a  person is in a  romantic relationship (Hazan & Zeifman, 1994). Being involved in a romantic relationship for two years increased the chances that the attachment functions were fully transferred from the parents to the romantic partner. For those who were not in a  long-term relationship, friends were mainly used for the proximity and safe haven functions, and parents still provided the secure base. In addition, in the absence of a romantic partner, close friendships lasting more than five or so years can be full attachment relationships fulfilling all the attachment functions (Fraley & Davis, 1997).

2.6 Life Course Theory Life Course theory (Elder, 1998a, 1998b) focuses on both the social situation in which a person is developing and the individual’s need to make decisions and act on their own behalf. The emphasis is on people’s stories that unfold over time as they grow and mature and as society changes. Elder developed four principles, with the first principle focusing on the way that individuals’ lives are shaped by the time and place in which they are born and grow up. For example, those individuals (like the first author) who were born soon after the Great Depression and who grew up during the Second World War will have had different experiences from those who were born in the boom times of the 50s and 60s. Elder (1999) found that these two traumatic historical events had a large impact on the American young people that he studied. Elder’s second principle was that it’s not just the historical events that a person lives through that have an impact on them, but that the timing of the events is really important. For example, those young people in Elder’s studies (1998a) who were born in 1920 and were adolescents during the Great Depression and the war seemed to fare better than those who were children during the Depression and adolescents during

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 Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescents in the Family

the war. This latter group tended to be plagued by feelings of personal and social inadequacy, probably because so much of their early life was lived in deprivation and fear. Elder’s third principle emphasized the interdependence of our lives that are entwined in a network of relationships in the family and beyond. For example, young people are likely to be affected by outside events that don’t impinge on their lives directly but that affect them through their parents. For example, if the global financial crisis of 2008-9 caused their father to lose his job, they may have to leave school to ease the financial burden on the family and miss out on qualifying for university. If conflict increases in the home because of the financial situation, the adolescent’s life is likely to become more difficult, particularly if he or she gets caught up in the parents’ conflict. If the parents end up divorcing, he/she may have to move to a less affluent suburb and leave friends behind. (See Chapter 5 for more on adolescents and divorce in the family) How well an adolescent copes with all these changes is likely to depend on the levels of social support. If there is plenty of support from family and friends, adolescents are likely to cope better, as did the young rural sample that Elder studied following the Great Farm Crisis in the US in the 80s. Elder’s fourth principle focuses on the fact that, to a great extent, individuals make their own lives by the choices they make and by the extent to which they make good use of the opportunities that come their way, or waste those opportunities. The young person who wins a scholarship to university and then wastes time in social activities to the extent that exams are failed and a scholarship lost has made a poor life choice. Recovery from that bad choice depends on the next choice made. The young person, on the other hand, who grabs the opportunity that a scholarship provides and works hard is likely to be rewarded with good grades and a worthwhile career. It is clear that the social context of the 21st Century provides many choices for young people, some that will make their lives easier and some that will make their lives harder. It is important to remember, however, that historical conditions, the social environment (family, school, work etc.) and the characteristics of the young person (both strengths and weaknesses) all work together to produce the person (Elder & Conger, 2000).

2.7 Positive Youth Development Stemming to some extent from the work of Elder (1994) as well as from the Positive Psychology movement, there has been a  call more recently for adolescent development to be viewed through a more positive lens. Positive Youth Development (PYD) is a  framework that has been introduced to further this aim (Hamilton, Hamilton &  Pittman (2004). This framework is strengths-based and acknowledges that adolescents are instrumental in their own development, whilst being influenced by their personal, family and environmental resources (Benson, Scales &  Mannes,



Positive Youth Development 

 31

2003; Damon, 2004; Lerner, Brentano, Dowling, &  Anderson, 2003). This model is not yet well researched or formulated but it does have some obvious usefulness (Klatt & Enright, 2009; Larson 2000; 2006). In discussing Positive Youth Development (PYD) here, we focus on PYD as a  philosophy characterized by an  orientation toward building upon strengths and assets, rather than focusing on deficits in young people. According to Small and Memmo (2004), PYD has four key assumptions as its foundation. The assumptions include (1) adolescents can best be prevented from developing problems when they are assisted to achieve their full potential; (2) adolescents are more likely to succeed when they are supported and have appropriate opportunities; (3) communities need to be involved with their youth and invest in their futures; (4) there is a  need to change community attitudes towards young people so that they are no longer seen as “problems to be fixed” but as partners capable of self-determination. As do resilience models (e.g. Masten, 2001), PYD emphasises the importance of stability, care, healthy relationships and high expectations, in terms of having confidence in young people and providing opportunities for them. The  Search Institute model of PYD has been instrumental in the development and promotion of PYD (Bradshaw, Brown &  Hamilton, 2006; Small &  Memmo, 2004). This model is based around 40 developmental assets that are categorised into 2 broad areas; internal factors (commitment to learning, positive identity and social competence) and external factors (support, empowerment, boundaries and expectations and constructive use of time). The  aim of PYD is to facilitate the positive development of young people’s assets and asserts that the more assets young people develop the more likely they are to engage in prosocial behaviour and the less likely they are to engage in problematic behaviour (Scales, Benson, Leffert & Blyth, 2000). Larson (2000) perceives PYD as a useful model for understanding how we can assist young people to develop initiative (independent action), which is an important attribute in western culture and one that adolescents need to develop. This process can be aided by activities that challenge young people and give them skills of thinking, planning and achievement that can be carried into other areas of their lives. There has been a  proliferation of programs for adolescents using this model, particularly in the United States (Bradshaw, Brown &  Hamilton, 2008), even with juveniles involved with the justice system. Bradshaw et al. claim “The appeal of these programs appears to stem from their focus on youths’ assets rather than their deficits, and a positive rather than a problem-centred approach” (p. 209). One of the positive aspects of the PYD model is that, because it promotes strengths and assets, it can be applied to all youth and not just to well-behaved youth or to young people labelled as problems (Small & Memmo, 2004). Small and Memmo also point out that the approach fits with the emphasis on “political correctness” that, from our perspective, can often limit our ability to see the world as it really is and to explore ways to address problems directly. As Small and Memmo also note, however, an asset-based approach can be very helpful to those who work with young people.

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 Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescents in the Family

On the other hand, we are concerned that an over-reliance on the PYD approach may downplay the importance of understanding the risks young people can face and the poor choices they may make. Yet an understanding of such issues is critical to being able to provide help and support when needed. It is quite clear that some adolescents, even though in the minority, develop problematic behaviour that can lead to even more problems in adulthood (Bradshaw et al.,2006; Piquero, Farrington & Blumstein, 2003). In these instances, we believe that a combination of the strengths approach of PYD and more clinical interventions to address the problematic behaviour is required; this position is supported by Bradshaw et al. and Small and Memmo (2004).

2.8 Summary Although adolescence used to be seen as a time of ‘storm and stress’ for all adolescents, we now understand that most adolescents are able to negotiate this part of their lives without too much trauma. Most adolescents do not have severe mood swings, are able to maintain relatively harmonious relationships with their parents and to make constructive life choices. Nevertheless, adolescence is an  egocentric time, with adolescents generally being preoccupied with themselves and their own issues, and also being very selfconscious. They tend to see themselves as surrounded by an  imaginary audience that is always watching them and tend to conform to the personal fable that they are special and unique and invulnerable to harm. Two processes that adolescents need to go through in order to become mature adults are separation-individuation and identity formation. Separation-individuation involves separating from the family and becoming an autonomous person who is able to make decisions and lead an independent life. Ideally young people can develop a sense of self that is separate from family and still be able to maintain connections to them. It is interesting to note that those who individuate successfully tend to develop a greater capacity for close relationships. The second process they need to go through is identity formation. They need to explore alternatives and decide who they are and what they want to become. Ideally, parents will encourage them to think, feel and act independently of family members, making the development of a stable identity easier. A stable identity will emerge from choices about vocation, political preferences, religious commitments and sexual orientation and many others. As adolescents receive feedback about their identity choices, they may choose to modify their identity or ignore such feedback. Secure attachment relationships perform four functions: proximity seeking, separation protest, secure base and safe haven. Secure adolescents tend to have more positive relationships with their parents than do insecure adolescents and are better able to achieve autonomy and independence in the context of secure relationships with their parents.

Summary 

 33

Attachment functions tend to be transferred from parents to peers and later to a romantic partner, although the secure base function will be the last to be transferred. Being in a  romantic relationship for two years increases the chances that all four attachment functions will be transferred to the partner. Elder developed four principles about growth and maturity across the life course. The first principle is about how individuals’ lives are shaped by the time and place in which they are born and grow up. The second principle focuses on the timing of particular events in a person’s life as also important, because the effects might differ depending on life stage. The third principle emphasized the interdependence we all have with family and friends and how factors that affect the parents, for example, will also affect the adolescent offspring. The fourth principle focuses on individual responsibility for making choices and how lives can be affected for good or for ill by good or poor choices. The work of Elder has been influential in the formulation of Positive Youth Development, a  framework for encouraging the viewing of adolescents through a more positive lens. This approach focuses on the strengths and assets of adolescents rather than their problem behaviours and has spawned a  range of programs for helping adolescents, even those with serious problems, to become more competent and motivated. As previously mentioned, most adolescents learn to feel and act independently of family members within the context of harmonious and secure relationships with their parents. A crucial aspect of family relationships as adolescents develop is the quality of the communication between family members. In the next chapter we look at the importance of the family environment to the well-being of adolescents.

3 Family Environment and Adolescent Development Communication is also a  crucial aspect of the family environment, particularly the micro-environment of parent/s and offspring. Relationships are established and maintained through communication, both verbal and nonverbal, and the family environment is, at least in part, a  function of that communication. Where communication is generally positive and constructive, conflicts are resolved and decisions worked through appropriately, family members are likely to do well. We will explore the issue of communication in families with adolescents in the next chapter. The family environment is actually quite a complex phenomenon. For example, as Family Systems Theory reminds us (see Chapter 2), all the members of the family make a unique contribution to the family environment: each of the parents and each of the siblings. In addition, not all family members experience the family in the same way, but experience it in their own unique way. It is also important to remember that family environments are embedded in communities and in the larger society.

3.1 Family Structure One important aspect of the family environment is the structure of the family. In Chapter 1, we listed many of the different types of families that exist at the present time. These families may vary in terms of whether there are one or two parents in the family, whether the parents are married or not, whether the children in the family are the biological children of the parent or parents or are adopted, step or foster children. Given the medical treatments available through fertility clinics, the children may even be formed from the egg and/or sperm of strangers. Do each of these different types of family provide equally good environments for children’s growth and development? It seems to us that the research indicates that overall well-functioning nuclear families in which the children are cared for by both their biological parents provide the best environment for children (e.g., Blackwell, 2010; Sroufe et al., 2005). In making this claim we are not suggesting that all families that are not traditional nuclear families provide poor environments for the children. Many single parents are successful at bringing up their children on their own, a very difficult and demanding task. Nevertheless, the data seem to show that compared with children in nuclear families, there is a  greater risk of ongoing problems for children in single-parent families as well as in other types of nonnuclear families. For example, in their longitudinal (3-decade) study of development in children born into poverty, Sroufe et al. (2005) found that if a mother was single at the time of a  child’s birth, the child was more likely to have behaviour problems than was true for those whose parents were married (Aguilar, Sroufe, Egeland & Carlson, 2000; Carlson, Jacobvitz & Sroufe, 1995). These children were more likely to have attention/ hyperactivity problems when they were in elementary school, and to be involved © 2014 Patricia Noller, Sharon Atkin This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License.



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in drug and alcohol problems as adolescents, as well as engaging in risky sexual behaviours at that stage of their lives. Of course, it is important to acknowledge that the fact that these children were born into families in poverty may well have implications for their futures, irrespective of their family structure. We will return to the issue of the implications of financial status later in this section. The  Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in the USA carry out regular surveys of the physical and mental health of families and children and these surveys are known as the National Interview Health Surveys. Children who participate in these surveys are randomly selected, one child per family, to engage in a face-to-face interview along with a supporting adult familiar with the child’s health issues. Thus this study does not focus only on those children born into poverty, but focuses on the broad range of families, coming from a range of different communities and ethnic groups. In a  recent paper (Blackwell, 2010), reports were provided on the links between family structure and children’s physical and emotional health in the USA, using the surveys from 2001 to 2007. Children in nuclear families were more likely than children in nonnuclear families to enjoy optimal health and less likely to have a physical disability, a learning disability or attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), to behave badly at home and/or school and to have displayed emotional or behavioural difficulties during the six months preceding the interviews. It is important to note that the findings for single-parent families were very similar to those for other nonnuclear families. Thus nuclear families are more likely than all other types of families to provide optimal family environments for their children. These findings do not mean that all children in stable nuclear families grow up in optimal environments, nor do they mean that all children in nonnuclear families struggle. These findings mean that, on average, children in nuclear families have a  better chance than children in other forms of family of doing well on a range of physical and emotional variables. This study covered a  large number of families across a  7-year period, so these findings are well based. We are not arguing that all adolescents in nonnuclear families have problems and nor are we arguing that all children who grow up in traditional families have problem-free lives. There is strong evidence, however, that children brought up by their two biological parents have a better chance of doing well for a range of reasons.

3.1.1 The Role of Financial Difficulties It is important to note that part of the problem for nonnuclear families concerns the fact that these families are more likely to be struggling financially in ways that affect the health of the children. Blackwell (2010) reported that parents in nonnuclear families were more likely to lack health insurance (a very important issue in the USA), more likely to have to delay having a prescription dispensed for their child or children,

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and more likely to forego dental care for themselves and their children because of the costs. These findings fit with data showing that married people tend to be better off financially than those who are not married (Waite & Gallagher, 2000). Hao (1996) was interested in how family structure affects net financial worth, studying households in the process of raising children, a stage when most families have minimal savings and few assets. The participant families included Caucasian, Hispanic and African American families residing in the USA. She found that married families were marginally better off financially than remarried families and singlefather families, but single mothers and cohabiting couples had minimal wealth and single-mother families had no assets at all. Of course, a number of these single mothers would have been unmarried adolescents who were poorly educated, struggling to pay their bills and with little possibility of accumulating wealth (Demo & Cox, 2000; Magnusson &  Berger. 2009; Osborrne &  McLanahan; 2007). These are not isolated findings. It is important to comment, however, that a  lack of financial resources, per se is unlikely to account for some of the differences in child behaviour reported in the Blackwell (2010) study. Having a  physical disability, a  learning disability, ADHD or behaving badly at home or school are unlikely to be caused by low levels of financial resources. On the other hand, having few resources may make it much more difficult for parents to deal with these problems. In addition, there is evidence, as we will explore more fully in the section on social class and economics, that poorer neighbourhoods tend to be inhabited by single-parent and other nonnuclear families and the adolescents in these families are more likely to be involved in delinquent behaviour, at least partly because of the environments in which they live (Hoffman, 2006; Weijters, Scheepers & Gerris, 2006). Thompson, Hanson and McLanahan (1994) noted that academic performance was particularly affected by the lack of financial resources in single-mother families and in families where the mother of the children lived with a male partner unrelated to the children. They point out that the effects of financial pressures on academic performance were stronger than the effects of these pressures on problem behaviours and temperaments. They argue that the differences in problem behaviour and temperament between the adolescents who lived with both of their biological parents and those who lived only with their mothers while the fathers resided elsewhere were generally related to the level of support from both of their parents experienced by the young people in nuclear families.

3.1.2 Financial Difficulties or Problems with Parenting? As Turunen (2013) notes, there are two popular explanations about the differences between the offspring of nuclear families and those single-parent and stepfamily households. These are differences in financial resources just discussed and differences



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in parenting (Sweeney, 2010). Turunen points out that Sweden, where his study was carried out has been a fore-runner in terms of alternative family forms and also has a government that provides generous support to families and has measures in place to support post divorce families. In his study, Turunen focuses on two hypotheses: the economic deprivation hypothesis and the socialization hypothesis. Turunen (2013) compared five different types of families; original 2-parent families, single-mother families, single-father families, mother-stepfather families and father-stepmother families. He found little support for the economic deprivation hypothesis, but found that the important mediator of the link between emotional well being in adolescents from both single-parent families and stepfamilies was the relationship between the adolescent and his or her biological parent. This finding is different from that of Sweeney (2007) using an American sample. Sweeney found that financial conditions were the main mediator for single-parent families whereas for stepfamilies it was the relationship with the parent. Sweeney also showed that comparing single-parent families with stepfamilies entered into following a divorce ameliorated some of the negative effects, both because of higher levels of contact with parents and increased income for stepfamilies.

3.1.3 Presence or Absence of Fathers There is some evidence, that fathers’ involvement with their children is as important for adult functioning as is the involvement of mothers (Lewis &  Lamb, 2003), but in most families, mothers tend to be more involved with their adolescents than are fathers. Division of labour tends to involve mothers having particular responsibility for adolescents’ discipline, daily care and recreational activities, even when these mothers are working fulltime. In one study, however, mothers tended to be more satisfied when fathers were prepared to take more responsibility for adolescents’ leisure activities (Phares, Fields & Kamboukos, 2009). Adolescents whose fathers are involved in their lives tend to have fewer problems than those with uninvolved fathers. Where fathers were involved, adolescents were less likely to be hyperactive, had fewer difficulties and engaged in more prosocial behaviour (Flouri, 2007). Father involvement was not related to children’s problems with their peers, behaviour problems or emotional problems. Stepfathers were more likely than resident biological fathers to report problems in their adolescents’ behaviour in this British study. Conflict between parents had the most consistent impact on adolescents’ behaviour. This finding is in line with the findings of Amato and Keith (1991) who showed that across many studies, conflict between parents was more important than father absence in predicting adjustment problems in children and adolescents. (See also Chapter 5 on divorce and families). In a study of a large sample of US adolescents with non-resident fathers, Mitchell, Booth and King (2009) found that, overall, sons and daughters tended to report

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being equally involved with their non-resident fathers. Sons reported feeling closer to their fathers than daughters did, but this may be because of common interests. Sons were more likely to report sharing activities with their fathers such as movies and sport and were even more likely than daughters to spend the night with their fathers. Nevertheless, girls who reported feeling closer to their fathers also reported lower levels of internalizing problems such as depression, anxiety and lack of self-esteem. In a US study comparing adolescent boys living with both biological parents with another group of boys who lived with their mothers while the father resided elsewhere (Jones, Kramer, Armitage &  Williams, 2003), the focus was on the separation/ individuation (see Chapter 2) of the adolescents. There were no differences on this variable between the two groups of adolescents, but the quality of the mother-son relationship was very important. In addition, where contact with non-resident fathers was frequent, adolescents experienced a more healthy level of individuation. In another US study of adolescents’ relationships with resident stepfathers and non-resident biological fathers, adolescents varied greatly in terms of whether they had close relationships with these different types of fathers (King, 2006). Those adolescents who had close relationships with both types of fathers tended to have better mental health outcomes. In addition, relations with stepfathers had a stronger impact on adolescents than relationships with non-resident fathers, presumably because the young people actually lived with their stepfathers. (See Chapter 5 for more information about stepfamilies) Overall, these studies point to the importance of children having a relationship with a father or father figure. While children tended to do better when their biological father was involved in their lives, especially when he actually lived with them, nonresident fathers and stepfathers also tended to provide a positive influence. Of course, when fathers were violent or abusive, or in constant conflict with the mother their involvement could be detrimental to the children.

3.1.4 Instability of Family Structure An important question concerns not only family structure but also whether that structure is stable or unstable. To explore this question, Fomby and Cherlin (2007), used another US database (National Longitudinal Survey of Youth NLSY79, Bureau of Labour Statistics et al., 2002) that provided data from surveys conducted from 1979 through 2000. They also used the 2000 mother-child supplement, Children of the NLSY from the same bureau. Because of their two-generation design, these databases provided information about the mother’s background before the child was born, that could be used in conjunction with data about the children in 2000. Based on these data, it seems that not just family structure but instability in family structure does have an impact on children (Fomby & Cherlin, 2007). Fomby and Cherlin assessed whether cognitive achievement and emotional and behavioural problems



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in young people were affected by the number of times the structure of their family changed when they were growing up (e.g., a parent moving out of the family or the mother’s new partner moving in) for both African-American and white children. They found that for white children, the number of transitions was significantly associated with self-reported delinquent behaviour for those young people aged between 10 and 14. The significance of the association remained when characteristics of the mother before the child was born were controlled for. We will discuss the findings for AfricanAmerican children later in this section. Earlier research had shown emotional and behavioural problems in children who experienced changes in family structure. For example, research involving children in elementary school indicates that compared with children who have experienced no or one change in family structure, children whose families have been involved in two or more transitions (e.g., a  family changing from a  2-parent family to a  singleparent family and then to a  2-parent family with a  step-parent) are more likely to be disruptive in school and struggle academically (Kurdek, Fine &  Sinclair, 1995; Martinez & Forgatch, 2002). In addition, Najman et  al., (1997) in Australia, found that children who experienced even one change in family structure when they were very young tended to engage in more problematic behaviour than other children by the time they were five. In a  study of American adolescents, Pong and Ju (2000) showed that young people who had experienced more than one change in the structure of their family were more likely than those in stable families to drop out of school. Thus studies in both America and Australia support the proposition that instability in family structure is disruptive for children and is associated with a range of adjustment and behaviour problems. Fomby and Cherlin (2007) wanted to move beyond these earlier findings and be able to test the alternative hypothesis that the problems were caused, not necessarily by changes in family structure, but by characteristics of the mother before the child was born. In other words, they wanted to directly test the instability hypothesis against the selection hypothesis. They argue that although there is evidence that measures of family instability and of children’s well being are correlated, one or both may be affected by a third set of variables such as the parents’ cognitive abilities and their personality characteristics. This study focused just on transitions in the marital status of the mother. Fomby and Cherlin (2007) found different effects depending on whether the child being assessed was white or African-American. For white children, the association between number of family structure changes and a child’s externalizing behaviour was lower than for the African American children, but still significant, when attributes of the mother were included in the model. In other words, both the characteristics of the mother and the amount of instability are associated with the outcome for the child. The characteristics of the mother found to be associated with her child’s externalizing behaviour included having sex before she was 16, having a baby while still a teenager,

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the number of relationship transitions she experienced before the birth of the child, her education level and her self-esteem. For African-American children, there was generally no significant association between changes in family structure and child behaviour problems even when attributes of the mother were included in the model. This difference may be related to the more open family structure of African-American families, with grandparents and other relatives tending to play a more important role and this involvement may provide a  level of stability for the children, regardless of changing structure in the immediate family (Fomby & Cherlin, 2007). On the other hand, in a  study of Mexican-American families, children were assessed at Grade 5 and again at Grade 7 in terms of both mental health and academic performance (Vargas, Root, Knight and O’Donnell, 2013). These researchers found that in those families that had experienced instability between Grades 5 and 7, there were higher levels of mother-adolescent conflict in Grade 7 that was related to lower levels of attachment to school and higher levels of both internalizing and externalizing problems. In addition, the higher level of mother-adolescent conflict mediated the association between family instability, lower academic performance and mental health.

3.2 What Makes a Positive Family Environment? According to a small interview study of Finnish adolescents by Joronen and AstedtKurki (2005), the essential features of the family environment that contribute to the sense of well being of family members include an emotionally warm atmosphere, open communication, parent/s being involved in their young people’s lives through fun activities, and parent/s encouraging them and providing supervision when needed. Other factors mentioned were having a sense of being important in the family and the possibility of relationships outside the family. The factors that these Finnish adolescents saw as contributing most to their lack of well-being were hostility in the family, death or chronic illness of a family member, and a  sense of being excessively dependent on parents for financial or other help. This finding may help to explain why so many young people these days take on work as soon as they are old enough, and continue to work throughout the period of their education, often to the detriment of their studies. As Sroufe et al. (2005) note, an  important question concerning adolescence is “why some young people thrive and others seriously falter during this challenging period” (p. 175). These researchers see the answer as related to the extent to which the young person has developed a  healthy self-esteem and has experienced close connections with others who support them and are available to help them when needed. On the other hand, behavioural problems in the Sroufe et al. study were



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associated with a  family climate “of violence, chaos and disruption in the home” (p. 197). Sroufe et  al., (2005) see the capacity for intimacy that is so vital to successful personal relationships as stemming from the early care and ongoing support that the young people receive from their parents, as well as their history of relationships with peers. How well parents in particular are able to provide this ongoing support for their children depends on a range of factors such as their own personal characteristics and their relationship with one another, as well as the wider social environment in which they parent their children. The  important point here is that, as we noted earlier, relationships in adolescence build upon the quality of relationships in childhood (Collins & Laursen, 2004).

3.2.1 Characteristics of Parent/s While we acknowledge that in this 21st Century, and perhaps particularly in Western countries, not all families include both biological parents of the children, and some parents will not be married, we still believe that it is important to discuss the role of parents, including married parents, in creating a  healthy environment for their children. Parents and the quality of their relationship are central to the functioning of the family. In fact, as Erel and Burman (1995) note, “the marital relationship is regarded by many as the core of family solidarity and the key element in determining the quality of family life” (p.108). In this section, we will explore individual characteristics of the parent/s such as personality, attachment security and mental health that may have an impact on the family environment. In a later section, we will explore the issue of the quality of the relationship between parents and implications of that relationship for the healthy functioning of the family and the well being of family members. We also explore various factors that have an impact on the parenting style of the parent/s and the consequences of that style for adolescent family members. Rather than just assessing one family risk factor for adolescents such as instability, Buehler and Gerard (2013) focused on the implications of cumulative risk for early adolescents across four domains: socioeconomic, parents’ psychological distress, marital problems and parenting issues. Effects were assessed both concurrently and across time. For the 6th grade adolescents, cumulative family risk was associated with higher levels of internalizing problems for daughters that tended to increase in early adolescence, as well as an  increase in externalizing problems over time. For sons, cumulative family risk was associated only with higher levels of externalizing problems. For both sons and daughters, family risk was related to lower grades concurrently and to declining levels of achievement over time. It is important to note that these were two-parent families but could include long-term cohabitants who were not married.

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3.2.2 Parent Personality There is evidence that parents who are high in neuroticism or emotional instability and low in extraversion are more rejecting and less warm towards their offspring than other parents (Arrindell et al., 1999). Parents who are stable, responsible and friendly tend to relate better to their children and tend to be high in warmth and acceptance and low in rejection (Aluja, Del Barrio & Garcia, 2007). All these characteristics are important for adolescent adjustment. Conscientiousness is another personality factor relevant to parenting. For example, in an Australian study, Heaven and Newbury (2004) found that if parents were high in conscientiousness, adolescents were likely to do well at school. Characteristics such as persistence, dutifulness and being organized may be modelled by these parents for their children. There is also evidence that fathers who are high in anxiety and low in conscientiousness are more likely to have sons involved in delinquent activities (Heaven, Newbury &  Mak, 2004), suggesting that fathers’ anxiety and the chaotic nature of the family contribute to the young people feeling unsafe and more likely to seek safety elsewhere such as in gangs. In this same study, Australian adolescents whose fathers were low in warmth were more likely to be depressed than those whose fathers were high in warmth, and this was particularly true for daughters. This finding illustrates the importance of father warmth for young people’s self-esteem and further supports the importance of fathers.

3.2.3 Attachment Security We often think about how important it is for babies to be securely attached to their parent/s, but rarely think about the secure attachment of adolescents or their parents. Individuals who are secure in attachment tend to have confidence that their loved ones will be available to them when needed and they tend to be comfortable with being close to others. They are also happy to depend on others and to have others depend on them (Hazan & Shaver, 1987). Secure people also tend to report warmer, more stable and more satisfying romantic relationships than insecure people and report high levels of trust, self-disclosure, caregiving and social support (Collins, 1996; Feeney & Noller, 1991; Kunce & Shaver, 1994). According to these researchers, those who are avoidant in terms of their attachment tend to prefer distance from others more than closeness and are not sure about the likely availability of loved ones when they themselves need help. Those who are anxiously attached, on the other hand, have a strong need for intimacy (often want to be closer to other people than those people are comfortable with), and a high fear of rejection or abandonment.



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3.2.3.1 Correspondence Between Attachment Styles of Parents And Offspring There is evidence of a  strong correspondence between mothers’ security of attachment and the security of attachment of their infants (Benoit & Parker, 1994) even across three generations (that is, mothers, children and grandmothers). In addition, in a sample of young Israeli adults, Mikulincer and Florian (1999a) found strong correspondence between the attachment of these young people and the attachment style of their same-sex parent. In a  different study, these researchers also showed that young parents tended to have differing views of the way their families functioned, depending on their own attachment style (Mikulincer &  Florian, 1999b). Those who reported being secure in attachment saw their families as high in both closeness and flexibility; those who reported being anxious in attachment saw their families as high in closeness but low in flexibility; and those who reported being avoidant in terms of their attachment saw their families as low in both closeness and flexibility. These findings point to the problems with self-report studies where a single participant reports on both their own attachment and the state of the family. On the other hand, these findings make sense in terms of adolescents attempting to maximise their experience in their families. For example, adolescents who are both confident in the ongoing nature of their close relationship with their parents and are free to explore would feel secure in their place within the family. Adolescents who experience their parents as close to them but controlling may become anxious about their relationships as they attempt to follow the rigid rules laid down by those parents whilst trying to maintain a comfortable level of closeness. Also, adolescents who perceive their relationships with their parents as distant and experience control rather than flexibility may be avoidant in their relationships as they do not feel connected to the family. Those who are secure in attachment seem to have positive views of their family that reflect their own security, whereas those individuals who are insecure in terms of their attachment see their family in a more negative light. What is hard to work out from this study is the extent to which their perceptions reflect the true state of their families. Research on attachment security in adolescents and their parents has shown a  positive correlation between secure attachment in parents and self-esteem in their adolescents (Arbona &  Power, 2003; Leondari &  Kiosseoglou, 2002; Rubin, Dwyer, Booth-LaForce, Kim, Burgess & Rose-Krasnor (2004). There is also evidence of a  negative correlation between secure attachment in parents and aggression in their adolescents (Arbona & Power, 2003; Fergusson & Lynskey, 1998; Laible et al., 2000). Thus attachment security in parents seems critical to the mental health of their adolescents.

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3.2.3.2 Impact of Attachment on Parenting Style As well as these links between parents’ attachment security and the psychological adjustment of their adolescents, there is also evidence that how individuals parent is affected by attachment style (Cohn, Cowan, Cowan, &  Pearson, 1992). Across several studies, secure individuals (adolescents and adults) described their parents as caring, accepting and responsive, whereas insecure individuals tended to describe their parents as lacking in care, responsiveness and acceptance (Feeney &  Noller, 1990; Mikulincer &  Nachshon, 1991). Although these data tend to again raise the issue of whether it is just the perceptions of families that are affected by attachment insecurity, Cohn et al. showed that parents classified as insecure were actually less warm in their interactions with their children than those classified as secure, and that children of insecure parents were less warm towards their parents than were children of secure parents. These researchers were also able to show that the risk of inadequate or ineffective parenting was even greater when both parents were insecure in attachment. In addition, children of insecure parents were less warm towards their parents than children of secure parents, suggesting a way by which attachment style could be passed through the generations (see Table 3.1). Table 3.1: Attachment Style and Parenting Attachment Style of Parent Secure

See families as high in both closeness and flexibility

Insecure

Less warm in interactions with family members Lacking in responsiveness and acceptance If anxious, see families as high in closeness and low in flexibility

Attachment Style of Adolescent Secure

See parents as caring, accepting and responsive

Insecure

Less warm towards their parents than children of secure parents

3.3 Mental Health of Parents Mental health issues of parents that are associated with the mental health of adolescents include depression, alcoholism, drug abuse and violence. Van Loon, Van Ven, Van Doesum et al. (2013) claim that in the Netherlands, approximately 17 percent of adolescents live with a  mentally-ill parent. According to Van Santvoort (2012) around 50 percent of these adolescents are at risk of developing mental health problems themselves. Van Loon et al. compared adolescents from families with a  mentally-ill parent with those whose parents were healthy. They compared these adolescents in terms of their self-reports of their externalizing and internalizing



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behaviours. Parents completed questionnaires about their mental health and about their monitoring of their adolescents and the level of support they provided for them. Findings indicated higher levels of negativity in the interactions between mentallyill parents and their offspring and less monitoring of their adolescents. This lack of monitoring was associated with more externalizing behaviour on the part of their adolescents.

3.3.1 Parent Depression Maternal depression is an important predictor of adolescent depression, but only for girls (Sroufe et  al., 2005). Sroufe and colleagues found that the only real difference between adolescents with serious depression and those who were not depressed was whether the mother was depressed. For boys, having a  depressed mother was more strongly associated with depression in childhood than with depression in adolescence. Having depressed parents tends to put children at risk for a range of adjustment problems, including clinical depression (Downey &  Coyne, 1990). These children also experience higher levels of psychiatric disturbance, and they also tend to have deficits in social and academic performance that are not related to their intellectual ability. These young people also tend to have poorer physical health than other young people, and are likely to have a negative self-concept and negative ideas about relationships (see Table 3.2). Table 3.2: Parent Mental Health and Adolescent Outcomes Mental Health Problem

Possible Outcome for Adolescents

Depression

Maternal depression leads to depression in adolescence for girls Range of psychiatric disturbances Poor physical health Negative self-concept Negative ideas about relationships

Alcohol and drug abuse

High levels of disruptive behaviour problems for boys Issues around consumption of alcohol Personality problems Other mental health issues Struggle with education Difficulties with social relationships

Violence

Negative impact on well-being Becoming victim of violence from parent Conduct disorder Risk of perpetrating violence against peer or romantic partner

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In a  longitudinal study using an  Australian sample (Tartter, Hammen &  Brennan, 2013), data on depression and externalizing problems in the adolescents were collected before age 15, and the presence of substance use disorders was assessed between the ages of 16 and 20. These researchers were focused on whether depression and externalizing disorders in early adolescence mediate the association between maternal depression and the likelihood of developing a  substance use disorder in late adolescence. Tartter et al. found that externalizing disorders in the adolescents directly predicted all diagnoses of substance abuse in late adolescence. These disorders also mediated the relationship between maternal depression and drug abuse but only for alcohol and cannabis.

3.3.2 Alcoholism and Drug Abuse Adolescent sons of alcoholic fathers tend to display higher levels of disruptive behaviour problems than their peers whose fathers are not alcoholic (Loukas, Zucker, Fitzgerald &  Krull, 2003). Young adult children with an  alcoholic father tend to experience serious issues around their drinking of alcohol and other mental health issues (Van Loon et al, 2013). Kendler et al. (2012) also found evidence of genetic and family environment effects on the risk of drug abuse. In this Swedish study involving adopted and natural family members, young adult children with an alcoholic father were also likely to struggle in terms of coping with their education and their social lives. In contrast, Yule and Prince (2012) found that exposure to the drug dependence of their mothers increased the likelihood that female adolescents and their siblings would develop problems with drugs. There was also an  overall effect of parental substance use on increased drug use in offspring. (See Chapter 6 for further discussion of the impact of parents’ drinking behaviour on the drinking of their adolescents.) In a  study of risk and protective factors for adolescents in Central America, family problems with drugs and alcohol were again shown to be risk factors for the adolescents, increasing the chances that they would also be involved in various kinds of drug abuse (Kliewer & Murrelle, 2007). It is interesting to note that religious factors such as parent religiosity and a  personal belief in God decreased the chances that an adolescent exposed to risk factors would have problems with drugs.

3.4 Marital Or Relationship Satisfaction, Conflict And Violence 3.4.1 Marital Satisfaction While acknowledging that families can take different forms, as we have noted earlier in this chapter, there is a lot of research about marital relationships and their impact on families and adolescents that is important to our understanding of adolescent



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development. Because it does not seem appropriate to ignore the fact that marital relationships were being studied, we have chosen to continue to use the word “marital” when discussing these studies. Marital satisfaction has an  impact on the parenting styles used by parents in raising their children (Aluja et  al., 2007). Parenting styles are associated with personality factors, satisfaction with the marriage and social values. Further, parents who are emotionally stable and responsible are more likely to have satisfying marriages and hence are more likely to be warm and accepting in their relationships with their children, and less likely to be rejecting. Partners in distressed relationships tend to model interactions that are hostile or lacking in warmth and caring, whereas those in harmonious relationships tend to model interactions that are warm and caring rather than hostile (Noller et al., 1995). There is a strong positive association between the quality of the marital relationship and the quality of the parent-child relationship (Erel & Burman, 1995). In other words, the positive feelings engendered by a satisfying marriage will spill over to the parentchild relationship, and the negative feelings experienced in a distressed relationship are also likely to spill over to the parent-child relationship. For example, there is specific evidence for fathers, in particular, with their perceptions of their children being more negative if they see their relationship with their wife as coercive and lacking in goodwill (Noller et al., 2000).

3.4.2 Marital or Relationship Conflict There is a lot of evidence for the detrimental effects of marital or relationship conflict on parent-child relationships and adolescent well-being. Marital conflict has been shown to have a direct effect on adolescent internalizing problems such as depression and anxiety, and also to affect the emotional tone of the parent-child relationship adversely (Davies & Cummings, 1994; Harold, Fincham, Osborn & Conger, 1997). An important issue is how the adolescents perceive the conflict, given that seeing the conflict as negative, irrespective of whether others would see it that way, increases adolescents’ psychological distress (Erel &  Burman, 1995). In an  Australian study where adolescents listened to audiotapes of a couple arguing and then made ratings of their reactions, adolescents saw coercive interactions as more typical of their parents than the parents did, but were also more optimistic than their parents that the conflict would be resolved (Noller et al., 2006). Presumably these adolescents have seen many conflicts resolved by their parents over their lifetimes and were confident that such issues would continue to be resolved. (See Chapter 4 on Communication in families with adolescents.) In another Australian study comparing separated/divorcing couples and continuously married couples, the lowest levels of psychological adjustment in the adolescents (low self-esteem, high anxiety and depression) were found in the

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families that were both separated/divorcing and high in conflict (Noller et  al., 2008). In addition, these adolescents tended to see their parents’ conflict in very negative terms, describing their conflicts as stupid and trivial and their parents’ behaviour as immature. Of course, the adolescents may not have understood the underlying issues of power and control and fear of abandonment that were often at the heart of these conflicts. For example, they may not have realised that an  argument about where to spend holidays may really be about who has the power to make such a decision, rather than about desirable holiday destinations (see also Chapter 5). Although some conflict is inevitable in marriage and other close relationships, intense conflict that is chronic has detrimental effects on young people. Given that high conflict couples are likely to behave towards their children in ways that are unresponsive and even cold and angry, the young people are likely to be angry and noncompliant and behave in this way with both their parents and friends (Katz & Gottman, 1996). On the other hand, when marital conflict leads to a couple withdrawing from each other, couples tend to become more power-assertive and less playful with their children, the family environment is likely to be less close and warm and children are more likely to have behaviour problems (Katz & Woodin, 2002; see Table 3.3). Table 3.3: Marital Satisfaction, Conflict and Adolescent outcomes Quality of Parental Relationship

Adolescent Outcomes

MARITAL SATISFACTION High

Warm and accepting in relationships with adolescents Less likely to be rejecting High quality relationships with adolescents Positive feelings from marriage spill over to parent-child relationships

Low

Model interactions for adolescents that are hostile or lacking in warmth Negative feelings from marriage spill- over to parent-child relationship especially for fathers

MARITAL CONFLICT High

Increased risk of depression, anxiety and low self-esteem Family environment less close and warm Parents more power-assertive Adolescents become angry and noncompliant with parents and peers More behaviour problems in adolescents

Low

Mild conflict inevitable in families – few negative effects



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3.4.2.1 Violence As would be expected, violence in the marital relationship also has a  negative impact on adolescent well-being. In addition, exposure to violence between parents increases the risk of young people themselves receiving violence from a  parent, and child physical abuse and conduct disorder in adolescence increase the risk of perpetrating violence against a partner later on (Ehrensaft, Cohen, Brown, Smailes, Chen & Johnson (2003). In a large sample of Canadian adults who reported on both marital and parent-child violence in their families, all forms of violence in the family of origin were associated with all forms of relationship violence in later relationships (Kwong, Bartholomew, Henderson &  Trinke, 2003). There were no differences related to gender or family role. The authors interpret these findings in terms of the general models for violent behaviour that young people experience in their families. Other studies have also shown that marital violence experienced by adolescents is associated with violence in their later relationships (Kassis et al; 2010; Kassis et al., 2011; Sousa et al., 2011).

