Falmouth Massachusetts: Problems of a Resort Community 9780231882040

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FALMOUTH MASSACHUSETTS

FALMOUTH MASSACHUSETTS PROBLEMS OF A RESORT COMMUNITY

by MILLARD C. FAUGHT

New York: COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS j 945

*

WAAT! Μ E

BOOK:

THIS

COMPLETE

EDITION

IS

PRODUCED

IN F U L L C O M P L I A N C E W I T H T H E GOVI R N M E N T S R E G U L A T I O N S FOR

CONSERVING

COPYRIGHT

1945,

PAPER

AND

COLUMBIA

OTHER

ESSENTIAL

UNIVERSITY

PRESS, N E W

M A N U F A C T U R E D IN T H E U N I T E D STATES OL·

Foreign Agent:

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS,

MATERIALS

YORK

AMERICA

Humphrey M ilforJ ,

Amen House, London, E.C. 4, England, and B.l. Building, Nicol Road, Bombay, India

To

PATRICIA

and to All Long-suffering Wives of Ph.D. Candidates

CONTENTS I. II.

Introduction

I

Background and Historical Development

5

III.

Resort Patterns and Problems

38

IV.

Problems of a Resort Government

62

Business Enterprise in a Resort

90

V. VI. VII. VIII. IX.

Hotels, Inns, and Rooming Houses

117

Resort Marketing

127

Sociological Problems

140

Conclusions and Suggestions

157

Appendices

173

Meteorological Data

173

Property Ownership

176

Questionnaires

178

Index

183

Chapter I INTRODUCTION deals with some modern aspects of a very old human activity, recreation. There was a time, no doubt, when twenty-four hours scarcely afforded time enough to obtain the necessary food, sleep, and physical protection to survive and there are forces abroad in the world today that appear bent on returning all mankind to that state where survival is the sole objective in life. But for that aggregation of persons, mores, beliefs, and practices which we please to term civilization, there has been a rather steady progress away from the level of sheer survival toward our present distribution of time and effort wherein play or recreation obtains an increasing share. Not only do we tend to spend a greater portion of each day in some form of recreation, but we likewise spend more of the year in recreational pursuits. Specifically, in our present social milieu, increasing numbers of people are taking annual vacations. It is perhaps an adequate commentary on this trend to observe that vacations-with-pay have become an important demand of organized labor. Many factors, both social and economic, account for this desire to increase the amount of our lives allocated to leisure time and to vacations. Most of these factors are associated with a rising standard of living. As both money wages and real income increase, more and more people can live twelve months on less than twelve months' income and can therefore take an annual vacation. More important, however, than these permissive factors are other considerations which have stimulated the need for and the practice of taking vacations. The tempo of society is vastly accelerated. Increasing numbers and kinds of things happen to us physically and mentally in the course of a year that cause us to want to "get away from it all," to seek a new environment, preferably a rural one, where we can rest. And, as more and more people now lead sedentary lives in routine metropolitan surroundings, the demand for vacation accommodations has steadily increased. Other permissive factors, like improved transportation facilities, have stimulated such tendencies. The types of vacation activity which take place in—and have given rise to— resorts are the main concern of this analysis. Vacationing has increased so rapidly in recent years as to become a significant economic factor in American life. In short we have a vacation industry which has achieved the status of big business. The United States Travel Bureau estimated in 1940 that expenditures by recreational travelers in the United States are equal to six billion dollars T H I S BOOK

2

INTRODUCTION 1

annually. According to the same source, the six New England States alone received $405,984,000 from vacation activities in the year 1939. This would make the vacation industry New England's second largest single source of income, exceeded only by manufacturing. Because of its heterogeneous and unintegrated nature, some time will elapse before this vacation "industry," if such terminology can be justified at all, becomes an accepted, well-defined economic phenomenon. At present very few over-all statistics are available, and only small segments of the total picture have been studied in any detail. Perhaps the largest and most nearly identifiable segments of the vacation industry are the individual resorts. Both the mountain areas and the coasts of New England are dotted with small towns and villages which, although owing their origin to a great variety of economic factors, have over a period of years become primarily summer resorts. Many of them are dependent for their prime source of income on the goods and services which they can sell to various types of vacationers, ranging from nonresident owners of substantial summer homes to highly transient visitors. In those resort towns which have relatively little auxiliary income, the local economy is dependent on the seasonal going and coming of vacationists; and over longer periods on the relative prosperity of their clientele. A general depression is a severe blow to a resort which has only luxury products to sell. Because very few resort communities are ever planned as such, most of them have acquired adjustment problems. Being made over from former agricultural, fishing, or manufacturing towns and villages, and made over more by accident than design, almost all resort communities have a set of unique social and economic problems. Some of these have to do with municipal government. Nonresident property owners pay taxes but cannot vote. Public services, like fire departments and police protection, must be greatly expanded in summer. Frictions tend to arise between resident and nonresident taxpayers over zoning laws, expenditures for highways and beach improvements versus schools, welfare costs, and other normal municipal activities. As suggested by these latter points, resort towns also tend to develop an egregious set of sociological problems, arising out of this dual life of bustling resort in summer and quiet self-contained village in winter. Except for commercial intercourse, relatively little opportunity arises for the two groups, residents and nonresidents, to get acquainted. There is little incentive for them to fraternize, since during the resort season the native population is busy and 1

U.S. Travel Bureau, Dept. of the Interior, Official Bulletin (Washington, D.C., 1940) p. 8.

INTRODUCTION

3

the summer residents are often seeking the opposite of social activities, if not outright seclusion. The peculiar way of life in a resort, with its underlying seasonal duality, affects even such stable things as the religious life of the community, the curriculum of the schools, and the ambitions and sense of values of the children. Considering the complex nature and extent of the many problems affecting the several thousand towns and villages of varying sizes in the United States that are resorts in the general sense of the term, it is surprising that economists and sociologists have so long neglected to examine this type of community. This does not necessarily imply that the study which follows is a pioneer analysis of resort community life. Its only pioneer aspects are that it is based on original research and seeks to follow no precedents set by earlier studies. Neither is it posed as a "type" study from which unqualified conclusions can be drawn about the broad vacation industry discussed above. In selecting Falmouth, Massachusetts, for a case study, no effort was made to find a "typical" resort town. As a vacation area N e w England is so variegated as to preclude the possibility of any one community serving as a representative sample of the whole region. N e w England could be divided recreationally into a "mountain province" and a "marine province," yet each category would contain subsections of almost totally different activities. For example, the shore resorts around Bar Harbor, Maine, are different physiographically, economically, and socially from those of the N e w Hampshire and North Massachusetts coast. T h e resort activities of the lower Connecticut shore are likewise atypical when compared with the dominant vacation features of Cape Cod. In point of fact, the Cape town of Falmouth differs markedly in its resort characteristics from Provincetown or even from its next door neighbor Hyannis. The basic reason for selecting Falmouth was that, having spent some time surveying many such resort areas and cataloguing what seemed to be the characteristic factors which produced the "problems of a resort community," the author felt that Falmouth offered a location where a maximum number of these factors could be observed and analyzed. Beyond this no special reasons for the selection were present which might tend to modify the conclusions ultimately reached. The town of Falmouth, as shown on the map (pages 22-23), covers some forty-six square miles of the western end of Cape Cod and is located in one of New England's primary vacation areas. Falmouth was settled about 1661 and has enjoyed a long and varied history. It has also had a relatively long history

4

INTRODUCTION

as a vacation area. Consequently it has had an opportunity to develop a very complex resort pattern. Although Falmouth has, at the time of this writing, a permanent population of approximately 7,000, and therefore a fairly stable local economy, it is dependent on its summer resort business for almost 75 per cent of its normal annual income. T h e summer population ranges from three to five times that of the year-round residents, and an estimated two thirds of the town's annual business is transacted during the vacation period of mid-June to midSeptember. In this socioeconomic matrix are embedded a large number of problems stemming from the factor of seasonality with its attendant phenomena of overhead costs, idle capacity, periodic unemployment, and allied social consequences. In addition to the variety of resort activities, which extend from the ownership and the use of $150,000 summer estates to incidental purchases by visiting sight-seers, Falmouth has an interesting admixture of social groups, both among the local residents and among the summer people. On Main Street, which sometimes rivals Broadway and at other times lies in empty loneliness, world-renowned artists, scientists, and an occasional millionaire rub elbows with the Portuguese farmers and various generations of Cape Codders. A n additional practical reason, from the standpoint of research, for the selection of Falmouth lies in the fact that there was found to be an unusual awareness, on the part of both the summer people and the permanent residents in the town, of many of the resort problems confronting them. Without this understanding and the cooperation it engendered, it is doubtful that the author, without the aid of additional investigators, would have been able to complete the study with any degree of thoroughness. There were, of course, those in the community who looked on the whole study with a jaundiced and suspicious eye. Happily, however, this taciturn minority was so outnumbered by those who were willing and even eager to cooperate that no individual acknowledgments of indebtedness are possible. A s a book, then, this is the story of a town and its people—its permanent residents and its seasonal guests. It is an attempt to identify, to examine, and in a measure to suggest solutions to some of their peculiar problems. Only in the degree to which other resort communities have similar problems does it have significance outside its prescribed limits. However, it is the feeling of the author that, as other studies of this type are made, our understanding of those heterogeneous vacation activities which stem from our increased use of recreational time and facilities will soon grow to the point where we can remove the quotation marks from the term "resort industry."

Chapter II BACKGROUND AND HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT THE PRACTICE of taking vacations and of building or buying summer homes has progressed far enough to have produced many a land boom. Along our coasts and in our scenic mountain areas a host of "colonies" are to be found, but as yet we have had no examples of an entire town having been planned from the beginning and built specifically as an ideal resort community. Such a town, if established, would probably be very artificial. An ideal resort may, in fact, be an impossible thing. Many of the places now famous among vacationists got their start because they already had some outstanding characteristic which drew people to them. Many places have become resorts simply because they did have a great history. Falmouth had accumulated two centuries of history before any evidence appeared that it might become a summer resort. T h i s accidental and unplanned aspect of its development has contributed both assets and liabilities. PHYSIOGRAPHY OF FALMOUTH

Cape Cod has been likened by various observ-

ers to a great arm thrust out into the sea and bent in such a manner that the compound recurved sandspit at Provincetown becomes the clenched fist, and the several sandy projections around Chatham form the elbow. Presumably, if the anatomical analogy were pursued to its conclusion, Falmouth could be said to form a portion of the muscular biceps. In any case, the town of Falmouth dominates the western end of the Cape and forms the major portion of the eastern shore of Buzzards Bay. On the south the town extends approximately nine miles down-Cape from Woods Hole to the mouth of Waquoit Bay. On this side it faces Martha's Vineyard across a three mile stretch of exceptionally blue water, the western section of which is Vineyard Sound, becoming Nantucket Sound as it widens out in an easterly direction from Nobska Point. These waters, which make up most of Falmouth's boundaries, are among the town's most valuable assets. On the north and east the boundaries follow small streams or are arbitrarily drawn through second-growth forests of scrub pine and brush. An area of forty-six square miles makes Falmouth the second largest town on the Cape and considerably bigger than the average Massachusetts town. However, this areal significance diminishes rapidly in the face of other factors of more economic and sociological consequence. T h e position and accessibility of Falmouth with respect to surrounding areas and potential markets for its

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

6

recreational products are of exceptional importance; and increasingly so as transportation facilities play a more and more dominant role in vacation planning. Accessibility by water led directly to the discovery of the site of Falmouth in 1602 and has constantly influenced its subsequent history. Homes of old ship captains still form important local historic landmarks, although the heyday of whaling is long past. T h e picturesque clippers and sail-burdened commercial craft are gone, but their places in Falmouth's several natural harbors are now taken during the summer months by nearly four hundred restless pleasure craft, ranging from tiny catboats through many sizes of launches, cruisers, sloops, and yawls up to an occasional magnificent yacht. Periodic appearances of hydroplanes portend future transportational uses of Falmouth's marine approaches. In the days before rails and hard-surfacing, preferences for water transportation were no doubt accentuated by the sandy and rocky nature of Cape roads, plus the uneven glacial topography and dense vegetation. Today, however, Falmouth has direct rail communications with all parts of the country by means of a branch line of the N e w York, N e w Haven and Hartford Railroad, connecting at Woods Hole with the ferry steamer to Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket. State H i g h w a y 28, a wide, smooth, paved road, passes through the town and joins, at the new Bourne Bridge over the Cape Cod Canal, with a network of paved highways leading throughout N e w England. V i a the present road system Falmouth is approximately seventy-five miles from Boston and roughly two hundred and fifty miles from N e w Y o r k . Authorities seem generally agreed that all of the present landforms, as well as the immediate geologic substructures of Cape Cod, are either of glacial origin or are products of marine deposition and erosion. 1 One author summarizes his conclusions as follows, "Cape Cod is therefore a mass of glacially derived material resting on a pre-glacial basement of sands and clays. Its detailed surface features are due chiefly, and in some cases wholly, to ice action."

2

L i k e the rest of the Cape, Falmouth's topography is dominated by glacial forms. T h e range of low hills running from Woods Hole along the shore of Buzzards Bay is a southward extension of the Plymouth Moraine, an easterly branch of which forms the backbone of Cape Cod, extending down-Cape as f a r as Brewster. Most of the hills in Falmouth formed by this moraine are 1 See J. H. Wilson, The Glacial History of Nantucket and Cape Cod (New York, 1906); N. M. Fenneman, Physiography of the Eastern United States (New York, 1938); Isaiah Bowman, Forest Physiography (New York, 1 9 1 1 ) , pp. 502-504. 2 Bowman, op. cit., p. 504.

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

7

between fifty and one hundred and fifty feet high, with only one exceeding two hundred feet. But in spite of their relatively low elevation, many of these moraine hills are steep-sided and jumbled together in such a fashion as to make them surpassingly picturesque. T h e scenic and recreationally valuable shore line along Buzzards Bay is also due to scattered glacial hills and moraines which encircle the several fine harbors and form the striking shore features of Falmouth Cliffs, Chappaquoit Island, and Penzance Point. In piling up such pictorial heaps of geologic debris the glaciers did Falmouth a cardinal service as a resort. They did not stop here, however. In between the main groups of hills and the shore are a variety of other glacial land forms; irregular stream beds, terrace remnants, small outwash plains and larger tidal swamps. Along the shore line itself the original land forms have been molded and decorated by bars, beaches, and sand dunes. East and south of the range of moraine hills lies the outwash plain which makes up the balance of the town. This plain grades off gradually, forming first a strip, roughly two miles wide, of irregular, rolling topography, broken by numerous ponds and lakes, practically all of which are of glacial origin. The remainder of the town is a comparatively level plain, broken only by the valleys of small streams leading down to long, irregular ponds occupying their drowned mouths. On this plain, and roughly within the triangle formed by the villages of Teaticket (west), Hatch ville (north), and Waquoit (east) are to be found most of Falmouth's farms. These landforms are covered by a mixed vegetation with scrub pine and oak predominating. Most of the unused land area is covered with a mantle of multihued bushes. Large trees are rare, except in the villages and around some of the older dwellings. There is ample evidence, however, that the locality was heavily forested in the past with oak and pine. Several stands of smaller pines today mark the location of Silver Beach on Buzzards Bay and the Pond Colonies to the east. Contrary to some popular misconceptions, the Falmouth end of Cape Cod has no barren sandy seascapes. Virtually all of the land is covered with trees, bush, or grassy vegetation. There are no long white dunes of the type featured in "down Cape" literature. Perhaps of even greater importance than appearance to a recreation area is its climate. In this regard Falmouth is very fortunate as a summer resort. The climate of a place can be reduced to simple statistical data, as is done for Falmouth on pages 173-175· Such a presentation might suffice for agricultural or scientific purposes. But we also speak of "man climate" as opposed to "plant climate," and it is the former which affects the public interest of a resort. Man

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

8

climate is predominantly a thing of sensible temperatures, personal prejudices, subjective appeals, and even whims. 3 It has more to do with daily weather than with annual climate. It is the thing we talk about, damn, and praise, as the days unfold. D u r i n g the vacation period there are many "typical Cape Cod days" when the sky is cloudless, the sea is calm, and the air is full of the smell of pine and salt. T h e sun is warm—but seldom hot—and the good life is all about. These are the days that bring the summer visitors from afar and take the summer home owner off the tax delinquent list. But there are those other "typical Cape Cod days" when the creases in one's suit wilt pitifully. Salt cellars are shaken with frustration and Cape life goes on in a lingering fog. Fortunately, or unfortunately as the case may be, neither of the above typicalities prevail for long stretches consecutively. Falmouth weather is extremely variable in spite of its marine nature. Successive highs and lows moving up the coast, together with the variable breezes generated by the Cape's location and shape, change Falmouth's day-to-day weather with a stimulating irregularity. T h e marine influence predominates only in the prolonging of the seasons. On page 173 will be found a chart showing the number of "rainy," "cloudy," "fair," and clear days for six different months over a period of ten years. On pages 174-175 are additional tables showing rainfall and temperature data for the town. T h e rainfall table covers monthly data for the 21 year period 1919-39. T h e instruments from which these data were gathered are located at Hatchville in the north-central part of Falmouth. Other sections of the town might show slight variations from these figures. For example, a rain squall coming up the shore will occasionally split at Woods Hole, one shower going northward along Cape Cod Canal and another east along the Vineyard Sound shore. On such an occasion the two marine sides of the town may have a heavy downpour while the central portion will get only a light drizzle. If the average annual precipitation of 47.26 inches could be relied upon it would afford Falmouth a more than adequate rainfall, especially since the average rain pattern is well distributed with at least 3 inches in every month. Unfortunately, both for the farmers and vacationists in Falmouth, the seasonal averages are often very unreliable, giving rise both to droughts and to periods of excessively damp weather. T h e worst form of precipitation for a resort community is, of course, a rainy spell of many days' duration. A t such times the hotels and other estab3

See Ellsworth Huntington, Human Habitats (New York, 1 9 1 7 ) .

BACKGROUND A N D DEVELOPMENT

9

lishments for transients suffer a general evacuation, especially now that the majority of their guests travel by automobile. Falmouth is not immune from this, although the variability of the weather can usually be relied upon to dissipate a rainy spell in two or three days at most. Falmouth temperatures, being more directly correlated with marine conditions than is precipitation, are less variable. This is readily evident from the tables of air and water temperatures on pages 174-175. Note how closely the figures for any given month approximate the average. Consistently cool summer days (August, the warmest month, averages only 70.1) when N e w York, Boston and similarly located areas are sweltering, are Cape Cod's premier asset as a summer resort. In this respect Falmouth is twice blessed, as a comparison of the water temperatures with air temperatures will indicate. The averages for air and water for the three months of June, July, and August differ from one another by less than one degree. This rare combination is an exceptional boon to bathers. Given in the accompanying table is a comparison of Falmouth's summer water temperatures with those of other Atlantic shore points. W A T E R TEMPERATURES FOR VARIOUS NORTH A T L A N T I C COASTAL P O I N T S · TEN-YEAJt MONTHLY AVERAGE

City

Atlantic City, N.J. Baltimore, Md. Philadelphia, Pa. Battery, N.Y.C. Willets Pt. L.I. WOODS HOLE (FALMOUTH)

Boston, Mass. Pordand, Me. Eastport, Me.

¡une

64.8 74-7

74.6 65.2 61.6 62.0 59-9

54.8 44-7

luly

August

79-3

79-7

69.9 80.1 72.1 66.9 69.0 64.2 60.1 49.0

71.4 80.6 73-7

71.0 70.0 64.9 61.2 52.0

» Computed from data supplied by the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey, Washington, D.C.

During August and even in July and September Falmouth shore waters will remain above 70 o for days at a time thus making surf bathing exceptionally popular. This temperature advantage is further fortified by an exceptionally low tidal fluctuation. (See table on page 10.) A sizable group on the Cape holds doggedly to the opinion that the really fine Cape Cod weather occurs during September and October—after the sunmer people have gone. One season spent in Falmouth has done much to ilign the opinions of the author with those of this group. Some means of

IO

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

capitalizing on this post-season munificence of fine weather is a subject much in the minds of those most concerned with the town's resort welfare. But all too often this Indian Summer is preceded by a period of damp, cold, disagreeable early fall weather which hastens the departure of the rear-guard vacationists. M E A N R A N G E OF T I D E S A T VARIOUS N O R T H A T L A N T I C COASTAL RESORTS' Place

Mean Range of Tide

Place

Mean Range of

(in feet)

Bar Harbor, Me. Old Orchard Beach, Me. Portsmouth, N.H. Marblehead, Mass. Plymouth, Mass.

10.5

(in

Provincetown, Mass.

8.8

WOODS H O L E ( F A L M O U T H ) ,

7.8 9.1 9.6

Mass. Stamford, Conn. Adantic City, N.J.

Tide

feel)

9.1 1.9 7.2 4.1

* From U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey, Tide Tables, Atlantic Ocean, 1940.

Falmouth winters are much milder than those of Boston or even near-by Providence. Temperatures fall to below freezing averages for January and February but snowfalls are infrequent and usually melt within a day. However, the local ponds freeze over and pack ice often covers Buzzards Bay, halting traffic through the Cape Cod Canal. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF FALMOUTH

T h e v i l l a g e of F a l m o u t h h a d already

been in existence for more than a century by the time of the American Revolution. According to local historians, 4 the founders of the town were a group of dissatisfied persons, mostly Quakers, who came from the neighboring town of Barnstable in 1661. For a number of years the place was known by the Indian name of Suckanesset, sometimes spelled Succanesset. There are no indications in the historical records that any great change from the crude agriculture and animal husbandry practiced by the founders took place in the first century and a half of the town's existence. As late as 1800 the chronicles indicate that "More English hay is cut in this town than in any other township in the country. T h e salt marshes are not extensive . . . but in 1802 yielded about 500 tons of hay."

5

The town records throughout this period are taken up with entries relating to cattle marks and regulations on sheep and hog raising. Sheep raising seems to have been the central theme of agriculture from the beginning. Not even the Revolution changed the even economic tenor of life in * S. I.. Deyo, History of Barnstable County, Mass. ( N e w York, 1 8 9 0 ) ; C. W . Jenkins, Early History of Falmouth (Falmouth, 1 8 8 9 ) ; Theodate Geoffrey, Succanesset (Falmouth, 1 9 3 0 ) . 5

Frederick Freeman, History of Cape Cod (2 vols., Boston, 1 8 6 0 - 6 2 ) , II, 4 3 1 .

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

II

Falmouth, although a sizable company of the townsmen fought in the war under the local hero, one General Dimmock. But following the Revolution, the era of commercial stimulation which led to the war of 1812 also saw the beginning of a half century of shipbuilding activity in Falmouth. It is variously estimated 6 that in the period 1812-1865 upward of a hundred ships, varying in sizes up to 400 tons, were built in Falmouth shipyards. Not only did they build the ships, including some famous whalers, but Falmouth men sailed them in extensive coastwise trade and on long whaling expeditions. T h e whaling and shipbuilding era, the end of which coincided closely with the Civil War, was sufficiently recent to have left an enduring stamp on the contemporary scene. Several old sea-captains' homes, with picketed "widow's walks" on the roofs, still form an important part of Falmouth's local color. Compared to the relatively long and continuous period of mercantile and marine activity and the constant underlying agricultural economy, manufacturing has had a very spotty record in Falmouth. Periodic attempts were made, from Colonial days on down, to utilize the small water-power sites on the Moonekis River in Waquoit. In successive periods, a gristmill, a sawmill, and carding mills were erected. The woolen mills, erected in the first quarter of the nineteenth century, were extensive enough to produce at least one local capitalist, Shubael Lawrence, who bequeathed $10,000 to the local educational system in 1840. But the mills have long since vanished from East Falmouth and Waquoit, along with a carriage works erected in 1855. During 1850 a glass factory was started in Falmouth. Its life was brief and transitory, although a few specimens of its output are still in the town. T h e buildings were moved to West Falmouth and operated for a time as an oilcloth factory until they burned down in 1856. From 1859 to 1890 a "putting out" system of home industry for the manufacture of tags was pursued in West Falmouth by the Dennison Company, whose main plant was located at Framingham, Mass. The tag-tying, done on a piece-work basis by women and girls in their own homes, was said to have brough forth an annual payroll of $12,000. T h e most ambitious industrial undertaking in Falmouth's history was the Pacific Guano Company, organized in 1859 by New York and Boston shipping capitalists. The plant, capitalized at $1,000,000, was erected on Penzance Point in Woods Hole and continued its malodorous career for thirty years. It employed from 150 to 200 men and in 1868 paid taxes of $1,000.13 o n a s assessed valuation of $93,470 in land and buildings. Ironically, the very land upon which this factory produced odoriferous 8

Deyo, op. cit., pp. 666-670.

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

12

fertilizer from Chilean nitrates, Sicilian brimstone, German potash, and Pacific guano—blended with oil pressed from locally caught menhadden fish—is now covered with elegant estates and is Falmouth's most exclusive summer colony. T h e Pacific Guano Company has long since gone its way, yet it has left a monument to its career which is of far more importance to Falmouth than any amount of fertilizer; namely a railroad. F o r several years during and after the Civil War, Falmouth had been trying to get the Old Colony Railroad to extend its tracks southward from Monument Beach to Woods Hole. T h e added pressure of the new enterprise was sufficient, in 1872, to bring the extension into service. With the rails came a new era in the life of this part of the Cape. During the 200 years after 1661, "Succanesset, the place where the Indians do inhabit," had passed through its colonial period of pastoral sheep raising, had withstood the sieges of two wars, and emerged to send its sons roaming over the seven seas in search of whales or whatever else might serve as wares "fit for a Yankee trader to traffic in." But the making of goods, be they woolens, glass, ships, or fertilizer, was obviously not the destiny of Falmouth. Leaving glass making to its neighbors in Sandwich and textiles to the spinners and weavers of N e w Bedford, Falmouth, in the latter part of the nineteenth century, setded gently down among its pine trees and traditions to become what an early piece of resort literature referred to as the "Naples of America." HISTORY OF FALMOUTH AS A SUMMER RESORT

E v e n t h o u g h the g e n e r a l history

of Falmouth is reasonably complete, tracing the development of vacationing and resort activity in Falmouth is an elusive and devious process. Very little of it is a case of recorded fact. It is most interesting, and possibly more truly illustrative, when cast in the same form in which much of it was obtained by the author; i.e., as reminiscences of elderly residents who could not always agree among themselves as to "whether the 'Dude Train' started running in '86—or was that the year grandfather sold the stagecoach?" It is sometimes facetiously asserted that Falmouth was a summer resort even before white men ever heard of the place. Legend has it that Queen Awashonks who ruled over a tribe of Indians in the vicinity of Narragansett, Rhode Island, was accustomed to visit Falmouth each summer and encamp on Great Hill, now Falmouth Heights. N o doubt the colonists who subsequently took up permanent residence here also appreciated Falmouth's climate and marine situation, but for two

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

13

centuries after the first settlement in 1661 they were far too busy with "practical matters" to concern themselves with vacations or resorts. However, by the middle of the nineteenth century, Falmouth's commercial and social development and her contacts with the outside world had reached a point where her reputation as a "nice place to live" began to spread. But only small headway could be made against the isolating influences of an insular position and poor transportation. Here it might be parenthetically observed that, given the necessary factors of climate and scenery, accessibility and transportational facilities then become a, if not the, dominating influence in the growth of a resort. In the case of Falmouth there appears to be an exceptionally close correlation. For example, the beautiful old colonial-style house near the village green, considered to be the first summer residence built in Falmouth and now the home of Mr. H . V . Lawrence, was erected by a merchant of N e w Orleans who was brought here by his shipping business rather than by a specific search for a place to build a summer home. Undoubtedly there were other summer visitors coming to Falmouth by 1850, as is evidenced by references to their activities such as the following: " A post office was established here (Waquoit) the tenth of September, 1849, with Francis M. Boggs, postmaster, being a retired gentleman who came to this village summers." 7 Such visitors and temporary residents were f e w and casual, however, and nothing unusual came of their visits until one day in 1852 when a Mr. Joseph Story Fay of Boston chanced to stop off at Woods Hole and decided to take a brief stroll about the headlands of Nobska Point and Little Harbor. According to descriptions of his visit, Mr. Fay returned from his walk with the announcement that he had bought a farm, which in truth he had. In succeeding years Mr. Fay and members of his family acquired extensive holdings of land in and about Woods Hole and developed them into summer estates. By so doing, Mr. Fay, though he apparently had no interest in real estate promotion or the resale of his lands, became the founding father of Falmouth's summer home business. His contributions to the new trend were twofold. Most obvious and long lasting was his extensive landscaping and reforestation of Woods Hole. T h e second, and likewise unintentional, impetus to the resort's development resulted from the mere fact that Mr. Fay's friends came to visit him and saw for themselves the same things which had caused him to "stroll off and buy a farm." 7

Devo, op. cit.,

p. 675.

14

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT In terms of effect on Falmouth's subsequent resort history, the most in-

fluential of these visitors were members of the Beebe family, also of Boston. T h e Beebes, like the Fays, bought up extensive land holdings in Falmouth and established permanent summer

residences. "Tanglewood,"

the beautiful

summer estate built on a commanding knoll just west of the village by James Arthur Beebe was recently in use as a health sanitarium. Unlike the average "summer residents" of today, the Fays and Beebes—and some of the other early arrivals—took an active part in town affairs. In 1888 Mr. F a y erected the imposing stone Church of the Messiah in Woods Hole for the Episcopal parish. In 1890 the beautiful red sandstone St. Barnabas Church was dedicated in Falmouth as a memorial to James M . and Elizabeth E . Beebe. In subsequent years the Beebe family had added to the edifice. It stands today, vine-covered in its English-style churchyard, as one of the most pleasant and impressive sights in Falmouth. T h e coming of the F a y s and Beebes did not, however, presage a rapid and concerted growth of Falmouth as a resort. It is only through the perspective of hindsight that we can consider it as such. In the 1880s neither Falmouth, nor those parts of the country from whence Cape Cod's summer population have subsequently come, were ready for such a thing as a "resort industry." First of all, the mode of life, the wealth, leisure, and social patterns that allow for summer vacations, had to develop; and with them the machinery which makes such things possible. Of the latter, transportational facilities were not essential. W h e n Cape Cod's physiography and structure are considered—a virtual sandpile surrounded by water—it is not surprising that land transportation was neglected as long as sailing ships satisfied popular demands for transportation. Mute testimony is offered on this point by accounts of the indigenous " C a p e Cod bliggy." These, as well as other horse drawn vehicles, were made with an extra wide wheel span to cope with the sandy roads. So wide in fact were the tracks left by them that the surreys and broughams of early fashionable visitors had to bounce along with one wheel in a rut, the other running through the grass in the center of the road. In the '60s, as the Old Colony Railroad was extended southward toward the Cape, stage lines from Monument Beach served Falmouth as the only land connection with the "mainland." Most passenger traffic was by packet to and f r o m Woods Hole, or via Barnstable where a boat could be taken for Boston. 8 In 1872, thanks to twenty years of urging on the part of local residents climaxed by the economic pressure of the Pacific Guano Company at Woods Hole, the

* Geoffrey, op. cit., p. 148.

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

15

railroad was extended to the latter point. This proved the first big milestone in Falmouth's resort era and is sometimes referred to as the "beginning" of the period. It should not be thought, however, that the railroad immediately dominated the resort travel to the exclusion of other agencies. Reverberations of the "old school" can be heard in the following quotation : " T h e tourist who hurriedly visits the Cape by rail gets the worst possible impression of it, for the railway was located to best accommodate the villages on either side, passing through the most barren and uninviting lands between them. T h e traveler of the old stage-coach days understood the country better. . . . Liberal sums are expended annually [in the 90s] by the several towns to improve the roads, and almost in proportion as the roads have been made better has the summer business increased."

9

On accommodations the above writer has this to say : " T h e hotels are good, but a large class of summer comers are those who choose the f a r m house or the village home, for a view of the Cape life, as it is. . . . T h e visitors w h o choosc hotel life find less accommodations than the Cape should be able to furnish, and along this line the greatest development in the immediate future is to be looked for." T h e railroad itself took an active part in promoting vacation travel on its new line and soon began offering special summer services. T h e situation is summed up in the following quotation: So numerous have lately [1886] become the summer residents of wealth and social position in this quarter [eastern shore of Buzzards Bay], that a special train service has been instituted for their use by the Old Colony Railroad management, which enterprise deserves passing mention in this connection. The "Dude Train," as this provision is euphoniously entitled, runs between Boston and Woods Hole every summer, from June ist to October ist, and is emphatically for the summer residents service. The train is made up entirely of drawing-room cars, and no person is admitted to ride upon it who is not of the association of passengers who charter it, or their friends whom they may invite to join them on a trip. Any resident of the section, however, may become a member of this association and make use of the train by paying the regular passenger fare and the bonus for the season demanded for its provision. No stop is made between Boston and Wareham going either way, and below Wareham stops are made only at Bourne Bridge and Falmouth. The train averages never less than 50 m.p.h. in its runnings. The train is very popular with its patrons, and they continuously delight in its performance. 10 • Deyo. op. cit., pp. 1 5 3 - 1 5 4 · 10 R. G. Buzzard, "Geography of Cape G o d " (unpublished dissertation, Clark University, 1926), ρ 4 1 5 ·

i6

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

Although the example of a Florida land boom had not yet appeared, realtors and promoters were quick to see the possibilities inherent in the nascent summer resorts on the Cape. The first of these commercialized developments took place in Falmouth itself, even before the railroad was completed. As its methods and characteristics are fairly typical of many subsequent undertakings, it will be of value to examine its history in some detail. Interestingly, this first "modern" resort colony was developed on the same spot where Queen Awashonks spent her summer vacations in the seventeenth century, namely on Great Hill or Falmouth Heights. This part of the town had always been considered useless for anything but sheep grazing, and many a woolly mutton has stood on the bluffs above the old salt works along Deacon's Pond (now Falmouth Inner Harbor), reflectively chewing a mouthful of the sparse grass as he gazed at scenery now worth a fortune to Falmouth. The last of the salt works at the Heights was demolished in 1870 to give way to the Tower Hotel. 1 1 T h e Falmouth Heights Land and Wharf Company was organized in 1870 by Messrs. G . Edward Smith, Oscar F . Rawson, and Dr. J. E. Eastbrook, three men from Worcester, Mass., who had originally intended to establish a resort colony on Martha's Vineyard. The plan of development was commendably adapted to the terrain. In addition to building lots, it made provision for three parks; these—Worcester, Allan, and Central—are still in existence. Simple zoning provisions were also made. Sale of lots began immediately at prices from $150 to $250. Work was started on the Tower Hotel in 1869, and 14 cottages were also built by the promoters. In general, the development appears to have made an auspicious start, aided by the building of the railroad in 1872. In that year the status of Falmouth Heights, as shown by the T o w n tax book, 12 is reflected in the following figures: taxes of $492.64 were collected for 170 lots, with a valuation of $34,300,18 cottages, ι stable, 1 store, and the Tower Hotel, all valued at $6400 (total assessment $18,500). By that date the Tower Hotel had been sold, but the Falmouth Heights Company still owned the store ($400), 9 cottages ($4,500), the stable ($600), 50 acres of land ($5,000) and a wharf ($112.50). On this it paid $103.92 in taxes. Unfortunately for the Falmouth Heights Company, among others, the panic of 1873 sent the United States into six years 1 3 of relative depression during which time some of the Heights lots sold for as little as $35 or went for taxes. 14 Today some of these same lots are assessed at $2,000 or more. 11 13 14

12 Geoffrey, op. cit., p. 156. Town Records: Valuation and Taxes for the Year 1872. Cleveland Trust Co. Charts, "American Business Activity Since 1790." Geoffrey, op. cit., p. 157.

