Facets of Urbanisation: Views from Anthropology 9781443878869, 1443878863

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Facets of Urbanisation

Facets of Urbanisation Views from Anthropology Edited by

Sumita Chaudhuri

Facets of Urbanisation: Views from Anthropology Edited by Sumita Chaudhuri This book first published 2015 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2015 by Sumita Chaudhuri and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-7111-7 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-7111-2

Dedicated to the memory of Parents Amiya Kumar Ghosh Arati Ghosh

Parents-in-Law Rajen Chaudhuri Subrata Chaudhuri

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface........................................................................................ix Introduction ..................................................................................1 Sumita Chaudhuri The Marginal People in the Urban Context Sumita Chaudhuri

.........................................7

Migration and Adaptation: A Study of the Padmashalis in Bhiwandi, Thane ........................................................................................ 18 Anjali Kurane and Ashok Bhairi Onslaught of Urbanization on the Structure and Function of Family and Marriage ............................................................................... 40 Aritra Samajdar and Jesurathnam Devarapalli Paradise Lost: Mass Migrations of the Western Hemisphere ................. 59 Talbot Rogers, Alyson Lerma and Corina Escoto Urbanization and Migration in India: An Observation through Gender Perspective ................................................................................. 74 Suchismita Sen Chowdhury The Percentage of Scheduled Tribes in the Urban Population of Tripura from 1961 to 2001 ........................................................................ 92 Malabika Das Gupta The Living Conditions and Struggle for Survival of Slum Dwellers at Indira Gandhi Nagar, Chennai ................................................... 110 Thambi Durai Thangaiel and Jesurathnam Devarapalli Colonized Physical and Mental Space and Conflicts in Cities ............. 123 Sanjay K. Roy The Indian Family in Urban Space ................................................ 149 Mohit Rajan

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Sustainable and Efficient Organizations: The Case of Handcrafts Microbusinesses in Southern San Sebastian............................................ 158 José G. Vargas-Hernandez Mega-urbanization in Eastern Kolkata: Vision and Reality .................... 167 Jenia Mukherjee and Amlan Roy Contributors ............................................................................................. 185 Index ........................................................................................................ 187

PREFACE

I An International Conference on ‘Mega-Urbanisation and Human Rights: Emerging Challenges and Opportunities’ was organized in Kolkata (Calcutta), India, in 2011. It was jointly organized by Commission on Urban Anthropology, Commission on Human Rights of International Union of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences (IUAES) and the Department of Anthropology, West Bengal State University and sponsored by Indira Gandhi Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya, Anthropological Survey of India, Indian Council of Social Science Research, Indian Council of Medical Research, Indian Museum and Centre for Alternative Research in Development. We received 124 papers from Bangladesh, Chile, Mexico, USA, Canada, Greece, Turkey, UK, Nepal and different parts of India. These papers were presented in 20 sessions, organised on different aspects of urbanization and human rights. The present volume includes 11 articles exclusively dealing with different aspects of urbanization presented in different sessions of this international conference.

II The editor records with appreciation, the support received from Indira Gandhi Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya, Anthropological Survey of India, Indian Council of Social Science Research, Indian Council of Medical Research, Indian Museum and Centre for Alternative Research in Development. It was possible to organize the conference successfully only through the active support of students and faculty members of the Department of Anthropology, West Bengal State University and members of Centre for Alternative Research in Development. I am grateful to Professor Ashoke Ranjan Thakur, the then Honourable Vice-Chancellor of the University, for his keen interest, kind guidance, financial support, as well as active participation. We are also grateful to Professor Asis Kumar Banerjee, former Vice-Chancellor, Calcutta University for delivering the valedictory address and his keen interest and kind guidance. I am thankful to all the delegates from various parts of the world for their active participation. Special thanks are due to Dr Subir Biswas, Co-Convener of

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the conference for his valuable help and contribution to organise the conference. I am grateful to Dr. Sovan Chakraborti, Mr. Ranjit Karmakar, Mr. Chandan Bej and Mr. Samik Ray for help and support in connection with the preparation of this manuscript. My husband, Prof. Buddhadeb Chaudhuri also helped me immensely in the context of this publication. The final manuscript and related materials were prepared while I was in Bridgewater, NJ, USA with our son, Soumyadeb, daughter-in-law, Chandreyee and our sweet, kid grand-son, Swapnil. I sincerely acknowledge their loving inspiration. Finally I am also sincerely grateful to Cambridge Scholars Publishing, UK for taking the responsibility to publish the volume. Sumita Chaudhuri

INTRODUCTION SUMITA CHAUDHURI

I The International Union of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences (IUAES) is the highest body at the global level that concerns itself with all types of anthropological studies. There are several Commissions under IUAES that deal with the study, research, conferences and publications on different issues. The present edition is an outcome of an international conference organized by the Commission on Urban Anthropology, the Commission on Human Rights and the Department of Anthropology, West Bengal State University, in collaboration with the Anthropological Survey of India, the Indira Gandhi Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya, the Indian Council of Social Science Research, the Indian Council of Medical Research, the Indian Museum and the Centre for Alternative Research in Development. This successful international conference was held from February 14–16, 2011 in Kolkata, India. We received 124 papers from our valued participants in Bangladesh, Chile, Canada, Greece, Mexico, Nepal, Turkey, UK, USA and different parts of India. The theme of the conference was Mega Urbanization and Human Rights—Emerging Challenges and Opportunities. Irrespective of geographical regions and political boundaries, the papers addressed many contemporary topical issues concerning human problems today and we are publishing a few of these papers in the field of Urban Anthropology.

II The trend of urbanisation started with the onset of industrialization in the late eighteenth century. The mode of production prior to urbanisation was mainly through rural agriculture and small-scale home-based farming. Industrialization brought in factories, which turned out to be the new means of production, drawing the attention of many enterprising rural people to migrate into the cities and seek available opportunities as factory

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Introduction

labourers to earn a living. However, as the communication network had not yet been developed, for many workers the commute from the countryside or outskirts of the city was either too far or too expensive, owing to which many of them moved closer to the factories. Some of the workers who moved in from their rural homes even lived in work dormitories within the factories themselves. This surely paved the way to urbanization in the years to come, covering a period over three centuries. Today, in any economy, cities are a major source of economic activities, employment opportunities and prosperity, due to which labourers continue to arrive from rural places. The present volume covers the different facets of urbanization and includes cultural adaptation, migration and its various aspects, gender distinction in the context of urbanization, the growth aspect among the Scheduled Tribes in the urban population, slums, urban space, entrepreneurship in the urban context and the urban environment. We are grateful to all those who shared their experiences and observations with us and it would indeed be our utmost pleasure to include all of their papers in the present volume. However, owing to some obvious limitations, we are presenting only eleven papers so that the abovementioned issues concerning urbanization can be fully covered. The pace of urbanization is fast in most developing countries, including India. To be precise, urbanization does have social, economic, political and environmental implications. There is no denying the fact that in developing countries today, it is primarily due to rapid urbanization that the increasing importance of mega cities and the gradual decline of small towns comprise the general global trend. Unfortunately, this trend has serious socioeconomic and environmental implications and needs critical analysis. However, there are exceptions to this general trend, and in some mega-cities the pace of growth has reduced to some extent, indicating significant rural development in the region. This raises a fundamental question—while dealing with the issue of urban development, should we restrict our observation only to the urban context, or should it be studied in a wider context, considering the regional perspective? Is it possible to conceive urban development in isolation from regional growth? In the context of cities, where society is essentially heterogeneous or pluralistic due to the presence of many ethnic communities, the process of urbanisation is further complicated because for many of the immigrants residing in the city, the shifting base involves not only transcending large physical distances but also additional cultural barriers associated with alien languages and different regions.

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The term “pluralistic society” denotes a society consisting of a number of communities. The lines of plurality may be drawn along one or several factors such as race, religion, caste, class, language, nationality, subregional differentiation and so on. All large societies have had to find ways of coping with these diversities in their compositions and the possible strains that they might have given rise to in the economic, social, political and religio-cultural spheres of life.

III The first chapter of the volume by Dr. Sumita Chaudhuri is entitled “The Marginal People in the Urban Context,” wherein an attempt has been made to discuss a category of urban poor—the beggars. The problems faced by this class of people who are at the bottom of the existing socioeconomic groups in India need careful attention from anthropologists, as they need the right kind of support to construct and preserve their own society and culture under extreme conditions of economic deprivation. The class of beggars is mainly the result of the creation of urbanization, which has helped in attracting greater numbers of people—especially the landless—from the rural areas where, with a population increasing with every passing day, there are less work opportunities for them. Usually, those that are illiterate and do not want to work as unskilled labourers take to begging as a profession. The purpose of this study is to understand the changing patterns of lifestyles and activities of the beggars over time in the urban context. The next chapter by Professor Anjali Kurane and others is on migration and adaptation. In this paper, “Migration & Adaptation—A Study of the Padmashalis in Bhiwandi, Thane,” the authors have examined the need to migrate from one place to another. It has been pointed out that in the wake of modern circumstances and life conditions, more and more people are required to migrate from their native homes to new places. As they settle after migration, they come across alien cultures and new conditions of life. However, if they wish to develop themselves and weave a new story of success, it would be in their own interest to adjust and adapt themselves to the new life situations. Only this adaptability will help them to continue in their respective spheres of life and activities in the new land. In this chapter, the authors present the case of the Padmashali community of Andhra Pradesh, discussing at length the reasons propelling their migration from their native land into Maharashtra and examining in detail how they have adapted to the alien culture of the people in the new habitat

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Introduction

while continuing to preserve their own socio-cultural, religious and occupational identity. Urbanization is a continuing process in modern times and more and more places are coming under its influence. The next chapter, “The Onslaught of Urbanization on the Structure and Function of Family and Marriage,” is an attempt to point out the ill effects of urbanization. The authors, Dr. Jesurathnam Devarapalli and Aritra Samajdar, show that urbanization has actually gained ground owing to the inrush of migrants from rural areas. They rightly point out that people from rural areas have been lured to the towns and cities by the innumerable job opportunities in the form of unskilled labour and daily wages. However, in spite of the money-earning opportunities, this class of migrants faces certain unforeseen problems which, in the long term, affect their personal lives. The authors conducted an extensive study on the changes that have taken place in the structure and function of (i) the family and (ii) the institution of marriage among the migrant rural settlers who now live along the railway tracks in Baidyabati, which makes for interesting reading. This study highlights the difficulties and problems of most modern-day migrants, many of whom are labourers and daily wagers without much educational background. In the next chapter, “Paradise Lost—Mass Migrations of the Western Hemisphere,” Professor Talbot Rogers, Alyson Lerma and Corina Escoto focus on mass migrations, pointing to the major immigrations into the USA from Europe, Asia and Latin America since the 1620s. The chapter is a study of the immigration patterns into the United States, particularly from the countries south of the Mexican border, and includes a discussion on the major problems that migrants confront after migrating here, which leave them disillusioned. The volume also includes a chapter on urbanization and migration by Dr. Suchismita Sen Chowdhury, through which she identifies the prevailing gender bias against women. Even as the author explains urbanization and its rapid growth in India, in “Urbanization and Migration in India—An Observation through the Gender Perspective” she portrays the urgency of women migrating from rural to urban areas for, in most cases, work opportunities. In the process, the author analyses the extent of discrimination against women, especially in respect of payment of wages and other fringe benefits, and stresses the importance of regulating policies promoting women’s causes and ensuring proper standardised wages for them. The process of urbanization has been gaining ground in most places around the globe. However, the author of “The Percentage of Scheduled

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Tribes in the Urban Population of Tripura 1961–2001,” Professor Malabika Das Gupta, shows that there are still some places where the response to the call for urbanization is inadequate. She is referring to the tribal population of Tripura in northeast India, whose presence in the urban scenario is negligible even after sixty-five years of independence. The state does have a sizeable number of tribals among its population. However, although several development schemes have been launched in the state since independence, most tribals in the state have not been able to benefit much from them, mainly because the scheduled tribe population has opted to live in groups in the rural surroundings instead of relocating to urban places. In fact, there are many tribals in Tripura who have relocated their base from the city to rural places. It is true that there have not been any significant studies or research on this trend, either in Tripura or elsewhere in India, yet the author of the present study discusses the possible reasons behind this undesirable trend and urges the immediate need to address the situations that could have led to it. The contribution by Dr. Thambi Durai Thangavel and Dr. Jesurathnam Devarapalli, titled “The Living Conditions and Struggle for Survival of Slum Dwellers at Indira Gandhi Nagar of Chennai,” is equally interesting as the authors make an appeal to the government to take necessary actions for bettering the life situations of the slum dwellers. Earlier, the two conducted an analytical study on the living patterns of the people in a particular slum in Chennai, and in the process identified a number of important factors that have actually contributed towards the deteriorated lifestyles in slums in general. In the next chapter “Colonized Physical and Mental Space and Conflicts in Cities,” Professor Sanjay K. Roy discusses the shift in the basic utilization of modern urban space under the influences of globalization, wherein, as we promote the capitalist modes of development, the rights of the unorganised “semi-proletariat” in the urban informal sector are threatened. Drawing explanatory parallels from the theories of Simmel, Park, Lefebvre and many others, the author attempts to secure and further the rights of those that have been disenfranchised in the urban space. He also exposes the growing threat to our ecology owing to the unrestricted destruction of urban space in the name of development. In “The Indian Family in the Urban Space,” Dr. Mohit Rajan examines how the liberalization of India’s economic policies has paved the way for globalization to take hold in the country, which has, among other areas, impacted the modern urban Indian family in attitude and lifestyle. The chapter is a thorough discussion through which the author lays bare the

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Introduction

common characteristics of modern living among working couples in particular. Through the next chapter “Sustainable and Efficient Organizations— The Case of the Handcrafts Micro Business in Southern San Sebastian,” Professor Jose G. Vargas-Hernandez explains his concern for conserving natural vegetation as this would, in the long run, be in the best interests of local people. The author has made an effort to explain the importance of conserving the tule grass which generates earning opportunities for hundreds of people living by Lake Zapotlán in Mexico. In the last chapter entitled “Mega-urbanization of Eastern Kolkata— Vision and Reality,” the authors, Dr. Jenia Mukherjee and Dr. Amlan Roy, project the hazards of ill-conceived plans of urbanization and development which not only cause irreparable damage to the environment but at the same time leave several groups of people without proper shelter, food and even avenues for earning a livelihood. It is an indirect appeal to the concerned authorities to look into the matter from the human angle and not only for economic gains. The discussions in the volume are mainly the genuine observations of the authors, as experienced by them while dealing with the people at the grassroots level and becoming aware of their problems and difficulties. As such, we are confident that the present volume will make interesting reading and shed light on the solutions to the problems faced in the wake of urbanization. Like everything else, urbanization has pros and cons and it is hoped that the present volume draws the attention of the government and other responsible authorities to its disadvantages or demerits. This would certainly help the concerned authorities to work in coordination to address the gaps in the social and economic environment due to urbanization, and help to pave the way to better living for all.

THE MARGINAL PEOPLE IN THE URBAN CONTEXT SUMITA CHAUDHURI

Urban India, with the fourth largest population in the world, faces a crisis due to population overcrowding, poverty, scarcity of housing and space, scarcity of services, pollution, health and environmental problems. The proportion of the urban population in the country increased from 17.6% in 1971 to 23.7% in 1981, 25.7% in 1991, 27.7% in 2001 and 31.2% in 2011. Although there was a slight stagnation in the rate of increase in the urban population in the 1980s, even the smallest increase has to be considered substantial in absolute numbers. The growth of the large cities is of great concern in this country. Urban areas are known to be consumers of population more than its producers. It is true that the population of a city grows due to both birth and migration, yet the latter alone accounts for the significant growth of the urban population. In fact, migration contributes a great deal to the growth of towns or cities. This migration to urban places is from other urban areas as well as from rural areas. The rapid growth of the urban population has suddenly added to the problems of the urban settlers, especially the poor. Slums, squats and other forms of substandard settlements come into existence very quickly, much faster than the pace at which the number of households is growing. Urban poverty, scarcity of housing and accessibility of services for the poor pose major threats to urban development. The economy has not been able to provide enough scope of employment and other income generating opportunities, and the supply of housing and services has fallen short of the requirement. According to the global reports on Urbanization World (UNCHS 1996), two main features were noted during the last two decades: (a) growth in urban poverty, and (b) limited achievement in improvement of the housing conditions. Similarly, in India, the rapid increase in the urban population has led to a quick growth in the numbers of the poor urban population. It is true that poverty is not the only cause of begging in India, yet it cannot be denied that it is a major cause. Offering alms to beggars is

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considered a way of washing away one’s sin and an act of religious merit. This idea is commonly shared by both devout Hindus and Muslims in India, and is why many people there give alms not with the idea of helping the needy but with the motive of achieving punya (religious merit) and of washing away their Pap (sin). Thus, religious motivation seems to have encouraged begging and at different religious places a large number of beggars sit and beg in clusters, a practise that has existed for many generations. That is why, more than other public places, religious shrines and pilgrimage centres usually attract a large number of urban poor (both beggars and pavement dwellers). Thus, the religious tradition of earning punya through alms-giving provides a major cultural prop towards sustaining the institution of begging, despite the fact that the beggars signify human degradation to the lowest extent and that begging as a trade poses a menace to the healthy growth of any society. Charles Abrams observed that it would not be too sweeping a remark to say that slum people and beggars have become an inevitable and growing feature of cities in developing countries. The poor people have always been allotted the worst of the city’s quarters. The cities in developing countries are overcrowded, and overcrowding is not so much due to the natural increase in the city population as migration from rural areas and small towns where the proper means of livelihood are not available. Housing entrepreneurs, however, do not build for the poor as they cannot pay the rent determined by the market. A large section of people in city populations is thus outside the orbit of housing activity. These people have no other option but to sleep on the streets or live in slums, much exposed to insecurity and impermanency. The largest number of urban poor in India are in Maharashtra (78.7 lakh), followed by Uttar Pradesh (58.4 lakh) and West Bengal (51.9 lakh). In Kolkata, about one sixth of the total population lives in makeshift dwellings constructed on unauthorized premises and made of any materials that come to hand, like discarded sacks, flattened sheets of metal cans and paste board boxes. The occupants sometimes pay rent but to unauthorized individuals who extort it from them. Apart from those who live in such temporary shelters, there are several thousand who live on the sidewalks, in the perches and corridors of public buildings and in railway stations. This includes young children as well as adults and older people. Studies on the urban poor have been conducted in some of the major cities in India (Iyenger 1957; Gore 1959; Moorthy 1959; Misra & Mohanty 1963; Ramchandra 1972; Mazumdar 1977; Shivarama Krishnan 1977; Singh 1980; Chaudhuri 1982; Desai 1985; Chaudhuri 1987; Chaudhuri 1990; Kundu 1998; Gooptu 2001; Chaudhuri 2003; Chaudhuri 2012).

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These studies generally provide estimates of the different categories of the urban poor population classified into different groups, and indicate the causes of begging, the ecological conditions of beggars, access to shelters in the context of policy perspective in India, focusing on the role of caste, religion and national politics, and how the urban poor emerged as a major social and political factor in Southern Asia. The growth of the big cities in India has been largely unplanned and haphazard, as can be seen from the fact that a vast majority of the urban population live in slums or squatter settlements. This profile of the urban population outlines the great urban challenge facing India and the other less-developed countries. Unfortunately, the problem has not attracted the appropriate attention of the civic authorities and society at large. The problem is serious from the social point of view. In a crowded city one has only to walk along the pavements on the streets strewn with people dwelling in shanties or temporary shelters to observe that many of them live an open life, with no privacy for bathing or sleeping, eating or relaxing. It would be a moot point to ask whether privacy is something that the pavement dwellers and beggars are really concerned about. From the health and sanitation viewpoints too, the unhygienic ways of pavement living pose a direct threat to the health conditions of these poor people. The primary reason for rural to urban migration is economic and the rural poor migrate to the cities in search of employment rather than better employment opportunities. There are various types of migrants who come to the large cities in search of employment, such as seasonal and unaccompanied male migrants. The big cities can provide employment to the rural migrants, who are largely unskilled and illiterate. In the case of Kolkata, these migrants mainly come from Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Orissa. Different studies have indicated that rural poverty is carried over to the city by the mechanism of rural-urban migration and is most visible in slums and squatter settlements, which leads to environmental deterioration, substandard housing and low levels of health and nutrition. When the migrants reach the city they invariably find themselves pushed into the slums or squatter settlements. One of the more important reasons why the migrants to urban cities find themselves in squatter settlements is that they depend mainly on kinship, caste and their regional network for decisions regarding the choice of destination, their homes, selection of job and adjustments to the extreme impoverished situation of urban living. In this chapter I would like to discuss the urban poor who, by profession, are beggars, residing in and around the Kalighat Temple in Kolkata. I conducted a study in the early 1970s on a small group of

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The Marginal People in the Urban Context

beggars living here, and a more elaborate study was made in the late 1970s for my Ph.D. work. Since I have already conducted several studies on the same group in different periods, my observation reflects the changing life situation of this category of beggars. In fact, studying the same place at different times is expected to project the changing pattern of lifestyles and activities of the same group of people in different periods. In this later study I tried to examine the beggars, a marginal group, as a group of people at the margins of society who were trying to construct and preserve their culture and identity under extreme conditions of economic deprivation. Here, it may be mentioned that the beggars provide the scope for the understanding of the core universal norms of society, which people try to preserve in their cultures and identities under the extreme conditions of economic deprivation. The study of the beggars also provides an opportunity to gain an understanding of the special adaptive norms of a human group dealing with the problem of survival in a condition of marginal existence. I was particularly interested to examine: (i) the persistence of traditional behaviours and practices, (ii) the nature of modification or breakdown of traditional behaviours and norms (iii) the crystallisation of new behaviour patterns and practices requiring adjustment in this limiting situation. Since an important religious place provides the backdrop to this study, and, in Hinduism, “dan,” or a cash gift, is an important practice which thrives or supports the profession of begging, I became interested in studying beggars in a public place without religious significance. Accordingly, a study was also conducted in the Howrah Railway Station area, which is one of the busiest railway stations in India. Kalighat is one of the most sacred centres and pithas of the Hindu people in India. The beggars here hail not only from rural Bengal but also from different regions of India. I have observed that there are individuals and families among the beggars of Kalighat who were pushed into this situation primarily by conditions of poverty in their rural habitats. In a few cases, there are women who have been pushed into this situation owing to social ostracism. Again, it may be added that the absence of any social security measures by the kin group or community also “pushed” these people to this unique situation. Left with no other choice, they were compelled to find their way to these spots where there were still some possibilities for sustenance. This “pull” factor includes the scope of living at a meagre cost without having to make any serious endeavours, although

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there were some distinct characteristics of life out of beggary. It appears that as one enters into this way of living, due to an interaction of the “push” and “pull” factors, the scope of exit from this unique situation is minimized. With time, the typical beggarly way of life underwent some modifications in its traditional, socio-cultural and religious ways. With the studied population living in crowded quarters characteristically lacking any privacy of proper shelter and with very little material belongings, the emergence of some distinct adaptive norms and a distinct way of life is noticed even as there is a decline in their sense of personal dignity. Thus, alongside the absence of the traditional norms and associated rituals with regard to life cycles, there are high incidences of alcoholism, frequent quarrels and violence, early initiation into sex, moral laxity in sex combined with the absence of proper or formal marriage in many cases, a relatively high incidence of the abandonment of children by mothers and a growing trend of single-mother families. In addition, there is a tendency for the dominance of maternal relatives, families breaking down and opting for nuclear families, the breakdown of family ties, little consideration of caste at the interaction level, a predominant concern about the present with hardly any thought about the future and the past, and a high level of tolerance for unconventional practices. All the aforementioned are striking features of beggars’ ways of life which point towards the breakdown of traditional norms and customs among them, especially at the level of social institutions like family, marriage, kinship and caste. There is also a similar corrosion in matters concerning religion and rituals. The beggars indeed have a “thin impoverished” culture. Impoverishment and the corrosion of tradition combine as one aspect of the situation. There is also a corresponding crystallization or emergence of distinct adaptive norms. The informal marriages may not be called anomic as there is neither any promiscuity nor incidence of incestuous conjugal relation with close relatives. However, a man and a woman living as husband and wife at a given point of time, without any formal social ceremony, are accepted by the local beggar community as well as the neighbouring non-beggar population. Social approval of a loose type for such marriages is sought from any influential person of the locality, which is indicative of a specific trend. The matrifocal tendency and the relative dominance of females in the family is another emerging trend. Encouraged particularly by religious-minded people and those with an inclination towards charity, this category of people known as beggars gathers around places of worship, centres of pilgrimage and in cities. Thus, begging has become an organized and lucrative profession.