3.5 Relationships with Extended Family and Community It is important to remember that families are embedded within a variety of other social systems. Families may operate within a particular cultural or sub cultural group and within a larger community and are also affected by the social conditions and values of the time in which they exist. Families are also embedded in a  network of social relationships including extended family members and friends (Parke, 2004a), and these networks can have important influences on family members. There is some evidence that having a  number of unrelated adults involved in one’s network is important for adolescents (Fletcher, Darling, Steinberg & Dornbusch, 1995). For example, adolescents who reported a  high level of contact with their parents’ friends and their own friends’ parents tended to perform better academically and behave in more socially acceptable ways than adolescents who did not have this type of contact. Adolescents across four countries (Canada, France, Belgium and Italy) when asked about their relationships with adults identified few non-related adults but identified a number of members of their extended families that they considered had a  significant influence on their lives (Claes, Lacourse, Bouchard &  Luckow, 2001). Most of these extended family members played emotional roles such as listening to the adolescents’ issues and providing advice and support. Contacts with extended family members in the European countries, particularly in Italy, were more frequent than in Canada. Probably the most important members of the extended families of adolescents are grandparents (Bengtson, 2001). Grandparents are seen as influencing adolescents both directly and indirectly and can be family stabilizers, affecting the family environment

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in ways that help soften the impact of the harshness of modern life (Botcheva & Feldman, 2004; Hagestad, 1985). Grandparents generally play a supportive role in the lives of their adolescent grandchildren, especially when the family is under stress, although they themselves can also be a  source of stress and distress, especially if parents see the grandparents as interfering in their relationships with their children. Grandparent relationships tend to be stronger in cultures like China where living arrangements often involve three generations living under one roof, and in non Caucasian groups like African-Americans, Mexican-Americans or American-Indians that emphasize family bonds (Botcheva & Feldman, 2004). Botcheva and Feldman (2004) found that in Bulgarian families with high levels of economic stress, the presence of a  supportive grandparent decreased the effect of economic pressure on the harshness of parenting behaviours, particularly in the case of mothers. Having support from a  grandparent also resulted in less depression in adolescents, even when they were experiencing harsh parenting that so often results when a family is having financial difficulties (e.g., Conger & Elder, 1994; Noack, Hofer & Kracke, 1994). Based on the qualitative responses obtained in the Botcheva and Feldman study, girls tended to emphasize the emotional support provided by grandparents who were seen as understanding them better than their parents, whereas boys were more likely to mention support such as providing them with an allowance from their meagre pensions. Overall, grandparents were seen as playing a softening and important role in the family.

3.5.1 Social Class/Economics Social class and the economic circumstances of families are also likely to affect the family environments of adolescents. In one study, researchers found that economic circumstances affect the parents in terms of their general mood and that financial stress can lead to more marital and relationship conflict and less effective parenting (Conger, Conger, Elder, Lorenz, Simons & Whitbeck, 1993). These researchers showed that hostility and lack of warmth and involvement as well as a lack of discipline all contributed to adverse consequences for this sample of American girls.

3.5.2 Neighbourhoods and Communities Adolescents may be affected by the neighbourhoods in which they live, and the quality of the neighbourhood can be determined by the socio-economic circumstances of the family. In other words, adolescents with poor or unemployed parents are likely to live in the poorest suburbs with the most problematic schools and can be led into delinquency by their peers. There is evidence that young people in highly disadvantaged communities have an increased risk of becoming violent because of



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family problems, as well as an increased risk of being exposed to people involved in criminal activities (De Coster, Heimer, & Wittrock, 2006). Another study of the links between poverty and juvenile delinquency was based on a  national sample of US adolescents (Carter, Fortson, Hollist, Altheimer, & Schaible, 2007). Carter et al. found that family poverty particularly increased the risk of delinquency in families living in poor communities. Hoffman (2006) explored adolescent problem behaviours at the level of the family and at the level of the community. Adolescents from families with a recently divorced mother, a  mother and stepfather, or a  single parent (mother or father) tended to engage in more problem behaviour than those who lived with their biological parents, regardless of the type of community they lived in. In addition, adolescents living in communities that involved a  large number of impoverished households, femaleheaded households or unemployed males were more likely to engage in problem behaviours, regardless of family structure. Thus both family structure and the nature of the community can have independent effects on adolescent problem behaviour. (see Chapter 6 for more information about adolescent problem behaviours) In a  Dutch study focused on the city or neighbourhood determinants of youth delinquency, the percentage of single-parent families in the community had the most significant effect on rates of youth delinquency (Weijters, Scheepers & Gerris, 2009). In addition, social class was associated with the type of work that parents did, which in turn may have had an impact on how these parents behaved towards their children as we shall see in the next section. Type of neighbourhood can also affect how parents monitor and control their adolescents (Shor, 2000). In this Israeli study, perceptions of situations of abuse and neglect involved comparing parents living in a low-income deprived neighbourhood and parents living in a  middle-income neighbourhood. Parents in the deprived neighbourhood emphasized the need to control and monitor their children’s behaviour because of the extra risks to their children’s safety in that environment. Parents in the middle-income neighbourhood, on the other hand, believed that they could use less restrictive monitoring of their children because their neighbourhood was a lot safer. Cuellar, Jones and Sterrett (2013) produced an integrative review of the research on the impact of neighbourhood characteristics on parenting behaviour. They explored three particular neighbourhood characteristics: danger, disadvantage and disengagement. Danger included crime levels and concerns about safety, disadvantage referred to the absence of financial and institutional resources and disengagement referred to a lack of opportunities for positive involvement available in the neighbourhood. Although these researchers found evidence of the neighbourhood in which children and parents live affecting parenting practices, there were not a lot of consistent findings, likely due to inconsistencies in how parenting and other relevant variables were measured. Disadvantage and disengagement seem to have the strongest impact on parenting and fostering social support among families in

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disadvantaged communities can be very helpful in producing more positive parenting (Akers & Mince, 2008; DePanfilis & Dubowitz, 2005). Families and communities can also have positive effects on developmental outcomes for adolescents (Morrissey & Werner-Wilson, 2005). This study particularly focused on participation in out-of-school leisure activities as being associated with positive developmental outcomes for adolescents. Where such activities were available, those young people with positive attitudes towards their families and their communities were more likely to be involved in these leisure activities and more likely to engage in positive social behaviour rather than become involved in problem behaviour and delinquent activities. Stevick (2007) reports a study of the Amish community, showing how their strong and distinct identity is fostered by the entire Amish community: parents, teachers, neighbours and ministers. He also shows how this strong and distinctive identity keeps most young people from identifying with the outside community, with the result that almost 90 percent of those who grow up in an Amish community choose to remain in that traditional way of life. Of course, it may not only be the strength of their group identity that protects Amish young people. Their traditional way of life means that they are not continually bombarded with the negative influences that are prevalent at least in modern western society.

3.6 Work and Family Social class can also be associated with the parenting practices of men and women through their occupations (Kohn, 1995). For example, men who work in jobs where they have a lot of autonomy and have to deal with a lot of complexity tend to value independence in their children, and they tend to take their children’s intentions into account when deciding whether and how to punish them (Grimm-Thomas &  Perry-Jenkins, 1994). These fathers tended to respond to their children with more warmth and were more likely to try to explain things to them (Greenberger, O’Neil &  Nagel, 1994). Children also had fewer behaviour problems when their mothers worked in jobs involving autonomy, such as working with people and providing opportunities for problem-solving (Cooksey, Menaghan &  Jekielek, 1997). Kohn also found that men in jobs where they were highly supervised tended to value conformity and obedience in their children and were also more likely to use physical punishment. Apart from the kinds of work parents do, their work pressures are likely to be associated with the well being of adolescents, especially in dual-earner families (Ransford, Crouter & McHale, 2008). These researchers found that when either parent was in a high-pressure job where little support was provided to workers, both parents reported higher levels of role overload than was true for other families. They reported that the consequent stress affected their families in terms of more conflict and less



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intimacy in their relationships with their children. In addition, their children were more likely than other children to report symptoms of depression. In another sample of dual-earner families (Bumpus, Crouter & McHale, 2006), the researchers explored associations between negative work-to-family spill over (when parents’ work has negative consequences for the family) and parents’ knowledge of the daily activities of their young adolescents. Although mothers and fathers in this sample were likely to experience similar levels of negative spill over from work to family, spill over from mothers’ work did not affect mothers’ knowledge of her adolescents’ activities. On the other hand, fathers who reported high levels of spill over tended to know less about their adolescents’ daily activities. These researchers suggest that fathers’ involvement with their adolescents may be seen by them as more voluntary or optional than that of mothers, with mothers believing that knowing about adolescents’ daily activities was part of their role. Another possibility is that the quality of the father-adolescent relationship may depend on the levels of stress experienced by the father at work that day. Adolescents may be more prepared to discuss their activities with their fathers when the fathers are in the right mood (Larson & Richards, 1994). Where parents work shifts involving nonstandard work schedules (that is, not between 8 am, and 5 pm) there is also likely to be an impact on relationships with adolescents (Davis, Crouter &  McHale, 2006). Whereas mothers’ relationships with their adolescents were not negatively affected by shift work, fathers’ relationships with their adolescents were. In fact, adolescents with shift-working mothers reported more intimacy with their mothers than those whose mothers worked standard daytime hours, and these mothers were more knowledgeable about their adolescents’ activities. Because adolescents whose mothers worked nonstandard shifts reported more intimacy with their mothers than those whose mothers worked daytime shifts, these researchers discuss the possibility that mothers who work shifts may put in a lot of effort to compensate their adolescents for work-related absences. On the other hand, when fathers worked shifts, adolescents reported less intimacy with both parents, especially if there was also conflict in the marriage. Crouter and Goodman (2006) suggest that because mothers’ family responsibilities are more specific, they are likely to make sure their responsibilities are fulfilled whatever their work hours. Again, the implication is that mothers in dual-earner families are more likely than fathers to make sure that they keep in touch with what their adolescents are doing. Marchena (2005) had adolescents report on the impact on them of parents’ workfamily conflict. Although adolescents generally accepted their parents’ work roles, they were sometimes critical of the effects of that work on family life. For example, they did not like the way that mothers who worked from home often ignored them (presumably so that they could get the required amount of work finished). They also were negative about parents’ work keeping them away from home longer than expected, or parents being called to work unexpectedly to fill-in for a colleague. They

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were also unhappy when parents’ work activities resulted in those parents missing out on important activities in their adolescents’ lives, such as school performances, parent-teacher nights and sporting events. These kinds of incidents were not tolerated more for fathers than for mothers. Both parents were expected to be involved in their adolescent’s lives, irrespective of work commitments. Another interesting aspect of this study was that these adolescents expected that they, too, would work when their own children were adolescents, but presumably would still make more effort to be involved in their children’s lives. In another study of working mothers (Nomaguchi & Milkie, 2006), young adults were asked to report on the parenting practices of their mothers and fathers while they were growing up, in order to explore whether these differed by whether their mothers worked or not. Those young adults whose mothers worked during most of their childhood tended to report both less discipline and less support from each of their parents than was true for those whose mothers stayed at home. In addition, sons in dual-earner families reported more verbal assaults and more physical assaults from both of their parents than did those sons whose mothers did not work outside the home. Presumably these attacks from parents were related to the stress and pressures that they experienced in their work situations. It is also possible that these young males were not sympathetic to those pressures but selfishly expected parents to spend more time focused on them and their needs.

3.7 Family Functioning and Discipline 3.7.1 Parenting Style Parenting styles are integral to the development of the family environment or the climate in which families function. Studies of parenting styles used with adolescents tend to show a clear link between parenting styles and the well being of adolescents (Milevsky, Schlechter, Netter & Keehn, 2007). The most commonly used typology of parenting style is that of Baumrind (1971) who focused on three styles: authoritarian, authoritative and permissive, with the authoritative style seen as more beneficial for young people because it involves high warmth or responsiveness and firm control or high demandingness (Baumrind & Black, 1967; Baumrind, 1971, 1983). Later researchers such as Steinberg (Darling & Steinberg, 1993; Lamborn, Mounts, Steinberg &  Dornbusch, 1991; Steinberg, Lamborn, Dornbusch &  Darling, 1992) have developed a measure based on two underlying dimensions of parenting style: parental support or responsiveness and strict control. Using these two dimensions parents can be categorized as authoritarian (high control and low support), indulgent (high support and low control), authoritative (high support and high control) and uninvolved (low on both support and control).



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Baumrind (1991) was able to show that authoritative parents tended to be very successful at producing competent children who did not get involved in the use of illegal drugs. Baumrind (1983) argues that authoritative parents also promote selfefficacy or a  sense of competency that gives young people the motivation to try new and even difficult tasks. In addition, parents who use an  authoritative style tend to have children who are higher in self-esteem and life-satisfaction and lower in depression (Milevsky et al., 2007), although the effect tends to be clearer for the parenting of mothers than fathers. It also seems that the impact of an  authoritarian parenting style, which tends to be negative in the West, may not be so harmful in other cultures (Rudy & Grusec, 2001). Rudy and Grusec (2001) were interested in the transmission of values in families. They compared a  sample of Anglo-Canadians with a  sample of EgyptianCanadians in terms of a range of parenting variables. The age range of those studied was 18 to 62 years. The Egyptian-Canadians were higher than the Anglo-Canadians on authoritarianism, collectivism and anger. For both groups, collectivism was the best predictor of authoritarianism but for the Anglo-Canadian group, lack of warmth was also a predictor. The researchers note that high levels of authoritarianism are not necessarily related to low levels of warmth, more negative attributions about children or rigid information-processing because authoritarianism tends to mean different things depending on whether a culture is collectivist or individualist. It is possible that because collectivist cultures focus on the greater good of the community rather than on the good of the individual, parents feel a stronger need to get this message across to their offspring. A group of Arab researchers (Dwairy, Mustafa, Abouserie & Farah, 2006) studied a large sample of adolescents coming from eight different Arab societies such as Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Egypt. They found that adolescents who experienced inconsistent parenting scored lower in terms of their sense of connectedness in the family and their mental health than those who experienced either controlling parenting or more flexible parenting. It is interesting to note that even in this very different culture, authoritative parenting was associated with better connectedness within the family and better mental health. Using the measure designed by Steinberg and colleagues, a  group of Dutch researchers assessed the relations between parent personality and parenting styles (Huver, Otten, de Vries &  Engels, 2009). These researchers were able to show that parents’ levels of extraversion and agreeableness were associated with providing high support for their adolescents, and that parents who were high in emotional stability were more likely to exert strict control. They found that authoritative parents were more likely to be extraverted, agreeable and less emotionally stable than other parents. In fact, emotionally stable parents were more likely to engage in indulgent or uninvolved parenting. Perhaps emotionally stable parents maintain that stability by not becoming over involved in trying to control their children.

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Although differences in parenting style between mothers and fathers has not received a lot of research attention, McKinney and Renk (2008) explored the association between late adolescents’ perceptions of the parenting styles of their parents and those same adolescents’ emotional adjustment. These researchers found that those adolescents who had at least one parent who used an authoritative parenting style showed higher levels of emotional adjustment than those who had no authoritative parent. McKinney and Renk suggest that having at least one authoritative parent increases the chances of adolescents having healthy psychological adjustment. For example, adolescents with healthy psychological adjustment would tend to have relatively high self-esteem and low levels of anxiety and depression. A coercive or authoritarian style of parenting, on the other hand, tends to produce withdrawn, passive behaviour in girls and stereotyped behaviour in boys (Baumrind, 1983), at least in western cultures such as the US. Firm consistent discipline provided in a  context of loving responsiveness tends to produce likable, independent and assertive behaviour in boys and affiliative, responsible and stable behaviour in girls. A Dutch study of the development of delinquency in adolescents also identified three styles of parenting: authoritative, authoritarian and neglectful or punishing (Hoeve, Blokland, Dubas, Loeber, Gerris, &  van der Laan, 2008). They found that serious delinquents were generally experiencing neglectful parenting.

3.7.1.1 Encouragement of Autonomy As we noted earlier, one of the tasks of adolescence is for the young person to develop a sense of autonomy or independence so that they can stand on their own feet and make decisions about what they want for the future (see Chapter 2), all with the support of their parents, but without inappropriate intrusiveness on the parents’ parts. Grotevant and Cooper (1986) for example, argued that a supportive parent-child relationship is essential for the optimal development of autonomy in adolescents. It is also important that adolescents are not overly independent of their parents (Soenens, Vansteenkiste, Lens, Luyckx, Goosens, Beyers &  Ryan, 2007). These European authors suggest that, rather than promoting independence, parents should encourage their adolescents to act in line with their own values and interests. This approach is best nurtured in an  environment where parents understand and appreciate their children’s perspectives, provide appropriate choices for them, and minimise their own use of control and power assertion (Grolnick, 2003; Ryan, Deci & Grolnick, 1995). Kagitcibasi (2013), a Turkish researcher, discusses the issues of autonomy and relatedness in adolescence and argues that models based on Western psychology tend to focus on autonomy rather than relatedness, although both Western and Eastern researchers recognise that both are basic needs. She argues for a  more inclusive model where both autonomy (or independence) and relatedness (or interdependence) are seen as important. She emphasizes the need for



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interdependence in the psychological realm but not the material realm. She argues for a focus on the autonomous-related self, with a balance between autonomy and relatedness even in adolescence.

3.7.1.2 Cohesion, Flexibility and Communication Cohesion and flexibility are two key aspects of Olson’s (2000) Circumplex Model of Family Functioning. Cohesion concerns the level of closeness and affection in the family, and levels vary from enmeshed (or so close that family members can struggle to see themselves as separate persons) to disengaged (or so distant that there is no real connection between family members). Flexibility (previously labelled adaptability) varies from rigid (not at all flexible and limited by too many rules) to chaotic (or so flexible that there is no structure or organization). Balanced families are considered most appropriate, particularly for parenting adolescents, and tend to be moderate in terms of both cohesion and flexibility. This finding has been supported across more than 250 questionnaire studies as well as studies where families were observed interacting with one another and then rated in terms of their closeness and flexibility. Families that were too close tended to include children who were more likely to become depressed (Jacobvitz, Hazen, Curran &  Hitchens, 2004), and families that were too rigid or controlling tended to include children who were anxious or depressed, presumably because they are constantly afraid of making a mistake or breaking a rule. In addition, families that were disengaged or too distant tended to include children who were more likely to become anxious and depressed because of a  lack of warmth or sense of security, that can lead to their feeling all alone. Parental factors also seem important to how well children perform at school. Children in warm, cohesive families are likely to perform better at school than children from families that are less supportive at least in Australia (Heaven & Newbury, 2004). The third aspect of the Circumplex Model is communication, which is considered critical to the expression of cohesion (e.g., support and affection) and flexibility (e.g., discipline and organization). Families with communication problems are likely to also have problems in the areas of expressing cohesion and taking a flexible approach to decision-making and problem solving (see Chapter 4).

3.7.1.3 Parental Rejection As a number of researchers have noted, adolescents who see themselves as rejected by their parents run the risk of developing a range of psychological problems (Akse, Hale, Engels, Raaijmakers & Meeus, 2004; Buehler & Gerard, 2002; Chang, Schwartz, Dodge & McBride-Chang, 2003; Khaleque & Rohner, 2002). Adolescents who perceive their parents as rejecting are likely to have low self-esteem and see their futures negatively, and this can make them vulnerable to depression and even suicide. These

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findings were particularly strong for girls in the study of Dutch children (Akse et al.). Boys, on the other hand are likely to react to parental rejection by engaging in socially unacceptable behaviour such as aggression.

3.7.1.4 Level of Control and Monitoring As Baumrind (1991) points out, finding the appropriate level of control and monitoring for adolescents is not always easy. Adolescents need to become selfregulated, autonomous and competent individuals. In order to achieve such a goal, they need freedom to explore and experiment, but they also need to be protected from experiences that are definitely dangerous. Baumrind argues that adolescents can give up their childhood dependencies on parents, but still maintain positive relationships with them and even keep their parents’ values. Pettit and Laird (2002) draw a clear distinction between monitoring and control. According to these authors, “monitoring reflects parents’ efforts to adapt and regulate children’s behaviour through guidance and supervision” (p. 100) and is generally positive. Psychological control, on the other hand is about parents wanting to limit the child’s developing psychological autonomy or independence, to keep the child dependent on the parent, and to maintain power in the relationship. This type of control is associated with both internalizing problems such as anxiety and depression as well as with externalizing problems such as delinquency. Monitoring, on the other hand, is associated with low levels of externalizing problems such as delinquency and other forms of acting-out (Barber, 1996). Barber argues that where adolescents are highly anxious or depressed or engaging in delinquent behaviours, parents are more likely to use psychological control, and where delinquency and other externalizing problems are at low levels, parents are more likely to rely on monitoring. In a  study of psychological control by both mothers and fathers (Luebbe, Bump, Fussner &  Rulon, 2013) researchers assessed early adolescents’ perceptions of psychological control by both mothers and fathers, as well as any discrepancies between them in their levels of control. They were interested in whether perceptions of control were associated with the adolescents’ regulation of negative emotion and the extent to which they experience anxiety. Perception of psychological control by both mothers and fathers was related to adolescent anxiety, but in multivariate analyses only the discrepancy between the parents in their psychological control was related to anxiety. In addition, this effect was partially explained by the adolescents’ problems in regulating negative emotions. Parental monitoring is generally assessed in term of three variables: parental solicitation, child disclosure and parental involvement (Criss et al., 2013; Laird et al., 2012) and tends to involve knowledge about adolescents’ whereabouts and activities. “Do you know where your children are?” as an Australian government advertisement asked at one time when concern about adolescents being out late at night and involved in problem activities was at a high level. Parental monitoring tends to be linked with



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fewer problem behaviours and better school performance (Kerr & Stattin, 2000; Laird et  al., 2012; Padilla-Walker, Harper &  Bean, 2011)) so is clearly important. In these studies, what parents knew about their adolescents’ activities tended to come from adolescents’ voluntary disclosure rather than from any actual tracking by the parents. Thus the quality of the parent-adolescent relationship is critical as adolescents will be more likely to disclose their activities to parents with whom they have a positive bond. In fact, child disclosure was more strongly linked to adolescent adjustment than was parental tracking or surveillance. Those who willingly disclosed information about their activities were less depressed, had better relationships with their parents and better self-esteem, all of which underlines the importance of having good relationships with one’s adolescents. Of course, as we have suggested earlier, it is possible that good relationships with parents increased the willingness of young people to disclose their activities to their parents. From our perspective, good parentchild relationships increase the likelihood that adolescents will cooperate with parents and generally comply with their wishes. Feeling controlled, on the other hand, was associated in Kerr and Stattin’s (2000) study with every measure of poor psychological adjustment, a topic discussed further below. In another study (Waizenhofer, Buchanan & Jackson-Newman, 2004), mothers’ knowledge of adolescent activities was related to lower levels of deviant behaviour among adolescents, but did not predict psychological adjustment. Overall, mothers knew more than fathers about the activities of their adolescents. Mothers were also more likely than fathers to get information through direct disclosure from the adolescent, or through their own supervision of the adolescent’s activities. Active supervision was associated with more knowledge of adolescents’ activities by both mothers and fathers from dual-earner families. Parents who are psychologically controlling tend to be critical of their adolescents, very achievement-oriented in their dealings with their adolescents, and highly demanding and strict (Barber & Harmon, 2002; Soenens, Vansteenkiste, Duriez & Goossens, 2006). They also tend to be over-involved with their own personal needs to the exclusion of the needs of their adolescents, and to lack understanding or empathy with regard to the perspectives and goals of their children and adolescents. One problem is that their approach to their adolescents tends to hinder autonomy development as well as identity formation, both of which are important aspects of growing up (Barber & Harmon, 2002). (see also Chapter 2) In addition, these parents tend to intrude on their adolescents’ sense of self and not allow them to make decisions for themselves (Soenens et al., 2006). These adolescents are also likely to have lower self-esteem and to be more vulnerable to depression and anxiety than other adolescents. These problems tend to be associated with children’s delinquent behaviours (Pettit, Laird, Dodge, Bates &  Criss, 2001) and with inter-parental hostility and conflict (see Chapter 6 for more detailed discussion of delinquency in adolescence). Parenting that encourages adolescents to explore their own thoughts and values facilitates autonomy development and high self-esteem.

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Soenens et al. (2006) carried out a  study to test the links among parental separation anxiety with regard to their adolescents (that is, fear that their adolescents would distance from them), their demand for exceptionally high standards from their adolescents and the extent to which they used psychological control. They found that both separation anxiety and exceptionally high standards (or perfectionism) were associated with increased psychological control in their dealings with their adolescents. These authors suggest that there may be two types of psychological control, one associated with separation anxiety and the other associated with extreme perfectionism or high demands. Those parents who experience separation anxiety are likely to feel anxious about their adolescent’s increasing autonomy and independence and to use control to keep them in a  close and dependent relationship. These adolescents are also likely to develop a dependent, clinging attitude towards others as happens for the child with preoccupied attachment (Bartholomew &  Horowitz, 1991). Perfectionistic parents, on the other hand, are likely to communicate to the child that they can love them only if they meet the very high standards demanded by the parents. Either of these types of control is likely to make the adolescent vulnerable to depression and anxiety. Therefore, parenting that incorporates realistic expectations and unconditional positive regard is likely to produce well-adjusted adolescents.

3.7.1.5 Discipline Although it is important that adolescents are disciplined by their parents, the nature of that discipline needs to be considered carefully. Power assertive punishment has a negative effect on young people and physical abuse increases the risk that a young person will abuse a partner later on and even inflict injury (Ehrensaft et al., 2003). It is interesting to note that physical punishment seems to have different effects on boys and girls, at least with regard to their involvement in delinquent behaviours (Heaven et al., 2004). These authors found that the delinquent behaviour of boys increased with increases in father’s physical punishment, whereas the delinquent behaviour of girls decreased. (See Chapter 4 for more on discipline)

3.8 Sibling Relationships Sibling relationships are an  important aspect of the family environment. For most people, the sibling relationship is the longest relationship they will ever have. Even with the decline in family size, most people have at least one sibling, and they are likely to spend more time with their sibling than with anyone else according to timeuse data (McHale, Kim, Whiteman & Crouter, 2007). Some recent research suggests that children from European/American backgrounds in the USA are more likely to live with a sibling than a father (McHale et al., 2007). Siblings are in competition with



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each other for the love and attention of their parents and need to maintain a lifelong relationship with one another (Noller, 2005b). Some sibling researchers (e.g., Dunn & Plomin, 1990) talk about shared and nonshared family environments. The shared family environment is what all the siblings are likely to experience similarly, including parental values, parental health issues, marital discord, family rules, family climate and the family’s financial situation. The  non-shared family environment is unique to each individual and includes relationship with mother, relationship with father, relationships with each sibling, differential treatment by parent/s, own health issues, peer group and involvement in outside activities. Of course, personality differences are also likely to contribute to family members’ reacting in different ways to what happens in the family. For example, an anxious insecure child is likely to react differently to minor arguments between parents than one who is more secure. Thus it is important to remember that each sibling has a different experience in the family (Dunn, 2000; Dunn & Plomin, 1990). As Dunn (2000) notes parents need to understand the experiences that are specific to each child in the family. For example, a child with a chronic illness is likely to have a very different experience of the family than his or her well sibling. Siblings can also play different roles with each other. They can be “attachment figures, antagonists, playmates, protectors and socialisers” (Davies, 2002, p.94). An important aspect of relationships between siblings is the tendency for others to make comparisons between them, and for them to compete with one another. Comparisons may be made by parents, teachers or friends and can be about a range of characteristics such as physical appearance (height, weight, attractiveness, physique), personality characteristics (outgoingness, friendliness, conscientiousness, helpfulness, stubbornness) or skills and abilities (athleticism, intelligence, artistic or musical ability). Comparisons tend to begin in infancy (Dunn, 1988, 2000) and to continue throughout their lives (Cicirelli, 1996). Siblings are likely to have strong emotional reactions to comparisons made about them and to being in competition with each other, although where the relationships between siblings are high in support and low in conflict, reactions are likely to be less intense (Noller, Conway & Blakeley-Smith, 2008). Birth order also tends to affect siblings’ reactions to being outperformed by their sibling. In this study of Australian siblings, older siblings reacted more negatively to being outperformed by a younger sibling than did younger siblings to being outperformed by an older sibling, and that was also true for twins even though the age difference might be only a few minutes. When younger siblings are outperformed by an older sibling, they can attribute their defeat to age, but older siblings would generally expect to outperform their younger siblings. Buist, Paalman, Branje, Dekovic, et al. (2013) carried out a study of Dutch and Moroccan adolescents in which they compared ethnic differences but also the association between the quality of the sibling relationship and adolescents’ problem

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behaviour. Although there were differences between the ethnic groups in terms of sibling quality (support and control) and problem behaviour (externalizing disorders and depression), they found no significant differences in the link between sibling relationships and adolescent behaviour between the two different ethnic groups. In addition, the association between sibling relationship quality and problem behaviour was similar irrespective of cultural group.

3.8.1 Differential Parenting Differential parenting is about siblings being treated differently by a parent or parents such that one could be considered favoured and the other disfavoured. A favoured child would tend to receive more affection and less control than a  disfavoured sibling, whereas the disfavoured sibling would receive less affection and more control. Differential parenting can have a  profound effect on children, particularly on the disfavoured child and can affect their sense of competence and self-worth, personality, behavioural problems and mental health (Baker & Daniels, 1990; Dunn, Stocker &  Plomin, 1990; Sheehan &  Noller, 2002; Tejerina-Allen, Wagner &  Cohen, 1994). Sheehan and Noller (2002) found that adolescent twins who were disfavoured in terms of the support and affection they received from their parents were more likely to be avoidant in terms of their attachment, and more anxious than their favoured sibling. (See Chapter 2) Adolescent twins who saw their mothers as more controlling of them than of their co-twin tended to report both lower self-esteem and higher anxiety than their more favoured twin. Surprisingly, twins who reported more control from their fathers than their co-twin reported higher personal self-esteem than their co-twin, suggesting that guidance and monitoring by the father tends to have a positive effect on adolescents’ psychological adjustment. In another study, Tucker, McHale and Crouter (2003) explored parents’ differential treatment of their adolescents in five areas: privileges, chores, affection, discipline and the amount of time spent with adolescent offspring. They also assessed the extent to which personal characteristics of the adolescents were associated with differential treatment. These researchers found that equal treatment was common, particularly in the domains of discipline and privileges. Firstborns tended to receive more privileges than others in the family, but that may have been because they were older. Differential treatment was clearly related to gender, especially with regard to time spent with adolescents, and treatment by fathers. Mothers tended to spend more time with girls and fathers spent more time with boys, perhaps because they believed that they had more in common with their same sex adolescent. Fathers also differentiated on the basis of birth order, spending more time with their firstborns. Overall, the findings indicated that parents’ affection, discipline and amount of time spent with their adolescent were affected by the adolescent’s gender and sex-typed qualities.

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Privileges and chores were more related to birth order and age. Some researchers suggest that where differential treatment is seen by adolescents as legitimate because of the different needs of each sibling, adolescents and their sibling relationships are less likely to be negatively affected (Kowal & Kramer, 1997; McHale, Updegraff, Jackson-Newsom, Tucker & Crouter, 2000).

3.8.2 Sibling Relationships and Adolescent Adjustment As Dunn (2000) noted in discussing the sibling relationship, “that emotional intensity and the intimacy of the relationship, the familiarity of children with each other, and the significance of sharing parents mean that the relationship has considerable potential for affecting children’s well being” (p. 244). For example, Patterson and his colleagues have shown that siblings are trained in aggressive behaviour by the way they and their siblings react to teasing, conflict and fighting (Bank, Patterson & Reid, 1996). Comparisons between siblings made by parents and others are likely to have an  impact on adolescent adjustment and well-being (Noller et  al., 2008). In this study, siblings in situations of comparison and competition, felt more positive and less negative toward their sibling if their overall relationship was high in warmth and low in conflict. In addition, those siblings who were high in self-esteem were more likely to react positively in situations of comparison and competition, irrespective of whether they performed better than their sibling or not, and those who were depressed were more likely to react negatively, even when they performed better. Clearly these data underline the importance of the quality of sibling relationships to individuals’ psychological adjustment.

3.9 Summary An important aspect of the family environment is the structure of the family. There is considerable evidence that nonnuclear families may be compromised in their ability to provide as positive an environment for adolescents as traditional nuclear families involving two married parents and their biological children. One reason for this difference is that some types of nonnuclear families struggle financially and are unable to provide good medical care for their children. Individual family members make their own unique contributions to the family environment. In addition, some aspects of the family environment such as parental values, financial resources, family rules and marital or relationship satisfaction/ discord affect all family members although not necessarily in the same way, whereas other aspects are unique to that particular family member: their own health, their relationships with each of their parents and their involvement in outside activities.

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Characteristics of the family that are important to the well-being of family members include an emotionally warm atmosphere, communication that is open, and parents being involved in the lives of their children through fun activities, encouragement and supervision. Factors such as chronic health problems in the family, hostility and conflict, and being too dependent on the parents tend to be seen as having a negative impact on well-being. Those adolescents who have healthy self-esteem and who have parents who support them are more likely to thrive in adolescence than those whose families are violent or chaotic. Having strong support from parents and positive peer relationships help adolescents develop skills in intimacy that are important for their future relationships. The quality of the parental relationship is a  key aspect of family functioning, with parents’ personality characteristics such as neuroticism and conscientiousness, warmth, attachment security, and mental health all having an  impact on their adolescents. Parents’ marital or relational satisfaction, chronic and intense conflict, and violent behaviour also have an impact on the well being of other family members, through their effects on the quality of their parenting. These problems are also likely to affect the later relationships of adolescents. Family members are also affected by the social and economic networks in which they are embedded. Adolescents generally benefit from contact with extended family members and with unrelated adults such as friends of their parents and the parents of their friends. Financial difficulties can increase the likelihood of negative parenting and social class affects the demands parents make on their children and the types of punishment they use. Adolescents can also be affected by the communities in which they live, with those from poor families living in poor neighbourhoods more likely to be caught up in delinquent behaviour than adolescents who live in more affluent neighbourhoods. Parenting styles also affect the well-being of adolescents, with authoritative parenting generally seen as optimal in Western cultures and as producing the most competent children, whereas authoritarian parenting tends to be seen as undesirable. In other cultures, authoritarian parenting does not seem to be so harmful. Adolescents, particularly those in Western societies also need to be encouraged to develop autonomy from their parents and work towards being independent of them. Levels of cohesion and flexibility in the family are also important, with the most effective families being balanced in terms of cohesion and flexibility. Adolescents generally need supervision and monitoring that is associated with low levels of delinquency. Psychological control, on the other hand, is designed to keep the adolescent dependent on the parent and has a  negative impact on them, being associated with high levels of anxiety and depression as well as delinquency. Interestingly, those adolescents who had good relationships with their parents tended to disclose their whereabouts and activities to them voluntarily. Controlling parents tend to hinder both autonomy development and identity formation in their



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adolescents, although these factors are critical to the adolescents growing up welladjusted. Those parents who were highly controlling tended to feel anxious about their children’s attempts at separation from them, or have very high, even perfectionistic, standards for them. Sibling relationships are very important for adolescents and impact their psychological adjustment, particularly if parents and others make continual comparisons between them. Being well-adjusted in terms of high self-esteem, low levels of anxiety and low levels of depression increases the chances that adolescents will be able to cope well with comparison and competition, even when they don’t perform as well as their sibling.

3.10 Implications for Practitioners Practitioners dealing with adolescents engaging in problem behaviours need to explore issues in the parental relationship, where relevant, because of the negative impact of parental conflict on adolescent offspring. The tensions and insecurities that arise in adolescents in response to parental conflict need to be dealt with, perhaps in family therapy sessions where the whole family has an opportunity to share their concerns and to talk about the impact of the ongoing conflict on them, in the presence of their parents. Involving parents in therapy where all family members are included can also give the therapist the opportunity to observe the parenting styles used by parents and their adolescents’ reactions to their parents’ attempts at controlling them. Such a session would also provide an opportunity for the therapist to model more appropriate ways of dealing with the adolescents, helping the parents to move toward a  more ageappropriate authoritative style where parents and adolescents are able to negotiate solutions to the issues facing them. Other issues such as the impact of parents’ work schedules on adolescents can also be discussed and hopefully resolved. For example, adolescent firstborns may believe that being expected to care for younger siblings every afternoon limits their opportunities to meet with friends and also has implications for completing homework assignments and preparing for exams. It may also be important for practitioners to explore sibling relationships, especially if they suspect that differential treatment is occurring. Because these kinds of relationships can be so detrimental to the mental health of the disfavoured sibling and to the quality of the sibling relationship, it is important that these issues are dealt with. In addition, as Minuchin shows in his videotaped family therapy session “Anorexia is a Greek Word”, siblings can unknowingly reinforce problematic behaviours such as refusing to eat by providing a  lot of attention to the so-called “victim”.

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Feinberg et al. (2013) has designed a program to “promote positive and reduce negative youth outcomes by enhancing sibling relationships” (p.166). The program is called Siblings are Special (SIBS) and involves primary school children (5th graders with a  younger sibling in 2nd through 4th grades). An extensive test of the program showed that completing the program had a  positive effect on sibling relationships and child competence and mental health. In addition, it led to improved maternal mental health, at least in terms of depression. Relationships with extended family members may also need to be a  focus of therapy. For example, the therapist may be able to support grandparents, aunts etc. who can make a positive impact on the adolescent and/or the family environment. In addition, he or she may be able to work with members of the extended family who are having a negative effect on the family environment, and on the well being of the adolescent. The characteristics of the neighbourhoods in which families live and the schools that children attend relate to broader social issues of poverty and violence, which need to be addressed by the broader community. For example, the provision of recreational centres and safe places for families and young people to congregate may assist to lessen the impacts of a poorer social environment. One role of practitioners could involve advocating for better facilities for families. In this chapter we have focused on many aspects of the family environment from the micro to the macro, and have seen how important relationships between parents and with parents can be for the adolescent. In the next chapter, we focus on the communication between adolescents and their parents, as well as other family members and the implications of that communication for the family environment and for the well-being of the adolescent.

4 Communication in Families with Adolescents The quality of the communication between family members is critical to the quality of family relationships and to adolescent adjustment. In this chapter we aim to reflect the findings of the large amount of research that has been carried out in the field of family communication over the last few decades. We aim to explore the issues for adolescents as they seek to maintain positive relationships with their parents while they mature physically, cognitively and socially as individuals. During this stage they also strive to develop their individual identities and fulfil their needs for more autonomy, while maintaining their position within the family. The development of the communication between parents and their adolescent is very important to this process of individuation (e.g. Keijsers & Poulin, 2013). Whatever the life stage of the family, the importance of communication cannot be overestimated and communication may be particularly crucial for families with adolescents. Communication between adolescents and their parents can, at times, be difficult, but open and constructive communication is critical to a healthy family environment and to the well-being of the adolescents (Noller, 2005a.).

4.1 The changing nature of parent-adolescent relationships As discussed in Chapter 2, one of the main developmental tasks for adolescents is to become independent from parents (Robin &  Foster, 1989). During this stage adolescents need to develop their own opinions, become aware of those of others, and be able to integrate the two (Grotevant& Cooper, 1986; Keijsers & Poulin, 2013; see Chapter 2 for further discussion of adolescent individuation and autonomy). Individuation occurs within a relational context and involves a combination of the adolescent striving for individuality while at the same time wanting to maintain connectedness to relationships in the family. Successful individuation by adolescents involves their being able to express their own points of view, including opinions that may differ from those of their parents, while also being sensitive to and respectful of the opinions of others (Grotevant& Cooper, 1985). This situation creates challenges to the existing family structure, whatever that structure (Robin &  Foster, 1989), with the parent-child relationship undergoing transformation from one that is relatively ordered with the parent in the dominant role, to one that involves a more equal relationship between parents and adolescents (Flannery, Montemayor, Eberly &  Torquati, 1993; Grotevant &  Cooper, 1986; Hunter, 1985; Hunter &  Youniss, 1982; Rosnati, Iafrate & Scabini, 2007; Steinberg, 1990). Just as adolescents need to change the ways they communicate with their parents, parents also need to change their communication with their adolescent in terms of how much independence they allow to their adolescent, or expect of them (Goossens, 2006a). How often parents and adolescents talk with one another is likely to change © 2014 Patricia Noller, Sharon Atkin This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License.

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over time, as are the topics of their conversations with changing expectations of privacy and responsibility, and the changing nature of the experiences they share (Laursen & Collins, 2004). Because of the importance of communication, researchers have investigated how parents and adolescents deal with issues that create conflict within the family. One reason for a  strong focus on conflict is that adolescence is a  stage when offspring are ‘pushing the boundaries’ in a  search for greater autonomy over their lives (see Chapter 2). In addition, adolescents are still establishing their values and are eager to try new experiences and work out their own beliefs and values. In this chapter, we also explore the role of conflict in adolescent development and the importance of parental response and guidance in these situations. A critical issue for adolescents concerns who should control the various aspects of their lives, and conflict often arises because adolescents come to believe that areas that were formerly under the control of parents should now be under their own control (Steinberg & Silk, 2002). For this reason, they expect to be included in decisions that affect them, and to be accepted and encouraged rather than criticised by their parents. Modern communication technologies have also had an impact on communication in families. A lot of communication with peers takes place using mobile phones or through the internet. Time spent in these activities and time spent ‘surfing’ the internet can all take time away from communication with the family. In addition, adolescents can engage in relationships, even risky relationships, which parents have difficulty monitoring. Parents may also have difficulty monitoring adolescents’ exposure to sex and violence on the web and on TV.

4.2 Parent-Adolescent Communication The ways that parents and adolescents interact and communicate with each other is important for both their relationships and for adolescent well being (e.g., Collins &  Laursen, 2004) and for family functioning in general (Lila, van Aken, Musitu & Buelga, 2006). Adolescents have a unique relationship with parents and when these relationships are positive, a strong bond develops based on years of knowledge about each other that contributes to a shared understanding of each others’ communication (Lewis, Wallerstein, & Johnson-Reitz, 2004; Sillars, Koerner & Fitzpatrick, 2005). Not only is communication important to family relationships, positive parentadolescent communication facilitates the development of adolescents’ social and leadership skills and enhances their resilience in problematic situations (LeBlanc, Self-Brown &  Shepard, 2011). Having dinner together as often as possible seems to facilitate communication among family members and contributes to adolescents’ positive perceptions of their communication with parents (Fulkerson, Pasch, Stigler, Farbakhsh, Perry & Komro, 2010; Offer, 2013; Skeer & Ballard, 2013).