BACKGROUND AND D E V E L O P M E N T

17

T h e Falmouth Heights Land and Wharf Company failed but the development struggled on. In 1886 the New Bedford, Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket Steamboat Company was induced—through an outright gift of $2,000 subscribed by the land holders—to build a wharf at the Heights and establish steamboat service to it. Here again the influence of transportation on resort development is emphasized: "With the coming of a steamboat line to the Heights began a new era of prosperity in the early nineties." 1 5 T w o of the hotels which began to flourish at this time are now known as the Terrace Gables and the Park Beach. In the '80s the latter hotel had its beginnings as a summer boarding establishment known as Pickwick House. By successive additions, both of structure and management, it became the Vineyard Sound House and, in 1936, the Park Beach Hotel, which has 100 rooms. T h e relatively elegant Terrace Gables began, also in the '80s, as a small hostelry known as "The Draper Cottage." Like the Park Beach it has grown along with the expanding resort colony at the Heights, adding a wing here and an ell there until it now contains 110 rooms plus two "annexes" in the form of adjoining cottages. Located on the bluff directly above a small but well-sanded beach, it is one of the most advantageously located of all Falmouth's resort hotels. Four large summer hotels—Terrace Gables, Park Beach, Oak Crest, and the Tower House—are now in operation on the Heights, together with two smaller Inns, the Vineyard Sound House and the Gladstone Inn. By 1900 the land on the Heights proper had practically all been sold off, and that part of the development on the lower land to the east had begun to be occupied. However, only six houses had been built there in 1882 when Mr. and Mrs. C. L . Hopson took over the twenty-room boarding establishment which, as the Pickwick House, started off the career of the Park Beach Hotel. Growth has been gradual since then with one sporadic boom just prior to the '29 crash. Having begun on the highest part of the knoll, the Heights colony has gone down hill both physiographically and economically. As the development spread out to the west, cottages became the rule, in contrast to the more or less imposing summer homes of the earlier day. Falmouth Heights is currently the largest of the town's colonies, more than half the size of Falmouth village. A major subtraction in the history of the Heights occurred several years ago with the tearing down of an old octagonal observatory, which stood in the center of the circular park on top of the hill. During its long and irregular career this structure served as a meeting place, church, post office, general store and point-of-interest-at-large. It was torn down to facilitate the movement of motor traffic through the Heights. 1!

ibid., p. 160.

i8

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT Strung out along the Sound to the eastward of Falmouth Heights are the

four resort clusters of Maravista, Acapesket, Davisville, and Menauhant. Scattered around the irregular shore of Waquoit Bay a fifth summer colony is now emerging. Each of the tiny villages is enviably situated on a neck or necks of land, tipped by a strip of Sound beach and divided from the others by tidal ponds. Each has the unique advantage of a wooded peninsula with an ocean beach on the south plus sheltered waterfronts on two additional sides. These villages are collectively, and appropriately, referred to as the "Pond Colonies." By describing them in a left-to-right fashion with reference to the map, less confusion will ensue than if we attacked them chronologically. Maravista, adjoining Falmouth Heights on the west and occupying the lower end of the peninsula between Little and Great Ponds, was first developed as a real estate project in 1906. T h e Falmouth Land Company, which laid out the lots, differed from other projects in that it issued stocks. Apparently the project was incompetently, if not unlawfully, administered and failed within a short time. T h e lots were small and some of the land was discovered by purchasers to have been previously mortgaged. A hotel, started by the Land Company, burned mysteriously while still in the process of construction. Eventually the land was sold by the mortgage holders to a local man who in turn has sold sections of it from time to time to the summer residents who now comprise the colony. Most of the houses are small or moderate-sized Cape Cod cottages, although there are several homes of impressive dimension. Within the past five years the former Wels home has been expanded into the Welsmere Inn with some twenty-five rooms. In recent years the greatest growth has been in the form of small "camps," or inexpensive cottages, along the shore of Great Pond. These lie hidden among the scrub vegetation covering the land in such a fashion that their existence is unknown to many transient visitors to the area. T h e little settlement of Acapesket, so named for the "Acaposket" tribe of Indians who once inhabited the neck of land, is of recent growth. T h e site was acquired in 1923 by four Falmouth men who laid out the roads and lots with much more liberality than was shown by the planners of Maravista. T h e first summer house was built in 1924 by the developers and sold. Since that time a number of lots have been disposed of and more than twenty houses built, especially along the shore. T h e natural beauty of the site, afforded by an abundance of larger-than-average trees, aided by a quasi-zoning policy on the part of the owners, has made of Acapesket a pleasant and secluded colony. A century and a half ago life in the isolated little village of Davisville revolved around the whaling ships that sailed away from its small roadstead to scarch the oceans for whales. Along the one road into the village the old

BACKGROUND AND D E V E L O P M E N T

19

whalers built homes and laid out small farm plots to be tended by their families. In time, the old sea captains and their ships vanished. Davisville drowsed at the foot of its one lane to the outside world. Then, about the beginning of the twentieth century, summer folk who like to explore country lanes came down Davisville road and found the old whaler's homes. They bought them and indulged themselves in that highly individualistic process of "restoration" of the old homesteads according to their separate tastes. This phase of Davisville's conversion to a summer colony ended with the supply of old houses. About twenty years ago a second phase got under way. Friends of the original visitors began buying up the land along the shores of both the Sound and the adjacent ponds and, since then, have built a score of new summer homes. T h e colony is still very scattered, with opportunity for consolidation and expansion in all directions. Camp Massassoit, a summer camp for boys, is located in Davisville on the west shore of Green Pond. The five-acre grounds, excellently situated with respect to a variety of outdoor facilities and environment, contains three rustic main buildings and accessory structures scattered among the trees. The camp, in operation for upward of fifteen summers, accommodates an average of fifty boys, recruited mostly from the Boston area. Although Davisville is the oldest of the pond colonies, Menauhant is an older, and also larger, summer development. Ironically, the purpose to which the land was devoted by its original owners had little in common with the recreational uses to which it is now put. In 1870 the point of land between Bourne and Eel ponds, now occupied by Menauhant, was as remote and isolated a site as could be found. Thus it was that a group of Universalists acquired it for a place to hold camp meetings "away from the mundane world." By 1874 pious purposes had given way to recreational, and the land was acquired and laid out as a resort by the Menauhant Land and Wharf Company, sponsored by a group from Attleboro. Here again tiny lots (36 by 66 feet) proved the undoing of the project and it was later sold en masse to a group of local men in Davisville. Already, however, several summer residents had built homes in the grove occupying the shores of Bourne and Eel ponds. By 1900 the forty-room Menauhant Hotel was doing a flourishing summer business, bringing its guests by the stage "Viola" from the railroad station at Falmouth. T h e whirlwind trip, all part of the summer's entertainment, took only forty minutes. 18 The hotel, operated by the Drapers, who later established and ran the Terrace Gables at the Heights, burned in the early '20s, but the growth of the 16

Falmouth Enterprise, "Mail-away edition," 1936.

20

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

colony continued. In 1928 a new development was organized by the same owners and ten new summer houses were built in the next decade. Also on this new development the E l m family of Orange, N e w Jersey, built, in 1931, a charming little rustic chapel which harmonizes with its surroundings of dense tree growth. D u r i n g the summer season, nonsectarian services are held in this miniature church, known as the Grace Memorial Chapel. Menauhant also has a yacht club with a large club house, tennis courts, and a "mosquito fleet" of sailing craft, which patrols Eel Pond throughout the season with intensive competition. Many of the residences are of imposing size but the colony is so casually scattered and the brush and tree growth so dense that it still remains "hidden from the mundane world." Waquoit, the last outpost to the east in Falmouth township was also founded as an agricultural and whaling village. Its first residents came from Barnstable over two hundred years ago; and several of the old houses, with hand-hewn beams and floor planks two feet wide, are now the prize possessions of summer people. According to tradition, Waquoit was a favourite fishing haunt of Daniel Webster. 1 7 In 1895 the first summer home, as such, was built by Dr. Fairley of Brooklyn whose father had once been the pastor in the local church. Following came D r . Dana C . Monro of Princeton, first of a group of academic folk w h o now make up the bulk of Waquoit's summer inhabitants. In the late '20s the small neck on the shore of land-locked Waquoit Bay was opened as a real estate development and is n o w similar to the "Pond Colonies." By mutual but tacit agreement among the present owners, the shores of Waquoit Bay seem destined for restricted and conservative development, free of the clutter and fanfare of transient recreationists. T h e colony already has its own yacht club and in season the Bay is decorated with spray from sail and power craft and from an occasional seaplane. Four miles northwest of Waquoit is Falmouth's only inland summer resort colony, centering around Coonamessett Ranch and its miscellaneous activities. Focal point of the enterprise is Coonamessett Lake, largest fresh water body in Falmouth. T h e original purposes of the Coonamessett Ranch were almost exclusively agricultural. Controlling more than 14,000 acres of land in Falmouth, Bourne, Sandwich and Mashpee Townships, it was claimed to be the largest agricultural project of its type east of the Mississippi. According to one of its sponsors: " T h e ultimate object of the company [was] to induce new farmers to locate in this section, because it [ w a s ] believed that farming operations on a large scale [could] be successfully conducted here, not only 17

ibid.

B A C K G R O U N D AND D E V E L O P M E N T

21

with p roducts that can be shipped long distances, but also with those that are more perishable and thus are suitable for handling by canning factories. 18 During this early period the Company raised a wide variety of farm products, ran a dairy, and experimented extensively with irrigated and regular crops. Yet, in spite of its size, the Ranch did not prosper agriculturally, and in the early '20s it began to be broken up and many sections were sold. The nucleus, bordering on Coonamessett Lake was converted into a semi-dude ranch. The Ranch now has a larger and quite fashionable Inn of the ranch-house type, a new and modern recreation building, an eighteen-hole golf course, riding stables, polo field, tennis courts, hunting and fishing facilities, and an airport which is leased to the T o w n of Falmouth. There are also a number of modern summer cottages near the Lake. It appears probable that much of the activities and facilities at Coonamessett will, for an indefinite period, be devoted primarily to the use of officials connected with Camp Edwards, an army cantonment which now occupies a large portion of land formerly belonging to the Ranch. Within the past few years other individual owners have acquired plots on or near Coonamessett Lake, and indications are good that the future will see an extensive development of the locale to recreational ends. After this brief hinterland digression, let us return to the shore at Falmouth Heights and from there continue our descriptive tour in the opposite direction. Part of Falmouth village itself is a summer colony. Immediately opposite the Heights, occupying the Sound shore between Falmouth harbor and Shore Street, is a section known as Belvedere Plains. At the foot of Shore Street is the Gulesian estate, one of the very first of the more pretentious residences to be occupied by a "summer comer." Besides its old colonial house, the estate has the sole surviving wooden windmill in the town. The forty-odd other summer homes on Belvedere Plains have been built within the past thirty years and, except for their boarded-up status in winter, are not noticeably different or separated from the town proper. Offshore, at the point where Shore Street meets Surf Drive, are the remains of the old stone pier where Falmouth's whalers once discharged their crews. Formed of two L-shaped sections, its hollow projected center is now the "kiddie puddle," while immediately adjacent on the west is the Falmouth public beach where a new bath house was built in 1931. Peculiarly, there has never been any residential development on the open meadow where Walker Street wanders out from the village, through what was once the Beebe farm, to the shore. In the summer of 1941, however, a local 18 Mass. Dept. of Labor and Industries, Special Report on Population and Resources of Cape Cod, 1922, p. 37.

24

BACKGROUND A N D DEVELOPMENT

promoter built sixteen modernistic cottages on the lower section of the plot to the accompaniment of much speculative interest on the part of the town. A similar project involving ten new cottages is under construction along the west side of Shore Street. In years past, the ridge of land running down toward the Sound, between Salt Pond and Oyster Pond, was known as "Katy Hatch's Hill." It was part of the first land division made by the colonists in 1661. In more recent times it was a farm belonging to Mr. Henry Fay, and in summer the farm house, known as "Halliday House," was opened to groups of women and children from the poorer sections of Boston. 19 Some fifteen years ago, the farm, because of its commanding position overlooking the Ponds and the Sound, was bought and laid out as a summer colony called " T h e Moors." Impetus was given to its growth by the erection and sale, by the developers, of three houses. Today nearly a score of restricted homes occupy the slopes. Life among the summer occupants revolves, recreationally, around the private nine-hole golf course, three tennis courts, and a beach pavilion maintained by and for the colony. South of T h e Moors, between Oyster Pond and Nobska light, the slopes of the moraine are heavily wooded and picturesque. This land likewise is slowly being taken over, and two clustered nuclei of summer colonies are now forming at either end of Oyster Pond Road : the Fells at the north and Nobska at the south. Woods Hole, landing place of Gosnold in 1602 and of thousands of summer visitors to and from Martha's Vineyard in much later times, is almost a separate town in many respects. It was also the first Falmouth resort colony, inasmuch as it was here that Mr. Fay took his eventful stroll and began acquiring farms and land. T h e first of the Fay lands was located around Little Harbor, site of the old Fay home and of the palatial summer homes of a number of the earlyseason migrants. T h u s parts of Nobska and Juniper points contain some of the most beautifully landscaped and carefully maintained of all of Falmouth's residences. Most of the builders of these older homes came to Woods Hole in the 1870s and '80s. A summer hotel, known as the Webster House, was built on Juniper point in 1858. It burned and was rebuilt in 1882, only to burn again. Many of the visitors coming to the hotel were Southerners, and it was through their interest that the Episcopal Church was established in Woods Hole. A second phase of resort development began in Woods Hole after the guano works was removed from Penzance Point in 1888. Shortly thereafter the land was developed by a Mr. Horace Crowell of Boston, for resort purposes. In the 1β

Falmouth Enterprise, "Mail-away edition," 1936.

BACKGROUND A N D DEVELOPMENT

25

interim, six of the houses formerly used by employees of the guano works and known as "The Beehive" were remodeled and joined together to become the Breakwater Hotel, now a pleasant landmark adjacent to Penzance Point. T h e Point, named after a similarly projecting promentory near Falmouth, England, is the site of seventeen imposing summer residences belonging mostly to N e w York and Boston bankers. Owing to the latter phenomenon the private road extending out onto the point, and zealously guarded against itinerant bellpushers by a private policeman, is known as "Bankers Row." A second street, on the Buzzards Bay side of Woods Hole, is colloquially known as "Professors Row." The term is a key to the dominating contemporary feature of Woods Hole; namely, the "Scientific Colony." It began in 1881 when Professor Spencer Baird, an ichthyologist of the United States Fish Commission, after a ten-year search for a place on the Atlantic Coast to establish a marine research station, selected Woods Hole as his "ideal" site. In 1884 the slate-roofed buildings, which still house the Bureau of Fisheries, were erected on land given by Mr. Fay. Four years later, in 1888, the Marine Biological Laboratory was chartered. In the latter institution Woods Hole has a superlative of its kind. Nowhere in the world is there another institution quite like it. In 1873 Louis Agassiz had established on Penikese Island in Buzzards Bay the first marine biological research laboratory in America. Upon his death the project failed, but the Marine Biological Laboratory at Woods Hole became its lineal descendant with a charter as a private institution, privately but poorly endowed. At his address at the opening of the laboratory, Professor Whitman (the first director) took the position "that there was great need for a laboratory which should represent: ( 1 ) the whole of biology; (2) both teaching and research; (3) the widest possible cooperation of educational and scientific institutions. Such a laboratory should not be merely a collecting station nor a summer school, nor a scientific workshop, nor a congress of biologists, but all of these." 2 0 The Laboratory has become precisely this for biology, and has also branched out into embriology, botany, physiology, protozoology—and even psychology. The Laboratory got under way in 1888 in a wooden building 63 by 28 feet, with seven investigators and eight students. In 1939 it was housed in the largest brick edifice on Cape Cod, and a new library wing was being added. The attendants included 352 investigators and 133 students from 162 leading American and foreign institutions, and among them were two Nobel Prize winners; 83 American Colleges and Universities were listed as "Subscribing and Cooperating Institutions." Assets in 1939 totaled $2,570,340.74, most of which had 20

From a reprint of Science, N. S., XII, No. 270 (March 2, 1900), 233-244.

26

BACKGROUND A N D DEVELOPMENT

accumulated from contributions of the Rockefeller and Carnegie Foundations and from the Charles R . Crane family. The Laboratory has never adopted any academic machinery, so that participants do not work for creditor marks, but solely for their own instruction—a "condition of affairs resulting in a very healthy state of mind." In 1930, on a site directly opposite the Marine Biological Laboratory proper, there was erected the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institute. This institution, smaller but similar both in principle and plant, does for Oceanography and its allied sciences what the M.B.L. does for biological studies. An interesting part of its scientific equipment is the research ship Atlantis. This 142-foot steel ketch, equipped both with sail and 250 H.P. diesel engine can, and does, go any place in the world to conduct research or gather specimens. It is literally a floating laboratory filled with expensive and complicated scientific paraphernalia. Thus Woods Hole's Scientific Colony is composed of the Bureau of Fisheries, the Marine Biological Laboratory, and the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institute. Adequate description of their features and functions would take pages if not chapters. Suffice it to say that of the more than 75,000 visitors a year who pass through the aquarium at the Fisheries alone, very few indeed know, as they look through the glass cases, that they are standing within casting distance of tanks in which as many as a billion fish eggs are in the process of hatching. For our immediate purposes these visitors and the summer personnel of the Scientific Colony are the items of interest which bring us back to "Professors Row." A s a veritable Mecca for biologists and their scientific colleagues, M.B.L. has built up a residential colony about itself. Some of the investigators have returned annually to the Laboratory for a period of fifty years; in the course of time they have bought summer homes and have acted in every way, except in their scientific pursuits, like the other thousands of Falmouth's summer folk. Since the three institutions function only during the summer months, except for maintenance staffs, the seasonality of the social life of their clientele is also "normal" to a resort pattern. T h e "Bug Hunters," as the local people at first insisted on calling the scientists, began by buying homes from the permanent residents and in this way inadvertently caused a mass migration of native Woods Hole people away from the immediate environs of the scientific buildings. The supply of such accommodations was soon exhausted and, in order to provide for the compatible and economic summer shelter of its members, the Laboratory acquired in 1916 a tract of 22 acres of land from the Fay estate on the Buzzards Bay side of Woods Hole. This tract, known as Gansett Woods, was divided and is

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

27

being sold to M . B . L . associates on condition that, if and when it is resold, the Laboratory may buy it back. So many members have taken advantage of the plan that more land had been acquired for future division. Because of the relative exclusiveness afforded the area by this policy, a restricted private development has grown up along Buzzards Bay adjacent to Gansett. Also in the same area is located the rolling terrain of the eighteen-hole Woods Hole Golf Course. Together with the course at Coonamessett Ranch the Woods Hole course has a busy season satisfying the driving and putting demands of the collective summer population. F o r its unmarried members and temporary residents, the Laboratory provides a group of several wooden halls and cottages, some of which were early laboratory buildings. Also available are a cafeteria and a small clubhouse, headquarters for the M.B.L. Club, the Tennis Club (5 courts), and the Choral Club. T h e Woods Hole Yacht Club is likewise located nearby. Altogether, the " B u g Hunters" manage to get in a well-rounded summer vacation along with their research. Small wonder then, that there is such a scramble for the limited opportunities to rusticate and do research at Woods Hole's scientific colony. T h e next point, up the Bay shore, is Quissett. In the nineteenth century whaling ships were built in what is now the beautiful harbor, haven of the Quissett Yacht Club. On the sloping hills leading down to the basin, colonial farms were once laid out. Three such farms occupied the point of land forming the north and west confines of the harbor. During the 1860s and increasingly after the coming of the railroad to Woods Hole in 1872, people used to visit the occupants of the three f a r m houses on the point. One of these, the "old Hammond House," was constructed fully two hundred years ago, as is testified by the hand-cut pegged beams, wide floor planks, and fireplace in every room (now hidden behind false panels). A second of these houses, the "Jenkins Cottage" is over one hundred and fifty years old. T h e third f a r m house has vanished, and the uninitiated could not find the other two for they are now parts of Quissett Harbor House, one of the most interesting of Falmouth's summer hotels. This ramshackle building, which meanders about the terrain overlooking the west side of the Harbor, became a hotel officially about 1877, with the H a m m o n d House as a nucleus. T h e Jenkins Cottage was moved up alongside but the movers apparently tired before they got the two buildings parallel, so that today they are patched together at an angle of roughly 135 degrees. Straggling off at a slightly different angle from the end of the Jenkins house portion is a long low shed-like extension called the " B o w l i n g Alley." This part is made from several old salt evaporating

28

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

bins, remnants of another era in Quissett history. A s a rear guard, attached to the end of the B o w l i n g Alley, is a mid-Victorian cottage that was probably added in the '70s, judging from its style of architecture. Except for a stray wing or two the exterior description is thus complete. T h e interior, which is spotlessly clean when the hotel is open in the summer, exudes a rare atmosphere after its seventy-odd years of operation. T h e floors and halls pitch at slight angles like the deck of a stranded ship. There are no fire escapes but in each room hangs a coil of rope under a sign reading: "In case of fire throw this rope out of the window and use as a fire escape. Rope must not be used except in case of fire." There is no running water; pitchers of hot and cold water are left outside each door every morning. One might well wonder how the institution remains in business under the circumstances; yet, if any extensive modernizing were undertaken, Quissett Harbor House would lose many of its clientele. Perhaps the clientele are themselves the answer to this enigmatic place. Many of them could afford to stay at the finest resort hotels available on the Cape or any place else they might fancy, and for this very reason prefer to come to Quissett House where no uniformed lackeys are constantly underfoot. Here they can sit on the sloping rickety front porch and do precisely nothing, without interference. Names of sons, fathers, and grandfathers in the same family are sometimes on the register at one time. In a sense the older clientele are virtually a "fraternal order of Quissett Housers." In the early 1900s Joseph Holland and a number of other actors and stage people were annual habitues. Mr. Holland was the first Commodore of the Quissett Yacht Club and, as such, is said to have been a fishing crony of exPresident Cleveland. T h e hotel has never advertised itself and yet in 1939, of a sample of n o registrants, 49 were from N e w York and N e w Jersey, 18 f r o m Boston, 18 f r o m elsewhere in N e w England, and 25 from widely scattered points over the United States. Generations come and go, but Quissett Harbor House stays where and as it is, defying time, gathering traditions. Scattered about the Harbor are extensive summer places most of whose owners at one time signed their names to the register of Quissett House, or possibly their fathers before them did the signing and subsequently bought the summer property. Quissett's next neighbor to the north is Racing Beach, a new and rather exclusive summer colony organized in 1926 by a Boston company. T h e owners of the land, once a large f a r m , are now local residents of Falmouth and control the policies and development of the colony. Adjoining Racing Beach is Sippewissett, also former farm land converted to recreational use. T h e area retains its wild and secluded characteristics, espe-

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

29

cially in its hinterland portions; here a block of land more than two and a half miles square, containing no public roads, remains, a part of the old "Tanglewood" and "Highfields" estates of the Beebes. Located all by itself on Hamblin Point in Sippewissett is the imposing Cape Codder Hotel, largest on the Cape, with 225 rooms. Built in 1898 as the Sippewissett House, it was very sturdily constructed and remains today in excellent condition. It was bought and refurnished in 1936 by Mr. John R. Peterson who now operates it. In the course of its history the edifice has changed hands a number of times and operated under a variety of names, more recent of which were the Falmouth Arms and the Mayflower House. During the first two decades of the twentieth century it operated as a luxury hotel catering to the clientele of the "Dude Train." During this period it had its own light plant, laundry, a paid ball team, a bowling alley, swimming pool, and an eight-horse coach to ferry its customers to the train. Many of the guests sent their buggies and grooms down annually in advance of their arrival. Through its many years of operation the hotel has been instrumental in bringing large numbers of new visitors to Falmouth, several score of whom have subsequently become property owners. Even some of the workmen who built the hotel later became summer inhabitants of Falmouth. Today no great fanfare attends the handling of summer guests. Nevertheless, quality local seafoods, pleasant accommodations, and an original program of entertainment attract capacity crowds from N e w York, Philadelphia, Boston, and widely scattered points throughout Eastern United States and Canada. In 1939, the beach at the foot of the bluff on which the hotel sits was improved through the amazing antics of a bluff-climbing, semi-aquatic bulldozer. Across Salt Pond 2 1 from Sippewissett, to the north, is Saconesset Hills, a newly developing summer aggregation occupying land once tilled by the West Falmouth Quakers. In "Poverty Hollow" in the midst of this section stands the ancient seventeenth century Bowerman house, one of the oldest on Cape Cod. Big Sippewissett Swamp, separating Saconesset Hills from Chappaquoit, is the only piece of landscape in Falmouth containing sandy wastes and dunes approximating those typical of "down Cape" scenery—like that proverbially pictured on chamber-of-commerce literature. Chappaquoit Point, projecting into Buzzards Bay to flank West Falmouth Harbor, shares honors with Penzance Point as Falmouth's "ultra" summer colony. Like Penzance it had prosaic beginnings. During the period when 21 There are two " S a l t " ponds and two " E e l " ponds in Falmouth. Such duplication is plausibly explained by the fact that residents have had to find names for 42 ponds, both salt and fresh, in the town. In early days poor communication was such an isolating factor in the 46-square-mile town as to have easily brought about the duplication of landmark names.

3o

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

Pcnzancc was the home of the odoriferous Pacific Guano Factory, Chappaquoit was known by the plebian name of H o g Island. It was in a state of desuetude, after years of whaling activity. Because of its deteriorated status, a far-sighted man from Wellesley was able to buy the thirty-acre point in 1892 for $800. Five years later, after it had been planned and landscaped by Earnest Browditch, who also laid out Tuxedo Park, N . Y . , the land was reportedly worth $50,000. 22 Today the Point, containing some of Falmouth's most luxurious summer homes, is a secluded colony with its own excellent private beach along the outer shore of the peninsula. West Falmouth, which shares the harbor with the Chappaquoit colony, has also had a summer following since the '90s. Less pretentious than the Point, its group of moderate-sized shore cottages is steadily increasing. Slightly back f r o m the harbor, on the road leading to Chappaquoit, is " T h e Inn," a delightf u l English-cottage hotel. Hidden behind its well-tailored hedges, T h e Inn serves an exacting clientele year after year, while the rest of the world goes unknowingly by its unobtrusive entrance. Falmouth Cliffs and Old Silver Beach were both laid out as summer developments in 1926 by a Newton man, although summer activity had been carried on in the area for many years. Falmouth Cliffs, appropriately named from the steepened bluff on which it stands, is occupied by about a dozen families who call themselves the "Cliff Dwellers." Their houses, far from being cavelike, are hidden from the world and from one another by dense brush and tree growth. T h e Silver Beach development, part of which is known as Bay Shores, overlooks the silver-sanded beach leading toward Wild Harbor. Half the beach belongs to the town of Falmouth and is open to the public on a restricted basis. T h e northern half was once the site of the Old Silver Beach Theatre where, in the unpublicized past, Margaret Sullavan, Henry Fonda, and an impressive list of other now-famous artists spoke their lines to sunburned summer customers. T h e theatre burned in 1935 and has been rebuilt as an overcommercialized and incongruous night club. Around the inner shores of Wild Harbor are situated the summer cottages of Silver Beach, really an older resort colony than Old Silver Beach. T h e development was started in 1897 by a group of men from Brockton who were impressed with the secluded harbor and broad beach, backed by a heavily wooded hinterland. In 1898 they formed the Silver Beach Land Company and built four houses. T h e following year a water tank, windmill, and pipeline system were installed. T h e colony grew rapidly, but the residents were disturbed by the wildness of Wild Harbor. A breakwater was badly needed. In order to get 22

Falmouth Enterprise, "Mail-away edition," 1936.

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

31

state cooperation, a lavish picnic was arranged for the legislators so that they might see and believe the need for protecting beauteous Silver Beach. They saw and protected—with a stone breakwater. Even this did not prevent the hurricane of September, 1939, from destroying several beach-front houses and demolishing most of the pleasure craft in the harbor. When the Silver Beach Hotel was built in 1904, in order to get water to the top floor the water tank had to be raised ten feet. Water tank and windmill are now gone, but Falmouth town water now flows through the old pipeline, and the Silver Beach Hotel, aging and creaky, carries on. Although many of Silver Beach's summer homes are large, especially along the beach, those occupying the back streets are mostly "camps." Some concern is expressed locally over the trend of Silver Beach toward general deterioration. This tendency was not helped by the hurricane damage. South of the cottage aggregation at Silver Beach, and extending down to the drowned creek running into Wild Harbor, are the one hundred-acre grounds of Camp Cowasset. This exclusive girl's camp, started in 1915, is conceded by educational and health authorities to be one of the best of its kind in the United States. Here, during July and August an average of ninety girls ranging in age from six to eighteen years enjoy an unusually detailed recreational and educational program. A staff of twenty-eight counselors and a dozen maintenance employees operate the camp and execute the elaborate program. Wild Harbor Point adjoins Silver Beach on the north. Though growing slowly, it promises to become a summer development approximating the status of Penzance Point and Chappaquoit. Adjoining the Wild Harbor section on the north are the restricted lands of the Megansett Shores Corporation. Megansett proper is a resort of about the same vintage as Silver Beach, although it was colonized before 1700 by Quakers from Plymouth. In 1880 a Mr. Keith of Newton built a summer home on what is now Otis Street. He was soon followed by several friends. In 1900 a Watertown group bought a large tract from descendants of the original Quakers and built fourteen houses and a Casino building. The latter edifice is now a Catholic Chapel, and the fourteen houses have acquired upward of one hundred summer neighbors. The summer folk of the colony have formed the Megansett Association which, besides providing winter protection for their properties, operates and supervises a pier, float, beach, clubhouse, and tennis courts for the restricted use of the members. Being relatively isolated from the shopping center in Falmouth village, Megansett has more of an air of self-sufficiency about it than the other shore colonies.

32

BACKGROUND AND

DEVELOPMENT

Megansctt is the last stop on our descriptive Cook's tour of Falmouth's summer colonies. B y following the map in a counterclockwise direction the reader will observe that w e have passed through Megansett, W i l d Harbor, Silver Beach, Old Silver Beach, F a l m o u t h Cliffs, West Falmouth, Chappaquoit, Saconesset, Sippewissett, Racing Beach, Quissett, Woods Hole (including G a n sett, Penzance, the "Scientific Colony," Juniper Point, and N o b s k a ) , T h e Fells, T h e Moors, Belvedere Plains, Falmouth Heights, Maravista, Acapesket, Davisville, Menauhant, Waquoit, and Coonamessett (Hatchville). On a more detailed tour w e could probably have included the f e w remaining segments of the town, since summer activity touches every square mile and every inhabitant in one manner or another. In general, however, the summer colonies occupy the shore line while the interior of the town is devoted to agriculture or lies unfilled as brush-covered wasteland. According to the Federal decennial census, the permanent residential population of F a l m o u t h in the period covered by the growth of summer resort activity rose f r o m 2,589 (in 1840) to 6,677 (in 1940). 1930

1940

Population 2,589 2,519 2,456 2,237 2,422 2,567 3,500 3,144 3,500 4,821

Year

1840

1850

i860

1870

1880

1890

1900

1910

1920

6,677

F o r half a century after 1840 the resident population remained stationary, even declining slightly in the decade 1860-70. T h i s was due in the main to the termination of whaling activities in the 1850s, followed by virtual stagnation of the economic and social patterns of Falmouth before the development of the resort business. D u r i n g this period there was a relatively steady migration of agricultural people away f r o m the Cape

23

to Western lands. Hence the

growth of the summer trade shows no net increase in permanent population. N o specific statistics, whatever, are available on the development of Falmouth's resort structure, although some idea can be gained f r o m analyses of property holdings, transfers, tax lists, and so on. Prior to 1872 not even this method can be relied upon since no distinction was made in the records between resident and nonresident taxpayers. In 1863, for example, it is simply recorded that a total tax of $19,654.20 was collected on a total valuation of $482,192, and a real estate tax of $714,317 was assessed against 23,364 acres of land and 444 dwellings, plus the accompanying chattels. In 1872, an enterprising tax recorder began a policy of separating resident f r o m nonresident taxpayers in the Heights. It appears f r o m the tax book of that year that nonresidents paid $492.64 in taxes on real estate valued at $52,800. Of this an evaluation of 23

Frederick Freeman, History of Capí Cod, II, 481.

$34,300

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

33

was assigned to 170 lots, an average value of approximately $200. That most of this nonresident property was composed of Falmouth Heights land is suggested by the fact that of the 93 nonresident taxpayers, 70 lived in Worcester (home of Falmouth Heights Land and Wharf Co.) ; of the remaining 23, 6 lived in Boston, 16 lived elsewhere in New England, and one rugged individual was a New Yorker. On page 177 an attempt has been made to assemble, in chart form, comparable data on the quantitative growth of Falmouth's nonresident property holdings. Once the railroad had been completed and the country had recovered from the depression of the '70s, there followed a tremendous relative increase in nonresident holdings during the two decades of 1880-1900. Property valuations held by nonresidents increased nearly ninefold although the number of individuals classified as nonresident increased less than fourfold. During this period most of the summer property holders were those in the Heights, plus scattered owners in Menauhant, Woods Hole, and West and North Falmouth. After 1900 the rate of growth accelerated, but there were no real estate booms during this period. Actually, the greatest growth was represented by Silver Beach and Megansett, both of which had surmounted their organizational problems and were growing steadily. On a smaller geographic scale, but very important in terms of increases in valuation during this period, were the bonanza projects at Chappaquoit and Penzance, both of which appreciated rapidly during the periods of prosperity following 1900. The sharp increase in growth during the "terrific twenties" the saddening and sobering slump in the decade after the crash of 1929 were perhaps within a "normal" expectation. Not all of the usual characteristics were present in Falmouth's case, however. For example, there was no real estate boom in the Florida sense, although there was an abortive attempt in that direction during the middle twenties. A number of victims bought "Pond Colony" lots in Maravista and elsewhere which were more suitable for frog habitats than for summer houses. Subsequent depreciation of the valuations of projects opened in this period are reflected in the decline of total nonresident land values from 1929 to 1939, the only net loss for any valuation series or period shown on the chart (see p. 177). Colonies especially responsible for the spectacular growth during the twenties were Acapesket, new developments in Waquoit and Davisville, the Gansett Woods section in Woods Hole, the Buzzards Bay colonies of Racing Beach, Saconesset, the Cliffs, and Old Silver Beach. An additional factor in this growth was a general revaluation, during the period, of all property on the assessors' books.

34

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT Falmouth's local depression pattern did not follow that of the country at

large but lagged by a period of one to three years, depending apparently on the relative prosperity in different sections from whence the summer people came. Leanest years were 1933 and 1934. Recovery since then has been uneven but steady until it was stimulated to temporary boom dimensions by the building, in 1940, of C a m p Edwards, immediately adjacent to the town. 2 4 In addition to the quantitative aspects of Falmouth's growth as a resort, there are certain qualitative aspects and trends which will repay examination at this point. Granted the essential physiographic and climatic requirements, which in Falmouth possesses as resort, the next obvious most conditioning factor is transportation; that is, accessibility. Virtually all observers mention the effect of the cpming of the railroad on the influx of summer visitors, and most of them consider this an adequate disposition of the forces behind the town's resort development. In present-day thought and terminology the "tourist industry" is more closely identified with the automobile than with any other single phenomenon. T h e thousands of tourist cabins and Rooms-for-Rent signs along N e w England highways are mute testimony to its vacationing importance. W e speak with common understanding, in fact, of the "auto age." Ironically, Falmouth's resort patterns which now are very much influenced by the ownership and use of automobiles, do not confirm neatly, in historical perspective, with the "normal" trends. T h e reasons for the dissimilarity are interesting though obvious. A s we have previously noted, the taproots of the town's resort growth were already well developed before the debut of the horseless carriage. T w o media of transportation—water and rail—had been serving summer residents for half a century before the first World War. These transport media and facilities had left a definite stamp on the type and nature of the town's resort patterns. T h e large summer estates, and likewise the cottages, were summer homes. T h e summer populace arrived with the season and stayed throughout its length. There were very f e w "transients." Once the railroad had been extended to Falmouth, the people of Boston, Worcester, Providence, and N e w York could readily ship themselves and their trunks to the Cape for the summer. T h e coaches and horses of the more pretentious could likewise be driven down "for the season." Then, too, there was the " D u d e T r a i n " to enable businessmen to commute to Boston for whatever business could not be suspended during the summer. In short, a neat preautomobile balance had been evolved around rail, and, to a lesser degree, around water transportation. 24

Clark Craig, "Cape Cod Gets a War Boom," Harper's Magazine, March, 1941.

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

35

B u t this is not to imply that Falmouth's resort growth ignored the great social and economic forces exerted by the automobile. It simply predated them. A s soon as the automobile began to come into common use, Falmouth reacted according to form, with one significant modifying exception. This exception was the Cape's sandy roads. W e have already noted the travel-discouraging nature. If w e add to this the observation that it was not until the 1920s that Falmouth began to take a positive interest in its new resort industry, w e can better understand the role the automobile was to play. W h e n w e come to examine municipal expenditures w e will see that the town fathers now better understand the returns on highway appropriation than they did in former times. Cape Cod roads, and in fact those of N e w England generally, still leave much to be desired. 25 F o r the last two decades, however, Falmouth has had good road connections with its primary markets and automobile travel has been the basic factor in bringing the modern transient portion of its resort industry. In a sense the fact that this new pattern has been superimposed on the old stable patterns, is one of the major contributing factors to some of the resort problems that we propose to analyze. T h e two patterns have not overlapped one another too well. A second group of permissive influences on Falmouth's recreational growth has been the economic sequence of events in the town's history; and, in a broader sense, their chronological correlation with the general history of the country at large. In this connection we should recall that the whaling industry, Falmouth's main economic basis during the early nineteenth century, came to an end in the '50s. Wood and sail were replaced by steel and steam on the seas. Ships ceased to take shape in the harbors of Woods Hole, Quissett, and West Falmouth. Salt making came to an end in the '70s and many of Falmouth's farmers went of! to homestead the free lands of Ohio and Indiana. Overlying all this was the changing national milieu wherein the United States was developing a social and economic status allowing for the wealth and amenities necessary to the existence of a resort clientele. This coincidence of circumstances made it possible for a Mr. Joseph Story Fay, wealthy Bostonian to chance upon a magnificent, yet economically useless, bit of scenery in Woods Hole. N o longer being of value as a f a r m or as a site for shipbuilding establishment, Mr. Fay was able to buy it reasonably for a summer home site. Through a similar set of circumstances a Mr. Charles Jones, in 1892, chanced upon a peninsula in West Falmouth. T h e place had grown to weeds and was 25 A. W. Dean, "Highways of New England," in New England's Geographical Society of New York, 1 9 3 3 ) .

Prospect:

1933

(American

36

BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT

cluttered with ramshackle wharfs and ship litter. The owners were happy to sell Mr. Jones % of Hog Island for $800, only to be chagrined five years later, when, through the simple process of renovating, planning, and renaming the same land—now called "Chappaquoit Island"—it was worth 63 times the $800. Prior to 1872 Great Hill was a barren glacial knob, good for nothing but inferior sheep pasture. The exquisite view of the multihued waters of Vineyard Sound, across which glinting paths of sunlight led to the green secluded Vineyard, meant nothing to a sheep. But when conditions outside had developed a potential clientele, small pieces of the barren sheep pasture could be sold for fancy prices, since permanent access to the view and all it contained went with each lot. As a final example we might consider the metamorphosis of Penzance Point. In the '70s as the site of a stinking fertilizer factory, converting fish oil, nitrates, and bird guano into plant food, it coaxed the railroad into Falmouth. In the 1940s, as the exclusive summer home of wealthy New York and Boston families, it is still coaxing taxes and other monies into the coffers of the town. The factors of accessibility and time-place situation are of key importance, yet we have referred to them as permissive or conditioning features. This was done advisedly since both have been dependent on a third dynamic force for their successful exploitation. This later phenomenon is advertising, but of a very special kind, certainly not the ecstatic chamber of commerce variety. That type of resort development which we have been examining, namely, summer property owned or rented by its seasonal occupants, has progressed in Falmouth almost exclusively through the channel of word-of-mouth advertising. This is not tantamount to saying that the usual type of sales promotion utilized by the several land companies that developed various colonies was unavailing. They simply capitalized on this one special type, at least to get their projects started. As examples : Falmouth Heights was started by men from Worcester. They built several cottages and a hotel and prevailed upon several of the citizens of Worcester to come to Falmouth. For the next decade more than 75 per cent of the landowners in the Heights were Worcesterites and today, half a century later, more than half of the regular summer clientele are from an area within a neighborly radius of Worcester. At Silver Beach the same relationship applies for people from Brockton. Megansett has a colony of associated descendants of its Watertown founders. A bond of the same species but of a different order holds together the groups in other colonies. At Woods Hole, in the "Professor's R o w " section, the scientific colony has grown by a process of development around common

B A C K G R O U N D A N D DEVELOPMENT

37

interests. At Seapit and around the shores o£ Waquoit Bay another colony, composed in the main of academicians and their friends, is growing up. The bankers along "Banker's R o w " on Penzance, though not as fraternizing as the professors, nevertheless have certain common interests, and whether their geographic association is emulative or not, they at least were urged to invest thousands of dollars in their adjacent summer homes through something besides sales talk. Cape Codders ignored the first inroads of visiting outsiders. Being a rather clannish and self-centered social group, they were not temperamentally suited to the role of host to a lot of "foreigners" who came partially to wonder at the eccentricities of the local folk and scene. Vestiges of this attitude remain even today when thousands of summer residents and millions of "trippers" visit the Cape perennially. It is epitomized in a too-oft-repeated tale of an old Cape Codder who, when told that there were an awful lot of "queer" people on the Cape, is said to have replied, "Aye, but they'll all be gone by Labor Day." A tripper, according to the salty definition of a certain elderly Cape Codder, is "a person who comes to town with one shirt and a five dollar bill and doesn't stay long enough to change either one." By and large the term carries the combined connotations of week enders, transients, and tourists. Excepting the estimates made for ulterior purposes, Falmouth has at any one time during July and August an average summer population of about 15,000, of which probably one third are trippers. The trippers, excepting those whose stay is of less duration than one day, make up the major portion of the clientele of Falmouth's 23 hotels and Inns and of her 250 or more tourist homes, rooming houses, and summer boarding establishments.