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The Marginal People in the Urban Context

In 1987–88, a review of beggars was made in the same area, following which a comparative study was made on the beggars from a public place— Howrah Station. The two groups of beggars showed considerable variation with respect to the modification of the traditional norms and the crystallisation of the adaptive norms. Even though they stayed here for shorter periods, the lack of norms was more conspicuous among the beggars of the Howrah station area. Perhaps the varied environments in the two areas impacted the studied population differently. In Kalighat, for instance, the neighbouring population is permanent and the beggars have frequent contact with them, which is why they may not always be at the receiving end. Whereas in the Howrah Station area the surrounding population is essentially a floating one and beggars only get alms from them, and there is no scope for regular contact. This may explain why the beggars of Kalighat sometimes inform the neighbouring population and thus manage to get social sanctions for their various ways of life, which might be different from the traditional norms and customs but may be considered as the distinct adaptive norms of this unique situation. This way of obtaining social sanction of any form is conspicuously absent in the case of the beggars from the Howrah Station area, perhaps due to the lack of social interaction with the neighbouring population. A further study in 1999–2000 on the same group of people living as beggars and pavement dwellers in and around the Kalighat area demonstrated the three groups identified in the earlier studies (1971): (1) the Darbhanga group, (2) the Jainagar group and (3) a mixed group dominated by people from Diamond Harbour. The people in the Darbangha group were migrants from the Darbhanga District of Bihar and showed very strong group solidarity. The Jainagar Group had its origin in the Jainagar area of South 24 Parganas, West Bengal and also showed strong group solidarity. Though they were in more or less good relations with the neighbouring groups their closeness with the people of South 24 Parganas in particular stood out very clearly. The hutment settlement of this group was 40–50 years old. They migrated from time to time in a number of groups. The third group, which is actually mixed, was dominated by people from the Diamond Harbour area. Besides this, there were people from other places in the district of South 24 Parganas, West Bengal. These poor migrants of the three groups, individually and with their families, live in small shanties on the footpath of the Kalighat area. The beggars usually keep their belongings inside these shanties which are so small that they cannot be slept in at night. People inhabiting these shanties have faced several problems from time to time, one of the most important

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being sanitation, particularly for the women, as there are no proper toilets. Lack of privacy is a major curse in the lives of these people, and an important obstacle that gets in the way of the normal psychological growth of the children here. As every aspect of life is open to them from childhood, the children do not get a proper moral education. The worst of the problems they face is due to the rapid increase in land prices where their shanties are demolished from time to time, compelling them to seek other temporary shelters. When the country is trying hard to spread literacy among all segments of its people, educational development for this group becomes difficult mainly owing to the environment they live in. Though at present there are a number of street schools educating these children, attendance is irregular and their progress still unsatisfactory. Due to the lack of proper shelter and environment, it is not possible to practice all that they learn in school. As the studied group live in the open, to avoid the strong sunlight and extreme heat, particularly in summer, they have to find and move to places that are shady and cool. The same thing happens when it is raining, whether at daytime or night. One must add here that in spite of facing such difficulties, these people have a very strong psychological attachment to this place. They have remarked “Mayer thane sabai khete pabo,” which means “all poor people will get food in this great religious site,” where Goddess Kali is the ruling deity. Perhaps it is this belief that provides them with their daily meals, and so despite severe difficulties they cannot think of leaving this place. The beggars of Kalighat have a very strong group solidarity. One of the few important characteristics of the urban poor is that a large number of them work in the informal sector where entry is easy and requires less skills, education and capital. Another point is that the urban poor do not constitute a separate world and maintain the link with the rural world through visits, remittances of money and continuity of the socialcultural and income-generating networks, mostly through recruiting people from their own families and rural areas. Being neglected by the urban milieu, including those in power, in matters related to their efforts to grow and develop in the city environment, the urban poor have so far endured many of the hazards they are confronted with, including health problems. They not only bear the stress involved in migration from rural areas to the urban slums/streets, but also towards their subsequent participation in the workforce as beggars or in the informal sector. They are usually overworked and continuous stress induces them to indulge in vices. They are victims of pollution and have significantly higher rates of mortality and disease than the general

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population. Given this, they are in no position to contribute positively to their eco-systems. However, the society needs positive contributions from all concerned and it is imperative that more efforts are directed towards achieving the well-being of the poor. The ecosystem based approach is an attempt in that direction.

Conclusion In this chapter I have discussed my experiences and understandings about the ways of life of beggars, a major category of the urban poor. I identified the distinct adaptive norms required to adjust and articulate in the demanding situation. I was also interested in finding out whether there was any change, including any improvement in the quality of life, among the beggars. Actually, it was felt that at the initial stage of adjustment, survival would be the main consideration and, as such, the group of people following this profession would try to ensure the availability of food. All people, including beggars, look for means for better living and thus adopt other measures to improve their quality of life. This aspect is reflected in the life of the beggar community in the context of proper shelter, better sanitation and health facilities, and educational facilities for their children. Even though no marked improvement in the quality of life of beggars was noted in all the cases, they could not be totally held responsible for such a condition. Apparently, the neighbouring populations also have vested interests in seeing this category of poor remain as they are, as through them they can ensure the availability of cheap labour. At the same time, most of the beggars did not try to improve their quality of life, and a few of them, being very old and disabled, are not capable of other kinds of work. Nevertheless, the group of beggars in Kalighat had to face considerable uncertainties even related to their abodes. When I first started the fieldwork in the early 1970s, I found that these beggars had constructed small hutments on footpaths and in open spaces. Apart from a few individual hutments, three distinct settlements of this kind were observed, based on their regional backgrounds. Over time, as this place is one of the prime locations in Kolkata, they have been evicted from their abodes and now live further apart. This has naturally affected their social relationships as well as their scopes of mobilization to protect their interests or even their bargaining power.

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Alternative approaches For the urban poor, urban agriculture is a rational way to improve the economic situations in the Third World Cities which, however, cannot guarantee them enough income to survive in the city. The prevailing situation is such that the rural people who are actually the food producers cannot take advantage of the market in their position as producers. They have to sell their products to middlemen at very low prices as, being poor, their access to the city markets is non-existent. It is the middlemen, on the other hand, who earn the major profit from selling the agricultural products to the city marketers. If the urban poor could take to agricultural practices and grow products , they could sell them off in the city markets and earn better livings as farmers. Urban farmers hardly use any expensive inputs such as artificial fertilizer. Instead, they bring some customs and practices from the rural areas, such as using dung for fuel and fertilizers, which may help in keeping the cities clean. It has been noted that in all the large cities, the ecology of the settlements of the poor people is closely related to the economic functions of the city. In this context, if the poor people of any mega-city can grow vegetables in the fringe areas, they can provide fresh vegetables for themselves and sell them in the city markets. Even for women, urban agriculture is an important resource for providing their families with food production. Looking at things positively and into the future, agricultural activities are also a way to gain access to the commercial labour market. Instead of looking at the urban poor as liabilities for the authorities, they could be viewed as assets to the city.

References Abrams. C.1964. Man’s Struggle for Shelter in an Urbanizing World. MIT Press, MASS. Balasundaram, D. 1957. The City Slums. Madras, Published report. Bose, Ashish. 1966. Studies in India’s Urbanisation. Delhi Institute of Economic Growth. Bose, N. K. 1968. Kolkata—A Social Survey. Bombay: Lalvani Publishing House. Census Survey. 2011. Census Survey of India, Govt. of India of India. Chaudhuri, S. 1978. The Beggars of Kalighat. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. Kolkata University, 1978.

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—. 1982. Social Life of the Beggars of Kalighat. Aspects of Society and Culture in Kolkata, edited by M. K. A. Siddiqui, S. I. Anth. Kolkata: Anthropological Survey of India, Govt. of India. —. 1987. Beggars of Kalighat, Calcutta. Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India. —. 1990. “The Urban Poor: A Study on the Beggars.” Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society 25 (3). —. 2010. Beggars of Kalighat, Calcutta. Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India. —. 2012. “Health and Urban Poor.” In Human Health, edited by Subir Biswas. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. Coelho Karen & Anant Maringanti. 2012. “Urban Poverty in India: Tools, Treatment and Politics at the Neo Liberal Turn.” Economic and Political Weekly XLVII (47–48). Desai, A. R. & S. R. Pillai (eds.). 1972. A Profile of Indian Slums. Bombay University Press. D’Souza, Victor S. 1968. Social Structure of a Planned City— Chandigarh. New Delhi: Orient Longman Limited. Desai, A. R. & S. R. Pillai. 1970. Slums and Urbanisaation. Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Ghosh, Sumita. 1971. Some Aspects of Economic life and Social life of the Beggars of Kalighat Kolkata. M.Sc. Thesis, Anthropology Dept. Kolkata University. Gore, M. S. 1958. “Society and Beggars.” Sociological Bulletin 2 (1) : 23– 48. Gore, M.S., J. S. Mathur, M. R. Laljiari & H. S. Takulia. 1959. The Beggar Problem in Metropolitan Delhi. Delhi: Delhi School of Social Work. Iyengar S. Kesava. 1959. A Socio-Economic Survey of Hut Dwellers in Hyderabad City. Hyderabad: Indian Institute of Economics. Kamath, S. G. 1958. Delhi-A Study of Slums. Unpublished Thesis, School of Planning and Architecture, Deptt. Of Town and Country Planning, New Delhi. Lewis, O. 1959. Five Families: Mexican Case Studies in the Culture of Poverty. New York: Basic Books. —. 1966a. “The Culture of Poverty.” Scientific American 215 (4): 19–25. — 1967. “Further Observations on the Folk-Urban Continuum and Urbanisation with Special Reference to Mexican City.” In The Study of Urbanisation, edited by P. M. Hauser & L. F. Schnore, 491–503. NewYork: John Wiley and Sons.

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Majumdar, T. K. 1977. “The Urban and Social Change; a Study of Squatter. Settlement in Delhi.” Social Action 27: 216–240. Misra, B. & A. K. Mohanty. 1963. A Study of the Beggar Problem at Cuttack. Bhubaneswar: Utkal University. Ramchandran, P. 1972. Pavement Dwellers in Bombay City, Bombay. Tata Institute of Social Sciences. Shrivastava, A. 2012. India’s Urban Slums: Rising Social Inequalities, Mass Poverty and Homelessness. Global Research, Montreal Singh Andre Menefee & Alfred D’Souza. 1980. The Urban Poor: Slum and Pavement Dwellers in the Major Cities in India. New Delhi: Manohar. Valentine, Charles A. 1968. Culture and Poverty. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press.

MIGRATION AND ADAPTATION: A STUDY OF THE PADMASHALIS IN BHIWANDI, THANE ANJALI KURANE AND ASHOK BHAIRI

Introduction Migration, especially in modern times, is a major indicator of basic social change. It is not merely a physical movement of people from one place to another; it also has social, economic, cultural and other dimensions. Hence, anthropologists, sociologists, economists, geographers, and demographers have taken a keen interest in the causes and effects of migration, including the related problems, and many have been able to throw new light on the various aspects of this phenomenon. Studies on migration indicate that the process, volume and direction of the people in their movement from one place to another are influenced by a number of factors such as geographical conditions, economic hazards, non-availability of regular and reliable work, educational opportunities and achievements, and several other social and psychological conditions. Studies from all over the world conclude that most people migrate for economic reasons. Many of these studies also point out that people migrate from one culture to another because of the operation of “push” and “pull” factors. The term “migration” has been interpreted in a number of ways. Literally, it means the settlement of an individual or a group of individuals by shifting from one cultural area or place of habitation to another, more or less permanently. The term has been defined in the new Webster’s Dictionary as “The act or instance of moving from one country, or region, or place to settle in another,” or the “Act or instance of moving from one area to another in search of work.” William Peterson (1958) defines free migration as “Movements motivated by the individual willingness to risk the unknown of a new home in breaking from a family’s social universe for the sake of adventure, achievements of ideals or to escape a social system from which he has become alienated.”

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It has been noted that most of the migrants move from rural areas to urban centres to find better economic opportunities. A few well-educated, socially and economically better-off people are attracted by the vast opportunities of fulfilling their aspirations and to acquire better statuses and chances of further achievements in society. According to Helen I, Safa & Brian M duToit, (1975), “Migration is normally viewed as an economic phenomenon, though non-economic obviously have some bearing; migrants leave their area of origin primarily because of lack of employment opportunities, and in the hope of finding better opportunities elsewhere.” Migration is also a social problem. It may moreover be considered an act of individual or group choice. It reflects the attitude and behaviour of a group of individuals to certain other individuals and social conditions which are available or present in their places of origin and in the places they migrate to. Thus we find that in the present times, only a cross section of people migrate from one region, or place, to another. Bogue (1969) says that: “Migration is an adjustment to economic and social changes. It is a response of human organisms to economic and social situations in the environment.” According to Bogue, the factors responsible for migration are of two types: Positive and Negative. (a) Positive factors of Migration: The Positive factors are also called Pull factors. Pull factors are those which provoke migration by providing job opportunities and a luxurious life. Such factors involve better opportunities for employment, opportunities for earning a higher income, and a good environment. (b) Negative factors of Migration: The Negative factors are also called push factors. Push factors are those which provoke an individual to migrate by providing an environment where they are unable to satisfy themself, either socially or economically. Such factors include lack of job opportunities, loss of employment, and alienation from the community. In this way, the push and pull factors prompt an individual to migrate. Migration is classified into two types on the basis of these push and pull factors: Voluntary Migration and Non-voluntary Migration (International Encyclopaedia of Social Science 1968).

20 (i)

Migration and Adaptation: A Study of the Padmashalis in Bhiwandi Voluntary Migration Voluntary Migration is when an individual voluntarily migrates from the village to the city. Here, nobody forces them to migrate, e.g. an individual living in the village migrates to the city to increase their social, economic and educational status.

(ii)

Non-voluntary Migration Non-voluntary Migration is when an individual does not migrate voluntarily; rather, some social, political, economic and natural factors force them to migrate. For example, in 1971 many people living in East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, migrated to India because of the socio-political crisis. Likewise, many times due to severe drought and other natural calamities, people migrate from the villages to cities.

Migration requires people to adjust and adapt themselves to the societies and cultures of the places they have migrated to. According to Ponsioen (1969), “[a]daptation is a behavioural term and means developing behaviour in accordance with the new situation,” and “[a]djustment is a psychological term and means becoming acquainted with elements of another system.” Beals and Hoijer (1966) defines adaptation as a “continuing adjustment to environmental conditions in such a way so as to permit the survival of the individual, population, species or cultural system.” At the initial stage, it is very important for the migrants to psychologically accept and adjust to the new culture, which is reflected in their behaviour, rites and rituals. In other words, they adapt to the behaviour pattern in that society. The problem and extent of adjustment of the migrants to the new cultures are important, both from the point of view of the preservation of their own values and practices as well as their contacts and adaptation to the new conditions. Ponsioen (1975) says that on the one hand the migrants attempt to adjust and adapt in the new culture and on the other they attempt to preserve and maintain their own culture. This dualistic approach of the migrants gives rise to a new culture. In this new culture, the functional traits of the original culture are retained while the dysfunctional traits are rejected. He further says that the adaptation and adjustment with the new society is “never a colourless absorption of foreign elements but is essentially a creative process.” New patterns are developed by the use of such elements. The present study analyzes the causes and consequences of the migration of the Padmashalis of Andhra Pradesh to Bhiwandi, which is

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forty miles from Mumbai. The study also tries to understand the phenomenal adjustment and adaptation of the migrated Padmashali community in the context of social change.

The Setting The present study was conducted among the Padmashali community who have migrated from Andhra Pradesh to Bhiwandi via Mumbai. Bhiwandi is a prominent industrial destination as far as its power-loom history is concerned, which produces and transports huge quantities of cotton and yarn cloth for shirting, saris, pants, handkerchiefs, etc. to different parts of the country. The place also possesses the largest number of power-looms in the country and has thus earned the soubriquet “The Manchester of India.” Bhiwandi is a large city with people of different castes, creeds and languages finding shelter in the different localities. The tendency is for people of a particular caste or community to stay in an area dominated by their own kind. This characteristic has helped the city become a symbol of a typical diversified culture. The Padmashalis are prominently found in areas like Kombad-Pada, Kaneri, Narayan Compound, Shri-Ranga-Nagar, Gayathri-Nagar, PadmaNagar, etc. The Padma-Nagar locality has been selected as our area of study since more than 80% of the population in this area belong to the Padmashali community, hence its name. Almost all the Padmashalis residing in Padma-Nagar are engaged in power-loom work in some way or another.

The Sampling A simple random sampling as well as a purposive sampling method was used for the study. The participants with known characteristics were selected, as it was felt that they would represent the group considering the purpose of the research. A combination of qualitative and quantitative methods of data collection was used. This combination was purposive as it would give a holistic insight into the research problem and add to the anthropological understanding of the study. Quantitative data was collected through a pre-tested structured interview schedule. An un-structured interview schedule was employed in group interviews, where the discussions were informal in nature and

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Migration and Adaptation: A Study of the Padmashalis in Bhiwandi

mainly aimed at collecting maximum information. The case study method was also employed for intensive investigation.

Historical Background of the Padmashalis Origin The Padmashali community lives all over the state of Andhra Pradesh. Based on Sanskrit texts, there are two interpretations of the origin of the word “Padmashali.” According to one group the word means “Silk-Cloth,” and by the other interpretation it is “Lotus-Spider,” which is synonymous with “Padma-Shali.” Considering the first meaning, this word was possibly coined for the weavers, as this community produced cloth from cotton and animate yarn (silk). We may also assume that the word is symbolical of the art of weaving, comparing it with a spider's web. The Padmashali community’s origin is found to be complex in nature. The Padmashalis are divided into two groups, namely the Vaishnavas and the Lingayats. The Vaishnava Padmashalis claim that the whole Padmashali community was formerly Vaishnavas because Lord Vishnu was their foremost grand ancestor, but when one of the great-grandsons of Lord Vishnu, Markandeya Mahamuni, became a devotee of Lord Shiva, then many among them started worshipping the latter God and thus came to be known as Lingayats. At present, the Padmashalis worship both Lord Shiva and Lord Vishnu. The two groups are distinguishable by the different marks on their foreheads. The Lingayats use three-fingered horizontal ashes and a single dot of vermillion at the centre of the middle horizontal line representing Lord Shiva, whereas the Vaishnavas apply a vertical sandalwood mark in the shape of a “U” with a stretched vertical vermillion mark in the centre representing Lord Vishnu. However, today hardly anybody rigidly follows these norm as people from both the sections accept both formalities equally. In the past there were no marriage ceremonies solicited between these two groups, but nowadays there are no such restrictions and in fact no one is aware that this ever existed. The entire Padmashali community is divided into 101 clans. According to their mythological stories, these clans are assigned with the names of Rishis, who were the grandsons of Lord Markandeya and the sons of Bhavana Rishi. At the time of marriage the clan lineage of the bride and bridegroom becomes significant as a man is not allowed to marry a woman from his own clan. The Padmashalis are known as “Erra Kulamu,” i.e. the Red Skin caste. Today, they are a group recognized as the Other Backward

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Classes (OBC). The Padmashali caste is also in the phase of Sanskritization, with all the men wearing the sacred thread.

Traditional Occupation The people of the Padmashali Community produce cloth from cotton and animate yarn (silk), and have moved to places all across the country. They are involved in the leather and wool-based household industries— which perhaps have an older history than cloth weaving—and have developed an integrated process of producing raw materials and processing them into commodities. Conversely, the Padmashalis developed an exclusive cloth-weaving skill. They produce cloth as a marketable commodity, without having any organic links or skills in the production of the raw material. The Padmashali men have no expertise in ploughing and their women lack seeding and crop-cutting skills. Thus, their skill and expertise has, over time, become one-dimensional. By the time the British arrived, the Padmashalis were producing huge quantities of cloth and were in control of a leading cottage industry of India. At the time the British started imposing Lancashire cloth on the Indians, the Padmashalis were operating a weaving technology called “Gunta-Maggam,” or Pit-Loom. This process involved the use of a rough wooden loom made by the village carpenter. The working of this loom involved the labour of both men and women. Every Padmashali boy, while growing up, learnt how to handle the loom while every Padmashali girl learnt the yarn-making process. The cloth that the Pit-Loom produced was meant to serve the needs of the village market. It was a kind of a roughand-tough cloth meant to protect the human body from heat, cold and rain. The Padmashali economy was part of the agrarian economy, without much fluctuation. Of course, it fetched a living wage, in wares or cash. And some Padmashalis, through personal experiences, developed considerable individual expertise and were capable of producing high-quality cloth.

Statement of the Problem When an individual or any community migrates from one place to another, they enter into a new social and cultural situation whose norms, values, religion, language, dress-pattern, and modes of behaviour are quite different from the prior community. It has to be admitted that a community’s adjustment to a new setting and a new culture is not easy and happy; rather, it creates tension and conflict within as well as among the people belonging to the new community. The situation was similar with

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Migration and Adaptation: A Study of the Padmashalis in Bhiwandi

the Padmashali community when they first migrated from Andhra Pradesh to Bhiwandi. Consequently, the Padmashali community had to face many problems as, on the one hand, they had to adjust to the new culture, society and surroundings and, on the other, they had to preserve their own culture. They had to move ahead with the new culture even while maintaining their uniqueness, their pride and integrity. Today, the Padmashali community is trying to adjust to its new environment and situation. The place where the Padmashali community has migrated to is extremely new on various grounds; namely its social, cultural, political, economic, moral and geological settings, the locale of Bhiwandi being totally different from that of Andhra Pradesh. As such, this new situation has created conflicts in the minds of the Padmashalis. They are undecided over whether the norms and values in their own community those of the new society are better. So, while adjusting to their new situation they are, at the same time, trying to adapt to these new values, norms, language, religious beliefs and behaviour patterns, since they have not had any previous exposure to such a new and alien situation. Therefore, the present study aims to bring out the pros and cons of the “adaptation” and “adjustment” patterns of the migrated Padmashali community and to demonstrate what happens when two or more cultures come into contact with each other, bringing out its implication in the context of social change.