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In a  review of the literature regarding US studies, Skeer and Ballard (2013) examined the findings about the associations between the frequency of shared family mealtimes and adolescents’ risky behaviour. The literature review indicated that more frequent family mealtimes are associated with better school performance, healthier eating patterns, delayed sexual activity and better mental health outcomes. The  findings concerning substance use were mixed across studies and varied depending on gender and type of substance. Although these authors highlight the limitations of the literature their findings do suggest that shared mealtimes are a protective factor for adolescents across a range of issues. Limitations mentioned by Skeer and Ballard include: the definition of meal-time in the studies and the lack of information about the processes, or how the frequency of family mealtimes may be beneficial for positive adolescent development. Fulkerson et al.’s longitudinal US study included African-American, Latino and white adolescents and involved young people’s reports of their communication with their parents over a  three and a  half year period. African-Americans reported significantly fewer family dinners at baseline than other adolescents and across racial groups. Adolescents in 2-parent families reported more frequent family dinners than those in other types of families. The  study showed that sharing dinner-time increases the likelihood of more family communication that includes parental praise of the adolescent, monitoring of their activities and discussion about their education. It is important to keep in mind that this sample was dominated by African-American families and the findings may not apply as clearly to other kinds of families. Offer (2013) looked specifically at family communication during mealtimes. The results of this study indicated that family communication was greater when both parents were present and that these interactions were associated with adolescents’ positive emotional well-being. As is acknowledged by the researcher, the participants were dual-earner, two-parent, mainly white and relatively affluent American families, so again the generalisability of the findings may be limited. It is generally acknowledged that associations found between shared family mealtimes and adolescent outcomes in current studies are unable to determine a causal link (i.e. higher functioning and connected families may share more meals together). Nevertheless, shared family mealtimes are linked to better adolescent outcomes and it is likely that communication between family members is the key.

4.2.1 Gender of parent differences Research findings indicate that adolescents may have an  individuated relationship with one parent and not the other (Grotevant& Cooper, 1986), and that the gender of the participants affects parent-adolescent communication (Flannery et al, 1993; Noller, 1995). Mothers tend to spend more time with adolescents than do fathers (e.g., Phares, Fields &Kamboukos, 2009) and adolescents have perceptions of mothers

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as nurturing and fathers as authority figures, and these perceptions influence their expectations and perceptions about their relationships with their parents (Thornton, Orbuch & Axinn, 1995). Adolescents perceive their mothers as more open to listening to them and tend to disclose more to mothers than to fathers. In addition, daughters as opposed to sons disclose more personal issues to mothers (Smetana, Metzger, Gettman & Campione-Barr, 2006; Lila et al., 2006). In an Italian study comparing parent-adolescent communication in foster, intercountry adoptive and biological families, Rosnati, Iafrate and Scabini (2007) found that mothers experienced more open communication with their adolescents than did fathers across all three family types. Although foster parents and children reported more difficulties in their communication than did other types of families, the authors acknowledge that this result is likely to be related to the previous negative experiences of the children that led to their being in foster care. Adopted adolescents reported experiencing better communication with both parents than did adolescents living in either biological or foster families. On the other hand, adoptive parents’ reports about their communication quality were similar to the reports of biological parents. In adoptive families, discrepancies were found between mothers’ and adolescents’ perceptions of their communication. Adolescents reported more open and less problematic mother-adolescent communication than did their mothers. On the other hand, adolescents and fathers’ reports were more congruent.

4.3 Transmission of Values A crucial function of parent-adolescent communication is the transmission of values that are important to that particular family and the culture and/or subculture in which the family is embedded. Family cultures are made up of values and family members’ views about acceptable behaviours and ways of relating. Values may reflect views about such issues as gender roles, religion, sexuality, money, alcohol, the environment and a range of other issues. Parents strive to teach their children the values that are important to them (e.g. Lila et al., 2006). Communication is an important aspect of how these values are established and transmitted from parents to their children and and depends upon how motivated family members are to engage in discussions about values that are central to their beliefs (Pinquart & Silbereisen, 2004). Such discussions between parents and adolescents play an important role in how parents pass on their beliefs and values to their adolescent. In a  study exploring the transmission of values around gender roles (Epstein &  Ward, 2011), a  link was found between the values parents communicated about gender roles and the beliefs espoused by their adolescents. For example, there was a link between communication concerning body image and traditional gender beliefs. If young people perceived their parents as valuing idealised views of femininity and masculinity, they were more likely to favour traditional views of gender roles.



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It is generally accepted that gender roles are learned from multiple sources including mass media and peer groups as well as in the family through parents’ modelling and the encouragement of particular activities (Blakemore & Berenbaum, 2008; Ruble, Martin &Berenbaum, 2006). In fact, this socialization continues throughout adolescence and emerging adulthood through interaction in the family, as well as in the larger society. Through family communication, values about the place of gender roles are reinforced (Martin, Ruble, & Szkrybalo, 2002). Flor and Knapp (2001) found that parents’ religious behaviour and their desire for their children to be religious influenced their children’s values around religion. Further, the more parents and adolescents engaged in discussions about religious beliefs, the more adolescents participated in religious behaviour (i.e., stated a belief in God and attended religious services) and the greater importance they placed upon religion. Although modelling and other aspects of adolescents’ environments have an effect, this research suggests that the more discussions that parents have with their adolescents about their values and beliefs, where both parent and adolescent feel free to contribute, the more likely it is that their children will have similar values and beliefs. Communication about sexuality is important to adolescents’ development of sexual values and their approach to sexual health and risky sexual behaviours (Jerman & Constantine, 2010). Parents who are knowledgeable about and comfortable with discussing sexual matters with their adolescents can have an  impact on their children’s sexual behaviour, such as postponing intercourse, using contraception and having fewer sexual partners (Dilorio, Pluhar & Belcher, 2003). Adolescents can also teach values to their parents. For example, Pinquart and Silbereisen (2004) found that adolescents passed on their values about the benefits of technology and the traditional way of life to their parents. These researchers also found that adolescents’ religious values can be passed on to their parents. As might be expected, the influence of the adolescents on their parents’ values was found to be stronger for families where parents were supportive and open to listening to the opinions of their adolescent.

4.4 Decision-Making in Families with Adolescents As we have noted earlier, adolescents have expectations of a greater say in their family life and the decisions that affect them. During adolescence young people expect to make more of their own choices and participate more in family decision-making (Fallon &  Bowles, 1998). They usually look to their parents for help on important decisions such as educational and career choices and to their peers for help on issues such as what music to listen to, movies to see and books to read. Peers are also seen as more important for decisions such as hairstyles and clothing (Smetana, CampioneBarr & Daddis, 2004).

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Because of the expectation that they should have more say in their own lives, adolescents may believe that lying to parents is fine if they think that they themselves are the ones who should make the decision (e.g., about going to a  party; Jensen, Arnett, Feldman & Cauffman, 2004). Parents may need to adapt to new ground rules about where their decision-making is appropriate and where they need to be flexible so that adolescents can over time develop their autonomy and their ability to make decisions on their own (Byrnes, 2002; Jensen et al., 2004;). Adolescents whose parents tend to discuss decisions with them, and allow them to contribute to family decision-making, show greater positive adjustment, whereas adolescents whose parents allow them to make their own decisions unaided, and don’t spend time encouraging and training them, tend to show poorer adjustment and more deviant behaviour (e.g. Goossens, 2006b; Van Petegem, Beyers, Vansteenkiste, &  Soenens, 2012). On the other hand, adolescents whose parents tend to control decision-making, without regard to their adolescents’ views or input, and without explaining the reasons behind their decisions, are likely to grow up believing that communication is not important and have little confidence in their own decisionmaking abilities. Parents who encourage open discussion and value the opinions of their children teach them the importance of communication and encourage their young people to have confidence in their own decision-making abilities (Koerner & Fitzpatrick, 2004). Adolescents need to learn how to make good decisions by themselves as they become more involved in activities without parental supervision. Their ability to decide between decisions that are within their competence and those decisions about which they should seek advice is also an important part of learning to be autonomous (Byrnes, 2002). The degree of control that adolescents and their parents think they should have varies depending on the issue. In a  study involving African-American adolescents and their families it was found that for issues that were considered personal (such as what clothes to wear) the adolescents’ contribution to decision-making was greater than that of mothers. For issues that involved conventional matters (such as using manners) and prudential issues (related to matters of risk) or decisions that might affect their futures (such as whether to have sex), the parents’ contribution to decision-making was greater (Smetana et al., 2004). This study also showed that, over time, adolescents believed that more of the decisions were theirs to make. For example, the adolescents in this study believed that prudential and conventional issues should become joint decisions over time, whereas mothers continued to view them as parent decisions. Adolescents saw personal and multifaceted issues (e.g. how late to stay out at night) more as decisions for themselves, whereas mothers again viewed them as joint. Of course, age is likely to be important when parents consider decision-making. Seventeen-year-old adolescents are likely to have more say in such decisions than are 13-year-olds.



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Van Petegem and colleagues (2012) investigated autonomy through adolescent dependent versus independent decision-making and adolescents’ motives for making decisions independently or with parents. These authors present independence, as measured by type of decision-making, and personal choice (self-endorsed) about parents’ involvement as different ways of viewing autonomy. The  two constructs are related and were found to have an impact on adolescent adjustment. As would be expected an  absence of parental involvement in adolescent decision-making was related to increased behavioural problems; however, regardless of the level of parental involvement in decision-making the level of choice adolescents had in this involvement was positively related to adjustment. As previously mentioned, the degree of control that adolescents and their parents endorse varies across type of issue (Smetana, et al., 2004) and adolescents learning to decide between decisions that they make themselves and those in which they should seek parental support form an important part of learning to be autonomous (Byrnes, 2002). Parenting style also affects the balance of power and decision-making in families with adolescents. In a  study where both interview and questionnaire measures were used, Mackey and colleagues (Mackey, Arnold &  Pratt, 2001), explored the contribution of parenting styles to adolescents’ seeking advice about decisions they believed were important (e.g., what subjects to take at school). Mackey et al. found that when parents had a more authoritative parenting style, and were involved and responsive, their adolescents were more likely to seek their advice. (See Chapter 3 for a more comprehensive discussion of parenting styles). Bednar and Fisher (2003) also looked at the impact of parenting practices on whether adolescents sought advice from their parents or their friends. Not surprisingly, the responsiveness of parents seems to be a key factor in whether adolescents will refer to them or to their peers when making decisions. According to Bednar and Fisher adolescents tend to refer to responsive parents over peers, and peers over controlling, permissive or neglectful parents when making important decisions. For many young people, adolescence is a time when they need to make important career decisions. For this reason, parents need to know how they can assist their adolescents to make such decisions and to feel confident in the decisions they make. Parents need to show interest and provide support for their adolescents as they consider career options and deal with the complexity of this issue. Further, providing emotional support may be more important than just giving the young person specific information about careers (Keller & Whiston, 2008). In summary, adolescence is a  time when young people expect more control in family decision-making, gain more opportunities for making the increasingly important decisions that affect their lives, and need to feel confident about those decisions. When parents are able to show their children that they are proud of them and have confidence in their ability to make these important decisions, their adolescents are likely to increase their decision-making abilities (Keller & Whiston, 2008). Although adolescents generally value parents’ opinions about the issues they

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are facing, there is evidence that adolescents are not always willing to talk about serious issues with their parents (Montemayor, 1983; Noller & Callan, 1990), especially when they view the issue as a particularly personal one (Smetana, Metzger, Gettman & Campione-Barr, 2006).

4.5 Disclosure and Secrecy Parent-adolescent communication about risky behaviours can serve as a protective factor for adolescents (e.g. Guilamo-Ramos, Jaccard, Dittus & Bouris, 2006). Parental monitoring and awareness of their adolescents’ activities is associated with adaptive behaviour on the part of the adolescents. Parental monitoring of their adolescents has been associated with higher school performance and less externalising behaviour and substance use (e.g., Blocklin, Crouter, Updegraff & McHale, 2011; Padilla-Walker, Harper & Bean, 2011). However, parents mainly have knowledge of their adolescent’s behaviours and activities through adolescents’ direct disclosures (Kerr &  Stattin, 2000). These findings highlight once again the importance of the family climate being open and responsive, as well as the quality of the relationship and communication between parents and adolescents. Parents tend to seek more information from daughters than sons about what is happening for them, and daughters also tend to offer more information about themselves to their parents than do sons (Kerr & Stattin, 2000). Smetana and colleagues (2006) found that adolescents did not rate personal issues (e.g., how they spend their free time) as coming under parental authority, nor did they believe that they were obligated to disclose information about these issues to parents. These beliefs by adolescents about their obligations (or lack of) to tell their parents about themselves were associated with adolescents’ reports of their actual disclosure to parents. Therefore adolescents are less likely to disclose to parents how they spend their free time and more likely to disclose issues around topics such as future education. Of course, it is important for adolescents to discuss issues such as education with their parents, since presumably they will need their parents’ financial and emotional support for the decisions they make. When adolescents perceive their parents as more trusting of them, they are more likely to disclose to their parents (Kerr, Stattin & Trost, 1999). Guilamo-Ramos and colleagues (2006) investigated the links between adolescents’ perceptions of their mothers’ expertise, trustworthiness and accessibility, the frequency of their discussions with their mothers about risky behaviours and their reports of their actual behaviour. This study focused specifically on sexual behaviour and smoking. These researchers found that adolescents’ perceptions of mothers were associated with the frequency of the communication between them and their mothers, which in turn was associated with adolescents’ behaviours. When adolescents viewed their



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mothers more positively they were more likely to discuss issues with them, and less likely to engage in risky behaviour. Keeping secrets from parents is quite different from not disclosing to parents as keeping secrets requires careful monitoring of what is said (Finkenauer, Engels & Meeus, 2002). Finkenauer and colleagues (2002) found that keeping secrets from parents contributed to adolescents’ feelings of autonomy, although at the cost of their psychosocial well-being. Adolescents who kept secrets from parents were more likely than other adolescents to report physical complaints and depressive mood. A Dutch study (Hawk, Keijsers, Frijns, Hale, Branje, & Meeus, 2013) found that the more adolescents perceived their parents’ to be invasive (i.e. wanting to know everything about them), the more likely the adolescents were to report keeping secrets from their parents. Therefore, as parents try to increase the information they have about their adolescent, depending upon how they go about it, they may in fact be achieving quite the reverse outcome. Smetana et al. (2006) unexpectedly found a  positive relationship between adolescents’ disclosure to parents and the level of psychological control used by parents, suggesting that adolescents with parents who are psychologically controlling “may feel subtly coerced to disclose personal issues” (p.213). These authors argue that further investigation of this issue is required, and they suggest that some types of disclosure by adolescents to parents may be helpful whereas other types may not. Clearly, more research is needed to explore this issue.

4.6 Conflict in Families with Adolescents During adolescence, the quality of communication between parent and child is likely to decrease, and conflict is likely to increase (Montemayor, 1983; Sroufe et al., 2005; Steinberg, 1987). Conflict generally increases from early adolescence, tends to peak at mid adolescence (De Goede, 2009; Jensen-Campbell and Graziano 2001) and usually decreases again in late adolescence (Montemayor, 1983; Steinberg &  Morris, 2001). Conflict is not necessarily a bad process and will occur in all intimate relationships and most of the conflict between parents and adolescents involves everyday matters such as household tasks (Adams & Laursen, 2001; Rubenstein & Feldman, 1993), and parent-adolescent relationships usually remain, for the most part, positive and close (Steinberg & Silk, 2002). Conflict between parents and adolescents is important as part of the renegotiation of roles and the adolescents’ development of autonomy (Collins & Laursen, 2004). In addition, adolescents learn how to deal with conflict within their family interactions (e.g. Holmes, Bond &  Byrne, 2012; Parke &  Buriel, 2006). Conflict can positively assist with the development of relationships, adolescents’ problem-solving skills, and contribute to adolescents’ personal and cognitive development (Holmes, Bond & Byrne, 2012).

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4.6.1 Identity Styles and Conflict As we explained in Chapter 2, identity styles (Berzonsky1989, 1992) are associated with the styles parents use in socialising their children. In addition, the ways that parents and their adolescents deal with conflict are also associated with their identity styles (Missotten, Luyckx, Branje, Van Halst &  Goossens, 2011). This Belgian study explored the links between mother-adolescent conflict and identity formation. Adolescents who tended to use an informational style had fewer conflicts with their mothers and were more positive in their approaches to conflict when it occurred. Presumably this finding was due to their more flexible approach to issues than those with other identity styles. In this same study by Missotten and colleagues (2011), those using a  diffuseavoidant style had more conflict with their mothers and were more likely than those with other styles to withdraw from conflict situations, leaving many conflicts unresolved. According to these researchers, when these young people did get involved in the discussions, they were more likely than the other styles to behave aggressively and because of their compromised ability to see their mother’s perspective, they had difficulty negotiating a positive solution. Having a normative style was not associated with the frequency of conflict with mothers, but adolescents using a normative style tended to be compliant when they did face a conflict. These adolescents, when confronted with authoritarian parenting, tend to do as they are told. Although this is a very interesting study, one weakness was the focus on mothers only, so we have no idea how they react when in conflict with their fathers.

4.6.2 Gender of Adolescent Differences in Parent-Adolescent Conflict Whereas some studies have found gender of adolescent differences in parentadolescent conflict (Noller &  Callan, 1990), other studies have found few gender differences (Caughlin &  Ramey, 2005; Wierson, Armistead, Forehand, McCombsThomas & Fauber, 1990). Allison and Schulz (2004) found no gender differences for the frequency of parent-adolescent conflict. However, they did find more intense conflict between parents and adolescent daughters, as opposed to sons, about topics such as household tasks, personal appearance, and personal autonomy. In this study the only topics that generated more parent-son conflict, as compared to parentdaughter conflict, were doing homework and achieving at school. These findings were discussed in terms of gender stereotyping and conceptions of femininity and masculinity. These findings are not surprising given the gender expectation that daughters perform more household tasks and pay more attention to their appearance than sons.



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Honess and colleagues (1997) found that more frustration and less escalation in discussions with parents was reported by daughters as opposed to sons. The authors suggest that this result is consistent with notions about the different experiences of girls and boys, whereby girls are taught to value both closeness and autonomy whereas boys, mainly seeking autonomy, would escalate the conflict to achieve their desired outcome. In line with this reasoning, it has been found that adolescents are likely to see lying to parents as acceptable when they perceive the situation as one that is up to them and that boys tend to see lying as more acceptable than do girls (Jensen et al., 2004).

4.6.3 Conflict Styles It has long been suggested that those families that find their children’s transition to adolescence difficult may differ from families that experience a  relatively easy transition, in either the content of their conflicts or the ways they deal with those conflicts (Gehring, Wentzel, Feldman, & Munson, 1990). Several conflict styles have been identified as used by parents and adolescents. These styles are: coercion (both parties making demands of each other), parent-demands/adolescent withdraws (parent making demands and the adolescent avoiding the discussion), adolescentdemands/parent-withdraws (adolescent making demands and the parent avoiding the discussion) and mutuality (parent and adolescent problem-solving together; Noller, Atkin, Feeney & Peterson, 2006). Coercive interactions between parents and adolescents have been linked to adolescent adjustment and in particular to the development and establishment of aggressive behaviour (e.g. Patterson, 1982; Granic & Patterson, 2006). Patterson (e.g., 1982) has been influential in the establishment of the links between coercive parentchild practices and the subsequent development of aggressive behaviours in children. A pattern of mutual coercion is said to intensify and escalate over the period of the child’s development. The child learns to respond coercively to demands and does not learn to cope with frustration in a constructive way. Demand/withdraw has been widely studied in marital relationships (e.g. Christensen, 1988; Christensen & Heavey, 1990; Noller, Feeney, Roberts & Christensen, 2005; Noller & Roberts, 2002). Recently, however, researchers have investigated the use of demand/withdraw in parent-adolescent conflict (Caughlin &  Ramey, 2005; Caughlin &  Malis, 2004a; Caughlin &  Malis, 2004b;). Caughlin and Ramey (2005) found that demand/withdraw in parent-adolescent relationships followed a pattern similar to that found in marital relationships, whereby one person’s demanding was associated with the other persons’ withdrawing. As is true for married couples who use demand/withdraw patterns of interaction (Eldridge & Christensen, 2002), Caughlin and Malis (2004a) found that the more parents and adolescents engaged in demand/ withdraw conflict, the less satisfied both interactants were with their relationship.

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Van Doorn, Branje and Meeus (2011) in a 4-year longitudinal Dutch study, found that the conflict resolution styles of parents and adolescents changed over time and that adolescents increased their use of avoidance or withdrawal with both parents from early to mid-adolescence but only temporarily with their mothers. Further, the mothers in this study did not report any increase in their use of withdrawal as a response to conflict with their adolescent as opposed to fathers who indicated that they did increase their use of this response. The authors indicate that this finding may be due to the fact that mothers spend more time with their adolescents. It seems likely therefore that mothers need to adapt their approach to conflict resolution with their adolescents more quickly than do fathers. In addition, there is evidence that men tend to withdraw from conflict, at least in the marital relationship, more often than women do (Noller et al., 2005). Mutuality is expressing one’s own opinion and respecting the beliefs or ideas of the other, and being able to negotiate the two views to seek resolution. Children’s exposure to positive conflict interactions can be an  important means of learning how to deal with conflict (Grych &  Fincham, 1993). Boys who utilise a  mutual or compromising approach to conflict have been found to do better on a  range of adjustment measures such as higher academic achievement and lower levels of poor conduct and depression (Rubenstein & Feldman, 1993; see Table 4.1) Table 4.1: Conflict styles and outcomes Style

Description

Outcome

Coercive

Both parties behave aggressively and make demands of each other

Problems with psychological adjustment of adolescent; development of aggressive behaviour in adolescent

Demand/ withdraw

Either adolescent or parent makes Less satisfaction in relationship between aggressive demands and the other party parent and adolescent withdraws or avoids dealing with the conflict

Mutual

Both parties express own opinion at the same time as showing respect for opinions of the other Both parties willing to negotiate

Adolescent learns positive ways of dealing with conflict Adolescent’s feelings of well-being strengthened Positive adjustment for adolescent

In general, research shows that higher quality parent–adolescent communication is related to multiple indicators of adolescent well-being. Specifically, positive parentadolescent communication during conflict is related to higher self-esteem, fewer depressive symptoms, less self-harm, and greater life satisfaction (Ackard, NeumarkSztainer, Story, &  Perry, 2006; Jackson, Bijstra, Oostra, &  Bosma, 1998; Tulloch,



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Blizzard, & Pinkus, 1997). Of course it is possible that adolescents with higher selfesteem are more likely to engage in positive communication with their parents, in any case. Grotevant and Cooper (1986) indicate that adolescents’ experiences of supportive behaviour from their parents, particularly whilst they are exploring their identities, has a positive impact on their psychosocial development. Allowing adolescents their own views, while at the same time challenging differing ideas, gives them confidence in their opinions and facilitates their development and their ability to reflect on the views of others in comparison to their own (Sandy &  Cochran, 2000). As adolescents develop they and their parents change their conflict resolution styles and increase their use of positive problem solving in ways that reflect more equality in their relationships (Van Doorn et  al., 2011). These types of findings support the proposition that adolescents learn their communication and relating skills from their interactions with their parents and highlight the importance of conflict and how it is approached for adolescent skill development. It is important to note that whereas this study indicated increased maturity in response to conflict for older adolescents, other researchers (e.g., Tucker, McHale &Crouter, 2003) have found less constructive conflict occurring between older adolescents and their parents.

4.6.4 Positive Aspects of Parent-Adolescent Conflict Conflict with parents is not necessarily a  negative experience for adolescents and does not inevitably harm the parent-adolescent relationship (Scholte &  Van Aken, 2006). To a degree, conflict with parents may be healthy for the personal development of adolescents (Goosens, 2006b) as they learn to assert themselves and make their needs and preferences known. After all, everyone needs to learn to deal with conflict constructively, a skill that is likely to be useful throughout one’s life and across all kinds of relationships. Another function of parent-adolescent conflict may be to facilitate the renegotiation of roles and rules, and to establish a  different power balance with parents in order to develop more adult-adult relationships (Collins & Laursen, 2004; Collins & Steinberg, 2006; Grotevant& Cooper, 1986). Such conflict may be a forum in which, within a supportive family environment, adolescents can develop autonomous thought and advance their psychosocial development (e.g. Rubenstein &  Feldman, 1993). Adolescents learn their conflict behaviours, and how to cope with and respond to conflict, from their interactions with their parents. There is evidence that the types of conflict patterns that parents engage in influence the conflict patterns between parent and child (Noller, Feeney, Peterson &  Sheehan, 1995; Van Doorn, Branje &  Meeus, 2007). For example, when parents use demand-withdraw (one person making

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demands while the other avoids the discussion) as a conflict style, their children are also more likely to deal with conflict in this way (Caughlin &  Malis, 2004b; Noller et al., 1995; See Table 4.2) Table 4.2: Positive and Negative Aspects of Conflict Positive aspects Can help adolescent develop and express autonomous thought Facilitates renegotiation of roles and rules toward more mature relationships with parents Adolescent learns how to cope with and resolve conflict Negative aspects Possible decrease in warmth in parent-adolescent relationship Likely increase in parent’s attempts at maintaining control of adolescent Parent may devalue adolescent’s ideas and impede development of independent thought If adolescent very angry, may become involved in problem behaviour (drugs, delinquency etc.)

4.6.5 Negative Aspects of Parent-Adolescent Conflict The adolescent’s striving for autonomy and individuation from the family of origin can create an  increase in conflict in the parent-adolescent relationship (Callan &  Noller, 1986; Collins &  Laursen, 2004; Flannery et al, 1993; Montemayor, 1983; Steinberg, 1990). Parent-adolescent conflict is related to a  decrease in warmth in the relationship, and an increase in parents’ attempts at maintaining control, as the adolescent strives for autonomy (Flannery et al, 1993; Steinberg, 1990). An important aspect of developing autonomy is to feel free to disagree with one’s parents and to react differently from them in family situations (Goossens, 2006b; see Chapter 2 for more discussion of autonomy and individuation). Several authors suggest that the processes involved in parent-adolescent conflict may have specific effects on adolescent adjustment. For example, Hauser, Powers and Noam (1991) argue that some parents may be distressed by disagreements with their adolescent, and may respond by withdrawing or devaluing the adolescent’s opinions, which can hinder the adolescent’s development. McCombs, Forehand, and Smith (1988) found that fewer problem-solving skills were observed in adolescents who had mothers who were avoidant of conflict. Such findings indicate the importance of developing an understanding of the processes involved in parentadolescent conflict and imply that the ability of families to support their adolescents’ differing views could have an impact on adolescent adjustment. High levels of parentadolescent conflict have been associated with a range of adolescent problems, such



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as school difficulties, early sexual activity and pregnancy, depression, and physical abuse (e.g. Noller, 2005a). Also problems of low self-esteem and drug use appear to be related to high levels of adolescent-parent conflict (Caughlin & Malis, 2004; Montemayor, 1983; see Chapter 6 for further discussion of adolescent issues and problem behaviours). Many studies have found that destructive family conflict is associated with delinquency in adolescence (e.g. Sigfusdottir, Farkas &  Silver, 2004). Based on Agnew’s (1992) general strain theory, Sigfusdottir and colleagues investigated whether the association between aversive family conflict and delinquency was related to adolescents’ subsequent feelings of anger and depressed mood. General strain theory proposes that strain in the form of negative life events (in this study defined as negative family conflict), is positively related to delinquency. These researchers found that the level of family conflict particularly increases the likelihood of adolescents becoming involved in delinquent behaviour when the adolescents are very angry. Thus, when adolescents reported more negative conflict in the home, they reported more feelings of anger, which in turn were associated with more self-reports of delinquent behaviour. (See Table 4.2)

4.7 Parental discipline Elliot and Feldman (1990) refer to adolescence as a time for self-discovery and for the acquisition of skills that are needed for adulthood. Adolescents are developing new cognitive abilities that can change the ways in which they view themselves and their parents (Goossens, 2006a; Larson & Richards, 1994). For example, as mentioned in Chapter 2, adolescents have generally developed formal operational skills, allowing them to reflect upon and question existing family conventions (Grotevant & Cooper, 1986). These advanced reasoning skills mean that adolescents see parental regulation differently from the way they saw it earlier in their development. At this stage of their lives, they are more likely to argue about the relevance of parental rules and values to themselves than when they were younger. Smollar and Youniss (1989) investigated the connections between adolescents’ perceptions of their relationships with their parents and the concept of individuation discussed in the previous chapter. These researchers used adolescents’ beliefs about their parents’ “all-knowingness” and right to wield authority as a  measure of individuation and found that the 15-16 year old adolescents were in a process of ‘de-idealising’ their parents, and were developing a greater sense of the importance of their own opinions. They also found that the older adolescents participating in the study (17-23 years) did not generally appear to be still in a process of ‘de-idealising’ mothers, but had come to recognise their mothers as individuals. Interestingly, for these older adolescents ‘de-idealisation’ of fathers was ongoing, and a perception of fathers as individuals, rather than as authority figures, was not

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evident. This finding is interesting given that mothers are often more involved and responsible for the discipline of their adolescents than are fathers (Phares et  al., 2009). These results are the likely outcome of mothers and adolescents both having more time to renegotiate their relationships and a more urgent need for doing so in order to relate in a relatively harmonious manner. In other words, mother-adolescent relationships may mature earlier than father adolescent relationships (Van Doorn et al., 2011) but it seems likely that this process occurs over a longer time period with fathers. Smetana (1988) examined parents’ and adolescents’ perceptions of the areas of adolescent behaviour that come under parental authority. She suggests that parentadolescent conflict is due to the differing perceptions of parents and adolescents about the aspects of the adolescents’ lives over which the parents may exercise authority. The situations were categorised into four domains; moral (e.g. stealing), conventional (e.g. not cleaning up after a  party), personal (e.g. sleeping late on the weekend) and multifaceted (e.g. dressing in punk clothes). These issues are strongly related to adolescents’ concepts of their identity and values. The  families participating in this study were predominantly middle-class, Caucasian families that included a child aged from 11 to 17 years. All family members viewed both moral and conventional issues as being more appropriately under parental authority than personal issues; however, mothers and fathers were more likely to view personal issues as under parental authority than were adolescents. Parents, who allow their adolescents independence whilst providing support, assist them to develop confidence in their own abilities whereas those that are overly controlling can inhibit their adolescents’ confidence in their abilities to self-regulate and make decisions (see previous section on decision-making). Of course parents need to maintain guidelines and monitoring during adolescence as well as allowing their adolescents to experience the consequences of their bad behaviour where practicable. Padilla-Walker (2008) reported similar findings to those of Smetana (1988), despite the fact that her study was conducted 20 years later than Smetana’s study. Padilla-Walker found that mothers tended to be more angry and directive in their use of discipline in situations where their child had done something dangerous (e.g. drinking or smoking) than if they had broken a  conventional rule (e.g., come home late). The  adolescents in this study also indicated that mothers were more likely to discipline them when they broke a  conventional rule than a  personal one (e.g. wore clothing not approved of). Mothers’ discipline tended to be accepted for behaviours that were dangerous or related to moral issues (e.g. cheating on a test), but not for conventional or personal issues. The adolescents also indicated that the best response for mothers to make was to talk to their adolescents and reason with them. If parents engage with their adolescents about how the behaviour impacts on them and seek the adolescents’ involvement in the process (i.e., deciding what the consequence should be) adolescents may feel better about the situation and



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their relationship with their parents (DeRoma, Lassiter &  Davis, 2004). Further, such engagement with adolescents assists with their self-esteem and gives them an  opportunity to learn to regulate their own behaviour (De Roma et al.), which is a major goal of parenting during the adolescent years.

4.8 Communication with Siblings As noted earlier, sibling relationships are important and the longest relationship that most people have. In relationships characterised by warmth, siblings reported high levels of self-disclosure and emotional understanding between them (Howe, AquanAssee, Bukowski, Leboux & Rinaldi, 2001). In addition, siblings were more likely to self-disclose to each other when they held a degree of trust. According to Bedford and Volling (2004) interactions between siblings can either promote or undermine healthy development depending on the extent to which they encourage strategies of emotional self-regulation (being able to control one’s own emotional reactions). Specifically, they can assist each other with the development of emotional self-regulation by providing each other with opportunities to express emotions openly and in socially acceptable ways. During adolescence the warmth of the parent-adolescent relationship is likely to decline because of the increased time young people spend with their peers, and particularly as they get older siblings can be an  important support (Dunn, 1992; Noller, 2005b). More sibling conflict has been reported in families where there were high levels of conflict between the parents (Noller, 2005b). Sibling conflict may increase in early adolescence (e.g., Brody, Stoneman &  McCoy, 1994) as they come into conflict over issues such as household duties, possessions and behaviour toward each other (Roloff & Miller, 2006). The level of conflict in sibling relationships can be greater than in any other relationship in which adolescents are involved, including relationships with mothers and fathers (Lila et al, 2006). Parents’ responses to their children’s arguments can have an impact on sibling relationships. For example, if parents side with the weaker sibling or impose punishments for sibling conflict, this interference can result in further conflict and negative feelings between the siblings; on the other hand, parents advising or explaining feelings as a  response to the conflict may not impact negatively on the relationship between siblings (Roloff & Miller, 2006). Therefore parents’ responses to conflict between their children are an important aspect of family relationships and the general family climate. Although sibling conflict is related to higher levels of anxiety, depression and maladaptive behaviour in adolescents (Stocker, Burwell &  Briggs, 2002), sibling relationships can be of benefit to adolescents. Siblings can be a valuable support to each other in adolescence (e.g., Jenkins-Tucker, McHale &Crouter, 2001; Lila et. al,

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2006), perhaps especially in times of conflict between the parents (Noller et al., 2008; Sheehan et al., 2004). Jenkins-Tucker and colleagues (2001) found that the ways siblings support one another varies across contexts. Within the home, siblings tended to support each other in a  more egalitarian manner, whereas in social situations, or situations outside of the family, older siblings’ support of younger ones was more common. Older siblings were found to provide support in the form of advice to younger siblings on social life, schoolwork and risky behaviour; this finding was more marked for siblings from small families. It was also found that younger to older sibling support about risky behaviours was a  factor in sibling conflict. Older siblings seem not to appreciate being told what to do by a younger sibling. A positive association was also found between level of parent-adolescent conflict and adolescent support for both older and younger siblings. The authors suggest that siblings may become allies when one or both of them are experiencing severe conflict with parents. On the other hand, where parents treat one sibling more favourably than the other, siblings are more likely to have a  conflicted relationship and are less likely to be allies (Noller, 2005b; Sheehan &  Noller, 2002). Even if parents are perceived to respond more favourably to one sibling than the other, problems are likely to arise in family relationships. (See Chapter 5 and Sheehan et al. (2004) for more discussion of sibling relationships in divorcing families). Older siblings from single-parent families are likely to take on a caregiver role and to act more like parents than siblings (Sheehan et al., 2004; Zukow-Goldring, 2002), and this situation may have a  disruptive impact on the sibling relationship. There is little research about the differences in sibling communication across family types, although one study explored relations between affection and hostility in adolescent sibling relationships and adolescent behavioural outcomes (Padilla-Walker, Harper &  Jensen, 2010). These researchers found that sibling affection was positively related to self-regulation and prosocial behaviours and negatively related to externalizing behaviours (acting out and blaming others) for both family types. Hostility in the sibling relationship on the other hand was positively related to externalizing behaviours and having a sister was negatively related to internalizing behaviours (such as depression and anxiety). In other words, affectionate sibling relationships had a  positive effect on adolescent behaviour whereas hostile sibling relationships tended to have a negative effect on adolescent behaviour and having a sister lessens the likelihood of internalizing problems. It is important to note that associations were stronger for adolescents from two-parent families than for those from single-parent families. With regard to this study it is important to acknowledge that this study was based on selfreports of a  single sibling from the two types of families. As the authors note, ecological validity would be increased if reports were obtained from both siblings.



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4.9 Family Relationships and Relationships with Peers During adolescence, intimacy in peer relationships becomes more a  feature of friendships than is true for younger children. These relationships are important because peer relationships have been shown to be significant in the development of social competence (Adams & Laursen, 2001). Whereas relationship skills are initially developed in the family, later peer relationships are linked with these early learnings. Based on what they have learned in the family, adolescents practise and develop their relationship skills within their peer relationships (Collins & Steinberg, 2006; Sroufe et al., 2005) and the development of relating skills learned with peers can influence the relating styles used with parents (Van Doorn, Branje et al.,2011). More positive peer relationships have been found for adolescents who have competent social skills, developed in warm and supportive family environments (Lieberman, Doyle & Markiewicz, 1999). Knoester and colleagues (2006) found that adolescents, whose parents had good relationships with them and who provided plenty of supervision, were more likely to choose friends who were pro-social and less likely to choose friends with problem behaviours. They suggest that the focus of research should move from whether parents or peers have more influence on adolescents to investigating the connections between the two sets of relationships and the ways peer relationships are formed. Adams and Laursen (2001) investigated the differences between adolescents’ conflict with parents and their conflict with friends. They found that the dynamics of these conflicts were consistent with the relative power balances that adolescents enjoy with friends as opposed to parents. Parent-adolescent conflict was found to contain more power assertion than conflict between adolescents and their friends. The two relationships involve quite different dynamics. Adolescents’ relationships with their parents tend to be more unilateral than peer relationships and continue regardless of daily disputes. Due to the experience of such equality in peer relationships, adolescents strive to gain more equality in relationships with their parents (e.g. Adams &  Laursen, 2001; Youniss &  Smollar, 1985). When dealing with relationships with friends, however, adolescents need to be mindful of not doing anything that may damage those relationships if they want those relationships to last. Just as peer relationships influence adolescent-parent relationships, adolescentparent relationships also influence the peers with whom adolescents form friendships. Parent-child relationships and parental supervision are associated with adolescents’ friendships with peers (Knoester, Haynie & Stephens, 2006). Parents’ prosocial behaviour, responsiveness and positive communication with their adolescents are associated with positive qualities in adolescent-peer relationships (Cui, Conger, Bryant &  Elder, 2002). Also, parents’ direct involvement in their adolescents’ peer relationships, such as chauffeuring and discussing peer relationships, has been found to promote positive adolescent-peer relationships (Updegraff, McHale, Crouter & Kupanoff, 2001).

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Updegraff and colleagues (2001) found that parents’ direct involvement with their adolescents’ peers was more central for boys than for girls. Mothers’ involvement with these peers was associated with the time sons spent with a best friend, and fathers’ involvement was associated with their adolescents’ participation with their peer group and the emotional qualities of their friendships. Mothers’ association with daughters’ friendships was linked with more time spent with friends but not to the emotional quality of their friendships. The authors suggest that girls may more readily develop intimate relationships than boys, and therefore promoting opportunities for peer contact, such as by chauffeuring or allowing sleep-overs is more important for girls than is likely to be the case for boys.