Chapter III RESORT PATTERNS AND PROBLEMS WITHIN THE FRAME of reference provided by earlier chapters we can now begin to examine specifically the patterns and problems of the community as a g o i n g concern, i.e., as a resort. In so doing we can, for most purposes, consider F a l m o u t h a one-industry town. Its chief economic pillar is the summer resort industry. S u m m e r visitors, though of several types, are Falmouth's m a i n cash crop. M a n y towns in N e w E n g l a n d , especially factory towns, are dependent on one industry for their economic existence. Falmouth, however, is not only a one-industry t o w n ; it is also a seasonal-industry town—and the season is not overlong at that. Aside f r o m the self-sustaining activity of local trade that operates the year round, the life of a new season begins to flow, slowly, in Falmouth's economic veins, about the middle of May. About this time owners of summer cottages begin to think of the repairs necessary to their property : the screens need fixing, the bathroom has to have a new shower system, the boat has to be ordered out of the storage, and it's time to see the L i g h t Company and the W a t e r D e p a r t m e n t about having these facilities ready and waiting when the family arrives. In May there also occurs a flurry of hammering, sweeping, scrubbing, and painting in most of the twenty odd hotels and inns. By the third week in May, one or two of the more optimistic ones will open for business, but they will not expect to prosper, except perhaps on week ends, until late in June. Relatively little happens, beyond this slowly increasing trickle of week-end preparatory traffic, until schools begin to close. It is doubtful if F a l m o u t h , and other summer resorts as well, realize the vital significance of

academic

calendars to their way of life. T h a t the long-term birth rate is declining in A m e r i c a is true but, even so, most families who are advanced enough, both socially and economically, to have a Cape Cod summer home, usually have one or m o r e children. B y and large their recreational plans—father's vacation, renting or opening the s u m m e r house—revolve around the children. Moreover, a goodly number of Falmouth's summer residents are teachers, professors, or other professional persons connected with educational institutions. In addition, the M a r i n e Biological Laboratory and the Oceanographic Institute at W o o d s H o l e are both part of Falmouth's summer

population

structure, and their schedules are geared to mesh with the acadcmic calendars of schools and colleges the country over.

RESORT PATTERNS AND PROBLEMS

39

Likewise—and lamentably so for the resorts—education for the young rings down a premature curtain on the end of the vacation season. By sad but hallowed custom, elementary schools open the day after, or at latest the week after, Labor Day. As a result that holiday week end marks the crescendo climax of Falmouth's season and is followed by an abrupt slump. This in spite of the fact that, climatically, September is as pleasant a month, and often more so, than is June. Thus the heyday and the financial haying days of Falmouth's resort season is, roughly, the eight week period from the Fourth of July to Labor Day. It is the rule-of-thumb estimate on the part of the summer hotel and seasonal retail operators that approximately 75 per cent of their business is done in this period. The data of those keeping accurate figures seem to bear this out. Although more detailed accounts will be given in appropriate chapters following, it will prove helpful as well as reasonably accurate to assume at this point that the total seasonal pattern of summer activity, as estimated by merchants in Falmouth, when represented on a percentage basis is: June, 15 per cent; July, 25 per cent; August, 50 per cent; September, 10 per cent. While we have this pattern in mind, let us apply it to the population trends in Falmouth. The resident population, according to the 1940 census was 6,677, but there are always at least 7,000 in the town. Estimates of the summer population are many and variant. Actually there is no such figure as the summer population, since it fluctuates on essentially the same pattern as does the summer economic activity. The peak is reached during the week preceding Labor Day, when it rises to a total somewhere between 30,000 and 40,000 people, including the permanent residents. When the town officials get ready to issue the profitable seasonal liquor licenses, which are determined on a population basis, they naturally, and perhaps excusably, prefer a large figure as the summer population of Falmouth. For purposes of our own analysis we can afford to be more conservative. If by definition we agree to interpret the "season"—except where specifically described otherwise—as the eight weeks from July 4th to Labor Day, then the most usable figure which we can take as the visiting population seems to be an average of about 15,000. Thus, during the season Falmouth's total population is roughly three times that of its winter figure. It will be helpful to keep this relative pattern firmly in mind. It is a significant matrix factor behind many of the things we will want to consider. The details of how the figure was compiled may be enlightening. There are approximately 1,600 nonresident owners of summer property in the town. There are also about 500 houses for rent or for sale as seasonal residences. The

40

RESORT P A T T E R N S A N D PROBLEMS

average size of one of Falmouth's visiting families, according to a questionnaire sample, is 3.9. T a k i n g these figures, together with the average length of stay, the percentage occupied of summer property, plus the average number of guests visiting each family, it appears that there are usually about 10,000 "permanent" summer residents in Falmouth at any one given time during the season. This is a conservative working estimate. There are approximately 900 hotel rooms in the town and roughly 250 "tourist homes," each of the latter with an average of nearly four rooms to let. Some of the clientele of the hotel and private houses stay as long as do people who rent or own homes, but the bulk of them are transients or "trippers." These two types of facilities, plus the daily tides of one-day-or-less transients or sight-seers, account for the other 5,000 average visiting population. However, during important week ends and periods when motorist traffic is heavy the total visiting population may be increased by as much as 100 per cent for short periods. It becomes evident from these brief figures that, considered over the period of a year, Falmouth's resort (income) season is both relatively and intrinsically short. Unfortunately there are also certain stage and sound effects, both psychological and sociological, that tend to dramatize the shortness and thus intensify the importance of the season to the townspeople. While the eight weeks of the peak summer season are hardly more than a seventh of the whole year's time, they nevertheless orient the town's economic and social life for the entire twelve months. In addition, it should be realized that while the difference in population is about three to one, the variations in given segments of the total economic activity may be ten or even one hundred to one. F o r example, postal activity during the vacation season is ten times that of the winter months. Unfortunately, but perhaps pardonably, the townspeople are so indelibly impressed with the shortness of their summer income period that they find it impossible to maintain a diplomatic silence on the subject when dealing with their guests. A s a result, one of the stock answers to a summer person w h o protests about the price of anything is, "Yes, but don't forget we've got to make our year's living in two months so we have to charge more." If the merchant must bring up the subject at all, how much better to blame the price on something vague and inanimate like "seasonal overhead" (since it is still the same thing). Very likely the visitor is himself plagued in his own business by such evils, and therefore mention of so common an enemy might well lead to sympathetic mutual understanding instead of unnecessary antipathy.

RESORT PATTERNS AND PROBLEMS

41

There is more intention than facctiousness in stating the above situation in this manner. It might be said with some degree of generalized accuracy that most of Falmouth's problems, as a resort community, are economic, but that many, if not most, of the solutions are sociological. It may prove helpful to keep this in mind as a "key hypothesis" for the whole subject. Economically, Falmouth has two major problems: seasonality, and a dependence on one primary industry. The two are so closely interwoven and interdependent that for all practical purposes they are one. Yet the ramifications are legion. The economic ramifications are perhaps the easiest to trace and are the ones to which solutions are most frequently sought, but it is a moot question whether, in the long run, they are more important than the sociological, psychological —even spiritual—problems that accompany them. In fact it might well be that if remedies were sought on the three latter levels the economic difficulties would resolve themselves. One fact particularly underscores this possibility; namely that Falmouth is one of the wealthiest towns in the state. According to the assessors' report the total value of taxable town property in 1940 was $22,336,389, of which $20,453,417 was real estate. Not only is Falmouth a wealthy town for its size but it maintains an extensive governmental budget on one of the lowest tax rates in Massachusetts. Unfortunately, these brighter sides are easily overlooked. Like so many contemporary economic problems, Falmouth's are primarily concerned with matters of distribution. It is not only a matter of spreading the revenue among different income groups but one of distributing it over the year, as well. Another complicating factor is also present. Economists sometimes consider it a problem when laborers receive their income from "soulless" corporations which they know only as paymasters. This lack of acquaintance and understanding between payor and payee afflicts Falmouth also, but on a more diverse and complicated scale. The local populace, as a group, receives its main livelihood from the summer people as a group, and between the two there are both collective and individual misunderstandings. As a result, many of the problems of the town as a resort community, while arising out of economic associations, have solidified into sociological attitudes and petty social frictions. Hence, in examining the economic problem we will often be obliged to peer down through incrustation of biases and snap judgments that have been accumulating over the years like mold on an otherwise sound and wholesome cheese. In tackling these compound, complex socioeconomic problems there are no better or more acutely complicated issues with which to start than those of

42

RESORT P A T T E R N S A N D PROBLEMS

property ownership and taxation. In approaching this and all subsequent topics we will do well to footnote our objective inquiry with the question, "Who exploits whom?" It is a foregone conclusion on the part of the summer resident that since he pays taxes on a year round basis—and similar charges on water, telephone, and other services—yet only uses his property two or three months, he is therefore being exploited. It is an equally foregone conclusion on the part of the permanent resident that because he and his government must maintain excessive roads, fire apparatus, miles of extra water mains and other public utilities—and because he must run a big store and other facilities at a loss in the winter so as better to serve the brief summer trade—therefore, he is the one being exploited. As is so often the case, antipodal attitudes of this type, with their attendant prejudices and frictions, stem from gross misunderstanding of the basic facts. For the purposes of our anaylsis of Falmouth's resort patterns and problems, we need immediately two main set of facts, both dealing largely with the summer people, without whom there would be no resort. Specifically: who are these people; and what are their group characteristics; and what is the nature of their summer economic habits ? In other words, what are their social and economic patterns ? In acquainting ourselves with the people who make up the sociological patterns of Falmouth as a summer resort, we must frequently resort to the use of averages, trends, and types, in the absence of exact quantitative data about certain social forces and attitudes. Summer colonists, being human and fallible like the rest of us, are under no more obligation to act or think rationally than are other groups of humans. In fact many of them have attained that enviable niche in the social heirarchy where they are entitled to act and think with more irrational, subjective, and atypical latitude than is thought fitting and proper for more orthodox people. A n d when we remember, on the other hand, that the permanent Falmouth residents are in the main lineal descendants of that special and indefinable group of Yankees known and respected as "Cape Codders," and thus entitled to a set of eccentricities all their own, the possibilities of group immiscibility and conflict become readily apparent. All this is without mention of the sizable representation of Portuguese, plus some Indians, and Negroes, to be found in the easterly portions of Falmouth. Happily, the differences between the two main groups, residents and nonresidents, are in most actual cases more apparent than real—a thesis upon which it is hoped we can substantiate some of our future solutions to Falmouth's resort problems. In order to identify the main characteristics of the

RESORT P A T T E R N S A N D PROBLEMS

43

summer residents, both owners and renters, the questionnaire, reproduced on page 178, was prepared and distributed. In preparing the questionnaire several summer residents were queried as to what types of information they could supply and what specific questions could most accurately be answered. Before the questionnaires were distributed an estimate was made, in cooperation with local officials, of the relative areal population distribution in terms of owner vs. renter patterns, income brackets (judged from tax records of property evaluation), and relative density in terms of the respective resort colonies. T h e distribution of questionnaires was made in such a manner as to obtain as near a representative cross-sectional reply as possible. Also, the questionnaires were "keyed" by areas in order to check the representativeness of the actual sample used in tabulations. The questionnaires were then distributed personally by the author to respondents with an explanation, wherever possible, of the reasons for the survey. Anonymous answers were returned by mail. The paragraphs which follow are based on tabulation of a sample of 100. T h e most interesting general characteristics of the summer people that we might like to know are : who they are, where they came from, and what they do when they are not vacationing in Falmouth. T o tell who they are individually would violate the privacy so many of them prize as a special aspect of their secluded summer homes, but among them are an impressive list of variously famous people: authors, editors, painters, scientists, academicians, statesmen, and a miscellany of others. Nearly fifty of a recent summer's vintage were listed in Who's Who in America.1 T w o were Nobel Prize Winners. The occupations listed in the replies to the questionnaire are given below: 3 Automobile Dealers 2 Bankers 3 Brokers ι Certified Public Accountant 6 Doctors 3 Editors

5 9 1 9 5 2

Engineers Executives (unspecified) Salesman Housewives In business for selves Insurance Agents

11 5 11 1 13 10

Lawyers Manufacturers Professors Real Estate Agent Retired Teachers

There is little in this heterogenous list to encourage the use of averages for purposes of description. It is interesting to note, however, that 13 per cent of the group are retired. Another 21 per cent are professors or teachers. This latter group may be slightly overrepresented in the sample, since academicians are more given to answering questionnaires than are other folk. Where do these people come from geographically? This is a question of 1

Falmouth Press, The Summer Cape Codder (pamphlet, n.d.).

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such consequence to a resort that it is dealt with in detail in Chapter V I I . It is not amiss, however, to observe that, although more than half of the summer residents and their guests come from the two metropolitan areas of Boston and N e w Y o r k , some years every state in the Union and several foreign countries are represented. It is interesting to know not only where these summer residents come from, but also how many summers they have been coming to Falmouth, and how long they stay. Of our 100 families, five were newcomers in 1940. Another avowed that he had been a summer comer for 69 years. T h e average was 16.13 years. T h e pattern by five-year periods was as follows : Years

Families

Years

Families

Years

Families

I to 5 6 to 10 i l to 15 16 to 20

26 18 17 li

21 to 25 26 to 30 31 to35 36(040

7 5 5 5

41 to 45 461050 More than 50

I 2 3

T h e family head or the breadwinner stayed, on the average, less time than did his family, which is to be expected. For those who come from N e w Y o r k , Boston, or other points of comparable distance, the usual pattern is for the head of the family to spend from 3 to 8 week ends at the summer home plus the period of his or her vacation. T h e heads of families stayed as follows : ι to 3 weeks 4 to 6 weeks

18 18

2 months 3 months

9 24

2

More than three months 6 "Various" 25

T h e length of stay of the family units were much more definite. Three months, or "the season" (July 4th to Labor D a y ) is the popular period of summer residence. Less than one month One month T w o months

2 12 18

Three months 54 Four months or more 14

In addition to the regular summer stay, many of those who own their summer homes (70 of the ioo answering) spend several "non-season" week ends in Falmouth. Forty-two indicated that they made added visits as follows : two spent 1 extra week end; seven, 2; six, 3 ; five, 4; five, 5; four, 6; one, 7 ; five, 8. These week-end visits usually begin with Easter and last, intermittently, until Christmas. Even though relatively few of the summer residences have heating equipment in them, their owners nevertheless are prompted to rush 2 Both this and the charts following are based on "estimates" made by the people answering. Each classification should be read as "plus or minus."

RESORT PATTERNS AND PROBLEMS

45

the arrival of spring and postpone the advent of winter. A number of owners of heatable houses spend all or most of the winter holiday week ends, especially Christmas, in Falmouth; and, as indicated previously, an increasing number of new seasonal residences are being equipped with heating units. Knowing how long the summer people have been coming to Falmouth, it is only natural to wonder why they came initially, or what has motivated their continued coming. The attracting forces are interestingly varied, and, as we shall see when we come to examine certain merchandising features, they are important things to be considered by the town. At the head of the list come friends—the one-man-tells-another sort of advertising. The many reasons noted (often an individual would list several as of equal importance) are given below: Personal acquaintance (friends and relatives) Class of people in general Scenic attractions Location and accessibility Climate, health, etc.

48 5 H 10 15

Beaches and recreation Scientific interests Best by comparison Through stay at hotels Prices and costs

xo 17 10 4 I

For transportation, 89 out of 100 use automobiles for all or part of their needs. Twenty-two of them use the train entirely or as an adjunct to their automobiles. Three families come by boat, and three others use airplanes occasionally. Since the automobile seems to be so necessary to the good life as lived by the summer residents—not to mention its cardinal role as the purveyor of thousands of "trippers"—we might list the quantitative and qualitative preferences in these vehicles. Among the 100 Falmouth summer families, 57 owned one car; 29 owned two; i l had more than two cars; and 3 had none at all. The kinds of cars were these: 2 Nash 28 Buick 23 Ford Oldsmobile Hudson I Cadillac 9 4 10 Packard 6 LaSalle Chevrolet 13 Pontiac Lincoln Chrysler 7 3 6 I Studebaker De Soto Lincoln Zephyr 3 2 Unspecified 2 Dodge Mercury 17 5 Total cars

142

The only important characteristics not shown by the statistics are (1) the great number of station wagons and, (2) the conspicuous percentage of late models among all makes and types.

φ

RESORT P A T T E R N S AND PROBLEMS Having obtained a fairly complete concept of the "migratory" habits of the

summer resident and his family, we can turn to the domestic aspects of his way of life as a recreationist. T h e dimensions of his family are themselves interesting. Statistically, there are 3.9 people in the average summer resident's family. That is to say, a "typical" family would be four people, but our group represents considerable variation from this figure, ranging from 6 "families" comprised of one individual, to 2 having eight members. T h e distribution of the others is as follows: 11 families have two members; 20 have three; 32 have four; 17 have five; 11 have six; and 1 has seven. These families, as a group, have some unusual characteristics. Owing, among other things, to the fact that the families of professionals or "intellectuals" are smaller than the average, and also to the economic factor that it usually takes a few years to earn enough to afford a summer home, resort families are more adult than average. This means a number of things to a resort. For example there are not only fewer children but they tend to be older. Also, hotel guests and others who are highly transient usually leave their very young children at home. Thus, there should be more emphasis on sailboat facilities and tennis courts than on beach sand boxes and recreational equipment for little folk. In Falmouth it has led to a considerable demand for night clubs and roadhouses for the "jitterbugs," and, at one time, a demand for town-sponsored baseball games for the amusement of visiting adults. It should be observed, however, that more of the patrons of such entertainment facilities as nightclubs and ball games come from the hotel guests and transients than from summer home owners. T h e latter, as might be expected, tend to lead more routine lives within their own homes. T h e "family" of a summer resident is not necessarily limited to parents plus children. Forty-six per cent of our sample group have one servant living with the family; 14 per cent have two servants and 5 per cent have four or more, Thirty-six per cent either have no servants or hire them on occasion. One thing that all summer families seem to have in abundance is guests. Some of them even maintain a sort of "tacit calendar" on which is planned the Guests

I to 5 6 to 10 l i to 15 16 to 20

Families

Guests

12 26

21 to 25 26 to 30

4

311035 36 to 40

I

Families

6

4 0

Guests

Families

41 to 45 0 46 to 50 4 More than 50 6

8 3 anticipated comings and goings of the season's contingent of peregrinating acquaintances. In fact the opportunities afforded for entertainment of friends is one of the primary reasons advanced by some for the purchase or design of their individual homes. Not a few are often led, by the over supply of unin-

RESORT P A T T E R N S A N D PROBLEMS

47

vitcd guests, to wish that they had bought summer homes in A l a s k a or some similarly remote place. Besides the " f e w " overnight guests reported by 4 responders and the " m a n y " reported by 13, the guest pattern is as portrayed above. F r o m the simple k n o w l e d g e that F a l m o u t h is a marine summer resort, plus the reasons for c o m i n g to it as g i v e n on page 45, it would be fairly easy to m a k e out a list of favorite recreations of the visitors. Such a list w o u l d hardly

F A V O R I T E R E C R E A T I O N S O F F A L M O U T H ' S SUMMER R E S I D E N T S FIRST C H O I C E

Bathing and swimming 61 Boating and sailing 14 Golf 9 Summer theatre 4 Beach parties 3 Tennis 3 Baseball 3 Motoring 3 Fishing 2 Reading 2 Resting 2 Movies 2 Music ι Wild life study 1 Gardening 1 SECOND C H O I C E

Bathing and swimming Boating and sailing Tennis Golf Motoring Fishing Movies Picnicking Visiting Gardening Painting Antique hunting Croquet playing

18 16 12 10 9 8 5 4 a 1 1 1 1

THIRD C H O I C E

Tennis Golf

17 10

Motoring Boating and sailing Movies Hiking Gardening Visiting Bridge Bathing and swimming Horseback riding Picnicking Fishing Dancing Flying Baseball Wood Craft Eating Photography Local color hunting Shopping Hunting Bowling Checkers

5 4 4 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 ι ι ι 1

T E N MOST P O P U L A R RECREATIONS BY COMPOSITE C H O I C E

Bathing and swimming Boating and sailing Tennis Golf Motoring Movies Fishing Picnics and beach parties Gardening Visiting

83 38 32 29 20 14 13 10 9 8

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be as complete or varied, however, as the ones above, which show the first, second, and third choices of the 100 families represented by our questionnaire. Some unique insights into the likes and dislikes of the summer resident are implicit here, but these lists are not entirely accurate; sometimes the second and third choices are actually as "favorite" as the first, but happened to be written down in the present order. Nevertheless, helpful conclusions are to be derived from the data as given. The dominant importance of marine sports is self-evident. Even those who do not care to go near the water nevertheless like to look at it. Falmouth's marine seascapes and landscapes attract thousands of sight-seers as well as summer home owners. Forty-three families out of the 100 sampled owned boats. Twenty-six had one, 7 had two, and 10 families had more than two (one had seven). T h e number, size, and type of boats owned conforms closely, in any given family, to the number and ages of the children. Altogether our 100 families owned eighty-two boats in the following variety: Rowboats Canoes Sailboats

27 7 21

Motorboats Cruisers Launches

8 3 1

Sloops Yawls Yachts Total

11 3 1 82

On an average weekday afternoon in August the author made a count of all the pleasure craft, larger than a rowboat, either at anchor or in operation near various parts of Falmouth's shore. The results were: Megansett Silver Beach West Falmouth

23 27 42

Quissett Harbor 59 Woods Hole 100 Falmouth Heights 58

The Pond Colonies 31 Waquoit Bay 31 Total

371

Tennis is the first choice of only three people, yet on a composite scale it is nearly as popular as boating and more popular than golf. Ironically, summer visitors, again on the composite scale, would rather go to the movies than go fishing, showing perhaps that they can't entirely pull away from the recreational habits prevailing in their city homes. Judging from the scope of the several lists, it might be wondered that any one resort could satisfy all the recreational desires expressed. Yet when queried on this point, 66 per cent stated that they were satisfied with the facilities available in Falmouth; 22 per cent were not; and 12 per cent apparently were un-

RESORT PATTERNS A N D PROBLEMS

49

concerned. However, out of 100 questionnaires, there were 71 suggestions for improving extant recreational facilities or for adding new ones. These suggestions are discussed in Chapter VII. By now we should have materially improved our concept of the summer resident. We know certain things about his work, his family, some of the reasons why he and his family selected Falmouth as a resort in which to spend their summers, and what they prefer to do for recreation. What we need to know, in addition at this point is something about the other major group that goes to make up the "summer people." Although the summer owners are the most integrated group in Falmouth's total roster of summer guests it is not the largest group. This distinction goes to the "trippers." During the course of the summer a tremendous number of these transient sight-seers, motorists and other briefly stopping visitors, pass through Falmouth. Any attempt to estimate their total number accurately is an idle gesture. As many as 100,000 visit the aquarium at the Bureau of Fisheries at Woods Hole alone in the course of a season. At least half a million, annually, of these Americans on tour pass slowly or rapidly through Falmouth during the summer months. T o define their group characteristics one would have to catalogue most of the racial, social, and economic categories in the entire nation. There is a third group of summer clientele in Falmouth—the devotees of the summer hotel and private inns and rooming houses. They, too, have individual characteristics as broad and complex as the trippers. In fact, the dividing line is largely a matter of ones' own choosing. But for the most part our real concern, in terms of groups, is between the summer residents who own or rent vacation homes and the permanent local residents. The other groups are more in the nature of "complicating phenomena." On many specific problems the owners of the hotels and inns which serve the latter groups are on the same side of the issue as the summer property owner. Together they fall into the "nonresident tax paying category." Hence the only group really remaining to be examined is the permanent population of Falmouth itself. Since we already know quite a bit of their history and some of their economic experiences, there is relatively little that we need to add here. When the author first arrived in Falmouth and announced his intention of making a study of the town and its people he was told that it would take forty years, because only then would he know what a Cape Codder was. Thus it is with great trepidation that a description of the townspeople is thus undertaken thirty-nine years too soon.

5o

RESORT PATTERNS AND PROBLEMS

Being N e w Englanders and somewhat isolated geographically, native Cape Codders tend to have a certain provincial clannishness, but this characteristic is much less pronounced than the author was led in advance to expect. For example, Cape Codders seem much less socially aloof than do the residents of N e w York apartment houses. T h e more obvious traits of character among them seem to be proud self-sufficiency, group loyalty tempered by frank mutual criticism, straightforwardness, and a marked democratic psychology. Perhaps these are the contributing factors in the signal success of their townmeeting form of local government. On the whole these characteristics are not materially different from those of Americans generally, and could be found in duplicate in any number of community groups from coast to coast. On the Cape, however, they seem accentuated by additional mores which are too subtly indigenous to the locale to be described by comparisons. As characteristics in the abstract the above attributes are highly desirable, but they are not all suited to the "perfect host." For example, the Cape Codder who adheres firmly to the theory that all men are free and equal—and practices it in his daily contacts—is not likely to be as obsequious as some of the visitors might like. In his opinion, halfway is the place to meet anybody, and if the other man isn't there at the appointed time, he won't wait very long. Yet, on the other hand, Cape Codders are not to be hurried or told what to do— certainly not by a nonresident; and although they disagree enthusiastically among themselves, they will present a solid front of opposition to anything they think is being "engineered" by outsiders. T o make friends with Cape Codders takes a little time and effort, and the fact that you may be a "somebody," either socially or financially, will not hasten the process materially. But, as with most things that require extensive cultivation, the results are both pleasant and worth while. Unfortunately, the townspeople are usually too busy and the nonresidents are interested in too many other things during the vacation season to make much attempt to get better acquainted. Their main contacts are either across a counter or over some other commercial negotiation—not the most friendly and hospitable environment under any circumstances. A sizable portion of the social attitudes between the groups are holdovers from a past situation and are often no longer warranted. In the earlier part of Falmouth's resort existence, when most of the summer residents were owners of large estates, there was much less contact between the permanent residents and their guests. Moreover, the Falmouth residents made no effort to get outsiders to come to the Cape and seemed to care little whether they Stayed or left. Sinçç most of the early contacts were commercial, they were

RESORT PATTERNS A N D PROBLEMS

51

carried on with servants and employees of the visitors. Absence of knowledge and understanding of one another perhaps naturally led to unwarranted suspicions and mistaken opinions. Today, most of the contacts are still commercial, but the bulk of the summer residents now do their own shopping and attend to the other affairs incidental to the conduct of their summer stay. Moreover, most of the Falmouth people now realize the importance of their trade and contact with the summer visitors and have modified and modernized their attitudes toward them. Even so, there is still room for improvement on each side. T h e present patterns of resort property ownership and use in Falmouth, both in terms of value and location, stem directly from casual forces which arc largely historical. Because of this it will repay us to recapitulate briefly, and this time from an economic position, some of the history of resort development. The roots of many if not most of the present land-holding problems are imbedded in certain historical trends. W e will recall that the Fays, who came to Woods Hole in the early 1850s, were the first extensive buyers of "recreational" property. In a short while various members of the family had bought up most of the farm land around Woods Hole village. Following the Fays came the Beebe family of three brothers who also bought farms in and around the Falmouth village. Their main holdings lay between the village and the shore, taking in most of the land from Falmouth Harbor to the Moors. In addition they owned two large estates east of the village, "Tanglewood," and "Highfields," the lands of which remain undeveloped. It was the custom of the Beebe brothers to buy up tracts of meadow and woodland around their own holdings, whenever such plots were offered for sale, in order to preserve unspoiled the rural atmosphere. They were not opposed, however, to other wealthy people acquiring lands and developing their holdings into seasonal estates. Thus, during the period of their lifetime (the last brother died in the early 1930s) a number of well-to-do families, mostly Bostonians, and several members of nationally prominent political families, acquired large holdings along both shores of the peninsula of land between Falmouth village and Woods Hole. Due to the selective influence of the Fays and the Beebes, this part of town took on resort characteristics of manorial exclusiveness which are not found elsewhere in Falmouth. The occupants of these landed estates lived in and to themselves. They arrived by carriage, or by rail after 1872, in the spring and stayed through the summer. With them they brought their servants, trunkloads of personal effects, and perhaps several horses and carriages. Except for

52

RESORT P A T T E R N S A N D PROBLEMS

the Fays and Beebes, they tended to keep secluded. Other than through the payment of taxes and the employment of some local labor and services, there was little intercourse with the townspeople. Apparently the townspeople were as disinterested as the visitors. Falmouth had not yet come to depend heavily upon summer resident revenue for its livelihood, and provincial conservatism prevented it from entertaining undue curiosity about its new land holders. Being mutually aloof, there was less chance for social frictions to develop between the two groups than there now is. During this same period signs of coming events had begun to cast their shadows on other parts of the town. Falmouth Heights was under development before the railroad came in 1872. Prior to 1900 other nuclei of what are now major "colonies" had begun to form along both shores—at Megansett and Silver Beach on Buzzards Bay, and at Menauhant and Davisville on the Sound. The two latter summer groups were growing up on shore land which in the main had not been cultivated previously. On the other hand, Megansett and the straggling summer colonies along the western shore were developing on the then unused farms first cleared by the colonial Quakers. In both cases the harbors of the new resorts had been used initially by whaling ships. Thus up until the World War we find two separate resort patterns growing in Falmouth, but from a common prior land use. The farms on the Woods Hole peninsula, including those immediately adjacent to Falmouth Village, became palatial summer estates of wealthy Bostonians and of their equally prosperous friends from elsewhere in the East. Along the other shore areas we find a different sort of resort activity taking place, but also on land which was previously used for agricultural purposes. It should be noted however, that the recreational uses did not force the abandonment of the farms. Agriculture had already died out on most of the shore lands during the whaling epoch, and the Portuguese agricultural settlements now located in eastern Falmouth had not yet begun. Thus when we search for casual sequences we cannot say that resort activity forced land out of agricultural use. Neither can we say that unprofitable agriculture, or even the end of whaling activity, brought on a resort use of the land. The initiative in every case seems to have come from outside the town. Because of this exterior initiative we see that in the period under discussion the ownership of this former farm land passed out of the hands of local residents into the ownership and control of nonresidents. In many cases this transfer broke for the first time a long line of father-to-son inheritances of an entirely local sequence. Commentators might well see in this a highly un-

RESORT PATTERNS AND PROBLEMS

53

desirable social and economic trend. Potentially it was, and in the long run it could easily have weakened the entire local economy. The greatest loss to the town;—that is, the cost of development by outsiders— resulted from the appreciation in value of the property itself, after it had been sold to nonresidents. Very little is known of the prices paid for various tracts of land as they passed into resort or recreational use, but, compared to the present value of much of the land, its initial cost was almost nothing. Hence it was not a case of the transfer of local capital from land into bonds, or any other of the orthodox transition patterns, but a creation of new wealth, in the ownership of nonresidents, through appreciation in land values. This is not tantamount to saying that the growth of each successive resort area was accompanied by a real estate boom. Falmouth has never seen such a phenomenon in the Floridian sense of the word. It is true that in cases like Falmouth Heights or Silver Beach, where the resort development was in the hands of an organized company, the sale of lots usually got off with a wellstaged rush, but this was soon replaced with a fluctuating but normally steady growth. Being a luxury product, Falmouth resort property naturally reacted strongly to the exceptional prosperity of 1927-1929, yet even here the flurry of buying was not sufficient to cause a heavy depression transfer of deflated resort property. But these events are somewhat ahead of our analysis. It was, and has continued to be, fortunate for Falmouth that only a relatively small portion of the total land area passed into the hands of nonresidents before it was developed as resort sites. It was unfortunate on the other hand, that the choicest areas were thus acquired. Sections like the Heights, where commercialized centers were started early, were the greatest loss, since in many cases ownership of the appreciating valuations has remained continually in the hands of outside interests. Some idea of the initial type of interest in potential summer property other than that of the large estate owner is indicated by the following advertisement accompanying an 1882 edition of a map of Cape Cod; 3 "For sale—a very attractive and valuable piece of Sea Shore Land . . . with great frontage on Buzzards Bay. Handsomely wooded, Convenient to depot. Rare chance for speculation." The only Falmouth resort colony shown on the map is Falmouth Heights, but part of the land referred to in the advertisement was soon laid out and sold. In the long run it appears that the extensive lands bought up and converted 8

Cape Cod and Vicinity, 1882, published by Geo. H. Walker and Co., Boston.

54

RESORT P A T T E R N S A N D PROBLEMS

into large estates will turn out to be in the nature of a blessing to the town. Their great increase in value accrued of course to the nonresident owners. Nevertheless the lands have remained "off the market" in the sense that in being handed down from one generation to another they have escaped the clutches of high-pressure promoters who could have chopped them up into small and cheap lots. On another count they have been a boom to the town in that, by bringing in a group of wealthy and select clientele, they have themselves added to the prestige, and therefore the valuation, of other potential resort lands in Falmouth. Moreover, opposite the natural increase in valuation which their original purchasers enjoyed we can set down to the credit of the town as a whole a considerable increase in real estate wealth as a result of the direct capitalization which the owners undertook. Not only did they convert many of the brushcovered farms into beautifully landscaped estates, but they built palatial mansions on them as well. As a commentary on the scope of their investments there were, in 1937, 75 nonresident residential holdings in Falmouth valued at over $25,000, about half of which represented old estates. Several of the remaining "villas" are valued in excess of $10,000. It should prove helpful here to refer to the chart on page 177, which shows the trends of land valuation in Falmouth since 1872. It will be noted that 1920 marks a transition point between two "eras" in the history of the resort's growth. T h e events and aspects which we have been discussing thus far in this chapter refer mainly to the prewar period. One interesting fact is not revealed by the valuation chart; namely, the trend in total land area devoted to resort use. It is impossible to trace accurately the growth pattern of the aggregate land area so held. However, it is estimated by real estate operators, and generally borne out by old tax records, that most of the land now developed into summer colonies was already held for that purpose by 1920. In 1939, of the 23,480 acres of assessed land in Falmouth, only 4,754 acres, or the relatively small fraction of 20.25 P e r c e n t by area, was owned by nonresidents in the form of residential property. Another three per cent was owned by hotels and recreational clubs. Altogether not more than a quarter of the total land area in the town is either actually, or even potentially, in resort use at present. Yet this one quarter accounts for more than half of the total real estate valuation. Thus, in the period since the first World War the total area devoted to recreational or resort use has not increased significantly, but its valuation has increased from $3,209,585 to $11,565,720. When we remember that Falmouth was first developed as a resort by non-

RESORT PATTERNS AND PROBLEMS

55

residents it appears that all or most of this great increase in valuation has been lost to the town. Actually this is not entirely, or even predominantly, the case. And here we have a special criteria of difference between the first period of Falmouth's resort development (prewar) and the second (postwar). It is perhaps a tacit comment on the shrewd Yankee sagacity of the natives that they quickly saw the way the economic wind was blowing. As soon as the railroad was built and the Heights development was started, it apparently began to occur to local investors that land which wouldn't support a billy goat, agriculturally, might nevertheless have a commercially valuable view of the Vineyard. Penzance Point was a more than adequate example. Because local assessors also realized this the Fays, Beebes, and others who added to their holdings over long periods of time had to pay increasingly high prices per acre. The total number of acres assessed in Falmouth has remained almost the same (23,000) for nearly 100 years, yet valuations have risen as follows: Year 1863 1872 1880 1900

Total Land Valuation

Year 1920

835,881 875,000 (approximation) 928,155

Total Land Valuation $2,305,545

1929

5.9I9.054

1939

5.969.374

Not only did the local owners begin to get more for their land when they sold it as time went on, but they became less willing to sell at all. By 1920 this latter tendency had completed a cycle. From then on the initiative in developing Falmouth's resort future seems definitely, with certain limited exceptions, to have passed into local hands. Townspeople, individually and in groups, began to buy up potentially valuable recreational land as speculation investments. Viewed in chronological perspective the local investors and organizers took over at a very auspicious time. In 1924 there was a general reappraisal during which a good many thousands of dollars were added to the assessed valuation of recreational land, and even more to its market value. When we recall that since 1920 new resort colonies have been developed wholly or predominantly under local promotion—and mainly with local capital—at Davisville, Acapesket, Maravista, the Moors, Racing Beach, the Cliffs, Old Silver Beach and at isolated points in between, it is easy to appreciate the significance of the new hegemony in Falmouth's resort destiny. It might be wondered, in view of this impressive list, where the capital came from to finance these new sections, especially if it was done on local funds. The answer is a complex one but perhaps not unusual. In many cases the

56

RESORT PATTERNS AND PROBLEMS

actual development of a given area did not involve extensive capital outlay for the simple reason that the land had been acquired years before at a nominal price. In instances where development was on a more extensive scale (that is, where not only lots were laid out but resort bungalows were built), funds were obtained by several small capitalists pooling their resources. Occasionally they abetted their initial capital by local loans. This was the method used, for example, at Maravista and Acapesket. In many ways the increasing financial role of local owners has been in the nature of a "plowing back." Money which was made out of retail trade or other forms of merchandising service to the summer people, plus profits on resort land sales, are the major sources of this new capital. A s each colony has progressed to a stabilized degree of development it has proven relatively easy to obtain a bank mortgage on recreational property. A t present it is even possible to obtain F . H . A . financing on certain types of resort construction in Falmouth. Perhaps the real success of the ventures sponsored by local groups is due to the fact that the tempo of expansion was usually tempered by typical Cape conservatism. Never more than one or two promotional houses were built at a time, and as soon as outsiders began to build their own bungalows and more pretentious summer homes, the promoters retrenched and contented themselves with selling lots. Fortunately for the real estate operators, and for Falmouth too, there were no mass constructions of rows of cheap fraternal-looking houses which can so easily change a distinctive colony into a conspicuous "beach" project. Mention of this type of development brings us down to date. In 1941 three different groups of local businessmen were building new cottage-type housing projects near the beach south of Falmouth Village on what was once Beebe f a r m land. Largest of the undertakings was a group of modernistic bungalows, well insulated and containing heating units to make them suitable for yearround occupancy. Their functional architecture brought forth acrid comments f r o m the old guard, who look on them as blotches on Cape Cod landscape. Nevertheless they are finding ready occupants and it appears that they will succeed in paving the way for a new type of resort dwelling, a summer home that is also serviceable throughout the year. T h e success of this trend will depend in large measure on what sort of tax treatment the new houses receive f r o m the assessors. There seems to be a rather widespread fear on the part of many summer owners that if they convert their houses to all-season use by installation of heating equipment, the tax assessment will be unduly increased.