Research Questions (1) How many years ago did the Padmashali community migrate from their native place to Bhiwandi? (2) What made them migrate? (3) Which languages do they now speak? (4) What are their religious beliefs at present? (5) What rites, rituals and practices do they now follow? (6) Do they find any difference in their lifestyle now with that of the people in their native place? (7) What sort of relationship do they have with the local inhabitants? (8) How are they adjusting and adapting to the new culture? (9) Do they preserve certain traits of their traditional culture? (10) How do they preserve their cultural traits? (11) Which traits do they preserve and maintain? (12) Why do they preserve their cultural traits? (13) Do they have their own association in the form of any institution? (14) What are the functions of this institution?

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(15) Which of the following life patterns are they still in touch with today: (a) Food habits (b) Dressing pattern (c) Education (d) Family and Marriage practices (e) Celebration of Festivals (f) Inter-community activities. (16) What was their traditional occupation? (17) What is their present occupation? (18) What is their monthly income from all sources? (19) What is their present-day Educational status? (20) What is the extent of their political participation in their new setting?

Justification of the Problem The study of the problems of adjustment and adaptation of the migrants is important from the theoretical as well as the practical points of view. Its theoretical importance lies in the fact that the modern world is fast changing. Many cultural values and political, social and cultural norms are changing frequently. In view of the rapid pace of development, many people belonging to different cultures come in contact with each other today, facing a variety of problems related to their adjustment and adaptation. After industrialization and urbanization in India, there has been a tremendous change in the social, economic and cultural aspects here too. Many people migrated from villages to cities, and also from one city to another. Hence, in India most of the cities today bear cosmopolitan characters, in which different cultural groups are found to be in constant interaction with each other. In this kind of a situation many cultural groups are actually facing identity crises alongside the problems of adjustment and adaptation. Further, the contact between different cultures gives rise to a new culture, creating an additional complication in an already complex society. Hence the need to study these migrants. The present study would help us in a theoretical understanding of the concepts of migration, adaptation and adjustment, with reference to the Padmashali community in Bhiwandi. The practical importance of this study lies in the fact that it helps in understanding the nature of adjustment and adaptation of the Padmashali

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Migration and Adaptation: A Study of the Padmashalis in Bhiwandi

community. It would also help the administrators, researchers and policy makers who are working with the migrated communities. Therefore, the present study on the migrated Padsmashali community in Bhiwandi and their nature of adaptation and adjustment is a useful contribution to cultural anthropology, particularly urban anthropology.

Data Discussion/ Analysis 1. Migration History of the Padmashalis to Bhiwandi via Mumbai, Maharashtra There were two basic reasons for the migration of the Padmashalis from Andhra Pradesh to Bhiwandi via Mumbai. Firstly, the Razakars who ruled over Andhra Pradesh during the middle of the twentieth century forced the Hindus to convert to Islam. Out of fear of this religious conversion, the people belonging to different Telugu Hindu communities, including the Padmashali community, migrated to different parts of the country. A good number of the Padmashalis migrated and dispersed all across the state of Maharashtra to places like Solapur, Parbani, Nanded, Ahmednagar, Icchalkaranji, Malegaon, Pune and Mumbai. Thus, in the case of the Padmashali community the push factor is responsible for their migration. The second reason that prompted the migration of the Padmashalis was the dominance of crude technology. The Padmashalis were predominantly found in the Karimnagar district of Andhra Pradesh, where there was no technological development in the loom industries. The workers used to work for more than ten hours but were hardly given proper wages. So, to earn proper wages they left Andhra Pradesh and migrated to different parts of the country, with most of them migrating to Maharashtra. In this case, both push and pull factors were responsible for the migration of the community. The Padmashalis had mastered the special skill of weaving silk and cotton cloth lengths like “Sarees” and “Dhotis.” The Padmashalis residing in the Karimnagar District of Andhra Pradesh migrated to Mumbai and other places of Maharashtra, like Solapur, Parbani, Nanded, Ahmednagar, Icchalkaranji, Malegaon and Pune for work. As each of these centres were well known in the silk and cotton markets, it was quite natural that the Padmashalis were attracted to them. Those Padmashalis who migrated to Mumbai were earning wages by manufacturing cloth in the power-loom mills. These people had the artistic ability of making cloth lengths of all types, such as Sarees, Dhotis, Pants,

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Shirts and Handkerchiefs, and hence their engagement in the yarn mills in Mumbai. The Padmashalis proved to be the pioneers in the field of textile design as their knowledge and skill in this regard enhanced the process of cloth making. The finesse and novelty in the art work of the Padmashali workers increased demand for their products, and consequently the owners of the mills were able to expand and the demand for more labourers in their other mills grew. Incidentally, at the same time in the 1950s, the situation in Andhra Pradesh was also not very favourable for work due to political insecurity over the Razakar threat and the employment of crude technology in the local mills and factories, especially in the Karimnagar district of Andhra Pradesh. So, in an effort to make best use of this opportunity for employment, those among the Padmashalis who were already in Mumbai brought their relatives from their native places for work here. In this way, the Padmashalis became the dominant class among the lakhs of Telugus who migrated to Mumbai. They settled in places like Worli, Gandhinagar, Bengal Camp, Dadar, Ghatkopar, Dharavi, Sion, Andheri, Kurla, Jogeshwari and many other places wherever they found employment opportunities. Everything was going smoothly until 1965, when the workers under the leadership of Union Leader Datta Samant suddenly started demanding an increase in their wages. The owners of the mills were unable to fulfil these demands, so the workers went on strike forcing the closure of the mills. Another reason that led to the mills closing was the inability of the owners to pay proper bonuses to the workers and provide Hak-razas, i.e. rightful holidays and mediclaim to the workers. These mill owners went bankrupt as they could not repay the bank loans, which finally led them to sell their power-looms. Taking advantage of the situation, the Telugu community workers, especially the Padmashali men, formed groups of 10, 20 or even 25 members, and purchased the looms with money collected from bonuses and brought them to a small, village-like backward town called Bhiwandi, which is forty miles from Mumbai. At that time there were very few Padmashalis in Bhiwandi and most of them were engaged as agricultural labourers, while a handful were working in small handloom factories belonging to the Muslims. The Padmashalis already living in Bhiwandi helped towards the settlement of the newly migrated Padmashalis. This was in the 1960s, and Bhiwandi was dominated by the Marathas, Koknis, and Muslims from whom the Padmashalis bought land and built their own houses made in such a way that there was space to accommodate the power-looms and operate them. In this way they started making cloth, proving their skill and quality production. As the mills in Bombay had

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Migration and Adaptation: A Study of the Padmashalis in Bhiwandi

closed down and production of cloth fell to an all-time low, the traders there went to Bhiwandi. Thus, the demand for the products of the Padmashali cloth weavers grew in no time. In fact, the traders were so pleased with the quality of the cloth that they offered more money towards increasing the quantity of their product. Thereafter, additional looms were installed, and in this way the power-loom business prospered. Interestingly, the other community of people who lived in Bhiwandi at that time couldn’t digest the progress of the Telugu community, especially the Padmashalis, and tormented them to "Quit Bhiwandi." They went to the extent of attacking the schoolchildren from the Padmashali community with stones and harassed their women in the streets. All these unfortunate incidents posed serious threats to the survival of the Padmashali community in Bhiwandi. So, many profound thinkers of the Telugu community came together and decided to revolt against them. They made a mandal, i.e. an organization of their own which they named "Akhil Padmashali Samaj." All the Padmashalis living in Bhiwandi became members of this organization. The members of the mandal made it very clear that henceforth a police complaint would be lodged for any problem that came up. A few educated Padmashalis formed another organization called "Padmashali Telugu Samaj Shikshan Sansta" in the form of a school where, alongside Telugu, English, Hindi, Marathi and other subjects were taught. About ten to twelve Telugu schools were inaugurated within the Bhiwandi Municipality area around this time in the interest of the Padmashalis. So far as marriages were concerned, whereas the Padmashalis earlier visited their native place to solemnize marriages, after the launching of the Padmashali Purohita Sangam the Padmashali priests, known as "Padma-Brahmins," performed the marriage rites in Bhiwandi itself. It is interesting to note that these organizations, in good time, started having some political impact as, before any election, the MLAs, MPs and the Nagarseveks would visit them seeking the votes of the entire Telegu community who would cast their vote as directed by the "PeddhaManishi," i.e. the Head of the community. This was because, given the assurance of their votes, the concerned political group would assure the Padmashalis of security and protection. In this way, within a span of six to seven years, the Padmashalis improved significantly owing to their organizations. However, the unity of the Padmashalis strengthened further after the communal riot of 1970 between the Hindus and the Muslims when many of their houses were burnt, damaging the power-looms irreparably and killing thousands of people. The then Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi, visited Bhiwandi to review the extent of the loss. She

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met the key members of all the communities, announcing separate relief funds for all those families that lost their family members and properties (insurance coverage). She also announced that subsidies would be provided to those who have "Laghu Udyog Sansta," i.e. Small Scale Industries, in Bhiwandi. This news spread all across the country, and new small factories and power-looms started emerging in Bhiwandi as a result of which the population increased. While all this was happening, few Padmashalis who were the landlords in a particular locality in Bhiwandi got together and took up the work of constructing buildings and houses, so that all the people of the Telugu community could stay therein; the locality in the process earning the name "Padma-nagar."

2. Language of the Padmashalis Telugu is the mother language of the Padmashalis and almost 100% of them communicate in Telugu at home. Most of them can also speak Marathi as efficiently as they speak Telugu. They make efforts to communicate with the Maharashtrian people and try to become one of them.

3. Houses of the Padmashalis The Padmashalis have nearly fifty thousand houses in the Padma-nagar locality in Bhiwandi; hence, it is often referred to as "Mini-Andhra" by the locals. The Padmashalis either live in a single room of a building or in some roadside houses, flats and bungalows.

4. Food habits of the Padmashalis The main traditional food of the Padmashalis is Pasty Maize, which in the local language is Makka-Gadka. They consume this by mixing it with curd or water. However, it has been found that there are now only a very small number of Padmashali families in Bhiwandi who prefer this foodstuff, though it happens to be the staple diet of the Padmashali families still residing in their native places in Andhra Pradesh. The Padmashalis, particularly the rich people, also consume rice, though in small quantities. Today, the food of the Padmashalis mainly consists of rice, wheat, bajra, tur, dal and vegetables. They also eat eggs, meat and fish. On festivals like Sankranti, Ekadashi, Dussera and Diwali, they prepare their traditional dishes like Gyarappas, Chakklis, Bellappas, Karshakayas and

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Bondhi Ladoos. They also prepare these items during celebrations like the Naming Ceremony, Puberty, Marriage and a Baby Shower. Traditionally Thadka-Paisam is prepared on the day of the Ganpati festival as it is believed that this dish is liked immensely by Lord Ganpati. They also follow the tradition of preparing the drink of Pachheda on the day of Ugaadhi, i.e. Gudi-Padwa, as this marks the beginning of their New Year. They prepare Puran-Poli during festivals like Gudhi-Padwa and Raksha-Bandhan, which they have adapted from the Maharashtrian culture.

5. Dress Patterns of the Padmashalis The traditional attire of the old male Padmashalis is very simple in the form of Dhoti and Kurta and a designed cloth called Panche folded over the shoulder. However, due to the influence of modern dress, some of the older males and all of the middle-aged and young people wear shirts and trousers. The married women wear saris and the unmarried girls wear dresses like Punjabi dresses, skirts, trousers and importantly the Langa-Vodni, which is a traditional dress. The Padmashali girls usually wear the LangaVodni during festivals and celebrations. The Padmashali women wear various ornaments. Traditionally, the married women of this community have a Pasupu-Komma, a yellow holy thread tied by a woman’s husband during marriage. Having adapted to the Maharashtrian culture, the married women put on the Mangal-Sutra—a neck ornament. This Mangal-Sutra comprises a pair of metal beads called Mani-Mangal-Sutra.

6. Occupational Patterns of the Padmashalis The traditional occupation of the Padmashalis is weaving. As such, most of them are engaged in the power-loom and textile-designing industries. It is found that 92% have their own power-loom business, which is their primary occupation in Bhiwandi. In addition to the powerloom business, 25% of the Padmashalis have adapted to secondary businesses like tailoring, working in jewellery shops, boutiques, garages, Mobile repairing centres, Cyber Cafes and Hotels. These days, the intensity of these secondary businesses has increased as they are good sources of additional income in times of recession in the power-loom industry.

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As far as the Padmashali women are concerned, 30% stitch clothes at home on sewing machines, 6% have set up beauty parlours, and 12% of the educated women teach in schools or work in banks and offices.

7. Educational Status of the Padmashalis In the initial stages after their migration to Bhiwandi it was difficult for the children of the Padmashalis to get admitted to schools, mainly because of harassment by the local people. However, once the Padmashali Telugu Shikshan Sanstha became functional, the community realised the importance of education and started sending them to the Padmashali Telugu School. A few of the migrants started sending their children to a couple of Marathi medium schools in Bhiwandi as they understood that if they wanted to live in Bhiwandi they should know the Marathi language. The elderly people at home also made the effort to learn to read and write Marathi scriptures. The Padmashalis also sent their children to English medium schools, including missionary schools, once these were established in Bhiwandi. Today, there are many Padmashalis who have received a good education and are qualified as doctors, engineers, teachers and politicians. As far as the educational status of the Padmashalis is concerned, 20% are illiterate, 50% are semi-literate, having studied until the Vth standard, 18% studied until the VIIth standard, 0.8% until the Xth standard, and 0.4% until the XIIth standard.

8. Political Organization of the Padmashalis The main political organization of the Padmashalis is Akhil Padmashali Samaj, which came to exist after the riots in 1970. This Akhil Padmashali Samaj acts as a Panchayat Committee and was formed with twenty-one members, each holding a separate post. The members of this committee are empowered with the right to resolve the internal conflicts that exist in a family. They take important decisions concerning domestic conflicts and other problems when the issue cannot be resolved by the families themselves. The decisions of the committee are ultimate and unavoidable. Apart from the Panchayat Committee, the Padmashalis are also interested in active politics in the Bhiwandi Municipal Corporation. It may be noted that one Padmashali community member was once selected the Nagar-Adyaksh of Bhiwandi city, while five of them had the privilege of serving as Nagar-Sevaks of Bhiwandi. The bonding between fellow

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Padmashalis being strong, they are generally very helpful and co-operative with each other.

9. Religion of the Padmashalis Markandeya Mahamuni is the main deity of the Padmashalis. The Padmashalis worship Markandeya Mahamuni because they consider him their "Ancestral Grandfather." It is he who is believed to have given birth to Bhavana-Rishi, who had 101 children in the form of Rishis. These 101 Rishis are considered to be the clan fathers of every Padmashali family. According to the mythological stories of the Padmashalis, Markandeya Mahamuni was a weaver who made cloth for the Gods. He was the son of Mrukuda Rishi and the father of Bhavana Rishi. Once, when Markandeya Mahamuni was small, he saw his mother crying. On being asked about the cause, the mother disclosed that he, her son, had a short life. So Markandeya Mahamuni decided to worship Lord Shiva who was the Superior Head of the Lord of Death, Yam raj. He made the statue of Lord Shiva called Shiva-Lingam and started worshipping. Lord Shiva was so pleased with him that he blessed Markandeya Mahamuni with a long life after convincing Yam raj. Thus it was that owing to his strong devotion and faith in the powers of Lord Shiva, Markandeya Mahamuni was protected. Markendeya also earned the sobriquet of Mahamuni, which means "Great Sage." The festival of Markandeya Mahamuni is celebrated annually on the full moon in the month of ShrƗvan, i.e. on Rakhi Poornima, Nariyal Poornima or Jendhiyala Poornima. It was on this day that Markandeya Mahamuni started weaving cloth for the Gods. This festival is celebrated in the Markandeya temple located in the Kasar Ali area of Bhiwandi, established by the Padmashalis in the 1960s. On Rakhi Poornima evening a procession, popular as Rath-Yatra, leaves from different areas of Bhiwandi like Padma Nagar, Kamathghar, Anjurphata, Subash Nagar and Kombad-Pada, where the Padmashalis mainly live, and heads towards the Markandeya temple in Kasar Ali. Padmashali men sit on a truck and weave a piece of silk cloth on the handloom, which they call "CheitiMaggam" and "Ratam." This piece of cloth is offered to Markandeya Mahamuni at the Markandeya temple in felicitation and is then auctioned, with all the rich Padmashali men bidding for it. On the occasion of Rakhi Poornima, the Padmashalis celebrate Raksha Bandhan when the men have the sacred thread tied to their wrists by their sisters. In return, they touch their sisters’ feet and give them gifts and money. Also, on Rakhi Poornima day all the married men among the

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Padmashalis wear a sacred thread called Janjram from their left shoulder to the right side of their waist. This Janjram is a bunch of four threads representing the four Vedas, namely Riga-veda, Sama-veda, Atharva-veda and Yajur-veda, with a knot of the Brahmachakra in between. It is said that this tradition came into existence among the Padmashalis from the time when Markandeya Mahamuni started weaving cloth for the Gods. The Padmashalis preserve their own culture in this way by worshipping Markandeya Mahmuni. Besides this, the Padmashalis also worship goddesses like Yellamma, Poshamma and Durgamma. All these goddesses are considered the children of Lord Shiva, and interestingly, the Padmashalis consider them to be malevolent deities. They also worship certain animals and trees, such as the cobra on Nag-Panchmi day in the month of ShrƗvan, and the tiger is believed to be the transport of Markandeya Mahamuni. Other animals like cows and bulls, and plants like Tulsi, are also objects of worship Their native festival of Bathkamma, which falls on the first and last night of Navrathri during Dussera, is exuberantly celebrated by the Padmashalis, especially the women. Men and children also participate actively during the procession towards Lake Varaladevi. This is also proof that the Padmashalis preserve their cultural and religious identity in a new environment, even though they are away from their native place. The other important festivals celebrated by the Padmashalis of Bhiwandi throughout the year, according to the calendar, are Sankranti, Mahshivarathri and Uggadhi, i.e. Gudhi-Padwa, Ram Navmi, Nag Panchmi, Janmashtami, Ganesh Utsav, Navrathri, Dussera and Diwali. Of these, Janmashtami, Ganesh Utsav and Navrathri are celebrated at the inter-caste level. The celebration of Bhau-dhuj by some Padmashalis on the second day after Diwali is also present. This is celebrated in the same way by all Marathi families residing in Bhiwandi. In fact, most of the festivals are celebrated in the Maharashtrian style. Notable in this context is that there is a Sai-Baba Palkhi, which goes towards Shirdi from Mumbai in the month of Shravan. Many Padmashalis participate in this celebration. A separate Palkhi representative of the Telugu community dominated by the Padmashali, named Sai Sabari Mitra Mandal, leaves from Padma Nagar in Bhiwandi and goes to Shirdi. This shows their affinity with the Maharashtrian Gods. Perhaps it was their desire to adjust to the Maharashtrian culture that they felt it essential to worship Sai Baba. Another aspect worthy of mention here is that the Padmashali community continues the tradition of ancestor worship. All the male and

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Migration and Adaptation: A Study of the Padmashalis in Bhiwandi

female ancestors back to the third generation are worshipped annually through the performance of a Shraddha during the dark half of the month of BhƗdrapada, which they term Peddhalaku Biyyam, meaning offering a feast to the ancestors in their memory. This ancestral worship of Peddhalaku Biyyam is also performed on the eve of any auspicious occasion, like marriage.

10. Religious Institutions of the Padmashalis (i) Sri Markandeya Mahamuni Mandir Trust: The Markandeya Mahamuni Mandir is the first religious institution established by the Padmashalis in Kasar Ali in early 1960. The Padmashalis celebrate the festival of Markandeya Mahamuni in this temple on every Rakhi Poornima day. This institution conducts Abhishekam for all the Padmashali families living in Bhiwandi throughout the year, with every family getting an opportunity once a year. (ii) The Sri Ram Mandir Trust: This religious institution was established in Padma Nagar in 1970. On the eve of Ram-Navami all the people of Bhiwandi visit this temple enthusiastically to witness Sita-Rama Kalyanotsavam. (iii) Sri Venkateshwara Seva Samithi: This religious institution was established in Padma Nagar in 1984. This Samithi organizes Sri Venkateshwara Kalyanotsavam in the month of Vaishak every year. (iv) Sri Geeta Mandir Charitable Trust: This religious institution was established in the mid-1990s in Padma Nagar. The community organizes Krishna-Janmashtimi in its own temple in the month of Shravan every year.

11. Social Institutions of the Padmashalis (i) Akhil Padmashali Samaj: The Akhil Padmashali Samaj is the very first social institution established in Bhiwandi by the Telugu Community, dominated by the Padmashalis. This institution was established in 1970 when the riot took place in Bhiwandi on the Hindu-Muslim issue. (ii) Padmashali Telugu Samaj Shikshan Sansta: A good number of educated Padmashalis established another institution called Padmashali Telugu Samaj Shikshan Sansta in 1980. This institution is kind of a school where along with the Telugu language, English, Hindi and Marathi are taught along with other subjects. (iii) Padmashali Purohita Sangam: The Padmashali Purohita Sangam was launched by the Purohits of the Padmashali community in the 1970s

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when they started holding their marriage ceremonies in Bhiwandi itself instead of going to their native place. There are many other institutions like the Jai Hind Mitra Mandal, Geeta Mitra Mandal and Vinayak Mitra Mandal, which take an active part during festivals like Ganpati Puja, Navratri, etc. During all these festivals, the members gather and celebrate by arranging Sarvajanik Ganesh Utsav, NavRatri Dandiyas, Janmashtami, and Dandiyas in the traditional way as picked up from the Maharashtrian culture. By assimilating themselves with the local culture, the Padmashalis have tried to become one with them. (iv) Amusement of the Padmashalis: The Padmashalis have established three Film Theatres in Bhiwandi, namely Alankar Talkies, Ashish Talkies and Ganesh Talkies. They visit these theatres located in the Padma Nagar region to watch Telugu movies, which show that the Padmashalis in Bhiwandi have also been trying to preserve their own art and culture.