4.10 Technology and Communication In the current decade most families live with many devices that provide them with media information and input. It is quite common for adolescents to have their own mobile phones (e.g. Madell & Muncer, 2004), and access to computers, television sets, iPods and CD players or DVD players in their bedrooms (e.g., Jennings & Wartella, 2004; Wilson, 2004), providing more opportunities for them to be isolated from the rest of the family. Adolescents’ use of technology in a  private space, such as the bedroom, can be seen as problematic due to the inability of parents to monitor what they are watching and doing. Having a computer in their bedroom, where their parents cannot easily monitor what they are doing, has been found to predict adolescents’ online aggression (Law, Shapka & Olson, 2010). As previously mentioned, parents’ ability to monitor their children’s activities is important to their development and overall well-being (e.g. Kerr &Stattin, 2000). Parents seem to be concerned about both the content of what children are seeing and how they can monitor and have a say in their children’s use of technology (Jennings & Wartella, 2004). However, the current trend is for adolescents to have more freedom and self-directed activity than has previously been the case (Bassi & DelleFave, 2004). Both positive and negative impacts of the use of technology have been reported. The use of technology may benefit adolescents in terms of their developing cognitive skills, improving their performance at school as well as their communication with family and friends (Punamaki, Wallenius, Nyugard, Saarni &  Rimpela, 2007). If families watch television together, this activity can encourage conversation. On the other hand, having the television on during meal times can inhibit table conversation (Wilson, 2004). The negative impact of internet usage on friendships has changed because many adolescents now use the internet to maintain friendships through socialnetworking sites such as Facebook. These sites can provide more opportunities for connecting and communicating with friends rather than with strangers (Valkenburg



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&  Peter, 2009). Nevertheless, it is important for parents to inform their children of the dangers of sharing personal information and/or making arrangements to meet new acquaintances they know only from the internet. For example, in Australia police continually warn about the devious methods used by paedophiles to make new contacts. Girls have been found to be more likely than boys to use a  mobile phone and boys have been found to be more likely to use the internet than girls (Madell & Muncer, 2004; Punamaki, et al. 2007). Boys tend to use modern technology to have fun and explore information, whilst girls tend to use technology for relationships and communication (Punamaki, et al. 2007). However, social networking sites may benefit boys more than girls, because adolescent boys are likely to find the internet an easier way to give personal information than face to face. These technologies can help them develop closer relationships with friends (Schouten, Valkenburg & Peter, 2007). Also adolescents who tend not to use social networks on the internet have fewer friends in general than those who do (Bryant, Sanders-Jackson & Smallwood, 2006), although it may be important to assess the quality and closeness of those relationships. Adolescents use mobile phones mainly for making and receiving calls and text messaging (Madell &  Muncer, 2004). Mobile phones can be useful for keeping in contact with family members, including parents. Mobile phones have been found to be associated with family connectedness; parents and adolescents’ increased use of their mobile phones to communicate was related to increased reports of family closeness (Padilla-Walker, Coyne and Fraser, 2012). Also parents can use this technology to monitor their adolescents, but the usefulness of the technology for such parenting purposes may not be reliable as adolescents can simply not answer their parents’ calls (Ling, 2004), or not be open about what they are doing or where they are. In addition, parents may also engage in micro-managing of their adolescents, calling them and having them call in frequently to report what they are doing. This behaviour could compromise the young person’s ability to develop the skills necessary to act autonomously. Such behaviour on the part of parents could also be seen as being overprotection that has been found to increase the probability of depression because of the messages of inadequacy that are central to overprotection (Parker, 1994). Therefore, the use of mobile phones for positive and shared communication between family members is helpful for family relationships but if this communication is intrusive for the adolescent then the impact may hinder relationships (PadillaWalker et al., 2012). Weisskirch (2009) investigated the use of mobile phones as a  parenting and communication tool. This study looked at mobile phone use in 196 parent-adolescent dyads and found no differences for age of adolescent (13-19 years), gender of either adolescent or parent, or cultural background (Euro American, Asian American, Latino, African American, and American Indian). It should be noted that the majority of the participants were Euro American (83% of the parents and 77% of the adolescents) and

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mother-adolescent dyads (76%). This situation would have limited the ability to find differences. The general findings indicated that the purpose and the emotional climate of the calls were linked to the quality of relationships and communication as well as parent and adolescent well-being. For example, parents using phone calls for monitoring and checking on school-work was associated with greater conflict, though higher self-esteem for parents. These parents are likely to gain esteem through a  belief that they are performing their roles as parents, even though it seems likely from these data that they are alienating their young people. These findings are consistent with notions of adolescents seeking autonomy, and parents wanting to maintain a parenting role. Also, parents calling their adolescent when they themselves were upset was associated with lower self-esteem for both parents and adolescents. On the other hand, greater self-esteem for parents and adolescents was associated with adolescents calling their parents for support. This finding is likely to be a  result of parents feeling needed by their adolescents and close to them and adolescents experiencing their parents as available and caring. These results indicate that parent-adolescent mobile phone use reflects what is known about face-to-face communication, but that it can also enhance parent and adolescent well-being and relationships when the conversations are calm and supportive. Weisskirch (2009) points out that the immediacy of parental emotional support via mobile phone may be an important positive attribute of such communication. Mobile phone use may also have a  detrimental effect on adolescents. For example, in a study in Belgium, adolescents who were woken during sleep by text messages reported being more tired generally, at school and after the weekend (Van den Bulck, 2003). In a Finnish study, Punamaki and colleagues (2007) found that girls’ mobile phone use and boys’ computer use could negatively impact their health through poor sleep and subsequent tiredness. Some parents try to deal with the problem by having their teenagers give up their mobile phones at bedtime. Again, the success of such an arrangement is likely to depend on the quality of the relationship between parent and child and the extent to which the decision has been made in mutual discussion rather than enforced. Another cause for concern is that technology is increasingly being used by adolescents for the purpose of bullying others, although face-to-face bullying is still more common (Hertz & David-Ferdon, 2008). The use of technology for aggression has been labelled internet bullying, internet harassment and cyber-bullying. In a review of research about cyber-bullying, Hertz and David-Ferdon indicate that in this early stage of research there is evidence that making rude or nasty comments is the most common bullying behaviour and that instant messaging seems to be the most common technology used. When being bullied using technology, victims may not know the perpetrator, although the research evidence suggests that such messages often come from



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someone the victim knows, and even a  sibling. It is difficult for adolescents to address this type of bullying and of course it invades their private domains as well as the public domain. The  Hertz &  David-Ferdon (2008) study indicates that as yet little is known about the impacts of cyber bullying; however, adolescents who are the victims are more likely to use alcohol and other drugs, have problems at school and be the victims of face-to-face bullying than those adolescents not being victimised. Of course, it is difficult to assume a  causal link between being bullied and drinking and drug use as there are likely to be many intervening factors contributing to both. These issues can impact on the family and many parents may not know how to assist their adolescent to cope with such issues. An extreme example of a  parent demonstrating little knowledge of how to appropriately support their adolescent through such bullying occurred recently in a  country town in Australia. A mother was convicted, and spent time in gaol, for the assault of an  adolescent who was using the internet to bully her daughter. Clearly, this situation highlights the potentially negative consequences for whole families and the need for some constructive information as to how to respond to cyber-bullying. Modern technology and media also have an impact on what adolescents are exposed to and how, for example, they currently learn about sexual attitudes and behaviour (Brown &  L’Engle, 2009; Epstein &  Ward, 2007; Hust, Brown &  L’Engle, 2008). These sources of sexual information are problematic because they rarely contain sexual health messages (Hust et  al., 2008), nor do they encourage adolescents to think carefully before engaging in sexual activity. In these times, adolescents can view sexually explicit material quite easily and through a  number of technologies, such as television, the internet and even their mobile phones (Roberts & Foehr, 2004). While it is normal for adolescents to be curious about sexual behaviour as they mature physically, concerns exist around how viewing sexually-explicit material can mould their values and ideas about sexual relationships and behaviour (Brown & L’Engle, 2009; Nathan, 2007). Boys have been found to view sexually explicit material more than girls (Brown &  L’Engle) and to learn more about sexual behaviour from the media and peers than from their parents (Epstein &  Ward, 2007). Developing an  ability to relate sexually through these means is concerning and may create the impression that sexual behaviour cannot be controlled (see Chapter 6 for more discussion about adolescent sexual behaviour), Parents’ engagement and communication with adolescents about sexual behaviour can be important in monitoring the impact that exposure to sexual information and images may have. When parents communicate with their adolescents about sexual behaviour and watch television shows with them, even at low levels, it has been found that adolescents are less likely to engage in sexual intercourse at a young age (Bersamin, Todd, Fisher, Hill, Grube & Walker, 2008).

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4.11 Culture and Communication Literature about cultural influences and differences in family communication is scarce although many researchers acknowledge the importance of examining the impact of culture on family communication (Turner &  West, 2011). To examine all aspects of the many cultures that exist is a large task in itself without the necessity to look at the impact of the often out-of-step enculturation between parents and children of immigrant and refugee families. We have mentioned previously “family culture” and the importance of shared values and understandings and the ways in which communication is an important aspect of creating family culture. Two broad cultural differences that are often discussed are individualism (where the culture encourages individual achievement and thoughts) and collectivism (where the culture encourages group achievement and cooperation). Western societies are considered to be increasingly individualist and Eastern societies are considered to be traditionally collectivist. Individualist cultures tend to promote open communication and discussion of values and collectivist cultures value less direct communication and rely on an embedded understanding of values. These cultural differences may provide challenges to families moving between multiple cultures. Children tend to learn new languages more readily than their parents (e.g. PeaseAlvarez, 2002) and this can be at the cost of fluency in their parents’ language (Hakuta, 2001). Also children have been found to acculturate more rapidly and to a  greater degree than their parents (e.g. Pasch, Derdorff, Tschann, Flores, Penilla & Pantoja, 2006). These studies suggest that differences in the process of enculturation are likely to have a  negative impact for families, particularly on parent-adolescent communication and relationships. Boutakidis, Chao and Rodriguez (2011) looked at the differences in fluency in English and native language in Chinese and Korean families in the United States. The  adolescents in these families were either first or second generation Chinese or Korean Americans. Adolescents who were born in the United States (second generation) were found to have greater fluency in English and less fluency in their parents’ native language than did first-generation adolescents. Further, it was found that parents had greater fluency in their native language and less fluency in English than their first or second-generation adolescents. Therefore, regardless of generation there was a language disparity between parents and adolescents. Adolescents’ fluency in their native language was associated with respect for parents regardless of parents’ English proficiency and the quality of their relationships. These researchers explain the results in terms of language being a means for greater shared understanding of cultural heritage between adolescents and their parents. Shared cultural understanding is important to relationships. For example, Chinese parents tend to show their love through practical support of their children’s needs and rely on a  mutual understanding of this situation rather than verbal

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communication. On the other hand, western parents tend to express their love through open communication and physical and emotional expression (Wu & Chao, 2011). Therefore, Chinese American adolescents may misinterpret their parents’ behaviours as not demonstrating love due to their awareness of western norms of parental behaviour (Wu & Chao, 2005). Parents who are thoughtful and responsive to their children provide support that decreases the likelihood of adjustment problems regardless of any differences in cultural understanding for Chinese parents and their adolescents (Wu &  Chao, 2011). This finding indicates that responsiveness to adolescents is important for families and adolescent adjustment across cultures.

4.12 Summary Communication is important for parent-adolescent relationships and the development of adolescents. It is a means by which adolescents learn to establish their own opinions and values and assert their individuality. Through communication with their parents, adolescents also learn how to make decisions for themselves. Parent-adolescent communication can also be an  important protective factor for young people. It is helpful for adolescents to discuss what is happening for them with their parents in order to gain assistance and advice; however, adolescents do not readily disclose some areas of their lives to their parents, particularly if they think the issue is personal. Keeping secrets from parents contributes to adolescents’ sense of independence, although keeping secrets from parents is also associated with decreased well-being. Adolescents begin to question parents’ authority and expect to have more input in decision-making and discipline. They also question the types of issues that should incur parental discipline. Conflict communication can be both damaging and helpful for adolescents. Poor conflict processes can harm the parent-adolescent relationship, impact negatively on adolescents’ behaviour and inhibit their development of problem-solving skills. On the other hand, positive approaches to conflict can be beneficial for parent-adolescent relationships and teach young people how to deal with conflict and assist them to advance their psychosocial development. Siblings can have a  lot of conflict in their relationships and this conflict can be made worse if parents take sides. Adolescents’ relationships with their siblings can also be of benefit to them as they can be a valuable support to each other. Peer relationships become important during adolescence and can provide young people with a forum in which they can develop their social competence. Parental supervision and direct involvement with their children’s friendships promotes positive peer relationships and the continued development of social competence. Technology has had a  large impact on families and adolescents over recent decades and access to such media can be both beneficial and problematic for them. Most young people have personal mobile phones now, which can be a  useful tool

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for keeping in contact with family and friends but can also be a problem when sleep patterns are disturbed because of texting or receiving calls late at night. The internet can be helpful to adolescents for learning thinking skills, for school performance and for communication with family and friends.

4.13 Implications for Practitioners For a number of years, interventions aimed at conflict resolution have been considered an important feature of therapeutic aims for troubled parent-adolescent relationships (e.g. Foster & Robin, 1998; Greco & Eifert, 2004). The continued research in the area of parent-adolescent conflict indicates that such a focus remains important; however, the literature also suggests that it is necessary to consider multiple aspects of parentadolescent communication not just conflict processes. According to the research, the ability of adolescents to discuss ideas and opinions with a responsive and accepting parent is critical for parent-adolescent relationships and for adolescents’ ability to develop their own values and opinions. Supportive intimacy in discussions with parents should also facilitate adolescents’ learning about problem-solving and negotiating relationships in the broader social world. Therapeutic interventions that include coaching adolescents and parents to discuss an  array of topics in a  collaborative and accepting manner may enhance both the relationship and adolescent development. Programs such as Triple P for teens, developed at the University of Queensland by Prof. Matthew Sanders can help both parents and adolescents develop better communication and improve their relationships with one another. Surveys carried out by Prof. Alan Ralph from the same project showed that more than 50 per cent of parents rated talking back to parents and quarrelling with their siblings as their main concerns about their adolescents’ behaviour in the family. Almost half (44 per cent) rated adolescents’ moodiness and irritability as a serious problem in their families. In addition, a smaller number of parents complained about their adolescents engaging in angry arguments, using abusive or offensive language, and being rebellious and deliberately disobedient. The  Teen Triple P (Positive Parenting Program) has been heavily researched and “offers parents ways to avoid or reduce some of the negative aspects of parenting described above and to make parenting teenagers a more positive experience”(see Triple P website). Another useful program for parents to use with the help of practitioners is the program “Parenting Teenagers” that is part of the Systematic Training for Effective Parenting (STEP; Dinkmeyer, McKay, McKay & Dinkmeyer, 1998). This program focuses on parents changing their responses to their teenagers, communicating respect and encouragement to them, and using consequences, both natural and logical, to build a  sense of responsibility in teenagers. These authors claim in the introduction to their book that: “the rewards of parenting teenagers can far outweigh the challenges.



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With skills and understanding you [a parent] can guide your teen to be responsible, cooperative, and independent. In doing this, you build a strong positive relationship with your teenager. Even parents facing serious problems with teens can find more effective ways to get along with and help their teenager.” Another implication from the research is that for some adolescents and parents with troubled relationships, therapeutic support may be needed in the negotiation of which aspects of adolescents’ lives should be primarily under the control of the adolescent as opposed to the control of parents. It is also clear that technology such as mobile phones and the internet can be either enhancing or detrimental for adolescent development and their relationships depending upon how such technology is utilised. Increasing awareness and knowledge about the risks and benefits associated with modern technology is important for adolescents and many parents may not know how best to deal with this issue. Therefore, readily available information and support about the use of technology and the implications for adolescents and their relationships should be made available to families and practitioners. In this chapter, we explored the important ways in which family members communicate with each other to make a  positive contribution to their adolescents’ development and adjustment. There is no doubt that communication is very important to family relationships, and parents and adolescents need to listen to each other and be prepared to negotiate with each other for the benefit of the parents, adolescents and for the family as a whole, whatever form that family takes. In the next chapter we discuss adolescents in divorced and reconstituted families.

5 Adolescents in Divorced and Separated Families In previous chapters we have explored the importance of communication and relationships between family members for adolescents’ adjustment. In this chapter we look at the impact for adolescents when family relationships break down. Although the number of divorces has been gradually decreasing, many children and adolescents will still experience the divorce of their parents and live, at least part of their childhood, with one parent or with a parent and a step-parent. According to U.S. Census data, the divorce rate in 2005 was 3.6 per 1000 population, the lowest rate since 1970, but the marriage rate was also lower because of the number of couples choosing to cohabit rather than marry (8.1% of coupled households in 2005). In addition, only about 63% of children grow up in a family with both their parents. The statistics for Australia are similar, with the divorce rate decreasing by 6% between 2006 and 2007 to 2.3 per 1000 of population. Although a number of couples cohabit rather than marry, the marriage rate has increased slightly since 2001 (Cardwell, 2008). Around 50% of divorces involve children, indicating that many children and adolescents will experience the divorce of their parents and live in single-parent families for at least some part of their childhood and/or adolescence. These divorce trends have major implications for families and the adolescents who live in those families. Wikipedia has published divorce rates around the world in 2007 in terms of the percentage of couples divorcing. According to these data, Sweden and USA have the highest percentages of couples divorcing at almost 55 percent, the UK has 42.6 percent, Germany 39.4 percent, The Netherlands 38.3 percent, Poland and Singapore 17.2 percent, Italy 10 percent, Turkey 6 percent and India has the lowest percentage at 1.1 percent. Of course, many of these divorces would also involve children and adolescents. Hartman, Magalhaes and Mandich (2011) conducted a scoping study of the North American research on the implications of parental divorce and separation (PDMS) on adolescents. Their review covered seven themes: academic performance, deviant behaviour, romantic or sexual relationships, psychosocial well being, the quality of the parent-adolescent relationship and the level of coping of the adolescent. The  authors found that this adolescent population was seen as highly prone to develop problematic behaviours. In this review academic performance was found to decline in separated and divorced families, with the decrease in performance being higher in less stable families (that is, those who had more family transitions or changes in family arrangements; King & Sobolewski, 2006; Menning, 2006; Sun & Li, 2009b). There was also evidence that the decline was less when parental involvement with adolescents was high (Jeynes, 2005) and there were siblings in the family (Sun & Li, 2009a). In terms of deviant behaviour, it seemed clear that increases in such behaviours were due to environmental factors surrounding the divorce such as the quality of © 2014 Patricia Noller, Sharon Atkin This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License.



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the parent-adolescent relationship and the level of monitoring of the adolescent’s behaviour (Burt, Barnes, McGue, &  Iacono, 2008). On the other hand, in families where the parents or adolescents participated in intervention programs, adolescents engaged in lower levels of deviant behaviour even when they had previously been categorized as at high risk for deviant behaviour (Dawson-McClure et al., 2004). With regard to the adolescents’ own romantic relationships, the future did not seem bright. For example, PDMS adolescents tended to have more negative attitudes than other adolescents to marriage and sexuality (Dennison &  Koerner, 2006) and held more permissive attitudes to premarital sex (Jeynes, 2005). There was also evidence that attempts at conflict resolution in PDMS families was less effective than in other families, leading to more problems in resolving conflict in the adolescents’ own romantic relationships (Reese-Weber & Kahn, 2005). There was also a lot of evidence of decreased psychosocial well-being in PDMS families in this survey. Anxiety increased (T.D. Afifi, Afifi, Morse & Hamrick, 2008) as did depression (Ge et al., 2006) and general internalizing and externalizing disorders (Roustit et al., 2007). Suicides were also more likely to occur in PDMS families (Gould, Shaffer, Fisher & Garfinkel, 1998). Significantly, there was evidence that psychosocial well-being was particularly sensitive to parents’ inappropriate disclosure about the other parent or the relationship. (See later section). Studies focused on the parent-adolescent relationship indicated that following separation or divorce, the quality of family functioning decreased (Mandara & Murray, 2000) children increasingly felt caught between their parents (T. D. Afifi et al., 2008), were more dissatisfied with their lives and experienced decreased feelings of well being (T.D. Afifi et al., 2007). In addition, relationships with both parents tended to decline in quality (Kenyon & Koerner, 2008; Koerner et al., 2002). There is evidence also for decreased coping ability in adolescents in PDMS families, with adolescents using ineffective coping strategies such as drug-taking or engaging in other deviant behaviours (Neher & Short, 1998) or the ultimate form of ineffective coping: suicide (Gould et  al., 1998). The  good news is that coping can be improved through intervention programs such as that of Dawson-McClure et al. (2004). In a  different study involving Israeli families, Hamama and Ronen-Shenhav (2012) compared adolescents from two-parent families and divorced families in terms of both internalizing and externalizing symptoms. Parental divorce was not related to higher levels of externalizing symptoms such as aggression, but was associated with higher levels of angry feelings and hostile thoughts. Those with high levels of selfcontrol engaged in less aggressive behaviour. Similarly, in a study of Dutch families (Jaspers et al., 2012), predictors of emotional problems in girls included having language and speech problems and having divorced or single parents and having parents with a low level of education. For boys, on the other hand, divorce was not a significant predictor of emotional problems. In addition, divorce did not predict behavioural problems in boys or girls.

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A study of family transitions was carried out in Finland (Frojd, Marttunen, & Kaltiala-Heino, 2012) where adolescents who had a change in their family situation such as divorce or separation when they were aged 15 or 16 years were followed up two years later. Those who had a change in their caretaker at the earlier time had higher levels of internalizing problems such as depression and psychosomatic symptoms when they were 17 or 18 years old than adolescents who did not experience such a change in their family structure.

5.1 Residential Arrangements and Adjustment Following Divorce 5.1.1 Residential arrangements Following divorce, there are three major types of residential arrangements used by families including those with an adolescent: living with mother, living with father, or dual residence where the adolescent spends a  relatively equal time with each parent (Buchanan, Maccoby, &  Dornbusch, 1996). These authors point out that dual residence arrangements have had both supporters and detractors. Supporters focus on the benefits to the children of not ‘losing’ either parent, whereas detractors tend to focus on the problems for young people of moving continually between two residences and not really having a stable family life. These adolescents also need to be very organized, making sure that they have the things they need for school and other activities at the right residence at the right time. In some ways, more is expected of these adolescents than some adults would be capable of dealing with effectively.

5.1.2 Shifting of Residences One important aspect of post-divorce arrangements in families with adolescents is the considerable shifting of residences (Buchanan et al., 1996). In their study these authors found that almost a  third of the sample had moved from one residential arrangement to another over a  four-and a-half-year period following their parents’ divorce. These researchers also found only very small differences in adolescent adjustment among those in the three common residential arrangements, although they emphasize that many families put a  lot of effort into making sure that the adolescents were in an  arrangement that was highly supportive of them and that suited the family’s circumstances at that time. Adolescents were asked to provide reasons for moving between residences. Some relocation was because of parents moving, and generally involved the adolescents moving in with their mothers. Some adolescents asked to move into dual residence because they were missing the non-residential parent. Some moved to living with their fathers but this relocation was generally related to conflict in the family. As Buchanan



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et al. (1996) comment, “Moves into mother or dual residence occur for more benign or positive reasons than moves into father custody” (p.255). It seems that fathers were probably required to deal with more troubled adolescents who were not coping well and who had difficulty adapting to other types of residential arrangements. It is interesting to note that those adolescents who had one or more changes in residence since the divorce and who were currently living with their fathers were the least welladjusted adolescents in the study. In particular, in this study, inter-parental conflict was more strongly associated with adjustment and well-being for adolescents who lived with their fathers than for those in other living arrangements, although it was not clear why this would be so.

5.2 Communication About the Divorce As noted in Chapter 4, the importance of communication in families cannot be under-estimated, and communication between parents, and between parents and their offspring, may be even more important during and after separation and divorce than at any other time. For example, parents’ communication competence and their children’s feelings of being caught between their parents are related to adolescents’ dissatisfaction with their post-divorce families, particularly in families where conflict between parents is high (Afifi & Schrodt, 2003).

5.2.1 Inappropriate Disclosures by Parents Adolescents often have difficulty with what one parent tells them about the other parent, or about the separation and divorce (Koerner, Wallace, Lehman, & Raymond, 2002). Adolescent daughters in this study were particularly distressed by their mothers’ detailed disclosures about financial problems, negative characteristics of their ex-husbands (the adolescents’ fathers), employment issues and personal problems. These types of disclosures particularly affected adolescent daughters who, irrespective of their age, worried a  lot about their mothers. It is interesting to note that they did not feel closer to their mothers as a consequence of such disclosures. Adolescents used as confidants by their parents may feel burdened and overwhelmed, and may become psychologically distressed or engage in problematic behaviour (Koerner, Jacobs, & Raymond, 2000). Why might parents disclose inappropriate details about their relationship with their ex-husband and the divorce process to their adolescents? According to a study by Afifi and her colleagues (Afifi, McManus, Hutchinson, & Baker, 2007), the main reason centres on the parents’ feelings of having little or no control over the divorce process. Parents did not disclose to their children because they had no-one else to

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confide in, but disclosed to them even when they had other family members and friends that they could talk with about what they were going through. In another study, mothers reported that they made negative comments about their ex-husbands in order to change their daughters’ views about their fathers, and about the divorce and who was to blame for their current situation (Koerner, et al., 2000). These mothers seem to be trying to make their partners seem more responsible for the breakup and themselves less responsible in the eyes of their daughters. It is also possible that parents may disclose to their adolescents, even though they are aware that such disclosures are inappropriate, in order to reduce their children’s uncertainty about what is happening to the family (Afifi, et al., 2007). According to research, the level of stressful conflict between the parents seems to affect the extent to which parents disclose inappropriate information to their offspring about the divorce process (Afifi et al., 2007). The high level of conflict and the anger parents experience as a  result may reduce the parent’s awareness of the inappropriateness of talking about their problems with their adolescent. In support of this suggestion, parents who had a less conflicted relationship with their former spouse were more upset by their inappropriate disclosures to their offspring than was true for those who had a highly conflicted relationship with their former spouse. Perhaps these latter parents are so angry that they feel justified in criticising their former partner to their adolescents, or alternatively, their level of communication skill may be so poor at this stage because of their level of stress that they don’t even realise that their disclosures are inappropriate (Amato, & DeBoer, 2001) and could even harm their children and/or their relationships with their children.

5.3 Conflict and Children’s Adjustment Following Divorce According to Amato and Keith (1991), the level of family conflict is the factor most likely to have a negative impact on the children (and adolescents) of divorce. Amato (2000) argues that any factor that creates stress is likely to increase the negative effects of divorce for young people, and conflict, especially between parents, certainly seems to be an important stressor. If the young people have good coping skills and confidence in their ability to deal with the problems, however, and live in a supportive family environment, they are less likely to experience negative consequences.

5.3.1 Conflict and Adjustment In the Buchanan et al. (1996) study, the adolescents’ perceptions of conflict between their parents were more clearly related to their adjustment than were parents’ reports of conflict. Of course, it is possible that parents were not really prepared to admit the true levels of their conflict. Alternatively, we know that adolescents tend to have



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a fairly negative view of their family relationships (Noller & Callan, 1986; Noller, SethSmith, Bouma & Schweitzer, 1992). Adolescents’ criticism of the family may be higher than that of parents because they don’t have the same level of investment in the family and are consciously, or more likely unconsciously, preparing themselves for the time when they will need to leave the family (Bengtson & Troll, 1978). Adolescents in the Buchanan et al. (1996) study who lived in dual residence arrangements were more likely to be affected by inter-parental conflict than were other adolescents, and more likely to feel caught between their parents. This situation may occur because of the need for more contact between the parents as the adolescents move so regularly between homes. Adolescents actually report that the times when they were moving between homes provided an opportunity for parents to engage in conflict with one another (Noller, Feeney, Sheehan, Darlington & Rogers, 2008). The work of Afifi (2003) supports the view that conflict between parents is a  particularly serious problem when children are involved, and those children become confidants of one parent. She found that, in this situation, offspring were most likely to experience loyalty conflicts and feelings of being caught between their parents. On a more positive note, when parents were not involved in a lot of conflict, dual-residence adolescents were the group least likely to feel caught between their parents. These researchers suggest that the benefits of being able to maintain good relationships with both parents may make it easier for adolescents in dual-residence arrangements to cope effectively with conflict and loyalty problems. Feelings of being caught between parents tended to increase with age in this sample suggesting that adolescents may find it harder to avoid getting caught up in inter-parental conflict as they get older. Perhaps parents are more likely to confide their reactions to negative behaviour by their former spouse to older adolescents than to younger ones. As Afifi (2003) notes, offspring of separated and divorced parents may want to become involved in negotiating between their parents because of their love for them, but also fear the problems and stress that may be caused by trying to be loyal to both of them (Buchanan, Maccoby & Dornbusch, 1991). In an Australian study focusing on conflict in families of divorce (Noller et al., 2008), the researchers found that conflict was higher in the separated/divorced families than in the married families across three different relationships: the relationship between the separated/divorcing parents, the adolescent’s relationship with their resident parent, and their relationship with their closest sibling. When families were compared according to whether they were continuously married or separated/divorced and according to the level of conflict they reported in the family, the highest levels of problems occurred for the separated/divorcing families who were also high in conflict. Adolescents in these families reported the lowest levels of psychological adjustment as measured in terms of depression, anxiety and selfesteem. Hence it is not just divorce that has an effect on young people but the levels of ongoing conflict in the family particularly between their parents.

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In another study of adolescent adjustment following family transitions (Ruschena, Prior, Sanson & Smart, 2005), the Australian researchers compared 17 to 18 year olds who had been through a family transition such as parental separation or divorce, remarriage or the death of a parent and a group who had not been through any transitions and who still lived with their parents. Analyses showed that those adolescents in the transition group reported a  lower quality relationship with the reporting parent than those in the comparison intact families and also reported lower levels of parent and teen attachment. The measure used in the Ruschena et al. (2005) study, The Inventory of Parent Attachment (Armsden & Greenberg, 1987) assessed aspects of the parent-adolescent relationship such as communication, feelings of alienation from the parent and trust of the parent. Parents in the transition group reported more conflict with their adolescents than parents in the group that had not experienced a  transition. It is important to note that in this study, no differences were found for emotional or behavioural adjustment or for academic outcomes or social competence, despite the fact that many studies do show such differences. In addition, at least some of the transitions included were those that can happen to anyone, including moving house so that the difference between the transition group and the comparison group may not have been so clear. In addition, there was a considerable time lag between the identified transitions as adolescents were not assessed until they were 17 or 18 years of age, whereas the mean age of transition was around 11 years.

5.3.2 Sex Differences in Reactions to Conflict Although Noller et al. (2008) were not able to compare boys and girls in their research, according to the Buchanan et al. (1996) study, boys seemed to react to inter-parental conflict more than girls, and boys’ adjustment was more likely to be affected than was true for girls. Boys in high conflict families were more likely to be depressed than those in low conflict families and more likely to engage in problematic behaviours such as those discussed in Chapter 6. There is also evidence (Simons, Lin, Gordon, Conger, &  Lorenz, 1999) that different aspects of family life affect the reactions of boys and girls to divorce. Boys’ delinquency tended to be related to the parenting they received whereas girls’ delinquency was more strongly related to conflict following divorce along with their mothers’ parenting. Further, problems such as depression and anxiety were also related to different factors in boys and girls. Divorce tended to be the main factor related to adjustment problems in males, whereas girls’ adjustment was related to mothers’ parenting and mothers’ depression.



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5.3.3 What Adolescents Say About Their Parents’ Conflict As part of the Noller et al. (2008) study adolescents were interviewed about the conflict in the family. With regard to conflict between their parents after the separation, some adolescents reported a decrease from what was occurring before the divorce, but many reported ongoing conflict, particularly when young people were picked up for visits with the non-resident parent. Some adolescents also claimed that their parents didn’t communicate at all at such times, because any communication tended to end in an argument. Although some adolescents reported that conflict with their parents decreased following the divorce, for many their hopes for peace were often not fulfilled. Phones were also very important, with many adolescents reporting arguments between their parents on the phone. They reported that parents screamed at each other over the phone, argued for hours on the phone, and one young man claimed that his parents “basically turned into little kids just calling each other names and stuff” (Noller et al., 2008, p.15). A lot of the arguments were about the children and money, with parents arguing about who should pay for what for their children. It is possible that this negative use of the phone could result in non-resident parents being less willing to ring their children between visits, in case their former spouse answered the phone and another argument ensued. Such a situation would be sad for the children. Another source of conflict was the actual making of arrangements for contact visits. According to the adolescents, fathers in particular wanted fairly rigid arrangements such as every second weekend, whereas they themselves wanted more flexible arrangements so that they could spend more time with their friends and in their own activities. It makes sense that just as many adolescents in intact families like to spend their weekends doing things with their friends, children from divorcing families will also want to spend time with their friends rather than with their nonresident parent. Gattins, Kinlaw and Dunlap (2013) asked a  sample of middle and high school students in the USA about the impact of their parents’ relationship on them. Some of these families were living together or married and some were divorced or separated. Adolescents from the separated/divorced families tended to rate their parents’ co-parenting behaviours more negatively than other adolescents. They saw their parents as competing with each other for the adolescent’s attention and wanting them to favour one parent over the other. They also disagreed more than other adolescents that their parents were working together in bringing them up. Middle school students tended to be more positive about their parents and their co-parenting than were high school students, but there were no differences between boys and girls.

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5.4 Long term Effects of Divorce on Adjustment Researchers in the US (Uphold-Carrier &  Utz, 2012) used a  sample of middle-aged individuals, who had experienced the divorce of their parents, to explore the effects of parental divorce either as a  child or as an  adult on mental health. Both groups were more likely to become depressed than those whose parents remained married and both experienced lower levels of family solidarity. These researchers showed that the elevated depression levels for those who experienced the divorce of their parents as children were longer lasting than for those whose parents divorced when they were adults. These family members also experienced lower levels of family solidarity during mid-life as well as when they were older. Upholder-Carrier and Utz suggest that the participants’ own marital history, affected by the parental divorce, is the mediator of the link between that divorce when they were children and their current levels of depression.

5.5 Conflict, the Legal System and Adjustment In another study (Bing, Nelson & Wesolowski, 2009) a different measure of conflict was used. These researchers assessed level of conflict in terms of the amount of involvement the families had with the court system. It makes sense that, in families where there are higher levels of conflict and aggression, parents will more likely be involved in higher levels of litigation, although some families are likely to be keener on being involved in litigation than others. Those engaged in the lowest levels of litigation reported less conflict and family dysfunction, better coping ability on the part of their children, and a  more positive resolution of the divorce than was true for those involved in higher levels of litigation. These findings fit with much current literature showing that children experiencing high levels of conflict before and after the divorce will tend to have lower levels of psychological adjustment following the divorce (Hetherington, & Stanley-Hagan, 1999; Noller et al., 2008; Oppawsky, 2000).

5.6 Shared Family Time and Family Resilience Following Divorce Resilience is about the extent to which people, including adolescents, have learned to successfully manage difficulties as they arise (Peters, Leadbeater, & McMahon, 2005) as well as their potential for growth as a result of dealing with problems (Walsh, 2002) (see also Chapter 8 where we focus on resilience in a more general way). There is some evidence that certain aspects of family life such as family management practices and family solidarity and support can promote resilience in family members when dealing with adverse situations such as divorce (Furstenberg, Cook, Eccles, Elder, & Sameroff, 1999; Larson, Dworkin, & Gillman, 2001).



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Walsh (2002) claimed that family resilience is a consequence of positive family functioning in three broad domains: Beliefs (seeing the problem as meaningful, having a  positive outlook, and a  spiritual focus), organizational patterns (being flexible, having strong connections with each other, and having adequate social and economic resources), and communication processes (being clear in communication, being open in sharing emotions and working together to solve problems). She suggested that those families that would do well following divorce were those that were aware of their strengths as a family, saw each other as trustworthy and could work together to deal with the situation. Other important factors that promote resilience following divorce include emotional support between family members, family sharing of household tasks and hobbies, and working together as a family to solve problems (Doyle, Wolchik, Dawson-McClure & Sandler, 2003; Greeff & Van Der Merwe, 2004; Kelly & Emery, 2003). (See Table 5.1) Table 5.1: Factors Promoting Resilience in Family Members Domains of Family Functioning

Processes

Beliefs

Seeing problem as meaningful Positive outlook Spiritual focus

Organizational patterns

Being flexible Strong connections with each other Adequate social and economic resources

Communication processes

Clear communication Open in sharing emotions Working together to solve problems

Hutchinson, Afifi & Krause (2007) studied families who had experienced divorce, and explored, through interviews, the links between shared family time and the resilience of family members. These researchers showed that shared family time and activities were critical to post-divorce families in terms of helping them to develop new family processes and structures. They found that when family members spent time together in a mutually enjoyable activity, not only was positive mood enhanced but members began to believe that they could overcome their problems by working together. There was also evidence that family involvement in leisure activities tends to increase cohesion and adaptability in the family, and to increase satisfaction with family life (Zabriskie &  McCormick, 2001, 2003). The  families in the Hutchinson et al. study talked about “the importance of their home - and the shared space within that home – to create a sense of belonging and comfort, both of which were perceived as important to being part of a family” (p.40).

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5.7 Racial and Ethnic Differences in Experiencing Parents’ Marital Disruption In a  large American study of adolescents who had experienced the separation or divorce of their parents during late adolescence, comparisons were made between different ethnic groups living in that country (Sun &  Li, 2007). These researchers found evidence of greater maladjustment among adolescents from European, Asian and African American groups than was true for their Hispanic American counterparts both before and after the separation. They argue that Hispanic American young people are less affected by the disruption of their family life because they are already disadvantaged in a  number of ways and the breakdown of their parents’ marriage adds little disadvantage over what they are already experiencing. These researchers suggest that while the Hispanic adolescents tend to be disadvantaged in terms of family social resources, African American adolescents tend to be disadvantaged in terms of financial and human resources (such as the educational resources of their parents). Asian Americans, on the other hand, are more likely to enjoy an overall high level of both types of resources. European Americans can experience disadvantage in terms of both types of resources. The effects on young people in the Non-Hispanic groups tended to be because of the level of dysfunction of the family before the divorce.

5.8 Adolescents’ Management of Relationships with Divorced Parents There is an assumption in much literature on adolescents from divorced families, that they are passive victims of their parents’ marital disruption, and that any attempts by them to take some control of their situation should be seen as problematic (Menning, 2008). Yet adolescents frequently want to have influence in decisions such as where they live and whether or how often they visit their non-resident parent (Moxnes, 2003). These adolescents tend to find such participation in decision-making positive and empowering (Menning (2008). Hence it may be unhelpful to consider decisionmaking by adolescents after divorce as necessarily problematic (Smith, Taylor, & Tapp, 2003). According to these researchers, it is normal for children of divorce “to express strong feelings about contact with parents who are sources of anger and hurt” (p.613). If adolescents resist contact with their non-resident parent, for example, that behaviour is likely to be seen as rebellious or difficult (Kelly, &  Johnston, 2001). These authors argue that adolescents can refuse contact with non-resident parents for a  range of sensible and appropriate reasons such as being unhappy with that parent’s style of parenting, changes in household structure such as the establishment of a defacto relationship or remarriage, or because contact creates an opportunity for more parental conflict (Noller et al., 2008).



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5.8.1 Negative Evaluations Menning (2008) interviewed adolescents about how they managed relationships with their non-resident parents and found that they tended to have negative evaluations of those parents and to use those negative views to explain how and why they needed to manage their relationships with a particular parent. They focused on a range of parental behaviours that they considered negative, including parents’ tendency to overreact or respond with inappropriate harshness to some kinds of information such as a  failure at school, behaving in ways that didn’t fit with the adolescents’ values, having poor listening skills, lacking expertise in areas the adolescent wanted help with such as in academic areas, and having mental health problems. These researchers also found that adolescents used various strategies to deal with these ‘problem’ behaviours of parents.

5.8.2 Controlling Information Sometimes the adolescents would refuse to give their non-resident parent information that they thought might cause the parent to ‘overreact’, or alternatively, they might resort to telling them as little as possible. In fact, they would often use the split household to their advantage, and give one parent information but not the other. In this way, they avoided possible strong negative reactions, and were still able to enjoy the financial and other benefits provided by their non-resident parent as well as the leisure activities that they engaged in together (Menning, 2008). The adolescents were also able to control the image of themselves that was revealed to their non-resident parents, keeping it as positive as possible. Some adolescents even worked at minimizing the influence their non-resident parent could have on their education by arranging, using the bureaucratic rules of their schools, that report cards not be sent to that parent. By using such strategies, adolescents increased their sense of autonomy and individuation, an  important aspect of adolescent development as we saw in Chapter 2. It could be argued, of course that keeping such information from a particular parent may not be in the best interests of the parent or the family.

5.8.3 Controlling Visitation Because adolescents in these split households are able to place conditions on when they see their non-resident parent, they are able to control being with their nonresident parent in ways that are not possible for adolescents who live in a household with both their parents. They can also increase and decrease contact with parents by changing residence. This strategy means that they can avoid discipline and control

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from one parent and live with the parent they think will give them the easiest time. If that parent argues with the adolescent and tries to exert some control, they can change household again. Menning (2008) interviewed a  15-year old male who had changed his residence six times, continually going from one parent to the other in line with his perception that he would be better off. Of course, being able to switch households depends on the willingness of the parents to allow that. Unfortunately, a parent refusing to allow an adolescent to move in with them, for whatever reason, is likely to be seen as a rejection by the young person and add to the pain they are already experiencing as a result of the disruption to their family. Adolescents can also decide not to have contact with their non-resident parents, because of their assessment of the negative traits of the parent or because they believe that parent is trying to manipulate them. Parents (mainly fathers) may also cut off contact with their children for a range of reasons such as finding that obligations to their new family leave them with little or no time for their older children, or because they believe that they are being excluded from their children’s lives (Clark & McKenry, 1997, as cited in Lamb, 1999) or if they see themselves as having little control over their children’s upbringing (Braver, & Griffin, 2000).

5.9 Children’s Perceptions of Their Sibling Relationships Following Divorce An important question with regard to divorce and sibling relationships concerns the extent to which siblings rely on each other at stressful times such as when there is a lot of conflict in the family or when parents are divorcing. Do siblings support and help each other during such trying times, compensating one another for the love and care they are not receiving from their parents at this time, or do they engage in a lot of conflict like their parents?

5.9.1 Hostility and Warmth in Sibling Relationships Researchers have shown that sibling relationships in adolescence can be compared on two dimensions: hostility and warmth (McGuire, McHale &  Updegraff, 1996), suggesting four types of sibling relationships. Sibling relationships can be high on warmth and low on hostility (harmonious), low on warmth and high on hostility (hostile), high on both warmth and hostility (affect-intense) and low on both warmth and hostility (uninvolved). Sheehan, Darlington, Noller and Feeney (2004) compared adolescents in divorced or separated families with those in continuously married families in terms of these types of relationships and found that sibling relationships in the divorced/separated families tended to be more affect-intense or high on both warmth and hostility than was true for their counterparts from continuously married



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families. In addition, adolescents in the separated/divorcing families reported higher levels of hostility in their sibling relationships than those in continuously married families. This finding is likely to be related to the destructive conflict between their parents (Noller, Feeney, Peterson, & Sheehan, 1995) that can lead to hostile parenting (Brody, 1998). (see Table 5.2) Table 5.2: Types of Sibling Relationships Sibling Hostility

Sibling Warmth High

Low

High

Affect-intense

Hostile

Low

Harmonious

Uninvolved

5.9.2 Explaining Affect-Intense Relationships Because these researchers carried out interviews with the adolescents, they were able to get some insight into how these two different aspects of relationships could exist together in these sibling relationships. They showed that the positive aspect of adolescents’ sibling relationships involved the care and comfort that they provided to one another and the ways they worked together in resolving conflict and in dealing with the conflict between their parents. The negative aspect of those relationships involved younger siblings tending to resent the care and comfort they received from their older sibling, seeing these behaviours as attempts to dominate them. They thought that their siblings tended to become overprotective in trying to spare them the distress resulting from the conflict between their parents (Brody, 1998).