RESORT PATTERNS AND PROBLEMS

57

Extensive erection of these year-round houses would probably have been postponed for a number of years if it had not been for the sudden shortage caused by the building of Camp Edwards in 1940. If the present building flurry is overdone, there may be an excess of new cottages. On the other hand, more sturdily built and heatable houses, which are at the same time designed for recreational use and well situated near the beaches, will undoubtedly help Falmouth in its efforts to prolong the seasonal stay of its summer residents. The shortness of the season has always been a hindering factor in the sale of summer property in Falmouth—and indeed in all resorts. The first job is naturally to sell a visitor on the location, beauty, and other resort attractions to the extent that he is willing and desirous of returning perennially. Once this is done, the visitor begins to debate the issues of renting versus owning his summer place. If the summer person is in the habit of renting a moderate-sized summer house for the season—which in his case may be the peak season of eight weeks, or as much as three months depending on how long he and his family can get away, and also on the bargain he can drive with the local landlord—he will pay between $400 and $600 in rent. Summer houses for rent in Falmouth seem to fall into two distinct type and price ranges. The cottage type, built with emphasis on utility rather than display and found particularly at Megansett, Silver Beach, and the Heights, rents for seasonal fees of $400 to $600. A second general price group, occupying the choice sites of each colony and constructed on a more elaborate scale, brings fees of $1,000 to $2,500. A select few "summer estates" bring seasonal rentals of $4,000 to $5,000. Of an estimated 500 summer houses for rent, probably not more than 150 bring fees in excess of $1,000 per season. If, on the contrary, the visitor is the average summer home owner in terms of the 1939 assessments, he owns a summer place valued at $7,329 on which he paid a tax in that year of $i84.72.4 Assuming that his invested capital is worth 6 per cent, his summer home costs him $439.74 in interest—not to mention depreciation, upkeep, and the like, on his property. Thus on such a hypothetical comparison it appears that it is slightly more expensive to own an average summer home than it is to rent comparable accommodations. In reality such a comparison, on averaged monetary outlay, is of only minor significance. Other things being equal, the prospective summer resident will reach his final decision on less objective * C f . page 1 7 6 f o r a classification of F a l m o u t h ' s present s u m m e r property h o l d i n g s a c c o r d i n g to valuation and taxation.

58

RESORT PATTERNS AND PROBLEMS

grounds. Anything from the state of the stock market to the age of his children may decide him in favor of buying a place. If he is a big city apartment dweller he may succumb to a secret instinctive urge to raise petunias and water them in a bathing suit. At any rate, of 100 people sampled, 70 were owners and 30 rented their summer residences. These figures compare well with other criteria and can be taken generally as representing the proportion of owners to renters among Falmouth's seasonal resident clientele. Of the 70 owners, 16 would sell for what they have invested in their summer places. Of the 30 renters 8 were considering buying. Yet of the total, 91 would recommend the purchase of a Falmouth summer home to friends. A commentary on the willingness of people to give advice which they are not prepared to take themselves! In answering these questions the summer people offered a variety of comments both for and against ownership of summer property and residence in Falmouth. It is pertinent that 44 of the 100 replies stressed the presence of friends or relatives as the main reason for their summer residence in Falmouth. Other important influences were climate, scenery, situation (with respect to Boston, New York, and so on), scientific interests (Marine Biological Laboratory), and Falmouth's general superlativeness in comparison to other similar resorts. Strangely, compared with the sound and fury resulting from such an inquiry, 49 per cent of the property owners answering were satisfied with the local tax rate ($25.20 per thousand in 1939). Only 16 considered it too high. But 10 of the 70 owners were dissatisfied with their property evaluation. If this relatively amiable comparison were a complete and accurate picture of the seasonal resident's attitude toward local taxation, our study would be greatly simplified. Actually, many of those indicating approval of the tax rate turned their questionnaires over and appended several "if's"—so many of them in fact, that they offer a major reason for most of the following chapter. Accordingly, before locking horns with the knotty governmental problems of taxation, valuations, and representation, we will profit in preparation by examining the property valuation patterns that prevail among nonresident holdings. In 1939 there were 1,578 nonresident taxpaying property owners on the Falmouth town books. The average of these taxpayers owned property valued at $7,329, on which he paid taxes of $184.72. In the tables below the 1,578 summer residents are arranged according to indicated categories of classification, on the basis of assessed valuation and taxes paid in 1939.5 5

From the Town Tax Records, 1939.

RESORT PATTERNS AND PROBLEMS Number of Owners

307 330 317 366 183 75

Valuation

Less than $1,000 $1,000 to $3,000 $3,000 to $5,000 $5,000 to $10,000 $10,000 to $25,000 More than $25,000

59

Taxes

Less than $25.20 $25.20 to $75.60 $75.60 to $126.00 $252.00 to $635.00 More than $635.00

F r o m the table it becomes evident that our "average" taxpayer is not really very typical of Falmouth's summer property owners. There is a wide variety of summer places, taking the resort as a whole. Hence, instead of using one set of averages to describe the situation, let us familiarize ourselves with the sort of owner we would be likely to find in each of the categories above. T h e majority of individuals in the "less than $1,000" category are the owners of one or two lots in one of the resort colonies. In some cases they bought the lots during the boom days of 1927-29 with the intention of building, but were prevented from doing so by later financial circumstances. In a f e w cases these lots are simply held for speculative purposes but this is less likely to be the case with a nonresident than with a local owner. N o t a few of these $i,ooo-or-less properties are what is referred to as a "camp"—meaning a lot with a small cabin-like summer house on it. Since many of the lots are valued at only $100, a person could thus have a $900 house on the place and still pay only $25 in taxes. As the various colonies are being built up this category is diminishing in favor of increased numbers of summer home owners in higher brackets. T h e $1,000 to $3,000 group may also contain some undeveloped property in the form of lots or larger acreage holdings. Here the undeveloped property is more likely to be held for resale than in the first instance. For the most part this bracket contains a type holding of one or two lots and a small cottage. T h e land is seldom valued at more than $500 thus leaving financial room for a $1,500 to $2,500 house. In a given instance this will be a three- or four-room matchedboard or shingled cottage lined with composition wallboard, and with possibly a screened porch on the front and a lean-to garage on the side. It may be owned by a small businessman, a broker or a junior executive making from $2,500 to $4,000 a year. T h e difference between the last classification and the $3,000 to $5,000 group may consist of a larger land holding or the same number of lots, only better situated. On the average the property in this group is nearer the beach than the other. T h e houses, since they may be valued at as much as $4,500, are larger and (or) better built. They may have a modern bathroom and a good

6o

RESORT PATTERNS AND PROBLEMS

shower system for back-from-the-beach bathers, and a more reliable hot-water heating system. Some of them are as well built as small year-round houses; a considerable number are reconditioned old houses. When we get to the $5,000 to $10,000 class we are at what might be termed the backbone of Falmouth's resort structure. While there are only a f e w more members in this group than in the three lower categories, a greater percentage of them are bona fide summer residences. A s Veblen might have put it, these are the people whose income and station in life justify the conspicuous consumption implicit in ownership of a summer house, whereas those in the lower categories are on their way up to this status. T h e homes in this group occupy the choicer waterfront lots or desirable scenic locations in the several shore colonies such as Menauhant and Megansett. T h e majority have been acquired or built since the beginning of summer home prosperity in the middle '20s. A representative house in this group will have six or eight rooms, possibly two baths, and, except for the absence of a central heating plant, will be constructed essentially the same as a permanent house of comparable value. It will probably be surrounded by a rustically landscaped yard with appropriate outdoor lawn furniture and fixtures, and will be flanked by a one- or two-car garage. T h e owners are successful business executives, corporation lawyers, an occasional author or painter, plus an impressive representation of academicians and other professional people. Perhaps the most salient feature of this group as a whole is the fact that they seem to be the group most likely to furnish the bulk of Falmouth's future resort clientele. In the $10,000 to $25,000 classification we still find a considerable number of members. Geographically described, these are the summer homes on Penzance Point and Chappaquoit, the small estates occupying the choicest locations around the harbors at Quissett and Woods Hole, and some of the "Cliff Dweller's" homes and the secluded villas at Wild Harbor and Waquoit. Along with this description we might include the "over $25,000" members of Falmouth's resort family. W e have already stated that about half of this group is composed of the surviving members of the manorial estates of the Fay-Beebe era. T h e remainder constitutes the exceptions to the $10,000 to $25,000 class. These exceptions are also to be found at Penzance Point, around Woods Hole, Little Harbor, and Chappaquoit. There is at least one member of this ultra class in almost every colony in the town. T h e individual residences in both of these two top categories are on the same order of appearance and luxury as those to be found in Newport, Rhode Island, or Bar Harbor, Maine. It is these homes that make Falmouth's summer

RESORT PATTERNS AND PROBLEMS

61

colonies sociologically as well as physiographically picturesque and attractive to tourists. In fact many of them are so much looked at by sight-seers that the owners, who have invested so heavily in privacy and exclusiveness, find that they have achieved just the opposite. For this reason Penzance Point, Gansett Woods, and Chappaquoit are protected from the inroads of the curious by private police. At the present time Falmouth seems to be at a new crossroads in her resort growth. The factors and forces which will decide her future are also responsible for many of the problems we are in the process of examining. Drawn on the broadest pattern possible, we might say that Falmouth's choice lies between continuing as a semi-exclusive residential resort, or going the way of so many other recreational areas and becoming a rendezvous for transients, sight-seers, motoring recreationists, and week enders. Between these extremes lie several modified choices. The one selected will depend on how well Falmouth solves her current problems. If the town hopes to continue to specialize in summer homes owned by their seasonal occupants, then one of the most trenchant considerations is local government policy toward these quasi-citizens.

Chapter IV PROBLEMS OF A RESORT GOVERNMENT DURING THE LATER YEARS of the eighteenth century a number oí citizens of Falmouth took part in a general misunderstanding with the British Parliament over the issue of "taxation without representation." T h e misunderstanding eventually led to war. Today the citizens of Falmouth are confronted with the same issue, but they are now on the opposite side of the question. Fortunately, there is no danger that the present altercation will lead to armed conflict, even though it does generate occasional outbursts of acrimonious disagreement. T h e contemporary disenfranchised group is composed of Falmouth's summer property owners who pay 60 per cent of the town's taxes directly and another 15 to 25 per cent indirectly, and yet have no voice in the local government. A n y permanent resident who pays a poll tax of $2 is entitled to vote and otherwise participate in the town government, but a nonresident summer person cannot—no matter if he owns $150,000 worth of property; and there are just such individuals. Added to this is the fact that the seasonal resident pays taxes on a year-round basis, yet derives no benefit from the schools and has only a partial use of other municipal services. Obviously, this is only one side of the question, but it is the side easiest seen from the position of the nonresident. Before attempting to pass judgment or to rationalize the situation, we should clarify the picture quantitatively. There were 1,578 nonresident taxpayers in Falmouth in 1939. T h e average of these taxpayers owned property valued at $7,329 on which he paid taxes of $184.72. In addition to these individual summer property owners there are, in a sense, two other group members of Falmouth's disenfranchised taxpayers; namely, the hotels and inns, and the recreational clubs—also owned in the majority by nonresidents. Since the interests of these latter groups are often identical with those of the summer property owners, it will be well to examine their portion of the valuation and tax pattern before we proceed to its analysis. T h e 20 hotels and inns listed in 1939 as owned by nonresidents had an aggregate valuation as follows : 1 Value of land (290.85 acres) Value of buildings Total valuation Total Tax Percentage of total real estate tax levied

$107,905 436,350 $544,255 $14,752.42 2.89

1 These and succeeding data on property valuations and taxation in Falmouth were compiled by the author from the tax records of the town for the year 1939.

PROBLEMS O F A RESORT G O V E R N M E N T

63

Eight Recreational Clubs, owned by nonresidents or by interests closely identified with them, had a 1939 tax-valuation pattern as follows: Value of land (366.8 acres) Value of buildings

$105,533 46,175

Total valuation Total tax Percentage of total real estate tax levied

$152,708 $3,867 .76

By way of recapitulation, t h e c o m b i n e d g r o u p s represented in F a l m o u t h ' s 1939 valuation-tax p a t t e r n s are as follows: Recreation Clubs ( 8 ) Value of land (366.8 acres) Value of buildings

$105,533.00 46,175.00

Total Hotels and Inns (20) Value of land (290.85 acres) Value of buildings

$151,708 $107,905.00 436,350.00 $544>255

Total Nonresident Owners (1,578) Value of land Value of buildings

$3,475,220.00 8,090,550.00

Total valuation Resident Owners and Others (2,024) Value of land (18,068.8 acres) Value of buildings

$11,565,770 $2,280,736.00 5,641,122.00

Total

$ 7,921,858

Total town valuation

$20,183,591

A S S E S S M E N T , 1939, BY O W N E R S H I P G R O U P S Amount

Owner

$

Percentage

3,867.00 14,752.42 291,260.47

57-3°

Total nonresident Total resident-owned

$309,879.89 $198,772.01

60.95 39.05

Total real estate taxçs

$508,651.90

JOO.OQ

Recreational club Hotel and inn Nonresident owners

.76 2.89

64

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT G O V E R N M E N T It should be admitted, that these statistics are not as accurate as they may

appear, for the simple reason that they are calculated from thousands of entries in the town tax records and small errors may have occurred through misinterpretations by the author. However, their accuracy is quite adequate for our comparative needs. This, if it is any solace to the nonresident property owners of Falmouth as a group, they can say with some certainty that they pay approximately 60 per cent of the town's taxes directly. T h e word "directly," is a clue to an even sadder story from their point of view, because they also carry an additional amount of the tax burden indirectly. This indirect portion is difficult to estimate, but it is based on the thesis that a considerable amount of taxable wealth owned by the local people is dependent for its existence directly on the expenditures of the nonresidents; for example, taxes on commercial properties owned by local residents but which are paid for by nonresidents as a part of the recreational services rendered or goods sold in the establishment. In one sense these are taxes paid by properties which are Falmouth's "excess capacity" as a resort. Estimates of "indirect" taxation range from 10 to 40 per cent of the total tax levied. Civic and community authorities are generally agreed that fifteen per cent is a conservative figure for this portion of Falmouth's tax bill. Consequently we can assume that nonresidents contribute a total of 75 per cent of Falmouth's taxes (60 per cent directly plus 15 per cent indirectly). In order to evaluate the equity of the assessments we may examine some specific aspects of the town's taxation and valuation policies—and do so in a more rational and less accusing tone than is usually applied to discussion of these subjects by the interested parties. We should begin with an examination of the manner in which the revenue is spent. Yet, if we confine our comparisons to Falmouth alone we have no adequate frames of reference, not alone for our tax problems but for most of the other civic comparisons that are to be made. W e not only want to compare Falmouth with other towns of similar size, but we should have some means of differentiation between Falmouth as a resort community and other towns which have different social and economic organizations. W e could make up some sort of a hypothetical norm for this purpose, but happily nature and circumstance have presented us with a much more realistic and useful set of referential criteria. Of the nearly 300 towns in the state of Massachusetts, the ten towns nearest to Falmouth in terms of population offer a convenient set of tools with which to measure and compare Falmouth as a civic and social entity. (See the statistical table on page 65.) A s a group the ten towns are well diversified, ranging from rural forest covered Winchendon to

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66

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT GOVERNMENT

collegiate and cultural Amherst. Taken all together they constitute a broad list of factors from which to strike averages or typicalities. Approximately 50 per cent of the land area is devoted to agriculture, composed in the main of dairying, poultry raising, and fruit farming. The village of South Hadley is the residential and trading center for Mt. Holyoke College, which is the primary justification of the town. In South Hadley Falls there are several light manufacturing industries.

SOUTH HADLEY

This town is located between Boston and Lowell (it is nearer to the latter) and as a suburban residential area for both. However, it harbors several manufacturing establishments turning out leather goods, dyes, furniture, chemical and woolen goods. It has a small amount of supplementary agriculture.

BILLERICA

Eighty-five per cent of the land area of this rural town is devoted to forestry for the purpose of supplying the local wood-using industries. Even so, the supply is inadequate for the manufacturers located in the town and some wood is brought in. The predominance of forest, added to the location amid several lakes and ponds, gives the town great scenic beauty, and recreational development is proceeding steadily.

WINCHENDON

This is a combination residential and part-time farming community. High land values prohibit extensive agriculture and the future seems to be oriented toward increasing residential development since the town is readily accessible to persons working in the heavily industrialized Merrimac Valley. Agriculture is further hindered by low soil fertility.

TEWKSBURY

The town of Mansfield might appropriately be termed a balanced community. Agriculture, on both a full- and part-time basis, occupies 34 per cent of the total land area. There are also several small industries and a well-adjusted residential pattern.

MANSFIELD

This town is a rapidly growing suburb of Worcester and is predominantly residential in character. Building activity is steadily eliminating the small amount of agricultural activity. Commercial pursuits are limited to retail trade and household services.

AUBURN

Land values in Canton, a town adjacent to Boston on the south, are prohibitive to all but the most intensive types of agriculture. The major emphasis of activity is residential, with a considerable representation of large suburban estates. CANTON

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT GOVERNMENT

67

The village itself is composed largely of residences for the working population of near-by Lowell. On the outskirts of the village there is a sizable number of part-time farms, with apparent prospects of increase of this quasi farm-residence type of development on the fringe of a large industrial area. DRACUT

This might also be called a balanced community composed of several industrial establishments surrounded by a typical residential pattern. The outlying area is in scattered farms, although 65 per cent of the total land acreage is forested. Local retail trade is curtailed by the proximity of Worcester. SPENCER

The collegiate and economic activity attending the existence and functions of Amherst and Massachusetts State College dominate this town, making the village proper an exceptionally active trading, cultural, and recreational center. The outlying area is devoted to intensive truck gardening and part-time agriculture, primarily to supply the local market. AMHERST

Several interesting comparisons are immediately evident from the figures on page 65. For example, Falmouth has an assessed valuation of more than three times the average of that of the ten other towns; yet its total revenue and total expenditures are less than twice the averages of theirs. As a natural result Falmouth's tax rate is the lowest of the group—scarcely more than half that of Winchendon or Dracut. With this favorable comparison in mind, the summer property owners were asked, on their questionnaire, what they thought of the tax rate in Falmouth. Only 16 per cent considered it unfair; 49 per cent thought it fair; and the other 35 per cent apparently were sufficiently satisfied with it to ignore the question. On the face of it this would tend to indicate a remarkably compatible situation and thus discount our thesis that taxation is a thorn in the side of the summer resident. Such is not the case. The key to the paradox is revealed when we add that of the 49 per cent who are satisfied with the tax rate (plus a number of those in the other categories), many are highly dissatisfied with the valuations against which the rate is assessed. We noted above that Falmouth has a property valuation of three times the average of the ten comparison towns. This exceptional situation is worth inquiry. The portion of Falmouth's real property owned by nonresidents is alone valued at nearly twice the average of the ten towns. Considered on the basis of value of land alone, exclusive of buildings, the nonresidents in Falmouth own $3475,220 worth—about half the total average valuation of our comparison communities. But this is the value assessed on 4,754 acres, or only 20 per cent

68

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT G O V E R N M E N T

of the total area of Falmouth, an approximate valuation of $631 per acre. (This figure has only limited significance as an average, since some of Falmouth's resort land is valued, in lot form, at more than $25,000 an acre.) T h e 18,068 acres owned by permanent residents, and assessed at $2,280,736, carries an average valuation of $126 an acre. Actually, several square miles of this, being rocky, brush-covered backland, is worth scarcely $10 an acre. Hence the fact that Falmouth is larger, areally, than the average of the other towns has little comparative significance. The 20 per cent of the area owned by nonresidents carries the bulk of the valuation. The dwellings owned by nonresidents in Falmouth are alone valued ($8,090,550) at more than the average total property valuation of the other ten towns; whereas the total value ($5,641,122) of buildings owned by local people in Falmouth, including places of business, is only slightly less than that average. T h e 1940 Federal Census reported 3,416 dwelling houses in Falmouth. Approximately eleven hundred of these are summer homes of all descriptions, owned by nonresidents, as indicated by tax records. On this basis the "average" nonresident dwelling is valued at more than four times that of the "average" year-round resident. This would seem to indicate either that the average summer home is exceptionally luxurious or else that the houses of local people are exceptionally inferior. Actually neither is the case. W e have already described the structure and appearance of the several classes of summer homes; and the general quality of the local residents' homes can be implied from the fact that, although the population of the ten towns is almost identical, the houses belonging to Falmouthians are valued at more than that of the total property of any one of four of the others. While it is true that many of the houses of the Portuguese farmers in Falmouth are small and in some cases poorly kept up, the bulk of the locally owned dwellings are well built and kept in good repair, since orderliness is a general characteristic of the conscientious Cape Codder. If we take the valuation of the property owned by Falmouth people—exclusive of the eleven and a half million dollars worth owned by nonresidents—the town still has a greater assessment by a million dollars than the average of the ten other Massachusetts towns of equal population. Thus, even with a low tax rate, the total tax may run to burdensome figures. Falmouth has always had a comparatively low tax rate. For example, the rates for the years on which estimates

2

of nonresident property holdings were

made are as follows: 2

Compiled from Falmouth Tax Record Books for the years listed.

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT GOVERNMENT Year

69

Year

Rate per ft ,000 of Valuation

1863 1872

S i « 8.66

1929

25.40

1880

8.40

1939

25.20

1900

9.00

1920

Rate per f i ,000 of Valuation $23.00

This low tax rate has always been a strong talking point in the sale of summer property, and that the rate itself is still not a uniformly serious source of irritation to the nonresident owners is evidenced by the answers to our questionnaire. But over a period of years, especially since the golden twenties came to their dolorous close, summer residents have been examining their tax bills with a more scrutinizing eye. As a result, dissatisfaction and suits against the town for abatements anad revaluation have increased. Perhaps the worst effect has been charges of discriminatory assessment against the nonresidents. For example, one summer property owner puts his complaint in the following broad terms : "The assessment figures show the national tendency to rate small (nonresident) properties high, large ones proportionately low. For instance one property [in Falmouth] bought for $6,000 is assessed at $4,000; one costing $4,800 at $3,500; one costing $3,800 at $3,300; but one located very near these three costing $54,000 at $26,000. These are typical citations, not the worst by any means." T h e assessors are probably more aware of this tendency than are the taxpayers, but the fault is not always theirs. For example, more than one of the mid-Victorian chateaux built by Falmouth's early summer residents cost the owners over a hundred thousand dollars and at one time that was the assessed valuation. Yet today, many of them could not be sold for a tenth of the cost, and if they were taxed on a cost basis the town would soon own them by default. Faced with a situation such as this, and with only the rule of "fair cash value" to guide them, it is perhaps not surprising that the assessors are unable to satisfy all of the people. However, this does not justify overassessment of smaller and therefore more salable nonresident holdings. Another nonresident is more pungently specific in his objection to Falmouth's assessment policy: T h e town has made a lot of mistakes, namely in taxes. . . .

I have before me a

tax bill dated A u g u s t ist, 1 9 2 2 : Real estate—$108.12; also a tax bill of January ist, 1 9 3 5 : Real estate—$313.50. W e had practically everything at North Falmouth in 1 9 2 2 that w e had in 1 9 3 5 , and the rate w a s raised only $5.60 per thousand, so you can see that the rise was caused by increased valuation on a home 150 years old [this man has been a summer resident since 1 8 8 8 ] on which there have been no improvements in the time between the t w o bills. M y point is that the assessors

70

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT GOVERNMENT

raised my taxes as a summer resident and I do not believe the other property on the same road was raised in proportion. T o assume from individual cases that discriminatory assessments are made as a general practice, or even in specific instances, as part of a malicious municipal policy is unwarranted. Nevertheless, there is an obvious disproportion between the aggregate holdings of residents and nonresidents which cannot be dismissed on grounds of actual differences in total value of the land and buildings involved—especially if there is a tendency to undervalue the larger holdings, most of which are held by nonresidents. More than any other single factor which can be offered as a possible answer to this maladjustment is the nothingshort-of-slipshod method by which property is assessed in the town. In Falmouth the three Town Selectmen are also the Board of Tax Assessors and their job, like that of others of so ill-famed a calling, is a thankless one at best. It is not made easier by the vague instructions issued by the state to guide them in their work: these declare simply that property must be assessed for "full fair cash value," or "for what a willing buyer would pay a willing seller." T o a professional economist, whose intellectual life is persistently haunted by the deific question "What is value?" such tenuous instructions would be a source of constant anxiety. But to the town assessors, whose position is much more exposed than that of the cloistered theorist on value, instructions like these are fraught with much more social jeopardy. T o protect themselves they must, of necessity (and with benevolent approval of the state), adopt that catch-all defense for all governmental inefficiency and stupidity; namely, arbitrary authority. The authority which the local assessors wield is both broad and complete. Although, in principle, an outraged property owner may petition the Tax Appeal Board of the state for redress, this concession, is, all too often, more of a sop thrown to the theory of democratic process than an efficacious instrument of justice; which perhaps is all in the nature of things to be expected, since excessive leniency on the part of the Board would undermine the authority of municipal assessors. Of late, the Massachusetts T a x Appeal Board has shown a tendency to uphold the petitions of owners of large and formerly valuable residential properties, thus making assessors more cautious in evaluating the "white elephants" of Falmouth's golden era. As an example in point, much of the assessment of Boston's fashionable Beacon Hill property has been marked down as a result of successful T a x Board Appeals. As a Cape Cod counterpart, virtually all of the resort property on Falmouth's Penzance Point either has been, or is destined for devaluation through tax appeal litigation.

P R O B L E M S OF A R E S O R T G O V E R N M E N T

71

E v e n though appeal cases are becoming more frequent, an appeal is a long, tedious, and generally expensive procedure and therefore of exceptional inconvenience to a nonresident. Hence most of them "grin and bear it" in frustrated silence. A l l of which is no necessary reflection on the local assessors, since they must operate within the system laid down for them. However, they, or at least the municipal governments which they serve, are responsible for the local mechanism whereby specific properties are assessed. A n d it is on this level that Falmouth seems to have erred. L a n d in Falmouth is assessed on a "district" basis, but it is left entirely to the changing and fallible imagination of the assessors to delineate the given districts. Hence their boundaries are shifting and arbitrary. T h e assessors need say only, " L o , this or that tract of land from hence to thence is hereby declared to be in a recreation or resort property district," and so it is. T h e difficulties involved in such a method and the inherent injustices of it is exemplified by a situation such as the following. A man in a given "district" begins to develop his property. If the assessors immediately increase his valuation it not only brings charges of unfairness from this owner but may dissuade others in the district from improving their land. A local contractor built several cottages on what was formerly pasture land. In discussing the project, the local paper observed: "Falmouth assessors did a little figuring the other day and announced that they are going to add a lot to Falmouth's tax valuation this year. . . . T h e development will, the assessors said, double the valuation of the property whereas [a second project] will quadruple the valuation of what was only pasture land." When the assessors have the misfortune to lose a tax case and have to lower a given owner's assessment, they are of course open to demands from other owners in the same district. (Except that the "districts" exist only in the minds of the assessors and are unknown to most taxpayers—especially to nonresidents.) A s a rule, and to arouse a minimum of charges of discrimination, the assessors alter the land valuations of a given district all at once—or they may change its confines. Since there is no master map, or any stated rules beyond the meaningless jingle of "full fair cash value," to govern the actions of the assessors, it is little wonder that they find their role a hard one. It is small wonder that many property owners, both resident and nonresident, are unhappy about valuations, especially unjustified increases, placed on their holdings. This system of district valuation applies primarily to land, but the "fair value" wand is also waved over buildings as well, subject to the limitations already observed in regard to the old depreciated villas. Whenever a new addi-

72

PROBLEMS OF A R E S O R T G O V E R N M E N T

tion or a capital improvement is added to a house the assessors receive a memorandum on it from the Building Inspector. But in deciding the effect of the addition on the value of the property, they are not necessarily limited to the current cost of the improvement. They may assess it at more or less as they see fit. Since it is an especially desirable thing, from a publicity standpoint, for a resort to present a well-kept appearance to its visitors, the assessors in Falmouth are generally lenient toward property owners and seldom alter their valuations for painting and other improvements in the nature of good maintenance. O n the other hand they do not lower the assessments if a place is allowed to run down. T h e whole principle would be more workable and less open to criticism if all such adjustments in evaluation were made according to fixed formulae or proscribed methods, rather than by rule-of-thumb decisions on the part of the assessors. T h e vague and uncontrolled nature of this evaluation policy is undoubtedly responsible in large measure for the signal increase in valuation of nonresidentas opposed to resident-owned property over a period of years. One need only imagine oneself in the role of assessor to realize that it is perhaps only a natural reaction to assume, as one sees unused land converted into sites for summer homes, that this property's worth is increasing—as opposed to that of an old home in the town which presents the same staid appearance year after year. It is also easy to envisage oneself as an assessor, applying the idealistic rule that taxation should be distributed according to ability to pay—and it is much easier to assume that someone who can afford a summer place is in a more solvent position than that of a hard-pressed neighbor. Being absent at the time of billing, the nonresidents are also a lot less likely to come storming into the assessors office and threaten destruction to one's following at the polls next election. Assessors are only human after all, and are probably deserving of a lot more sympathy than they get for their thankless task. Since it is both idle and unfair to criticize without suggesting remedial alternatives we have therefore assumed a certain responsibility which we can attempt to discharge with the following observations : T h e Falmouth assessors have in their possession excellent maps showing the location of every piece of property in the town. T h e r e is also available from the Massachusetts State Planning Board, additional maps of the town, showing land used and other relevant data from which a master map could be constructed, definitely locating, bounding, and classifying the districts on which the assessors operate. W i t h the aid of the Zoning Law, the Planning Board and (or) a committee established for the purpose and representing all interests, both resident and nonresident, certain definite rules could be established εον-

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT G O V E R N M E N T

73

erning the assessment districts and further providing for their alteration over time. Such an arrangement would at once remove both the ability and responsibility of the assessors, and at the same time eradicate their present arbitrary and potentially discriminating powers to alter valuations and district boundaries at will. Furthermore, such a system would provide a workable basis for rectifying obviously erroneous valuations and, in the case of appeals, give the taxpayer specific grounds for his contentions—something sadly lacking at present. Best of all, it would eliminate the abundant grounds of suspicion and hard feelings which now adds fuel to antipathies among ownership groups in the town. If we assume for the moment that the nonresident owners pay on a high rate of assessment, we cannot say, immediately, that they are being discriminated against, until we see what they receive in return for their money. If the summer people pay 70 per cent of Falmouth's taxes but receive the primary benefit of that portion of the town's expenditures, or some smaller but reasonable share, then no necessary harm has been done. Let us therefore inquire into the matter. It will be noted from the data on page 65 that both Falmouth's municipal income and its budget are almost twice the averages of those for the ten comparison towns. We have already observed, also, that this unusually large income results from the high valuation placed on Falmouth's resort property. The large expenditures, on the other hand, are due to a number of reasons, most of them associated with the resort pattern of the town. It is easily surmised that the types of municipal expenditures desired by the permanent residents are not always the same as those preferred by the summer people. For example, the nonresidents have no children in the Falmouth schools and derive relatively little benefit from town appropriations for shellfish wardens, public welfare, agricultural assistance, and other routine expenditures. On the other hand the summer property owners want large fire and police departments to protect their property, especially while it is untenanted in the winter months. They also favor expenditures for roads, walks, beach improvement and other items which contribute to the usefulness and convenience of their recreational holdings. Since the nonresidents have no representation in the local government they sometimes feel that expenditures are not allocated in a manner which gives equitable consideration to their preferences. By continuing our policy of comparisons with the ten control towns we can perhaps best shed some impartial light on Falmouth's municipal expenditures. For example, the following chart gives the "general governmental expenses" of Falmouth and of the ten comparison towns for the year 1938, the last year

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT

74

GOVERNMENT

for which comparable figures, as issued by the Massachusetts Bureau of Corporations and Taxation. 3 Town

South Hadley Billerica Winchendon Tewksbury Mansfield Auburn

Maintenance

$16,912.21 23,587.50 18,994.89 15,558.46 20,401.86 14,280.71

Town

Maintenance

Canton Dracut Spencer Amherst

$22,647.81 17,792.11 14,730.60 19,840.59

Average o: of 10 towns FALMOUTH h

$18,474.67 $28,560.25

Here we note that Falmouth's expenses are higher than those of any of the other towns—55 per cent higher than the average. But proportionately, they are not as high as is Falmouth's relative income. Nevertheless Falmouth pays almost exactly twice as much for the conduct of its governmental affairs as does Tewksbury, Auburn, or Spencer. This excess is not entirely due to the handling of Falmouth's summer population since such added costs of police, highways, and so on, are not included in the "general governmental" expense. However, due to the larger budget and additional clerical and administrative detail necessary for its control, a part of the added cost could be said to be due indirectly to the large seasonal increase in municipal responsibility. In the main Falmouth has a larger government personnel and pays its employees more than do the other towns. Also, some of the towns have part-time employees, or else they permit one functionary to assume two or more jobs, where Falmouth has full time employees in the same positions, except that Falmouth's selectmen are also the town tax assessors. Assuming that it costs $18,474.67 to conduct the general governmental affairs of an average town of Falmouth's size, then $10,085.58 was the extra cost made necessary by Falmouth's special resort problems. But, on the assumption that nonresidents pay 75 per cent of the cost of local government, then they paid $21,420.19 of the total, or more than twice their equitable share, figured on this admittedly hypothetical basis. Presumably, Falmouth's governmental expenses could be cut by nearly $10,000 (to the average of the other towns), if such economy became necessary, but it is doubtful if such drastic curtailment would be in the best interests of the town. At least there seems to be relatively little interest in such economy on the part of the taxpayers, beyond the recommendations of certain changes to be indicated later. Some interesting comparisons are shown when we consider various depart3

State Bureau of Taxation and Corporations, Public Document No. 79, pages 1 1 3 - 1 1 9 .

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT G O V E R N M E N T

75

mental appropriations. One of the largest of these for all towns is "Protection of Persons and Property," including both fire and police activities.4 Town

South Hadley Billerica Winchendon Tewksbury Mansfield Auburn

Maintenance

Town

Maintenance

$12,767.33 34,212.67 19,072.53 13,360.79 24,519.32 ΙΟ >753·94

Canton Dracut Spencer Amherst

$45,836.00 15,836.00 13,718.27 36,908.16

Average of 10 towns

$22,698.50

FALMOUTH

$99,024.32

Here, it will be noted, Falmouth spends four and a half times as much for property protection as the average of the other towns. This is an instance where the great seasonal variation is very much in evidence. Because of the great difference between the summer and winter demands on the police and fire departments, it is perhaps more equitable to compare expenditures for such services with those of a city of 25,000 people, which, in effect, is what Falmouth becomes in summer. For example, Northampton (1935 population: 24,525) spent $153,794.82 for fire and police protection in 1938 or $54,000 more than Falmouth. However, such a comparison has only limited significance since Falmouth is a "city" for only three months and a "town" for nine. The difference, in a general way, is the overhead cost of being a resort. But the police and fire protection problems are not all indicated by a mere comparison of costs. Let us review the annual pattern of police functions first. For the year 1940, the Falmouth Police Department spent $25,602.10.® Of this amount salaries were paid to the regular force consisting of a Chief ($2,349.88) a Sergeant ($1,999.92) and ten patrolmen ($14,364.49, in all). During the summer there are five additional patrolmen ($2,581.78, in all) plus seven temporary assistants ($712.81, in all) on special occasions. In 1944 total salaries and wages were $22,008.88. In addition, seven private police (men hired by associations of property owners and paid by them, but deputized by the town) are on special duty. According to estimates of the Department, police activity increases during the summer months by 75 per cent. But this is not the full measure of increased responsibility put on the police by the resort activity of Falmouth. During the winter months there are approximately 1,600 empty houses in the community which have to be protected against vandals and the idly curious. About once a month the police make a complete tour of such properties—check all doors and windows, look for potential fire hazards and any signs of pilfering or other mischief. During 1940, the police made 10,080 such investigations. 4

Ibid.

5

Falmouth Town Repon (1940), p. 143.

76

P R O B L E M S OF A R E S O R T G O V E R N M E N T During the summer months the primary increase in police activity involves

the handling of traffic. W h e n we realize that there may be twenty times as many cars on Falmouth's Main Street at any time of day or week during the resort season as compared with a similar period in winter, it is understandable that traffic regulation is a pet peeve among summer visitors and the chief headache of the police department. Providing parking facilities for the influx of summer automobiles has become a major consideration of the town planning board, and is having a marked influence on the growth pattern of the shopping district. Unfortunately, f r o m both the town planning and from the cost allocation points of view, the real bulk of Falmouth's summer traffic increase is from the daily thousands of trippers, as opposed to the sizable, but lesser, increase resulting from the cars of summer residents. T o plan for the convenience of all is a real problem. F o r example, the summer residents would probably approve of a new cut-off highway north of the village which would keep some of the trippers out of the shopping district. T h e local merchants, on the other hand, would prefer to see such things as wider streets and greater parking facilities to bring more trippers into town. Other local residents might well oppose both proposals in favor of better roads to Camp Edwards, or no expenditure at all. Falmouth's appropriations for police protection for 1939 6 compare with similar appropriations of the ten comparison towns as follows : South Hadley Billerica Winchendon Tewksbury Mansñeld Auburn

$10,000 11,600 9>5oo 6,000 7,000 I ,7I3

Canton $19,500 Dracut 4,000 Spencer 1 3,747 Amherst a 8,355 Average of 10 towns FALMOUTH

$ 8,141.50 $25,154

• Figures f o r Spencer and Amherst are for 1 9 4 0 ; all others are f o r 1939.