12. Life Cycle Ceremonies of the Padmashalis 12.1. Birth and Naming Ceremony When a child is born the entire family has to stay in seclusion for two days. If the child is a boy then there is a traditional ritual called Moladharam, which consists of a sacred thread tied around the waist of the infant. This thread is a compulsion for every Padmashali male to keep until death. At the same time they also worship the deity Gauramma for the well-being of their child. This ritual is performed either on the 3rd, 5th, 9th, 11th, 13th, 15th, 19th or 21st day after the baby boy is born. However, this ritual is not meant for any girl child in view of their puberty. The naming ceremony or Purudu is performed on the 21st day or in the 3rd month after the child is born. 12.2. Tonsure Ceremony All children aged one year undergo this ritual of tonsure, popular in the community as Puttentkelu. The ritual demands that the hair of a child is tonsured once, any time since his or her first birthday and until the fifth year of their life. According to this ritual, the maternal uncle takes his niece or nephew on his lap and initiates the formality as he cuts the hair with the help of scissors and a "finger-ring," through which the child’s hair is passed five times. The barber sitting alongside the child’s maternal uncle completes the process of tonsuring. The hair is then kept safely for

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Migration and Adaptation: A Study of the Padmashalis in Bhiwandi

offerings by the parents of the child at the shrines of Tirupathi or Vemulawada. 12.3. Puberty The attainment of Puberty by a young girl is termed as "Pushpavathi’" by the Padmashalis. The said girl is expected to stay in seclusion for at least 5, 9, 11, 13 or, at the most, 15 days, depending upon the omen and sacred importance of the above-mentioned odd days from the day of Menarche. During this time the girl remains in isolation, is given one corner of the house with her own belongings like utensils, bed-sheets and clothes, and her mother gives her a bath on all these days after smearing her all over with turmeric-powder paste to keep away evil spirits. Close female relatives bring a couple of bowl-shaped dried coconuts and offer them to the girl by placing them on her lap in a customary way. As it is regarded as a period of ceremonious segregation, all the relatives are allowed to bring food items for lunch and dinner. However, on the last day of observing this occasion the girl’s nails are polished, marking the end of the period of isolation. The girl is made to wear a sari and ornaments and a feast is arranged for all the close relatives on this ceremonious day. The next day, the girl can go back to her normal life and resume her daily activities. However, she is expected to remain in isolation for five days during every menstrual cycle. 12.4. Marriage A man is not allowed to marry a woman belonging to his clan or a woman whose horoscope shows the same nakshatra as his. However, a man is allowed to marry the daughter of his maternal uncle. Arranged marriages in the Padmashali community are very peculiar but have proved very successful since time immemorial. Inter-caste marriages are considered taboo by the Padmashalis, 12.5. Baby shower The baby shower is a ritual called Shrimantam, and is performed in honour of a woman who becomes pregnant for the first time. This ritual is observed in the woman’s maternal home in the fifth month of her pregnancy. While this ritual is observed, the pregnant woman sits with her husband and their relatives, one after the other, felicitate the couple by putting vermillion on their foreheads and sweets in their mouths. Next, the

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female relatives fill the lap of the pregnant woman with Vodi-biyyam and Kanumu, i.e. yellow rice grains and a blouse. 12.6. Death After a person dies, the dead body is bathed by the elderly males or females, depending on the deceased's gender. If the dead person is an unmarried male (above 16 years old) or an unmarried female (after puberty), then his or her body is given in marriage with the Tulsi plant. In the case of unmarried dead females, it is customary for any elderly old married woman to offer a sari on her lap. This is followed by a funeral procession. The relatives and friends of the dead person have to go back to their respective homes to see the "Deepam," i.e. the lamp that is lit in his or her memory. The close ones among them next offer some food or sweets called Chedhu-Noru-Edpinchatam to the family members. Many close relatives invite the members in the dead person’s family for a feast at their home as a mark of consolation, but this is done after the performance of a ritual called Dinalu at their home, usually on the eleventh day after death. According to customs, the entire family observes pollution for a complete year by not visiting temples or performing any religious rituals. According to customs, all the members of the family visit the Smashan with close relatives on the second day after the funeral to collect the bones in the form of ashes. The ashes are kept in an urn which is tied to a tree in the Smashan itself. The ashes in the urn are next taken and poured into a sacred river on the tenth day. The night before, the elder male members in the family sleep in a temple courtyard located near their houses. On the eleventh day, when the ritual of Dinalu is performed, the elder male members of the family have to undergo the process of tonsuring their heads. As part of the ritual of Dinalu all the relatives and friends of the family are invited for a feast at the dead person’s home. Once the family is finished with the rituals of Dinalu they observe Nela-Mashkam every month in memory of the dead person until one year has passed. After the completion of one year of Nela-Mashkam the same rituals are performed once every year. This ceremony observed in memory of the dead person is called Yaadadhi-Mashkam. The days for performing Nela-Mashkam and Yaadadhi-Mashkam are identified according to the Hindu calendar, based on whether the day of death falls before or after Amavasya ("No Moon day") or Poornima ("Full Moon day"). It is seen that if somebody dies on the day of Amavasya then the entire family has to

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Migration and Adaptation: A Study of the Padmashalis in Bhiwandi

leave the house permanently and settle in another house, as it is considered inauspicious and a bad omen for the entire family.

Conclusion The Padmashalis have adjusted well to the rites and rituals of the Maharashtrian culture, as they have always tried to mingle with them. At the same time, it is praiseworthy that they try to preserve and maintain their own religious, cultural and occupational identity.

References Beals, R. L. & H. Hoijer. (1966). An Introduction to Anthropology. New York.MacMillan Publishing Co. Bogue, D. J. (1969). Principles of Demography. London: Wiley and Sons Inc. Carol. R. Ember & M. Ember. (1999). Anthropology 9th Edition. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Day, Robert A. (1996). How to Write and Publish a Scientific Paper. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Govind, G. (1976). Tribals in an Urban Setting, A Study of SocioEconomic Impact of Poona city on Mahadevo Kolis. Pune: Sharad Gogale and Avinash Gogale for Shubhada Saraswat. Helen I Safa & Brian M duToit (1975) Migration and Development (Ed), The Hague: Mouton Honigmann, J. J. (1997). Handbook of Social and Cultural Anthropology. New Delhi: Rawat Publications. Howard, M. C. (1989). Contemporary Cultural Anthropology. Simon and Fraser University Press, Vancouver. Joshi, S. C. (1994). Migration to a Metropolis. Jaipur: RSBA Publisher. Kothari, K. L. (1985). Tribal Social Change in India. New Delhi: Himanshu Publications. Kottac, C. P. (1991). Cultural Anthropology. New York: McGraw-Hill Publications. Mayer, P. (1962). Migrancy and the study of Africans. American Anthropologist. 64(3):576-592 Michael, S. M. (1989). Culture and Urbanization. New Delhi: Inter-India Publication. Ponsioen, J. A. (1969). Analysis of Social Change Reconsidered: A Sociological Study. Monton: Institute of Social Science.

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Pons, V. (1969). Stanleyville: An African Urban Community under Belgian Administration. London: Oxford University Press. Rajesham, G. (2007). Padmavamsh Mahantha. Karimnagar: Satyanarayan Publisher. Redfield, R. (1963). Peasant Society and Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Schusky, E. L. & T. P. Culbert. (1987). Introducing Culture. New Delhi: Prentice-Hall Publications. Sills, D. L. (1968). International Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences. London: The Macmillan Company and the Free Press. Saxena, D. P. (1977). Rural Urban Migration in India, Causes and Consequences. Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Tripathy, S. N. (2006). Dynamics of Tribal Migration. New Delhi: Social Publications. Venkatesham, G. (1997). Sree Markandeya Charithra. Solapur: Vinoda Publisher. Vidyarthi, L. P. & Rai, B. K. (1985). The Tribal Culture of India. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. Young, P. V. (1984). Scientific Social Survey and Research. New Delhi: Prentice-Hall of India Pvt. Ltd.

ONSLAUGHT OF URBANIZATION ON THE STRUCTURE AND FUNCTION OF FAMILY AND MARRIAGE ARITRA SAMAJDAR AND JESURATHNAM DEVARAPALLI

Introduction Over time, cultural growth and social development have brought about countless changes in the living conditions of people, leading to the reorientation or breakdown of the hitherto existing institutions on the one hand, and the realignment of the old patterns or the creation of new systems on the other. From this perspective, urbanization is one such indicator of human development that has impelled significantly upon the social and natural environment. In the social scenario, at a global level, many changes are visible in the basic institutions, particularly in the structure of the household and the family. Cheng Sim (2003) has rightly documented these changes in the family structure into two groups. On the one side there are those who argue that current changes in the family structure are not a new phenomenon but have come gradually as the family adapted to the changing circumstances from time to time (Madan 1976; Shah 1968). The other camp believes that the current changes are a consequence of an irreversible breakdown in values (Writh 1938; Goode 1963).

Perspectives on Family and Marriage Perhaps George Peter Murdock’s (1949) work on family could be considered an authentic document as it is based on his close observation on the institution of family in a wide range of societies. He took a sample of 250 societies ranging from small hunting and gathering bands to large industrial societies, claiming that some form of family exists in each. In his conclusion, he defines the family as “a social

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group characterized by common residence, economic cooperation, and reproduction. It includes adults of both sexes, at least two of whom maintain a socially approved sexual relationship and one or more children, own or adopted, of the sexually cohabiting adults” (Murdock 1949). Thus, the family lives together, pools its resources and works together and produces offspring. In other words, according to Murdock, the family has three essential elements: (i) common residence, (ii) economic cooperation, and (iii) reproduction. If we examine Murdock’s definition of family, it is similar to the definition of joint family given by Iravati Karve (1953, 339–396) and K. M. Kapadia (1959, 68–99) with special reference to India. To the Indian anthropologists there are two more elements included in a joint family: (i) joint property, and (ii) ritual integration. Contrastingly, Claude Levi-Strauss defines “family” from a purely structural point of view, and his definition is a kind of logical construction of the institution of family. He clearly states his aims and objectives before defining “family”: “The first to define the family by integrating the numerous factual observations made in different societies not by limiting ourselves to the prevailing situation among us but by building up an ideal model of what we have in mind when we use the word ‘family’” (1968, 266–267). Here, Levi-Strauss sheds light on the subject for researchers of the coming age who are interested in the area of family and marriage. He focuses on the urgent task before anthropologists studying family and marriage, making it very clear that this effort is not just for gathering empirical evidences from different societies or from different parts of the world and then making a comparative generalization (like George Peter Murdock), and neither is it for making an ethnocentric definition from the studies of one’s own society, but for making a universal definition of family which is ideal in nature (we will find it only in the cognitive level of a particular culture). In this context, Levi-Strauss brought anthropology to the level of Plato's philosophy (see The Republic) by making a distinction between “ideal” and “real,” and putting more emphasis on “ideal” rather than “real.” Like the natural science model, the LeviStraussian anthropology argues in favour of an abstract model emerging from empirical evidences. Strauss defines family on the following lines: The word family serves to designate a social group offering at least three characteristics: (1) it finds its origin in marriage; (2) it consists of a husband, and a wife and children born out of their wedlock, though it can be conceived that other relatives may find their place close to that nuclear group; and (3) the family members are united together by (a) legal bonds, (b) economic, religious, and other kinds of rights and obligations, (c) a

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Onslaught of Urbanization on Family and Marriage precise network of sexual rights and prohibitions, and a varying and diversified amount of emotional feelings such as love, affection, respect, awe, etc. (ibid)

Nevertheless, the above two definitions are unable to reach the empirical ground of cold reality which the family, the basic universal institution of human society, is facing. Today, the family as an institution faces several questions which ultimately challenge its very existence. To grasp the reality of modern social complexities, we have to follow the modern scholars who have been redefining “family” to inculcate the modern concepts of “living together” and “same-sex partners.” Stack (1996) defines family as “the smallest, organized, durable network of kin and non-kin who interact daily, provide the domestic needs of children and assure their survival.” This definition ultimately fills the gap between household and family and considers the nurturing of children as the basic function of a family, even as childcare is becoming a basic challenge against the backdrop of modern life. Mcdaniel et al. (2005) define family as “any group of people related either biologically, emotionally or legally ….” However, as noted by Crawford (1999, 271), “Society’s definition of ‘family’ is rapidly expanding and has come to include single parents, biracial couples, blended families, unrelated individuals living cooperatively, and homosexual couples, among others.” This definition of family incorporates all the modern structural changes in the family, like “living together” and “same-sex partnership.” Thus, Levi-Strauss’s definition makes it evident that the family finds its origin in marriage, or rather the institution of marriage gives birth to the institution of family. So, to get a clear view of family we also have to define marriage, as changes in the family structure are an outcome of the changes in the marriage pattern. Following Edmund Leach (1955), we can say that: “Marriage is a relationship established between a woman and one or more other persons, which provides that a child born to the woman under circumstances not prohibited by the rules of the relationship is accorded full birth status rights common to normal members of his/her society or social stratum.” According to a contemporary definition of marriage by Bell (1983), “Marriage is a relationship between one or more men (male or female) in severalty to one or more women that provides those men with a demandright of sexual access within a domestic group and identifies women who bear the obligation of yielding to the demands of those specific men.” Bell further points out that:

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“Marriage defines for both men and women a place within the social structure; it implies that they are members of some group or groups from which they may gain access to certain resources and to which they may bear socially recognized responsibilities. Hence, to say that a man is married or that a child is legitimate is to say that the individual has a particular placement in the social space. The dimension of this social space consists of the rights to various resources that apply to that position and the responsibilities that must be fulfilled in order to validate one’s continued placement. In any society that maintains a marital institution, the location of the marital tie within the space of social relations is defined by a particular configuration of rights. It is this configuration that constitutes “marriage” in that society.

Background of Migrants The present study focuses on the changes that have taken place in the structure and function of family and marriage among the migrant rural settlers along the railway tracks in the urban centre Baidyabati. The people of Baidyabati call this settlement “Murshidabadi Basti” and refer to its inhabitants as “Murshidabadi.” The notion behind this nomenclature is that all inhabitants of this area came from the Murshidabad district of West Bengal. Of the 45 households of the area, 29 originated from the Lalgola Block of Murshidabad district and the remaining 16 from the Berhampore sub-division of the same district. Though Berhampore is a city and district headquarters, the migrants have their origins in villages. All of them are Hindus and hail from the Payamal scheduled caste group. It is true that this group of settlers is Hindu, yet some of their practices directly contradict the basic premises of that religion, such as, for instance, eating beef in certain ceremonies like marriage. The most interesting point is that back in the villages they were not engaged in any kind of agriculture and related work. Their main economic activities in their native villages revolved round jhuri bona (making baskets from bamboo strips) and mora bona (making a simple tool from bamboo strips). Moreover, they could not find work in the village throughout the year and were faced with acute unemployment problems for many months. Given this kind of an economic situation in their own villages and the outbreak of the third Indo-Pakistan War in 1971, which saw a large number of people from Bangladesh (the then East Pakistan) crossing the international border to seek refuge in India, these disadvantaged people joined the other international migrants and came to the suburban areas of Kolkata for better employment opportunities. Baidyabati is one of the places in which they settled in 1974.

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Onslaught of Urbanization on Family and Marriage

Location and Social Environment of the Study Area Baidyabati, a town in the Hoogly district of West Bengal, is situated 25 km from Kolkata. The town is a part of the greater Kolkata metropolitan region and is prominently located on the map of the Howrah-Bandel section of the Eastern Railway. The river Ganges flows to the west of the town. It is a very ancient town and Lord Sri Chaitanya’s name is related with its history. India’s first surgeon, Dr. Madhusudan Gupta, was born and brought up here, hence the name Baidyabati (Baidya means doctor and Bati means house; so Baidyabati stands for doctor's house). The town has a population of 1,04,540 (2001 census). The study area “Murshidabadi Basti” is located on both sides of the railway tracks near Baidyabati railway station. There are 45 houses, of which 29 are situated behind the northbound platform, and the remaining 16 are situated beside the southbound platform. The houses run parallel to the railway tracks separated only by a stonemade pathway constructed by Indian Railways. The 29 houses behind the northbound platform comprise Namo Para and the remaining 16 situated behind the southbound platform make up Upar Para. A pond owned by the railways stands behind Namo Para, while there is an abandoned Hanuman foundry behind Upar Para. All the houses in this basti are typical huts with roofs made of straw or plastic sheets supported by a bamboo frame. Invariably, all the houses have mud floors, often smeared with cow dung. The walls are made of bamboo wattle daubed with mud and cow dung, while those who can afford it use Darma screens (mats made of bamboo strips). All types of outside walls are covered with plastic to protect the houses from rain. Generally, each house has one room, and some houses have a balcony. There is no regulated electricity connection in the area and illegal connection is rampant. Most people use this non-regulated electricity to watch TV and use a table fan in the summer. There are eleven families in the area with TV sets. Since the land on which they have their houses belongs to the railways, the Baidyabati Municipality is unwilling to provide a water supply as a result of which there is no proper drinking water facility, and it has to be fetched from the roadside tube-well or from the Baidyabati railway platform’s drinking water unit. Baths are taken in the pond. As there is only one pond in the area the males and females take turns. The general practice is that the males take a bath early in the morning and the females take a bath after they are finished with cooking. The males get a second chance for a bath in the late afternoon. Again, while the women and girls

Aritra Samajdar and Jesurathnam Devarapalli

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use the toilet on the railway platform, the men and boys relieve themselves in the open, on either side of the railway track, a little away from their dwellings. As these are public places, they have to do these daily chores very early in the morning or late at night to avoid embarrassment. For this reason, they are worried about suffering from diarrhoea or related stomach disorders. The surveyed people wake up very early in the morning—around 4 o’clock during summer—because due to the lack of space in the houses, some family members sleep on the railway footbridge. The working members generally have their breakfasts, which is tea from an earthen cup and a quarter pound of bread or some cheap bakery biscuits, in the roadside tea shop. Later in the day they have lunch in their workplace in the company of their fellow workers. They generally have muri (puffed rice) rice, dal (pulses), chapati (bread hand-made with the rolling pin), vegetables, and potato curry. The women working as maidservants get their morning meals at their employer’s house as is customary, and they either eat it there or carry it home for their children. At present, the children are served midday meals in schools. The entire family sits together for a meal only at dinnertime, when they normally consume rice, chapati and sabji. This last meal of the day is phenomenal for the family as it explains family bonding to a great extent, meaning that if there is peace and harmony among the members they eat together. If not, it usually happens when the husband is in an inebriated state and the wife refuses to serve him dinner, or even when both husband and wife are drunk and there is no cooking at home, meaning the children eat according to the generosity of some other elderly woman from the neighbourhood. Sometimes, children below the age of 15 also take up odd jobs like drain cleaning, house cleaning, garbage removal and minding private gardens, which fetch them a paltry Rs. 20–50 per day, depending on their luck. Occasionally, children also sell vegetables door-to-door in the locality. Their living environment is full of insecurity and because of their uncertain futures they generally lead lives of disappointment. As their houses are under the jurisdiction of the railways, the Baidyabati Municipality denies them all kinds of services provided by the municipal authority. Police raids (GRP and RPF) are regular and some have even pulled down their houses and damaged household utensils in the name of land protection. They spend the greatest part of their lives and share all family duties, from morning to late night, in public. All their mundane domestic activities, be it cooking, eating, bathing, reading, and watching TV, gossiping, sleeping, playing and fighting, take place in public. They

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Onslaught of Urbanization on Family and Marriage

have no privacy for very personal moments like romancing, and their children are also born and brought up in a public place with hardly any privacy. Thus it is understandable that privacy and personal moments are almost unknown to them.

Demographic Scenario There are only 45 households present in the study area Murshidabadi Basti. The demographic structure of these 45 families is discussed below. Table 1. Family Types in the Basti Family Types Nuclear Family Broken Family Single Member Family Total

No. 29 10 6 45

% 64.44 22.23 13.33 100

The above table shows that the most prevalent family type in the study area is nuclear in structure (64.44%), implying that there is one adult female with an adult male as a socially recognized partner and a number of unmarried children born from their union. The high prevalence of nuclear families in Murshidabadi Basti (a suburban slum, where humans exist facing all types of crisis, i.e. mental, material and moral) undoubtedly proves that this family type provides the best possible adaptive capability even in the most disadvantageous situation. There are also a good number of broken families present in the area (22.23%), consisting of an adult male/female and his/her unmarried children. It may be noted that in this basti, out of the 10 broken families, 9 are female-headed and 6 of these have permanent guests like a parent, grandparent or a female sibling living with them. The root cause of broken families is related to social and economic conditions. Interestingly, the only male-headed family is broken owing to the death of the adult female partner, whereas the remaining 9 female-headed families are broken due to either divorce (7 cases) or cheating (2 cases) by the male partners. The most marginal family type in the area is the single-member family, which is numbered 6 (13.33%). Of the 5 female-headed families, 4 female members are in this group after being abandoned by their male partners for being childless, and 1 is unmarried. The only member of the male-headed family is in this group for being unmarried. When a couple is childless it is the male counterpart who feels more insecure, and due to worrying that no

Aritra Samajdar and Jesurathnam Devarapalli

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one will take care of him in his old age he abandons his wife and seeks another woman who could bear his offspring. Table 2. Age and Sex Distribution of Population in the Basti Age Group 0–15

Male

%

Female

%

Total

%

31

38.75 (15.57)

47

39.4 (23.61)

78

39.2

16–31

19

23.75 (9.54)

28

23.52 (14.04)

57

28.64

32–47

19

23.75 (9.54)

29

24.36 (14.57)

58

29.14

48–63

9

9

9.04

2

11.25 (4.52) 5.04 (3.01)

18

63+

11.25 (4.52) 2.5 (1)

8

4.02

Total

80

100 (40.2)

119

100 (59.8)

199

100

6

Note: The percentages within brackets are in respect of the total number of respondents from each particular category.

The most striking feature of the population in the area is the presence of a greater number of females than males, i.e. there is a 19.6% female majority in the basti. The population strength is at the maximum in the 0– 15 age group for both males and females. At the second position are both the males and the females in the 16–31 and 32–47 age categories. A point to note here is that the number of females is greater than the males in all age categories. Though the people of the basti are not well educated, they are not totally outside the purview of education. There is a trace of illiteracy among the surveyed group but several of them have had primary and secondary education. This data proves that the studied population has some amount of awareness and commitment to spending on their children’s education, a fact which cannot go ignored. Notably, there is some amount of Sanskritization and Westernization traceable among them as they started believing that education is synonymous with culture and a means to becoming Bhadralok (the dominant caste), who are the class of

Onslaught of Urbanization on Family and Marriage

48

people in whose houses the child’s mother works. Here also, in each category, the number of females is higher than the number of males. Table 3. Education Distribution of Population Education Illiterate

Male 16

Able to read and write Primary

9

Secondary

22

Higher Secondary Total

2

31

80

% 20 (8.04) 11.25 (4.52)

Female 23

38.75 (15.57) 27.5 (11.05) 2.5 (1) 100 (40.2)

47

9

34 6 119

% 19.32 (11.55) 11.25 (4.52) 39.4 (23.61) 28.57 (17.08) 5.04 (3.01) 100 (59.8)

Total 39

% 19.6

18

9.04

78

39.19

56

28.14

8

4.02

199

100

Note: The percentages within brackets are in respect of total number of respondents from a particular category.