5.10 Parental Divorce and Adolescent Problem Behaviour There is evidence for modest differences between young people in divorced versus continuously married families in terms of their involvement in delinquent activities, with those from divorced families being more likely to engage in antisocial activities (Amato & Keith, 1991, 2001; Hetherington, Bridges & Insabella, 1998). Although some have argued that this difference would decrease as divorce became more socially acceptable, the differences actually seem to have increased (Amato, 2001; D’Onofrio, 2005). Drunkenness, a  particular problem behaviour in adolescents, was linked with parental divorce in a Slovakian study (Tomcikova, Geckova, Reijneveld & van Dijk, 2011). Those with divorced parents were more likely to have been drunk in the previous month, except for those who had strong positive feelings towards their fathers. These

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researchers suggest that positive involvement with the father following divorce should be encouraged as a protective factor against drunkenness in adolescents. Adolescents from divorced and remarried families are more likely than those from stable families to leave school early, to be unemployed, to become involved in sexual relationships at an earlier age and to have children while still teenagers, to associate with delinquent peers and become involved in their activities (Burt et al., 2008; Demo & Acock, 1996; D’Onofrio et al., 2005, 2006, 2007; Elder & Russell, 1996; Hetherington et al., 1998; Whitbeck, Simons & Goldberg, 1996) and these problems are apparent across a range of ethnic groups (Amato & Keith, 1991). According to Whitbeck et al., it seems likely that lack of parental control by mothers who have been through divorce increases the likelihood of adolescents becoming involved in sexual activity at an early age. (see Table 5.3). The apparent lack of control is likely to be related to the emotional state of the mother during this time as well as the fact that parenting alone is a difficult task. Adolescent problem behaviour is discussed in more detail in Chapter 6. Table 5.3: Divorce and Offspring Issues Possible Adolescent Outcomes of Divorce of Parents High levels of anxiety and depression Depression into adulthood, particularly for girls Higher levels of antisocial behaviour Delinquency and associating with delinquent peers Drug abuse Leave school early Unemployment Early sexual relationships and pregnancy

5.10.1 Divorce-Proneness and Adolescent Problem Behaviour Based on findings that when marital conflict increases because of adolescent problem behaviour there are corresponding changes in parents’ marital satisfaction (Cui & Donnellan, 2009), Moore and Buehler (2011) assessed the link between divorceproneness and adolescent problem behaviour, looking at the parents’ sense of parental efficacy as a mediating variable. Although there was no association between the problem behaviours of early adolescents, either externalizing or internalizing, for fathers, they found that fathers whose adolescents were susceptible to internalizing and externalizing problems were more divorce-prone especially if they were low in parental efficacy. For mothers, there was a  link between adolescents’ internalizing problems and divorce-proneness again mediated by the mothers’ sense of parenting efficacy.



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5.10.2 Environmental or Genetic Factors? Researchers have questioned whether these differences in delinquency are related to environmental or genetic factors (Burt, Barnes, McGue & Iacono, 2008). For example, the problems could be caused by the consequences of marital disruption such as reduced financial circumstances and inadequate parenting. Alternatively, a genetic explanation would imply that the delinquent young person has inherited pathology from one of their parents that increases the risk of the parent experiencing divorce, and the young person getting involved in delinquent activities (Harden et al., 2007; Rhee & Waldman, 2002). Several studies have supported the likelihood that the link between divorce and delinquency is a result of environmental factors. A series of studies using twins (D’Onofrio et al., 2005, 2006, 2007) explored whether genetic or environmental factors of the twins’ parents were most likely to account for the link between divorce and delinquency. Their findings supported the effects of environment as most likely to account for this link. Another study comparing divorced and intact adoptive and biological families also supported the importance of environmental factors because the links between divorce and behaviour problems were no stronger in biological than in adoptive families. Harper and McLanahan (2004) assessed the factors relevant to the higher incidence of young people in father-absent families being sent to prison. For example, Department of Justice figures in the USA (1994) showed that 57% of prisoners reported having not lived with both parents most of the time they were growing up, compared to 31% in the general population. Harper and McLanahan used a very broad definition of father absence, and compared young people from mother-father, mother only, mother-step father, father-stepmother and families in which no biological parent was present. Although 90% of the young people in this study began their lives residing with both parents, by the time they reached adolescence only 62 percent still resided with both their parents. Of those young people no longer living with both their parents, 87 percent lived in father-absent homes. Harper and McLanahan used longitudinal data from the NLYS79 from those who were under 18 when the study commenced. They used this procedure to ensure that the explanatory variables (such as family structure) were measured while the participants were still minors. It was not clear from the paper what percentage of the sample were male or female, or whether it was a sample of mixed sex. The researchers found that although some of the risk of going to prison could be explained by factors other than father absence such as teen motherhood, low education of parents and poverty, it was clear that father-absence was still important in explaining this problem. Those young people who were born to single mothers and whose fathers never lived with them were more likely to go to prison than those whose fathers left the family while they were children or adolescents. Harper and McLanahan (2004) suggest that the father not being involved during adolescence when these young people were developing independence and autonomy (see Chapter 2) and learning

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to manage social relationships may have a  negative impact on that development (Boykin, McElhaney & Allen, 2001; Steinberg, 2001). Another interesting finding from the Harper and McLanahan (2004) study was the impact of co-resident grandparents on young people in families in which at least one of the biological parents was absent. Although co-resident grandparents did not have a protective effect in families where both parents were present, they did seem to have a protective effect on adolescent behaviour in father-absent families. These authors suggest that grandparents living in father-absent families might provide extra care giving, whereas those in intact families might need care giving themselves, although the authors don’t provide an explanation for why that might be so. It is possible that they are suggesting that grandparents may come to live with intact families only when they themselves need help because of infirmities, whereas grandparents may move in with single-parent families in order to provide extra parenting and help in the family.

5.10.3 Parental Divorce and Offspring Mental Health Although it seems clear that children from divorced and remarried families exhibit more problem behaviours and lower levels of psychological adjustment than those whose families have never been involved in divorce, there are a  number of factors that contribute to this outcome (Hetherington, Bridges & Insabella, 1998). It is also important to recognize that children vary in how they respond to marital disruptions and not all children of divorce are adversely affected (Emery &  Forehand, 1994; McLanahan &  Sandefur, 1994). In fact, Emery and Forehand argue that by far the majority of children do not have serious problems following the divorce of their parents, and most become well-adjusted and competent individuals.

5.10.3.1 Divorce and Long-Term Depression One aspect of adolescent well-being that seems to be especially affected by parental divorce is depression (Kelly, 2000; Strohschein, 2005). It seems that girls become more sensitive to the effects of the divorce of their parents during early adolescence and subsequently more depressed (Oldehinkel et  al., 2008) and this high level of depression persists as they get older. Although boys’ and girls’ levels of depression were similarly affected by divorce in late childhood in this study, by the age of 15 the effects were no longer present for boys. The study by Oldehinkel et al. (2008) supported the findings of a British study exploring the long-term impact of divorce on young people into adulthood (Cherlin, Chase-Lonsdale &  McCrae, 1998). Both of these studies showed that the impact of divorce on young people can continue into adulthood. They found that part of the negative impact of divorce was related to factors present before the divorce, but that parental divorce in childhood or adolescence continues to have an  effect on adult



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mental health when a person is in their twenties and early thirties, with the difference between them and their counterparts from intact families increasing over time.

5.10.4 Does Divorce Cause These Problems? Some also argue that children who had poor adjustment after their parents’ divorce were already having problems before the divorce occurred and therefore the divorce could not be blamed for their problems (Amato & Booth, 1996). It is certainly true that if children’s adjustment before the divorce is taken into account, then the differences between young people from divorced and stable families tend to be smaller (Guidibaldi, Perry & Nastasi, 1987; Kelly, 2000). It is important to remember, however, that divorcing is a process and that young people in families that eventually divorce may be exposed to high levels of conflict and poor parenting over an extended period of time before the separation finally occurs. In fact, according to Amato and Booth, problem relationships between parents and children in families that later divorced were present as early as eight to 12 years earlier and these problems were related to the low quality of the parent’s marriage. Although the actual divorce event and the loss of the parent may not be responsible for the children’s mental health problems, the breakdown of the marriage contributes to those problems (Strohschein, 2005). Strohschein found that children whose parents eventually divorced consistently experienced higher levels of anxiety and depression and engaged in higher levels of antisocial behaviour than children whose parents stayed married. In addition, these young people reported experiencing slightly increased levels of anxiety and depression, but not antisocial behaviour, following the divorce. In addition, there was no evidence that the anxiety and depression of young people in highly dysfunctional families decreased following divorce. Fergusson and his colleagues (1994) in New Zealand found increased risks of adolescent problems such as delinquency, depression and drug abuse in 15-year old adolescents who had experienced the breakdown of their parents’ marriage, although again the problems were also present before the actual separation. Aseltine (1996) takes a different point of view on the basis of his study of high school students in Boston, USA. He argues that divorce appears to cause a number of problems and difficulties that are linked with adolescent depression, many of which are either not present prior to the separation or become more serious afterwards. He found in his sample that many of the problems that we have discussed in this chapter and that are typically experienced by adolescents whose parents have divorced were not present before the divorce. In addition, even for those problems that were present before the divorce, the differences between them and their counterparts from intact families were larger after the divorce than prior to it. Adolescents whose parents have divorced are likely to be exposed to more conflict and bitterness both before and after the divorce than are adolescents whose parents

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are in stable marriages (Noller et al., 2008; Oldehinkel, Ormel, Veenstra, De Winter & Verhulst, 2008). In addition, both high levels of conflict and high levels of divorce seem to work together to affect the well being of children and adolescents (Hanson, 1999; Morrison & Coiro, 1999; Noller et al., 2008). High conflict couples seem to be able to keep the conflict going long after the divorce has occurred.

5.11 Divorce and Romantic Relationships of Offspring A large sample of Finnish adolescents were assessed when they were 16 years of age and again when they were 32 years of age, and the researchers compared those whose parents had been divorced when they were 16 with those who were in stable families with their own parents (Mustonen et al., 2011). One striking finding was that those from the divorced families were more likely to be separated or divorced at age 32 than those whose parents were not divorced. Further, these researchers found that these troubled relationships were more common in females from divorced families than was true for males. These females also tended to have had poorer quality relationships with their parents when they were adolescents, had lower self-esteem and were not happy with the level of social support they were receiving. The extent to which parental divorce affected the quality of their intimate relationships was indirectly mediated by the quality of their relationships with their mothers. A possible reason for this effect can be seen in a study by Wallerstein, Lewis and Rosenthal (2013). They reported on 60 families where parents were separated and divorced. These families were interviewed every five years over a 25-year period. These researchers report that in the post-divorce years, many of the mothers focused less on parenting even than they had through the period when the marriage was failing and concentrated instead on becoming financially independent and on rebuilding intimate relationships. In addition, many of the mothers struggled with psychiatric problems. As a result, their children engaged in delinquent activities because of the lack of supervision. Many mothers, however, were able to resume supervision of their children with the result that the delinquent activities decreased.

5.12 Living in a Stepfamily When discussing stepfamilies, it is important to remember that these days children are much more likely to live with a biological mother and a step-father than was true in earlier times when women were much more likely than they are today to die in childbirth, at least in the West. Stories of wicked stepmothers tended to be written during that period. In 2001, around 10 percent of couple-families with children were stepfamilies (Cartwright, 2005), and around 20 percent of children are likely to live in a stepfamily



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at some time before they turn 16. According to this New Zealand study, after a resident parent remarries, relationships between the resident parent and child are likely to deteriorate. This finding is supported by a  US study that found that mothers who had remarried were less positive and more negative towards their own children from previous relationships than mothers in first marriages or mothers in established single-parent families (Hetherington &  Clingempeel, 1992). In this study, preadolescent children were also likely to experience adjustment problems. There is also evidence that children in stepfamilies tend to be less warm and communicative and also more negative in their interactions with their mothers (Hetherington & Jodl, 1994). These young people are also likely to see their families as more conflicted and less warm (Kurdek & Fine, 1993). These difficulties are likely to increase for adolescents who may disengage from their families and spend as little time as possible at home (Hetherington & Jodl). In addition, as will be discussed in Chapter 7, adolescents in stepfamilies are also likely to leave home earlier, presumably because of their dissatisfactions with family life. According to the Harper and McLanahan (2004) study mentioned earlier, those young people who were most at risk of ending up in prison were those from stepfamilies, even though household income increased and the mother had, at least in theory, an extra person to help with supervision and monitoring. In fact, in these US data, those young people in stepfamilies were three times more likely than those in biological mother-father families to be sent to prison. One of the weaknesses of this study, acknowledged by the authors, was that conflict in the family, known to be related to delinquent behaviour and leaving home to live on the street, was not included in the analysis (Noller et al., 2008; Pears & Noller, 1995). Harper and McLanahan also note that other research has found that the complexity of relationships in stepfamilies may lead to adolescents experiencing uncertainty about how relationships should work and having more conflict with their parents than occurs in mother-father households (O’Connor, Hetherington & Clingempeel, 1997). Table 5.4: Possible Stepfamily Problems Problems for mother

Problems for adolescent

Adolescents tend to be less warm and communicative and more negative in interactions with mother

Mothers less positive and more negative to own children

Adolescents may disengage from family and spend little time at home

Not getting enough attention from mothers because of new relationship – can create loyalty conflict

Loyalty conflicts when adolescents don’t comply Resent stepfathers trying to change their routines with instructions of stepfather or discipline them Mothers don’t always keep adolescents informed about loyalty conflicts

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A sample of young adults interviewed about their experiences in stepfamilies reported on the problems they faced in their relationships with their biological mothers (Cartwright &  Seymour, 2002). Issues included not getting enough attention from their mothers, difficulties in communicating with them, perceiving conflicts between their mother’s loyalty to their new husband and to them as their son or daughter, issues about who should discipline them as well as their relationship with their nonresident fathers. The young people explained the lack of attention as related to the mother and stepfather still getting to know one another and concentrating on their relationship with each other rather than their relationships with the young person. For example, one mother used to regularly read to her adolescent until the stepfather decided that the practice should stop. No wonder that adolescent complained of a loyalty conflict (Cartwright, 2005). The young people also complained about parents not consulting them or even giving them information about their plans to re-partner. For example they complained that mother’s new boyfriend moved into the family home without any preparation or consultation, or that their mother was planning to remarry without even telling them (Cartwright, 2005). In one amazing situation, a young person reported that she and her mother were in a line at the airport checking their baggage, when a man she had not met came and joined them. She then discovered that this guy was coming on holidays with them. According to Cartwright, when a mother’s boyfriend moved in fairly quickly and without consultation, children and adolescents tended to feel resentful and see the new stepfather as an  intruder, invading the privacy of their family home. (see Table 5.4) Young people tended to resent stepfathers telling them what to do or trying to discipline them (Cartwright, 2005) and when the adolescents refused to comply, that behaviour created loyalty conflicts for the mothers. Mothers would feel torn between their loyalty to their child and to their new partner, and would be unsure what to do. If they decided to support the stepfather, their child or adolescent was likely see the parent as disloyal and feel betrayed by them. It is interesting to note that in Cartwright’s study involving young adults, only a third believed that they had maintained a close relationship with their residential parent after the arrival of the new partner. Spending time alone with their parent and engaging in fun activities with them seemed critical to maintaining a good relationship with them.

5.13 Summary Although there is a lot of evidence that adolescents can be negatively affected by the separation or divorce of their parents, the situation is more complex and a range of family factors can increase or decrease the severity of the effect. For example, having residential arrangements that are supportive and where family members spend time



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together in leisure and other activities can increase resilience in young people and decrease the negative impact of their situation. Having one or more parents who use them as confidants and reveal inappropriate information about the other parent or the divorce can increase an adolescent’s feelings of being caught between their parents and increase the negative impact of the divorce or separation on them. Ongoing conflict, particularly between the parents and between parents and adolescents can also contribute to the suffering of the young person, and increase the likelihood of the adolescent’s psychological adjustment being negatively affected. Ongoing inter-parental conflict increases the chances of adolescents becoming depressed or getting involved in delinquent activities. Where families engaged in enjoyable activities together, the positive mood of family members increased, their sense of closeness and their flexibility increased and their belief that they could work together to solve their problems also increased. Adolescents in these families also need to be involved in decision-making about issues such as where they would live and how much contact they would have with the non-resident parent. They like to be able to minimize the negative reactions they experience from parents and will change residences or limit contact with a  parent they see as over-reacting to stressful situations or giving them a hard time. Sibling relationships in these families tend to be complicated, particularly for younger siblings who want the care and comfort offered by their older siblings, but don’t want to be dominated by them. They particularly resent any signs that their older siblings are being overprotective of them because of the levels of distress they are both dealing with. Although adolescents from divorced families are more likely than adolescents from continuously married families to suffer from a  range of psychological and behavioural problems, it is nevertheless true that most of them do not have serious problems and are likely to become reasonably well-adjusted adults. Factors such as the level of conflict between their parents and the parenting they receive are likely to be critical to their adjustment and future development. Adolescents are particularly likely to resent step-parents when they are not consulted about their resident’s parent’s decision to invite the person into their family. They also resent step-parents telling them what to do and trying to discipline them. Relationships with the resident parent (usually the mother) tend to be less close than they were before the ‘intrusion’ and loyalty conflicts between their adolescent and their new partner can arise for these mothers.

5.14 Implications for Practitioners Counselling or therapy involving the whole family would seem to be important when parents are separating or divorcing. Family members may need to hear and understand the perspectives of all family members and how they are impacted by

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the changes being made in the family. Parents may need to hear how their children and adolescents are being affected, and adolescents may benefit from understanding something of the pain that their parents are experiencing. There is some evidence that adolescents have little patience with their parents’ problems and are likely to view their parents’ behaviour as childish, especially when they argue about issues that seem trivial to the adolescent but may in fact be about broader issues in the parents’ relationship, such as power and control. Counsellors may need to help adolescents see these issues from the point of view of their parents and to be more understanding of the issues the parents are dealing with. Those adolescents living in homes without fathers may need help to see the importance of self-discipline, given that mothers are often not able to discipline their young people, particularly sons, either because of the age and size of the sons or because of their own emotional state following the breakdown of their marriage. Being a single parent at any time is a difficult task, but it is particularly difficult with adolescents. In fact, these mothers may need help in managing their adolescents, and adolescents may benefit from gaining some insight into the issues facing their single mothers. Involving resident parents in parenting programs focused on adolescents may be helpful (see Chapter 4). Sibling relationships can also come under stress during and following the divorce of their parents. Again, dealing with the siblings together is likely to be particularly helpful. Concerned older siblings may not realise that their over-zealous care (at least as experienced by their younger siblings) is causing problems for those siblings. Helping them to share their concerns directly with their brothers or sisters could have a positive impact on the relationship, with the older siblings helped to support their younger siblings without overprotecting them. Step-families can be problematic especially if the adolescent members are not appropriately prepared for the changes in their families. Parents and step-parents also need to be prepared so that roles are clarified before the step-parent joins the family. For the children, the arrival of a step-parent may make it clear to them that their dream of their parents getting back together is not going to be fulfilled. Why wouldn’t they resent the step-parent? In addition, if step-parents try to take over the role of the parent who has left, children are likely to respond very negatively. Ideally, counselling should take place before the step-parent moves in so that both parent and adolescents have the opportunity to share their feelings and discuss ways to make the relationships work. Nicholson, Phillips, Whitton, Halford and Sanders (2007) argue that co-parenting can be particularly difficult in step-families. According to these researchers, it is important that the biological parent take primary responsibility for discipline at the same time as maintaining a relationship with the child involving high levels of warmth and positive interactions. The step-parent, on the other hand should focus his attention on developing a  positive relationship with the child that is mutually



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respectful (Ganong, Coleman, Fine &  Martin, 1999). Clearly, interventions with stepfamilies involving adolescents need to focus around these relationships. In this chapter we have discussed the potential impact of parental divorce for adolescents and the family. In the following chapter we explore a broader range of family contexts that can decrease, and those that can increase, the likelihood of problematic behaviours of adolescents.

6 The Family and Adolescent Issues In the previous chapter we looked at some of the potential outcomes of parental divorce for adolescents. In this chapter we explore more fully a range of family issues that can affect the outcomes and behaviours of adolescents. Conflict with parents is common in adolescence, and some would suggest that it is essential. At least in early adolescence, conflict is relatively common, and moderate conflict between parents and adolescents seems to be linked to better psychological adjustment than high or no conflict (Adams & Laursen, 2001). Conflict seems to be important to successful individuation, as relationships between parents and adolescents are transformed and adolescents obtain a  stronger sense of their own identity and the need for more control over their lives (see also Chapter 2 on individuation). Adolescents can also experience negative mood states as they move through this stage of their lives (Larson, Moneta, Richards & Wilson, 2002) and these negative moods can have an impact on the whole family. One of the major concerns of parents of adolescents is the problem behaviour that adolescents can become involved in. It’s important to remember, however, that most adolescents do not become involved in seriously problematic behaviour. Most adolescents find other more appropriate ways to exert their independence, which is very important at this stage of life, although not always welcomed by parents. Many people believe, rightly so, that adolescents tend to get a bad press. One issue is that the media continually focus on a small number of ‘bad apples’ and ignore the positive behaviour of most adolescents. While acknowledging that adolescents do tend to get an unnecessarily bad press and that negative stereotypes are rife in the media, it is nevertheless important to recognise that there are a  lot of potential traps for adolescents involved in youth culture in the 21st century. In addition, getting involved in these problem behaviours may have implications for the rest of a teenager’s life. Probably the issues that concern parents most are drug abuse and teenage pregnancy, because both of these problems have far-reaching consequences, affecting educational opportunities, employment possibilities, romantic and family relationships and, particularly in the case of drug abuse, health. In this chapter, we explore research on a range of potential problem behaviours including involvement in alcohol and illegal drugs, smoking, issues around sexuality such as early sexual involvement, teenage pregnancy and sexually-transmitted diseases, depression and suicidal behaviour, eating disorders, and conduct disorder, aggression and delinquency. In each case, we explore family factors that are likely to increase or decrease the probability that young people will become involved in these behaviours. In exploring these issues, we will be seeking to highlight the contexts in which the problems are likely to arise and look for ways they might be avoided. Our hope is that many of these problems will be avoided as parents and other adolescent workers become more aware of the ways these problems can be prevented. © 2014 Patricia Noller, Sharon Atkin This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License.



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It seems very clear that parents’ positive involvement with their adolescents is critical to the promotion of healthy behaviours among adolescents and provides a  protective effect against involvement in risky behaviours (Wange, Hsu, Lin, Cheng, & Lee, 2009). The positive effects have been found for alcohol use (Kumpfer & Alvarado, 2003), unprotected sexual intercourse (Resnick, Bearman, Blum, Bauman et al., 1997) and also for involvement in illegal drugs such as marijuana and cannabis (Kumpfer & Alvarado, 2003).

6.1 Positive Youth Development Before looking at specific behaviours, it is important to acknowledge, as we did in Chapter 2, the growth of interest in Positive Youth Development (PYD; Hamilton et al., 2004) and the programs that have been produced in response to this framework (Bradshaw et  al., 2008). PYD has been influenced by the positive psychology movement (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi (2000). The key principles of PYD include an emphasis on making programmes available to all who want to be involved rather than targeting those with known problem behaviours, and promoting resilience, rather than problem-prevention or treatment. There is also a  focus on building relationships with caring people through involvement in challenging activities and on youth as active rather than passive recipients of services (Hamilton et al., 2004). The model also emphasizes that adolescents should be provided with opportunities that enable them to build on their assets rather than focus on their risks (Damon et al., 2004). PYD programs seem to have developed in response to the many negative stereotypes of adolescents that are common, at least in Western societies. As Larson (2006) notes “there has been growing recognition that young people are more than soft clay to be moulded . . . Rather, young people are motivated and able to be constructive agents of their own development” (p. 677). In his Presidential Address to the Society for Research in Adolescence, Reed Larson (2010) again put an emphasis on the importance of adolescents developing a sense of agency that can help them to work toward “goals in real-world contexts” (p. 317). He claims that the relevant competencies (emotional, motivational and cognitive/ecological) are even more important in the 21st century than they have been in the past. He quotes Giddens’ (1990) who argues that “living in the modern world is more like being aboard a careening juggernaut than being in a carefully controlled and well-driven motor car” (p.53), it is amazing that a statement made in 1990 could be so appropriate for the 21st century with its continual and rapid change. Nevertheless, as Bradshaw et al. (2008) point out, “advocates of the more positive and strength-based definitions of youth development must grapple with the reality of problem behaviour” (p. 211). Larson (2006) makes the point that most professionals involved with adolescents recognize that teenagers can be agents of their own

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growth, but can also be wilful in the negative sense of that word. He claims that currently there are a wide range of differing views about young people’s agency and wilfulness, and that the dominant view among those who work with troubled adolescents is not necessarily as helpful as advocates of PYD would hope. Smetana, Campione-Barr and Metzger (2006) acknowledge that parents tend to see adolescence as a particularly challenging time but also note that extreme alienation from parents, active rejection of adult values and authority and youthful rebellion are the exception, rather than the norm (Collins &  Laursen, 2004). Smetana et al. claim that only between 5 and 15 percent react in this extreme way. Nevertheless, it is important to recognise that this small minority do tend to be in the public eye because of their antisocial behaviour, and tend to contribute disproportionately to the negative stereotypes of adolescents. In addition, as we pointed out in the previous chapter, about half of parents report being unhappy about the behaviour of their adolescents in family situations. In our attempt to grapple with the reality of youth problem behaviour, we acknowledge that about 60 percent of youth are likely to show some level of behaviour problems, although their behaviour generally tends to stay within the normative range (Moffitt, 2006). According to Moffitt, problem youth can be divided into three groups. The  first group includes those young people who display problem behaviour only at adolescence (about 24 percent of all youth). These young people generally grow up to live productive lives. The second group includes those who have a history of problem behaviour beginning in preschool (5-6 percent of all youth). National data on crime in the USA suggest that this latter group commit 50 percent of juvenile criminal acts (Snyder & Sickmund, 2006) and for this reason it is important that psychologists, social workers and others who work with vulnerable young people understand these issues. A third group demonstrate problem behaviour as children but are more conforming as adolescents, although Moffitt and his colleagues (Moffitt, Caspi, Harrington, & Milne, 2002) found that about a  third of these young people suffered from internalizing problems such as depression and anxiety disorders. An important question for advocates of PYD is which of these groups of adolescents are most likely to be helped by their programs. Problems that may confront adolescents can be divided into two broad groups: externalising behaviours, behaviours that can be seen, and internalizing behaviours, problems that are more internal to the person or hidden. As examples of the first type, we discuss involvement in alcohol and other drugs, smoking and sexual activity. As examples of the second type we discuss depression and suicide (as a consequence of depression) and eating disorders.



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6.2 Externalizing Behaviours 6.2.1 Alcohol and Illegal Drugs According to Bonomo and Proimos (2005), the misuse of drugs such as alcohol, tobacco, inhalants and other drugs is now common among young people all over the world and such misuse causes a range of health problems in this group. Alcohol and other drugs can be a serious problem area for adolescents and their families and it seems clear from the research that the family environment plays an important part in adolescents’ involvement in heavy drinking and illegal drugs. One concern is that many parents don’t seem to realise the problems created for young people by heavy drinking, and tend to report being more concerned about the possibility of their teenagers using illicit drugs such as heroin than using alcohol (Taylor & Carroll, 2001). Yet many other problem behaviours such as assaults, inappropriate sexual activity, speeding in control of a car, and various criminal activities are often alcohol-related (Windle, 1996). For example, in Australian society, there is presently concern at all levels of government about alcohol-fuelled violence, with young people even being killed as a result. In addition, heroin and other illicit drugs kill far fewer adolescents than alcohol and alcohol-related behaviours. Baumrind and Moselle (1985) have suggested that substance use may negatively affect the ability of adolescents to deal with the age-appropriate normative developmental life tasks, discussed in Chapter 2. To recap, these tasks include achieving a  stable personal identity, forming relationships with their peers and renegotiating their relationships with parents to achieve a better balance between autonomy and closeness in the family. Where adolescents fail to work through these age-appropriate life tasks, they may experience a delay in the development of optimal personal, cognitive and social skills, impeding their progress through adolescence and young adulthood. Such adolescents are less likely than their peers to develop the sense of agency needed to be productive members of society. There are two separate but associated problem areas related to the use of alcohol in particular: under-age drinking and drinking too much even when past the legal age. With regard to under-age drinking, in an Australian sample, only 15% of a sample of 15-17 year old males and 11% of females claimed to have never had an alcoholic drink, despite the fact that all these young people were still under the legal age (18) for consuming alcohol in Australia. Nearly two-thirds of the sample had consumed alcohol in a  home setting with an  adult present who presumably approved the behaviour. In addition, some had drunk more than seven drinks the last time they had alcohol, again with an adult present (Taylor & Carroll, 2001), suggesting that parents are not always as responsible as they might be. Taylor and Carroll (2001) claimed that there is a reluctant acceptance of underage drinking amongst parents, who report feeling powerless and overwhelmed and uncertain of how to cope, even though they agree that teaching children about

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drinking is their responsibility. It is also important to note that parents are not the only family members to influence adolescent’s drinking behaviour, as siblings also play a role (Catalano et al., 1992; Windle, 2000). With regard to parent involvement in adolescent consumption of alcohol, police in Queensland, Australia have been very concerned about the amount of alcohol, including spirits, provided by parents to young people going to a tourist destination such as the Gold Coast to celebrate the end of their school lives at Schoolies programs. Song, Reboussin, Foley, Kaltenbach et al. (2009) explored the relevance of the type of community that adolescents live in to under-age drinking. These researchers found that after controlling for individual characteristics, certain types of community characteristics were associated with the prevalence of under-age drinking. The lowest levels of drinking were found in communities where there were higher employment rates, a larger number of married families, and a greater percentage of grandparents caring for the young people. Although the positive impact of high employment and married families is not surprising (see Chapter 3), the result for grandparents as carers is surprising, since those young people with grandparents as carers are likely to have parents on drugs or in prison and to have had disrupted childhoods because of these problems. Perhaps grandparents provide a kind of stability for these young people that they haven’t known before (see also Chapter 5). Another community factor found to affect alcohol use in adolescents is the perceived availability of alcohol, increasing the probability of both current and earlier use (Nargiso, Friend &  Florin, 2013), as well as their likelihood of encouraging others to use alcohol. These researchers also found that what the early adolescents in their study (Grade 7s) saw as normative had a strong effect on their alcohol use, in terms of both current and earlier use. Adolescents’ perceptions of norms are likely to be affected by the peer group, family expectations and media. In this study, poor relationships with parents also affected current and anticipated alcohol use. Windle (1996) established a typology of adolescent drinking that categorized young drinkers into five types depending on the quantity and frequency of alcohol consumption, along with the extent to which the adolescent was involved in heavy-drinking episodes and suffered from alcohol-related adverse consequences. The five categories obtained were: abstainers, light drinkers, moderate drinkers, heavy drinkers and problem drinkers (see Table 6.1). The  problem-drinking young people were more likely to come from families where at least one parent was an alcoholic (see also Jacob & Windle, 2000), to have displayed high levels of childhood behaviour problems and to be currently involved in delinquent activities. They also reported lower levels of support from their families, and greater involvement with heavy-drinking peers. Parents who drink alcohol responsibly, monitor their children’s behaviour and provide high levels of support are likely to have adolescents who do not become involved in problem-drinking.



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Table 6.1: Typology of Adolescent Drinking Type of Drinker

Characteristics

Abstainer

Did not drink alcohol

Light drinkers

Drank a small amount of alcohol on an irregular basis

Moderate drinkers

Drank moderate amount of alcohol regularly

Heavy drinkers

Drank a lot of alcohol but without problems experienced by problemdrinking peers

Problem drinkers

Problems related to drinking such as missing school because of drinking or passing out More likely to come from families with an alcoholic parent High levels of childhood behaviour problems Involved in delinquent activities Lower levels of support from families Greater involvement with drug-using peers Poor impulse control

Problem drinkers also tend to be different from their peers in terms of such dispositional characteristics as poor impulse control and sensation seeking (Windle, 1996). In addition, adolescents with difficult temperaments, who receive little or no parental monitoring and who are involved with drug-using peer networks are more likely to increase their substance use over time (Baumrind & Moselle, 1985; Windle & Windle, 2003). The importance of parental monitoring of adolescents with regard to their behaviour with alcohol is also emphasized by Hayes, Smart, Toumbourou and Sanson (2004). They found that Australian adolescents who are appropriately monitored by parents begin drinking alcohol at a  later age, are likely to drink less, and develop responsible drinking patterns. Given the findings reported earlier about the impact of poor parent-child relationships on alcohol use (Nargiso et  al., 2013), it would seem likely that such young people would be less likely to respond well to parental monitoring. Of course, it is important to keep in mind that adolescents’ perceptions of parental behaviour rather than actual behaviour were assessed in this study and these different types of data do not always lead to similar findings (Cohen &  Rice, 1997). In a questionnaire study of over 400 Dutch families that involved both parents and two adolescents, Van der Vorst and colleagues (2005) found that when parents confidently applied strict rules about adolescents’ alcohol use, their alcohol use tended to be lower. On the other hand, when there was a lot of communication about alcohol issues (perhaps nagging) adolescents consumed more alcohol. This finding applied, irrespective of the age of the adolescents (Van der Vorst, Engels, Meeus, Dekovic, & Van Leeuwe, 2005).

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In another study where the aim of the researchers was to explore the associations among family environment, adolescent alcohol use, self-efficacy, peer influence and stress in a large sample of high-school students, the importance of the parents’ role was again supported. Greater parental disapproval of the use of alcohol by their adolescents tended to be associated with less involvement with friends who used alcohol, and hence less peer influence to use alcohol. Adolescents in these families also had a  greater sense of self-efficacy for avoiding alcohol use and hence fewer problems related to alcohol (Nash, McQueen & Bray, 2005). This finding underlines the importance of the family environment to adolescents’ alcohol use and supports the importance of positive parenting as helping young people develop confidence and self-efficacy (or agency) for dealing with alcohol problems. Perhaps the most important focus for prevention programs should be an  emphasis on parents being able to set appropriate limits on their adolescents’ alcohol consumption in a climate of positive parent-adolescent relationships (Varvil-Weld, Crowley, Turrisi, Greenberg & Mallet (2013). The findings of the Nash et al. (2005) study are supported by another Dutch study involving a large sample of adolescents who were still in high school. Adolescents were less likely to get involved in heavy drinking if their parents applied strict rules about drinking and the family members were able to have constructive conversations about drinking behaviour (Spikerman, van den Einden & Hulberts, 2008). Parental drinking on the other hand was related to more frequent heavy drinking by adolescents, illustrating the power of parental modelling. Similarly, in a Taiwanese study, an important factor in the development of alcohol use in adolescent boys was paternal drinking (Yeh, Chiang, &  Huang (2006). As mentioned earlier, sibling substance use also predicts the likelihood of an adolescent using alcohol to cope with stressful life events; as would be expected, drinking to cope with stressors predicts both alcohol use and alcohol-related problems (Windle, 2000). Also, adolescents in families where a sibling was a drug user, were more likely to be involved with substance-using peers, and to use alcohol as well as other illicit substances. Studies such as this one reinforce the importance of siblings to alcohol and drug use in adolescence. Researchers in the same Taiwanese study mentioned earlier, saw deviant selfimage as the real factor related to problem drinking in boys (Yeh et al., 2006). Selfimage is also likely to be a result of parenting practices and other researchers have noted that socialization processes play an  important role in teens’ initial use of alcohol or cigarettes (Duncan et al, 1995; Ellickson & Hays, 1991). On the basis of their study, Yeh and colleagues argued that preventive interventions for boys should focus on issues such as managing psychological distress and strengthening self-image. Catalano et al. (1992) compared predictors of the initiation of drug use across different ethnic groups in America: whites, African-Americans, Asian-Americans and Hispanics. For whites and Asian-Americans, those who used fewer drugs were female, were in families where parents practised proactive family management, and



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had no siblings involved in drug use or delinquency. In addition, children in these families understood that their parents disapproved of their use of alcohol. It seems clear that these factors represent protective influences on adolescents’ substance use. For African-American adolescents, strong attachment to parents, and parents having a say in friendships were the important protective factors. The influence of parents on drinking at high school and at college has been supported in a study conducted in Hawaii (Turrisi, Abar, Mallett & Jaccard, 2011). These researchers have also developed an intervention with parents to help them set more appropriate standards for their adolescents’ and young adults’ drinking behaviour. Although many parents think that the heavy drinking of their adolescents is just a phase they are going through and that they will have fewer problems when they are older, studies looking at alcohol-use in the transition from high school do not support their optimism (Toumbourou, Williams, Snow, &  White, 2003; Varvil-Weld et  al., 2013). Surveying a sample of 3300 students across four waves of data, Toumbourou et al. found five trajectories of alcohol use through the transition from high school. Those using alcohol weekly or more than once a week during high school continued to use it just as often, and more worrying, the amount of alcohol they drank tended to increase over time toward harmful levels. In other words, more frequent alcohol use during the final year of high school tended to precede potentially harmful alcohol use following high school. Risk factors for substance misuse in adolescence include anti-social personality disorder, a  sensation-seeking personality, family approval of drug use, poor or inconsistent parenting, and emotional and behavioural problems such as conduct disorder, depression or attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. Other risk factors include poor social connections either at school or in community groups and, as we have noted before, being involved in a peer group where substance abuse is prevalent (Bonomo & Proimos, 2005). In line with these findings, Fagan, Van Horn, Hawkins and Jaki (2013) used Social Control Theory to explore the effects of parental controls on adolescent substance abuse. They had students report on their use of five different substances: smokeless tobacco, cigarettes, alcohol, inhalants and marijuana. They assessed three types of parental management strategies: Poor Family Management, Parental Approval of Drug use and Parental Disapproval of Drug use. These researchers found that where parental controls were weak, these 10th grade students were likely to be engage more in drug use, with males and Caucasians most likely to be involved. In addition, those who lived in communities that were seen as favourable to drug use and those with drug-using peers were more likely to be using drugs themselves. There was no attempt in this study to differentiate between the five different substances, some of which are illegal. In a Spanish study (Jimenez-Iglesias, Moreno, Rivera & Garcia-Moya, 2013), the focus was on tobacco, alcohol and cannabis and their use across three age-groups of teenagers. In addition, to further test findings that authoritative parenting is related

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to lower substance use, they assessed the important dimensions of authoritative parenting (affection, promotion of autonomy, family activities, solicitation, disclosure and knowledge), and also distinguished between maternal and paternal dimensions. All of these dimensions were significantly related to the use of all three substances. They also found that parents’ knowledge of what their adolescents were doing was very important for protecting adolescents from substance use along with quality parent-adolescent relationships that were affectionate, close and communicative.

6.2.2 Smoking There seem to be two primary factors related to adolescents taking up smoking: parental influence and peer influence (Holub, Candelaria & Laniado-Laborin, 2006). In their “Healthy Generations” study, however, these researchers found that even parents who are aware of smoking-prevention strategies do not necessarily use them with their own children. Some of the strategies suggested include talking with children about the harmful effects of smoking on their bodies, teaching them to say “No” when offered cigarettes or other drugs, keeping them occupied with sport and other healthy activities so they are not hanging around with lots of time on their hands, and knowing who their adolescents’ friends are and what they do together. A review of 87 studies (Avenoli &  Merikangas, 2003) found only weak and inconsistent links between parent and adolescent smoking, but stronger links between sibling and peer smoking and smoking by adolescents. In another review of 27 studies examining the onset of smoking, the factors related to adolescents starting smoking included bonding with peers who smoked, a lack of self-efficacy about their ability to refuse a cigarette when offered, and low self-esteem (Conrad, Flay & Hill, 1992).