On the basis of these figures, it might be said that Falmouth spends three times as much for police protection as does the average town of its size. Similarly, therefore, it might be reasoned that approximately 67 per cent of the community's police cost is due to resort overhead. Thus, if Falmouth's nonresidents pay 75 per cent of the town's taxes, they are defraying their share of the cost; or conversely, in this instance, they are getting almost the same proportion of protection for which they are taxed. However, in fairness it should be noted that the extra traffic in summer, which increases police costs, is by no means all due to the taxpaying nonresident owners. T h e added cost of policing ® Compiled f r o m annual reports of the several towns.

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT G O V E R N M E N T

77

traffic should more equitably be charged to the local share of the budget, since the townspeople are the ones benefiting from transient summer traffic. In actual practice, the summer people, not being concerned with any such hypothetical rationalization, feel that since they derive little or no benefit from large appropriations for schools and other local expenditures, they should have ample protection for their property, especially in their absence during the winter months. Falmouth's problem of seasonal protection of property is perhaps even more acute in terms of its fire department than of its police. The great influx of summer visitors remain only a scant three months, but their summer homes and other facilities remain the year round—and are probably as inflammable at one time as another—although the fire department finds that its worst times are those when the seasonal folk are either arriving or leaving. According to the 1940 census, Falmouth's fire department had 3 4 1 6 dwelling units to look after, of which 1,612 were unoccupied at the time of the census (early spring). Another complicating factor, as can be noted from the map of Falmouth, is the widely scattered nature of the residential pattern. Nearly two dozen small clusters of houses are strung out along twenty-five miles of shoreline from Megansett to Waquoit, besides the village of Falmouth itself and the scattered farm communities lying back from the shore. Local authorities estimate that the total property included in this area is approximately four times as great, on a valuation basis, as that to be protected by the average fire department in a town of comparable size. This estimate is borne out by our own ten comparison towns. To cope with this situation, the Falmouth Fire Department is broken up into nine companies with five separate stations; at Falmouth, East Falmouth, Woods Hole, West Falmouth, and North Falmouth. These stations are manned by a permanent force of 20 men, aided by a combined volunteer call force of 92 local citizens. The equipment available for use by the Falmouth Fire Department would bring more than a slight touch of envy to the eyes of officials in much larger communities. During the decade from 1930-1939 Falmouth spent $449,631.00 on its Fire Department. 7 Largely as a result of these expenditures the department had in operation in 1940, fifteen pieces of motor driven equipment, namely: 5 Pumping engines 3 Hose trucks 7

2 Ladder trucks 1 Service truck

1 Fire alarm truck 1 Water tank truck

Compiled from annual town budgets for the years 1 9 3 0 - 3 9 .

1 Chiefs car 1 Ambulance

78

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT G O V E R N M E N T Of these fifteen mobile units, the Chief's car, the ambulance, and the service

truck arc equipped with two-way radios, as is the town's fire control lookout tower and the main station in Falmouth village. In general the fire department, and also the police department, are exceptionally well equipped. Falmouth's 1939 appropriation for fire protection department compares with appropriations of our other towns South Hadley None Billerica $15,700 Winchendon 8,627 Tewksbury 5,000 Mansfield 12,500 Auburn 2,800

8

as follows : Canton Dracut Spencer Amherst

$15,400 5,000 7,562 16,857

Average of nine towns FALMOUTH

$ 9,938 $49,962.84

Falmouth spends approximately five times as much for fire protection as the average town. O n this basis approximately $40,000, or 80 per cent of Falmouth's cost, is due to resort overhead. Thus the nonresidents, who pay 75 per cent of the taxes, get 5 per cent "more than their share" of fire protection. Here again, however, our analysis is oversimplified. A l l of the scattered resort colonies number some permanent residents whose homes must have fire protection the year round. Also, the forest fire patrols remain the same in winter months. Thus, the fact that nonresident taxes have built up an exceptionally fine fire department rebounds to the obvious advantage of the year-round residents and affords them exceptionally good protection. T h e type of fire protection available has an important bearing on fire insurance rates. In this respect, Falmouth is rated as a "class C " town (in a scale running from A to H ) for all buildings within three miles of a fire station and within 500 feet of a hydrant. T h e annual insurance rates on such property is 25 cents per hundred dollars of valuation—30 cents per hundred on contents. For a building with a noncombustible roof the rates are 22 cents and 27 cents respectively. 9 Falmouth is fortunate in having five fire stations, thus bringing most of the buildings in the town "within three miles of a station." But the rate also depends on the location of fire hydrants, so let us turn to our examination of the local water department and its problems. Falmouth has cause for considerable self-congratulation on both its water supply and its water system. T h e town has its own water system valued at $1,099,807—and what is more it is all paid 8

Massachusetts State Bureau of Taxation & Corporations, op. cit., pp. 1 1 3 - 1 1 9 .

8

N e w England Insurance E x c h a n g e — M i n i m u m Rates for Massachusetts on D w e l l i n g Property.

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT G O V E R N M E N T

79

for. The last bonds were retired in 1941. Construction of the local pumping station and distributive system were begun in 1898 by a private water company, but in 1902 the town bought out the private company and all subsequent expansion has been done under municipal auspices. This has benefited the community in that extensions of mains and improvements in general have not necessarily been limited by considerations of immediate profit. However, in spite of both the intrinsic and relative advantage of Falmouth with respect to its water system, the Water Department annually comes in for a lot of comment and criticism. Although the water shed, the pumping works, and the distributive system are all owned by the town, the cost of operation is not supported out of tax revenue. Instead the Department operates as a separate agency and pays its own way—with a profit. Bills are sent to seasonal users annually, much the same way as tax bills. And herein lies the source of the abundant, and sometimes acrimonious, discussion. If a summer resident is aroused by what he considers to be an unduly large tax bill, his annoyance is not going to be soothed by the receipt of a second bill for water. In 1940 water bills, totaling $72,356.36,10 were sent to 3,190 users, an average bill of $22.70. Of these 3,190 users, 1,480 were "annual" takers—meaning summer people who are billed annually. Computed loosely, on the basis of an average bill, the summer people paid $33,596 for water in 1940. Thus a property owner who was assessed for a small lot and cottage might receive a water bill almost 50 per cent as large as his tax bill, with the perhaps natural result that the Water Commissioners became co-inhabitants of the taxpayer's mental dog house, along with the Tax Assessors. Summer residents feel that, inasmuch as they use water only about a fourth of the year, an "annual" minimum charge is unfair. T o which the Water Department replies that the mains, hydrants, and fire protection must be maintained the year round, in view of which the annual charge is both fair and equitable. Pumping figures indicate that more than twice as much water must be supplied in July and August as in January and February. On July ι , 1937, water charges were changed from a flat rate to a metered rate with a small reduction in total charges. In 1938 additional decreases in charges were brought about by increasing the minimum water allowances. This was made possible by the fact that, once meters were installed, people wasted less water and consequently lessened pumping and other costs. The annual minimum rates schedule in 1940 1 1 was as follows: 10 11

Annual Report, Falmouth Water Commissioners, 1940. Rate Schedule, Jan. 1 , 1 9 4 1 , Falmouth Water Department.

PROBLEMS OF A R E S O R T G O V E R N M E N T

8o

Size of Meter (in inches)

% %

I 1% 2

Minimum Charge

Maximum Water Allowed per Quarter (in cubic ¡cet)

«M

1,000

20

I,600

30

2,600 4,600 6,900

5°

72

T h e announcement of these rates constituted a second reduction sincc the installation of meters in 1937. N o w that the bonded indebtedness of the W a t e r Department is virtually eliminated, further reductions can and should be expected. It is possible, however, that an ambitious program, now in progress, of extending the mains and relining them with a concrete mixture will postpone further reductions. A l l of Falmouth's summer colonies except Menauhant are n o w supplied wholly or in part by town water, but some of the interior roads are still without mains. A t present, water for five hydrants and public use, such as the schools, is supplied gratuitously by the Water Department. A n d , while charging the F i r e Department and other civic bodies for water would seem in theory to be taking money out of one pocket and putting it in another, there are certain other considerations involved. A s the W a t e r Department has patiently pointed out f r o m time to time, the other town departments would probably be less wasteful of water if they were charged for it in the books, even if this were nothing more than a gesture of conservation. Certain inequalities equivalent to double taxation are actually involved; for example, the cost of supplying water to the school must be paid out of revenue f r o m private users w h o have already paid taxes to operate the school (presumably including the cost of water supply). T h i s touches summer residents in a particularly sensitive spot since they receive no benefit f r o m that part of their taxes applied to local schools. A similar argument is advanced against gratuitous fire hydrant supply in the following quotation f r o m the 1934 report of the Water Commissioners: There is a great deal to be said for assessing a reasonable sum as fire protection service or hydrant rental to be met from the general tax levy and transferred to the Water Department. In this way, owners of summer property who use water only for a limited period of the year but whose fire protection is of quite as much value to them during the remainder of the year as during the time they spend in the town, will be charged at least a part of the cost of the fire protection, and it seems probable that a reasonable schedule for metered water can be worked out more satisfactorily if none but small part of the actual cost of fire protection has to be covered in the water rates. 12 12

Annual Report of Falmouth Water Commissioners, 1 9 3 4 , p. 14.

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT G O V E R N M E N T

81

F a l m o u t h did assess a hydrant rental against the F i r e Department up until 1933, but there seems little likelihood of its being resumed. In so far as it would militate against the number of fire plugs in use, it would probably meet with disfavor, since the number and location of hydrants directly affects fire insurance rates. In 1940 the town had 478 hydrants along 104 miles of mains, or 4.6 hydrants per m i l e . 1 3 T h i s is not tantamount to saying, however, that the hydrants are equitably distributed in accordance with the building patterns of the areas served. Because of its separate and considerable income over a period of forty years, the Water Department has been able to install good equipment and keep it in dependable repair. It is perhaps mute testimony to its capacity and efficiency that during the hurricane of September, 1938, the pressure was maintained and the danger of contamination avoided in spite of the fact that a sizable portion of the system was flooded and a number of minor breaks—including a fire plug sheared off by a floating house—were caused during the storm. T h e water supply itself is excellent, most of it being naturally

filtered

through Cape Cod's sandy, glacial substrata before boiling up into L o n g P o n d through springs. If water rates continue to be lowered, as a result of the retirement of the Department's bonded indebtedness, less and less will be heard in the way of complaints. S u m m e r visitors are surprised, or they are not surprised—depending on the size and location of their own home towns—at the fact that the town does not have a sewage system. A m o n g Falmouthians, as might reasonably be expected, there are two well-defined schools of thought on this rather important civic consideration. T h e "old school," so-called more for reasons of delineation than chronology, holds that a municipal sewage system would be a superfluous luxury. A s proof they cite that fact that " C a p e Cod is nothing but a sandpile," and therefore exceptionally well situated for the use of cesspools. In general this is quite true and is well proved by the fact that a relatively large laundry in Falmouth is able to dispose of thousands of gallons of water daily simply by " p u m p i n g it into the g r o u n d " through a forced-diffusion cesspool. But by the same reasoning, a good case can be made out for potential contamination of ground water in an area where there are a number of such cesspools. Happily, the excellent local water system has obviated this problem thus far, but rumblings of portending trouble are heard f r o m time to time. D u r i n g the summer of 1940 a minor local press campaign and a flurry of nose sniffing along Main Street forced the town to relocate the cesspools of the Community Center. 13(bid.

(1940), p. 24.

82

P R O B L E M S OF A R E S O R T G O V E R N M E N T A s early as 1927 agitation had become strong enough in Woods Hole to

bring about a town vote authorizing a consulting engineer to draw up plans for sewering the major streets of Woods Hole Village. T h e immediate cause of this action was drainage and seepage of sewage into Eel Pond, a public nuisance further complicated by the sewage disposal problem of the Marine Biological Laboratory. A f t e r a detailed analysis of the area and its problems, the engineers recommended a sewage system to cost an estimated 564,29ο. 14 According to the General L a w s of Massachusetts (Chapter 83, sections 14 to 24), at least one quarter and not more than two thirds of the cost of a sewage system shall be met by the general tax levy. T h e balance may be assessed against the property owned by the system on a frontage formula. On the basis of various distributions of the cost made by the engineers, the Woods Hole sewage system could have been financed by an increase of from 9 % to 1 4 % cents per thousand in the town tax rate and an assessment of from $ 1 . 1 2 to J1.50 per frontage foot against the actual property served. 1 5 T h e proposals were voted down, and the situation has continued as before with the exception of some patchwork remedies undertaken by the Marine Biological Laboratory and by various individuals. In 1931 the problem of sewers was again in the foreground of Falmouth public discussion, and in that year a second engineer's report was ordered— this time for Falmouth village. Once again the technicians made a thorough local study of topography, drainage, water-volume usage and other relevant details. Their report, submitted to the town on September 3, 1931, outlined three alternative plans of sewage systems for Falmouth village. Estimated cost of the three schemes were $82,894,

anc

^ $99>726- Added to these would have

been $25,875 for a disposal plant. All three alternative versions of these proposals were likewise voted down, and the status quo has continued down to the present day. But symptoms of change are becoming more apparent. T h e two villages of Falmouth and Woods Hole are growing steadily, and Falmouth itself has experienced a veritable boom brought on by the war. A s one local observer puts it, "It's only a matter of time until Falmouth will have to put in sewers, at least in Main Street. It's just like it was with electricity and telephones— you've got to educate people into the idea." Actually, the education phase seems now to have been finished. T h e town has spent several thousand dollars on plans which have the State Board of Health's approval. T h e stumbling block is, and has been, costs. Inasmuch as the sewers would directly 14 Frank A. Barbour, Consulting Engineer, Report to the Special Committee on Sewers of 15 Falmouth, Mass., Dec. 20, 1927. Ibid.

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT GOVERNMENT

83

benefit only those property owners in the villages of Woods Hole and Falmouth, it is difficult to get the rest of the townspeople to vote for them. Moreover, many landowners have already gone to considerable expense for cesspools and would not welcome a direct sewer assessment. By the same token, the summer property owners oppose the project since relatively few seasonal homes are located within the area to be served. And, although these nonresidents have no vote, they have exercised what persuasive powers they have against it. In the long run it is quite possible that the decision will be made outside the town altogether. As state bureaucratic authority increases, the probability mounts that sewage systems in towns of a given size will become compulsory. If such legislation should come to pass—and it would be an excellent way to spend postwar relief funds—local health authorities believe that Falmouth would be one of the first towns in Massachusetts to have compulsory sewage, due to its huge relative summer population. An item of sanitation that interests the nonresident property owners more than sewage is garbage collection. Refuse and garbage are collected, under permit from the Health Department, and taken to the town dump. Householders may carry their own refuse to the dump under specified and regulated conditions. Charges for the service range from 25 cents a week to $15 or more a year; but, irrespective of the cost, it is a petty source of annoyance to the seasonal taxpayers. After paying his taxes, water bill, and premiums on his utility charges, it is an understandable irritation to have to dole out additional sums for garbage collection, a service which is quite probably paid out of taxation in the property owners' home city. Based on the experience of a near-by town similar in size, a public incinerator would cost Falmouth approximately $12,000 to build and $15,000 a year to operate. This latter sum amounts to less than 3 per cent of the taxes paid by nonresidents. Compared to the good will it would engender and the improved appearance of town and private property—not to mention the fact that it is a trifling public service for nonresidents to expect in comparison to their handsome tax contributions—it would seem that here is one instance where the local government could derive a compound benefit from a relatively minor outlay. It probably costs the townspeople at least this sum annually in gasoline and time to take their own garbage to the town dump or to pay others to do it. 16 It is not to be implied, however, that Falmouth neglects its citizens' health 16

A contract has rcccntly been let for the removal of rubbish and garbage at a cost of $ 1 8 , 0 0 0 for the first year's operation. This is financed by an addition of $ 1 per $ 1 , 0 0 0 to the tax rate. The new service was pushed through T o w n Meeting by several alert members of the Falmouth Board of Trade.

ô4

P R O B L E M S OF A R E S O R T G O V E R N M E N T

or other sanitary welfare. A n annual appropriation of $8,000 to $10,000 is made for the T o w n Health Department, and, in addition, Falmouth is fortunate in having the virtually gratuitous services of the Falmouth Nursing Association, a quasi-private foundation which furnishes nursing services, dietary and sanitary education, and a number of other worthy community services. It is doubtful that any nonresident taxpayer objects to local expenditures for health, but he is personally more interested in appropriations for highways. In the decade prior to 1940 Falmouth spent the following s u m s 1 7 for maintenance and extension of its road system : Y ear

1931 1932 '933 !934 1935 1936

Expenditure

$ 46,886.79 49,062.41 60,510.61 78,368.97 78,574.60 77,324.62 93,190.34

1937 1938

77.458.39 72,666.99 68,878.78

1939 1940 Total Annual average

$702,922.50 $ 70,292.25

Although this total of $702,922.50 is an impressive figure, the yearly average of $70,292.25 is not exceptional compared to similar expenditures by the ten comparison towns, whose average highway expenditure for 1938, including both maintenance and outlays, was $71,249.28. Consequently, Falmouth's highway expenditures are, proportionally, much lower than those of the other towns, considering its larger income. In other words, no exceptional expenditures are made for roads which might be considered directly beneficial to the summer colonies, although they pay 75 per cent of Falmouth's highway costs. If Falmouth already had a road pattern adequate to serve its summer traffic, there would be no need for exceptional appropriations. But this is not the case. Considering the size of the township and the scattered nature of its resort colonies, Falmouth's n o miles of surfaced and 54 miles of gravel roads are clearly inadequate. Yet, when the H i g h w a y Department recently widened and resurfaced a part of Surf Drive along the Sound shore—a section of road of particular use to summer people—there were numerous charges of "waste" and "unnecessary expenditure"—both from local people and from summer residents. 17

Compiled from Falmouth T o w n Budgets, 1 9 3 1 - 4 0 .

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85

On a theoretical basis, using the relative valuation of Falmouth and the "average" town of its size, plus the proportion of taxes paid by nonresidents, Falmouth could spend $150,000 a year on its highways, of which 75 per cent could be used primarily for the summer people before the lower limit of "unjustified" expenditures was reached. Actually, several of the resort colonies have built private roads to supplement those furnished by the town. All things considered, highway expenditures are one instance where the nonresident taxpayers definitely do not get their money's worth. T h e record contains a clear indication, also, that the townspeople do not properly appreciate the importance of automobile transportation to the present status of Falmouth's number one industry. Negligence in providing parking facilities for shoppers, as well as a tolerance of excessive local gasoline prices, further strengthens this observation. From a diplomatic point of view, local people should be quite chary about pointing out given expenditures as "unnecessary," simply because the primary benefit derives to the summer residents. Such charges are two-edged swords, since nonresidents can point out that two of the largest appropriations are entirely "unnecessary" to the summer people; namely, for schools and welfare. Happily, neither group makes a habit of pointing out the exact benefit to all quarters from every dollar spent and it is doubtful that many nonresidents begrudge Falmouth its good school system or its lenient welfare policy. O n the other hand these expenditures have a budgetary importance well worth noting. School expenditures of Falmouth and the comparison towns for 1938 follow: Town

School Budget,

Town

School Budget,

I938

South Hadley Billerica Winchendon Tewkesbury Mansfield Auburn

$113,836.54 119,040.05 9°>573-73 56,741 -69 101,836.74 95.773-64

•938

Canton $ 94,941.28 Dracut 102,334.82 Spencer 66,996.23 Amherst 125,857.46 Average of 10 towns

$ 96,793.22

FALMOUTH

$143,505.19

From these figures it is evident that Falmouth spends 50 per cent more on its school than does the average town of its size, thus affording the nonresidents abundant political capital on this one issue of expenditure vs. benefit. Falmouth's welfare and charity expenditures are also more extensive than those of the average town of its size, and while a detailed discussion of this subject is relegated to Chapter V I I I , the comparative expenditures (1938) for the series of towns are given on page 86:

86

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT GOVERNMENT

Town Welfare Expenditures South Hadley $ 74,974.38 Billcrica 116,739.27 Winchendon 138,493.13 Tewkesbury 40,816.78 Mansfield 81,408.52 Auburn 81,828.24

Town Welfare Expenditures Canton $104,319.24 Dracut 90,483.81 Spencer 80,301.82 Amherst 64,644.54 Average of 10 towns Falmouth

$ 87,400.97 $ 113,166.74

We have now listed the major expenditures of Falmouth's annual budget. By way of generalized recapitulation, the more important statistical comparisons made thus far are gathered together into one table below: Item General expenses Protection of property Highway Dept. Schools Welfare Total expenditures

Falmouth $ 28,560.25 99,024.32 77>458-39 143,505.19 113,166.74 $1,088,396.31

Ten Towns, Average $ 18,474.67 22,698.50 7'> 2 49· 2 8 96,793.22 87,400.97 $611,316.30

It is readily evident that, compared to an average town, or to any specific town, of its size in Massachusetts, Falmouth has an exceptionally high municipal standard of living; that is, more public service—more police and fire protection, bigger school appropriations, more liberal relief policies. If it were not the prosperous resort that it is, the residents would either have to pay sharply higher taxes or cut their expenditures by nearly 50 per cent. As it is, they obtain this enviable community beneficence at an exceptionally moderate cost in taxes to themselves. T h e summer people also obtain those community services useful to them at the same relatively low tax rate. And, assuming that their assessed valuations are in the main not excessive, they enjoy these exceptional municipal conditions in greater abundance and at less cost than they could in any other comparable town in Massachusetts. However, all things considered, it appears that the nonresident taxpayers in Falmouth receive less direct benefit from the community's expenditures than that to which they are theoretically entitled. Dollar for dollar, the nonresidents get considerably less than they pay for. We began this chapter with a somewhat similar statement. Our relatively lengthy statistical analysis has tended to fortify it. But, aside from some clarification of the record with as many facts as are available, a statistical analysis cannot of itself provide a real understanding of the problem. Such a statistical and analytical approach does afford a very useful and necessary background for examining a slightly different theme;

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87

namely, that while nonresidents pay for more than they receive in the way of governmental expenditures, the real crux of the town's resulting municipal problems is not so much economic as sociological. T h e reasoning behind such a conclusion is quite simple. In the first place, the information that nonresidents pay the bulk of Falmouth's taxes is not new, even though no one ever bothered to calculate it as closely as is done on page 63. Even the local government authorities will concede the point—some of them even assuming that nonresidents pay more than they actually do. Unfortunately, however, diplomatic candor stops at this point, and suspicious prejudices set in. Instead of pursuing the problem on an analytical basis, the spokesmen for both sides have resorted all too often to unproven accusations about one side "doing" the other. This situation leads the author to believe, after a lengthy analysis of the contentions and attitudes of both the residents and the nonresidents, that this is simply another case of "taxation without representation"—and, here, as in the famed Revolutionary example, it is the "principle of the thing" that is at stake. Actual monetary amounts and percentages are of secondary importance. Specifically, this theory suggests that the average summer property owner is less annoyed by a given tax bill than he is suspicious and irritated over the fact that he has no voice or authority, either in the assessing of the taxes or in electing the governing body that spends the revenue. Many will contend no doubt—and with reason—that the summer resident is, by the very nature of his being a summer resident, "on vacation," and therefore is not interested in spending his time voting or otherwise participating in local government affairs. Yet, while this is no doubt generally true, the fact remains that the nonresident would be much happier if he possessed certain governmental rights, even if he never used them. Participating privileges, such as the right to attend and vote in T o w n Meeting, would do much to relieve the nonresident of his present feeling of being out in the cold and at the mercy of the local voters. T h i s feeling is not improved when he reads in the local paper that town meeting members tossed out an article proposing a new Shore road or a beach improvement as "unnecessary expense," but voted an exceptionally large welfare appropriation as a matter of course. T h e idea of nonresident participation in municipal affairs is usually dismissed with the observation that they are never around at T o w n Meetin' time in the spring nor at election times; and, as previously suggested, that they do not care to spend their summer leisure dabbling in provincial politics. But dismissal of the idea by such oversimplification is hardly warranted, for here we have a rule with a surprising number of potential exceptions.

88

PROBLEMS OF A RESORT

GOVERNMENT

A s noted on page 43, a sizable portion of F a l m o u t h ' s summer citizens are professional people, m a n y of them academicians—economists,

sociol-

ogists, a n d other teachers and students of the sciences or of government. S u c h persons w o u l d probably seize an opportunity to participate in town m e e t i n g and exercise other democratic franchises with relish—possibly more so than w o u l d please the local politicians. In fact, it is the reasoned opinion of the author that if the T o w n Meeting were to be held during the s u m m e r season—or even immediately f o l l o w i n g L a b o r D a y — i t would be better attended, proportionally, by nonresident property o w n e r s than by local voters. A great m a n y methods could be devised whereby the nonresident taxpayers m i g h t be g i v e n a voice in the local government, even without amending present statutory regulations. G r a n t i n g them the right to vote w o u l d probably be the most difficult—and perhaps the least satisfactory solution. A n y n u m b e r of c o m p r o m i s e procedures could be followed. G r o u p e d below is an indicative, but by no m e a n s exhaustive list of possibilities: ι . A special summer town meeting could be called to discuss town problems and policies—particularly those of mutual interest (and/or friction) as between residents and nonresidents. This meeting need not have legislative authority but its recommendatory prestige could be such as to make it more than a "debating society." 2. A purely discussion-group meeting would at least serve the worthy purpose of bringing all the variously interested groups together. Even irreconcilable issues would be less irritating for having been aired with all sides exposed to public examination. 3. A summer property owner's representative committee could be appointed or voted into existence to perform any number of functions such as: T o represent nonresidents on the Finance Committee. T o speak for nonresidents at T o w n Meeting. T o be defenders-at-large of the rights of the summer residents at all civic meetings and functions. Precedents for such a committee already exist in other resort towns; and in fact, there are already in existence in Falmouth certain property protective groups, such as the Megansett Association. 4. There is always the possibility that one of the three (or an extra) selectmen could be appointed (or elected) to represent nonresident taxpayers. H e could have equal, special, or limited powers both in terms of voting and administrative functions. It is hardly unreasonable to suppose that, of the three governing officials, at least one should represent the group who pays 75 per cent of the bills, even though they are a disenfranchised minority. It would be mightily reassuring to nonresidents to know that they at least had a spokesman present, when and where community affairs were administered. 5. Some local citizen, or group of citizens, not necessarily connected with the municipal government, could be constituted to perform, for the nonresidents, certain of the representative functions carried on by boards of trade, chambers of commerce, commercial agents, and even the more respectable services of lobbyists.

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89

A resident "attache" could render a great number of services to the nonresidents and, in truth, might even be able to function with more scope and facility than could a representative directly connected with the town government. His salary might well be paid out of tax funds. Obviously, these do not exhaust the possibilities of giving the nonresident some representation along with his taxation. Viewed quite candidly and in the most skeptical light, almost any such procedure would justify itself, even if it failed to influence any of the ratios of expenditures in favor of the summer owner. After all, it is nothing against a safety valve if it whistles ebulliently as it guards against violent explosions.

Chapter V BUSINESS ENTERPRISE IN A RESORT THE NEMESIS of general retail enterprise in a summer resort is seasonality. " M a k e hay while the sun shines" is a much quoted and well-understood cliche among Falmouth's entrepreneurs. Anyone contemplating going into business in the town should give serious consideration to the possibility of operating not more than six months of the year at a profit. If he proposes to cater exclusively, or even predominantly, to a summer clientele, he will do well to calculate twelve-month costs against twelve weeks of profitable income. For example, several Falmouth summer merchants pay rent on their stores on an annual basis in order to hold the premises, although they use them only a few weeks. Because of this strongly seasonal economic structure there are really two types of enterprises active in the community : Those which operate only during the resort season with limited specialized premises and equipment·, and those which operate on a year-round basis, but depend on the summer peak of activity to carry their annual overhead. T h e former group is composed predominantly of the summer hotels, specialty shops and other resort and recreational facilities, while the latter are the usual retail and service establishments of a modern community. This chapter deals primarily with the latter group. T h e "special case" of hotels, inns, and other accommodation enterprise is taken up in the following chapter. Unfortunately the 1939 Federal Census of Retail Trade, in reporting its findings for Cape Cod (Barnstable County), does not show Falmouth figures separately. 1 T h e quantities can, however, be estimated on a proportionate basis from population and other known statistics, such as the number of retail stores, per capita retail sales for the Cape, and so on. Using this type of approximation, it would appear that retail trade in Falmouth, for the year 1939 was approximately $4,6oo,ooo.2 T o this should be added

approximately

Jioo,ooo, which represents the income from tourist rooms and other sales to summer residents of too miscellaneous a character to be included in formal census figures. (See Chapter V I . ) These will serve as general overall figures 1 Also, because regular census tabulating and filing procedures had been interfered with by the needs for special information by war agencies, no separate tabulations of Falmouth census data by the author were possible. 2 Estimated from U.S. Dept. of Commerce, Sixteenth Census of the United States, 1940: "Retail Trade, Massachusetts, 1 9 3 9 . " Virtually all of the material, statistical and descriptive, in this and in the following chapter, is based on original research by the author. If acknowledgment were possible, it should go to the persons in Falmouth w h o spent many hours in answering what often seemed unduly personal questions and in filling out questionnaires.

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91

and wc can utilize certain noncensus data to interpret their components. Even if all the data gathered by the census were broken down into township figures, they would be of relatively little help to us in the sort of analysis we want to make. T h e biggest drawback to all such data is an absence of seasonal figures. T o remedy this statistical dearth, and also to inquire into certain problems which do not normally bother census takers, the author drew up the questionnaire shown on page 179. Certain faults may be found with it as an ideal survey tool. However, if any skeptic were ever faced with the problem of obtaining details about their private commercial affairs from reticent, suspicious-ofoutsider Cape Codders, he might well alter his superior attitude. In order that the reader may obtain a cross-section concept of what we mean by "private enterprise" in Falmouth, we can utilize a list of "stores and unincorporated proprietors" kept by the Board of Trade, and listed alphabetically for the year 1941 as follows: Antique shops Attorneys Bakers Banks ( 1 cooperative) Barber shops Beauty shops (3 summer) Boathouses Camps (2 for girls, 1 for boys) Civil engineers Builders and contractors Cleaners and dyers Coal dealers Cocktail rooms Cranberry growers Dairies Department stores Dentists Doctors Druggists Drygoods (2 summer) Electrical shops Express Co's. Employment agencies

4 4 3 3 4 10 5 3 3 17 4 3 II

M 3 2 4 8 5 6 3 2 2

Fish markets 2 Fishing party services 4 Florists 2 Dimestore I Produce markets 3 Funeral director I Furniture stores 2 Garages 14 Garbage collectors 2 Gardeners and landscapists 7 Gas stations 10 Gift shops 5 Grain, retail 3 Grocery stores 12 Hardware and lumbei' 5 Hotels and inns 28 Ice dealers 5 Icecream dealers 4 Insurance salesmen 10 Interior decorators 2 Jewelers 2 Kennels 2 Laundries 3

Liquor stores Masons Masseurs Newspaper Notary publics Optometrists Painters Photographers Plumbers Real estate agents Restaurants and tearooms Riding schools Shoe stores Shoe repairers Sign companies Stationery stores Surveyors Tailors Taxi services Telegraph and telephone Theatres

6 5 3 I

5 2 8 4 5 6 II

3 I

3 2 2 4 2 2 2 2

The above list is not intended as an exhaustive catalogue of every identifiable business unit in the town. Rather, it should serve as a general guide to the heterogeneity of commercial activities and also as an indication of the influence of the resort nature of the town. Note, for example that there are 14

BUSINESS ENTERPRISE IN A RESORT

92

garages but only one funeral director; 17 builders and contractors, but only 4 dentists. There is considerable duplication in the list, which was originally drawn up primarily to answer where-to-buy-it questions from inquiring summer people. Eliminating from this total the hotels, inns, and the miscellaneous individual operators such as "engineers" and "insurance salesmen," there are roughly fifty retail stores and other units of private enterprise which are of particular interest to us in this chapter, and from among which a questionnaire sample was taken. These were sampled by means of the questionnaire shown on page 179, and a tabulation was made of the twenty-five most complete replies. A f t e r the questionnaires were tabulated and analyzed, the combined results were discussed with several Falmouth merchants who were particularly interested in the survey. T h e bulk of the paragraphs that follow are based on these tabulations. T h e most important, and difficult single question asked was, " W h a t is your best estimate of the percentage of your annual business which is derived from summer residents and transients?" T h e arithmetic mean of the answers submitted was 62 per cent, or almost two thirds. T h e estimates ranged from 1 5 per cent to 95 per cent. Applying this mean against the total retail trade, as estimated from the census, w e obtain $2,852,000 as the approximate value of the retail business which Falmouth did with its summer customers in 1939. In the opinion of the author, both the estimated average of 62 per cent and the resulting figure of $2,852,000 are slightly high, the reason being that local merchants seem committed to a rule-of-thumb guess that " w e do two thirds of our business with the summer people." A l l factors considered, it seems more probable that the phrase "slightly more than 50 per cent of our business is done with summer people" would be more accurate. W h e n we use the results of our other questionnaire, page 178, in estimating the total amount spent during a season by summer residents, we find that the average family spends approximately $950. By utilizing this average, plus the estimated number of summer residents, transient expenditures, and the like, a second approximation of roundly $2,500,000 can be obtained. 3 But whatever 3 This figure, which would allocate approximately 5 4 . 5 % of our total estimated retail trade to the summer people, seems to reflcct a more realistic economic situation than does the higher figure of $2,852,000, resulting from the merchant's collective average of 6 2 % . A s a further check, let us assume that the annual per capita retail sales to local residents average $ 3 0 0 . This is approximately $48 less than the national average as calculated from the 1940 census. However, it fits in with certain modifying factors such as the relatively frugal nature of Falmouth's winter mode of life, the low standard of living of its large Portuguese population, plus allowances for sizable purchases made off the Cape. Utilizing this $300 figure as representative of

BUSINESS ENTERPRISE IN A RESORT

93

the precise figure, it is only one large statistical tree behind which lies a forest of other data which is more useful and important to our analysis—the information on nonresident expenditures afforded by the questionnaires. W h e n the author was drafting the questionnaire to be distributed to the summer residents, several persons to whom it was shown were highly skeptical about the willingness or ability of the summer people to provide the requested detailed data on expenditures. T h e results, on the contrary, were highly gratifying. Out of the 100 replies utilized, there were at least 50 entries for each "expenditure" question asked. Eighty-five of the respondents entered at least a "total" expenditure. Moreover, many of the questionnaires

contained

answers even in cents, and not a few of the forms were covered in the margins with calculations and penciled additions such as: "Repairs to Sta. W g ' n ; laundry and dr. cl.; b. suits for guests." In interpreting the results, however, we should bear in mind that most of the replies are simply estimates and should be considered as such. T h e table, below, gives the results in terms of averages. Item

Maintenance of property Food (not including restaurants) Clothing Services (laundry, cleaning) Servants (local labor, both temporary and permanent) Automobile (gas, oil, garage, repairs) Recreation (sports, club, amusements) Miscellaneous Total local expenditures

Average

$213 277 45 41 »5* 74 76 72 $95°

F r o m the point of view of the individual merchant, the figures are more interesting than any estimates of total retail trade. If he is an "average" Falmouth merchant, the chart is a picture of two thirds of his annual market. It is also an indication to him—and to his Chamber of Commerce, Board of Trade, and to the town generally—of the economic value of the average summer family to all concerned. This importance can be seen in far different perspective in the following breakdown of the average expenditures from a summer resident dollar: local per capita retail sales to Falmouth's 7,000 inhabitants, we obtain $ 2 , 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 . On the other hand, the merchant's collective estimate that they do only 3 8 % of their business with local people would give a total of $1,748,999, or slightly less than $ 2 5 0 as the per capita retail sales to permanent Falmouth customers.