Employment Opportunities in Baidyabati The Baidyabati town is situated at the east side of the river Ganges and lies at the heart of the Hoogly-Howrah industrial belt, which is one of the oldest industrial areas of this country. There are three jute mills, one cotton mill, two cold storages, one food processing factory and one ice-cream factory. So, in Baidyabati there are good chances of employment for the surveyed group. In addition, there are four firebrick factories located at the riverside in Baidyabati. The Murshidabadi people mainly work in the firebrick factories, as the factory owners pay weekly wages called Hapta for their labour. Moreover, being in the suburbs of Kolkata, the hub of business activities, Baidyabati attracts many people from the villages, especially in and around Burdwan and Tarakeswar. There is therefore a continuous flow of people from the village to Baidyabati (and other suburban areas) because of the lower land price, the very cheap market and good connections with the metropolis. Also, there is a good market for civil construction works in Baidyabati and the adjacent areas. The Murshidabadi people take this opportunity and work as construction labourers. It may be mentioned that the general

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49

tendency is that the women work as maidservants in those houses in which their husbands undertake masonry work. Table 4. Occupation Distribution of the Male Population Occupation Type Daily Wage Labour (Construction Labour) Firebrick factory labour Mason Rickshaw Puller Goods Van Driver Car Driver School Van driver Fish Vendor Lottery Shop Owner Liquor Shop Owner Employed In Gach Charano Total

No. 17

% 36.17

6 4 7 5 1 2 2 1 1 1 47

12.76 8.51 14.9 10.63 2.12 4.25 4.25 2.12 2.12 2.12 100

Table 5. Occupation Distribution of Female Population Occupation Type Maidservant Firebrick factory labour Fish Vendor Vegetable Vendor Flower Vendor Fruit Vendor Beggar Total

No. 23 18 3 3 3 3 1 54

% 42.6 33.35 5.55 5.55 5.55 5.55 1.85 100

Impact of Urbanization—Changes in the Family Structure Studies of urbanization have, from a narrow economic point of view, shown that development generally takes the same general form everywhere and always, i.e. it consists of a progressively more rational application of scarce resources towards the achievements of specific material ends. General theories, such as that of Parsons (1951, 182–191) suggest that changes in the social system come with increasing economic

50

Onslaught of Urbanization on Family and Marriage

rationality, including the increasing percentage of nuclear families. Similar studies among the families in the pre-industrial West and an international survey of the family in relation to urbanization also seem to suggest that nuclear families are either an important precondition to urbanization (Frusterburg 1960, 337) or that they develop rapidly as urbanization occurs (Goode 1963, 239). However, studies of the family and urbanization in India have not consistently shown the same correlation between urbanization and the increasing incidence of nuclear families. In fact, Indian studies present a confusing and contradictory result. Three basic shifts in the family structure have been identified in the slums of the migrant labourers in Baidyabati, which are the following.

(1) Changes in Gender Roles among the Family members The basic building blocks in the social analysis by the functionalists are the concepts of status and role, which are most clearly articulated by the American anthropologist Linton and later by Radcliffe-Brown. Malinowski wrote of the “sociological differentiation of function” and of “offices” without using the terms “role” or “status” (1922). As formulated by Linton, a person occupies a status when they are attributed the right or the duty to behave and be treated in a certain way during social interaction (1936). When they act as expected in that status, they are performing the associated “role.” According to this theory: (i) A status is a position in a pattern of social relationships. (ii) A role consists of the form(s) of behaviour associated with that status. Each status is a position in a particular pattern of interaction. The individual person can have several statuses, depending on the patterns of interaction he/she participates in and the part played by them in each, implying that each and every person in a society enjoys a status and plays a particular role, according to age and sex. The following observations on the family structure of the migrant labour prove that urbanization puts a big question mark on gender role, as defined by the traditional social system. Childcare is one of the important functions that the family has to play and gender role in the family is built on the grounds that childcare is one of its bases of distinction. The observations are discussed hereafter.

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The first and foremost problem facing the migrant labour couple when they set up home in the city after marriage is that of childcare. The care of children and their social interaction are primary functions of the family, but pose a problem in the city context. Generally, the family type in the city is nuclear, as already pointed out. In this study, out of 45 families, 29 (64.45%) are nuclear in structure, 10 (22.22%) are broken and 9 are female-headed. It is the nuclear family type and the broken family type that face stiff contest when it comes to time distribution for childcare while also attending to work and traditional gender roles. In the context of the nuclear family the observation is that after a child is born, due to the lack of affordable childcare service providers, the woman withdraws from work due to the pressure of childbearing and childrearing. On the contrary, although there are nuclear families in the village today, the urgency of childcare does not necessarily disrupt a mother’s productive work in the fields, as the women in the villages are flexible enough to carry out agricultural work alongside childrearing. Women usually work in the fields on flexible hours, and take their children to the fields with them. In other words, they have control their own time and the type of work they are doing, incorporating childrearing into their routines. Moreover, in the village the women also draw on the support of their kin network for assistance. Thus, for the village women there was no clear separation between domestic reproductive work at home and productive work in the field. Contrarily, in the city, without the family support network and with few affordable childcare services, the separation between the wage-earning male and his spouse, a female, represented a new form of family for the rural migrants. Their status being that of homemakers, the female migrants from the rural areas were financially dependent on their husbands. Thus, they were vulnerable when divorced and abandoned. That may be a probable reason why, out of a total of 10 broken families, 9 are female headed, and out of 6 single-member families, 5 are female-headed. However, the above scenario is not a representation of the overall tendency. In the city context there has been a major shift in expected gender roles caused by employment opportunities. Surprisingly, in recent times, there has been fast growth in employment opportunities for the city’s women as compared to their male counterparts. The males among the migrant labour class in the city are mainly employed in the construction sector, but the recent economic meltdown has decreased their employment opportunities by a significant percentage. The women, on the other hand, are finding new types of employment opportunities in the suburban areas, like working as maidservants, door-to-door vendors, and

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Onslaught of Urbanization on Family and Marriage

childcare in place of the traditional construction labour. This new trend has resulted in the rise of households depending primarily on female earning (in this study, 35 out of 45 households [77.78%] primarily depend on female earning). Under such a situation, in some cases the males have to take up child-care responsibilities in place of the females. Consequent to this there has also been a shift in child expectation and a sizeable number (57.78%) of respondent parents want a girl as their first child, because she can grow up and take care of her younger siblings as well as attend to some household tasks.

(2) Abandoned Single Mothers and Children Born outside the Marital Bond In the city, the opportunities and vulnerabilities faced by the single female migrants are different from those of their married sisters. While both women and men enjoy greater employment opportunities in the urban centres, the single female migrant labourers, newly arrived from the villages, experience greater sexual vulnerability. In a village, premarital sex is usually legitimized on the basis of the suitor’s full assurances to his romancing partner of marriage between them. As the families of the boy and girl are also generally aware of such things, such a promise is not easily broken. Since the suitor’s village of origin and family background would be known the girl’s parents and village elders could enforce the customary laws if the promise were not kept. According to customary laws, the sanction for pregnancy is marriage. If the man is already married, he would be fined for adultery. In the cities, young women meet men from different backgrounds, their family and employment background being unknown and unfamiliar to them. Social mores which would dictate courtship behaviour in the village are not enforceable in the urban centres and, hence, many women get caught unawares when they first arrive in the city. Out of 9 single mother respondents interviewed, 3 (33.34%) reported that they were abandoned by their boyfriends when they were found to be pregnant. Devi was abandoned by her boyfriend when she was four months pregnant: “I met him when I was twenty and he was thirty. We were together for two years. He has never been to school and worked as a labourer for daily wages at the rate of Rs. 80 a day. When he found out that I was four months pregnant, he admitted that he already had a wife and two children and that he cannot afford to feed two wives. He just left me.” Young men on low salaries are unable and unwilling to start a family. Added to the disadvantages of men with low skills and little schooling is

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53

the sharp decline in their employment opportunities owing to the increasing use of technology. Changes in gender role expectations and an understanding of men’s role in marital instability are therefore crucial in any discussion on the changes in family form. Reports of incidences of conjugal conflict in the study area are increasing every day. Essentially, conjugal conflicts have become a regular affair in the area where the study was conducted; and, as reported, these conflicts sometimes also took place in the public place. One reason for this is the decline in male employment opportunities in the construction sector following the recent economic meltdown. On the other hand, there has been an expansion of job opportunities for women, as they are mainly employed either as maidservants in the houses of the locality or resort to work as vendors. Out of the 45 households in this study, female members from 23 households (or 51.12% of the total households) are working primarily as maidservants and those from 12 households (i.e. 26.67% of households) are earning livelihoods as vendors. Moreover, women’s jobs are considered more secure than those of their male counterparts. As a consequence of these changes, some households in the study area have become more dependent on the earnings of the females, the men being unemployed (35 households [77.78%] in the area are primarily dependent on female income). With the wives becoming the main earner in the family, the unemployed husbands are expected to take on more childcare responsibilities. The anxiety of the men over the loss of their jobs, their declining contribution to household resources and the familial reversal of roles has led to increased conjugal conflicts.

(3) Multi-Generation Extended Households and Social Parenting Parenthood by the single mothers in the study area has not necessarily lead to female-headed households; rather, it has sometimes resulted in multi-generation extended households. The majority of the single mother respondents in the area (6 out of 9) bring their parents, grandparents and siblings to live with them after the dissolution of marital ties. As the survival needs of the lower income families are dependent on the ratio of adult income earners to dependent children, changes in residential arrangements allow the single mothers to access the incomes of the other adults in order to survive. Thus, childrearing by conjugal ties is not the only model of parenting available to the studied group in Baidyabati.

54

Onslaught of Urbanization on Family and Marriage

Social parenting by siblings or other kin as well as fictive kin ties are equally important. Another important feature of social parenting observed in the area is that in some cases the single mothers or the working women become friendly with other women, mostly older than themselves, who are single with no children, and share some of her responsibilities of childcare. This kind of friendship is known as sai patano in the local vocabulary. These friendships are strengthened through the sharing of cooked foods or gifts of cash or clothes, cosmetics, ornaments or any household utensils in the time of festivals.

Marital fragmentation—Causes and Consequences The causes of marital fragmentation, as shown below, have been ranked on the basis of the frequency mentioned by the single mothers of the sample study. In other words, the causes for the dissolution of relationships often overlap and several causes are mentioned together. (1) Extramarital affairs of partners (half of them due to men working away from home) (2) Financial insecurity resulting in frequent quarrels over money (3) Domestic abuse of women and children (4) Childlessness (5) Interference of in-laws (6) Alcoholism (7) Human trafficking.

Problems Encountered by Single Mothers Women face different types of problems in the phases of their lives. Young single mothers (21–30) suffer much more emotionally and have major problems in childcare as compared to the older single mothers (41– 50). However, the older single mothers have faced many problems; while their rebellious adolescent children troubled them with their growing demands, these women also had to worry about their own aged parents, not to speak of their own health problems. It is to be noted that the percentage of divorces in the basti area is much higher than the normal divorce rate in Baidyabati, according to police records. The urban environment, unlike the village, has little traditional norms to keep married couples together. The urban single mothers from the lower socioeconomic strata are therefore more

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vulnerable than their rural counterparts as they have a very limited social support networks. Single mothers also confront physical problems of shelter that include housing repairs, illegal squatting, not having a house of their own and living in dilapidated dwellings. For instence, one single mother’s house is located beside her neighbours’ toilet. Last but not the least, the single mothers in the sample group often face health problems, as mentioned earlier, but their sufferings were often found to be caused by stress. For instance, Ayesha, 42, was shattered after discovering that her husband started an affair with another woman. She left him in 2004 when he beat her eldest son. Ayesha worked as a maidservant and her younger brother, a car driver, extended some help to her to support her three children who are still studying. Unfortunately, her brother has fallen terminally sick and this news came as a shock to her. Ayesha felt helpless and her mind was too disturbed to allow her to think and act rationally. She soon started experiencing frequent chest pains and high blood pressure.

Conclusion The changes in the family structure and compatibility in marriage brought about by urbanization have a bearing on the mode of production and social compulsions, as seen in the context of the Murshidabadi Basti. Malinowski (1963) declared that family is universal. He distinguished issues of sexual activity from family and proved that the Australian aborigines married on the grounds that they had rules regulating sexual activity during sexual orgies, differentiated between legal marriages and causal unions, and each child had a recognized father. Malinowski defined family as “a bounded set of people (a mother, a father and children) who recognize each other and are distinguishable from other groups; a definite physical space a hearth and a home; a particular set of emotions.” Later anthropologists have however challenged Malinowski’s idea that family always includes fathers, but accepted the other aspects of his definition, stating that the basic unit of a family is mother and child. Later feminist anthropologists (Rosaldo & Lamphere 1974; Collier & Yanagiasko 1987; Strathern 1988) objected to Malinowski’s views, saying that though the mother:child, parent:child groupings are universally true, not all such units exhibit boundaries, place and love. Ethnographies gave evidences to contradict Malinowski’s three essentials of family. For

56

Onslaught of Urbanization on Family and Marriage

instance, the natives might not be interested in boundaries, having no words to identify the unit of parents and children, e.g. the Zinacantecos of southern Mexico. Some families lack space, and parents and children don’t eat and sleep together, e.g. the Mundurucus of tropical South America. And people do not necessarily expect family members to love one another, e.g. the Cheyenne Indians of North America. Postmodern anthropology defies Malinowski, saying that his very idea of family as a cultural universe stems from a belief in the universal nurturing and reproductive role of women. We know today that family is a cultural construct. Urbanization dissolves boundaries for the family. Hence, if we, like Malinowski, start searching for distinctions of one group (i.e. the family) from another group all our work will go in vain. Human migration due to rapid growth and urbanization challenges the boundaries of the family. Nowadays, several unique family structures are observed due to livelihood compulsions, like the multigenerational households of the Murshidabadi Basti where an abandoned mother and her children are living with her mother and grandparents, or even with a sibling. The concepts of a place for common living and using a common hearth, as in the case of the Mundurucu Indians of tropical South America, are their tradition, but at the same time the parents and children don’t eat and sleep together. The studied population in the Murshidabadi Basti presents a similar case, where the parents and children sleep separately and meet only for the evening meal as a compulsion. This is, however, not a tradition in their native village. Malinowski’s third argument that love is the basis of family bonding is considered the most ridiculous in the context of urbanization and its relation with the family. Narrations by Devi or Ayesha on their experiences and hints at similar cases of domestic violence, child abuse and cheating by suitors in our study make it certain that love is in danger. The change in the concept and meaning of family due to the impact of urbanization can be perceived if we follow the views on family as expressed by Popenoe (1988)—“Family consisting of at least one adult and one dependent” simply because of its synthetic nature and lucidity. Under the prevailing urban scenario where economic compulsion surpasses the customary norms, even the institution of marriage has lost its ritual sanctity. Marriage ties have become too delicate and marital bonds are severed for trivial causes.

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Kolenda, P. M. (1970). “Family Structure in Village Lonikand, India: 1819, 1958, 1967.” Contributions to Indian Sociology 4: 50–72. Leach, E. R. (1955). “Polyandry, Inheritance and the Definition of Marriage.” Man 54: 182–186. Levi-Strauss, C. (1968). “The Family.” In H. L. Shapiro (ed.), Man, Culture and Society. New York: Free Press. Madan, T. N. (1976). “The Hindu Family and Development.” Journal of Social and Economic Studies 4 (2): 211–231. McDaniel, S. H., T. L. Cambell, J. Hepworth & A. Lorenz. (2005). Family Oriented Primary Care. New York: Springer. Malinowski, B. (1963). The Family Among the Australian Aborigines: A Sociological Study. New York: Shocken Books. Morre, H. L. (1994). Is There a Crisis in the Family? Occasional Paper no. 3 World Summit for Social development. Owens, R. (1971). “Industrialization and the Indian Joint Family.” Ethnology 10: 223–250. Parsons, T. (1951). The Social System. New York: Free Press of Glencoe. Popenoe, D. (1988). Disturbing the Nest: Family Change and Decline in Modern Societies. New York: A. de Gruyter. —. 2008. War Over the Family. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transactions Publishers. Ramu, G. N. (1974). “Urban Kinship Ties in South India: A Case Study.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 36: 619–627. Roy, P. K. (1974). “Industrialization and the ‘Fitness’ of Nuclear Family: A Case Study in India.” Journal of Comparative Family Studies 5: 74–86. Rosaldo, M. Z, L. Lamphere & J. Bamberger. (1974). Woman, Culture and Society. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Shah, A. M. (1968). “Changes in the Indian Family: An Examination of Some Assumption.” Economic and Political Weekly 3: 127–134. Sim, H. C. (2003). “The Impact of Urbanization on Family Structure: The Experience of Sarawak, Malaysia.” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 18 (1): 89–109. Stack, C. B. (1996). All Our Kin. New York: Basic Books. Strathern, M. (1988). The Gender of the Gift: Problems With Women and Problems With Society in Melanesia. Berkeley: University of California Press. Vatuk, S. J. (1971). “Trends in North Indian Urban Kinship: The Matrilateral Asymmetry Hypothesis.” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 27: 287–307. Writh, L. (1938). “Urbanism as a Way of Life.” American Journal of Sociology 44.

PARADISE LOST: MASS MIGRATIONS OF THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE TALBOT ROGERS, ALYSON LERMA AND CORINA ESCOTO

Background The issue of immigration has always been prevalent in the United States of America since 1620 when the Mayflower ship landed in Massachusetts with 102 pilgrims (Bass 1995). Since then, people from France, the Netherlands and England journeyed to America in search of a better place of worship, to own a piece of land, or to start a new life. These immigrants finally settled down and founded the original thirteen colonies, which later came to be known as the United States of America. The movement of groups of people continued throughout the 1700s and the 1800s, as immigrants from Germany, Ireland, Italy, China, Japan and many other places from Europe and Asia decided to relocate to America. According to Martin (2002), 40% of the five million secondwave immigrants were from Ireland, who had to leave their own country because of poverty and famine. It was only after the European economic system prospered that the trend of migration underwent a change after 1965 and the United States experienced an influx of immigrants from Mexico, Latin America and Asia. Presently, the population in the United States is about 307,006,550 which includes 35.7 million foreign-born immigrants, more than 12% of the total population (US Census 2009). Out of those 35.7 million foreignborn people, 743,715 were naturalized citizens (Lee 2009), 12.5 million permanent residents (Rytina, 2009), 74,602 admitted into the country as refugees (Martin 2009) and 10.8 million classified as undocumented or illegal immigrants in 2009. According to Hoefer, Rytina & Baker (2009), the majority of immigrants are concentrated in ten states. California has remained the leading state with 2.6 million immigrants followed by the

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state of Texas which has 1.7 million and Florida with 720,000. The other states include New York (550,000), Illinois (540,000), Georgia (480,000), Arizona (460,000), North Carolina (370,000), New Jersey (360,000), and Nevada (260,000) (see Fig. 5.1 below). In 2008, 46.9% of the 38.9 million foreign-borns identified themselves as Hispanic or Latinos (Terrazas & Batanova 2009). The Pew Hispanic Center (2008) reports that individuals from Mexico account for 32% of all the immigrants living in the United States, which is about 12.7 million people. Mexico has had this major immigrant representation since 1980 when a large number of people left their native country to look for better economic opportunities in America. “The number of Mexican immigrants to the U.S. doubled from 1980 to 1990 and more than doubled from 1990 to 2000” (Pew Hispanic Center 2008, 2). Since most Mexicans are undocumented (7%) and have low education levels, they end up working in lower-skilled occupations, have higher poverty levels, and usually have a higher unemployment rate than any other immigrant group in the country (Pew Hispanic Center 2008). The most recent report from the Migration Policy Institute (2009) explains that the number of immigrants from Asian countries and living in the US now is small. Moreover, the Asian population is very diverse, speaks different languages, and follows different cultures. The most predominant Asian groups include immigrants from the Philippines, who comprise about 4.4% of all foreign-born immigrants. This population is followed by that from India, making up 4.3% of the foreign-borns. Following them are the Chinese with 3.6%, Vietnamese with 3.0%, and Koreans with 2.7%. The rest of the immigrant population come from El Salvador (2.0%), Cuba (2.6%), Canada (2.2%), and the Dominican Republic (2.0%) (Terrazas & Batalova 2009). Since the Hispanics or the Latinos constitute the largest minority group in the United States of America, Spanish is the language most commonly spoken. In 2009, 61.9% of the immigrants, which includes the Mexicans, Cubans, Puerto Ricans, Dominicans and people from the Latin and South American countries, spoke Spanish. The other languages spoken included Chinese (4.4%), Tagalog (2.7%), French (including Cajun, 2.4%), Vietnamese (2.1%), and German (2.0%) (Migration Policy Institute 2009). These statistics do not really tell a dimensional story of the immigrants. Fabvell, Feldblum & Smith state: Rarely did authors consider the “human face” that might be found behind the aggregate data and structural logic that led to the recognition of global cities and global networks … A more recent second-generation of global studies has, to some extent, heeded the limitations of the macro-bias with

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more “agent-centered” studies in anthropology, human geography and sociology of transnational networks. (Favell, Feldblum & Smith 2007, 15)

Present-Day Northward Migrations In Spanish, the term mojado is often used to refer to those im/migrants that cross the border illegally and enter the USA. This term is often used by the native Spanish speakers of all backgrounds, and literal translations of the word could be as neutral as “the wet one” or as inflammatory as “wetback,” a derogatory description often hurled at Hispanics. The spelling of the word “im/migrants” as in this section of the chapter is used by some researchers to emphasize the description of those who cross into the United States as immigrants and then travel continually within the country as “migrants.” Ricardo Arjona, a Grammy award-winning artist from Guatemala who often addresses social injustices in his music, wrote and popularized a song entitled “Mojado.” This haunting composition tells the story of a Latin American im/migrant who packed one bag to cross the border and enter the US illegally, leaving behind his family and disregarding his desire to stay with them, as he has not been able to realize his dreams of becoming a true man due to the conditions present in his homeland (Arjona 2005). Arjona further croons that the mojado, who is also known as the “indocumentado” or undocumented one, has become a fugitive simply for wanting to forge a better life. This im/migrant who risks his life to travel to the US in search of economic opportunities is, very ironically, invisible or non-existent in both societies; he does not exist in America because there is no formal documentation of his entry and at the same time he ceases to be a resident of his home country after crossing the border. As such, he is forced to live a life in the shadows as a resident in a country in which he has no legal rights. The song ends with the artist comparing these im/migrants to aliens from Mars, based on their inhumane treatment by others (Arjona 2005). Thus, Arjona’s poignant melody describes the emotional crisis that most of the im/migrants face when trying to determine whether the possibility of economic prospects outweighs the decision to risk an often dangerous journey to the US as well as an often disillusioning renegotiation of cultural identities and educational opportunities upon arrival. Although the immigrants are typically distinguished from the migrants on the basis of international travel and permanency, many Hispanics who come to America in search of a better life do not originally intend to stay permanently, though some do for unplanned reasons. While a large

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percentage of the Hispanics residing in the United States have traditionally lived in the American Southwest, especially in the urban centres in California, Arizona and Texas, recent studies suggest that the Latinos are settling or resettling in areas in the American South and Midwest, where low-skill and low-wage jobs are available (Crowley & Lichter 2009). It is also likely that some of these im/migrants are either fleeing or avoiding the current political environment in states with traditionally large Hispanic populations where they have become the focus of a national debate. Conditions have become less than hospitable for many of the estimated 45.5 million people of Spanish or Hispanic descent living in America (US Census 2008). As reported in the Census data, this figure from 2008 reflects an increase of almost 58% compared to the decade from 1990 and 2000 (Guzmán 2001). This population explosion is due to an influx of im/migrants from Latin America. High fertility rates among the Hispanics also explain the increase, which has been a point of contention among critics who refer to the children of undocumented im/migrants as “anchor babies.” Many critics of the current US immigration policy cite the law granting citizenship upon birth on US soil as a major “pull factor” that attracts people from the poorer countries to come here illegally. Unauthorized residents are parents of almost 8% of all babies born in the United States as citizens (Passel 2010). In fact, approximately 90% of Latinos under 18 are born in the United States as citizens (Dolan 2009). Recent data suggest that the overall number of unauthorized immigrants is less than the percentage of people entering the country legally (Passel & Cohn 2008). Nevertheless, it is estimated that 11.9 million undocumented im/migrants who traversed various borders to reach the US currently live here. This group accounts for approximately 4% of the overall adult population residing in America (Passel 2009). These individuals would most likely relate to Arjona’s song of emotional turmoil and economic “pull factors” associated with the choice of leaving behind one’s homeland in the hope of securing a stable future. Such decisions are critical, particularly for the Hispanics who represent approximately 76% of the almost 12 million undocumented individuals living in the United States, with 5.3 million alone migrating from Mexico (Passel 2009). The Hispanics and the Latinos are not a homogenous, monolithic group. Tienda points out that “subsumed under the pan-ethnic label the ‘Hispanics’ are 20 different nationalities, descendants of the early Spanish settlers in the Southwest, multiple cohorts of immigrants from Latin America, and, importantly, the children and grandchildren of recent and prior immigrants” (2009, 5). They include a wide array of people of all