6.2.2.1 Risk and Protective Factors for Smoking Lewinsohn and colleagues (Lewinsohn, Brown, Seeley &  Ramsey, 2000) compared four groups of adolescents: never smokers, experimenters, frequent smokers and persistent smokers. There were few differences between never smokers and experimenters, smokers (compared to non smokers) scored significantly higher on most measures of psychological dysfunction. Both frequent and persistent smokers had been involved with other drugs and tended to have more friends who smoked. Persistent smokers were more likely to be in conflict with their parents and to be doing poorly academically. Frequent smokers were more likely to be high in impulsiveness, suggesting a lack of self-control. Griffin and colleagues (Griffin, Botvin, Doyle, Diaz & Epstein, 1999) found that a  number of risk and protective factors measured during early adolescence were related to heavy smoking in a sample of high school seniors. Risk factors included poor grades, experimentation with smoking and alcohol, having a mother who smoked or



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many friends who smoked and being a high risk-taker when they were in 7th grade. Protective factors against heavy smoking included having parents and friends who had strong anti-smoking attitudes and having such attitudes oneself. Unfortunately, this finding only applied to the girls in the sample. Adolescents with a  family history of smoking had more negative expectancies about smoking and, as a result, were less likely to start smoking, but this effect was not present for those with no family history of smoking (Khoddam & Doran, 2013). These authors suggest that adolescents who notice the negative effects of smoking or who are warned about those negative effects by their parents are less likely to take up the habit. A study of 8th grade students (Adamczyk-Robinette, Fletcher &  Wright, 2002) found a  link between authoritative parenting (assessed using measures of parents’ warmth, family structure and the granting of psychological autonomy) and lower levels of tobacco use. This association was also affected by the extent of tobacco use among peers. The lowest levels of tobacco use were among those young people in families where authoritative parenting was practised and who belonged to peer groups that did not smoke. These factors are clearly protective against adolescent smoking. (See Chapter 3 for more discussion of authoritative parenting.) In another study involving authoritative parenting, Pierce and colleagues (Pierce, Distefan, Jackson, White & Gilpin, 2002) assessed whether the marketing practices of the tobacco industry actually undermine the positive effects of authoritative parenting. They followed up young people whose susceptibility to tobacco advertising had been assessed three years earlier. They found that adolescents with authoritative parents were overall less likely to smoke than those whose parents used other forms of parenting. On the other hand, those with authoritative parents who were highly susceptible to tobacco advertising were much more likely to smoke than those who were less receptive to advertising. Thus it seems clear that tobacco advertising does undermine the effects of authoritative parenting on the likelihood of adolescents taking up smoking. (see Table 6.2) The Australian Government has already severely curtailed the advertising of cigarettes and has introduced plain-packet marketing of cigarettes as a way of discouraging smoking. Table 6.2: Risk and Protective Factors Related to Heavy Smoking Risk factors

Protective factors

Having a mother who smoked Having friends who smoked Experimenting with alcohol and smoking Poor grades Being a high risk taker Low self-esteem and self-efficacy High impulsiveness Conflict with parents

Parents with strong ant-smoking attitudes Friends with strong anti-smoking attitudes Having strong anti-smoking attitudes oneself Authoritative parenting style Constructive family communication Good health practices Involvement in organized groups and religious practices Positive role models

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A further range of factors protecting young people from taking up smoking has been labelled developmental assets (Atkins, Oman, Vesely, Aspy & McLeroy, 2002). This group of researchers tested ten developmental assets: constructive family communication, positive peer role models, future aspirations, responsible choices, community involvement, cultural respect, good health practices, use of time in organized groups and religious activities, and role models other than their parents. Those young people who possessed at least nine of these assets were significantly less likely than those with low levels of assets to report smoking, even after controlling for age, race, gender, parental income and education, and family structure. These findings seem to indicate that these developmental assets protect young people from becoming involved in risky behaviours, particularly smoking.

6.2.3 Issues Around Sexuality 6.2.3.1 Sexual Activity A number of factors have been shown to affect the age at which young people have their first experience of sexual intercourse. Factors such as culture, demographic variables and wealth have been shown to have an impact (Bobakova, Geckova, Klein, Van Dijk, & Reijneveld, 2013). According to these Slovakian researchers the timing of the first sexual experience is critical for future sexual health. Having sex before the age of fifteen is associated with a greater likelihood of sexually-transmitted diseases (Hawes, Wellings & Stephenson, 2010), early pregnancy (Forhan, Gottlieb, Sternberg et  al., 2009), feeling regretful about the experience and having a  larger number of sexual partners in the future (Hawes et al.). In the study by Bobakova et al. peer influence and a lack of parental bonding and monitoring were the key predictors of early sexual initiation. According to a  2002 survey of American high school students (Auslander, Rosenthal &  Blythe, 2006), almost half of students aged between 15 and 19 were sexually active, with the percentage of sexually-active students aged between 18 and 19 rising to 70 percent. Fewer adolescents under 15 reported being involved in sexual activity, but around 20 percent reported having had sex before they turned 15. Mothers’ perceived approval of their adolescents’ sexual activity was related to unhealthy sexual activities in a sample of American Asian and Pacific Islanders (Hahm, Lee, Zerden, Ozonoff, Amodeo &  Adkins, 2008). Those who perceived their mothers as approving of their sexual activity were more likely to have engaged in sex before they turned 15, to have had multiple sex partners, to have paid for sex and to have contracted an STD. The quality of parental communication with their adolescents about sexuality along with high quality parent-child relationships tends to promote healthy sexual behaviour. Adolescents from close families where parents monitor adolescents’ behaviour, talk openly about sexuality and make their adolescent aware of their disapproval of early sexual involvements (what might be called authoritative families)



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are more likely than those from controlling or permissive families to delay sexual activity and to protect themselves from the possibility of teenage pregnancy or sexually transmitted diseases (Auslander et al., 2006; Bobokova et al., 2013; Sieving, McNeely & Blum, 2000). The better communication adolescents have with their parents about their everyday lives, the more likely they are to discuss contraception or risks such as STDs with a partner before having sex for the first time (Ryan, Franzetta, Manlove & Holcombe, 2007). Perhaps the communication skills they learn in interaction with their parents enable them to raise such sensitive issues with a partner (see Chapter 4). The  evidence is that the prevalence of sexually-transmitted diseases among adolescents is steadily increasing whether the focus is on Chlamydia and gonorrhoea or on HIV/AIDS (Mule et al., 2009).

6.2.3.2 Sex Education and Contraception Two of the crucial areas around sexuality for parents of adolescents, as they have always been, are concerns about conception and concerns about infection. These concerns are only magnified by the failure of many sexually-active young people to use contraception, and the problem of sexually-transmitted diseases. Whereas adolescent males in particular report little communication about sex from parents, the messages they do receive tend to focus on abstinence and contraception (Epstein &  Ward, 2008). Messages from peers and the media, on the other hand, tend to encourage sexual exploration. The desperate nature of the sexual activity often shown in movies and TV series would not encourage adolescents to stop and do something about contraception, or even to think about whether they really want to have sex. If young people felt free to discuss issues around sexual activity with their parents there would presumably be fewer adolescents ignorant about this important issue. The prevalence of teenage births (that is, not counting abortions etc.) is particularly high in the United States, compared with other developed countries. The US teenage birth rate is about nine times higher than in other European countries such as The Netherlands, Sweden and Switzerland, triple the rate in Canada and one and a halftimes that in the UK (Pazol, Warner, Gavin, Callaghan et al, 2011). Religious factors also play a part, with conservatively religious adolescents and those who feel guilty about having sex being less likely to be sexually active but also less likely to use contraception if they do have sex (Bearman & Bruckner, 2001; Miller & Gur, 2002). Being the firstborn in the family and being consistently involved in religious activities distinguished those who had not had sex by age 21 in a large NZ study, particularly for men (Paul, Fitzjohn, Eberhart-Phillips, Herbison & Dickson (2000). For women, other factors seem to come into play, such as not being in love enough, fear of pregnancy and moral and religious beliefs (Sprecher & Regan, 1996). Parent religiosity also plays a  part, with frequent parental attendance at religious activities and encouragement of family religious activities related to later onset of sexual activity.

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6.2.3.3 Pregnancy and Childbearing Although it seems clear that more than one and a half million pregnancies are avoided each year because of young people using contraception (Kahn, Brindis & Glei, 1999) studies have shown that around 20 to 30 per cent of young people report not using contraception the last time they had sex (Coleman, 1999, Hogan et al., 2000). As noted earlier, rates of teenage pregnancy are substantially higher in the USA than in other industrialized countries and this seems to be a  result of American adolescents not using contraception regularly or effectively (Darroch, Singh & Frost, 2001), the sexsaturation of American media, the way non marital sex is presented as exciting and titillating (Jones et al., 1987) and the failure of the media to deal effectively with the issue of contraception (Westoff, 1988), or presenting it as “a necessary but disagreeable responsibility” (Carpenter, 2001, p.47). Although adolescents who reported wanting to avoid pregnancy were more likely to use contraception when having sex than those who were not trying to avoid pregnancy, only about half of the sex engaged in by the former group was protected by contraception (Bartz, Shew, Offner, & Fortenberry (2007). These findings seem to suggest a  lack of understanding of the importance of contraception to avoiding pregnancy and disease or reflect the adolescent stage of brain development, where it is difficult to make considered decisions in social situations with peers (see Chapter 1).

6.2.4 Conduct Disorder, Antisocial Behaviour, Aggression and Delinquency 6.2.4.1 Conduct Disorder Conduct disorder is a  repetitive and persistent pattern of behaviour in which the individual ignores and even flouts the basic rights of others by hurting them or their property. It can also involve violating the socially appropriate rules for one’s own age group, such as rules about drinking alcohol, driving a car or truanting from school (Flannery, Hussey, Biebelhausen &  Wester, 2003). Although in the minority, it is indicated that at any particular time, between 6 and 16 percent of adolescent males and between 2 and 9 percent of adolescent girls have a diagnosis of conduct disorder (Farrington, 1994). Whereas girls tend to have low levels of conduct problems that are stable over time, boys tend to have either high levels of conduct problems that are stable over time or decreasing levels of conduct problems (Maughan, Pickles, Rowe, Costello &  Angold, 2000). Conduct disorder generally follows from oppositional defiant disorder (ODD), with such symptoms as temper tantrums and defiant, irritable and argumentative behaviour (Hinshaw, Lahey & Hart, 1993). Obviously these kinds of behaviours are likely to have a negative impact on the small number of families likely to be affected. There is evidence that particular styles of parenting can help youths engaged in antisocial behaviour to change. Parenting that is characterized by monitoring of peer contacts so that interactions with deviant peers are minimized, and that involves the



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setting of firm limits, consistent consequences for inappropriate behaviour, close supervision of youth activities and positive interactions between the youths and those caring for them can make a real difference to the lives of young people and even lead to the young person decreasing their antisocial behaviour (Eddy & Chamberlain, 2000).

6.2.4.2 Aggression and Antisocial Behaviour Aggression is defined as behaviour that intentionally harms another person (Coie & Dodge, 1998; Farrington, 2004). Such aggression can be physical (such as hitting), verbal (such as calling names or putting down) or psychological (intimidating, or causing fear or distress). Behaviour such as bullying could involve all three of these aspects of aggression. While bullying is fairly common in elementary school, it tends to decrease through high school (Farrington, 2004). Whereas some have argued that aggression is a stable personality trait (e.g., Olweus, 1979), others suggest that children learn aggressive scripts through the pattern of rewards and punishments in their families and that these scripts are then played out in their relationships in other contexts (Huesmann & Eron, 1989). With the introduction of the internet and social sites such as YouTube and Facebook, and the prevalence of mobile phones with cameras, an  alarming trend has developed, at least in Australia, with peers photographing incidents of bullying and then putting the photos on the internet for all to see. The danger is that aggression in children and adolescents tends to evoke negative parenting, and this negative parenting, including hostility, harshness, neglectfulness, rejection and conflict can lead to adolescent antisocial behaviour (Herrenkohl, Maguin, Hill, Hawkins, Abbot, & Catalano, 2000; Narusyte, Andershed, Neiderhiser &  Lichtenstein, 2007; Shaw, Gilliom, Ingoldsby, &  Nagin, 2003). There is clear evidence that parental negativity precedes changes in adolescent antisocial behaviour (Burt, Donnellan, Iacono & McGue, 2011; Burt, McGue, Krueger, & Iacono, 2005; Morgado &Vale-Dias, 2013; Neiderhiser, Reiss, Hetherington & Plomin, 1999). In other words, parental negativity seems likely to cause the development of antisocial behaviour in at least some children and adolescents. Antisocial behaviour can involve such behaviours as lying or underage alcohol consumption to more serious behaviours such as animal cruelty, theft and assault (Murgado &  Vale-Dias, 2013). Many different factors can contribute to antisocial behaviour, including individual characteristics, social environment and family characteristics. In a study using a large Spanish sample of secondary-school students (Jaureguizar, Ibabe &  Straus), positive family relationships were related to more prosocial and less violent actions towards parents, whereas antisocial and criminal behaviour were positively related to violence towards parents. These three variables, including negative family relationships were also related to violence against teachers, illustrating that the effect of family relationships goes way beyond the home.

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6.2.4.3 Delinquency Delinquency is “a legal term defined as criminal behaviour committed by minors” (Flannery et al., 2003, p.502). Delinquent behaviours include theft, robbery, burglary, violence of various kinds, vandalism and drug use; in short, any acts prohibited by the criminal code (Farrington, 2004). Studies in both the U.K. (Farrington, 1989) and in the USA (Loeber, Farrington, Stouthamer-Loeber, Moffitt, &  Caspi, 1998) have shown that self-reported delinquency predicts later convictions and court referrals. In other words, adolescent delinquency can set young people on a criminal trajectory, although fortunately many will cease delinquent behaviour before reaching adulthood (Stouthamer-Loeber, Wei, Loeber & Masten, 2004). Predictors of delinquent behaviour at a young age include having authoritarian parents, being troublesome at school and truanting, rarely spending leisure time with the father, being in a peer group that engaged in delinquency and being poorly supervised by parents (Farrington & Hawkins, 1991; Loeber, et al., 1998). Personality characteristics that predict delinquent behaviour include impulsiveness, physical aggression, being oppositional, defiant and hyperactive (Farrington & Hawkins, 1991; Loeber et al., 1998). What these findings consistently show is that authoritative parenting, appropriate levels of monitoring, being engaged with children and adolescents and assisting them to regulate their emotions protects young people from becoming involved in a range of problematic behaviours. In other words, positive parenting and a caring family environment promote healthy adolescent development.

6.3 Internalizing Behaviours 6.3.1 Depression Research findings suggest that about 3 to 8 percent of adolescents are likely to suffer from depression while still in school and that about 20 percent will have experienced a depressive episode by the time they are 18 (Lewinsohn, Rohde, Seeley & Fischer, 1993). In addition, a lot of adolescents experience symptoms of depression that are not serious enough to be diagnosed, but that nevertheless can have an  impact on both their present and later well-being. Before the onset of puberty, both boys and girls are equally likely to experience depression (Nolen-Hoeksema & Girgus, 1994), but around the age of 15, girls become much more likely to experience depression than boys (Hankin, Abramson, Moffitt, Silva et al., 1998), although the reasons do not seem to be well understood. Depressed adolescents tend to come from homes where there is a lot of conflict and distress (Seroczynski, Jacquez & Cole, 2003), or from divorced or father-absent homes (Shiner & Marmorstein, 1998). A number of family-related factors affect the likelihood that an  adolescent will become depressed, including parental depression, coercive



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family processes, absence of supportive and facilitative interactions, depressive or pessimistic thinking styles, ineffective problem-solving skills and lack of skills for dealing with emotion (Sheeber, Hops &  Davis, 2001). In fact, family relationships tend to be better predictors of adolescent depression than are relationships with peers (McFarlane, Bellissimo, Norman & Lange, 1994; Sheeber, et al., 2001). It seems likely that parenting behaviour is a  major way that parental psychopathology, marital problems, negative life events and financial hardship come to be linked to depression in children and adults (Sheeber et al., 2001; see Table 6.3). It makes sense that parents who are struggling with such issues as marital conflict or financial difficulties will lack the energy and the will to parent effectively. Good parenting takes both time and energy. In a  recent study (Lewis, Collishaw, Thapar &  Harold, 2013) the researchers found that mother-daughter hostility was a  strong predictor of adolescent depression, and that this effect was both longitudinal and reciprocal. In other words earlier hostility predicted later depression, and both mothers and daughters were affected, suggesting an increasingly destructive family environment for both mothers and daughters. In contrast, depressive symptoms displayed by daughters increased father hostility toward that daughter, but the effects were not reciprocal. There was evidence, however, in the part of the study that involved twins, of a genetic component to the depressive symptoms. In a study of the effects of positive and negative family emotional climate on the internalizing disorders (depression and anxiety) of adolescents (Luebbe & Bell, 2013), there was evidence that in a  family environment in which maternal psychological control was high, adolescents were more likely to experience anxiety and depression and this link was mediated by negative emotion. On the other hand, in a  family environment where mothers were not very warm and little positive emotion was expressed or experienced, adolescents were more likely to be depressed. In another study of family functioning and adolescent internalizing disorders using a  longitudinal prospective design (Sheidow, Henry, Tolan &  Strachan, 2013), the researchers found that family functioning was the mediator of the association between stress from daily hassles and internalizing symptoms such as depression. Their measure of family functioning involved assessing both family relationships and family functioning. Thus, it seems that where adolescents are subject to frequent stress, problematic family functioning predicts depression and anxiety. In a  study of Mexican adolescents (Gil-Rivas, Greenberger, Chen, Lopez-Lena, 2003), gender (that is, being female), having a perception that one has experienced many stressful life events, and having a tendency to ruminate about those stresses were related to being more depressed. On the other hand, lower levels of depression were related to higher levels of perceived warmth and acceptance from parents, as well as higher levels of parental monitoring. Thus both family factors and individual factors seem to contribute to depression in adolescents. In addition, where parental warmth and acceptance were at high levels, adolescents were less likely to ruminate on their problems.

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Table 6.3: Risk and Protective Factors Related to Depression Risk factors

Protective factors

High levels of family conflict

Supportive family interactions

Divorce or father absence

Effective problem-solving skills

Parental depression

Skills for dealing with emotion

Coercive family processes

Authoritative parenting

Pessimistic thinking styles

Self-confidence in ability to make decisions

Negative life events

Age-appropriate autonomy

Financial hardship

6.3.1.1 Effects of Parental Depression There is evidence that depressed mothers are more aggressive than other mothers in family interactions in the laboratory and at home, and that their children tend to be more irritable, particularly when the mother is also unhappy with her marriage (Hops et al., 1987). Adolescents who have parents with a history of depression tend to report more symptoms of depression after experiencing a stressful life event than adolescents whose parents are not prone to depression (Bouma, Ormel, Verhulst, & Oldehinkel, 2008), and this effect seems to be stronger for girls, perhaps because they tend to be more sensitive to stress. The likelihood that adolescents whose parents have a history of depression will also become depressed is affected by the amount of family conflict (Davies & Windle, 1997) and by the temperament of the adolescent (Ormel et al., 2005) (see also Chapter 3).

6.3.1.2 Coercive Family Processes As would be expected given the findings of Lewis et al. (2013) reported earlier, both depressed adolescents and their mothers describe their family interactions as more conflicted, more negative and involving more openly-expressed anger than is true for non-depressed adolescents (Sheeber & Sorensen, 1998), although it is not always clear whether the depression precedes the coercive family processes or the other way around. In addition, less supportive and more conflictual family environments produce increased depressive symptoms concurrently and up to a year later (Kendler et  al., 2002; Reinherz et al. 2002; Sheeber, Hops, Alpert, Davis &  Andrews, 1997). When parents are hostile to their children and use harsh discipline, the risk of those children developing internalising disorders such as depression and anxiety is increased (Conger, Ge, Elder, Lorenz & Simons, 1994; Sheeber et al.,1997). In a  study designed to test the association between genetic factors and family conflict in predicting depression in children and adolescents Rice et al. (Rice, Harold, Shelton & Thapar, 2006) found that the effect of being at genetic risk for depression



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was particularly strong when the family environment was high in conflict. In other words, adolescents living in high conflict families with a  history of depression are particularly likely to become depressed themselves. These findings are also in line with those of Lewis et al. (2013). Rice et al. (2013) suggest that interventions that involve the family are most likely to be of help to young people living in this type of family.

6.3.1.3 Supportive and Facilitative Interactions Contented adolescents seem to live in family environments that are higher in terms of nurturance and support than the environments experienced by depressed young people (Sheeber &  Sorensen, 1998). Mothers of contented adolescents tend to be helpful and cooperative with their adolescents during problem-solving discussions. According to Sheeber et al. (2001) one of the most widely-reported findings about adolescent depression is that the more support and approval provided to the adolescent and the more secure their attachment to parents, the less likely they are to become depressed.

6.3.1.4 Life Skills and Depression Life skills tend to be learned in the family and include having an optimistic rather than a negative way of thinking about oneself and the world (Seligman, 1991), being able to solve problems effectively and being able to control one’s emotions. When mothers are very critical of their adolescents, the adolescents are more likely to develop a negative view of themselves (Jaenicke et  al., 1987). In addition, fathers’ critical statements tend to be related to adolescents’ self-denigrating comments during problem-solving discussions (Hamilton, Asarnow &  Thompson, 1999). In other words, both parents contribute to the development of depression in adolescents, if they are very critical. In an  observational study, when mothers responded to adolescent aggression with aggression or were seen to suppress their aggression in response to adolescents’ distress, the adolescents were more likely to suffer from a major depressive disorder at a later time (Allen, Hauser, O’Connor & Bell, 2002; Schwartz, Dudgeon, Sheeber, Yap, Simmons, 2011). As indicated in Chapter 4, it is evident that families that engage in constructive problem-solving teach their adolescents to deal with conflict in positive ways and protect them against the onset of depression. Parents who tend to control their adolescents by inducing guilt or a  strong sense of responsibility for others are also likely to increase the probability that their adolescents will become depressed (Donenberg &  Weisz, 1998; Garber, Robinson & Valentine, 1997). On the other hand, where parents and adolescents have very supportive relationships, adolescents are more likely to develop higher self-esteem and a greater confidence in their ability to cope (Hoeltje, Zubrick, Silburn & Garton, 1996).

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A second aspect of life skills is problem-solving. When parents are authoritarian in their approach to their children and adolescents, their adolescents are likely to have fewer opportunities than others to develop age-appropriate autonomy, especially if their participation in family decision-making is also limited, with consequent increases in depression (Allen, Hauser, Eickholt, Bell &  O’Connor, 1994). The older the adolescents are, the more likely that having limited autonomy and little say in family decision-making will increase their risk of depression (Kobak & Ferenz-Gillies, 1995) because they have less opportunity to develop selfconfidence in their ability to deal with problems that arise. (see Chapter 4 for more discussion of decision-making). Depressed adolescents also seem to have a quite limited repertoire of strategies for managing negative effect. In addition, the strategies they have tend to be less effective and they often fail to make use of those strategies because of their low expectations for success (Garber, Braafladt, &  Weiss, 1995). For example, they are less likely to use positive strategies such as problem-solving or reframing, and more likely to use avoidance responses (like running away from the situation) or ruminating (going over and over the issue in their heads). There is also evidence that during parentadolescent interactions, depressed adolescents maintain negative mood states longer than other adolescents (Sheeber, Allen, Davis & Sorensen, 2000). As we have noted earlier in this volume, adolescents have to face and resolve a number of developmental tasks or challenges, and “successful negotiation of each task results in a healthier psychological system better prepared to meet the demands of the next developmental challenge” (Seroczynski et  al., 2003, p.552). According to these authors, depression could be seen as an  unsuccessful response to these developmental challenges; that is, giving up rather than persevering with difficult challenges.

6.3.2 Self-harm and Suicide According to the Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (2013), suicide is the third most common cause of death in adolescents and young adults, at least in the USA. Tynan (2013) argues that many suicides are not recognized as such, but are seen as accidents suggesting that the situation is even worse than the statistics suggest. Adolescents who deliberately harm themselves by such behaviours as cutting their wrists or taking an overdose of drugs are less likely than other adolescents to report having good communication with family members or feeling understood by them (Shaffer, Gould, Fisher, Trautman et al., 1996). In a large sample of 15 and 16 year old high school students in England, about 7 percent reported that they had deliberately harmed themselves during the previous year, whereas another15 percent had thoughts about hurting themselves but did not do anything (Hawton, Rodham,



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Evans & Weatherall, 2002). In the same sample, the number of adolescents who felt that they needed help because of their problems but did nothing about getting that help was greatest in those who had harmed themselves at least once (Evans, Hawton & Rodham, 2005). Another characteristic of this group was that they tended to avoid rather than deal with issues in their lives. As we have discussed above, not being able to deal with problems as they arise is an  important predictor of depression, especially for adolescents from authoritarian families who have had little opportunity to develop the necessary problem-solving skills (Evans et al., 2005; Kobak & Ferenz-Gillies, 1995 In addition about a quarter of the young people who harm themselves think that their problems are not really serious (Evans et al., 2005). It may be that such adolescents need help in identifying and articulating their problems and in assessing how serious they really are (Saunders, Resnick, Hoberman & Blum, 1994). Being able to talk with their parents about their problems would help them articulate the issues and work through them. The problem with authoritarian families is that the parents are often rigid and unable to see alternative perspectives. It is also possible, of course, that the young people may be denying the very real problems that exist in their lives in order to avoid having to deal with them, and may also, through their past behaviour or because of family problems, have isolated themselves from possible sources of help (Evans et al., 2005). In an important study into the link between problem-solving skills and suicide attempts, Dour, Cha and Nock (2011) tested the impact of the interaction of emotion reactivity and cognition on suicide attempts in a sample of adolescents and young adults. These researchers found that young people’s levels of problem-solving skills affected whether they would react to a  highly emotion-inducing event by making a  suicide attempt. For those with poor problem-solving skills, their emotional reactivity was strongly associated with the probability of a suicide attempt, and for those with average problem-solving skills, their emotional reactivity was moderately associated with the probability of a  suicide attempt. On the other hand, there was no association between emotional reactivity and suicide attempts for those who had learned good problem-solving skills in their families. Nonsuicidal self-harm has been shown to be a  better predictor of suicide than a  previous suicide attempt (Wilkinson, Kelvin, Roberts, Dubicka &  Goodyer, 2011). Brent (2011) argues that for this reason, self-harm needs to be taken more seriously by practitioners, especially when dealing with clinical adolescents, where the link is much greater than in community samples. Brent also points out that self-harm and suicide attempts have similar causes including low frustration tolerance, and a  tendency to engage in self-critical cognitions along with a  sense of hopelessness and high levels of suicide ideation (Wilkinson et al.). Parents would also seem to have a  role here, in taking self-harming seriously and helping their adolescents talk about their issues. Given that self-critical comments are likely to be a result of

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negative parenting, interactions with disturbed young people will need to be high on affirmation and low on criticism. Although suicide and suicide attempts can be a result of psychiatric illness, family factors have also been implicated. A number of recent studies have found an association between family dysfunction and depression and suicidal behaviour (Gould et al, 2003; Hurd &  Noller, 2012; Kuhlberg et  al., 2010). In the Hurd and Noller (2012) study, most depressed or self-harming adolescents reported receiving low levels of care in their families. Many of the clinical adolescents reported that the parenting they received was low in care and high in control (generally described as affectionless control). The lack of care reported by these adolescents could mean that they are unlikely to receive the support, guidance, and appropriate limits they need in order to be able to negotiate autonomy at an age-appropriate level. According to Sheeber et al. (2001), parenting behaviours are important because it is through parents’ interactions with their offspring that psychopathology, marital problems, negative life events and financial hardships come to be linked to depression in children and adults. Factors such as separation from a  parent or a  family divorce have already been mentioned as risk factors for depression, but they are also risk factors for suicidal behaviour, with about 50 per cent of suicidal adolescents coming from divorced or single-parent families (Allberg, 1990). Nevertheless, patterns of family functioning and family psychopathology are even more important than family structure (Wannan & Fombonne, 1998). It is possible that the trauma and distress of separation and divorce lead to destructive patterns of family functioning as well as parental depression and substance abuse. For example, there is some evidence that the families of suicidal adolescents tend to involve a lack of cohesiveness (Sheftall, Mathias, Furr & Dougherty, 2013) along with conflict, chaos and unpredictability (Robbins, 1998). As Hurd and Noller (2012) found, these families are also often low in affection and enjoyment (Stillion & McDowell, 1996). Another relevant family factor is a lack of paternal attachment (Sheftall et al. 2013) as well as a  history of childhood sexual or physical abuse (Robbins, 1998), often because abused adolescents develop psychiatric illnesses such as depression in response to the abuse (Bayapour, Wells & Holoford, 1992). It also seems clear that child maltreatment is a strong predictor of adolescent suicide and self-harming, whether this maltreatment is sexual, physical, emotional or involves neglect (Miller, Esposito-Smythers, Weismoore & Renshaw. 2013). These researchers found that the links between these different forms of maltreatment and suicidal behaviour were maintained even when controls for demographic and family-related variables were included. Interestingly, there was also evidence that the different forms of child maltreatment are independently associated with suicidal behaviour with sexual and emotional abuse making the strongest contribution.



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6.3.3 Eating Disorders There are a number of eating disorders to which adolescents are prone, including the well-known anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, binge-eating disorder and obesity. In a study carried out in the USA (Hudson, Hiripi, Pope & Kessler, 2007), 9% of females in the sample were affected by anorexia nervosa, 1.5% were affected by bulimia nervosa and 3.5% were diagnosed with binge eating issues. For males, the figures were much lower. Other researchers suggest that the likelihood of developing serious eating disorders is much lower. For example, Vedul-Kjelsas (2005) claims that anorexia nervosa is generally lower than 1 percent, that bulimia nervosa also occurs in just over 1 percent, and that binge-eating disorder occurs in about 1.5 percent. Given the discrepancy between these figures and those for USA presented earlier, it seems that the prevalence of serious eating disorders depends on the population being studied. It is also clear that girls are much more likely to develop eating disorders than boys. According to (Beato-Fernandez, Rodrigues-Cano, Belmonto-Llario & Martinez-Delgado, 2004) girls are up to seven times more likely than boys to develop a pathological dissatisfaction with their bodies, perhaps as mentioned earlier, because of the emphasis on thinness in the media and the frequent use of skinny models by advertisers (Garner, 1997). Another factor according to Manley and Leichner (2003) is a loss of voice by young women. They suggest that girls may be socialized to meet the needs of others, but are less able to identify and express their own emotions in helpful ways. A number of individual and family factors have been associated with the development of eating disorders, including early eating disturbances (Kotler, Cohen, Davies & Walsh, 2001), over-concern about weight and shape (Killen, Taylor, Hayward, Haydel et al., 1996), perfectionism and negative emotion (Tyrka, Waldron, Graber & Brooks-Gunn, 2002), low self-esteem, perceived lack of social support, use of escape-avoidance coping, and preoccupation with being thin (Beato-Fernandez et  al., 2004; The  McKnight Investigators, 2003). All of these factors are associated with an increased risk of developing an eating disorder, with the disorder likely to last for six or more years (Manley &  Leichner, 2003), presuming the teenager lives that long. In an  Australian study exploring the influence of parental modelling and encouragement on dieting and body dissatisfaction (Wertheim, Martin, Prior, Sanson & Smart, 2002), mothers and fathers and sons and daughters were included in the sample. These researchers found that parental encouragement was a more important influence on the dieting behaviour of adolescents than was parental modelling. In addition, these researchers found no selective pressures related to sex of parent or sex of child. “Mothers and fathers were equally likely to be described as encouraging their child, and sons and daughters were equally likely to be encouraged by their parents to lose weight” (p.329). A worrying aspect of their findings was that adolescents whose parents were encouraging them to lose weight were more likely to be dissatisfied with

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their bodies and to value thinness, although this kind of pressure was mostly, but not always, applied to larger children. These issues are concerning in a  culture where there are high levels of obesity and there is a lot of emphasis in the media on losing weight. In terms of family factors, childhood difficulties and maladaptive parenting behaviour on the part of fathers have also been implicated (Johnson, Cohen, Kasen & Brook, 2002). Having an unsatisfactory relationship with one’s parents, disliking one’s mother, perceiving one’s parents as not loving enough, or believing that one is ignored by them (Beato-Fernandez et  al., 2004) are all factors related to the development of eating disorders. In the Beato-Fernandez study, 13-year old girls who were dissatisfied with their body (shape and weight) and felt that they were not loved enough by their mothers were three times more likely than other adolescent girls to develop an eating disorder in the next two years. In fact, these authors claim that dissatisfaction with their bodies is the most important factor for predicting eating disorders. Parents may not realise how much their comments about the weight or shape of their adolescent daughter, however subtle, can have a serious impact on those young people. Lampi, Agus and Cacciarru (2013) explored the effects of family functioning on the likelihood of developing an eating disorder. They focused on individual factors such as the desire for thinness, dissatisfaction with one’s body and family factors such as levels of cohesion and adaptability (Olson et al., 1983) in the family and levels of care and protection from parents. These researchers found that affectionless control (in other words, low levels of parental affection combined with high levels of control) was related to the development of eating disorders. Lack of family cohesion was also found to play an important role in the development of discontent with body image. Holtom, Viesel and Allan (2013) carried out a systematic review of the literature on family functioning and eating disorders where families with an adolescent with an eating disorder were compared with a control group. They found that families with an eating-disordered adolescent were more likely to report family dysfunction than control families but these researchers were unable to identify a particular pattern of family dysfunction that predominated in these families. In addition they were not able to find a consistent link between a particular family issue and a particular type of eating disorder. Marcos, Sebastian, Aubalat, Austin and Treasure (2012) carried out a  metaanalysis of studies on peer and family influences in eating disorders. One interesting aspect of the study was that they included studies involving both boys and girls. They found that both family and peers had a significant impact on dieting behaviour and body dissatisfaction for boys as well as girls although there were gender differences in the impact of peers. Girls were more influenced by peers with regard to dieting behaviours than were boys. Vincent and McCabe (2000) argued that girls are more likely to talk about personal issues such as dieting and weight loss than are boys. In addition, boys are not so influenced by the ideal of thinness that is promoted by the fashion industry and the media generally. Increased levels of maternal and paternal

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caring, and of family cohesion and adaptability (flexibility) lessened the risk of developing an eating disorder. Nevertheless it is concerning that both boys and girls are susceptible to developing eating disorders even though girls are the major focus of research. It seems that there is a progression in the development of eating disorders. For example, an over-concern about eating, weight and body shape in combination with low self-esteem can lead to strict dieting, even trying to follow rigid and unrealistic diets. Failure to keep to such a regime is likely to be interpreted by the young person as an inability to control eating and make them vulnerable to binge-eating. Then, to compensate for the binge-eating, they are likely to get involved in the vomiting and purging (by using laxatives) that are a feature of bulimia-nervosa. The binge-eating can then increase their over-concern about eating, weight and body-shape, and lead to even greater restrictions on eating and a progression to anorexia nervosa, a condition that can be fatal (Byrne &  McLean, 2002; Decaluwe &  Braet, 2005, Fairburn, Stice, Cooper, Doll et al., 2003). It is interesting to note that childhood obesity is also a risk factor for bulimia-nervosa and binge-eating disorder (Decaluwe & Braet, 2005). One important concern about eating disorders is that those who suffer from eating disorders suffer from deep psychological pain (Manley & Leichner, 2003). For example, self-harming thoughts and behaviours such as self-mutilation and suicide attempts are common among those with eating disorders. Anorexia nervosa has the highest rate of death, partly because of increased risk of suicide and partly because of complications caused by severe malnutrition (Garner, 1997; Mitchell, Pomeroy &  Adson, 1997). On the positive side, there are now, certainly in Australia, and presumably in other Western countries, effective programs that help young people deal with eating disorders, with psychologists, medical doctors and nutritionists involved.

6.4 Summary Many young people become involved with alcohol and illegal drugs. Although alcohol problems are more common than drug problems and are related to many serious issues such as assaults, car accidents and criminal activities, parents tend to worry more about illicit drugs, and don’t always demand responsible behaviour from their adolescents with regard to alcohol. When parents do apply strict rules about alcohol, adolescent use tends to be lower. Peer encouragement of involvement in substance abuse leads to higher levels of use and increasing use of drugs over time. Substance abuse may negatively impact an adolescent’s ability to deal with the developmental tasks that need to be negotiated at this stage of life. Adolescents who engage in problem-drinking are more likely to come from families with an  alcoholic parent, and tend to be involved in drug-use and other delinquent activities. Alcohol tends to be the starting point for drug abuse

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and adolescents may then move on to cannabis and other illegal drugs. Risk factors for drug abuse include poor or inconsistent parenting, emotional and behavioural problems and being involved in a peer group where drug abuse is prevalent. The primary concern about the approximately 25 percent of young people who smoke is the serious health consequences of the habit. Only weak and inconsistent links have been found between parent smoking and adolescent smoking, but stronger links are evident between the smoking of siblings and peers and adolescent smoking. Adolescent smokers have been found to score significantly higher on measures of psychological dysfunction, particularly impulsiveness, than non-smoking adolescents. Having parents with anti-smoking attitudes is a  protective factor, decreasing the likelihood that an adolescent will smoke. Almost half of young people between 15 and 19 yrs are sexually active, and by 18 or 19 yrs, 70 percent of young people are likely to be involved in sexual relationships. Parents are concerned about their adolescents being involved in sexual activity because of the risks of infection and conception, particularly since young people do not always use contraception. In addition, parents and adolescents seem to be unaware of the extent of the STD problem, even though about a quarter of American adolescents contract a  sexually-transmitted disease before they finish high school. Adolescents from authoritative families are more likely than those from controlling or permissive families to delay sexual activity and to use contraception if they do get involved in a sexual relationship. Involvement in religious activity decreases the likelihood of early involvement in sexual activity. About 20 percent of adolescents are likely to suffer from depression, some while still in high school. Girls are more likely than boys to experience depression particularly post puberty. Factors affecting the chance that adolescents will become depressed include a  range of family factors such as high levels of conflict, divorce and father-absence, parental depression, coercive family processes and lack of basic social skills such as problem-solving and emotion regulation. It seems likely that parenting behaviour is the main mechanism for transmitting depression from parent to adolescent. Although girls are more likely to make suicide attempts and engage in self-harming behaviours, boys are more likely to die as a result of a suicide attempt because they use more lethal methods such as firearms. Those young people who attempt suicide are more likely to avoid rather than deal with issues and less likely to seek help for their problems. Although suicide attempts can be the result of the challenges of adolescence, family factors are also implicated. Such families are likely to be high in conflict, low in cohesiveness, warmth and enjoyment and somewhat chaotic. Some adolescents are prone to eating disorders such as bulimia, anorexia nervosa, binge-eating and obesity. Individual and family factors associated with eating disorders include over-concern about weight and shape, perfectionism and negative emotions, low self-esteem and perceived lack of social support. Family factors such as level of care by parents and the levels of cohesion in the family are also



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important. Females are most at risk of developing eating disorders, and unsatisfying relationships with parents have also been implicated. There seems to be a progression in the development of eating disorders from strict dieting, to binge-eating to bulimia to anorexia nervosa. A minority of adolescents become involved in illegal behaviour that hurts others and others’ property. Current examples include throwing rocks from an  overpass onto the cars below, gate-crashing parties and engaging in violent behaviour, smashing letterboxes as people’s homes are passed, and stealing and damaging cars. A lot of this behaviour is fuelled by alcohol. Parents who set firm limits, provide consistent consequences for bad behaviour and who provide adequate monitoring and supervision are less likely to have adolescents who engage in such antisocial behaviour. Of course, aggressive adolescents can evoke negative parenting behaviour but the evidence is that negative parenting tends to precede antisocial behaviour and is the adolescent’ response to that type of parenting.

6.5 Implications for Practitioners Given that the family, and particularly parents, are critical to the development of problem behaviour in adolescents, a  family approach to dealing with these issues seems important. Parents are likely to need help to develop a  parenting style that is authoritative and that shows loving concern for the adolescent, and sets limits at the same time as allowing the age-appropriate level of autonomy and independence to the adolescent. Learning this style of parenting seems crucial to dealing with the various problems that adolescents can come up against. With regard to alcohol and drug abuse, parents may need help to understand the risks of alcohol abuse in young people and demand responsible behaviour from them. Parents may also need to examine their own behaviour in terms of their own drinking, and also in terms of the behaviour that they are modelling for their offspring. The young people, themselves, may need help with their emotional problems so that the need for drugs is not so strong. Some monitoring of peer groups may also be important as peers, including siblings, have an impact on the likelihood that an adolescent will become involved in illegal drug use. In terms of smoking, a whole family approach seems necessary, given that there are stronger links between sibling and peer smoking than parent smoking. Adolescents might also need help to deal with such personality problems as impulsiveness that seems to be related to smoking. Having the level of self-esteem that allows young people to say “No” to offers of illicit drugs is also important. Being able to say “No” may be the only protection they have against peer pressure to engage in such illegal activities. Although it may be difficult in today’s climate to prevent early sexual activity in young people, there may be need for parents to set standards for their young people

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beyond the sex on first date culture that seems to dominate the young and often the movies and TV shows they watch. They also need to realise that conception and infection are important consequences of such activity. While these can be dealt with by encouraging the use of contraception, it is not the full answer. Young people seem to need more education about the risks of unprotected sex and about appropriate ways to deal with those risks. The  high levels of STDs in American adolescents suggest that help is needed. Parents with depressed adolescents are likely to need help to provide a  family environment that will be positive for their adolescents. Helping parents deal with their conflicts constructively so that these young people are not continually subjected to high levels of conflict between them would provide a more congenial environment. Encouraging them to have regular contact with absent fathers where that is appropriate and helping them to learn some basic life skills such as emotion-regulation and problem-solving should also help. Of course, if the depression is severe, adolescents may need anti-depressive medication or other types of psychiatric help. Learning life skills may also help them to deal more effectively with the challenges they face and less likely to attempt suicide. Various kinds of therapy and prevention programs have been tried with those with eating disorders, with varying levels of success (Manley &  Leichner, 2003). Treatment that deals with feelings of hopelessness or the faulty thinking that leads to the over-concern with body image and negative attitudes towards food and eating can be useful. Another aspect of treatment might be to help girls develop “a healthy scepticism toward media influences, including their oppressive effects with respect to promotion of harmful and unrealistic body shapes for women” (Manley & Leichner, 2003, p.34). It may also be important, given the family-related factors involved, for some form of family therapy, or at least family counselling, to be included in treatment (Manley &  Leichner, 2003; Wilson &  Shafran, 2005). Work on family meal patterns may also be important given that in families where meals are a  priority time, and meal-times are structured, there seem to be fewer problems involving extreme weightcontrol behaviours (Neumark-Sztainer, Wall, Story & Fulkerson, 2004). It may also be important for young people to develop their assertiveness skills so that they can learn to resist requests for them to become involved in inappropriate behaviours such as binge-drinking, using illicit drugs or engaging in unwanted sexual activity. When it comes to the point of adolescents being encouraged by peers to engage in such behaviours, being able to say “No” may be critical. The situation may be similar for such anti-social behaviours as vandalism, stealing cars or driving too fast. Many psychologists play down the importance of adolescents being taught to resist getting involved in inappropriate behaviours, but such an ability may save them from difficult situations and may even save their own or someone else’s life. In addition, young people who know how to resist such involvements can be trusted with more freedom than those who go along with that small group of young people who could be labelled “trouble-makers”.