94

B U S I N E S S E N T E R P R I S E IN A R E S O R T Item

Maintenance of property Food (not including restaurants) Clothing Services (laundry, cleaning, etc.) Servants (local labor, both temporary and permanent) Automobile (gas, garage, repairs, etc.) Recreation (sports, clubs, amusements) Miscellaneous

Expenditure % *3

.28 .05 .04 .16 .08 .08 .08 $1.00

T h e individual entrepreneur, depending on what type of merchandise he sells, can readily estimate from the above yardstick what the $950 summer outlay of the average summer resident means to him. H e is much less interested in totals and averages for Falmouth than in the seasonal patterns of his own business. For example, a certain merchant reported that he operated at a loss for three months of the year, "about broke even" for three months, and made a profit during the remaining six. However, in three of the profitable months he did 52 per cent of his annual business: 20 per cent in July; 22 per cent in August; and 10 per cent in September. This being the case, a bad Labor D a y week end or a cold spring could easily mean the difference between a successful or a poor year's income. Here we have a cogent illustration of the precariousness of a commercial enterprise where, on the average, two thirds of the annual income is derived from a seasonal luxury-goods market. N o t all of those answering the questionnaire were able to report their gross business on a monthly basis. However, by making a rough graph of the various estimates, a seasonal pattern was charted. (See graph on page 95.) T h e economic phenomena reflected in the graph would be interpreted by a professional economist in terms of "idle capacity" and "overhead costs." But the Falmouth merchant is talking about the same things when, with great lack of diplomacy, he says to a complaining summer customer, "Well, lady, w e only have three months to make our year's living in." Almost no one who sells either goods or services in Falmouth is free from this problem. Even churches and clubs have "idle capacity" and may experience a 100 per cent annual fluctuation. As typical examples: T h e local laundry operates at about one third of its summer capacity during the long "off season"; a gas station carries 30 per cent of the gallonage in February that it does in A u g u s t ; a dry goods store's summer inventory is 140 per cent that of its winter inventory, with the attendant necessity of making heavy "clearance sales" to meet the seasonal adjustment on quantity and type of merchandise; a summer variety store is closed entirely for eight months of the year, yet it pays annual

BUSINESS ENTERPRISE IN A RESORT

95

taxes on $1,000 worth of goods rather than purchase seasonal sales permits. T h i s latter instance represents a particularly critical situation faced by the dozen or more shops in Falmouth which are closed for at least half the year. T h i s may seem like an odd practice. Yet, in order to obtain favorable sites the E S T I M A T E D P A T T E R N OF S E A S O N A L E C O N O M I C A C T I V I T Y »

Note: T h e reader should bear in mind chat the above graph is not an exact statistical pattern of business activity for the year. Not every respondent was able to supply a figure f o r every month. The chart is therefore an "estimated distribution" based on the collective estimates for each month, the vertical axis indicating the monthly percentage of annual business. 1

Points determined by arithmetic mean.

vendors of these seasonal goods and services must rent the premises by the year. In some instances the shops are in or near the summer colonies, such as Megansett, and stand virtually abandoned in winter. Others are Main Street Falmouth stores where the cost of idle capacity is even greater. In the main, these summer stores are run by nonresidents. Several of them are "branches" in the sense that the same operators have winter stores in Miami or some other winter resort. In such cases it is possible to transfer seasonal merchandise from one store to the other, but as much as possible is disposed of in Falmouth by end-of-season clearances before the closing date. One such merchant who operates a summer novelty shop in Falmouth has a neatly adjusted economic way of life. Since operating costs are relatively fixed, the Falmouth store is kept open as long as an arbitrary weekly gross income can be maintained. If business exceeds this figure until a late date, such as Thanksgiving, then the store is kept open long enough to cash in on the

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Christmas market. But oncc the closing date is readied, the remaining merchandise is crated and shipped by freight to Miami. Then the operator goes on vacation. This lasts until he feels, by some sixth sense developed after long years of unique practice, that the weather, the state of relative national prosperity, and certain other subjective criteria, warrant the opening of the Miami store. Such commercial practices are very interesting, but play havoc with orthodox statistical calculations. A more normal arrangement in resort towns is for a large metropolitan department store to open a summer branch during the season. And, although the neighboring town of Hyannis has a number of such branches—even of New York stores—Falmouth has only one, Filenes of Boston. Elizabeth Arden also has a summer branch in Falmouth. (Filenes now keep their store open the year round because of the added army business from Camp Edwards.) Among several chain stores which also have summer branches in Falmouth are Howard Johnson's and Dutchland's chain restaurant and confection stores. In addition, there are the usual grocery and drug chain stores which remain open the year round. In a sense those establishments, which are closed completely for six or eight months during the year, are more realistic about their problems of idle capacity and overhead costs than are some that remain open. Since they are interested only in the resort market, their primary decision is, in effect, "Will my gross profit on my short seasonal business be enough to pay direct operating costs plus 12 months overhead?" This decision may, of course, be influenced by other considerations, such as the operation of a similar store in Florida. The merchant who keeps his store open the year round, on the other hand, cannot stop with such simple calculations. In the first place he probably has no other source of income. (Except for the chains, the year-round businesses in Falmouth are almost all locally owned.) Secondly, he carries staple commodities and takes on additional supplies of vacation goods only in the summer. Thus his summer haul, relatively, is less profitable than is that of the strictly seasonal operator who is a "cream skimmer." In economic terminology, the year-round storekeeper is a marginal or even submarginal operator during the off season. His decision is, therefore, not, "How much will I lose if I close altogether?", but "How much less will I lose if I stay open?" Thus, when 60 per cent of the merchants answering the questionnaire stated that they lost money during some of the winter months, it does not mean that they would have been better off to have closed their stores and taken a vacation. It is better to stay open and take a 25 per cent loss than close down and run 100 per cent in the red.

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Actually, in making this decision the typical Cape Codder is probably less interested in whether he is a "marginal" merchant than he is in less technical considerations. For example, his customers are also his neighbors, some of whom buy on account during the winter and pay up during the vacation season. If he closed they would take their trade elsewhere and he would have no backlog of accounts receivable, "come settling-up time." Besides, if he closed down in winter it would make him look like one of those "exploiting outsiders." Here it might be parenthetically observed that Falmouth is the main shopping center for some 7,000 permanent residents the year round. There is good reason to believe that through more active and realistic merchandising, the town's merchants could capture many sales now made in neighboring centers like N e w Bedford, or through the mails. Just what the extent of a year round merchant's overhead and seasonally idle capacity amounts to is difficult to estimate. Of 12 merchants who supplied inventory figures, 7 reported inventories in July to be at least 150 per cent greater in February. By inverting the sales graph, page 95, we will get a rough pattern of idle capacity. Although the Falmouth merchant is well aware of what is meant by the term "idle capacity" as used to describe his seasonal misfortunes, he is more likely to look at the problem from a different point of view; namely, in the light of its effect on competition. The reason for this is readily apparent. Falmouth merchants will probably concede that competition is the life of trade—as long as everybody participates on even terms. But in their conscientious and collective opinion it isn't fair competition when they worry through the lean part of each year only to have outsiders come in, skim off the quick profits, and leave. They are solidly behind their civic-minded spokesmen who point out that these quick profits by nonresident merchants are so much "milking" of the local economy. Their point of view, even though biased, is easily understood. In point of fact, Falmouth's merchants are fortunate that they have not had an even greater influx of outside competition. Compared to storekeepers of Hyannis and other more commercialized resort towns, they have enjoyed a rather unmolested market. The word "commercialized" is used advisedly. There is reason to believe that Falmouth's quiet, off-the-beaten-path existence has kept it from the attention of many outside commercial interests. But it now appears that this happy state has come to an end. As a result of the building of Camp Edwards in 1940, Falmouth has been "discovered" in a new sense, and by a new group of people. This may hasten an already present trend toward more acute "price" competition.

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In fact the rccent appearance of new competition where previously there was no "outside" competition at all, may account for its current importance as a blame-all topic of commercial conversation. Historically considered, it is common knowledge that the local merchants were very slow in exploiting the new summer market as Falmouth became a popular resort. Even now many of them do a mediocre job of adapting their selection of goods and services to the summer trade. Their lines of merchandise as well as their sales attitudes contain a lot of deadwood when considered from the point of view of the summer customer and his needs. But competition from the specialized summer stores, whose every effort is bent to accommodate the vacation market, is forcing the local merchant to do likewise, and, being a rugged individualist, he doesn't like it. Thus he blames most of his dislikes on this new and irritating competition. Indirectly, he also blames his seasonal problems such as idle capacity on competition, because the latter is complicating the former. His complaints are not without reason. For whether or not they are justified quantitatively, there is usually some fire at every point where his temper is smoldering. A few examples will bear this out. Eating places specializing in provincial dishes are always an important part of a resort. There was a time when "typical Cape Cod sea food dishes" were bought by connoisseurs for the sake of the food, plus a certain intangible provinciality in the favor and in the service which justified the price. But chain restaurants, aided by a solid phalanx of places to "grab a bite at a price" on Main Street have damaged the market. Provinciality in food must now be merchandised. This type of economic encroachment is evident in other fields. Falmouth has an exceptionally large and well equipped laundry and dry-cleaning plant. Yet in summer as many as 18 outside laundries compete, on a cut-price basis, for the laundry and valet service of the summer residents. Local operators estimate that at least 50 per cent of the Cape's summer togs are laundered off the Cape. Competition is not limited to price. Summer residents are used to twentyfour-hour cleaning service at home and demand it on the Cape. Moreover, the days when tourists came with trunks is over. Today they have one suitcase or less, and must have the "other" shirt back quickly. Commercial customers are similarly exacting. At the height of the season the rooming houses and small hotels must have quick laundry service on their limited supplies of towels and linens. T o hold this trade, the local laundry must be able to meet the price and service of the big "off-Cape" laundries. Due to the fact that this added resort business can be accommodated with no overhead expansion, the latter com-

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panics can absorb the direct costs of added trucking without increasing their usual city prices. Falmouth also has a local dairy but it enjoys no monopoly since four other large dairies service the summer customers, one from headquarters as far away as Quincy. Local grocers have competition from three large chains in the form of supermarkets, which are now operated the year round. In the lean months they run in the red along with the local stores as a routine "cost of doing business" in a resort. In a geographic sense, Falmouth merchants are likewise in competition with mainland shopping centers such as New Bedford, Taunton, Providence, Boston, and even N e w York. All of these points except New York are within two hours by automobile, and before the days of gasoline shortages summer residents had no obligations so pressing but what they could "go shopping" once or twice a week. (In fact, one person listed shopping as a hobby in answering his questionnaire.) It is impossible to determine the precise extent of this geographical competition. Yet its very presence is an important factor in the market pattern of Falmouth merchants. Of the 100 summer residents who replied concerning their shopping habits, 10 stated that they brought with them to the Cape "all possible" of their summer needs; 13 brought "90 per cent or more"; 34 brought from 50 to 75 per cent; 2, from 20 to 50 per cent; 16 from between 5 and 20 per cent; 13, "less than 5 per cent"; and 28 brought "none," or did not answer. These figures are misleading to the extent that some of the respondents included clothing and other equipment which they brought along as a matter of course. Nevertheless, there is undoubtedly a large amount of shopping done outside Falmouth by people who "shuttle" back and forth between their metropolitan and beach homes during the summer. Others also order a sizable amount by mail. Members of one family in particular order the bulk of their summer staple needs from Macy's in N e w York. But once the summer people have arrived in Falmouth and opened their summer places, they—as a group—are probably more loyal customers than are the permanent residents. For example, it is a rather common practice for Falmouth families, particularly those who take in summer boarders or do extensive shopping for other reasons, to make Saturday trips to N e w Bedford 45 miles away. In fact, N e w Bedford stores do considerable advertising in Falmouth, slanted so as to encourage just such local trade. When the summer people go to New Bedford it is more likely to be an unpremeditated "junket." Of 100 questioned only 15 indicated that they evey

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shopped in New Bedford. Eight of these indicated that they did "less than 5 per cent" of their shopping there. Thirty-five out of the same 100 shopped occasionally in Hyannis, but 23 of these did less than 5 per cent of their shopping there. It would seem, therefore, that for the shopping dollars of summer people, Falmouth merchants have more competition from the visitor's home town than from neighboring resorts. As a final source of competition, the Falmouth merchant must compete, in this highly integrated world, with the mail-order houses. This is particularly true with respect to their Falmouth customers. The extent of this type of business is indeterminate, but every house in Falmouth seems to have at least one large mail-order catalogue in its library. The post office, on the biannual delivery dates, handles "several tons" of these catalogues. The postal authorities estimate that the money orders drawn in favor of mail-order houses, each fall after the summer harvest is in, run to "tens of thousands" of dollars. Falmouth merchants have summer competition and winter competition. Neither is typical of retail competition generally. In winter there is of course an excess selling capacity of most every routine type of goods or service. In a situation of this type, theoretically, the competing sellers will lower prices so as to attract as much as possible of the limited trade. Not so the average Cape merchant. Already resigned to a period of "slim pickings" during the winter, he carries on much as usual, both with price policies and other routine trade practices. For example, many Falmouth merchants carry far too heavy inventories through the winter months. Moreover, the selection of types of stock is in may cases ill-suited to the demand of the winter trade. The exact reverse may be true in the summer, the reason being that competition, though present, has not yet forced Falmouth merchants to adopt highly efficient methods in order to survive. This picture is changing rapidly, however. The influx of chains and branch stores, all experts in merchandising, is putting the pressure on the local merchant. It is this new and acute pressure that accounts for the sound and the fury over "outside commercial interests grabbing off the market." This latter point stresses the atypicality of Falmouth's summer competition. The local merchant looks on "the season" as his proper harvest, and because of this attitude he is willing to do a poor business in the off season. It is understandable therefore that he should regard increased competition for this short lush market as unfair, especially since many of the seasonal merchants pack up after a quick haul and take their profits with them. A number of other interesting aspects of the problems of an individual re-

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sort merchant come to light when considered from the point of view of prices rather than from that of competition. Probably no issue—as among summer people versus Falmouthians; outside merchants versus local merchants; or customers generally versus merchants generally—is more hotly debated, yet less understood, than is the issue of prices. We might well add costs to the same discussion since both prices and costs are usually spoken of in the same heated breath. Let's start with the opinions of 100 summer people answering our questionnaire. Seventy-seven thought the cost of living in Falmouth was higher than in their respective home towns; 6 thought it was lower and 17 thought it about the same. Of the 77 who thought it was higher, the opinions were as follows: less than 5 per cent higher, 2; 5-20 per cent higher, 25; more than 20 per cent higher, 50. This is wide to an absurd degree. One person, who had filled out his entire questionnaire very carefully, stated that "living costs are 100 per cent higher in Falmouth." Three other respondents, who apparently were equally conscientious, declared that living costs in Falmouth were at least 50 per cent lower than in their home communities. It is obvious that most of the answers to this question were highly subjective. The most important factor influencing such replies is the relative cost of living in the locality from whence each respondent comes. A woman who lives and shops in midtown Manhattan might think Falmouth prices were "cheaper"; while a New York woman who does her shopping in a large municipal market would probably find them "frightfully high." Which is not to imply that such answers are of no importance. One of the primary theses of our whole study is that what the summer people—and the local people—thin\ is as significant, if not more so, than are the facts on any given issue. These subjective opinions about Falmouth prices are not ordinary opinions. They have become almost folk mores and as such they have an historical—even a traditional—background. Approached from this point of view, there seems little doubt that during the early, or manorial, period of resort development in Falmouth, to charge what the traffic would bear was the first tenet of commercial relations with the small but opulent summer clientele. If the visitor didn't want to pay the local price for an article he could send a coach to Boston for it—not a very sound sales attitude. The era of such conditions was short-lived, but it lasted long enough to establish a strong tradition of high and discriminating Cape prices, and the tradition has spawned a rich and tenacious heritage. Today, even with glistening supermarkets on Main Street, it lingers on; and it is little short of diplo-

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matic and commercial stupidity on the part of the local people that they allow it to continue. They arc themselves the strongest preservers of this outmoded attitude. Consider the following quotation from a summer resident's questionnaire: I am sick to death of the continual repetition, on the part of local merchants, of these two hackneyed phrases, a. "After all, we have to make our year's expenses in three months." (I would like to be able to do that myself.) b. "Well, of course you are on the Cape now—you have to expect to pay more." I have actually had these phrases volunteered along with the wrapping up of purchases, when I really thought I was getting a bargain. Following is a quotation from a second malcontented summer owner who subscribes even more wholeheartedly to this credo of group discrimination, both by merchants and the town itself, against the summer residents: The summer visitor is a prospective gold mine to the local business people, and can afford to pay an exorbitant price for what he needs, they think. Because he can own a summer cottage he must be wealthy. Even the valuation of property is estimated according to that idea. The summer people are obliged to pay higher taxes on old flimsy cottages than permanent residents are required to pay for brand new year-round houses of the same size. Many people have become disgusted with the high prices of food and other necessaries here so they have gone elsewhere for their summer vacations. The Cape is noted for the ridiculous prices which people here have to pay for everything. The overhearing of such opinions as the above was one of the primary reasons why the author selected Falmouth as a place to make a study of this type. Before he had been in town a day he had heard wide versions of the local price situation—ranging from charges of a two-price system to opinions that Falmouth was a place where one could retire on a very small income. Some place between these extremes there must be some truth. After twelve months of questioning, compiling, checking, and "living" in Falmouth during 1940 and 1941, it is the carefully considered opinion of the author that the "cost of living" in this resort—exclusive of the special cases of "rent" on summer property and public utility costs—need not be more than 5 to 10 per cent greater than in the average eastern city, granted that the same standards of budgeting, shopping, and other criteria of economy are the same. These are of course generalizations, as, in fact, are virtually all colloquial statements about "standards" and "costs" of living. This observation, however, is not offered as a hedge against the statements about the cost of living in

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Falmouth. It should be conceded, perhaps, that the statements made above apply more accurately to permanent residents than to the summer people. The latter group might find that, because of their less frugal methods of shopping, their cost of living in Falmouth might, and probably does, exceed the 5 to 10 per cent excess criterion. This conclusion is based on a number of spot comparisons, such as a running comparison of weekly grocery advertisements during the summer season of 1941, in Falmouth, Boston, and New York papers. But because such a series comparison showed a price range of differences of 10 per cent or less is not to say that a New York or Boston resident who summers in Falmouth would note the same results. The average summer visitor doesn't arrive in Falmouth with notebook in hand and a list of objective costof-living data in his head. One of his primary objectives is to get away from the budgeted routine of year-round living. Thus, while one family may be able to live in Falmouth with household expenses running not more than 5 or 10 per cent above what they do at home, another may find the difference to be very much greater. As future changes intensify local commercial competition, Falmouth merchants will have to meet this challenge of "higher prices" much more squarely than they now do. The mere fact that people who go about making strong statements about "costs of living" seldom stop to consider what they mean, is itself one of the confusing elements in the matter. It is also a clue to the general, and exaggerated, belief that it costs much more to live in Falmouth than at home. Consider the following "allegories" which are probably more painfully true than most of the plaintiffs would admit. Mrs. Metropolk lives in an apartment in New York during the winter. She has a well-equipped kitchen with a large refrigerator and other culinary conveniences. Within four city blocks of her residence are fifteen grocery, meat, vegetable, and delicatessen stores, including two supermarkets. Mrs. Metropolk shops in at least three of these stores daily and may order goods from others. She knows the merchant personnel, the neighborhood price structure, and in general has accumulated a wealth of merchandising information which she employs in her day-to-day buying. She can feed her family of four very nicely on $15 per week. The Metropolks also have a summer cottage in Falmouth—let us say in Quissett. It is a better-than-average summer residence, although Mr. Metropolk wonders how "such a barn" can be assessed for $5,000 on the town books. It has a full-sized kitchen, but, compared to the one in New York, the refrigerator is much smaller and, in Mrs. Metropolk's opinion, the oven is not nearly so well-suited to broiling and roasting.

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By the time the cottage is opened in late June each year, Mrs. Metropolk is well wearied o£ cooking for the family and is looking forward to a much more leisurely routine during the summer. After all, that is what they bought the summer place for—to relax from the stress of life in the city. One of the best ways for Mrs. Metropolk to enjoy her summer is to simplify her kitchen work. Instead of buying in large amounts during well-organized shopping trips, she will order from day to day from a local merchant. Besides, the refrigerator doesn't hold as much. Moreover, with a poor oven and hot weather, she will stop buying roasts and legs of lamb which last more than one meal. She will use more steaks, cutlets, cold cuts. As for shopping, it's a nuisance when it interferes with trips to the beach. Since the supermarket doesn't deliver, she buys here and there from merchants who will deliver, and who charge for it either directly or indirectly, because Mrs. Metropolk and her neighbors live scattered over forty-odd square miles of town. Mrs. Metropolk thus simplifies her summer household activities very nicely, but she finds that food for the family costs at least $20 a week instead of $15 as at home. Yet when she thinks back over the week's menu it seems to her that the family is eating much more "lightly" than they did during the winter. So, on Wednesday afternoon, when Mrs. Metropolk plays bridge with Mrs. A . from Washington, Mrs. J. from Albany, and that lovely young bride from Boston who still cooks according to a kitchen library, they all compare notes and agree that there is much truth in "what they say" about the outrageous "cost of living in summer resorts." Another allegory could be drawn, with considerable averaged accuracy, about the Econobergs who spend their summers in Woods Hole. They have been coming to Falmouth for a number of years and are fairly well acquainted with the town, its people, and facilities. Mrs. Econoberg does the family shopping and drives into Falmouth village every day or so. Like Mrs. Metropolk, she wants to keep her summer housework to a minimum, and to do so she plans her week's menu in advance and keeps a shopping list of things she needs. She subscribes during the summer to a Boston paper and also to the Falmouth Enterprise, published biweekly during the resort season. By comparing the grocery ads in the two papers she has noticed that the chain store prices and weekly specials are usually similar. By following the local paper she can also keep track of prices and special sales in the local markets. Thus Mrs. Econoberg is reasonably sure when she buys that she is paying no more than metropolitan prices. Whenever she is in the vicinity of Teaticket or Waquoit she buys fresh vegetables from the roadside stands at considerable savings over village prices. Except for an extra cost of 2 cents per quart on milk, she finds

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that her food costs are approximately the same as in Boston and slightly less than they are during the winter months at home in a college town in Pennsylvania. Although fictitious, the experiences of Mrs. Metropolk and Mrs. Econoberg are indicative of an important fact; namely, that a cost of living is a highly flexible concept. It can mean all things to all people. A family can have more than one standard of living—a very special one, in fact, for that part of their life spent in a resort. Thus it is far more rational to say, "The cost of living in Falmouth can be as much as xx per cent higher than in some other given locality." But, as long as local merchants encourage the idea by undiplomatic comments about "three months to make their year's income," and as long as the summer visitors fail to recognize that they have a different standard as well as cost of living for that part of the year which they spend in Falmouth, there seems little hope of laying to rest the bogey of discriminatingly high prices. But in spite of the fact that the summer people and the local people will probably never entirely overcome their antipathies and misunderstandings over prices and costs, these things will undoubtedly continue to improve themselves. Chief among the improving forces will be the increasing pressure of competition, tending to bring local prices more closely in line with those prevailing in near-by large cities. One very hopeful sign of bettering commercial relations is the fading of rumors about a two-price system. A few summer people still believe that somehow, behind their backs, the local residents can always buy the same goods or services for less than they have to pay. To assume that this could be done as a matter of general merchandising policy in a town as cosmopolitan as Falmouth is absurd. It is equally absurd not to realize that a Falmouth merchant (or any merchant, no matter where) will give his lifelong friends the benefit of the doubt when dealing with them. Thus, while it is highly improbable that friends of the grocer can buy bread for 9 cents instead of the 10 cents charged to strangers, it is altogether possible—and humanly probable—that a local friend of a hairdresser will get at least a few added pats and twists in her coiffure (and maybe a better price in winter) than will a rushed summer customer. The summer visitor who is willing to charge the local merchant with discriminating chicanery is probably the same fellow who chooses his own friends by how much they can get for him wholesale. In a year of careful observation the author was unable to find a single provable instance of the practice of a two-price system. Thus far we have been discussing "prices" in terms of highly subjective aspects; that is, in terms of what people thin\. As far as Falmouth's resort problems go these are important aspects. But under the smoke of prejudice are

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certain sparks of truth—certain economic facts as opposed to sociological attitudes. For example, it is a fact that, with certain limited exceptions, prices and operations in a chain grocery are identical with those in all other stores of that chain in the same area, whether in Falmouth, Boston, or Providence. The privately owned stores cannot long allow their prices to exceed those of the chains except in so far as price is offset by other services such as fancy quality, delivery services, or credit. Falmouth does have "quality" grocery, vegetable, and meat stores in which prices averaged 8 to 12 per cent higher than chain-store prices on the same articles. This was verified on successive price-comparison shopping lists checked for several weeks during the summer of 1940. These comparative prices are not unlike those prevailing in cities generally, where the neighborhood merchant and the fancy delicatessen depend on added services or de luxe merchandise to offset the competition of chain stores. Prices of nonfood items are less easy to compare, but they are also less important factors in the cost-of-living complaints of summer people. The cost of gasoline, which is one or two cents higher per gallon in Falmouth is an exception to this. Dealers plead, by way of excuse, that this added cost is necessary because of delivery from distant bulk tank stations. This is not the whole truth, but it is at least a better story for public consumption than admitting that the extra cost is due to that long period of low sales in the winter months—plus the fact that Falmouth has far too many gas stations for its population. It would not be economically unrealistic—although the suggestion might sound heretical to the townspeople—for the town to subsidize the local gasoline industry in order to lower the cost of this important vacation commodity. Such a gesture would be nothing short of astounding as a good-will advertisement. And on a proportionate tax basis the summer people would be paying three quarters of the cost. There are a number of other cost factors involved in the prices of different commodities in Falmouth. For example, one of the more common defenses of prices is high freight costs. This is largely a red herring as far as the cost of living issue is involved. There is no general answer to the freight problem. One cannot say, for example, that "freight costs in Falmouth are so and so much more than in Boston." However, there are certain secondary observations that can be made. On merchandise which can be brought into Falmouth in carload lots—cement, lumber, coal, fuel oil—there is no justification for higher prices based on freight costs. Freight charges are figured in terms of zones, and all of Cape Cod—plus Boston, Providence, and other such points—are in the same

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zone, especially for freight coming in from Western points. Falmouth consumers should bear this well in mind because the excuse, "extra freight costs," is used to cover a multitude of local price differentials. F o r general merchandise—groceries, dry goods, drugs—the situation is different. Between 60 and 75 per cent of these goods comes by truck from Boston, Providence, and Hyannis; the balance comes by express and parcel post. During the summer months particularly, a sizable amount of merchandise which normally would be trucked in is brought by boat from N e w Bedford and landed at Woods Hole. On merchandise trucked in there is a justified additional cost which can be attributed to freight. Even so, it is very small on most items—seldom exceeding 5 per cent of the retail price and usually less than 1 per cent. F o r example, the big grocery chains make a "book allowance" of 30 cents per hundred pounds on goods trucked in from Boston, but this price is absorbed by the parent company. On ordinary canned goods (and such commodities have a high weight in proportion to value) this would come to less than $.003 per N o . 2 can. T h u s if the price were raised 1 cent, the merchant would be making at least a 200 per cent gross profit on his "freight costs." A local drug company, according to verified records, paid $193 for freight on $61,800 worth of merchandise, or % o of a cent per dollar's worth. There is a trend now in progress for large wholesalers, and the chains in particular, to set up warehouses on Cape Cod, primarily at Hyannis. Since goods can be freighted to these warehouses on a zone basis at no extra cost, the truck distribution to Falmouth (25 miles) is scarcely in excess of the cost of routine trucking in a large metropolitan city. In general, three sources of competitive pressure are cutting down the tendency to add "freight costs" to Falmouth prices: 1 ) chains which absorb these costs; 2) nationally advertised goods and prices; and 3) mail-order houses. Oddly enough, it is the local trade rather than the more vociferous summer clientele which is applying these pressures. When a transient "grumbles but pays," no great mercantile harm is done; but when the local ladies at the sewing club start comparing prices in the new spring catalogue with those on Main Street, it's clearly a horse of a different color. Another cost of doing business is that of labor. By reasoning on a proportionate basis, the figures given for Barnstable County by the 1939 Census of Retail Trade, we can estimate the total annual payroll (1939) for Falmouth to be approximately $310,000. Unfortunately, the same source is virtually useless in estimating the number of summer or winter employees, inasmuch as it gives

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only an "average for the entire year" and has no separate figures, even as an average, for Falmouth. However, there are other quantitative and qualitative means of analyzing the labor situation. According to the results of the survey made by the author, as compared and checked against figures of the Board of Trade and available census material, the year round backbone of employment provided by retail establishments and other commercial activity which services the summer trade is between 200 and 250 persons. This does not include proprietors. Another 50 or 75 people are employed the year round as caretakers, gardeners, and general laborers by owners of summer property or by persons rendering such services. During the season these figures are roughly doubled. T h a t is, some 600 commercial or retail sales people are employed and perhaps a hundred extra gardeners or "grounds" laborers are employed. (Another 500 persons are employed in summer by the hotels and inns but their case is considered in the following chapter.) Let us assume, then, that private retail enterprise in Falmouth, not counting the hotels, employ 250 people in winter and 500 in summer. T h e next question in order of interest is, who are these extra summer employees ? Are they Falmouth residents or are they outsiders who simply come to Falmouth to work during the season ? Our survey indicates that the average retail establishment in Falmouth has 5 regular employees and 6 extra summer employees. However, of 100 such extras 31 were Falmouth residents and 69 were outsiders. This distribution for the strictly seasonal shops is even more in favor of nonresidents. This would indicate, therefore, that at least two thirds of the extra summer employment of this type goes to nonresidents. Certain details can be added to this general observation. First, it is not true of the "grounds" labor; the caretakers, nursery workers, and others of this type are, as might be expected, mostly local residents. But, unfortunately, there is now much less of this kind of employment than there was in the past. T h e era of "estates" in Falmouth is gone and with it has gone the need for people to care for elaborate grounds, stables, and otherwise to look after estates. N o w the bulk of the summer places are smaller holdings. A n d , incidentally, one of the reasons why many of them were bought was to afford the owner an opportunity to "putter about and dig in the dirt." These smaller holdings make work for the local carpenter, plumber, and radio repair man, but they are not employers of local labor generally. Moreover, in those instances where the summer residents have chauffeurs and personal servants, these are brought along as part of the transferred household. F o r example, among 20 summer families in Waquoit, 5 employed no extra domestic service; 3 families each employed one local worker; and 12 families brought

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along a total of 17 regular servants. In most instances where local household help is employed, this consists of part-time maid, cook, or cleaning service. It should not be implied, however, that because of the trend toward smaller and less elaborate summer homes, local employment has declined intrinsically. The point to be made is that local labor is used much less, proportionately, than formerly; and further, that the popular assumption—that the resort industry is a heavy employer of local labor—is not generally true. Of the summer residents who answered the questionnaire, 65 per cent indicated that they employed local residents as caretakers, household servants, and so on. In the course of a year the average summer family pays $152 for local labor of all types, as indicated by the chart, page 93. Considering all available statistics and local estimates, it is not likely that wages paid by nonresidents for local labor exceeds $200,000 per year. This applies to unskilled service and does not include professional and technical services. T o return to the main category of extra summer employment—that is, by commercial enterprises other than hotels—this employment goes primarily to one group—young people. At least two thirds of this extra summer force are nonresidents and not more than 25 per cent of them are adults in a family sense. Of the 70 high-school students questioned, 45 work during the summer in Falmouth, although probably not more than 25 local students have full-time store jobs during their vacations. The primary source of summer help, and this applies both to retail enterprises and to the hotels, are the hundreds of colleges and technical schools throughout New England, and even in the neighboring states of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. The reasons are quite obvious. The academic calendar is the perfect complement of the summer season; in fact the former is a factor controlling the latter. Moreover, summer jobs are always among the most highly competitive, particularly so since more and more students are working their way through college. What could be more natural than that these students should seek summer jobs of all kinds in a place like Falmouth where, even though hours may be long, there is some chance to get in a bit of seaside vacationing along with the work. Employers prefer this type of youthful summer help for two reasons. First, there are no hard feelings when the extra help must be let go in the fall. Secondly, strange students from outside are not as likely to have as many local distractions as would young residents. As specific examples of this practice, a large dairy which distributes milk in Falmouth hires college students as summer drivers for the primary reason that they can be dismissed in the fall with mutual satisfaction to both employee and employer. A local food market has

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several extra collegiate clerks during the summer. Whenever possible, freshmen are hired with a "gentleman's agreement" that they will return each summer until they graduate. A third local merchant employs college girls as summer clerks because, in his words, "they get on better with the summer folks." Another reason why local operators prefer college help is the matter of cost. In normal times, "summer jobs" are notoriously poorly paid as far as wages alone are concerned. But, when students can combine an opportunity to spend a summer at the shore they are not inclined to quibble over salary. Because of this happy circumstance a Falmouth restaurateur was able, in 1940 to get superior summer help for $20 a month plus tips. Even in jobs where no tips can be expected, $20 a week was a "good" summer wage. Many local people are well aware of this heavy importation of summer help and there is some intermittent resentment against it. This usually follows the thesis of "Falmouth for the Falmouthians," and decries the fact that much of the wage income of the resort industry is siphoned off the Cape and not spent locally. However, the amount of savings which the average summer employee manages to take home at the end of the season is not very great. It is extremely easy to spend money in Falmouth in the summer. This same siphoning aspect is true, and more vociferously voiced, about profits from summer commercial activity. As an example of the latter, one summer shop does a three-month business of some $40,000 but, except for rent on the building and living expenses for three months for the operators, Falmouth sees very little of the money. Relatively, the summer business is a disappointing source of wage income to Falmouth, although actually it is important. Probably not more than 250 local people, including students, obtain specific seasonal jobs as a part of the resort activity. On the other hand, there is not a job in the community, from that of a minister of the gospel to the work of a farmhand, whose regular employment and incomes are not seasonally affected. As an economic entity Falmouth is elastic rather than brittle. Its framework simply stretches and shrinks to fit the season. There are only a f e w local additions or substractions, and the commercial additions and subtractions tend to come and go with the summer people. As one local resident sees it, " W e play when other people are away at work, and we work when they come here to play." Another point which we should consider is that of proprietary stability. It might be presumed that, with such a strong element of seasonality and with only a luxury commodity to sell, the resort industry would have a very high

BUSINESS ENTERPRISE IN A RESORT

III

commercial mortality rate among its entrepreneurs. This has not been true in Falmouth. O f the enterprises answering the questionnaire, the average had been in business 17 years, and even this high average is influenced by the inclusion of a number of newcomers. One enterprise had been in operation 54 years, another 47, and six others for over 20 years. Only ten of these longestablished businesses have changed hands more than once, and seldom outside the family. However, it should be observed that few of these enterprises have always been primarily dependent on resort trade. Most of them have their foundations, along with the town, in the prespecialized era. Also, the survey did not include many more recently established stores and businesses which were dependent specifically on resort business—and which are now "not here to be surveyed." T h e mortality rate on newly founded businesses has increased in recent years. This is perhaps indicative of a new trend. Many of the going businesses survived because they grew up in a sellers market, relatively devoid of strong competition. T h u s they were able to survive seasonality and the other vicissitudes of luxury vendors. ( T h e hotels and inns are perhaps more truly representative in this respect.) One of the most obvious signs that this easygoing era has come to a close is the recognition, now painfully dawning on many of the townspeople, that outside operators have

finally

discovered

Falmouth's profitable resort business. Some call it "cream skimming" and others talk more technically of the "rapid outward velocity of profits," but they are all concerned with the same thing. Outside competition has invaded their sanctum. A l l of which is symptomatic of the fact that Falmouth is in a transition period. T h e town is coming of age as a more highly integrated, competitive economy. If local entrepreneurs and real estate men are realistic they will do well to expect a somewhat higher mortality rate on commercial ventures than has existed in the easy, laissez-faire past. Many progressive businessmen realize this factor and recognize it for what it is. For better or worse, a "new model Falmouth" is coming into being. T h e new order is most apparent in the vociferous decrying, on the part of old timers, of the iconoclastic "nickel plated fronts" appearing on Main Street. T h e old timers have a good point here. There is no excuse for progress interfering with the traditional appearance of the town. But, if retail efficiency is being achieved at the expense of the town's picturesque colonial appearance, the people have no one to blame but themselves—as expressed through their town zoning laws and Planning Committee.

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N o mention has yet been made of that important branch of business enterprise in any town—public utilities. There is adequate reason for this. Public utility operation in Falmouth, or the entirety of Cape Cod, or in virtually any other predominantly resort area, is almost sure to be a subject for special study. T o record the history, analyze the violently conflicting claims of the customers versus the operators of the Cape and Vineyard Electric Company and to arrive at any objective and accurate conclusions would require another study at least as extensive as this entire project. On the other hand the subject cannot be entirely ignored. What Falmouth's summer residents think of their utility bills is germane to our analysis. By the beginning of the 1900s, the Cape had partially solved its transportational problems, Falmouth especially, with its railroad to Woods Hole. But residential accommodations and services, particularly of the type demanded by summer residents, were still in the "dubious and uncertain" stage. This was particularly true of electricity. If an exceptionally fat seagull should land on the wires at Buzzards Bay, the Cape might be in darkness for an entire night and a Nor'easter could put the peninsula back into the kerosene-lamp era for a week or more. Local distribution of the power, once it had negotiated its uncertain way from the New Bedford power houses to the Cape, was equally unsatisfactory. In the absence of meters, power was sold on the basis of the number of 25-watt bulbs a customer had in use. Thus, whenever a visit from the electric-light man was anticipated, there was often a hasty secreting of extra lights and a replacing of large bulbs with smaller ones. The volume of electricity used was not taken into account, with the result that unnecessary lamps were left burning early and late. When, in the early '20s the Cape and Vineyard Electric Company took over the existing system, they not only acquired a decrepit patchwork of equipment but inherited a lot of bad customer habits as well. In an effort to put its house in order, the new company installed meters and also, as a means of spreading the cost of salvaging the status quo as equitably as possible, inaugurated an "area charge." This was a special assessment based on the outside dimensions of the house, less 10 per cent for wall space. Those who previously had been getting "something extra for nothing" (although at a high cost) by burning lights indiscriminately, met the new procedure with collective roars of protest that virtually shook every wire and pole in the system. But the ruling stuck and became the basis of all rate charges until October 1, 1937, when it was removed. In 1922 the company had a capital stock of $286,000 and a corporate deficit

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of $60,000. Plant investment was approximately $800,000. By 1938, a conservative policy of plowing back earnings and paying little or no dividends on either common or preferred stock had brought the company to a much healthier financial state. At this point the capital stock was $1,750,000 and bonded indebtedness an additional $1,750,000. By the end of 1939 the company's plant investment had reached $4,8oo,ooo.4 With a plant such as this the Cape now receives good mechanical service, but the company still has its problems—both with its equipment and its customers. Not the least of these is the mere fact that the company's rapid increase in capital value is de jacto evidence that it must be charging very "profitable" rates. "Why," some customers would like to know for example, "did the company pay dividends some years when it carried a 'corporate deficit' on its books ?" The area served by the company covers 464.9 square miles, of which 359.1 miles are in Cape Cod and 105.8 miles in Martha's Vineyard. The resident population of this area, according to the 1935 state census, was 36,901 (Cape 31,201 ; Vineyard 5,700). Of this total the company had in 1940,5 approximately 12,600 winter customers and approximately 19,300 summer customers (a seasonal increase of 53 per cent). On the basis of these population figures, Barnstable County has a population density of 93 per square mile, as compared with 520 per square mile in Massachusetts as a whole (1935 census). In order to serve its scattered territory, the Cape and Vineyard Company utilizes a 550 mile distributive system along which it has an average of 35 customers per mile in summer and 23 per mile in winter. During the winter months more than half of this equipment is "idle capacity." Thus the company not only has to contend with daily peak-load demand, but has a serious seasonal peak-load problem as well. In the Town of Falmouth the August load averages approximately 2.6 times that of the February average. Thus the February load is only 39 per cent of that in August.® The above is no necessarily approving historical account of the electric company per se. Yet, it has done an undeniably good job in bringing progressive functional order out of the chaos that previously existed. It was an expensive 4 Figures compiled from company reports as issued to the Massachusetts Public Utilities Commission. 5 Compiled from company records. β February and August are used as the " l o w " and " h i g h " months in numerous comparisons in this and the following chapters. This is " u n f a i r " to the extent that February is 1 0 % shorter than August. However, the use of February seems justified in that it is the month invariably used by townspeople in dramatizing their problems of seasonality. T h e reader can make his o w n proper discounts.