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skin colours who speak dozens of different languages. Their rich cultural and linguistic heritages are often voided by having to choose between the labels of Hispanic and Latino. People of Spanish or Latin American descent are considered to be of Hispanic or Latino origin for most governmental or official forms, despite the fact that most native-born Latinos would most likely self-identify first by their country of origin. While there has been a trend among researchers to focus on this ethnic/racial group as a whole, recent authors (Carpenter & Ramirez 2007; Gándara 2009; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco 2009) have noted the distinctions within this segment of the population and called for similar observations and studies. Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco assert that despite differences in the Latino subgroups, “many researchers treat the Latinos as if they were a homogenous group and often report general findings for an aggregated Latino population” (2009, 329). Such generalizations do not adequately capture the distinctive characteristics or the varied but unique needs of this group. The Hispanics as a whole have distinctive cultural values and beliefs that often differ from those of the dominant white culture of the United States. Nevertheless, there are also marked differences among the subgroups of the Latinos. For example, nativeness, English proficiency and legal status are some factors that distinguish the segments within the Hispanic population. Recognizing these distinctions, Tienda argues that “on the heels of three decades of high immigration levels, distinguishing between the native and foreign-born is essential to fully appreciate Hispanics’ educational improvement” (2009, 15). She also notes that high fertility rates, a common language, a youthful age structure, a large percentage of undocumented individuals included in the foreign-born population, and the increasing educational disparities distinguish the Latinos from the other contemporary immigrant groups. Immigrants can also be further divided into documented residents as well as first-generation, second-generation and third-generation residents and others. Several studies have investigated the correlation between immigrant status and school completion, as well as the unique educational challenges that the first-generation immigrants and their offspring face (Lopez 2009; Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco 2009; Valdés 1996). The foreign-born Hispanics, who comprise almost 35% of all Latino youth, are much less likely to have plans to attend a post-secondary institution and much more likely to bear the financial burden of their families (Lopez 2009). They are also more likely than the native-born Latinos to drop out of high school without completing graduation requirements, often due to

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cultural differences, educational expectations, financial hardship and lack of English proficiency (Fry 2010). Despite the fact that various legal victories have been earned and some educational gains have been made since the Civil Rights Era, the current educational gaps do not mirror the huge Hispanic population explosion that has occurred in recent decades. For example, the number of Latinos living in the United States from 2000 to 2007 increased by 28.7%, and approximately one school-age child in four is now a Hispanic (Dolan 2009). Such false statistics are a means taking advantage of the current political stance towards immigration, particularly illegal entry into America. Regardless of their legal status, the Hispanics, particularly the dropouts, remain one of the most vulnerable and marginalized segments of society in many respects. Utilizing Nieto’s (2005) description of public education as a “democratic equalizer,” current statistics confirm that the gaps between the Latinos and other racial/ethnic groups suggest that the strides made since the 1960s and 1970s have not been significant. In fact, Vélez & Saenz note that: “not only did the Latinos have the highest dropout rates in the period 1972 through 1999, the dropout rates of the White and the African American students fell three times faster than did that of the Latino students in this 24-year period” (1999, 446). With recent figures predicting that the Hispanics will account for almost 30% of the US population by 2050, a comparison of their high school completion rate of less than 60%, with the percent distribution being much less in urban centres, bodes ill for the nation, if this largest and fastest growing ethnic minority group continues to drop out of school at record rates (Passel & Cohn 2008). Contemporary politicians and pundits cite the noticeable advancement in the life situations of the Hispanics living in the US since the 1950s and 1960s, which marked the disappearance of signs like “No Dogs or Mexicans” and “Whites Only: No Mexicans or Spanish” in business windows across the Southwest. Nevertheless, despite some noticeable progress, arguments over institutional barriers, equal access, and fair treatment for the Latino students—both native born and immigrant—still rage across the nation, especially in the states with traditionally large Hispanic populations. While states such as California, Nevada and Texas have struggled with responses to the consequences of the rapidly growing Latino population, the primary showdown in favour of equal rights for the Hispanics is in Arizona. In June 2010, an elementary school mural became the cause of a national controversy, which automatically raises doubt in our minds about the real progress in our thought process, if any. Citing the current sensitive political environment, the principal of the Miller Valley

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Elementary School, Prescott, asked the artist of a mural depicting four children advertising environmentally-friendly transportation to lighten the skin tone of the dominant figure, which is a Hispanic boy (Wagner 2010). A local councilman weighed in on the debate, fuelling racial tensions and catapulting the story onto the national stage. The issues of Hispanic identity and government-sanctioned discriminatory practices have also reached the forefront in the national immigration debate. A widely supported law meant to curb illegal immigration in Arizona has ignited a racial debate and was set to take effect on July 29, 2010. Because the legislation allows Enforcement Officers to ask all and sundry to prove their legal statuses by providing supporting documents, President Obama has expressed his concern over the possibility of racial profiling. He stated that such laws “also have the potential of violating the rights of innocent American citizens and legal residents, making them subject to possible stops or questioning because of what they look like or how they sound” (Obama 2010). Reacting to the passage of the state law and citing conflicts with the federal authority, the Department of Justice filed a lawsuit on July 6, 2010 and issued a temporary injunction (US Department of Justice 2010). The controversy surrounding the Hispanics residing in the United States has existed since the first waves of im/migrants crossed into the newly acquired territory granted by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo that ended the Mexican-American War in 1848. The debate concerning access to services, particularly free public education, has been at the forefront since the early 1900s when ethnic minority students were victims of discriminatory policies aimed at intentional assimilation. Various court cases and policies began chipping away at segregation as a monolithic and legally sanctioned practice, beginning with the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision. This watershed case reversed the previous “separate but equal” doctrine from Plessy v. Ferguson (1898) that had upheld the precedent for the legal segregation based on race, despite the fact that the case did not involve education directly. Nevertheless, the landmark case involving the illegality of segregationist policies relating specifically to Hispanic students was not decided until almost two decades later by Keyes v. School District No. 1, Denver (1973). According to the majority decision, the Denver school system (specifically the Park Hill district) had been remiss for only considering the African Americans, and not the Hispanics, as minority groups when reviewing the policies that could result in segregation (Alexander & Alexander 2009).

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In addition to school segregation, other cases that directly included the Hispanic im/migrants and were related to their access to an equal education have reached the Supreme Court. One of the most prominent and controversial cases was the Plyler v. Doe (1982) case. In an attempt to deal with the influx of undocumented Latino students that only led to swelling school rosters and stretching the state budget, the Texas legislature voted to withhold funds from local school districts that were educating pupils who could not prove their legal resident statuses. The Supreme Court Justices disagreed with the legality of this practice, stating that it was a violation of the Equal Protection Clause, thus establishing the precedent that undocumented alien children living in the United States were in fact “persons” who had a right to protection under the Fifth, Sixth, and Fourteenth Amendments (Alexander & Alexander 2009). The Congress responded to many Supreme Court cases and related policies aiming to offer equal access to education to ethnic and racial minority groups. Following the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision, the Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, prohibiting any kind of discrimination based on race, national origin, colour and sex in areas such as housing, employment and education (DOJ 2008). Another landmark piece of legislation, the Equal Education Opportunities Act, was passed in 1974. This law prohibits discriminatory practices in education, even requiring school districts to address the issue of students’ language barriers (DOJ 2008). Court cases and federal laws of the above description were meant to terminate the discriminatory practices prevalent in the nation, particularly in the West and in the South, and redress the resulting circumstances for the ethnic and racial minorities. These laws were regarded as exemplary verdicts by civil rights advocates across the nation, though the speed and thoroughness of their implementation were often less than desirable. Nevertheless, such laws and legal precedents provided the Hispanics and the other racial/ethnic minority groups living in the United States some advantages in educational access. For instance, those Latino students who have dropped out of school before completion reportedly try to forge lives in a fast-paced global economy. In all likelihood, they will encounter innumerable challenges simply because they lack high school diplomas. Relevant in this context is the Report of the US Bureau of Labor Statistics released in 2009 which highlighted that 16–20-year-old students who had not graduated experienced an estimated unemployment rate of 20.3% compared to the national unemployment rate of 9.2%. Related to these figures, approximately 23% of the Hispanic dropouts were unemployed

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(US Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2009). In addition to not being employed, the amount of money made is also substantially affected by their dropping out. It has been reported that dropouts earn $260,000 less over the course of their lifetimes than high school graduates; additionally, they have less access to medical insurance, quality healthcare and retirement plans (Rouse, in Belfield & Levin 2007). The consequences of not completing high school, however, reach farther than just the individual daily lives of the Latinos who do not possess a regular high school diploma or a GED. This certainty is compounded by the rapidly growing Hispanic population and an alarmingly high rate of Latino dropouts, which some researchers report is higher than 40% (Nevarez & Rico 2007; Lopez 2007). There are also important implications for the nation as a whole. Although there is some disagreement over the exact dollar amount, researchers do concur that the economic cost of dropouts to the U.S. government is astronomical. A press release issued in 2009 by the Committee on Education and Labor compared the achievement gaps between the ethnic minority groups and the whites as representing a permanent national recession, concluding that if the “minority student performance had reached [that of] White students by 1998, the GDP in 2009 would have been at least $300 billion higher” (Committee on Education and Labor 2009, para. 3). In addition to the exorbitant amount spent on dropout-related issues such as dependence on public assistance and the loss of tax revenues, as discussed by the aforementioned press release, Tyler & Lofstrum (2009) note that high school dropouts are also overrepresented in the prison system, supporting many researchers’ assertion of the correlation between low educational attainment and criminal behaviour. Another often-cited benefit of an improved dropout rate is that “an educated citizenry is more likely to engage in political, societal, and economic functions that actualize the democratic ideals of the United States” (Nevarez & Rico 2007, 3). Thus, those that complete high school are more likely to be healthier, have a higher level of civic engagement and raise children who graduate. Owing to these recent legal and political issues, as well as the statistics regarding the educational underachievement of the Latinos, it is clear that the Hispanics are still denied equal access due to institutional barriers and discriminatory practices. Furthermore, policies meant to offer equal opportunities have failed to bridge the fairly consistent achievement gaps, despite the fact that some progress has been made in this country. Nevertheless, in a nation that heralds free access to public education as one of its unique strengths, services to the Latino students, particularly those who are immigrants, are still insufficient.

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Equal access to education, which the United States government has proclaimed as a basic human right for those living in the country, does not exist for all. Undocumented adults and their children are particularly vulnerable as they try to navigate a system that is so foreign to them that they might as well be from outer space, as Arjona describes in his song. Until America faces the personal consequences associated with im/migration, this basic human right will be continually denied.

The Many Roles of the Rio Grande in Northern Migration Let us take a look at some of the ways the Rio Grande divides more than just the borders between the United States and Mexico, specifically families and health. This river winds along a hot, dusty landscape and usually carries red and brown soil with it. But ironically it cuts through many things that only a river running along borders can—it divides family members from each other, it divides a rich country from a poor one, it divides those who need work from places which would provide employment. Those undocumented migrants who cross the river find themselves cut off from citizenship and rights in both worlds, and from peace of mind, caused by an estrangement from the population and the laws of the land. Their children are also usually disinherited from opportunities to attend universities, or even to obtain citizenship, regardless of the length of time they spend in the country. The children of the mojados are, in effect, cut off from their future. These children are, perhaps most importantly, robbed of their dreams and trapped between two opposing worlds (Karakayali 2005), with the youth among them denied opportunities to work and attend universities. The situation that rules divides the relatively wealthy from the poor, those who have civil rights from those who are disenfranchised, those who are legally allowed to live and work in the United States from those who are not. It cuts through a population which can legally look to a better future and those who cannot, a population which is relatively healthy and a population which is measurably unhealthier (Harper 2008). On their departure from Mexico, the families often split apart. Some children do not see their parents for years. Spouses are forced to live apart from each other and other members of the family. One 14-year-old girl was interviewed about leaving for the United States: “… The day I left my mother I felt like my heart was staying behind. Because she was the only person I trusted—she was my life. I felt as if a light had extinguished. I still have not been able to get used to living without her” (Suarez-Orozco, Todorova & Louis 2001, 11). A father discussed his children with a

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qualitative interview researcher and described the estrangement that had grown between them during his long absence: “My son and my daughter are not warm towards me. They are still mad that I left them and was separated from them for years. Even when I explain to them that I came here for them, they don’t hear, they don’t understand. My daughter acted strangely when she first got here, she got jealous when I hugged my wife. She just wanted my attention for herself. Now, that changed and things are getting back to normal” (Suarez-Orozco, Todorova & Louis 2001, 11). The concept of “health” can be viewed from two dimensions: mental/emotional health and physical health. Finch, Do, Frank & Seeman (2009) believe that undocumented persons in the United States actually enter the country in good health, equal to the health of citizens. Over time, the health of these immigrants declines, possibly due to their acculturalization into an environment which is different than the one they formerly lived in. “In fact, U.S.-born Mexican Americans exhibited inferior health to non-Hispanic Whites for all biological domains” (2009, 491). Substance abuse is another problem affecting Hispanic persons. One study has found that respondents to a survey who had migrated to the United States and had returned to Mexico used alcohol, marijuana or cocaine in a manner that left them with a current substance use disorder. The researchers found that “Among those who used any substances at least once in their lives, both migrants and family members of migrants had a significantly higher risk for alcohol abuse, and family members had a significantly higher risk for drug abuse than did other Mexicans” (Borges, Medina-Mora, Breslau & Aguilar-Gaxiola 2007, 6).

Conclusions Though there are many other major factors that could have been examined in this chapter, a number of seminal areas have been dealt with. The migrations into North America from the countries south of the Mexican border appear to be unhappy experiences for many migrants and those US citizens who are negatively impacted by these mass movements. The motivation for migration exists generally on two levels: economic and psychological. I would postulate that economics plays a major role in these migrations but that a large role is also played by “fear.” Both the residents and the migrants are motivated by this terrible feeling, described by the author Thornton Wilder as the “lowest of human emotions.” I would postulate that North American residents are basically afraid of newcomers, even

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though their capacity for labour, especially in the United States, is needed. The migrants themselves fear for themselves and their families’ futures, and though this may seem natural enough, it distorts their need for an improved economic standing.

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Obama, Barack. The White House, Office of the Press Secretary. (2009, March 10). “Remarks by the President to the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce on a Complete and Competitive American Education.” http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-unitedstates-hispanic-chamber-commerce (accessed September 30, 2009). Suarez-Orozco, C., I. Todorova & J. Louis. (2001). “The Transnationalization of Families: Immigrant Separations & Reunifications.” Paper presented: Text of Plenary Talk given to the American Family Therapy Academy in Miami on June 29, 2001. Passel, J. S. (2010, August 11). “Unauthorized Immigrants and Their U.S.Born Children.” http://www.pewhispanic.org/2010/08/11/unauthorized-immigrantsand-their-us-born-children/ (accessed September 30, 2009). Passel, J. S. & D. Cohn. (2008, February 11). “U.S. Population Projections: 2005–2050.” http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/85.pdf (accessed September 30, 2009). Pew Hispanic Center. (2008). “Mexican Immigrants in the United States: 2008.” http://pewhispanic.org/files/factsheets/47.pdf (accessed September 30, 2009). Rouse, C. E. (2007). “Consequences for the Labor Market.” In C. Belfield & H. M. Levin (Eds.), The Price we Pay: Economic and Social Consequences of Inadequate Education, 99–124. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. Suarez-Orozco, C. & M. Suarez-Orozco. (2009). “Educating Latino Immigrant Students in the Twenty-First Century: Principles for the Obama Administration.” Harvard Educational Review 79 (2): 327– 340. Retrieved from ERIC database. Terrazas, A. & J. Batalova. (2009). “Frequently Requested Statistics on Immigrants and Immigration in the United States.” Migration Policy Institute. http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/frequently-requestedstatistics-immigrants-and-immigration-united-states-1 (accessed September 30, 2014). Tienda, M. (2009). “Hispanicity and Educational Inequality: Risks, Opportunities and the Nation's Future.” Tomas Rivera Lecture Series. Educational Testing Service. Retrieved from ERIC database. Tyler, J. & M. Lofstrom. (2009). “Finishing High School: Alternative Pathways and Dropout Recovery.” Future of Children 19 (1): 77–103. Retrieved from ERIC database. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2010, April 27). “College Enrollment and Work Activity for 2009.” (Report No. USDL-10-0533).

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http://www.bls.gov/news.release/archives/hsgec_04272010.pdf (accessed September 30, 2014). U.S. Census Bureau, 2006–2008 American Community Survey. (2008). http://factfinder.census.gov/servlet/IPTable?_bm=y&state=ip&context=ip® Valdés, G. (1996). “Con Respeto: Bridging the Distances Between Culturally Diverse Families and Schools: An Ethnographic Portrait.” New York, NY: Teachers College, Columbia University. Vélez, W. & R. Saenz. (2001). “Toward a Comprehensive Model of the School La Republic.” http://www.azcentral.com/news/articles/2010/06/04/20100604arizonamural-sparks-racial-debate.html

URBANIZATION AND MIGRATION IN INDIA: AN OBSERVATION THROUGH GENDER PERSPECTIVE SUCHISMITA SEN CHOWDHURY

Introduction Urbanisation is a multifaceted process. Kingsley Davis explained urbanisation as a switchover from the spread-out pattern of human settlements to one of concentration in urban centres (Davis 1962). Urbanisation is a slow process of change from the rural to the urban economy, a transformation from simple to complex living and homogeneity to heterogeneity. A majority of the rural population in India lives on agriculture and related occupations. It is less diversified and simpler than the urban economy which is more diversified and complex. There are different types of earning opportunities in urban areas. Urbanisation is a necessary condition for economic development. In India, urbanisation has been defined as towns (places with a municipal corporation, municipal area committee, town committee, notified area committee or cantonment board) with 5,000 or more inhabitants, with a density of not less than 1,000 persons per square mile or 400 persons per square kilometre, pronounced urban characteristics and at least three-quarters of the adult male population employed in pursuits other than agriculture (Demographic Yearbook 2005). The sources of urban growth comprise a natural expansion in urban areas, migration, reclassification of rural areas into urban areas and changes in the boundaries of existing towns. The migration from rural to urban areas as a cause of urbanisation is now a well-known fact. It not only drives the men towards the cities for work, but also the women. The increasing demand for female labour in the urban areas has a far-reaching effect on the changing urban situation. The movement of women from rural to urban areas has influenced the life of individuals as well as families. Following the trend of urban development in recent decades, viewing urbanistion from the gender perspective could lend an important

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dimension to the problem. Women’s movement towards urban areas, their involvement in different types of economic endeavours and their participation in the informal sector help to understand the position of women in the urban situation. At the same time, policies on urbanisation, the informalisation of the economy and women’s safety in the cities are also important in this context. The focus of this chapter is on the urbanisation of India with a gender dimension.

Objectives The objectives of this chapter are to: (1) Understand the relation between migration and urbanisation, with special emphasis on women migrants. (2) Know the nature of employment of the women in urban areas and their involvement in the informal sector. (3) Find the policies that can help working women in urban areas.

Methodology This chapter uses data from (i) the Census of India, 2001 and (ii) the National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO), 55th Round. While the data related to migration were taken from the Census, the data on work participation rate, nature of employment and involvement of women in the informal sector were taken from the NSSO data. The National Sample Survey Organization of the Government of India carried out an all-India survey on the situation of employment and unemployment in India in the period from July 1999 to June 2000. This 55th Round Data was published in August 2001. The 64th round NSSO data for urban employment has also been used in this chapter. This data was enumerated in the year 2007–8. A few other important reports and papers have also been referred to.