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In this chapter we have explored the impact of parental behaviour and family environments on adolescents’ involvement in problem behaviours and the potential outcomes of those involvements. In the next chapter we explore the contexts in which adolescents leave the family home and live more independently of their parents’ guidance.

7 Leaving the Family In previous chapters we have explored family issues such as divorce and family environment that affect outcomes for adolescents. In this chapter we discuss some of the many contexts and reasons that adolescents may leave the family home. An important goal of parenting is to raise independent adults who can cope in society and live fruitful lives even after they leave home. Although only a minority of adolescents leave home in their teens, striving for independence and autonomy is central to this stage of life. Leaving home has been considered a  developmental indicator, as young people leave their families to live independently and establish their sense of independence and separateness from the family (Seiffge-Krenke, 2006). Late adolescence is particularly the time when many young people and their parents are thinking about adolescents’ future adult lives. The  circumstances and reasons that lead to adolescents leaving the home have multiple implications for the individual adjustment and development of the child, for the parents’ adjustment to the transition and for parent-child relationships (Hussong & Chassin, 2002).

7.1 Emerging Adulthood, Delayed Transitions and Leaving Home Pathways to independence have changed dramatically over the past several decades. Due to the changing workforce and government policy, adolescents’ expectations of leaving the parental home are often delayed until their mid twenties or longer. In Australia in 2001, 59% of all youth were living with parents, which is due in part to the trend toward longer education and the delay in first marriage and financial independence (Australian Bureau of Statistics website). Many adolescents are financially dependent on their parents, and often children do not become fully financially independent until their mid to late twenties (Schneider, 2000). As mentioned in Chapter 2, there is more ambiguity around the transition between adolescence and adulthood than was true for previous generations (Arnett, 2000). Arnett (2000) indicates that emerging adults are unique in that their current life stage is the least able to be categorised. For most age groups there is a  lot of variability and therefore few generalisations can be made about what is happening in individuals’ lives, in terms of whether they are at school, married or have children. Living arrangements are a  key component of the diversity for emerging adults. For example, living arrangements for this age group can be, living as a married couple, cohabiting, living in shared households or college dormitories, or living at home, or a mixture of several arrangements and, of course, moving in and out of the family home (Arnett, 2000; 2004). Given the changes that have occurred, many families live in this transition period with their late adolescent/emerging adult for an  unspecified time. The  timing of adolescents’ independent living arrangements is also affected by family functioning, © 2014 Patricia Noller, Sharon Atkin This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License.



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family stability, social class and ethnicity (Seiffge-Krenke, 2006). It appears that the patterns of children moving out of the family home become more predictable once they reach their mid twenties (Arnett, 2000). Whereas some young people stay in the family home while they complete their education, many leave home to live with friends or partners, or move to a college in a different city as tends to happen in the US. Family conflict and dysfunction can also drive young people to leave the family; in some cases, they may even leave to live on the streets (Pears & Noller, 1995). Although some adolescents may actively decide to move from the family home to cohabitation or marriage, others slide into these relationships (Stanley, Rhoades & Markman, 2006). In this day and age it is clear that the vast majority of young people cohabit before marriage; the implications of this situation for their future relational stability will be discussed later.

7.2 Family Structure and Leaving Home Adolescent boys and girls from single-parent families have been found to leave home early more often than those from two-parent families (Cooney & Mortimer, 1999) and girls from single-parent families are more likely to cohabit and to give birth outside of marriage (McLanahan & Bumpass, 1988; Miller, 2002). Also children of divorced parents and children living in families with a step-parent have been found to leave home earlier due to conflict within the home than do children whose parents do not divorce (Jansen, 2001). A decline in the quality of family relationships in step-parent families appears to be a  reason why children from these families leave earlier. The  finding that children living in stepfamilies leave home earlier has been supported in studies conducted in a number of western countries (e.g. Australia, New Zealand and Great Britain; Cartwright, 2005). Once children leave the homes of their stepfamilies they often have more distant patterns of engagement with those families. Young people from step-families who are living away from home tend to live further away from the family, have less frequent contact and give and receive less family support (White, 1994). Cartwright (2005) has pointed out that there are a number of important things that parents can do to decrease the likelihood of issues arising for their children when they want to bring a new partner into the home. Based on her interview study with children, parents and therapists, she suggest that: 1) parents develop the relationship slowly so that children can become used to the notion of a new family member; 2) parents ensure that they spend time alone with their children so that they see that their parent’s interest and concern for them has not changed; 3) the step-parent develops a relationship with the children and supports the parent’s discipline, rather than discipline themselves; and 4) the step-parent actively seek to avoid a  conflict with the child’s other parent and household. (See also Chapter 5)

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Adolescents receive more support from fathers when their parents remain married than do adolescents whose parents are not married to each other. Over time these adolescents from continually-married families report more satisfaction with their fathers after they themselves have left home than do those whose fathers are no longer married to their mothers (Levitt, Silver & Santos, 2007). Parental financial support is important for adolescents as they make the transition into emerging adulthood and independent living. Step-parents and the remarried natural parents of children tend to be less positive about providing financial support to their transitioning child or children than are continually married parents (Aquilino, 2005). Also, single parents are less likely to view financial support of their oldest adolescent positively, but this situation appears to change over time with single-parents becoming more positive about providing monetary resources to their children over time perhaps because their resources may improve over time. Aquilino (2005) found that step-parent families were more likely to give financial aid to the children of first marriages if they also had a biological child in common. As Aquilino suggests, this situation would be influenced by the perception or reality of limited resources that many single parents have, the poorer family relationships that often exist in stepfamilies and a  belief that the other biological parent has prime responsibility. Financial support can be crucial to young people and can be instrumental in their ability to continue their education. A lack of such support may drive them into the workforce before they are ready, a situation that could lessen their chances for future success (Aquilino, 1999).

7.3 Family Relationships and Leaving Home Adolescents who leave home at a  younger age usually do so because of problems within the family, and they are likely to experience greater adjustment problems than those who leave later in their development (Hussong & Chassin, 2002). Young people in their late teens and early 20’s have reported family conflict as a reason for moving to a cohabiting relationship with their partners (Sassler, 2004). Good relationships with parents are an important support that enables young women to avoid forming their own romantic relationship earlier than is desirable or experiencing a teen pregnancy (Amato, Landale, Havasevich-Brooks, Booth, Eggebeen, Schoen & McHale, 2008; see also Chapter 6). Levitt and colleagues (2007) found that support from parents was associated with positive relationships with parents after leaving home, particularly if young people were transitioning out of home to go to college. These positive relationships contributed to adolescent adjustment after the transition out of the family home as measured by self-esteem and mood (i.e. how depressed or unhappy the adolescents rated themselves). Adolescents whose parents provide them with less support as they



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move out of the family home may find the transition more difficult and experience poorer adjustment. Alcoholic parents often have difficulty in supporting their children’s development and transitions. Children of alcoholic parents are more likely to have difficulty leaving home and when they do, this process can involve more conflict and less likelihood of planning and discussion with parents. These children also tend to feel less positive about leaving home and are likely to have left home at a younger age than children of parents who were not alcoholic. Such adolescents may believe they cannot leave because their parents need their support or alternatively may not feel confident about managing this transition on their own without the support of their parents. On the other hand, some adolescents may leave early because of the need to escape the home environment (Hussong & Chassin, 2002).

7.4 Leaving Home for College Continuing education is currently seen as a positive direction for adolescents, so that they are assured of good future prospects (Amato et  al., 2008). Many adolescents leave home to attend college or university, especially in the USA. Although this can be an exciting time, such transitions also involve challenges and stress. These young people need to move to apartments, dormitories and other shared living environments, where they will have to be self-sufficient without the direct support of their families or usual social networks (Bernier, Larose & Whipple, 2005; Holmstrom, Karp & Gray, 2002). In an  interview study, Holmstrom and colleagues (2002) interviewed high school seniors from upper-middle class families, who were preparing to leave home for college. Although excited, these young people were not focused on academic expectations, but rather talked about their uncertainty and fears about the move. They raised issues around how they would cope with everyday tasks, such as laundry, budgeting, managing family ties and making new friends. Many held concerns about the attractiveness or otherwise of the campus, having to share with other students and leaving their own bedrooms at home. These adolescents spoke of enthusiasm for being away from parental control whilst at the same time being concerned their parents would not be there to look after them. Some students referred to the transition as a “test of independence” and expressed fears about being able to manage. The  necessity for ongoing support from parents was also raised by these young people. It appears that young people are ultimately aware they need to know their parents are there for them when they need advice. Beasley, Hackett and Maxwell (2004) compared the dietary habits of college students in the UK. They compared students who lived at home with those who lived independently. They found that the quality of the diet of adolescents living at home was likely to be worse than those living independently. Perhaps young people living

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at home have more financial resources through their parents to snack and consume convenience foods and takeaways. On the other hand, the young people living at home tended to smoke and drink alcohol less. Parents may see the monitoring and support of healthy behaviours in relation to smoking cigarettes and consuming alcohol as more important than worrying about their adolescents’ eating habits. Although leaving home for college to begin this phase of their independent lives can be seen as a  normal progression, many adolescents experience homesickness and distress. Adolescents who have secure family attachments may fare better during this transition than those who experience more insecure attachments with parents (Bernier et  al., 2005). The  quality of parent-adolescent relationships is of crucial importance to how well adolescents cope with leaving home, even when leaving involves undertaking what is generally considered a positive step.

7.5 Leaving Home for the Military Mayseless (2004) conducted a  study of 18-year-old males from Israel who were finishing high school and leaving home to perform their mandatory three-year military service. This transition can be stressful and is distinct from leaving home for college as there is no choice involved, either for parents or the adolescent males. While these adolescents were in the process of developing their attachment to friends and girlfriends, they still saw their parents as their main source of security. Mayseless found that young males who had a fear of abandonment reported poorer adjustment and young males who had a fear of closeness indicated better adjustment to this transition. She suggests that perhaps having a fear of closeness may be suited to military life, as in this situation emotion and seeking closeness is not expected, possibly quite the reverse. In another study of young males in Israel leaving home to commence their military service, Scharf, Mayseless &  Kivenson-Baron (2004) looked at the coping skills and development of the adolescents over time. These researchers looked at how the young men were coping with the transition from home, their development in mature relationships with peers and family and their confidence in their abilities and their individuality. Young men who were secure, or confident in themselves and their relationships, coped better with basic training than did those who were dismissing of relationships and closeness. (See Chapter 2 on attachment theory) At the end of basic training, the secure young men were doing better than the dismissing young men in their relationships with parents and peers. No differences were found for the level of individuation between the secure or dismissing young men, although the secure young men seemed more able to take advantage of opportunities, such as undertaking leadership roles that enhanced their development and individuality.



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7.6 Leaving Home to Marry or Cohabit There have been trends toward cohabitation, rather than marriage, over the past few decades. According to the Bureau of Statistics, in Australia, 76% of people who married in 2006 indicated that they had cohabited prior to their marriage, of these 53% of males and 55% of females aged under 19 who married indicated that they had cohabited before marrying. In 2001, 10% of all young people aged 16 to 19 were in live-in relationships, with the majority of these (63%) in defacto or cohabiting contexts (Australian Bureau of Statistics). It has been consistently found that couples who cohabit before marriage are more likely to divorce (Martin, Martin &  Martin, 2001), particularly if they are not committed to the partner before living together. Adolescents who have goals of higher education and more definite plans for their futures may be less likely to cohabit than those who are uncertain about their futures (Manning, Longmore &  Giordano, 2007). Parents’ roles in such decisionmaking are important and their relationships with their adolescents and support for their children’s higher education choices greatly assist young people to make plans, feel confident about those plans and attain their goals (Berrios-Allison, 2005; Keller & Whiston, 2008). Martin and colleagues (2001) discuss adolescent cohabitation and attitudes to marriage. These authors reflect upon the information that indicates that cohabitation is more accepted than in previous generations and that young people can see it as an option in itself or a way to test out relationships before the commitment of marriage. Some young people may be choosing to cohabit as they see the conflict between their parents and want to ensure their own relationships will be stable before they marry. Also some young people may learn greater acceptance of cohabitation through their experience of their parents’ marital breakdown and subsequent new partnerships that may involve sexual relations outside of marriage and/or cohabitation. On the other hand, it has been found that adolescents are not rejecting marriage. In a  study of adolescents’ expectations to marry or cohabit, Manning and colleagues (2007) found that more girls than boys and a greater proportion of young people in general indicated an expectation that they would marry. Further, about one quarter of the adolescents in this study indicated that they expected to marry without prior cohabitation. Although some young people may be attempting to test out relationships through cohabitation, the data do not generally support the idea that cohabiting before marriage is a good predictor of marital success. Couples who cohabit before marriage are 50 percent more likely to divorce than those who do not cohabit (Martin et al., 2001). There is evidence, however, that the timing of cohabitation is important. Those couples who cohabited before becoming engaged (that is, who used cohabitation as a test before committing to each other) were more likely to have lower marital satisfaction and greater potential for divorce than those who cohabited after engagement (Rhoades, Stanley &  Markman, 2009). In seeking to understand this

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cohabitation effect, Cohan and Kleinbaum (2002) compared couples in their first two years of marriage who had or had not cohabited. Differences were found between the two groups, with those who had cohabited before marriage being more negative in their problem-solving and displaying fewer supportive behaviours than those who had not cohabited before marriage. Adolescents may not be prepared for such adult relationships and may make the mistakes they are trying to avoid; certainly many will not be prepared for parenthood (Martin et  al., 2001). Young women with strong religious values are less likely to engage in sexual relationships at an early age, cohabit or give birth outside of marriage (Amato, et  al., 2008). Also adolescents with religious values indicate that they are more likely to marry and not cohabit beforehand (Manning et al., 2007). Amato and colleagues (2008) found that young women who had good relationships with their parents, had good school experiences and high self-esteem did not slide into early family formation or childbirth. The transition to parenthood is a major life experience for anyone and may be quite stressful for young parents as they are still negotiating other major changes such as exploring their independence and individuality (Arnett, 2000; Gee, McNerney, Reiter & Leaman, 2007). Early parenthood has other obvious implications such as limiting young people in their educational and career options through the primary demands of looking after an infant or small child (e.g. Werner-Wilson, 1998). The involvement of the father with the children of young single women has an important role for both the young mother and the child, depending on the quality of the relationship between the couple, fathers can provide positive support (Gee et  al., 2007). However, many young parents end their relationship within the first few years of the birth of the child (Gee & Rhodes, 2003).

7.7 Rural Youth Leaving Home In Australia many young people who live in regional areas need to leave home to broaden their opportunities, continue their education or find employment. Many of these adolescents are aged as young as 15 or 16 and are moving for educational or employment reasons rather than personal or family reasons (Jones, 2004). Therefore they are more likely to experience homesickness than other adolescents leaving home in different contexts. Jones indicates that this situation can mean confusing change away from the security of family and community and that this push to leave can be greater for young rural women as they have even fewer job opportunities in their communities than young males. This researcher also indicates that the accommodation options for such young people are often transitory and many of the young people return to the security of home communities, even at the sacrifice of their education or employment opportunities.



Running Away From Home 

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Abbott-Chapman (2001) discusses some of the issues and influences facing adolescents in rural Australia. She indicates that the choices that rural adolescents make about their futures after high school tend to be strongly influenced by parents and family. Therefore when the parents see further education as not necessarily leading to employment they may encourage their child to remain in the rural community even though work may not be readily available and staying prevents them from being able to compete for broader employment opportunities. On the other hand, rural communities can offer support for finding local employment and of course allow young people to benefit from continuing and necessary family support. Similar issues have been found for rural youth in Scotland. Jones (2001) indicates that young people in rural Scotland either leave their rural communities to seek further education or employment or remain in their communities with more restricted opportunities for their futures. Jones also notes that the housing market in Scotland is not set up to be supportive of young people leaving home, with council and community housing opportunities being more directed at couples and families. He indicates that for single young women without a child their predominant option is to stay at home with parents. Jones concludes that to provide support for rural young people to stay in their communities there needs to be a combination of establishing affordable housing for single young people and the provision of better training, transport and employment opportunities.

7.8 Running Away From Home Adolescents under 18 who leave home without the permission of their parents are termed runaways. Running away from home is an issue because adolescents who do so are often placing themselves in risky situations (Tyler, Hoyt, Whitbeck & Cauce, 2001). Girls are more likely than boys to run away and adolescents from poorer families are more likely to run away than adolescents from families with greater resources (Tyler & Bersani, 2009). Adolescents whose mothers monitor them and know where they are and know their friends seem less likely to run away. Adolescents who report greater personal victimisation, negative school experiences and delinquency appear more likely to run away from their family homes than those who report more positive family and school environments (Tyler & Bersani). Some studies indicate that running away from home is associated with severe emotional problems, and that these adolescents are not mature enough to be properly prepared for living independently. On the other hand, there are studies indicating that running away from home can be a positive response to difficult or abusive home situations (e.g. Booth, Rustenbach & McHale, 2008; Gullotta, 2003). Gullotta (2003) reports that many adolescents who run away from home do so because of common parent-adolescent conflicts, such as rules or school, and that

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most run to a friend’s or relative’s house and many are away for two days or less. He suggests that two different groups of adolescents are being confused; the ones who run away and the ones that are forced to leave, or are thrown out of home. Adolescents who run away usually have the option to return to their homes, whereas those who are forced to leave may only have the option of becoming homeless.

7.9 Homelessness Youth homelessness has become a much talked-about and researched topic over the last few decades. As is the case for adolescents who run away from home, but who do not necessarily become homeless, homeless adolescents are at risk. Homeless males are more likely than homeless females to experience physical assault, and homeless females are more likely than homeless males to experience sexual assault (Stewart et al., 2004). Many adolescents become homeless due to leaving disturbed home environments (e.g. poverty, abuse, parental psychiatric illness) and these adolescents are more likely to suffer from depression, anxiety and alcohol abuse (Stewart, Steiman, Cauce, Cochran, Whitback & Hoyt, 2004). In an interview study of 50 homeless young people, Hyde (2005) found that the majority discussed physical abuse and about half discussed family conflict as reasons for leaving home. Of the young people in the study, 75% were from single-parent households and many others described difficulties with stepparents and parents’ new partners. Many young people may not readily seek or respond to assistance once they have become homeless, which may be partly due to experience of failure when engaging with adults in their lives and a sense of reluctance to give up the sense of independence they have achieved (Hyde, 2005). Suicide is the leading cause of death for homeless adolescents (Roy, Haley, Leclerc, Sochanski, Boudreau &  Boivin, 2004). Kidd (2006) looked at why homeless young people suicide. What he found was that young people coming from an  abusive past had low self-esteem, felt very lonely and used drugs. This situation led to young people feeling trapped, or helpless, increasing the likelihood that they would be suicidal. These feelings of being trapped or feeling helpless were greater for the adolescents who had been thrown out of home. The  young people in this study, however, reported a  decline in suicide ideation and suicide attempts and fewer self-harming behaviours after leaving home to live on the streets. The authors suggest that this improvement in their adjustment is due to their home life having been even more negative than street life. In addition, the negative attitude that many of these young homeless had to suicide, may have led to this change as the newer homeless young people sought acceptance in this group. The  decrease in self harm and suicide behaviours could also be due to gaining a sense of belonging with the other young people living on the streets and gaining some sense of control over their experience, at least for those adolescents who chose to leave home (e.g., Pears & Noller, 1995).

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Homeless adolescents are more likely than their counterparts with stable living accommodation to participate in high-risk sexual behaviours, to use drugs, to become parents as adolescents, and to contract AIDs (Rosenthal, Rotheram-Borus, Batterham, Mallett, Rice & Milburn, 2007). Fortunately, most of these adolescents do not continue to increase these risky behaviours and many first-time homeless adolescents return home within six months (Rosenthal et al.). In a  two-year longitudinal study of homeless adolescents in Los Angeles and Melbourne, Rosenthal and colleagues (2007) found that adolescents who had remained homeless, or were in unstable living arrangements at the two-year follow up were sexually active but very few were engaging in sex work. However, the homeless in both countries were using drugs at a higher level than their counterparts in high schools. This study showed that most of the adolescents did not become chronically homeless and many returned home. In an  exploratory interview study, Lindsey and colleagues (Lindsey, Kurtz, Jarvis, Williams &  Nackerud, 2000) investigated the ways in which some adolescents managed to make successful transitions from homelessness to adulthood. They interviewed 12 young people who had previously been homeless adolescents but who had turned their lives around and were now in college. Learning was perceived as important by the young people in this study. Sometimes a period of crisis, such as going to jail, instigated conscious learning and planning for a  different future. Religion or spirituality was indicated as important in facilitating their ability to get their lives back on track for seven of the young people interviewed. I didn’t necessarily believe in God that everybody else believes in, but I always believed in a higher power. And for me, just being able to say that I know I’m [here] because of something greater than myself. What it is, I have no idea, but just being able to pray to something, you know, just say “Help me” to somebody. . . . And they ain’t going to judge you, come down and slap you . . . (Kameka, (21) p.135).

One of the key themes that the young people spoke about was personal resources such as independence, maturity, determination and recognising their own value. They also indicated that the ability to communicate with others appropriately, to take responsibility for their own actions and to be able to accept assistance were important for their transitions, as well as being able to assist others. It gives me purpose. . . . All that comes from it is good. There’s nothing negative about [it]. It’s like you’re helping yourself, you’re helping the other person, and then you’re giving the other person also the opportunity to help others. So it’s like you’re seeing this goodness multiply. That’s just so cool (Trisha (22) p.130).

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7.10 Summary Late adolescence is a transitional period and a time when children and their parents are considering options for their future lives in adulthood. Only a minority of adolescents leave home to live independently but the circumstances under which they do has have implications for the adolescent and for their family relationships. The transitionary period between adolescence and adulthood has been termed emerging adulthood. Living arrangements for emerging adults are diverse and the patterns of young people leaving home become more predictable in their mid twenties. Family structure can have an  impact on the ways young people leave home. Children in continuously married families tend to leave home later than those from divorced, single-parent and step-families. Young people from these families can experience more conflict and less family support to leave home. Family emotional and financial support is important to the adjustment of adolescents during this transition out of home. Family issues are a  key reason that children leave home early. Issues such as family conflict and unresponsive and alcoholic parents can contribute to children making early leaving-home transitions. These background contexts impact on their adjustment and their ability to be independent, which hinders the possibility of a positive transition out of home. Many adolescents leave home to continue their education and are often challenged by the notion of managing day–to-day issues such as laundry and budgeting. Going to college is also an exciting time for adolescents and some see this as a time where they can test out their ability to live independently. However, young people still perceive that they need their parents’ continued support. Adolescents are likely to experience homesickness during the transition to college and the quality of the parent-adolescent relationship is crucial for their adjustment to living out of home. In Israel adolescents leave home after high school for mandatory military service, which is a different experience from going to college, as there is no choice. Young men who are secure in their family relationships may adjust better to the basic training experience and in their development of mature relationships and independence. Young men who are dismissing in terms of their attachment style appear to function well in the military environment and develop independence. This situation may be due to the context of the military that does not value those seeking closeness. Some young people leave home to move in with romantic partners. There has been a move toward cohabitation as a viable relationship option for young people. Adolescents who have clear goals for the future are less likely to cohabit, as are those who have religious values, come from continually married families and have good relationships with their parents. Early transitions to parenthood can create stress for young parents who are still negotiating their independence and can limit their opportunities for the future. The support of young mothers by an involved father of their child can be of benefit



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to both the young woman and the child. However, many of these relationships end during the first few years after the birth of the child. Rural young people face specific challenges due to the lack of educational and job opportunities that often exist in their communities. They also face problems with finding appropriate and affordable housing and can return home at the expense of their plans for the future. Adolescents can run away, because they choose to leave the family, or because they are pushed or thrown out of home. Some adolescents may react to serious emotional or family issues by running away and yet others may do so due to what is perceived as common parent-adolescent conflict. These adolescents often find themselves in risky situations, participate in risky behaviours and are likely to experience more violence and assaults than other adolescents in our communities. Many of these young people have left home due to disturbed home environments and are more likely to suffer from mood disorders and to abuse drugs and alcohol. How helpless or trapped young people feel in this situation appears to have a large impact on their outcomes. Many runaways only do so for a  few days and visit relatives or friends and then return home. Suicide has been found to be the largest cause of death for homeless young people. However, many homeless young people do not become chronically homeless and manage the adjustment to adulthood. Some reasons young people have given for their ability to transition well into emerging adulthood have been religious beliefs, learning from their experiences, their personal strengths, taking responsibility for their own behaviour and helping others.

7.11 Some Implications for Practitioners As indicated, there are many contexts in which young people may leave home. The  reasons young people leave home will have a  direct impact upon the type of support or services they or their families need. Because the reasons for leaving home are often multidimensional and therefore complex, it is inappropriate to propose simple solutions that would not be relevant in all cases. For example, youth homelessness is a  widely-acknowledged issue that communities and governments have spent large amounts of financial resources in an attempt to resolve but with little far-reaching success. The research indicates that young people leaving home to go to college may not be equipped with all the necessary life skills (e.g. financial management, dealing with laundry, diet etc.) for managing their day to day lives when living away from the family home. These types of findings indicate a need for a focus on life skills for adolescents and the necessity for parents to encourage the development of such skills before young people reach an age where they are likely to be thinking about leaving home.

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Interventions for young people leaving home also need to include more broadbased interventions rather than just individual ones. For example, rural young people who leave home for work or study and young people leaving troubled homes need to be able to access affordable housing and community supports when their parents either are unable or unwilling to provide ongoing financial and emotional assistance. These may be provided by governments or by nongovernment welfare organizations. Research shows that couples who cohabit prior to making a commitment to marry are more likely to divorce. In addition young couples tend to “slide” into cohabitation, without any real discussion of the issues. For these reasons, it seems important that information about cohabiting should be made readily available to young people and their families. Information that can assist young people to make informed decisions and facilitate their parents’ involvement in the decision would seem a  beneficial psycho-educational response that allows for highlighting the importance and implications for such decisions. Step-families are acknowledged to involve specific needs and challenges, which is the reason why organisations such as Step-families Australia have been established. Such programs aim to assist step-families adapt to the changing family structure and to develop positive relationships. The research indicates that young people leaving home from step-families tend to have more distant relationships with their parents, even though it is crucial for young people to have their parents’ ongoing support. Interventions aimed at increasing the closeness or responsiveness amongst family members in these families may be critical for adolescents’ positive transitions to leaving home. Finally, as each life stage is dependent upon prior contexts and experiences, early intervention in troubled family relationships is crucial to an adaptive transition for adolescents leaving home and their ability to return home should the need arise. For this reason the main practice implication when working with troubled families is to support them to enhance their functioning at an early stage of family life and assist them to be aware of and consider implications for the future, if changes are not made. In this chapter we have discussed some of the issues and contexts that contribute to adolescents leaving home, and factors that make these transitions easier or harder for them. In the next and final chapter we aim to discuss the challenges for adolescents and families with a particular focus on resilience and ways families can build upon both the families’ and their adolescents’ resilience.

8 Risk and Resilience in Adolescence In this chapter, we are focusing on resilience in adolescents, as a  way of drawing together the various themes discussed in this volume. We will also discuss the importance of parenting and its interaction with the temperament of the child in predicting positive outcomes for adolescents. We will begin by defining resilience and then discuss first individual factors and later family factors that are related to resilience. Although our primary focus in this book is on family factors, it is also necessary to acknowledge that individual factors such as gender, temperament, and attachment security play a role in the development and maintenance of resilience, and may also affect interactions with other family members and the quality of those relationships. Some of these individual factors will, of course, be genetic and some will be the result of early experiences in the family. Others will be the result of the interweaving of nature and nurture (Smart &  Sanson, 2005). It is important to acknowledge that both individual or temperament factors and family factors are crucial to adolescent development.

8.1 Characteristics of Resilience Resilience, which has become something of a  ‘buzz’ word in the area of child and adolescent development, is defined as the ability of individuals “to adapt better than expected in the face of significant adversity or risk” (Tusaie, Puskar & Sereika, 2007, p.54), or as positive adaptation in the context of adversity (Luthar, Cicchetti &  Becker, 2000). A third definition has been proposed by Branden-Muller and her colleagues (Branden-Muller, Haggerty, Sherrod, Garmezy & Rutter, 1996): the ability to function unimpaired despite exposure to adverse circumstances. In other words, resilience is about being able to ‘bounce back’ from such negative life-events as serious illness, accident, separation or divorce of parents and other potentially stressful events. Hjemdal (2007) pointed out the increase in research on resilience in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. He saw this focus as being motivated by the possibility of identifying the kinds of protective factors likely to prevent young people from experiencing negative outcomes in terms of their mental health when adversity strikes. Luthar et al. (2000) emphasize that resilience should be seen as multidimensional and as a  process, rather than as a  permanent characteristic of a  person, although we would expect that some adolescents are likely to be more resilient overall than others, whatever the challenges they are facing. Conceptualizing resilience as a  process allows for different levels of resilience at different developmental stages and different developmental transitions (Cicchetti &  Garmezy, 1993; Masten, 2004; Silk, Vanderbilt-Adrience, Shaw, Forbes, Whalen, Ryan & Dahl, 2007). In other words, individuals may not always have the same level of resilience at different times in their © 2014 Patricia Noller, Sharon Atkin This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License.

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lives and when facing different transitions. According to Cicchetti and Garmezy (1993) “new vulnerabilities and/or strengths may emerge during developmental transitions throughout the life course as well as during periods of acute stress” (p.499). It is also important that resilience is not dichotomized (that is, seen as just the absence or presence of particular factors; Kassis et  al., 2013; Masten, 2001). Kassis et al. actually assessed their sample using three levels of resilience (resilient, near resilient and non-resilient). These researchers found that, overall, resilience was strongly linked to individuals’ personal characteristics and the quality of their relationships as well as to the lack of exposure to violence in their families. In general, three resilience factors are focused on: (1) individual resources or characteristics, (2) family support and (3) support from social networks beyond the family (Carlton et al., 2006; Hjemdahl et al., 2007; Skrove, Romundstad & Indredavik, 2012). Ungar (2008) also argues that resilience is not just a characteristic of an individual child but is affected by a child’s social and political environment and is a product of the protective factors present in that environment, but also of the vulnerabilities. Ungar carried out a study of resilience in 1500 young people spread across 14 sites and five continents. They concluded that there are some global aspects of adolescents’ lives that contribute to resilience but also cultural and contextual factors such as societal understandings of what constitutes healthy functioning. Studies on resilience have tended to assume that resilience and health are defined similarly around the world, without any comparisons with nonwestern cultures. The studies reported below tend to focus on a view of resilience as a characteristic of an individual that is helped by living in a favourable environment, although there are exceptions. Fu, Leoutsakos and Underwood (2013) studied resilience following a  severe earthquake in Sichuan in China in 2008. Although they found that the ConnorDavidson Resilience Scale was applicable to Chinese adolescents, they also argued for the recognition of cultural differences in how resilience is displayed. In a study following the Haitian earthquake of 2010, a Creole version of the Resilience Scale was also found to be valid and reliable in assessing the resilience of child and adolescent survivors (Cenat & Derivois, 2013). In order to be categorized as resilient in western culture, adolescents should meet two criteria: First, they must be considered vulnerable or at high risk of adverse events (conflict or violence in the family, accident or illness, failure at school) and second, they need to display more adaptable responses to adverse events than other adolescents (Masten & Coatsworth, 1998; Tusaie et al., 2007). In other words, resilient adolescents are better able to cope with adverse circumstances and less likely to experience subsequent ill effects such as depression or anxiety, or become involved in problem behaviours such as drug abuse. Cicchietti and Garmezy (1993) emphasize the need for caution, in that children and adolescents who have not been exposed to trauma should not be considered resilient. Sometimes people assume that all children and adolescents are equally resilient and will always ‘bounce back’ easily from trauma, but there is little evidence to support



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such an assumption. In fact there is much evidence that children and adolescents can be deeply and significantly affected by trauma (e.g., van der Kolk, 2005). Understanding what contributes to resilience for adolescents is important for parents so that they can assist their children to be more resilient and thus increase the likelihood of positive outcomes for them (Bumpas, 2004). Such an understanding is also important for practitioners who want to increase resilience in their young clients. Although individual characteristics such as optimism and self-esteem are clearly important (Seligman, 1991), families also play a crucial role in assisting young people to develop and enhance their ability to cope and adapt to life’s challenges. We will return to this issue later in this chapter. Having good connections with appropriate adults is crucial to resilience (Howard & Johnson, 2001). Young people whose parents are responsive to them, involved in their lives and offer guidance when necessary are more likely to develop resilience (Condly, 2006; Howard & Johnson). A resiliency approach increases our understanding of why some young people who face adverse circumstances do not experience the negative outcomes that typically are associated with those circumstances (Luthar et al., 2000; Mistry, McCarthy, Yancey Yao & Minal, 2009).

8.2 Characteristics of Resilient Adolescents Masten and her colleagues (Masten, et al., 1999) focused on the question of how resilient adolescents differ from their peers who have failed to do well when dealing with difficulties, and those who have done well but have not faced any difficulties. These researchers assessed “cumulative exposure to psychosocial adversity” as a  threat to normal development; success in adapting was defined as displaying competence in the relevant developmental tasks, and the presence and extent of psychosocial resources were seen as likely to lead to resilient behaviour by working to counteract the potential effects of adversity. Competence in the Masten et al. (1999) study was assessed in terms of academic achievement, prosocial behaviour and social competence with peers, and was assessed in childhood and adolescence using multiple methods and informants. The  resources assessed were intelligence and the quality of parenting the young person received. Assessment of parenting quality included measures of warmth, expectations and family structure. Participants were initially recruited from schools and ranged in age from 8 years to 12 years (Grades 3 to 6); their parents also completed some questionnaires. When the young people were reassessed after 10 years (when they ranged in age from 17 to 23 years) parents were interviewed at home. Masten et al. (1999) carried out a number of analyses, including both variablecentred and person-centred analyses to determine the links between the variables as measured in childhood and those measured in late adolescence and young adulthood.

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Those who experienced quality parenting and had higher intelligence, tended to do well on competence measures across the three domains, even when they were subject to severe and even chronic adversity, suggesting that having quality resources led to resilience even when the amount of adversity experienced was high. Further, having a high level of resources (high IQ and quality parenting) seemed to be particularly protective with regard to conduct; in other words, these individuals tended to behave in prosocial ways. As we will discuss later, many studies such as this one do not take adolescent temperament into account although there is evidence that the quality of the parenting may be affected by the temperament of the adolescent. In further support of the concept of resilience, individuals who experienced high levels of adversity but were still assessed as adequate in terms of competence (classified as resilient), were quite similar to those competent individuals who experienced little adversity. They were very different, however, from the maladaptive group who experienced high levels of adversity and were assessed as low in competence, and low in resources. These young people were also high in negative emotionality. These authors concluded that the quality of resources available to young people is very important because these resources “are markers of fundamental adaptational systems that protect child development in the context of severe adversity” (Masten et al., 1999, p.143).

8.3 Resilience and Mental Illness One of the most interesting studies of resilience in adolescents and its implications for the futures of those young people comes from the longitudinal study by psychiatrist, Stuart Hauser and his colleagues mentioned in Chapter 2. These researchers were able to use longitudinal data to understand the consequences of experiencing severe psychiatric disorders in early adolescence (by 14 years of age). Hauser and Allen (2006) studied a sample of nine competent young adults from the psychiatric sample who had previously experienced a great deal of adversity, particularly in middle adolescence (13 to 16 years). These young people were functioning at a level above the average, even of the normative sample (Boston High School students). The researchers had records of earlier clinical interviews as well as attachment interviews, and were able to analyse the themes of these interviews. The key themes reported by these highly resilient young people included agency (ability to take responsibility for one’s own life), reflectiveness (ability to think carefully about issues that arise), and relationship recruiting (being able to form new relationships). These abilities clearly differentiated these young people from those who were also former patients but were still struggling. The researchers also noted three other factors that seemed to characterize these resilient young people: the drive to mastery (similar to the drive to autonomy), a high level of fascination with internal processes (especially their own thought processes), and a desire to connect with others



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and form relationships. These latter three variables would seem to be strongly related to the set mentioned first (that is, agency, reflectiveness and relationship recruiting). In another study of resilience and mental illness (Skrove et al., 2012), a  large sample of adolescents was assessed in terms of symptoms of anxiety, depression and substance abuse, social competence, resilience and family cohesion. Characteristics associated with resilience such as having positive relationships with their parents and having a  lot of friends were shown to protect against developing anxiety and depression. Being involved in substance use and neglecting physical activity increased these symptoms. Resilience factors tended to attenuate the link between engaging in an unhealthy lifestyle and symptoms of mental illness.

8.4 Individual Factors and Resilience According to research, about a  third of any population, including adolescents, are likely to be highly resilient (Hauser, 1999; Resnick, 2000). There is also evidence of some age and gender differences in resilience. In addition, as Branden-Muller and colleagues (1996) emphasize, there are both inter-individual and intra-individual differences in the factors that contribute to resilience or the lack thereof. A number of studies have explored the protective factors seen as likely to increase resilience in adolescents, and those that are likely to have a negative effect on the development of resilience (Chang, 2001; Geanellos, 2005; Skrove et al., 2012; Smart, Hayes, Sanson & Toumbourou, 2007; Tusaie et al., 2007; Werner & Smith, 1992). In one study, a  higher percentage of males than females reported medium or high levels of resilience and a higher percentage of females reported low levels of resilience (Tusaie et  al., 2007). Also, younger male adolescents who were highly optimistic in their attitudes to life, and who perceived support from family members as strong, tended to show higher levels of resilience, particularly if they experienced few adverse events. In addition, male adolescents who were older, who were highly optimistic and who saw family members and friends as supportive showed high levels of resilience. Optimism was the strongest individual factor predicting resilience in this study, supporting the importance of attitudes and thinking patterns to resilience. This relation between optimism and resilience is also supported in a  different study, where adolescents who saw the prospects for their futures in a positive light were more able to deal successfully with negative events when they occurred than those who saw their futures in a negative light. In addition, the young people who were more optimistic were able to get on with their lives more effectively despite setbacks (Carver & Scheier, 1998). Other protective factors identified also involved attitudes and thinking abilities such as problem-solving abilities and an  ability to reframe an  adverse event in a  positive way as well as being able to ask for support from others when needed.

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Imagine an adolescent who has failed an exam and is very disappointed. A positive reframe would involve saying something like, “Well, I know now that I need to spend more time on that subject before the finals”. A negative approach, on the other hand, would involve claiming, “I’ll never understand this stuff, I think I’ll just give up”. The resilient adolescent is much more likely to adopt the positive reframe and get on with life. In the study conducted by Tusaie and her colleagues (2007), bad life events tended to have a  negative impact on resilience, whereas optimism was positively linked to resilience. In other words, resilient young people tend to see ‘the glass as half-full rather than half-empty’. Perceiving family members as highly supportive was the second most important factor in this study. Perceived support from the peer group was particularly important for older adolescents, who generally spend more time with members of their peer group than they do with family members. Environmental factors that promote the development of resilience in individuals include not having to cope with a lot of negative life-events and experiencing at least some successes in one’s life. According to Bernard (2004) the key factors that promote resilience in disadvantaged children are caring relationships, high expectations and opportunities to contribute to family and society. Self-efficacy, or believing one can have an influence on events in one’s life, is also important (Bandura, 2004). Young people who believe that they have no choice about what happens to them, or who feel stuck in circumstances they see as beyond their control are more likely to lack resilience. To go back to the earlier example about failing an exam, an adolescent who is high in self-efficacy would not give up but would believe that they could do better if they put in the extra work. As Bernard suggests, family support and environment are critical to the development of adolescents’ resilience.

8.5 Family Factors in Resilience As we have pointed out in earlier chapters in this book, healthy family environments involve a number of factors that are protective for adolescents. These factors include (1) secure attachments to parents, (2) an  emotionally warm atmosphere in the family, (3) open communication between parents and offspring, (4) the provision of encouragement and support for the adolescents, and (5) adequate rules and supervision when needed (see also Chapter 3). Here we will discuss these factors in terms of their links to the development of resilience in young people.