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RESORT

u n d e r t a k i n g a n d the customers have h a d to foot the bill. L i k e all bill payers they h a v e exercised their prerogative to protest l o u d l y — a n d w i t h results. O v e r the period 1926 to 1939 the c o m p a n y r e d u c e d residential rates 56 per cent. F o l l o w i n g are the charges for 50, 100, 200, and 300 k i l o w a t t hours a m o n t h f o r a n n u a l a n d s u m m e r customers o n the c o m p a n y ' s first residential metered rate e f f e c t i v e July 1, 1925, as c o m p a r e d w i t h the 1941 annual a n d s u m m e r rates : ANNUAL CUSTOMER

K.W.H. per mo. 5° IOO 200 300 5OO

Costai ¡925 rate

Costai '94' rate

S 5-75 8.75

* 4-34 7.04

15-75 20.75

9-54 11.54

31-25

15-54

SEASONAL C U S T O M E R

Reduction in per cent 2 4-53

19.54 31.49 44-39 50.27

K.W.H. per mo. 5° 100 200 300 500

Cost at '9*5 rate $ 9.83 J 5-33

30-33 37-33 53-33

Cost at '94' rate * 5-I4 8.04 12.04 15.04 19.04

Reduction in per cent 47.70 47-55 60.30 59-71 64.29

T h e 1941 schedule of rates per m o n t h w e r e as f o l l o w s : ANNUAL CUSTOMER

K.WJÍ. First 4 N e x t 16 N e x t 40 N e x t 40 N e x t 50 A l l over 150

Minimum Charge $.80 .09 .07 .05 .03 .02

SEASONAL C U S T O M E R

K.W.H. First 4 N e x t 16 N e x t 50 N e x t 80 N e x t 150 A l l over 300

Minimum Charge $1.60 .09 .07 .05 •03 .02

T h e s u m m e r customer's bill starts each m o n t h w i t h a n extra c h a r g e of 80 cents. T h i s additional a m o u n t is justified by the c o m p a n y o n the g r o u n d that it defrays the expense of m a i n t a i n i n g the meter, t r a n s f o r m e r service, a n d w i r i n g f o r the period of idle capacity. In this connection it is interesting to note that the c o m p a n y , in e x p l a i n i n g its o v e r h e a d costs, lays e m p h a s i s o n the heavy m a i n t e n a n c e cost of its seasonally idle distributive system. P r e s u m a b l y , then, either the a d d e d g e n e r a t i n g costs in s u m m e r are n o m i n a l or the c o m p a n y can obtain the extra p o w e r f r o m elsewhere in the N e w E n g l a n d g r i d w i t h o u t substantial cost. F r o m the first 4 K . W . H . on, it w i l l be noted that the s u m m e r customer's schedule declines at approximately half the rate of that of the a n n u a l customer. T h i s also is calculated o n the basis of the overhead cost of e x t e n d i n g the a n n u a l service to a seasonal user. A c c o r d i n g to the c o m p a n y , the a v e r a g e s u m m e r c u s t o m e r uses 75 K . W . H ,

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per month. Thus, this seasonal user pays $6.79 per month for electricity or $1 per month more than an annual user of the same amount of service. However, the company provides that after a customer has taken service for three consective months he is thereafter entitled to the same rate as regular users. In view of the prevailing situation these relative rates, as between regular and seasonal customers, seem reasonably equitable. It is to be doubted that the average three month summer customer would say very much about paying an extra dollar per month. Unfortunately, however, this is not the only comparison which the summer customer has to make. His main frame of reference is not the permanent resident next door, but his own utility bills which he pays back home during the other nine months. Let us, therefore, make some comparisons as between Falmouth and other localities from which the summer people come. In the chart below are given the monthly bills for 100 K . W . H . for Falmouth (seasonal rates) and for ten other cities which are the permanent homes of many of the summer residents.7 City

Bill for 100 K.WJi.

Albany, N.Y. $3-66 Baltimore, Md. 3.78 Boston, Mass. 4.90 Brockton, Mass. 4-35 Manchester, N.H. 5.00 New Bedford, Mass. 3.89

City

Bill for 100 K.WJi.

New Haven, Conn. $3.88 New York City (Manhattan) 4.7A Providence, R.I. 4.82 Washington, D.C. 2.61 Average of 10 cities

$4.16

FALMOUTH

$8.04

The summer resident of Falmouth pays almost twice as much as the average monthly residential user of electricity in the ten comparison cities. It is this type of comparison which makes life so painful for the Cape and Vineyard Electric Company. Needless to say it takes a lot of rationalizing, much more even than we have here set down, to explain to a resident of Washington, D.C., why he must pay $8.04 per month in Falmouth for the same amount of service that he gets for $2.61 at home. When his telephone and gas bill show similar tendencies toward inflation, he will be in a receptive mood to believe all manner of tales illustrated with phrases like "highway robbery," "two-price systems," and the like. He will neither be impressed by the fact that his yearround neighbor pays practically as much throughout the year as he does in the summer, nor by statistics proving that his rate has been reduced 47.55 per cent since 1925. The increasing number of rural-electrification projects built over the 7 Federal Power Commission, Washington, D.C., Typical Electric Bills, Cities of 50,000 Populaand over (Jan. 1, 1941), pp. 24, 25.

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country in the past decade—ranging from the huge Tennessee

Valley

Authority to the small "farm lines" erected by the Rural Electrification Administration—have added to the pressure on the Cape and Vineyard Company. There are many professional economists and technicians among Falmouth's summer residents who "know a thing or two" about utility company operations—holding companies, management fees, sinking funds, peak loads, utility grid systems, and rate-making techniques. Nothing short of constantly reduced rates will impress these customers. O f all vendors of goods and services in Falmouth the utilities are perhaps at the greatest disadvantage in public relations. T h e price differential is greater than on any other commodity which the summer people have to buy. Moreover, there is less opportunity for the utilities to meet their customers under circumstances conducive to education and mutual understanding. Perhaps the most unfortunate result of all is that the whole subject of costs, prices, standards of living, and other comparative criteria is dealt with in loose generalizations. A man who has just paid his light bill may tell you, on the spur of the moment, that the cost of living in Falmouth is 100 per cent higher than some place else. Other price factors such as uniform prices on chain store merchandise or on nationally advertised goods are not taken into account in such sweeping statements. Yet such is the gist of the folklore that grows up around life in a summer resort.

Chapter VI HOTELS, INNS, AND ROOMING HOUSES THE ECONOMIC HEART, or at least one of the commercially vital organs, of a resort such as Falmouth is the accommodations group, the hotels, inns, and boarding establishments, which provide recreational accommodations to the transient summer clientele. It is a moot, and not infrequently debated question, as to whether this group constitutes a more fundamentally important part of Falmouth's resort life than does the summer home-owning group. Actually the two are complementary and necessary to each other's existence. For example, dozens of people w h o now own summer homes in Falmouth first came to the Cape as guests of a summer hotel or a tourist home. Some place between the two groups, and belonging solely to neither, are the summer cottages which are rented rather than owned by their seasonal residents. Because of this relationship, one of the most common patterns of a family's sequence of participation in Falmouth's summer life is: first, to stay a season or two at a hotel; next, to rent a summer cottage for one or more years; and, finally, to buy or build a place. Thus, resort colonies like Falmouth Heights, Quissett, and Silver Beach are in part natural growth patterns about a hotel nucleus. But these complementary aspects work both ways. T h e more offspring the hotels have in the way of new summer owners, the more potential guests there are who, in turn, become acquainted with the town and its hotels. A s w e know, there is much more to owning a summer home, or to doing business in a resort, than ordinarily meets the eye. T h e same is true of running a summer hotel or even renting out rooms. L i k e a theatre-goer peering backstage, let us look into some of the inner workings of this part of resort life. Falmouth has a wide variety of accommodations, ranging from luxury resort hotels and a semi-dude ranch to small cottages with a spare bedroom to rent for the night. T h u s , in describing them we will have to limit our inclinations to use averages, or at least be careful in pointing out the relevance of given observations. At just what point a "hotel" shrinks to the size of an " i n n " is perhaps best left as a matter of opinion. At any rate, Falmouth had in operation during the summer season of 1940 twenty-six establishments which w e will lump together as "hotels and inns." Of these, three with 100 rooms or more are surely eligible to be called hotels. Largest of the lot—and reputedly the largest summer hotel on the Cape—is the Cape Codder with 125 rooms. N e x t in size

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are the Terrace Gables with n o and the Park Beach with 100. Then come the T o w e r House and the Quissett Harbor House with 65 rooms each, followed by three establishments having 50 rooms apiece—Coonamessett Inn, Oak Crest Inn, and the Silver Beach Hotel. T h e Breakwater Hotel at Woods Hole lists 40 rooms and below that there are 17 additional "inns" with a total of 340 rooms. Thus, the recognized commercial hostelries in Falmouth range from large and well-appointed resort hotels like the Cape Codder and the Terrace Gables to small lodges with 10 rooms—much like large boardinghouses. In fact there are several rooming and boardinghouses in town that have more rooms available—and perhaps do more business—than some of the recognized inns. This is a natural source of annoyance to the latter who must obtain licenses to operate. T h e 26 hotels and inns operating in 1940 had a total of 975 rooms. But there were also approximately 250 houses in Falmouth that took in summer visitors and tourists. These homes had an estimated 875 rooms available, or an average of 3.5 rooms each. Since this is only 50 fewer rooms than the combined total of the hotels, there is some question as to just who are the primary commercial hosts of Falmouth's summer visitors. T w o questions may readily occur to us, once we know the aggregate size of the several accommodational groups: ( 1 ) what were the dimensions of the seasonal business in terms of persons served; and (2) what was the gross income derived from it? Here we are up against some knotty problems of research. A s yet there are no census data available on a level sufficiently detailed for our purposes. However, by means of questionnaires (see page 180) and extended conversations with the hotel operators, plus a detailed survey of rooming house and tourist-home activity in Falmouth, enough data was gathered by the author to afford a few estimations and observations that will shed some light on the questions. W e have already noted that the 26 hotels and inns have a capacity of 975 rooms. Of these, six establishments with a total of 150 rooms are open the year round; whereas the other twenty operate for an average of 85 days or roughly from mid-June to the second week in September. Three of these open in late May, even though it is generally conceded, that "the season" is from the week of the Fourth of July until Labor Day. Those few that remain open during the winter are, with the exception of Coonamessett Ranch Inn, located in the town proper. These count on the abbreviated commercial traffic, plus the social meetings of local groups to defray their direct costs of operation. A n y additional income derived is just that much off the fixed overhead, the bane of all seasonal business.

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Confronted with a limited season, a constant room capacity, and having only services to sell—which cannot be stored or manufactured in advance and therefore are highly perishable—the proprietor of a seasonal hotel is haunted by his room chart and its fluctuating percentage of occupancy. Every day a room is empty there is a loss of potential but irretrievable income. Anyone who can think of ways to cut down this idle capacity will be assured of a warm welcome among hotel operators. The hotels and inns in Falmouth can usually count on a good month in July, particularly after the 4th; and a good August, which is the favorite vacation month among Falmouth's summer clientele. June and the first week in September are the doubtful periods, since an unseasonally cold June or a disagreeable Labor Day week end may mean the difference between a good and a poor year. A "flying start" in the early weeks of the season may clear away enough of the fixed overhead to permit a comfortable atmosphere in the proprietor's office for the balance of the summer. In 1940 several of the Falmouth hotels reported an occupancy of 15 per cent of capacity in June. Only two of those questioned had as many as 50 per cent of their rooms occupied. The general consensus among the local operators appears to be that 25 to 40 per cent of capacity is a good expectancy for June. Most proprietors consider June a "warming up" period for the Fourth of July week end. Occupancy figures for July are more optimistic. The figure most often reported was 75 per cent, although one small "family" hotel had a full house. Another, which stated that it catered particularly to "conservative" people, had only one third of its rooms full in July. The closing of schools, thus permitting family groups to vacation together, is a factor largely responsible for improved business in July. For this reason one Falmouth hotel, and two others to a lesser extent, orient their advertising toward attracting younger and nonfamily clientele in the early part of the summer, switching to family group advertising as the height of the season approaches. August, including the first week in September, is the "backbone" of the season. For this period the poorest occupancy rate reported was 50 per cent, and several hotels were operating at "near capacity." Ninety per cent full was the most frequent report. The actual pattern, during any given period, is usually made up of capacity week ends with a slackening off in the early part of the week when the highly transient guests move on to other resorts. Because of the varying size of the several establishments, the uncertain estimates of the number of customers served by each over the different months, and the hesitancy on the part of some operators to divulge information, it

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HOTELS, INNS, AND ROOMING HOUSES

is difficult to calculate the actual number of persons accommodated in a given season by Falmouth's hotels. However, subject to these limitations, it is possible to estimate this figure using indirect methods. Approximately half of the operators volunteered information about their season's activity and, f r o m such figures as total capacity, average occupancy, and length of stay, it is possible to obtain a general total. On this basis, and using several different methods as checks, a seasonal total of approximately 12,000 guests seems to be a reasonably accurate estimate of the hotel traffic in Falmouth for the 1940 season. However, this figure needs interpretation. Many of these guests were members of an established clientele and may have stayed the larger part of the whole season, while others—and a great many more in number—were only week enders. F r o m one hotel to another the type of clientele varies widely in its mobility. For example, one small inn stated that 95 per cent of its guests stayed one week or less, while another of similar size declared that only 5 per cent of its clientele were week enders and that 90 per cent of its guests had been with it all or part of at least two seasons. A third and larger hotel which makes a detailed analysis of its guests each year, found that 41 per cent of its guests were week enders (stayed less than a full week), while the average stay was 8 days. A second large hotel found that 12 per cent were week enders while 46 per cent were veterans of at least two seasons. This hotel's average length of stay was 1 3 days per guest. T h e average length of stay for the entire estimated 12,000 guests is approximately 10 days, but they seem to fall into three subgroups. T h e r e is first the "regulars," of which each establishment has a f e w and wishes it had more. These are the guests who come year after year and stay for long periods— many for the whole summer. One of the oldest hotels, the Quissett Harbor House, occasionally has three generations of guests in one family all registered at the same time—the grandparents having been present intermittently for forty seasons or more. T h e bulk of this regular and long-staying group is composed of elderly persons who have retired or who can take extended vacations from their regular pursuits These are the people w h o are the strongest potential buyers of summer residences. This is particularly true of the clientele of the Quissett House, the Cape Codder, and of the three larger hotels at Falmouth Heights. In fact some of the workmen who built the Cape Codder in 1898 have since become summer residents of the town. T h e second general category of hotel guests is made up of the one- and twoweek vacationists—people who make plans in advance to stay at a specific hotel and in many cases spend their entire vacation at the one place. Although

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their stay may thus be limited, many of these guests return a number of times to the same hotel. Some members of the group divide their stay between two different hotels. Others, who are more in the nature of clientele of the town of Falmouth than of any one of its hostelries, "circulate" among several hotels, especially over a period of years, and may even alternate between the hotels and the inns and private homes. T h e third general group is composed of the week enders or transients. In the main these are auto tourists on extended visits to the Cape or to N e w England in general, and who just "happen" to stop at a given hotel. Another large contingent of this group are the Friday-night-to-Sunday-night trippers from Boston, Providence, and other near-by points, many of whom will spend several week ends at a given hotel and then come down for a longer period during their vacation. According to the analysis of one hotel's guests, 60 per cent of its week-end guests live within a radius of 75 miles of Falmouth. This suggests other general group characteristics of the clientele of Falmouth's summer hotel population. Virtually all of the hotels find that the farther away the guest is from home, the longer his stay. This is especially true of the guest who orders reservations in advance and makes his hotel stay the main part of his vacation. This is only a special phase of the over-all changes that the automobile and other accelerated means of travel have wrought in resort hotel patronage. There was a time, not too far distant in the reminiscences of hotel operators, when guests arrived by rail, laden with trunks, and were met at the station by the hotel's coach (now replaced by a station wagon). After an extended stay, the trunks were packed and the guests returned to the city. N o w all is changed. The guests, for the most part, arrive in their own cars with a minimum of baggage—the bellhops are fortunate if there is enough of it to warrant a 25cent tip. But this high mobility on the part of the guest is of much more fundamental concern to the management than to the bellhop. If a spell of bad weather blows up, or for some other reason the guest becomes unhappy or dissatisfied, he can leave with the same speed and facility with which he arrived. If he lives in Boston he can be home in two hours, whereas a resident of Cleveland or Philadelphia might, under similar circumstances decide to stick it out until the sun came out again. For this reason some of the Falmouth hotels dismiss the Boston market with a once-over-lightly treatment and concentrate their advertising on the New York and Middle Atlantic area. Local hotel operators also find that from two thirds to three quarters of their clientele are women, although few of them seem to make any allowances for this fact in their advertising or their services. One operator who has done so

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notes that women's tastes are important things to bear in mind, especially in hotel decoration, service, and in making up advertising copy. A s has been suggested, there is also a difference in age groups over the season, a higher proportion of young people and nonfamily groups coming in June. Many of these are stenographers, clerks, secretaries and other white collar people, both male and female, who would rather see spring through a hotel than an office window. There is much democracy, both socially and economically, among the habitues of Falmouth's summer hotels, none of which are "luxury"' institutions in the Floridian sense. T h e highest daily rates in Falmouth are $ 1 2 a day, and the average is approximately $5, American Plan. Thus, with wide variation both in price and type of accommodations, a corresponding broad range of clientele is to be expected. Over a period of years one operator, who caters to no specific social or economic group and whose prices range from $g to $12 a day, has found that approximately 30 per cent of his guests are professional people—lawyers, academicians, government officials, and so on. Another 30 per cent are retired or have fixed incomes. T h e remaining 40 per cent are "white collared" folk and may include anyone who can (or does) afford $50 for a week's vacation in a resort hotel—or $1,400 for three months of the same. With an average of 3.5 rooms each, the private houses have a total of 875 rooms, almost as many as are available in the hotels and inns. A t times, for example on a particularly pleasant or a holiday week end, this impressive total may be so nearly filled to capacity that it is with considerable difficulty that late arrivals can find accommodations. In general however, the rooming houses are less occupied than are the hotels. June, 1940, was rather a poor month because of a late spring and an unseasonable fog and rain. During that month, when the hotels reported occupancies of 20 to 50 per cent (median 25 per cent), the rooming houses had occupancies of 10 to 25 per cent (median 18 per cent). In July the rooming houses had a median occupancy of 60 per cent, against 75 per cent for the hotels, while in August the ratio was 80 per cent for the rooming houses and approximately 90 per cent for the hotels. Against the average 10-day stay of hotel guests, the average for rooming house guests is about 3 days. But, like that of the hotels, the average has only limited meaning. Instead of an "average" guest the private home has two different general types of customers. T h e majority are the passing motorists w h o m we usually associate with the terms "transient" or "tourists." Tens of thousands of people motor around Cape Cod each summer, stopping at night in hotels or private houses. If they like a particular village, they may remain

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for several days. Another group of short-stayers in Falmouth's tourist homes are a duplicate, on a restricted economic scale, of the main week-end contingent of the hotels; namely, people from Boston and other near points who are on a brief outing at the shore. Private tourist rooms are also sought out by family groups, both for reasons of economy and because of a general hesitancy to take children to hotels. Many mothers from metropolitan areas like to rent rooms periodically in private homes in Falmouth during the summer so that their children can "enjoy the beach and the healthy atmosphere of a small town." T h e second distinct group among the clientele of the town's rooming houses is composed of those who come specifically for a seaside vacation of a week or two (or even for the entire summer). In this respect it is somewhat surprising to discover that a number of the rooming houses have more reservations in advance, proportionally, than does the average hotel. Because the tourist homes have built up regular clientele and have otherwise adopted hotel methods, there are frequent charges and countercharges of "unfair competition." Some of the commercial operators protest that the rooming houses should pay operating fees similar to the hotel and innkeeper's license. They imply also that because private room rates are less and services f e w , the rooming houses have "cheapened" Falmouth's clientele. One hotel owner, however, entertains the in-a-class-by-himself theory that there is no real competition between the two types of accommodations. In his opinion they have dissimilar services to sell. H e bases his belief on the theory that people frequent hotels for: 1 ) privacy; 2) a change from home; 3) cleanliness and service; 4) protection; 5) prestige; and 6) atmosphere. According to his analysis, people who patronize private rooming houses, on the other hand, are primarily interested in economy or handy accommodations for a night. If one tries to utilize a tourist room as a resort hotel, in this operator's opinion, it will cost just as much in the long run. He concludes, therefore, that there is no real competition between the two types of service and that there is room in Falmouth's economy for both. T h e author is inclined to agree with the conclusion, but to take exception to some of the assumptions made above. For example, not all patrons of tourist homes are interested in economy. In fact a surprisingly large number of Falmouth's "better" homes have paying guests during the summer. They do not have a shingle outside, saying "Overnight Guests" but they nevertheless have built up informal clienteles of well-paying customers. Their rates are higher even than are those of some of the hotels; from $3 to $7 per day, and up to $50 per week. T h e guests of this type of tourist home are primarily elderly

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people or persons o£ means w h o lead busy everyday lives and who want a quiet dignified place to stay while visiting the shore. Although private accommodations of this type are exceptions rather than the rule, there are nevertheless many homes in Falmouth, among them former residences of the village's "first families," which rent rooms at moderate rates and which have "cleanliness and service" considerably superior to that of the average resort hotel. T h e bulk of the 870-odd tourist homes in Falmouth rent for either $1 or $1.50 per person per day. In the way of accommodation they are just about what the-guest-bedroom-plus-maid-service

would be anywhere from

Portland,

Maine, to Portland, Oregon. While no detailed effort is made locally to estimate the number of people patronizing Falmouth's tourist homes during a season, there is reason to believe that at least 75,000 did so in 1940. This estimate is based on a sample survey, made by the author, of 50 tourist homes, or approximately one fifth of the total. 1 O n the basis of this survey, it appears that the average operator of a tourist home in the center of town or near the shore takes in nearly $500 in a season. A f e w with large homes may do a gross business of $1,000. T h e houses along the main highway but away from the village proper earn from $75 to $300 from strictly transient patrons. T h e total season's receipts by all types of tourist homes, was, in 1940, approximately $100,000. T h e hotel survey indicates, by comparison, that the gross annual income of Falmouth's hotels and inns for the same year was approximately $400,000. Of the two groups, the money taken in by the private tourist homes is much the more important to the town of Falmouth. This $100,000 might well be likened to a fine drizzling rain which falls on the whole town and soaks in. There is very little run-off. T h e income thus derived is used by 250 families to pay taxes, household expenses, and the minutiae of other local expenditures which go to make up the financial channels and velocities of a community. T h e hotel income, on the other hand, is more like several very localized thundershowers. With the downpour so concentrated there is a heavy financial run-off. In the case of a large hotel, owned and operated by nonresidents, the community erosion is great, since relatively little of the income remains in 1 It might be noted, parenthetically, that this was one of the most difficult parts of the entire study. Apparendy the operators of tourist homes are highly suspicious of their competitors or else they suspect that rooms-for-renters are in danger of being "organized." In spite of the omnipresence of the resort motif in Falmouth, there still seems to be some slight social stigma attached to "renting rooms." In any case the tourist's host is highly reticent about his operations.

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Falmouth. In order to trace with more detail the disposition of the gross income of the hotel business, we might examine their expenditures for such matters as wages and employment, and local purchases of supplies. W e have already noted that the hotels pay to the town of Falmouth some $15,000 a year in taxes. T h e y also pay additional sums for licenses, for water, and for other public and private utilities, and are heavy local buyers, relatively, of supplies (but not merely so much so as the supplying merchants would like). Virtually all of the hotels, inns, and restaurants buy provisions through Boston and Providence wholesalers and commission merchants. Some of the largest rooming houses also buy staples in case lots, but the rooming house operators, as a whole, are more likely to do their out-of-town bulk buying on weekly shopping tours to N e w Bedford. According to the survey, the hotels and inns buy from 50 to 75 per cent of their provisions outside, and the balance locally. T h e Falmouth purchases are primarily fill-in orders, local produce, and sea food. In general, the smaller the establishment the greater the percentage of its local purchases. D u r i n g the season of 1940, approximately 500 people were employed by the hotels and inns in Falmouth. Of these about 100 were residents, including the year round caretakers. T h e balance, mainly waitresses and bellhops, were nonresident students or youths interested both in a summer job and in an opportunity to spend their nonworking hours at the shore. T h e weekly earnings for 1940 of these summer employees, not including bartenders, chefs, or other professionals, ranged from $10 to $50 a week. However, of this amount the hotels and inns seldom paid more than $1 per day. T h e balance was tips. Board and room were also considered as part of the wages and were figured in at amounts ranging from $8 to $ 1 2 per week. There is, of course, no comparable labor group among the tourist homes, although much of the income received is "salary" to the members of the household w h o take care of the rented rooms. In terms of financial benefit to the community, however, this wage income is more important than are the hotel wages. Other things being equal, the hotels prefer nonresident help, particularly college students, to comparable native help. T h e primary reason for this, as previously suggested, is that less "employer responsibility" is involved. Moreover, many of the operators share the opinion that outside employees are "easier to manage" and that they are better adapted to serving the summer clientele. For example, many of the girls who serve as waitresses in Falmouth in the summer have similar winter jobs at college. Several local employers also

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HOTELS, INNS, AND ROOMING HOUSES

entertain the theory that nonresidents, being strangers in Falmouth, will not be so easily distracted from their work by social activities. This seems to be a highly fallacious social theory, as judged by local evidence. In an earlier chapter we traced briefly the individual history of most of Falmouth's resort hotels. All of them are at least ten years old, and in fact, almost all of the larger ones are more nearly fifty years old. They are in varying states of repair, from very good to very bad, with the central tendency slightly in favor of the latter condition. There seems little doubt that in the next decade, present trends continuing, several of the present hotels will have to be remodeled or new ones erected. Most of Falmouth's present hotels are "local institutions" rather than corporate enterprises in the commercial sense. Almost every one of them was started and nurtured along as a family holding, and eventually became a family heirloom. But heirlooms, as a rule, are more for show than for utility. Thus in most cases the rustic local color attaching to any given hotel is in need of some new commercial pigment. More modern ideas are also needed in the manager's office to cope with changing conditions. Some concept of potential changes that could conceivably envelope Falmouth's hotel pattern can be obtained if we compare Cape Cod as a resort area with Florida. There are approximately 2,500 resort hotel rooms in 400 square miles of area on Cape Cod as opposed to several thousand rooms per square mile in many modern Florida resort centers. Consider further that almost as many rooms are available in private homes in Falmouth as in the hotels. In the course of a season the number of guests runs to several times that of the hotels, yet without advertising. In fact, with the exception of two or three of the largest, advertising on the part of the hotels themselves is carried on mainly by word-of-mouth methods. But advertising, and the more inclusive function of merchandising, are activities which, in a resort such as Falmouth, affect much more than the hotels alone. They are problems of "resort marketing" as a whole.

Chapter VII RESORT MARKETING T o BORROW A definition from the experts, 1 marketing consists of "those business activities involved in the flow of foods and services from production to consumption." In an ordinary industry some of these "business activities," as applied to a product, would be: ι. 2. 3. 4.

Assembling Packaging Storing Standardizing

5. 6. 7. 8.

Merchandising Risk bearing Buying Selling

9. Market research 10. Advertising

T h i s list will repay close examination in light of what we have been discussing. It is immediately noticeable that many of these marketing functions simply do not fit the resort industry. More fundamental is the fact that the vast majority of the people who are entrepreneurs or employees of the resort industry do not consider it an industry at all. T o them it is simply the "summer business," or with even less exactness, the "summer people." T h e y have never thought about it in technical terms. T h i s is a useful and significant fact with which to begin discussing the subject of resort marketing; namely, that the people who operate it and gain their living from the resort industry do not recognize it as such. In actuality, it is a highly specialized industry, and rapidly becoming more so. T h e net effect of this anomalous situation is not unlike a baseball team on which the participants are all playing an individual game with certain limited gentlemen's agreements covering the cooperation necessary to execute a double play. T h e resort industry even though specialized, is a very scattered, loosely organized, commercial activity. These characteristics make it difficult to discuss in concrete terms. Under such circumstances, we might for the sake of clarity, consider the town of Falmouth as one complete unit of the resort industry. W e can then proceed on the assumption that the town is organized to turn out a finished product and has all the commercial subassemblies necessary to do this. This is not unrealistic since, in actual practice, Falmouth, as a resort, is a single producing unit no matter how loosely organized. Its finished product is vacations or recreation. During the season virtually all its commercial activity is devoted to contributing specific goods to the "total" vacations of individuals. T h e unfortunate feature of the situation from a merchandising point of view is that f e w if any of the townspeople, each of 1 National Association of Marketing Teachers, "Report of the Definitions Committee, 1 0 3 5 . " National Marketing Review, I, No. 2, 1 5 6 - 1 5 7 .

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RESORT MARKETING

w h o m is a part of this integrated industry, have ever looked on it, objectively, in this fashion. Although Falmouth's resort industry manufactures one general product— recreation—individual vacations will range from the quiet secluded summer home ownership of a retired couple to the night-club gaiety demanded by exuberant youths, and by perhaps a few of their elders. But, as far as Falmouth merchants are concerned, the routine consumer goods which they sell are all a part of this composite vacation product. Basically, the resort is selling a type of special service product compounded from a great variety of things: from elements of nature—marine climate, scenery and sporting facilities; from practically all types of durable and consumer goods; and from particular services like those of resort hotels, tourist homes, and boatyards. This special composite service good is the one product of Falmouth's resort industry as such. If we go back to our list of "marketing functions," we will immediately notice some unique aspects of this one product. For one thing it cannot be stored, and as a result, the "production" of the resort is doomed to a strict seasonality. Except for improving and repairing its facilities, both municipal and private, and otherwise preparing for a coming season, there is nothing a resort can do in the way of ofï-season manufacturing of its staple product. W h a t it can do, is to extend the season during which it sells its product. Moreover, vacations cannot be packaged, baled, boxed, or barreled—although they can be assembled. This assembling should involve the cooperation of all of the different people in the town who contribute something to the total demands of a visitor's vacation. Under present circumstances in Falmouth the guest will have to do his own "assembling." If he wants to buy a certain type of property, he will have to engage an agent or ferret it out pretty much alone, as far as municipal cooperation is concerned. If a guest of a resort hotel wants to go shopping in the village, or to the beach, and has no car, there is no choice but to walk or take the expensive alternative and call a taxi. T h e town as a whole does not see the profitable need for bus service to the resort colonies. Under such circumstances almost nothing is done in the way of standardizing Falmouth's resort product. N o unified effort is made to establish a grade, brand, prestige level, or reputation generally for a Falmouth vacation. T h i s would appear to have been a serious omission, and one which is discussed at length later under the heading of merchandising. Although a resort is primarily marketing a composite service, the process involved is the buying and selling of virtually every type of produce and service that people are in the habit of demanding in day-to-day living. In this

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129

connection the special problems of commercial enterprise in a resort have already been examined in preceding chapters. However, we might well reexamine some of these functions in terms of the total resort economy. This would be a novel experience for merchants who are accustomed to looking at resort problems only as these problems are visible over their individual counters. As an experience in objectivity, it would be akin to stepping out of a hollow tree only to discover that the tree is in the midst of a big forest. T h e first thing which a resort, thinking as a total going concern, should want to know about itself is, "What have we to sell?" Individuals in Falmouth have a reasonably good idea of what they have to sell—personal services, rented rooms, food, utilities, professional services. But as to what Falmouth can or should sell in the way of vacations, they are not so sure. They do, however, have some general reactions. Some of them hate trippers who litter the beach. Others dislike "exclusive" summer people who show themselves locally "only when they want something." Very few local people have gone beyond these subjective attitudes to the point of having any well-organized thoughts about what Falmouth, as a resort, should sell to its summer people; what recreational services it should specialize in; or to whom it should endeavor to sell these services as a primary clientele. In a very few years this type of question will be purely academic, for it will have become too late for Falmouth to decide its own fate in such matters. As a resort Falmouth is at an important turning point in its career. W i t h the acceleration of many forces of change brought on by the war and by the building of Camp Edwards, Falmouth will soon have become, irrevocably, either one kind of a resort or another. In general there are only two kinds of resorts which Falmouth can become: either a cheapened "Beach" type of highly commercialized shore point, catering primarily to hordes of transients; or, it can continue its original, but presently interrupted, trend toward a stable, predominantly residential, "family" resort, specializing in occupant-owned summer homes for professional or upper-middle class families. Many reasons in favor of Falmouth's choosing the latter alternative seem obvious to the author and to a number of civic-minded members of the community. W e know, that, as a resort, Falmouth had its beginning as a very highquality "estate" summer resort. Up until the first World War these large manorial holdings were the backbone of the local resort industry. It is to the extreme good fortune of the town that most of these estate properties are still intact. They have performed, over the course of time, three invaluable services: They caused a vast increase in property values and have paid several million

I30

RESORT MARKETING

dollars in taxes. As a nucleus and precedent, they have been instrumental in bringing a wealthy and cultured class of people to Falmouth, particularly as additional property owners. Finally, these large estates have remained intact, their successive owners refusing to sell, down to the present day. As a result, they have kept some of Falmouth's most valuable and desirable resort property off the market, thereby preventing many types of overcommercialization or other forms of misuse during the long period that the town proper has neglected its responsibility of guiding the development of the growing resort. Now, however, these holdings have played their insurance role to the end. One by one they are passing into new hands which, within the letter of existing zoning laws and other potential controls, could convert them to a number of cheapened commercialized recreational uses. A second force which, like the old estates, has lent an air of quality and dignity to Falmouth's resort development is the scientific colony in Woods Hole. T h e Marine Biological Laboratory has attracted hundreds of scientists and scholars to the town who have subsequently become summer residents. They, in turn, have induced others of their type to visit Falmouth. These, and other factors have set a strong precedent in favor of Falmouth seeking its destiny as a quality resort. If the town ignores this precedent, in favor of drifting into the role of cheapened, commercialized resort, it will end up no resort at all. Basically, Falmouth has nothing to sell except its Cape climate and atmosphere, an exceptionally large supply of sites suited to summer homes, and a valuable heritage of historic and cultural antiquity ranging from Sandwich glass to Revolutionary W a r cannon and "ship's bottom" roofs. These are exceedingly valuable resort assets, but they are also highly fragile, in a collective sense. Ironically, Falmouth as a community has done almost nothing to protect them. It has done no "resort merchandising." Before long it will be too late to start. Already Falmouth's picturesque colonial Main Street is beginning to look like a movie set of "Middletown." Presumably, it does not occur to the town planners that a supermarket or a "juke joint" can function just as efficiently behind a colonial façade as behind a resplendent sheet of nickel and glass brick. T h e foregoing is by no means all that Falmouth need take into account in deciding what it has to sell as a resort, but it is at least indicative as an approach to the problem. A correlative decision is: " T o whom does it want to sell these commodities of residential provinciality and marine recreation?" Only the haziest concept now exists among the townspeople generally as to the group characteristics of their clientele : who they are, where they live, or how best

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they can be reached and induced to buy what Falmouth has to offer. It is to be hoped that the present study will be of some service in answering these questions. For Falmouth and its resort entrepreneurs the prime use of the type of informational data which we have accumulated is in merchandising their products. And merchandising, says our previously quoted authority,2 is "the adjustment of merchandise to consumer demand." This being the case, there is room for a vast amount of adjustment in Falmouth, by the town itself and by most of those in it who have merchandise of any sort to sell to summer consumers. The resort, following its destiny as delineated above, can rather readily ascertain what it has to sell; namely, a specialty of high quality summer residential property, plus several appropriate sidelines such as history-enshrouded, picturesque, secluded but recreationally alive summer hotels, and the accompanying scenery, climate, and vacation facilities which the town affords. It does not have certain other "resort" goods such as great expanses of sandy (Coney Island) beaches, nor a carnival atmosphere that appeals most to highly transient revelers. Also, we now know in some detail, who Falmouth's resort consumers are. We know that, on the basis of our sample, 13 per cent of its summer residents are retired, that 21 per cent are professors or teachers, and that the bulk of the rest are businessmen and professionals. The survey showed further that 36 per cent of these families have incomes of more than $10,000 per year; 42 per cent of them earn between $5,000 and $10,000; that 15 per cent receive between $2,500 and $5,000; and that only 7 per cent earn less than $2,500. We know that 54 per cent of the summer families spend three months of the year in Falmouth, and that 14 per cent stay more than three months. Only 2 per cent stay less than one month. What is especially important, we know that 48 per cent, almost half, of the present summer residents came to Falmouth primarily as a result of friends and relatives. Other cogent reasons are given on page 45. We have also learned a number of things about the clientele of Falmouth's resort hotels. Apparently two thirds of the total are women. One Falmouth hotel has learned that two thirds of its total clientele are young people, although the year to year backbone of its clientele is made up of elderly people; and the older the guests the longer they stay. Forty per cent of this hotel's annual customers are "white collared" minor executives and clerical employees. At the beginning of the season the management slants its advertising toward "romantic" unmarried people. Toward the end of the summer it concentrates 2

National Marketing Review, I, No. 2, 157.

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RESORT MARKETING

more on its family clientele with very satisfactory results. T h e other hotels, through intelligent research, could find out as much and more about their own individual clientele. One general question to which we have not yet sought the answer is, " W h e r e do Falmouth's summer people come f r o m ? " T h e impromptu answer, based perhaps on the admixture of summer license plates to be seen on Main Street, is, " E v e r y w h e r e . " But a more exact answer is possible. D u r i n g the course of the 1940 season the author made areal distributions of the permanent addresses of four successive samples of 1,000 persons, taken in turn f r o m 1 ) hotel registers, 2) tourist-home record books, 3) nonresident tax bills (summer home owners), and 4) visitors to the aquarium in the Woods Hole fish hatchery. In examining the results, tabulated on the opposite page, w e should bear in mind that the "averages" have only limited significance since no accurate means is available of weighting, or attaching proper relative importance, to each group making up the average. Most important figures are those of individual rows and columns. T h e chart reveals a lot of very interesting information, some of which w e have already noted. It also points a number of new implications. For example, when a chi-square statistical test was applied to the data, it was noted that there were significant differences between 1 ) a given row and each of the other three rows and 2) between a given column and every other column. That is, the people w h o are property owners, as a group, have characteristics which are different in terms of the areas from which they come, from those of the group of tourist-home guests. T h e y are also significantly different, again in terms of their home areas, from either the visitors to the Aquarium or from the hotel guests. Also, there are significant statistical differences, for example, between all of the people from Metropolitan Boston and all of the people from Metropolitan N e w Y o r k , and so on. Unfortunately, the statistical tests will not tell us what these characteristic differences are. This is no great limitation however, since w e already have available enough data to discover many of the causal differences. T h e statistical tests are simply checks on our over-all conclusions. F o r example, we may be struck by the vast numerical difference between the number of people in all four groups, who come from Vermont, N e w Hampshire, and Maine and the number coming from L o w e r N e w England, not including Metropolitan Boston. Fully fifteen people visit Falmouth from the latter area for every one from northern N e w England. T h e geographic explanation is obvious enough; namely that the seaside resorts of the MaineN e w Hampshire coasts are immediately accessible to the people of the northern area. But even so, the actual distance to Falmouth is not great, and therefore

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APPENDICES III. W H A T A R E T H E P R O B L E M S O F A R E S O R T

COMMUNITY?