Trend of migration in India Migration is defined as a move from one migration-defining area to another, usually crossing administrative boundaries during a given migration interval and involving a change of residence (United Nations 1993). According to the Indian Census, a person is considered a migrant if his (or her) birthplace or place of last residence is different from the place of enumeration. A major feature of Indian urbanisation is rural to urban migration. As per the Census Report 2001, the population of India was

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1,028 million, consisting of 532 million males and 496 million females. Out of the total population of the country, 307.1 million people (30%) were migrants based on place of last residence (see Table 6.1, Appendix 1). Out of the total migrants, 90.4 million were males and the remaining 216.7 females. The number of female migrants (70.6%) was more than male (29.4%) because women were found to have moved mostly due to marriage (see Table 6.1, Appendix 1). The male and female migrants constituted 17.0% and 43.7% of their populations respectively (2001 Census). As per the 2001 Census report, Maharashtra received the largest number of migrants (7.9 million) by place of birth from other states and other countries, followed by Delhi (5.6 million) and West Bengal (5.5 million). During the last decade a record 98.3 million people in India have migrated. As Table 6.2 shows, marriage was the pre-dominant reason for migration among females (64.9%). Among males the most important reason for migration was employment/work (37.6%). As many as 14.4 million people, males and females included, migrated for employment in the last decade. One of the major causes of migration was the movement with the household (21.0%). Migration during this last decade took place in different directions; rural-rural, rural-urban, urban-rural and urban-urban. The reasons for such migration also varied accordingly. Employment and education were two major reasons for rural to urban migration, while marriage was the main reason for rural to rural migration. The numbers of migrants on the basis of migration streams are as follows. Rural to rural migration within the country Rural to urban migration Urban to rural migration Urban to urban migration

53.3 million 20.5 million 6.2 million 14.3 million

The term “urban” can encompass the main city and the nearby towns without incorporating the smaller rural locales like villages. An urban area could even be regarded as a broader metropolitan area. It has been observed that about 20.5 million people among the internal migrants in the country have moved from the rural areas to the urban areas during the last decade. In a similar way, 6.2 million migrants moved from urban areas to rural areas in the same period. On the other hand, 14.3 million people migrated from one urban area to another. The total urban population of the country, excluding Jammu and Kashmir, increased from 217.6 million in

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1991 to 283.6 million in 2001, registering a growth rate of 30.3%. The growth of the urban population due to natural factors, growth due to the formation of new urban settlements, and the extension of town areas during 1991–2001 add up to 23.7%. Rural-urban migration and urban-urban migration are matters of concern for social scientists and policy makers, as these kinds of migration are responsible for the growing urban populations. The migration of people towards the urban areas can be within a state or between two states, implying that both rural-urban and urban-urban migration take place in two streams: intra-state and interstate. International migration is also a reason for growing urbanisation. There were greater numbers of intra-state migration among women in the case of rural to urban area (54.3%) and urban to urban area (55.7%) migration as compared to the males. Interestingly, in the last decade women did not migrate simply for marriage, but also for employment and education. However, when it came to inter-state migration, there were more males (59.7%) than females (40.3%) moving from rural to urban areas (see Table 6.3, Appendix 1). For some women, the sole reason for migration to urban areas was for economic opportunities unavailable in the more rural or semi-urban areas. On the other hand, for the vast majority of women, poverty—whether aggravated by disinheritance, displacement, family disruption, or other factors—was a major factor contributing towards the movement of women to the urban communities for settlement and ultimately their ending up in slums. The push and pull factors operate in a different way in the migration of women from rural to urban areas. On the one hand, the push factors can be characterised as those life events, circumstances, human rights violations or other conditions which serve to deteriorate the standard of living or that otherwise make life in one’s original home less manageable or less stable. Examples of push factors may include armed conflict, forced eviction, domestic violence, disinheritance or the collapse of rural economies. The pull factors, on the other hand, can be characterised as those serving to attract people to urban areas and slums. Examples of pull factors may include improved economic opportunities (real or perceived), including those in the informal urban economy, better services, such as health care and education, or reunion with family members. Ultimately, a confluence of both push and pull factors may influence a woman’s decision to move to the city (COHRE Report 2008). One of the major causes of population growth in the Indian cities was migration from within the state, other states and even other countries. There are at present eight metropolitan cities in India: Mumbai, Delhi,

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Chennai, Kolkata, Bengaluru, Hyderabad, Ahmedabad and Pune. A metropolitan city consists of a populous urban centre with a high density of employment. The territories surrounding such a city are also socioeconomically linked to the urban core for commercial purposes. The Census Commission of India defines a metropolitan city as one having a population of over four million. Among the eight metropolitan cities of India, four have a maximum population and have experienced in-migration for a long time. As per the 2001 Census, India has seen 12.7% in-migrants during the last decade. Table 6.4 shows the number of migrants in the four metropolitan cities of India, namely Mumbai, Delhi, Chennai and Kolkata. Among these, Delhi (16.4%) and Mumbai (15.1%) show the maximum number of in-migrants in comparison to the other two cities. In both the cases, a maximum number of people came from other states. In the case of Chennai and Kolkata, however, the in-migrants were mostly from within the state. All the metropolitan cities offered good employment opportunities, and this is the reason why males and females with different educational backgrounds and different skills from the rural areas were drawn there. Scholars believe that urbanisation can play a positive role in the socioeconomic development of a country and thus slow urbanisation is generally not desirable. Rural-to-urban migration is generally a positive move for the migrants, considering that people should move ahead from low-wage to high-wage (in terms of labour) areas, until wage differentials equal migration costs. Migration is generally expected to have an empowering impact on women in terms of increased labour force participation, decline in fertility, economic independence and higher self-esteem. But this does not always happen because here in India the female migrants from the rural to urban settings continue to be vulnerable to gender-based discrimination in wages and labour market segmentation, which tend to reserve the most repetitive, unskilled and monotonous jobs for women (COHRE Report 2008).

Nature of Employment in Urban Areas “Work,” as a broad term, means a capable person making use of his or her labour for earning, while employment is a specific term where the relation between employer and employee becomes important. An employee will agree to work under an employer only against suitable wages based on current rates. Employment or labour force participation refers to the ability to perform paid work. Pard (1996) explains “work” as personal ability and fulfilment, noting that “work is simultaneously an important means to the accomplishment of one’s task in life and evidence

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of success.” Employment includes all types of formal and paid labour. The nature of employment varies from one city to another in India. The metropolitan cities provide different economic opportunities to people with different skills and training, and thus the work participation rate (WPR) is always higher in them. Table 6.5 shows the WPR of the principal status workers in the four major metropolitan cities, showing that the work participation rate is higher for males than females. According to the NSSO Data 1999–2000, the work participation rate (WPR) among males in each of the cities taken separately was higher than the rate in all urban areas. Among the females, Chennai shows the maximum WPR (18.08%) in comparison to the other cities, and was also higher than the all-urban WPR (11.71%). In Delhi the WPR was very low for females (8.64%). The demand for female labour in the market is growing every day, as is the migration of females to the cities. The fact is that females are less demanding and are ready to work for any wage. The wage gap is more pronounced in the manual work areas, where the wages allotted for women for the same jobs are about half of men. The economic deprivation of women is the main cause behind this kind of a trend. A lot of small-scale industries in the cities, like the garment industry, manufacturing industry and domestic services, give employment opportunities to women which are non-existent in rural areas. But bad working conditions, low wages, overwork, discrimination, sexual harassment and exploitation often make their situations worse. Whether they can overcome this financial crisis is a matter for research. The nature of employment in the major cities given in Table 6.6 includes both the principal status workers and the subsidiary workers. The nature of employment has been divided into three major categories by the NSSO: regular salary employment or wage employment, self-employment and casual labour. More than 50% of females in all four cities were employed as regular workers. In contrast, only 33.07% were employed regularly in all urban areas of India. The strength of the women wage workers surpassed that of the male wage workers in all three cities apart from Mumbai. Again, although in urban India 45.16% of females were self-employed, in the cities the percentage of self-employed females was less than this. All three metropolitan cities (except Mumbai) had more self-employed men than women. Among the males, 16.90% worked as casual labourers, while 21.77% of women worked as casual labourers. A casual labourer is a paid worker under an employer. There was a much higher proportion of casual labour employment among females in the allurban areas as compared to the metropolitan cities. Thus, the females

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outside of the metropolitan areas work in casual labour. Chennai and Kolkata had higher proportions of casual labourers as compared to Delhi and Mumbai for both males and females. According to the 64th Round NSSO Data (2007–08), in urban India the “trade, hotel and restaurant” sector engaged about 28% of the male workers, while the “manufacturing” sector engaged another 24%. So far as the urban female workers are concerned, the “other services” sector employed the highest proportion (38%), followed by the manufacturing sector (28%). A considerable gender differential in daily wages for regular wage/salaried employees has been observed. This kind of a gender bias regarding wages is noticeable not only in the rural areas but also prevails in the urban areas. For instance, the average wage rates for regular wage/salaried employees in the 15–59 age category are Rs. 175.30 and Rs. 108.14 respectively for males and females in rural areas, and Rs. 276.04 and Rs. 212.86 in urban areas. In a similar way, in the urban areas a male casual labourer engaged in work other than public work could earn Rs. 86.58 a day, whereas a female is paid Rs. 51.34. Again, in the urban areas the rates of unemployment and underemployment are also higher for females. Domestic work is often considered as either “self-employment” or “unemployment,” and taken to be unpaid. There is a huge formal sector in the urban areas in particular, but then both rural and urban India have large numbers of people engaged in farming, trading and other works in the informal enterprises. The informal sector in India provides a lot of income opportunities to the people of urban India, but those working here are generally without formal contracts, worker’s benefits or social protection, and therefore have little or no economic security. In rural areas the nonagricultural sector and the agricultural sector excluding the Growing of Crops (AGEGC) enterprises, which includes market gardening and horticulture combined with the farming of animals, involve many women workers. Mazumdar (1975) distinguishes between the “temporary rural migrants” and definitive rural migrants in the march of urbanisation by stating that the latter seek employment in the organised sector but end up accepting employment in the informal sector. In short, they bow to the exigencies of unemployment.

Informal Sector in Urban Areas In 1993 the International Conference of Labour Statisticians (ICLS) adopted an international definition of the informal sector to refer to

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employment and production that take place in the unincorporated small and/or unregistered enterprises. The ICLS broadened the definition in 2003 to include certain types of informal employment outside the informal enterprises, for example casual or day workers, industrial outworkers and unregistered or undeclared workers. Those working for a wage in the informal employment sector are generally without formal contracts, worker benefits or social protection, and therefore have little economic security. There is a chance that these informal activities will be declared illegal or semi-legal. The National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) carried out a survey in 1999–2000 showing that out of a total workforce of 397 million, only 28 million workers are employed in the organised sector or formal sector, while the remaining, huge chunk of workers is engaged in the unorganised or informal sector. The major non-agricultural informal sector of the economy is situated in urban areas. Work opportunities in this nonagricultural informal sector could be in the form of hawking, vending with or without licenses, home labour, trading of smuggled items like electronic goods, and working in small workshops. The growing flexibility in the labour market and the increasing rate of informal work have led to the feminisation of the labour force (Standing 1999). As per the NSSO data of the 55th Round, 26% of women in urban India are involved in the informal work sector. The informal economy either lies outside the scope of state regulation or is officially subject to state regulation but nevertheless does not operate according to the rules (Harriss-White 2002). The reasons for the growth of the informal sector are important from the point of view of developing policies, but whatever they are the growth of the informal sector in the emerging labour market is inevitable. Female employment in the informal sector is also likely to rise for various reasons. With the adoption of the structural adjustment programme, women tend to lose ground in the formal sectors of the economy (Unni & Rani 2000). Gender relations persist in the labour market. In the informal sector the patriarchal authority still manages and controls the whole system. The departments of accounts, purchase and supervision are all under the control of men. Women are seldom seen in hawking work, and even today the men dominate railway and street hawking in many cities of India. A few activities like rickshaw pulling or driving are also still under the full control of men. Women labourers form a major part of the informal sector in the urban areas and they work for low wages in these unstable jobs, with no employee or social security benefits. In the last decade, with the increase in the number of migrant labourers, there has been a simultaneous growth

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in the number of single female-headed households, which are relatively poorer. These women experience a lack of basic amenities and resources. One positive thing about the involvement of women in the informal sector is that they are able to make a more productive use of capital. In spite of their economic constraints these women have greater will power and so invest in small business ventures or micro enterprises, and their rates of return often surpass those of men. It is to be noted that in the last decade, a maximum number of females were employed in the wholesale and retail trade sectors (hawking and vending), as well as the garment manufacturing sector in the metro cities. At the same time, they are also involved in social and other services. The National Commission on Self-Employed Women, set up in 1987 under the Chairpersonship of Smt. Ela R. Bhatt, included in their terms of reference women workers in the unorganised sector. This report characterised the unorganised sector as one in which women do arduous work as wage earners, piece-rate workers, casual labourers and paid and unpaid family labourers. The economic and social conditions of these women are dismal. The report also observed that: the unorganised sector is characterized by a high incidence of casual labour mostly doing intermittent jobs at extremely low wages or doing their own account work at very uneconomical returns. There is a total lack of job security and social security benefits. The areas of exploitation are high, resulting in long hours, unsatisfactory work conditions, and occupational health hazards. The women working in the informal sector experience long working hours for a very low income, unhealthy and or dangerous working conditions, and psychological, physical and sexual aggression. (National Commission on Labour 2002).

From the perspective of urbanisation, the informal sector results from the “push” and “pull” factors which could be explained through ruralurban migration in India. In terms of push factors, the pressure of population on limited land in rural areas and, consequently, high levels of unemployment lead to rural-urban migration. In terms of pull factors, improved industrial and commercial infrastructure in cities and, consequently, greater opportunities for employment attract the in-flow of rural people. Migration from rural to urban areas is a major tool for poverty alleviation. Unfortunately, poor, illiterate and unskilled labourers seeking informal activities as casual workers are finding it increasingly difficult to become a part of the process and experience the benefits of urbanisation. Migration for poverty alleviation has become a less important component of the mobility stream and is likely to become even more so over time. The poor can get a foothold in small and medium

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towns but the opportunities for employment and poverty alleviation are low (Kundu & Mohanan 2009).

Policy imperatives Policy makers recognise that urbanisation is a part of development. Urbanisation becomes a problem when urban population growth exceeds the growth of employment or of housing, infrastructure and services. In that case, the growing urban population can find neither work nor housing, and rural-to-urban migration leads only to the urbanisation of poverty. Migrants move to the urban areas because there are economic opportunities; governments should support urban economic growth by enabling the development of housing and infrastructure and the provision of services. The problem is not over-urbanisation, but rather incomplete urbanisation and inadequate urban management (Sheng 2002). Since the mega-cities have reached saturation level for employment generation, the redirection of migration flows is required. To avoid overcrowding into the over-congested slums of the mega-cities like Bombay, Calcutta, Delhi, Madras and so on, it is essential to build a strong economic sector in the urban economy. Efforts should be directed towards economic growth and investments in small cities, a very important effort that has been neglected so far. It is only then that the redirection of migration to these desirable destinations will be possible (Kundu & Basu 1998). Overall, migrants tend to benefit economically from their move to urban areas. In addition, rural to urban migration has positive social and societal impacts. For instance, female migrants often adopt urban fertility norms over time, while gender roles and ideas about women’s education also change. Migration may bring benefits to the individual migrant or the family left behind, but the societal costs are too high for policy makers to accept migration as a positive contribution to development (Sheng 2002). Urbanisation could be a result of economic development or economic development could be a reason for urbanisation. Both are true but, the role of cities in promoting economic development cannot be ignored any more. The policy of urban development is still evolving in India, and the importance given to urbanisation has increased from the early 1990s. Until that point, the importance of cities as propellers of economic growth was discounted in the policy circles and the problems arising from cities were treated more at the level of social and welfare schemes, and as sectors of residual investment. The Five Year Plans in India have tried to cover a variety of issues on urbanisation, such as low-income housing, alleviation

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of urban poverty and unemployment, mass urban transportation systems in metropolitan cities, improvement of the urban environment, promoting private-sector participation in the provision of public infrastructure, and participation of the community and non-government organisations in the urban planning and management of specific components of urban services, democratic decentralisation and strengthening of municipal governance. The policy should also relate to proper urban planning where city planning consists of operational, developmental and restorative planning. Operational planning should take care of the improvement of the urban infrastructure, for example roads, traffic and transport. Developmental planning should emphasize the development of the newly annexed urban areas. Various urban renewal processes can be used. Restorative planning should aim at restoring the original statuses of old buildings and monuments which have some historic value. The planning should take care of the urban housing and poverty eradication through economic modification (Datta 2006). The policies should focus on low-wage activities in the metropolitan cities. The city development policies should not be driven by only a few activities (for example the IT sector), as is happening now. Today, a large proportion of migrants are involved in the informal economy in the urban areas. The economic promotion of the informal sector activities, where the majority of the urban female labour force is employed, could greatly improve women’s financial flexibility and the productivity of their ventures. The informal enterprises could be expected to be formal and the workers in the informal sector could get regular jobs with formalized contracts and regulated conditions of employment. The informal economies could have contributions to the national output, focused on by the policy makers. The Government should ensure that women benefit from development programmes by enabling laws in favour of their rights over property. Family planning and affordable childcare should be made available to them, their greater economic participation should be ensured, and they should be given a secure environment for work in urban areas. The increasing crimes against the working women in the metropolitan cities could be indicative of growth for the growing urban centres. Social security for women in the informal sector includes social insurance, assistance, protection and safety. There are different yojnas of the Government of India for working women which encompass the informal sector under insurance schemes, pension benefits and so on. The policy makers should look into the matter with more empathy. The protective policy for urban working women, it is believed, will be better than the strengthening of laws.

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The UN has projected that half of the world’s population will live in urban areas by 2050. In that sense, India is far behind the world rate of urbanisation, which the United Nations defines as the movement of people from rural to urban areas, with population growth equating to urban migration (Shukla 2010).

Observation Every year a huge number of people migrate from rural to urban areas for different purposes, and this cannot be regarded as a negative trend. The growth of urban areas and urban populations is expected. There is a need for a focus on the planned development of the urban sector. Although earlier women mostly migrated due to marriage, recent trends indicate that female migration also signifies their involvement in different types of income-generating activities in the urban areas. The great demand for female labour cannot go ignored. They are generally low paid in comparison to the males. The migrant women with low skills and education mostly work as casual workers. The cities draw the attention of the rural poor. The lack of income opportunities for women in the rural areas and the negative attitude of the male family members drive them to the cities. A considerable percentage of women in cities were found to be self-employed. In India, the National Accounts Statistics (NAS) has used the term “unorganised sector” for the informal sector, and has distinguished between the organised or formal sector and informal sector. The organised sector comprises those enterprises for which statistics are available from the budget documents or reports, while the unorganised sector refers to those enterprises whose activities or collection of data are not regulated under any legal provision or do not maintain any regular accounts. The informal sector in India offers a huge income opportunity for the women in urban areas. Being involved in the informal sector, they not only enrich the labour market but also become self-employed. This could also be treated as a positive trend of urbanisation in favour of women, all the more so because by employing a small amount of capital they can start their own businesses. The increasing number of single female-headed households in urban areas is an indication of the increase in women workers in the cities. From this perspective, the lack of basic amenities and social security is really a matter of concern. The thrust of the policies regarding urban development in India has always been on the economic growth in specific areas and the development of infrastructures like roads and buildings. The policies

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seldom address urban poverty and the security of women at work. It is desirable that the policies focus on the informal sector and small-scale economy. The migrant women workers should be given the basic facilities in the urban areas. The policy should be directed towards the protection of women, capacity building of single women and extending them the needed support for economic uplift. The decentralization of industrialization in the rural areas could be a better measure for combatting the problem of population increase in urban areas. The process of urbanisation helps a country move forward. The women of the country are the representatives of urban development, along with the men. The neglect of women could slow development. So, for the speedy and smooth development of the urban areas the importance of women should not be ignored.

References COHRE. (2008). “Women, Slums and Urbanisation: Examining the Causes and Consequences, Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions,” http:/www.iiav.nl/epublications/2008/women_slums_and_urbanisation .pdf (accessed October 10, 2010). Davis, K. (1962). “Urbanisation in India—Past and Future.” In R. Turner (ed.), India's Urban Future. Berkeley: University of California Press. Demographic Yearbook. (2005). http://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/products/dyb/dyb2005/notestab 06.pdf (accessed December 2, 2010). Dutta, P. (2006). “Urbanisation in India.” http://www.infostat.sk/vdc/epc2006/papers/epc2006s60134.pdf (accessed December 19, 2010). Harriss-White, B. (2002). “India’s Informal Economy—Facing the 21st Century.” http:/www.arts.cornell.edu/econ/indiaconf/harriss-white2.pdf (accessed December 6, 2010). Kundu, A. & P. C. Mohanan. (2009). Employment and Inequality Outcomes in India, http:/www.oecd.org/dataoecd/54/51/42546020.pdf (accessed December 6, 2010). Kundu, A. & S. Basu. (1998). “Informal Manufacturing Sector in Urban Areas—An Analysis of Recent Trends.” Manpower Journal 34 (1). Mazumdar, D. (1975). The Urban Informal Sector. Washington DC: World Bank WP 211. National Commission on Labour. (2002). http://labour.nic.in/lcomm2/2nlc-pdfs/Chap-7finalA.pdf (accessed December 14, 2010).

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Pardo, I. (1996) Managing Existence in Naples—Mortality, Action and Structure. New York: Cambridge University Press. Shukla, R. (2010). “Inclusive Urbanisation Needed.” The Economic Times, October 4. Sheng, Y. K. (2002). “Urbanisation and Internal Migration.” http://www.unescap.org/esid/psis/population/popseries/apss158/part1_ 6.pdf (accessed December 19, 2010). Standing, G. (1998). “Global Feminization Through Flexible Labour: A Theme Revisited.” World Development 27 (3). United Nations. (1993). Readings in Population Research and Methodology. New York: The United Nations Population Fund. Unni, J. & U. Rani. (2000). “Women in Informal Employment in India.” http://www.wiego.org/papers/unnirani.pdf (accessed January 2, 2011).

Appendix Table 6.1. Migrants by place of birth Migrants

In million

In percentage

Males

90.4

29.4

Females

216.7

70.6

Total persons

307.1

100.0

Source: Census of India (2001)

Urbanization and Migration in India

37.6 2.9 6.2 2.1 10.4 25.1 15.7 100.0

2,072,891 186,127 876,514 42,421,059 3,148,707 12,345,962 4,353,096 65,404,356

No.

12,373,333 950,245 2,038,675 679,852 3,428,673 8,262,143 5,164,065 32,896,986

Female Percentage

Male

No.

Source: Table D-2, Census of India (2001)

Employment/ work Business Education Marriage Moved after birth Moved with household Other Total

Reasons

Table 6.2. Reasons for migrations during the last decade (0–9 years)

88

3.2 0.3 1.3 64.9 4.8 18.9 6.7 100.0

Percentage 14,446,224 1,136,372 2,915,189 43,100,911 6,577,380 20,608,105 9,517,161 98,301,342

No.

Total

14.7 1.2 3.0 43.8 6.7 21.0 9.7 100.0

Percentage

2,201,882

197,943

Urban-urban migration

International migration towards urban area

Source: Table D-2, Census of India (2001)

3,803,737

Rural-urban migration

Inter-state migrants

4,387,563

Urban-urban migration

56.9

49.0

59.7

44.3

45.7

150,117

2,288,598

2,569,218

5,510,731

7,718,815

No.

6,503,461

Female

No.

Percentage

Male

Rural-urban migration

Intra-state migrants

Migration stream

43.1

51.0

40.3

55.7

54.3

Percentage

348,060

4,490,480

6,372,955

9,898,294

14,222,276

No.