8.5.1 Secure Attachment Hauser and his colleagues (Allen &  Hauser, 1996; Allen, Hauser &  BormanSpurrell, 1996; Hauser, 1999) have argued that secure attachment in adolescence



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is a  marker of resilience. Hauser and Allen (2006) have also claimed that the individual, environmental and social factors most causally linked to resilience actually promote secure bidirectional attachment relationships. Thus there seems to be a reciprocal relationship between attachment and resilience, such that secure attachment increases the likelihood that an adolescent will be resilient and resilient children will be more likely than other children to be secure in attachment. Hauser and Allen (2006) also have argued that attachment is crucial to understanding the development of resilience. In addition Luthar and her colleagues (Luthar, Cicchetti & Becker, 2000) emphasize the link between the development of resilience and the quality of family relationships, a factor also critical to the development of secure attachment. In fact, Atwool (2006) using a  sample from the Maori population in New Zealand argues that the concepts of attachment and resilience should be regarded as complementary. She sees secure attachment as crucial to “minimizing risk and maximizing resiliency” (p.315) particularly for young people involved in the child protection system.

8.5.2 An Emotionally Warm Atmosphere As we have noted earlier, the quality of the parents’ relationship is central to the functioning of the family and to the quality of care that is provided for young people (Erel & Burman, 1995; Skrove et al, 2012)). The effect of marital or relationship quality on adolescents is primarily through the parenting styles that parents use in raising their children. Those with satisfying couple relationships are more likely to be warm and accepting with their children and less likely to be rejecting (Aluja et al., 2007). In addition, parents in satisfying relationships are more likely to model harmonious interactions for their young people.

8.5.3 Open Communication Parents’ knowledge of their adolescents’ activities and communication about those activities is associated with adaptive behaviour by the adolesents. Parents’ and adolescents’ communication about risky behaviours can serve as a protective factor for adolescents (e.g., Guilamo-Ramos et  al., 2006). When adolescents believe that their parents trust them, they are more likely to have discussions with their parents about their plans and disclose information to them about the activities in which they are involved (Kerr & Stattin, 2000; Kerr et al., 1999). Parents can then discuss appropriate rules with their adolescents as well as the need for supervision (see later section on supervision). (see also Chapter 3)

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8.5.4 Provision of Encouragement and Support According to Sroufe et al. (2005), adolescents need parents who are able to provide them with support and help when needed. These authors see adolescents’ capacity for intimacy as stemming from both early parent-child relationships and the care provided to the young child, as well as to the ongoing support they receive from their parents. Adolescents who enjoy good relationships with parents are more likely to have good relationships with their peers (Steinberg, 2005) and the quality of adolescents’ relationships with parents and peers influences the quality of their romantic relationships (Brown, 2004). Most parents want to have good relationships with their children and want them to form positive lasting relationships with others. Supportive families tend to include warm and responsive parents who get on well with one another, and at least one parent who has a  close relationship with the adolescent (Masten, 2004; Mykestad, Roysamb & Tambs, 2012; Silk et al., 2007). Where the adolescent does not have a  supportive relationship with at least one parent, a supportive relationship with an adult outside the nuclear family can provide the necessary care. An aunt or uncle, a grandparent or a trusted family friend could take on this role. Alternatively, a youth group leader, school counsellor, or religious or cultural leader could provide the kind of listening ear needed by a young person. In addition, some countries such as Australia have telephone counselling services particularly set up for young people for those times when they are unable or unwilling to share their problems with family members or close friends.

8.5.5 Adequate Rules and Supervision Another important attribute of parents that is likely to be protective for adolescents is parents being willing to apply strict rules about risky behaviours such as the abuse of alcohol or drugs and expect adolescents to keep those rules. When parents do apply rules confidently, alcohol use, for example, tends to be lower (Van der Vorst et al., 2005). The problem, as we noted in Chapter 6, is that parents often feel powerless in trying to control their adolescents’ risky behaviours such as drinking alcohol, smoking and involvement in drug abuse (Taylor & Carroll, 2001).

8.5.6 Sex Differences in Resilience Using an  Australian sample, Sun and Stewart (2007) found strong sex differences in reports of resilience and the protective factors associated with resilience. Female students tended to report stronger and more positive social relationships than their male counterparts, including relationships with peers both at school and outside of school, and relationships with parents, teachers and other adults. Females also



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reported higher levels of communication than males, more empathy for the situations of others and a greater willingness to seek help. They also had clearer goals for the future than their male peers. There was some evidence in this study for changes over time with scores for girls in Grade 7 on these protective factors declining sharply, perhaps because of the transition to high school in some states in Australia. Those adolescents who became less tense and anxious over time tended to have better relationships with peers, fewer behaviour problems, better social skills and were likely to be doing better at school. Parents of these young people tended to report that they had fewer problems in their relationships with their children than did those whose symptoms increased over time (Letcher, Smart, Sanson & Toumbourou, 2009). Parents of girls whose internalizing symptoms were decreasing, reported that their daughters were less shy and more outgoing, and were less negative and more emotionally stable. Teachers of 11-year-old males whose internalizing symptoms were decreasing, reported that they were less aggressive, had more effective social skills, better relationships with peers and were doing better academically. Thus Letcher et al’s (2009) comprehensive study confirmed that both individual factors such as temperament, as well as relationship experiences when the young people were infants and toddlers, all contribute to internalizing problems throughout childhood and adolescence. The  fact that problems can be identified so early suggests the importance of early parenting. Perhaps societies should be doing more to help parents cope with the responsibilities of early parenting and help them learn the importance of warmth and responsiveness in the treatment of children of all ages. In fact, the importance of early parenting is confirmed by neuroscientists who have shown that social experiences such as those with parents can “alter the organizations of neural systems, particularly when they occur during sensitive periods of heightened brain plasticity” (Silk et al., 2007, p.843). These neural systems seem to be affected by both negative and positive influences from the parent-child relationship (Cacioppo, Berntson, Sheridan & McClintock, 2000; Essex, Klein, Cho & Kalin, 2002).

8.6 Resilience and Emotion Regulation The ability to regulate emotion is seen as a  crucial skill in the development of resilience (Silk et al., 2007). These authors see parents as having the potential to help their adolescents develop resilience against depression by teaching them skills for managing their emotions in an adaptive and flexible way. In fact, van der Kolk (2005) argues that teaching emotion regulation is the single most important task of parenting. There is considerable evidence that how individuals think about themselves and their world can increase or decrease their tendency to be depressed or contented. Parents can help adolescents and children develop skills and strategies for managing emotions in at least three ways (Morris, Silk, Steinberg, Myers & Robinson, 2007). First, children and adolescents learn through observation of the ways their

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parents manage their own emotions (Denham, Mitchell-Copeland, Strandberg, Auerbach & Blair, 1997). For example, if parents manage emotions using violence or abuse, their offspring are likely to develop similar patterns, whereas if parents are able to maintain positive affect in challenging situations their children are likely to be better at understanding emotions and emotional behaviour both in themselves and others. Second, where parents are able to respond to their children’s emotional expression appropriately, children seem to increase their understanding of emotions. Relevant here is the attunement cycle in infancy that is a way of describing the processes that occur between an infant and caregiver (Cozolino, 2006). For example, an infant cries in distress, the mother feeds the infant and the infant becomes calm. This process gradually teaches the child that emotions can be managed and the child begins to do this in increasingly autonomous ways (e.g., a  toddler may ask for a  drink or a sandwich). With older children and adolescents, parents may calm their distress by talking things over with them. In this way, they are becoming increasingly skilled at regulating their own emotions. Discouragement of a child’s expression of emotion, on the other hand, is likely to impede their understanding of how emotions work. Common sayings such as “Big boys don’t cry” or “Don’t you dare get angry with me” can confuse children because of the disjunction between what they know they are feeling and what they are allowed to express. Third, how parents actively teach their children about the appropriateness of emotional expression has an  impact on their emotional and social competence. Although Denham et al. (1997) found that language aimed at guiding and socializing children in terms of controlling their emotions was associated with less emotional competence, they suggest that where parents are consistently able to provide prosocial reactions to children’s distress, the children may benefit in terms of their emotional understanding and competence. The  important point from our perspective is that those children with good emotional understanding are more likely than those with poor emotional understanding to become well-functioning adolescents (Smart et al., 2007). There is also evidence of the interplay between physiological characteristics and a person’s social environment, particularly in relation to resilience among adolescents who are at risk for depression (Cicchetti & Toth, 1998; Silk et al., 2007). For example, neural systems in the brain that affect how adolescents react to stress and to highly emotional situations tend to be affected by their social relationships, particularly those with parents (Essex et  al., 2002). It seems that the social environment has an  impact on the response of the brain to emotional stimuli (Hooley, Gruber, Scott, Hiller &  Yurgelun-Todd, 2005). This effect may be particularly important in adolescence, given the evidence of the continued plasticity of the frontal lobe region of the brain that is implicated in the regulation of emotion at this stage of life (Casey, Giedd, & Thomas, 2000; Giedd, 2004; Silk et al., 2007).



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8.7 Resilience Against Depression As we have noted earlier, resilience involves experiencing a relatively good outcome despite having to deal with difficult situations that are likely to increase the risk of developing psychopathology such as depression (Hjemdal et al. 2007; Kassis et al, 2013; Luthar et  al., 2006; Skrove et  al., 2012). Protective factors against depression include the positive resources of the individual such as easy temperament, high selfesteem and secure attachment. In addition, being part of a stable and supportive family environment and having supportive networks outside the family such as peers and other adults who provide positive models of coping are also important. Adolescents reporting higher levels of resilience tended to report lower levels of depression, irrespective of which aspect of resilience was being assessed. It is interesting to note, from the perspective of this book with its focus on family relationships, that family cohesion, along with social resources, were important predictors of low levels of depression. In other words, the young person’s social environment is critical in protecting them against the risk of developing depression.

8.8 Self-esteem, Resilience and Protection from Risky Behaviour One study explored the links among self-esteem, resilience and tobacco and cannabis use in a sample of adolescents from Slovakia (Veselska, Geckova, Orosova, Gajdosova, van Dijk &  Reijneveld (2009). Findings were quite complex, with some aspects of resilience decreasing the chances of an adolescent smoking or using cannabis and other aspects increasing the chances of engaging in these risky behaviours. Family cohesion seemed particularly important in protecting a young person from smoking or using cannabis. Wong (2008) also showed that the resilience factors of parental involvement and autonomy support, along with greater self-regulation, increased the chances of better academic performance and decreased the probability of adolescents being involved in substance abuse. It almost seems paradoxical that adolescents who are encouraged to make their own decisions would be less likely to get involved in destructive behaviours, but perhaps adolescents who are encouraged to be autonomous respond to the trust their parents are placing in them with responsible behaviour. Alternatively, parents may only support autonomous decision-making in young people who have already shown that they are trustworthy. Adolescents who have the kinds of relationships with parents and other adults that promote resilience are also less likely to engage in behaviours that are risky for their health: smoking, using alcohol, being physically inactive and unhealthy eating (defined as eating few serves of fruit and vegetables; Mistry, McCarthy, Yancey, Lu &  Patel, 2009). These researchers found that those adolescents who had greater parental supervision were more likely to engage in health-promoting behaviours than were those who had little supervision from parents. For females, having a positive role

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model increased their chances of not engaging in behaviours that put their health at risk.

8.9 The Importance of the Family Environment From the large amount of research that we have reviewed in this book it is apparent that the most critical factor in the lives of adolescents is the family environment in which they are developing. There are a number of aspects of a supportive family environment that facilitate positive adolescent development. Firstly, open communication between parents and adolescents, where adolescents can express their views and discuss these views with their parents without fear of criticism or ridicule, is vital. Secondly, it is important for their positive development that the relationships between parents and adolescents are warm and accepting. Thirdly parents need to support their young people in their growing independence and autonomy while at the same time having clear expectations for responsible behaviour. There is also evidence that young people tend to do better when they are involved in organized activities outside of school such as team sports, youth groups, scouts and guides, choirs or bands. Parents who get their children involved in these activities are promoting resilience, although it is possible to overcrowd children’s lives with activities so that they don’t have time to just live. Too much of any good thing can create problems. Despite all the apprehensions that parents may have about raising their adolescents, apprehensions that are based on negative stereotypes of young people in our culture, there is no need for adolescence to be a time of high levels of conflict and wayward behaviour. Of course, there is likely to be some conflict between parents and adolescents, given that one task of adolescence is to push the boundaries set by parents in order to develop independent thought and action. It is important to keep in mind, however, that most adolescents enjoy positive family relationships and rely on their families for crucial support as they negotiate their transitions towards adulthood.

8.10 African-American Youth: A Case Study Because many African-American adolescents suffer from chronic disadvantage, including disadvantages in education, health and socio-economic status, they are an important group for studying resilience (Barrow, Armstrong, Vargo & Boothroyd, 2007). These authors discuss both risk and protective factors affecting this group of young people at three levels, (1) individual, (2) family, school and community, and (3) social structures.



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At the individual level, the development of a strong ethnic identity as an AfricanAmerican with all that entails has been found to protect African-American young people against the problems of substance abuse, racial discrimination, and daily hassles related to poverty, crowded conditions, poor neighbourhoods and other factors. A strong ethnic identity also helps to increase the chances of healthy adjustment for these adolescents (Miller &  MacIntosh, 1999). Further, evidence suggests that having a strong ethnic identity increases their sense of self-efficacy or mastery, which, in turn, increases their capacity to overcome adversity (Oyserman, Gant & Ager, 2005). Family factors are also important in the development of resilience for AfricanAmerican youth as for young people in other ethnic groups. Maternal support and support from peers tend to be associated with doing better academically (Gonzales, Cauce & Friedman, 1996). Living in a risky neighbourhood, on the other hand, tends to be associated with poorer school performance. Being involved in the community, having a  sense of belonging at school and attending church regularly also had a positive impact on the psychological adjustment and resilience of African-American youth (McMahon, Sing & Garner, 2003). According to Barrow and colleagues, being involved in church is a very significant aspect of life for many African Americans, and church has often been seen as a safe haven. Church also plays an important role in fostering the spiritual development of individuals, providing social support, strengthening race consciousness, providing leadership training, and in empowering young people to be involved in the struggles for equality and social change (Sheridan, 2003). There is evidence that those who are involved in the church tend to have higher self-esteem than those who are not involved (Maton, 2001). In fact, being actively involved in the church helps these young people to gain knowledge and positive values and to be exposed to successful role-models, all in the context of a highly supportive environment (Franklin, BoydFranklin & Draper, 2002). Many African-American young people face all kinds of challenges and yet achieve success, whereas others struggle because they make choices that increase rather than decrease the problems that they face. Young people who are high on resilience will be less likely to make such poor decisions, but are also likely to have a greater chance of recovering from these kinds of difficulties. The crucial factors for African American young people include engaging in activities that strengthen their identity in their own community among their own people, the encouragement of prosocial rather than antisocial behaviour and learning effective stress-management techniques. In addition, like other young people, they will do better in stable family environments that provide monitoring and support, and being involved in organizations that provide opportunities for training and volunteering in programs to help others.

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8.11 Temperament and Resilience In this book, we have focused a  lot on the impact of parenting on adolescents and on adolescent behaviour, but have put less emphasis on child temperament as a  predictor of later behaviour or on the interaction of child temperament and parenting as a  predictor of later behaviour. Laursen, Collins, Lerner and Sternberg (2009) have commented on the strong focus in research on parents’ influences on adolescents’ behaviour while the influence of children’s behaviour on parenting tends to be ignored. Yet there is plenty of evidence, as we will discuss in this section, that parenting interacts with the temperament of the child to predict child behaviour at a later time. The Australian Temperament Project (ATP; Smart, Hayes, Sanson & Toumbourou, 2007) is an excellent example of this type of study. It involved researchers from the Australian Institute of Family Studies who followed individuals from infancy to young adulthood (over 20 years). Because these researchers had such comprehensive longitudinal data, they were able to compare the infancy and childhoods of those who presented in adolescence as resilient and those who were struggling emotionally or who had become involved in problem behaviours. The findings also increase our understanding of the ways that the relatively small group of adolescents who became involved in problematic behaviour in adolescence, differed from their peers even when they were small children. Smart et al. (2007) focused on the ways young people develop in three problem areas: antisocial behaviour, substance abuse and internalizing problems such as anxiety or depression. They found both similarities and differences in terms of the factors that were particularly important in the development of these issues. In support of our position that adolescence builds on earlier experiences in the family, these researchers found that temperamental difficulties and behaviour problems early in life tended to increase the risk of problems in adolescence and young adulthood. In line with arguments we have made earlier in this book, good quality parent–child relationships increased the likelihood of adolescents behaving appropriately and being well adjusted.

8.11.1 Temperament and Parenting: How They Interact One of the issues in seeking to assess the effects of temperament is that temperament researchers tend to define temperament somewhat differently and use different measures of this variable. Temperament is generally seen as the characteristics that a person is born with and that affects that person’s acting, feeling and thinking. In some studies temperament is assessed in terms of whether a child is easy, average or difficult (e.g., Wu, Dixon, Dalton, Tudiver & Liu, 2011). For others, it is assessed in terms of variables such as sociability, emotionality and activity level (e.g., Holder



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& Klasssen, 2010). Other researchers have included shyness along with emotionality, sociability and activity (e.g., Ganiban, Ulbricht, Saudino, Reiss & Neiderhiser, 2011). Still others have used concepts such as effortful control and fearfulness (Sentse, Ormel, Veenstra, Verhulst &  Oldehinkel, 2011) or harm avoidance and reward dependence (Manfredi, Caselli, Rovetto, Rebecchi, Sassaroli, &  Spada, 2011) or fearfulness (Padilla-Walker &  Nelson, 2010) or anger-proneness (Koenig, Barry &  Kochanska, 2010) or behavioural inhibition and inhibitory control (Volbrecht & Goldsmith, 2010). In a  Japanese study, temperament was assessed using the Temperament and Character Inventory (Cloninger &  Zohar, 2011) that measures seven dimensions: novelty seeking, harm avoidance, reward dependence, persistence, self-directedness, cooperativeness and self-transcendence (Suzuki, Matsumoto, Shibuya, Sadahiro, Kamata, Goto, et  al., 2011). Cloninger and Zohar, however, consider that the first four variables in the list are temperament and the other three are character. It would seem important for researchers in this area to come to some agreement about how temperament should be measured. It is interesting to note, however, as we will show, that whatever way temperament is conceptualized and assessed it tends to have an effect on the behaviour of the child as well as on parenting behaviour. In a  relatively straightforward study of the links between temperament and happiness in children aged 9 to 12 years, Holder and Klassen (2010) showed that children tended to be happier when they were more sociable and active and less emotional, anxious and shy. In this study, temperament accounted for between 9 and 29 percent of the variance in child happiness depending on which measures were used (that is, ratings of children’s temperament by parents or children). One study showing the interaction between child temperament and maternal characteristics is the study by Wu et al. (2011) of the joint effects of child temperament and maternal sensitivity in the development of obesity. In this study, the temperament of the child was assessed in terms of whether it was easy, average or difficult and the sensitivity of the mother was assessed observationally as mother and baby engaged in a semi-structured interaction. Mothers were assessed as either sensitive or insensitive, although we would expect that this variable would be better assessed on a broader scale. These researchers found that easy children with sensitive mothers were significantly less likely than other children to be overweight or obese during their school years. One study explored the links between parenting and children’s peer relationships, and found that parents’ psychological control was important (Miller, Tserakhave, &  Miller (2011). Children reported on the psychological control exercised by their parents and teachers reported on the extent to which children were neglected or excluded by their peers. Fathers’ psychological control was associated with a greater likelihood of being excluded for males, and the psychological control of both fathers and mothers was associated with the likelihood that shy females would be excluded from friendship networks. Thus it seems that the interaction of parenting and temperament can have an  impact on the ability of children to make friends.

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Therefore, adolescents who are allowed to express their own opinions and contribute to decisions in their lives are more likely to enjoy positive relationships with their peers. We have discussed the effects of parental psychological control in Chapter 3 where we focus on the family environment. A group of Italian researchers (Manfredi, Caselli, Rovetto, Rebecchi, Ruggiero, Sassaroli & Spada et al., 2011) measured anxiety, depression, temperament, parental styles, rumination and worry in a  community sample of children, adolescents and young adults. Temperament in this study was assessed in terms of Cloninger’s (1986) conceptualization of temperament as including three variables: harm avoidance, novelty seeking and reward dependence. The researchers were focused on the links between the temperament measures, parenting styles and two types of recurrent negative thinking (rumination and worry). Both types of negative thinking were positively correlated with anxiety, depression, harm avoidance and parental overprotection. Rumination was also positively correlated with reward dependence and worry was positively correlated with novelty-seeking. Thus the temperament factors were found to be important predictors of these recurrent negative thinking patterns. In addition, parental overprotection was an independent predictor of both rumination and worry (Manfredi et  al., 2011). One of the problems with parental overprotection is that this type of parenting tends to send a message to adolescents that they are inadequate and cannot be trusted to do what is required to care for themselves and keep themselves safe. Parents who encourage and support their adolescents to engage in an appropriate degree of exploration and autonomy facilitate the development of confidence and contentment. Padilla-Walker and Nelson (2010) explored the role of temperament (assessed as fearfulness) in the association between parenting and adolescents’ values and behaviour in a sample of adolescents and young adults. These young people reported on their own fearfulness, as well as their prosocial values and also their perceptions of their mothers’ attachment and the appropriateness of her behaviour. There was an  association between adolescents’ perceptions of their mothers’ attachment security and their own prosocial behaviour. In other words, those young people who saw their mothers as secure in attachment tended to engage in prosocial behaviour. In addition, perceptions of maternal security were related to the greater importance of prosocial values as well as prosocial behaviour for boys who were low on fearfulness. While it is interesting to examine the links between these measures, it is important to recognize that all the measures are based on a single informant, a procedure that would inflate the correlations. A more interesting exercise would have involved the mothers reporting on their own attachment and that measure being related to the measures provided by the adolescents. Another problem with this study is that all the measures are based on questionnaire data. In a better-designed study carried out by Koenig, Barry and Kochanska (2010), both child temperament (assessed as proneness to anger at 25 and 38 months) and parenting were based on observational data. In addition, parents’ personalities

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were assessed using the Big Five personality factors (Costa & McCrae, 1992) as well as on optimism. Irrespective of child temperament, mothers’ low neuroticism and fathers’ high extraversion were related to more positive parenting. When dealing with difficult anger-prone children, mothers’ high optimism and fathers’ high openness were associated with more positive parenting. Hence, positive parenting encourages positive characteristics in adolescence.

8.12 Conclusions In this chapter, we have focused on three related issues: the development of resilience and the importance of parenting to that process, the impact of temperament on parenting and the way that adolescence builds on infancy and childhood. Although parents often seem to believe that their socially-competent and well-behaved child could suddenly turn into a  monster when he or she reaches adolescence, such a complete change in behaviour is unlikely. On the other hand, adolescence is a time when young people and their parents need to redefine their relationship. First, adolescents need to begin the process of separating from parents and developing an autonomous self (see Chapter 2). In achieving this goal, adolescents need to ‘push the boundaries’ set by parents, and argue for the right to make their own decisions, at least in areas where this is appropriate. This process may involve increased conflict with parents and may be difficult for some parents to handle. Recognizing that such conflict is normal and an important part of growing up should help. Second, adolescents and parents need to develop a new kind of relationship. This relationship will be built on mutual respect and be a more equal relationship than has existed in the past. Adolescents’ opinions need to be taken into account in the making of decisions that affect them. In addition, adolescents also need to be given more freedom to make their own decisions in areas where that is appropriate. Of course, these changes should not happen overnight, but should happen gradually as parents allow more freedom and more responsibility to the adolescent. Balancing freedom and responsibility is important so that young people recognize that freedom and responsibility need to go together, and that they need to take responsibility for the consequences of decisions that they themselves make. Parents need to be there to support their adolescents when things don’t go well but should not relieve them of the responsibility for dealing with the consequences. If as children, young people have learned to deal with the consequences of their behaviour, this issue should be less problematic. While the role of parents in, as far as possible, providing an emotionally warm family atmosphere, open communication, encouragement and support and adequate rules and supervision where needed is obviously important, we have also shown here that the temperament of the adolescent is relevant. The  temperament of the

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adolescent may affect the parenting, and temperament and parenting interact to affect the behaviour of the adolescent. When the importance of temperament is acknowledged, two other conclusions can be drawn: First, adolescence builds on the temperament of the infant and child as was evident in the Australian Temperament Project, and second, it is inappropriate to see the parents as the ones who are solely responsible for adolescents’ behaviour. Most parents have the goal of raising resilient adolescents who will be able to make responsible decisions and react positively to difficult circumstances and recover from those situations with little impact on their mental health. It is important to remember, however, that both the adolescent and the parent contribute to such outcomes and the critical issue may be maintaining a relationship of respect between the two, not surrendering to any unreasonable demands of the adolescent but allowing for respectful discussion between parent and adolescent where differences can be worked through for the benefit of both.

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List of Figures Figure 2.1: Adolescent Imaginary Audience

14

List of Tables Table 2.1: Marcia’s Identity Statuses Table 2.2: Identity Styles

22

23

Table 2.3: Characteristics of Four Styles of Attachment Table 3.1: Attachment Style and Parenting

27

44

Table 3.2: Parent Mental Health and Adolescent Outcomes

45

Table 3.3: Marital Satisfaction, Conflict and Adolescent outcomes Table 4.1: Conflict styles and outcomes

Table 4.2: Positive and Negative Aspects of Conflict

80

Table 5.1: Factors Promoting Resilience in Family Members Table 5.2: Types of Sibling Relationships Table 5.3: Divorce and Offspring Issues Table 5.4: Possible Stepfamily Problems Table 6.1: Typology of Adolescent Drinking

48

78 103

107 108 113 123

Table 6.2: Risk and Protective Factors Related to Heavy Smoking

127

Index acceptance 2, 4, 42, 44, 121, 133, 151, 154 adaptability 16, 57, 103, 140-141 adjustment 6, 8-10, 20-21, 24, 37, 39, 42, 44-45, 47, 56, 59, 62-63, 65, 67, 72-73, 77-78, 80, 91, 93-94, 96-100, 102, 110-111, 113, 115, 118, 146, 148-150, 154, 156-157, 171 adulthood 1, 5-7, 10, 13, 20, 28-29, 32, 71, 81, 110, 121, 132, 146, 148, 155-157, 161, 170, 172 adversity 10, 159, 161-162, 171 affection 57, 62, 84, 126, 138, 140 alcohol 3, 8, 10-11, 35, 46, 70, 89, 118-126, 130-131, 141, 143, 150, 154, 157, 166, 169 altruism 11 anger 25, 55, 81, 98, 104, 134, 174 anorexia 65, 139, 141-143 anxiety 28, 38, 42, 47, 56, 58-60, 62, 64-65, 83-84, 95, 99-100, 111, 120, 133-134, 154, 160, 163, 172, 174 anxious 43, 57-58, 60-62, 65, 167, 173 argument 48, 101 attachment 9, 11, 24-29, 32-33, 40-44, 60-62, 64, 100, 125, 135, 138, 150, 156, 159, 162, 164-165, 169, 174 attachment functions 25, 29, 33 attachment styles 26-28, 43 authority 17, 24, 70, 74, 81-82, 91, 120 autonomy 6, 11, 15-16, 18, 25-27, 32, 52, 56-60, 64, 67-68, 72-73, 75-77, 80, 88, 105, 109, 121, 126-127, 136, 138, 143, 146, 162, 169-170, 174 avoid 92, 99, 105, 130, 137, 142, 147-148, 152 beliefs 4-6, 20, 68, 70-71, 74, 78, 81, 103, 129, 157 belonging 14, 103, 154, 171 binge-drinking 15, 144 binge-eating 139, 141-143 birth order 61-63 bond 16, 59, 68, 75 boundaries 17, 31, 68, 170, 175 brain development 1, 7, 130 bulimia 139, 142-143 bullying 88-89, 131 caregiving 42 characteristics 9, 11, 27, 30, 39, 41-42, 51, 61-62, 64, 66, 97, 122-123, 131-132, 159-161, 163, 168, 172-173, 175

childhood 1, 5, 7, 22, 41, 45, 54, 58, 94, 110, 122, 138, 140-141, 161, 167, 175 closeness 16-17, 26, 28, 42-43, 57, 77, 87, 115, 121, 150, 156, 158 coercion 25, 77 cognitive development 6, 11, 75 cohabitation 147, 151-152, 156, 158 cohesion 16, 21, 57, 64, 103, 140-142, 163, 169 commitment 17, 22, 24, 31, 151, 158 communication 9-10, 12, 23, 33-34, 40, 47, 57, 64, 66-72, 74-75, 78-79, 83-94, 97-98, 100-101, 103, 123, 128-129, 136, 164-165, 167, 170, 175 community 4, 8-9, 12, 23, 31, 49, 51-52, 55, 66, 122, 125, 128, 137, 152-153, 158, 170-171, 174 comparison 63, 65, 79, 100 competition 60-61, 63, 65 conflict 1-2, 10, 21, 30, 37-38, 40, 46-48, 50, 52-53, 59, 61, 63-65, 68, 75-85, 88, 91-92, 95-102, 104, 106-108, 111115, 118, 126, 131-135, 138, 142, 144, 147-149, 151, 154, 156-157, 160, 170, 175 conflict resolution 78-79, 92, 95 conflict styles 77-78 connectedness 16, 55, 67, 87 consultation 114 contraception 71, 129-130, 142, 144 control 7-9, 11, 35, 43, 48, 51, 54-56, 58, 60, 62, 64, 68, 72-73, 75, 80, 83, 93, 97, 104-106, 108, 116, 118, 121, 123, 125, 133, 135-136, 138, 140-141, 149, 154, 164, 166, 173-174 cooperation 90 coping 46, 94-95, 97-98, 102, 139, 150, 169 criticism 99, 138, 170 culture 12, 31, 55, 70, 90, 118, 128, 140, 144, 160, 170 dating 2 decision-making 6, 8, 10, 22, 57, 71-73, 82, 91, 104, 115, 136, 151, 169 delinquency 10, 50-51, 56, 58-59, 64, 81, 100, 109, 111, 118, 125, 130, 132, 153 dependence 5, 17, 25, 46, 173-174 depression 10, 21, 26, 29, 38, 44-47, 50, 53, 55-60, 62, 64-66, 78, 81, 83-84, 87, 95-96, 99-100, 102, 110-111, 118, 120, 125,

220 

 Index

132-138, 142, 144, 154, 160, 163, 167-169, 172, 174 developmental tasks 1, 67, 136, 141, 161 differential parenting 62 differential treatment 61-63, 65 disadvantage 51, 104, 170 disclosure 10, 58-59, 74-75, 95, 126 distant 43, 57, 147, 158 distress 41, 47, 50, 107, 115, 124, 131-132, 135, 138, 150, 168 divorce 10, 13, 30, 37, 94-104, 106-112, 114-118, 138, 142, 146-147, 151, 158-159 divorce-proneness 108 driving 8, 11, 130, 144 drugs 10, 26, 46, 55, 89, 118-122, 124-126, 136, 141-144, 154-155, 157, 166 dysfunction 102, 104, 126, 138, 140, 142, 147 eating disorders 10, 118, 120, 139-144 education 1, 5, 40, 46, 69, 74, 95, 105, 109, 128-129, 144, 146-149, 151-153, 156, 170 egocentrism 14 emerging adulthood 1, 7, 71, 146, 148, 156-157 empathy 26, 59, 167 emotion 5, 58, 133, 137, 139, 142, 150, 167-168 emotional expression 91, 168 emotion regulation 142, 167 encouragement 56, 64, 71, 92, 129, 139, 141, 164, 166, 171, 175 environment 8, 13, 19-20, 24-25, 30, 33-34, 40-41, 46, 48-49, 51, 54, 56, 60-61, 63, 66-67, 70, 79, 98, 109, 121, 124, 131-133, 135, 144, 146, 149, 156, 160, 164, 168-171, 174 ethnic 20-21, 35, 61-62, 104, 108, 124, 171 expectations 5, 7, 11, 18, 21, 26, 31, 60, 68, 70-71, 122, 136, 146, 149, 151, 161, 164, 170 extended family 3, 9, 49, 64, 66 externalizing 39-41, 44-46, 58, 62, 84, 95, 108, 121 family breakdown 10, 13 family climate 13, 41, 61, 74, 83 family conventions 2, 81 family environment 13, 24, 33-34, 40-41, 46, 48-49, 54, 60-61, 63, 66-67, 79, 98, 121, 124, 132-133, 135, 144, 146, 169-170, 174 family functioning 54, 57, 64, 68, 95, 103, 133, 138, 140, 146 family structure 3, 9-10, 20, 34-36, 38-40, 51, 67, 96, 109, 127-128, 138, 147, 156, 158, 161 Family Systems Theory 9, 12-13, 34

father 16-17, 19, 21-22, 30, 37-38, 42, 46, 51, 53, 60-62, 82, 96-97, 108-109, 132-133, 152, 156 financial 9, 30, 35-37, 40, 50-51, 61, 63-64, 74, 97, 104-105, 109, 133, 138, 146, 148, 150, 156-158 flexibility 2, 43, 57, 64, 115, 141 freedom 9, 17, 58, 86, 144, 175 frustration 18, 77, 137 gender 6, 49, 62, 69-71, 76, 87, 128, 133, 140, 159, 163 General strain theory 81 genetic 46, 109, 133-134, 159 grandparent 14, 50, 166 guidance 7, 10, 24, 58, 62, 68, 138, 145, 161 health 3, 6, 9, 12, 20, 35, 38, 40-41, 43-46, 55, 61-66, 69, 71, 88-89, 102, 105, 110-111, 118, 121, 128, 142, 159-160, 169-170, 176 homeless 10, 154-155, 157 hostility 18, 40, 50, 59, 64, 84, 106-107, 131, 133 idealism 14 identity 1, 8-9, 11, 15, 18-24, 31-32, 52, 59, 64, 76, 82, 118, 121, 171 identity formation 9, 15, 18-23, 32, 59, 64, 76 identity status 21, 23 illegal 55, 118-119, 121, 125, 141-143 imaginary audience 14, 32 impulse control 123 independence 5-6, 15, 25, 32, 52, 56, 58, 60, 67, 73, 82, 91, 109, 118, 143, 146, 149, 152, 154-156, 170 individuation 1, 15-18, 38, 67, 80-81, 105, 118, 150 indulgent 54-55 insecure 11, 25-26, 32, 42-44, 61, 150 insecurity 25-26, 28, 44 instability 38-42 interdependence 6, 13, 30, 33, 56-57 internalizing 38, 40-41, 44, 47, 58, 84, 95-96, 108, 120, 132-133, 167, 172 intervention 95, 125, 158 intimacy 2, 27, 41-42, 53, 63-64, 85, 92, 166 leave home 113, 146-149, 152-154, 156-158 Legal System 102 leisure 37, 52, 103, 105, 115, 132 Life Course Theory 9, 29 life stage 1, 9, 16, 33, 67, 146, 158 limits 65, 124, 131, 138, 143 living arrangements 10, 50, 97, 146, 155-156 love 6-7, 11, 60-61, 90-91, 99, 106, 129

Index  marital 9, 39, 41, 46-50, 61, 63-64, 77-78, 102, 104, 108-110, 130, 133, 138, 151, 165 marriage 26, 47-48, 53, 94-95, 104, 111-112, 116, 134, 146-147, 151-152 meal-times 144 media 17, 71, 86, 89, 91, 118, 122, 129-130, 139-140, 144 mental health 6, 9, 12, 20, 35, 38, 40-41, 43-46, 55, 62, 64-66, 69, 102, 105, 110-111, 159, 176 mental illness 162-163 mobile phone 87-88 monitoring 20, 45, 51, 58, 62, 64, 68-69, 74-75, 82, 88-89, 95, 113, 123, 128, 130, 132-133, 143, 150, 171 mood 11, 32, 50, 53, 75, 81, 103, 115, 118, 136, 148, 157 moral 82, 129 mother 3, 14, 16, 21-22, 24-25, 34, 36, 38-40, 45, 51, 61, 76, 89, 96-97, 108-109, 112-115, 126, 134, 140, 152, 168, 173 neglect 51, 138 negotiation 24, 93, 136 neighbourhood 50-51, 171 neurotic 12 normative 23-24, 76, 120-122, 162 norms 91, 122 nuclear family 3, 166 obesity 139-142, 173 optimism 8, 125, 161, 163-164, 175 overprotection 87, 174 parent 3, 5, 8-10, 12-13, 15, 21, 34, 37, 39-46, 49, 51-52, 55-56, 58, 61-62, 64, 67, 69, 71-72, 75, 77-79, 87-89, 92-101, 104-106, 109, 111, 113-116, 122, 126, 129, 133, 138-139, 141-143, 147-148, 166, 172, 176 parenthood 152, 156 parenting 3, 9-10, 18, 22-24, 36-37, 41-42, 44, 47, 50-52, 54-57, 59-60, 62, 64-65, 73, 76, 83, 87-88, 92, 100, 104, 107-112, 115-116, 124-127, 130-133, 138, 140, 142-143, 146, 159, 161-162, 165, 167, 172-176 parenting style 24, 41, 44, 54-56, 73, 143 peer 1-2, 8, 11, 61, 64, 71, 85-86, 91, 122-128, 130, 132, 140-143, 164, 173 peer pressure 143 peer relationships 1, 8, 64, 85, 91, 173 perfectionism 60, 139, 142 personality 39, 41-42, 47, 55, 61-62, 64, 125, 131-132, 143, 175

 221

political involvement 8 Positive Youth Development 4, 9, 30-31, 33, 119 poverty 34-35, 51, 66, 109, 154, 171 problem-solving 19, 25, 52, 77, 80, 91-92, 133, 135-137, 142, 144, 152, 163 protective factors 46, 125-127, 134, 159-160, 163, 166-167, 169-170 psychological control 58, 60, 64, 75, 133, 173-174 psychosocial development 17, 79, 91 puberty 6-7, 11, 132, 142 punish 52 rebellion 120 rejection 15, 42, 57-58, 106, 120, 131 religion 70-71, 155 remarried 3, 36, 108, 110, 113, 148 residential arrangements 96-97, 114 resilience 10, 31, 68, 102-103, 115, 119, 158-172, 175 responsibility 20, 33, 37, 68, 92, 116, 122, 130, 135, 148, 155, 157, 162, 175 responsive 23, 25, 44, 73-74, 91-92, 161, 166 rites of passage 6 role model 169 romantic relationships 1-2, 26, 42, 95, 112, 166 rules 10, 12-13, 16, 19, 43, 57, 61, 63, 72, 79, 81, 105, 123-124, 130, 141, 153, 164-166, 175 satisfaction 46-48, 63-64, 78, 103, 108, 148, 151 Secrecy 10, 74 secure 11, 16, 25-29, 32-33, 42-44, 61, 135, 150, 156, 164-165, 169, 174 security 16, 25-26, 28, 41-44, 57, 64, 150, 152, 159, 174 self harm 154 separation 15, 17, 25, 29, 32, 38, 60, 65, 94-97, 100-101, 104, 111, 114-115, 138, 159 sex 8, 15, 39, 62, 68, 72, 95, 100, 109, 128-130, 139, 144, 155, 166 sexuality 10, 70-71, 95, 118, 128-129 siblings 9-10, 34, 46, 60-63, 65-66, 83-84, 91-92, 94, 106-107, 115-116, 122, 124-125, 142-143 single parent 3, 12, 51, 116 smoking 15, 74, 82, 118, 120, 126-128, 142-143, 150, 166, 169 social class 19, 36, 50-52, 64, 147 social development 2 social skills 2, 85, 121, 142, 167 social support 30, 42, 51, 112, 139, 142, 171 social systems 49

222 

 Index

sport 38, 126 stability 16, 31, 40, 55, 122, 147 stepparent 3 stereotype 3 strength-based 119 stress 1, 3, 11-12, 32, 50, 52-54, 98-99, 116, 124, 133-134, 149, 156, 160, 168 substance use 46, 69, 74, 121, 123-126, 163 suicide 10, 57, 95, 120, 136-138, 141-142, 144, 154, 157 supervision 40, 58-59, 64, 72, 85, 91, 112-113, 131, 143, 164-166, 169, 175 support 2, 5, 7-10, 16-17, 30-32, 36-37, 39-42, 45, 49-52, 54-57, 61-62, 64, 66, 73-74, 79-80, 82-84, 88-91, 93, 98, 102-103, 106, 112, 114, 116, 122, 125, 135, 138-139, 142, 147-153, 156-158, 160, 162-164, 166, 169-172, 174-175 technology 10, 71, 86-89, 91, 93 temperament 10, 36, 134, 159, 162, 167, 169, 172-176 therapy 13, 65-66, 115, 144

transition 6-7, 9, 16, 18, 77, 100, 125, 146, 148-150, 152, 156-158, 167 transmission 55, 70 trust 2, 42, 83, 100, 165, 169 uninvolved 8, 37, 54-55, 106 values 2, 15, 18-19, 22, 47, 49, 55-56, 58-59, 61, 63, 68, 70-71, 81-82, 89-92, 105, 120, 152, 156, 171, 174 violence 41, 44, 46, 49, 66, 68, 121, 131-132, 157, 160, 168 Visitation 105 volunteer 8, 14 vulnerable 6, 57, 59-60, 120, 141, 160 warmth 20, 42, 47, 50, 52, 54-55, 57, 63-64, 80, 83, 106, 116, 127, 133, 142, 161, 167 well-being 9, 33, 40, 47, 49, 63-64, 66-67, 69, 75, 78, 86, 88, 91, 95, 97, 110, 132 work 1, 5, 7, 11-12, 16, 19, 21-22, 24-25, 30-31, 33, 40, 43, 51-54, 64-66, 68, 99, 103, 112-113, 115-116, 119-121, 137, 144, 153, 155, 158, 164, 168 working models 25