QUESTIONNAIRE NO. I.—FOR SUMMER RESIDENTS Will you aid in the solution of some of them by filling out the questionnaire below? It is part of a socio-economic study being made of Falmouth, as a research project at Columbia University. Y o u need not sign your name to the f o r m , and no commercial or ulterior use will be made of the information received. On the contrary', the results of the survey should prove useful in making Falmouth a better place in which to spend your summers. H o w many years have you been a summer resident of Falmouth? H o w long during the season (June ist-Sept. ist) is the family here? the family?

The head of

H o w many non-season week-ends?

H o w many members in the family?

H o w many servants living in?

H o w many guests do you have during the summer? H o w did you happen to select Falmouth for your summer place? D o you own , or rent your summer place? If you now rent, are you considering buying a summer place in Falmouth? If an owner, would you sell your place for what it has cost you? Would you recommend the purchase of a Falmouth summer place to friends? What percent of your friends here are local people? . . ^ people as compared with those of your home town?

H o w do you like the local

D o you join, or participate in the activities of, any local clubs during the summer? D o you attend any local church?

D o you vote or participate in any way in the

local government or civic affairs? D o you employ any local residents as servants, caretakers, etc. in summer? F o r how long?

In winter?

For h o w long?

H o w much do you pay

them? What means of transportation do you use to and from Falmouth? What equipment have you here in the summer? Cars: Number Boats: N u m b e r Kind

Kind

What are favorite forms of recreation of the family? ( i ) (a) A r e the local facilities adequate? What new recreational facilities do you think Falmouth should have?

ω

H o w much do you estimate that you spend locally during the year f o r : Maintenance of property (other than taxes) or for rent Food (not including restaurants and club meals) Clothing Services (laundry, cleaning, etc.) Servants (both temporary and permanent) Automobile (gas, oil, garage, repairs, etc.) Recreation (sports, clubs, night clubs, etc.) Miscellaneous Total Local Expenditures

$

$

What percent of your summer shopping do you do in : Hyannis ?

N e w Bedford ?

What percent of your summer needs do you bring with you or order from home, or f r o m N e w Y o r k , Boston, or elsewhere off the Cape? H o w does the cost of living in Falmouth compare with that in your home community? % Higher

% Lower

Same?

A r e local shopping facilities and services satisfactory? D o you think the local tax rate is a fair one, considering the services received ? What is your occupation? Under $ 2 , ; o o $2,500-$5,000

Please check the income class in which you fall. $5,ooo-$io,ooo Over $ 1 0 , 0 0 0

Comments concerning your Falmouth vacadons ( " p e t peeves and p r a i s e s " ) —

179

APPENDICES

QUESTIONNAIRE N O . 2 — F O R

BUSINESSMEN

The following questionnaire is part of a socio-economic study being made of Falmouth as a Columbia University research project. The aim of the study is an analysis of the problems of a resort community. The form need not be signed and the information received will not be used for any ulterior or commercial purpose. Your cooperation will be very helpful and greatly appreciated. This survey is being made with the knowledge and approval of the New England Council and the Falmouth Board of Trade. Type of business: (grocery store, garage, restaurant, etc.) Length of season: Opening date

Closing date

Year round?

What is your best estimate of the percentage of your annual business which is derived from summer residents and transients? What percent of your total annual sales is done in each of the twelve months?

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F

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A

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What is your average inventory for: July?

February?

If these figures arc not available, by what percent do you estimate that your July inventory exceeds that of February? What are your average operating expenses for: July?

February?

Or; by what percent do those of July exceed those of February? Do you operate at a loss for any of the winter months m order to stay open? How many year-round employees have you?

How many extra summer employees?

How many of the latter arc local Falmouth residents?

Non-residents?

What are the average weekly earnings of a regular employee?

A summer employee?

Where are your main sources of supply? What percent of your stock do you obtain by: Freight? Truck? Parcel Post? Other?

R. R. Ex.?

Do you have to pay freight charges in excess of charges on similar goods delivered in Boston? ; if so, how much? Do you rent or own mer or the entire year?

your store premises? If you rent, do you rent for the sum-

How long has your establishment been in operation? How many times has it changed management?

Number of years under

present management? Are the present owners residents of Falmouth? Are any expansions of plant planned for the near future? General comments on summer business, policies, competition, or other problems—

ι8ο

APPENDICES QUESTIONNAIRE N O . 3 . — F O R H O T E L OPERATORS

The following questionnaire is part of a socio-economic study being made of Falmouth as a Columbia University research project. The aim of the study is the analysis of various problems of a resort community. You need not sign the form and no commercial or ulterior use will be made of the information received. Your cooperation will be very helpful and greatly appreciated. This survey is being made with the knowledge and approval of the Falmouth Board of Trade and of the New England Council. Length of season: Opening date

Closing date

Total guest capacity

Total guests last season

Percent occupied : June

July

Year round?

August

Summer season

Average length of stay per guest Rates: Daily

Weekly

Season

Average bill per guest What percent of your guests are "week-enders" or stay less than one week? What percent of these return one or more times during the season ? What percent of your guests have been with you all or part of at least two seasons? Do you cater to any particular economic or social group in soliciting your clientele? Have you noticed any changes in your clientele in recent years (e.g. in service demanded, spending habits, social status, length of stay, etc.)? Total number of employees Year round employees

Extra summer employees

How many of your employees are Falmouth residents?

Non-residents?

What are the average weekly earnings of an employee (including tips) ? Do employees get board and room ?

At how much is this valued in terms of salary ?

How much do you spend locally for food and supplies? How much do you spend direcdy for advertising?

Outside Falmouth? What media do you use?

How much do you contribute to the advertising funds of: Hotel Ass'ns? Chambers of Commerce?

Other agencies ?

How long has your establishment been in operation? H o w many times has it changed management?

Number of years under

present management? Are the present owners residents of Falmouth? Arc any expansions of plant planned for the near future? General comments concerning future of hotels in Falmouth, competition, policies, etc.—

APPENDICES

Ι8Ι

QUESTIONNAIRE N O . 4.—FOR HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS Age

Sex

Where were you born?

Grade Your Father?

Your Mother?

How many states have you been in other than Mass.? Where is the farthest place from Falmouth that you have been? Do you plan to live in Falmouth after you complete your education? If not, where do you plan to go? Are you planning to go to college?

Other graduate schools?

Where? What are your choices of activities in life: First? Do you work in Falmouth during the summer?

Second? At what?

Does any member of your family gain employment from Falmouth's summer business? How? How many friends do you have among the young people of Falmouth's summer colony? Have you made any lasting acquaintances among them? Has associating with them made any changes in your plans for the future?

How?

What do you like most about living in Falmouth? What do you dislike about it? If you had your choice where would you prefer to live?

Why?

Assuming you were to earn $500 (over your expenses) the first year after graduation, what would you do with it? General comments about life in Falmouth as a Summer resort, the summer visitors, etc

INDEX Academic calendars, significance to resort season, 38, 109 Acapesket, 18, 33, 55, 56 Accommodations group, 117-26; see entries under Boarding; Hotels Actors a n d stage people, 28, 30 Advertising, word-of-mouth value, 36, 4;, 136; hotel, 121, 131; should be broadened, 139; inadequate: notable exception described, 160 f. Agassiz, Louis, 25 Agriculture, location of f a r m land, 7, 32; earliest, 10, 152; objective of Coonamessett Ranch, 20, 169; migration of farmers, 32, 35, 156; agrarian era past, 52, 141, 167; land n o t forced o u t of use by resort activity, 52; h o w m u c h a solution to resort p r o b l e m ? 166-70; maps a n d other studies, 167 f.; crops raised: income, 168; other products: m a n - m a d e limiting factors, 169 f.; value of lands a n d buildings, 169 Airport, 148, 162, 171 "American Business Activity Since 1790," 16 Amherst, 67; comparative data, statistics, 6586 passim, 153 Animal husbandry, 10, 168, 169 Ascssment, property: revaluation d u r i n g the twenties, 33; a d e t r i m e n t to conversion of houses to all-season use, 56; valuation p a t terns a n d taxes, nonresident holdings, 58-86 passim (see also T a x e s ) ; valuations a n d assessments by ownership groups, 62 f.; of ten towns compared with Falmouth's, 65, 67; reasons f o r dissatisfaction of nonresidents: vague a n d uncontrolled policy, 67 ff.; state instructions as g u i d e : petitions to T a x Appeal Board, 70; system of district valuation, 71; remedial alternatives suggested, 72 IT.; better method would serve a public relations purpose, 140; a proved case of discrimination, 163 Atlantis, research ship, 26 A u b u r n , 66; comparative data, statistics, 6586 passim, 153 August, " h i g h " m o n t h , 113η Automobile, influence, 34, 3;; popularity: n u m b e r a n d makes of cars used, 45; traffic regulation: parking, 76, 85; importance n o t appreciated by townspeople, 85 Aviation, 45, 161 f., 171 Awashonks, Queen, 12, 16 Baird, Spencer, 25 "Bankers R o w , " 25, 37

Barnstable, 10, 20 Barnstable County, census figures for, 9 0 , 107; population density, 113; income f r o m agriculture, 168; see also C a p e C o d Bars a n d n i g h t clubs, 46, 154 Baseball, 46 Beebe family, land holdings a n d homes, 14, 29. 5 « . 5 5 Belvedere Plains, 21 Berries, 168, 170 Biennial Survey of Education, 147η Big Sippewissett S w a m p , 29 Billerica, 6 6 ; comparative data, statistics, 6586 passim, 153 Biological laboratories, 25 f.; see also under Marine; Oceanographic Boarding a n d / o r r o o m i n g houses, n u m b e r : size, 118, 122; competition with inns: licenses n o t required, 118, 123; occupancy figures: types of customers, 122; prices, 123; n u m b e r s a c c o m m o d a t e d : income, 124 Board of T r a d e , 91, 108, 179, 180 Boats, pleasure, 6, 20, 165; n u m b e r : types o w n e d , 48 Boggs, Francis M., 13 Booklets, advertising: h a v i n g collector's value, 160 Boston, distance to, 6 ; people f r o m , 13, 14, 33» 3 6 . 4 4 . »33. ' 3 4 ; Beacon Hill assessments, 70 B o w e r m a n house, 29 B o w m a n , Isaiah, quoted, 6 Branch stores, 95 Breakwater Hotel, 25, 118 Browditch, Earnest, 3 0 " B u g H u n t e r s , " 26 Bureau of Fisheries, 25, 26, 49, 173η, 174« Business enterprise, 90-116; seasonality: retail trade, 9 0 ; stores a n d unincorporated p r o prietors, list, 91 ; a n n u a l business derived f r o m s u m m e r residents: their expenditures, 92 ff.; idle capacity: seasonal pattern, 9 4 , graph, 9 5 ; s u m m e r , chain a n d branch stores, 94 ff., 106, 107, 110, 169; year-round businesses, 96 f., 100; competition a n d its effects, 97 ff., 111 ; shopping in outside towns, 99, 125; lack of efficient methods, 100; local price situation, 101 ff.; freight a n d other cost factors, 106 f.; labor, 107 ff.; proprietary stability, n o ; n e w era beginn i n g , m ; public utilities, electricity, 11216; hotels, inns, boarding a n d r o o m i n g houses, 117-26; proposals f o r a fair-tradepractices agency, 159

INDEX

184

Businessmen, questionnaire, data from, 91, 92 ff. (text of q., 179) Buzzard, R. G., quoted, i j Buzzards Bay, 5, 7, 10, 25, 19, 33; development, 26

and capitalization, ; ; ; see also under names, e.g., Penzance Colonists, see Residents, summer Competition, business: and its effects, 97 ff., m Coonamessett Lake, 20, 21, 167 Coonamessett Ranch, 20 f., 27, 169; the Inn,

C a m p Edwards, use of Coonamessett Ranch land and facilities, 21; map location, 23; transitory influence, 34, 57, 76, 96, 97, 129,

143,

144,

155,

157,

161

Camps, children's, 19, 31, 165 Canton, 66; comparative data, statistics, 6586 passim, 153 Cape and Vineyard Electric Company, 112 ff. Cape Cod, Falmouth's location and area, 3; physiography, 5, 6 f.; migration away from, 32, 35, 156; census findings, 90, 107; electric service, 113; compared with Florida as resort area, 126; income from agriculture, 168 Cape Cod Advancement Plan, 160 f. Cape Cod and Vicinity, 1882, 53η Cape Cod Canal, 6, 10 Cape Codder Hotel, 29, 117, 120 Cape Codders, characteristics, 37, 42, 49 f., 150, 151; Falmouth residents descendants of, 42; see also Residents: permanent "Cape Cod Gets a War Boom" (Craig), 34η, 144» Cape Cod Legends,

160

Capitalization of property developments,

54,

55 Census of Retail Trade, 90, 107 Cesspools, 81, 83 Chain stores and restaurants, 96, 98, 99, 106, 107,

169

Chamber of Resort Commerce, 158 Chappaquoit, 7, 29, 33, 36, 60, 61; purchase price of Island: increased value, 30, 36 Children, camps, 19, 31, 165; summer visitors, 46; effect of resort influences upon resident youngsters, 146 Churches, 14. 10, 24, 31; affected by seasonality, 145 Cleveland Trust Co. Charts, i 6 n Cliffs, the, 7. 30. 33. 55. 6 ° Climate, 7-10, tab., 9, 10, 162, 163, I73"75 Clubs, recreational, 62, 63, 145 f. College and university people, 25; see Professional and scientific groups; Students Colleges, see Educational institutions Colonial style buildings, 135 Colonies, names and development of, 12-37 passim; "ultra" residence sections, 12, 25, 29 f., 60, 61; "Scientific Colony," 25, 26, 36; depreciation, 31, 33; local promotion

21,

118

Cost of living in Falmouth and other localiocs, 101 ff. Costs, see Prices Cottage industries, 166 County Agent, 170 Cowasset, Camp, 31 Craft, pleasure, 6, 20, 48, 165 Cranberry industry, 168 Crops, 168 Crowell, Horace, 24 Davisville, 18, 33, 52, 55 Depreciation of colonies, 31, 33; property valuations, 33, 71 Depressions, effects, 2, i 6 , 33, 34, 156, 170 Deyo, S. L., 10», i m , 13«; quoted, 15 Dimmock, General, 11 Dracut, 67; comparative data, statistics, 6586 passim, 153 Drapers, the, hotels operated by, 17, 19 "Dude Train," 12, 15, 29, 34 Early History of Falmouth (Jenkins), i o n Education, aspirations of resident youth, 147 Educational institutions, persons connected with, among summer population, 25, 28, 3 ° . 36. 38; resort seasons influenced by calendars of, 38, 109; school expenditures, tab., 85; students from, the primary source of summer help, 109, 125, 148; see also Schools, private Edwards, Camp, see Camp Edwards Electricity, service and prices, 112-16 Elizabeth Arden branch store, 96 Elm family, 20 Employees, see Labor Enterprise, Falmouth, 19η, 2on, 24», 30»; excerpt, 162 Enterprise, see Business Estate properties, earliest, 13, 14, 51; services performed by, 54, 129; era gone, 108; passing into new hands, property intact, 130; Cape passing from summer estate to summer home era, 160 Evaluation, see Assessment Exclusiveness, 51, 61, 142 Falmouth, maps, frontis., 22 f.; location, 3; why selected for case study of resort town,

INDEX 3, 4; study based on original research, 3; resort industry its specialty and largest source of income, 4, 170; problems stemming from factors of seasonality and admixture of social groups, 4, 38-61; population figures, 4, 32, 37, 39 f., 42, 49, 62, 1 1 3 , 152, 176 t. (see entries under Population); physiography, 5-10; area, 5; accessibility, ; , 13, 36; accidental and unplanned aspect of its development, 5; weather, 710, tab., 9, 173-75; òde range, tab., 10; historical development, 1 0 - 1 2 ; occupations formerly tried, 10, 1 4 1 , 165; history of, as summer resort, 12-37, 51 ff.; founding fathers of summer home business, 1 3 f.; developments that had to precede "resort industry," 14; hotels and other accommodations, 17-30 passim, 40, 1 1 7 - 2 6 ; summer colony sections, 2 1 , 32; farms and wasteland, 32; quantitative aspects of growth: its history from an economic position, 32 ff., 51 ff. (see entries under Assessment; Property; Real Estate; Taxes); qualitative aspects and trends, 34-37; transitory influence of Camp Edwards, 34, 57, 76, 96, 97, 129, 143, 144, 1 5 ; , 157, 1 6 1 ; length of season: factors determining length, 38 ff.; sociological problem : social frictions, 40 ff., 50, 87, 138, 140-56; one of wealthiest towns in state: taxable property value, 4 1 ; two major economic problems: solutions sociological, 4 1 ; racial groups, 42; Portuguese, 42, 52, 68, 92η, 151-54, 169, 170; "morality" issue of bars and night clubs, 46, 1 5 4 ; townmeeting form of government, 50, 88; pattern of property valuation and taxes, 58-86 passim (tab., 176 f.); at crossroads in her resort growth: probable future, 6 1 ; question of nonresident participation in local government, 62, 87-89; manner in which revenue spent, ten-town statistical comparisons, with tab., 64-86 passim, 1 5 3 ; dissatisfaction and suits against, for abatements and revaluation, 69, 70, 7 1 ; municipal expeditures: benefits of nonresidents from, 73-87; protection of persons and property, 75 ff.; relief pattern and expenditures, 85, 1 5 2 f.; business enterprise, 90-116 (see entries under Business); competition and its effects, 97 ff., 1 1 1 ; cheapening and commercializing tendencies, 98, i n , 130, 1 3 5 , J 5 7 ; price situation and relative cost of living, 101 ff.; labor situation, 107 ff., 125, 148, 1 5 2 , 166; public utilities, electricity, 1 1 2 - 1 6 ; need of standardizing its product, 128; of considering what it has to sell, 129, 1 3 1 ; resort assets: forces that have contributed to qual-

185

ity and dignity, 130; need of public relations program, 138; economic and social benefits appraised, 140 f.; signs of summer clientele deterioration, 143, 155, 157; opportunity and necessity to control own destinies, 143, 156, 1 5 7 ; social life of residents, 145; viewpoint and objectives of youth as disclosed in school questionnaire, 146-51; relief and welfare, 1 5 2 f.; recent population and social trends, 155 f.; Resort Council, proposals for, 158 ff.; significance of aviation, 1 6 1 ; possibilities for extending season, 162 f. ; possible by-products for summer business, 164 ff.; agriculture, 16670; conclusions concerning, 170-72; people (see Residents) Falmouth Arms, 29 Falmouth Cliffs, 7, 30, 3 3 , 55, 60 Falmouth Heights, 12, 52, 57, 1 1 7 ; real estate development, 16, 53; steamboat line: hotels: size, 1 7 ; property evaluation, 33; Worcester people developed and live in, 36, 134 Falmouth Heights Land and Wharf Company, 16 f., 18, 33 Falmouth Nursing Association, 84, 145, 148, 159 Farming, see Agriculture Farm Security Administration, 169 Fay, Joseph Story, 24, 25; founding father of Falmouth's summer home business, 1 3 , 3 ; Fay estate, 1 3 , 25, 26, 5 1 , 55 Fells, the, colony, 24 Fenneman, Ν. M., 6n Fertilizer factory, Pacific Guano Works, 1 1 f., M . 25 F H A financing, 56 Filenes of Boston, 96 Fire protection problems and expenditures, 75, 77-79; bearing on insurance rates, 78, 8 1 ; water supply costs, 80 Fisheries, Bureau of, 25, 26, 49, 1 7 3 η , 174« Florida resort area and Cape Cod's, a comparison, 126 Fonda, Henry, 30 Forest Physiography (Bowman), 6η Freeman, Frederick, 3 m \ quoted, 10 Freight costs, 106 f. Gansett Woods, 26, 33; exclusiveness, 61 Garbage disposal, 83 f. Garden Club, 145 Geoffrey, Theodate, ion, 14η, ι6η, 17η "Geography of Cape Cod" (Buzzard), 1 5 « Glacial History of . . . Cape Cod, The (Wilson), 6n Gladstone Inn, 17

INDEX Glass making, local industry, n , 12 Golf, 24, 27, 146 Government, see under Falmouth Grace Memorial Chapel, 20 Guests of colonists, 46 f. Gulesian estate, 21 Halliday House, 24 Hammond House, 27 Hatch, Jonathan, 167 Hatchville, village, 8, 174 Health Department, 82, 83, 84 "Highfields" estate, 29, 51 "Highways of New England" (Dean), 35" Highway system, 6, 35; expenditures: mileage of surfaced and gravel roads, 84; nonresidents do not get their money's worth, 85 History ion History

of of

Barnstable Cape

Cod

County . . . (Deyo), (Freeman), 10η, 32η

History of Falmouth, development of, 6, 1012; as summer resort, 12-37 Hog Island, 30, 36 Holland, Joseph, 28 Hopson, Mr. and Mrs. C. L., 17 Hotels and inns, history of development: most important ones, 17-30 passim; length of season, 38, 118 f.; average length of guests' stay, 40, 120; number of rooms, 40, 117, 126; valuation and taxes, 62 f.; resort growth patterns stemming from, 117; number: size range, 117 f.; seasonality and finances, i i 8 f f . ; questionnaire to, 118 (text of q., 180); competition of rooming and boarding houses, 118, 123; group characteristics of clientele, 120 ff., 1 3 1 ; advertising, 121, 131; rates, 122; age: states of repair, 126 Houses, the great estates, 13, 14, 51, 54» 60, 108, 129, 130; oldest houses still standing, 27, 29; heating facilities, all-season use, 45, 56, 163; number in Falmouth: condition and valuation of resideat and nonresident, compared, 68; assessment policy re improvements and maintenance, 71 f.; value of nonresident buildings, tab., 176 Howard Johnson's chains, 96 Human Habitats (Huntington), 8π, 164η Hyannis, shopping center, 96, 97, 100; warehouses, 107 Hydrant renuls, 80 f. Idle capacity, problem of, 94, 97 Incinerator, public, 83 Incomes and earnings of resort customers, 131 Indians, 12, 16, 18, 42

Indian Summer, value of, 10, 162 Industries, sequence of early, 11 f., 35, 141 "Inn, The," 30 Inns, see Hotels and inns Insurance, fire, 78, 81 Jenkins, C. W., ion Jenkins Cottage, 27 Juniper point, 24 Katy Hatch's Hill, 24 Kiwanis, 1 4 ; Labor, demand for vacations with pay, 1 ; servants, 46, 108; annual payroll, 107; analysis of summer and winter situation, 108 ff.; student helpers: their salaries, 109 f., 125, 148; Portuguese group, 152 Laboratories, 25 f.; see also under Marine: Oceanographic Landscaping, 13, 30 Land Study Maps of . . . Falmouth, 167 Laundry, 94, 98 Lawn Fete, 145, 159 Lawrence, H. V., 13 Liquor, licenses, 39, 154; sales places, 46, 154 Little Harbor, 24, 60 Mail-order business, 100 Main Street, losing picturesque appearance, i n , 130, 135 Mansfield, 66; comparative data, statistics, 6586 passim, 153 Manufacturing, 11 f., 141, 165 f. Maps, Falmouth, frontis., its towns and surrounding waters, 22-23; Camp Edwards, 23; need of a master zoning map, 71, 72 Maravista, 18, 33, 55, 56 Marine Biological Laboratory, 38, 82, 130, 148, 164; history and development, 25, 26; residential colony, 26 f., 36 Marketing, defined: applied to resort industry, 127; processes involved merchandising vacations or recreation, 127-39 Martha's Vineyard, 5, 6, 36, 113 Massassoit, Camp, 19 Mayflower House, 29 Megansett, 31, 33, 36, 52, 57, 60, 167 Megansett Association, 31 Menauhant, 18, 19, 33, 52, 60, 80 Menauhant Land and Wharf Company, 19 Merchandising, see Marketing Migration away from Cape, 32, 35, 156 Mills, water-power, 11 Moors, The, 24, 55 Morality, 154, 155

INDEX Nantucket, 6 Nantucket Sound, 5 "Naples of America," 12 National Marketing Review, 127», 13 m Negroes, 42 New Bedford, 1 2 , 99, 107, 125 New England, vacation industry and income, 2; vacation area, 3 New England Council, 160, 179, 180 Newspaper, local, 139 New York, distance to, 6; people from, 36, 44. 1 3 3 . "34 Nobska Point, 5, 24 Northampton, statistics, 75 North Atlantic coastal resorts, water temperature, ode range, tab., 9, 10 North Falmouth, 33 Nursing Association, Falmouth, 84, 145, 148, 159 Oak Crest Inn, 17, 1 1 8 Occupations, of summer colonists, 2 ; , 38, 43; choices of resident youth, 147 Océanographie Institute, Woods Hole, 26, 38, 164 Old Colony Railroad, 12, 14, 1 ; Old Silver Beach, 30, 33, 55 Park Beach Hotel, 17 Parking facilities, 76, 85 "Peeves" of summer residents, 135, tab., 137 Penzance Point, 7, 33, 55, 167; fertilizer factory on, 1 1 , 36; development, 24; property devaluation through tax appeal legislation, 70 Permanent residents, see Residents, permanent Peterson, John R., 29 Physiography of Falmouth, 5-10, tab., 9, 10, 173-75 Physiography of the Eastern U.S. (Fenneman), 6η Pickwick House, 1 7 Planning, need for: what resort planning should consist of, 157; Resort Council organization and functions, 158 ff. Planning Board, State, 65, 72; set of land study maps, 167 Planning Board, Town, i n , 158 Police, privately employed, 25, 61; functions: expenditures for, 75-77 Pond Colonies, 7, 18 f., 33 Ponds, forty-two salt and fresh, 16, 18, 19, 20, 24, 29η; springs in, 8 1 ; draining of sewage into, 82 Population, permanent 4, 32, 39; summer, 4, 39, 62, 176 f.; transient, 37, 49; racial groups, 42, 1 5 2

l87

Portuguese, population, 42, 1 5 1 f., 1 5 2 ; farming, 52, 1 5 2 , 169, 170; houses, 68; low living standard, 92η; political influence of, 153 "Praises and peeves" of summer residents, tab., 137 Prices, competition and its effects, 97 ff., i n ; cost of living in Falmouth and other localities: problem of group discrimination, 1 0 1 ; also a problem of standard of living, 1 0 3 - ; ; two-price system, 105; "quality" and chain stores, 106; nonfood items, 106; cost factors, 106 ß.; labor, 107 ff.; electricity, 1 1 4 t. Professional and scientific groups, 25, 28, 30, 36. 38, 1 3 0 , 142, 163, 164; probable participation in town government, 88 "Professor's Row," 25, 26, 36; see also Professional and scientific groups Property, total value of taxable, 4 1 , tab., 176; pattern of evaluation and taxes, 58-86 passim (tab., 176 f.) (see also Assessment; Taxes); expenditures for protection, 75 ff.; value of farm lands and buildings, 169; see also Real Estate Protection of persons and property, expenditures for, 75 ff. Public relations and advertising, functions and methods examined, 159 ff. Questionnaires, texts, 178-81; for data from, see Businessmen; Hotels; Residents, summer; Students Quissett, 27, 60, 1 1 7 Quissctt Harbor House, 27, 1 1 8 , 120 Racing Beach, 28, 33, 55 Railroad, transportation by, 6, 1 2 , 14, 45; "Dude Train," 12, 15, 34 Rainfall, 8, 175, tab., 173 f. Real estate, first holdings bought for summer estates, 1 3 t . , 5 1 ; prices, 16, 30, 53; commercialized developments, 16 f., 20, 24, 30, 53, 55 f.; no boom in Florida sense, 33, 53; nonresident property values, 33, 53, 67 t. (tab., 176 f.); effect upon, of Camp Edwards, 34; total value in 1940, 4 1 ; use of farm lands, 52; patterns of development up to World War, 52-54, 55; after War, 54 ff.; direct capitalization by owners, 54; increase in valuations, 54, 55; pattern of property valuation and taxes, 58-86 passim (tab., 176 f.); boom brought on by World War II, 82; beneficial effects of large estates, 130; see also Assessment; Houses; Property; Taxes Recreation, marine sports and facilities, 6, 20, 27, 28, 3 1 , 48, 146; golf, 24, 27, 146;

INDEX

188

Recreation (Continued) d e m a n d f o r baseball a n d n i g h t c l u b s , 46; favorite types, listi, 47 f . ; clubs, 62, 63, 145 f.

Retired persons, 163

Relief pattern, 152 f . Residences, see Houses

R o b i n s o n , Isaac, 167

Residents, p e r m a n e n t : n u m b e r of, 4, 32, 39; characteristics, 37, 42, 49 f., 150, 151; s o ciological attitudes and social frictions, 37, 40 f., 50, 142 if.; winter m o d e o f life, 92η, 14;; clubs and other activities, 1 4 5

Revolutionary

War,

10

Roadhouses, 46, 155 R o a d system, 6, 35, 85 Rockefeller ginia,

restoration

of Williamsburg,

Vir-

135η

Rooming

and boarding

houses,

see

Board-

ing . . . Rotary

Club,

145

Rural-electrification

projects, 1 1 5

s u m m e r : n u m b e r of, 4, 39, 62, 176 f . ; first to c o m e , 13, 14; property values, 33, 53, 67 f., tab., 176 f.; where m a j o r i t y f r o m , 33, 36 f., 44, 132-35 (residence distribution chart, 133); attitude o f townspeople t o w a r d , 37, 50, 142, 144; social and e c o n o m i c patterns, 38, 42-49, 130 ff., 158; average size of f a m i l y , 40, 46; questionnaire, data f r o m , 43 ff·, 4 9 . 6 7 . 93 f·. i ° 9 . ' 3 5 . » 3 7 . 1 5 ° . 158 (text of q., 178); length o f stay, 44, 1 3 1 ; pattern of evaluation and rate on properties o f , 58-86 passim (tab., 176 t . ) (see entries under Assessment; Property; Real estate; T a x e s ) ; group most likely to furnish bulk o f f u t u r e clientele, 60; question o f participation i n local g o v e r n m e n t , 62, 8789; attitudes toward t a x rate and assessments, 67; municipal benefits enjoyed: whether they get full value for w h a t they pay, 86, 140, 141; annual outlay: business derived f r o m , 92 ff. (see under Business) ; incomes and earnings, 131, 158; four k i n d s of reasons f o r c o m i n g t o F a l m o u t h : criticisms a n d praises, 135-39; pursuits o f young people, 146; influence upon resident youth, 146, 148, 151; increasing n u m b e r of retired persons, 163 transient, trippers defined: their n u m b e r and length o f stay, 37, 49; cause o f traffic increase a n d problems, 76; their relative importance i n resort life, 117 Resort Council suggested: organization a n d functions a s a municipal body, 158 ff.; m a n y N e w E n g l a n d towns primarily s u m mer resorts, 2; problems o f a d j u s t m e n t arising o u t o f dual life, 2, 4; study o f , based o n original research: why F a l m o u t h selected, 3; history o f F a l m o u t h as, 12-37; significance o f academic calendars, 38, 109; length and t i m e o f season, 39; problem o f m a r k e t i n g a resort industry, 127 ff.; i m portance o f one-man-tells-another type o f influence, 136; planning, 157 ff.; advertisi n g m e t h o d s , 160; see also Falmouth Restaurants, c h a i n , 96, 98 Retail enterprise, see Business

Saconesset, 29, 33 S t . B a r n a b a s C h u r c h , 14 Salaries, municipal employees, 74, 75; annual labor payroll, 108; s u m m e r student helpers, 110, 125; siphoned o f f the C a p e : local res e n t m e n t , 1 1 0 ; o f resort customers, 131 Salt m a k i n g , 35 S a n d w i c h , glass m a k i n g , 12 Sanitation, sewage, 81-83; garbage disposal, 83 f. Scenic value o f shore line and landforms, 7 S c h o o l , local: free water supply, 80; expenditures, tab., 85; results o f questionnaire to students of, 146-51, text, 181 Schools, see Educational institutions Schools, private: c o m b i n e d with hotel i n t o a

single enterprise, 164 f . Scientific C o l o n y , 25, 26, 36; see also fessional and scientific groups Scientific institutions, 25 f.; see also

Prounder

M a r i n e ; Oceanographic Seapit, 37 Season, factors d e t e r m i n i n g l e n g t h : m o n t h s covered, business d o n e p e r m o n t h , 38 f . ; town's e c o n o m i c and social life oriented by, 40; possibilities f o r extending, 162 f . S e l e c t m e n , T o w n , 70, 74 Servants, 46, 108; see also L a b o r S e w a g e , 81-83 S h e e p , 10, 16 Ship captains' homes, 6 , 11 Ships and shipping, 1 1 , 35, 165

Ships'

Logs

and Captains

Diaries

of Old

Cape Cod, 160 S h o p s , see Stores S h o r e line, striking features: scenic and recreational values, 7 S h o r e resorts o f N e w E n g l a n d , 3 Silver B e a c h , 7, 30, 33, 36, 52, 53, 57, 117, 143, 167 Silver B e a c h H o t e l , 3 1 ,

118

Sippewissett, 28 S m i t h , G . E d w a r d , 16 Sociological problems and attitudes, 40 ff., 50, 87, 138,

140-56

INDEX

189

Soil Classification Map, 167 Soldiers, 1 5 5 ; see Camp Edwards South Hadley, comparative, 65-86 passim, 1 5 3 ; data, statistics, 66 Spencer, 67; comparative data, statistics, 6586 passim, 1 5 3 S u g e lines, colonial, 14 Standard of living, rise in, related to leisure time and vacations, 1 ; relation to costs, 105 Steamboat service, 1 7 Stores, summer, 94, 98; branches, 95; chains, 96, 98, 99, 106, 107, 169; year-round, 96 f.; income of summer shops siphoned off the Cape, 1 1 0 Strawberry crop, 168, 1 7 0 Students, summer employment: salaries, 109 f., 125, 148; questionnaire, data from, 1 4 6 - ; ! (text of q., 1 8 1 ) Suckanesset (Geoffrey), ion Sullivan, Margaret, 30 Summer camps, resorts, vacations, etc., see Camps; Resorts; Vacations; etc. Summer Cape Codder, 43η Summer residents, see Residents, summer; Residents, transient Surf Drive, 84

Transportation media and facilities: railroad, 6, 12, 14 f., 34, 45; water, 6, 14, 17. 34. 45; automobile, 34, 35, 45, 76, 85; airplane, 45, 1 6 1 , 1 7 1 ; freight, 106 f. Trees and local vegetation, 7 Trippers, 3 7 ; see also Residents, transient Truck crops, 168 T V A Recreational Committee, 160

"Tanglewood," estate, 1 4 , 29, 51 Tax Appeal Board, 70 Taxation and Corporations, Sute Bureau of,

Waquoit, 7, I I , 20, 33, 60 Waquoit Bay, 5, 18, 20, 37 Waquoit Yacht Club, 146 War, change accruing from, 129, 1 6 1 Water system and supply, 78-81; rates schedule, 80; charges against Fire Department, 80 f.; quality of water, 81 Water temperatures, tab., 9, 174 Water transportation, 6, 14, 1 7 , 34, 45 Weather, 7-10, tab., 9, 10, 173-75 Webster, Daniel, 20 Webster House, 24 Week-ends, "non-season," spent in Falmouth, 44 Welfare expenditures, 85, 1 5 2 f. Welsmere Inn, 18 West Falmouth, 29, 30, 3 3 , 35 Whaling industry, 6, 1 1 , τ 8, 3 5 Whitman, Professor, 25 Wild Harbor, 30, 3 1 , 60 Williamsburg, Va., restoration, 1 3 5 Winchendon, 66; comparative data, statistics, 65-86 passim, 153 Winter, climate, 10, 163; use of summer homes during, 45, 56, 1 6 3 ; social life of Cape Codders, 145 Woods Hole, 5, 6, 33, 60; fertilizer factory and development following, 1 1 f f . (see also Penzance Point); church, 1 4 ; resort development, 24 f f . ; scientific institutions and col-

65 Taxes, rates, 41, 58, 68; pattern of property valuation and taxes, 58-86 passim, tab., 176 f. (see also Assessment); nonresident attitude toward rate, 58, 67; manner in which spent, statistical comparisons, with tab., 64 tt.; proportion paid by nonresidents, 64, tab., 176 f.; tax appeal litigation, 69, 70 f.; remedial valuation alternatives suggested, 72 ff. Tea ticket, 7, 167 Temperatures, 8, 10; tab., 9, 174 f. Tennessee Valley Authority, 1 1 6 Terrace Gables, hotel, 1 7 , 19, 1 1 8 Tewksbury, 66; comparative data, statistics, 65-86 passim, 153 Theatre, summer, 30 Tides, mean range, tab., 10 Topography, 6 Tourist homes, see under Boarding Tower Hotel, 16, 1 1 8 Town-meeting form of government, 50, 88 Towns compared with Falmouth, statistics, 64-86 passim, 153 Townspeople, see Residents, permanent Traffic, handling of, 76, 85 Transients, see Residents, transient

United States Travel Bureau, r Universalists, camp meetings, 19 Utilities, 1 1 2 - 1 6 Vacations, significance as economic factor: vacation industry's status as big business, I, i f . Valuation, property, see Assessment Vehlen, Thorstein, 60, 146 Vegetables, selling, 169, 1 7 0 Vegetation, local, 7 Vineyard Sound, 5, 36 Vineyard Sound House, 1 7 Vocations, see Occupations Voters, municipal, 153

190

INDEX

Woods Hole (Continued) ony, 25 f., 130; professional and other groups in, 25, 26, 36, 163; sewage, 82; commercial fishery, 165 Woods Hole Océanographie Institute, 26, 38, 164 Woods Hole Women's Club, 145

Woods Hole Yacht Club, 146 Worcester, people from, 16, 33, 36, 134 World's Fair Corporation, 160 WPA, 153 Yacht clubs, 20, 27, 28, 146 Youth, see Students