Total

Table 6.3. Trend of migrations towards urban areas during the last decade (0–9 years)

Suchismita Sen Chowdhury

100.0

100.0

100.0

100.0

100.0

Percentage

89

Urbanization and Migration in India

6,560,242 12,877,470 16,434,386 13,205,697

Chennai Delhi Greater Mumbai Kolkata

Source: Table D-3, Census of India (2001)

286,119,689

India

Population

334,972 77,663 892,706 470,601

24,974,372

From within the state

94,964 1,988,314 1571,181 297,279

11,157,574

From other states

5,684 46,386 25,665 54,509

348,060

From other countries

435,620 2,112,363 2,489,552 822,389

36,480,006

Total inmigrants

Table 6.4. Number of in-migrants by last residence (duration 0–9 years) into metropolitan cities

90

6.6 16.4 15.1 6.2

12.7

Percent of in-migrants

Suchismita Sen Chowdhury

91

Table 6.5. Work Participation Rate (in percentage) throughout the year Cities

Male

Female

Total

Chennai Delhi Kolkata Mumbai All-urban India

55.92 52.40 61.03 55.02 51.28

18.08 8.64 10.70 11.07 11.71

37.99 32.38 36.80 34.81 32.38

Source: NSSO Data 55th round (1999–2000)

Table 6.6. Nature of Employment (in percentage) Cities

Chennai Delhi Kolkata Mumbai All-urban India

Self Employed Femal Male e 29.7 3 26.91 43.6 1 31.77 43.0 4 29.31 28.4 7 29.46 41.4 3 45.16

Regular Employed

Casual Labour

Male

Female

Male

Female

48.68

61.87

21.59

11.23

53.79

64.20

2.60

4.03

43.36

55.89

13.59

14.80

67.79

65.32

3.74

5.21

41.67

33.07

16.90

21.77

Source: NSSO Data 55th round (1999–2000)

THE PERCENTAGE OF SCHEDULED TRIBES IN THE URBAN POPULATION OF TRIPURA FROM 1961 TO 2001 MALABIKA DAS GUPTA

Introduction Tripura, a small state situated in northeast India, is surrounded by Bangladesh on three sides. Table 7.1 below shows that urban growth took place in the state and the urban population of Tripura increased continuously during 1961–2001. The table also shows that throughout this period, the Scheduled Tribes1 formed a very small portion of the urban population of the state, both in absolute numbers and in terms of their percentage.2 The percentage of Scheduled Tribes in the urban population of Tripura was lower than 5% throughout the period. Table 7.1. Urban population, ST* urban population and the rest of the urban population of Tripura 1961–2001 Year

Urban population of Tripura

ST urban population of Tripura 3,698

Rest of the urban population of Tripura 99,299

ST urban population as a percentage of the urban population of Tripura 3.59

1961

102,997

1971

162,360

5,485

156,875

3.38

1981

225,568

7,668

217,900

3.40

1991

421,721

14,081

407,640

3.34

2001

545,750

25,429

520,321

4.66

*ST–Scheduled Tribe Source: Census of Tripura, different years

1991 157,358 12,552 25,897 16,166 18,223 13,274 8,136 4,300 4,766 8,550 14,641 27,668 26,990 7,538 9,160 16,954 13,972 26,837

2001 189,998 17,689 30,790 20,286 21,758 15,760 10,074 5,143 5,768 10,861 11,593 19,605 34,850 10,669

1971 4,822 221 77 86 173 106

1981 6,100 306 182 290 102 72 178 158 118 162

1991 8,601 532 358 481 308 75 77 133 248 253 1,120 776 34 55 136 72 147

1961 3,346 102 47 53 88 62

1981 132,186 10,722 20,806 12,938 16,304 12,054 6,380 3,688 3,340 7,150

1961 Agartala 54,878 Khowai 8,782 Dharmanagar 13,240 Kailashahar 8,575 Udaipur 8,778 Belonia 8,744 Sonamura Kamalpur Sabroom Amarpur Kumarghat Teliamura Jogendranagar Gandhigram Singarbil Barjala Pratapgarh

1971 100,264 9,338 16,858 10,602 13,924 11,374

ST population of towns

Towns/ years Population of towns

275

2001 15,616 1,443 232 845 528 202 154 429 471 503 578 118 57 93

Table 7.2. Population of Tripura towns 1961–2001, showing STs and others

Malabika Das Gupta

1961 51,532 8,680 13,193 8,522 8,690 8,682

1971 95,442 9,117 16,781 10,516 13,751 11,268

1981 126,086 10,416 20,624 12,648 16,202 11,982 6,202 3,530 3,222 6,988

1991 148,757 12,020 25,539 15,685 17,915 13,199 8,059 4,167 4,518 8,297 13,521 26,892 26,956 7,483 9,024 16,882 13,825

26,562

2001 174,382 16,246 30,558 19,441 21,230 15,558 9,920 4,714 5,297 10,358 11,015 19,487 34,793 10,576

Population not belonging to STs of towns

93

1,136 34,901 46,577 6 10,997 117 6,703 236 7,107 65 17,742 598 9,061 965 6,714 762 5,283 25,429 99,299 156,875 217,900 407,640 520,321

Agartala Khowai Dharmanagar Kailashahar Udaipur Belonia Sonamura Kamalpur

Town 1961 6.10 1.16 0.55 0.62 1.00 0.71

% of STs in town population 1971 1981 1991 2001 4.81 4.61 5.47 8.22 2.37 2.85 4.24 8.16 0.73 1.41 2.21 1.14 0.81 2.24 2.98 4.17 1.24 0.63 1.69 2.43 0.93 0.60 0.57 1.28 2.79 0.95 1.53 4.28 3.09 8.34

% of others in town population 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 93.90 95.19 95.39 94.53 91.78 98.84 97.63 97.15 95.76 91.84 99.65 99.54 99.13 98.62 99.25 99.38 99.19 97.76 97.02 95.83 99.00 98.76 99.37 98.31 97.57 99.29 99.07 99.40 99.43 98.72 97.21 99.05 98.47 95.72 96.91 91.66

Table 7.3. Percentage of STs and others in the town populations of Tripura, 1961–2001

47,713 675 11,003 6,820 7,343 17,807 9,659 7,679 6,045 545,750 3,698 5,485 7,668 14,081

The Percentage of Scheduled Tribes in the Urban Population of Tripura

Badharghat 35,576 Ranirbazar Narsingarh Kujaban(part) Indranagar (part) Gokulnagar Kanchanpur Ambassa Total for the 102,997 162,360 225,568 421,721 state ST—Scheduled Tribes Source: Census of Tripura, different years

94

Kujaban(part) Indranagar (part) Gokulnagar Kanchanpur Ambassa % of Tripura’s urban population ST—Scheduled Tribes Source: Table 7.2

Sabroom Amarpur Kumarghat Teliamura Jogendranagar Gandhigram Singarbil Barjala Pratapgarh Badharghat Ranirbazar Narsingarh

3.59

3.38

3.40

3.53 2.27

3.34

5.20 2.96 7.65 2.80 0.13 0.73 1.48 0.42 1.05 1.90

Malabika Das Gupta

1.72 3.21 0.37 6.19 12.57 12.61 4.66

1.02 2.38 0.05

8.17 4.63 4.99 0.60 0.16 0.87

96.41

96.62

96.60

96.47 97.73

96.66

94.80 97.04 92.35 97.20 99.87 99.27 98.52 99.58 98.95 98.10

98.28 96.79 99.63 93.81 87.43 87.39 95.34

98.98 97.62 99.95

91.83 95.37 95.01 99.40 99.84 99.13

95

96

The Percentage of Scheduled Tribes in the Urban Population of Tripura

Tables 7.2 and 7.3 show that the Scheduled Tribe population in the Tripura towns was small, and that the Scheduled Tribes formed a small percentage of the population of all the towns of the state throughout 1961– 2001. As shown in Table 7.3 below, Scheduled Tribes in the town population exceeded 12% in Kanchanpur and Ambassa only in 2001.

The objective of the Chapter This chapter seeks to explain why the Scheduled Tribes have formed a small percentage of the urban population of Tripura during the period 1961–2001.vi

Justification for Dealing with the Research Question It is important to answer this question because though all of India , the Scheduled Tribes have also formed a small percentage of the urban population, and the reasons for this phenomenon have not been explored. It was noted in the Census of 2001 that the Scheduled Tribes living in the urban areas of India constituted a mere 2.4% of the urban population of the country, but the sole reason given for this phenomenon was that “the Scheduled Tribe population prefers to live in groups in the rural surroundings” (Census of India 2001, 20). However, even a casual observer can sense that the low percentage of Scheduled Tribes in the urban population of the country must have resulted from a number of other causes which deserve to be examined carefully.vii Though D’Souza (1975) noted that the Scheduled Tribes formed a small percentage of the urban population of Punjab and gave reasons for it, no such studies have been conducted for the Scheduled Tribe population of any state of India. In Tripura, as in the rest of the country, researchers have not examined the question of the low representation of the Scheduled Tribes in the urban areas of the state.viii There is only a single paper on this question relating to Tripura by Das Gupta (2008). However, it is not an in depth study. It deals with the low urban presence of the Scheduled Tribes in the urban areas of Tripura only in 2001, and attempts to examine the reasons on the basis of the data available in the 2001 Census. The research question deserves to be examined with respect to the state of Tripura because the marginal presence of the Scheduled Tribes in the urban scene in Tripura has started causing concern among the articulate section of the tribal youth of the state. A blog by a tribal youth from Tripura laments that the urban areas of the state have become foreign lands to the indigenous people, where their presence is hardly 5%. If such

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sentiments are widely shared among the tribal youth and the low urban presence of the Scheduled Tribes is perceived as being a root cause of their lack of development, they may lead to ethnic problems in the state in the future. In view of this, finding the causes for the limited urban presence of the Scheduled Tribes of Tripura is not just an academic exercise. Understanding the causes of the low representation of the Scheduled Tribes in the urban population of Tripura may allow the government to frame appropriate policies for addressing the sensitive issue so that it does not snowball into a full-blown problem in future.

Steps in Attempting to Answering the research question 1. Formulating a hypothesis for answering the research question The urban population of a state consists of various ethnic groups. When urban growth takes place, over time it may be accompanied by an increase or a decrease in the percentage of the urban population belonging to a particular ethnic group. Alternatively, it may remain constant. It is hypothesized that how this percentage behaves when urban growth occurs in the state over time will depend on: (a) The pattern and process of urban growth in the state (where by “pattern” we mean the form taken by urban growth and by “process” we mean the course of urban growth), and (b) The characteristics of the population of the state belonging to that ethnic group. Given the characteristics of the population of the state belonging to a particular ethnic group, its percentage will depend on the pattern and process of urban growth in the state over time. For example, if it excludes people belonging to a particular ethnic group either explicitly or implicitly from becoming or remaining urban, their percentage will be low over time. For any given pattern or process of urban growth, if the characteristics of the population belonging to a particular ethnic group are such that they are unwilling or unable to become or remain urban when urban growth takes place in the state over time, their percentage will remain low. It is hypothesized that both the process and pattern of urban growth in Tripura and the characteristics of the Scheduled Tribe population of the state have been such that they have formed a small percentage of the state.

98

The Percentage of Scheduled Tribes in the Urban Population of Tripura

2. Methodology and Data Sources used for Answering the Research Question This chapter attempts to test the hypothesis with respect to Tripura by examining if the small percentage of tribals can be explained in terms of the nature and process of urban growth and the characteristics of the tribal population of the state. In order to do this, the chapter depends on the available primary and secondary data collected for the study. The Scheduled Tribes had not been quantified in Tripura before 1961. So, knowledgeable individuals and officials and relatives of older people who had lived in Agartala, the only town of Tripura prior to 1961, were interviewed to reconstruct the urban history of the state and the position of tribal people in the urban scene during this period. For the period from 1961, census data and data from various other secondary sources were used to establish why the percentage of the Scheduled Tribes in the urban population of the state was low when urban growth occurred in Tripura. To supplement the data gathered from secondary sources for this period, primary surveys were also conducted in villages near Agartala and Khowai, the two towns of Tripura with the largest Scheduled Tribe population, to find out why the Scheduled Tribe population preferred to live in the villages instead of moving to these towns. Information was also gathered from knowledgeable people about the behaviour of the Scheduled Tribe population in individual towns of Tripura.

Why the Scheduled Tribes formed a Small Percentage of the Urban Population of Tripura It has been hypothesized that the pattern and process of urban growth and the characteristics of the Scheduled Tribe population of the state explain why the Scheduled Tribes form a small percentage of the urban population of Tripura. This hypothesis will be examined with the help of data from Tripura in this section.

1. Factors related to the pattern and process of urban growth in Tripura a. The natural growth of the urban population. The natural growth of the urban population is a factor in the urban growth of Tripura. Table 7.4 below gives the birth rate, death rate and the natural growth rate of the urban population in the state from 1971 to 2001. Data were not

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99

available on the natural growth rate of the urban population of Tripura disaggregated by the ethnic origin of the population. Given that the Scheduled Tribe urban population of the state was smaller than that of non-Scheduled Tribes, the same natural growth rate led to a lower Scheduled Tribe population in the urban areas of the state, and consequently to a lower percentage in Tripura.xi Table 7.4. Estimated vital rates in urban Tripura 1971–2001 Year

Birth Rate

Death Rate

1971 1981 1991 2001

23.1 14.8 15.5 13.5

7.6 6.4 6.4 5.2

Natural Growth Rate 15.5 9.4 9.1 8.3

Source: SRS Bulletin, different years

b. The historical process through which urban growth took place in Tripura. The historical process through which urban growth took place in Tripura also played a part in making the percentage of Scheduled Tribes in the urban population of Tripura much lower than the urban population of the state. i. Migration. Migration had an important role to play in the urban growth of Tripura. The influence of migration on the ethnic composition of the population of Tripura can be observed since the inception of urbanisation in the state. In the pre-independence period before the refugee influx, Agartala, the only town of the princely state of Tripura and its capital, had a predominantly tribal population consisting mainly of the relatives of the Maharaja and his servants. According to the knowledgeable people interviewed in Agartala, although the population of the town was small during this period, a large proportion consisted of tribals. Bengalis who were government officials or professionals constituted the remainder. There was a sharp increase in the urban population of the state with the influx of Bengali refugees from 1941. The refugees mostly settled in Agartala and the proportion of tribals in the urban population decreased between 1941 and 1951, because the process of urban growth was Bengali refugee driven. The percentage of tribals in the urban population of Tripura decreased not because many tribals left Agartala but because they were outnumbered by the newly arrived refugees in the state capital.xii This trend continued in Tripura in the period

100

The Percentage of Scheduled Tribes in the Urban Population of Tripura

1961–2001, also leading to the small percentage of tribal people in the urban population of the state. Table 7.5 below gives the data on urban immigrants in Tripura from 1961 to 2001. Even in 2001, more than 40% of the urban population was made up of immigrants and it can be hypothesized that most of these immigrants into urban Tripura were Bengali non-tribals as, even in 2001, more than 32% of the urban population came from outside India, mainly from Bangladesh. This lowered the percentage of Scheduled Tribes during the period under review. Table 7.5. Urban migration data of Tripura 1961–2001 Year

Percentage of migrants by place of birth Total Urban population population

Percentage distribution of birth place urban migrants by type of movement Within InterInterFrom district district state outside India

1961 51.5 59.7 8.6 1971 47.2 52.8 7.7 1981 36.6 41.8 11.6 1991 29.3 37.2 26.90 2001 29.4 41.1 46.54 Source: Census of Tripura, different years

4.2 8.5 10.60 14.72

5.9 7.2 9.6 8.90 6.40

85.5 80.9 70.3 53.60 32.34

Total

100 100 100 100 100

ii. The Bangladesh war of 1971. The Bangladesh war of 1971 gave a fillip to the process of urban growth in Tripura as the war effort was directed from Agartala. Though no new towns were established in the state in 1971, the sizeable presence of the Indian army and the Mukti Bahini personnel who trained there launched attacks on the Pakistani forces in East Pakistan and returned to Agartala after their operations. The arrival of Bengali refugees from across the border and the government’s policy of accommodating them in temporary refugee camps in the state capital all increased the urban population of the state in general and of Agartala in particular, but there was no scope for increasing the tribal presence in the urban areas in this process of urban growth. This is one of the reasons for the low presence of the Scheduled Tribes in the urban population of Tripura observed in 1971. iii. Ethnic violence. Urban growth in the state was influenced by the ethnic violence that rocked the state in 1980. Both tribals and non-tribals of the West and South districts were particularly badly affected, and even

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though the towns were not directly affected by the violence, their population composition changed quite drastically, at least in the short run, as the ethnic violence was brought under control within a very short time. The number of people living in the urban areas of the state increased between 1971 and 1981, partly on account of the fact that the ethnic violence and the fear of ethnic violence made many rural people living near towns shift to the urban areas of Tripura in search of safety. Temporary refugee camps set up in Agartala and Udaipur to accommodate the affected people also had the same impact on urban growth in the state in 1981. During this decade, there was a decrease in the percentage of the urban population accounted for by the Scheduled Tribes in Agartala and Udaipur. In Agartala and Udaipur, the percentages of Scheduled Tribes in the population declined (see Table 7.3 above), and the the Scheduled Tribe population of Udaipur declined from 173 in 1971 to 102 in 1981 (see Table 7.2 above). Though there were a few instances of Scheduled Tribe families of Agartala moving out of the city and taking shelter in tribal villages near Teliamura temporarily, there was no mass-scale outmigration from the city as a result of the ethnic riot, even though fear was created and the tribals of the city tended to move into the tribal-dominated areas like Banamalipur and Krishnanagar, as they felt safer. However, the ethnic riot slowed the migration of tribals into Agartala from the villages. There was a large-scale movement of Bengalis into the city from the surrounding mixed population villages, as the non-tribals felt it offered better protection and there was safety in numbers. This, coupled with the presence of the Bengali refugees in temporary refugee camps in Agartala, swelled the percentage of non-tribals in the population of Agartala and consequently lowered that of the Scheduled Tribes in the city. When ethnic violence broke out in Tripura in 1980, the Scheduled Tribe population of Udaipur consisted mainly of government servants and their families. Most of them came from the surrounding villages and lived in rented accommodation in the town. Though the town itself was not affected by ethnic violence, a tribal village situated across the river Gumti was torched by Bengalis during the riot. Fearing that the ethnic violence would affect the town, the Scheduled Tribes locked their homes and left for their native villages following this incident, as they were in a minority in the town. On the other hand, ethnic violence affected the non-tribal population in exactly the opposite way. The non tribals living in tribaldominated or mixed-population villages around Udaipur moved into the town in search of safety, consequently increasing their percentage in the population of the town in 1981.

102

The Percentage of Scheduled Tribes in the Urban Population of Tripura

iv. Growth of extremism in the state. The growth of extremism in the state had a part to play in the urban growth of Tripura in the 1990s. People migrated to the urban centres, and Agartala in particular, in search of safety. However, the case of Kamalpur was an exception. Kamalpur witnessed a decline in the absolute number of its Scheduled Tribe population between 1981 and 1991 (see Table 7.2 above). Most of the tribal residents of Kamalpur were government servants who lived in rented accommodation in the town. Tribal extremists were active in the villages surrounding the town and Bengalis were their main victims. The tribal residents of Kamalpur feared a backlash from the Bengalis, especially as a result of the atrocities perpetrated on the Bengalis in the adjoining village of Srirampur. As they were in a minority in the town, they left Kamalpur and went back to their native villages, lowering the tribal presence in the town. c. Growth of administrative functions of the state. With the growth of the administrative functions of the state, the number of towns increased during the period under review. The tribals formed a very small proportion of the populations of Tripura towns during the period under consideration as most of them were located in the plains, whereas the Scheduled Tribes of the state lived mainly in its hilly regions. The administrative towns that developed in the state during the period in question were erstwhile sub-divisional headquarters of princely Tripura that became towns because of their connectivity to the state capital. They had some sort of an infrastructure in place as they were sub-divisional headquarters and trading centres during the days of the Maharajas. These centres did not have a sizeable tribal population in situ. It is natural that the percentage of tribals remained small in these new towns and the process of urban growth did not lead to a marked increase in the percentage of tribals in urban Tripura, as the towns had poor communication links with the interior hilly areas where the tribals lived, making it difficult for the Scheduled Tribes to relocate to the newly developed urban centres. By contrast, the non-tribal population of Tripura lived in the plains where communication links with the towns were better, and by consequence they had a greater chance than the Scheduled Tribes of becoming urbanised. Towns did not develop in the tribal-dominated districts of the state. Table 7.6 below shows that Dhalai, the district with a predominantly tribal population, had only 0.45% of the total urban population of the state. Before the formation of Dhalai in 2001, the only town in this tribal-dominated region of Tripura was Kamalpur.

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Table 7.6. Demographic data on Tripura for 2001 disaggregated by districts of the state in 2001 District

ST population of the district as percentage of the population of the district

Urban population of the district as percentage of the population of the district

Percentage of ST population in urban population of the district

West Tripura South Tripura Dhalai North Tripura

25.3 37.7 54.0 25.5

26.75 7.06 0.45 2.88

4.86 3.15 11.43 2.64

ST—Scheduled Tribe Source: Census of Tripura, 2001

d. Incorporation of new areas within the boundaries of towns. Table 6.7 below shows how the area included within the boundaries of the towns of Tripura changed over time. From data available for Agartala in 2004, it appears that the city grew in size by incorporating new areas that did not have a sizeable tribal population (Tripura Gazette Extraordinary Issue 2004). An explanation for the low percentage of Scheduled Tribe population in the urban population of the state can be found if we assume that the majority of towns in Tripura grew in size as the state urban growth increased over time. Towns like Teliamura and Kumarghat, whose geographical areas shrank in 2001, lost localities inhabited by Scheduled Tribes so that their population in these towns fell between 1991 and 2001, as shown in Table 7.2 above.

Town Agartala Badharghat Gakulnagar Gandhigram Indranagar (part) Jogendranagar Khowai Kunjaban (part) Narsingarh Pratapgarh Ranirbazar Sonamura Teliamura Shingarbil Barjala Amarpur Belonia Sabroom Udaipur Ambassa Kamalpur Kanchanpur 3.57 4.13 2.53 4.14 10.78 2.41 4.78

2001 16.01 12.51 10.55 8.76 7.36 7.72 4.4 4.97 6.16 3.29 1.7 3.42 3.75 3.57 4.14 2.53 4.14 2.41

2.41

3.42

4.4

3.42 27.12 8.16 7.6 3.57 4.13 2.53 4.14

3.29

7.72 4.4

8.76

1991 15.8 12.51

1981 10.94

3.63 5.05

6.5

3.63

1961 7.2

3.6

3.6

1971 7.2

The Percentage of Scheduled Tribes in the Urban Population of Tripura

Table 7.7. Area of the towns of Tripura in sq km, 1951–2001

104

1951 10.00

7.77 6.19 3.5 140.4

Source: Census of India, various years.

Dharmanagar Kailashahar Kumarghat Total

7.77 6.19 17.29 146.81

11 10.2 42.16

7.77 6.19 54.37

Malabika Das Gupta

40.51

11.03 9.97 10.00

105

106

The Percentage of Scheduled Tribes in the Urban Population of Tripura

e. Limited employment opportunities for tribals in the towns. Urban growth in Tripura proceeded through the establishment and growth of administrative towns that did not have manufacturing bases and had weak links with the agricultural hinterland. They could therefore offer very limited employment opportunities to the Scheduled Tribes of the state, many of whom depended on shifting cultivation for their livelihood or were small and marginal farmers and agricultural labourers lacking in education and skills, despite the policy of reservation for Scheduled Tribes in government jobs. By contrast, the non-tribals of the state were better educated and a smaller percentage were cultivators and agricultural labourers compared to the Scheduled Tribes, and were therefore more likely to be absorbed into urban sector jobs. The non-tribals of Tripura could therefore constitute a larger percentage of the urban population of the state. With independence and the integration of Tripura into the Indian Union, Agartala became the capital of a Union Territory and its administrative functions vastly increased, requiring the services of educated and skilled people. The Bengalis who were better educated than the tribals were more suitable for these jobs. Though many Bengalis who got these administrative jobs were already residents of Agartala, a considerable number came to the state capital from the rural areas, as well as East Pakistan and West Bengal, to take the newly created jobs, along with officials from other regions of India. This process of urbanisation excluded the tribals of the state because of their lack of education and appropriate skills, though this may not have been deliberately designed. However, an anti-tribal bias in government jobs, at least at the ministerial level, cannot be ruled out altogether as the administration was in the hands of Bengalis and the ruling political dispensation was not ostensibly protribal in its attitude. f. Lack of specific policies for encouraging rural tribals to settle in urban areas. No specific policies were undertaken by the government to encourage distressed tribals in rural areas to settle in urban areas when their traditional economy became unsustainable. Affirmative action for the tribals in the form of job reservations in government offices and the reservation of seats for their children in educational institutions remained theoretical in urban areas, and the laws were largely non-implemented. This may have been a result of social exclusion due to anti-tribal bias among the decision-makers in the urban areas, but it was also largely due to the difficulty of finding suitably qualified Scheduled Tribe candidates to fill the posts, at least in the initial years.

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2. Factors related to the characteristics of the Scheduled Tribe population The characteristics of the Scheduled Tribe and the non-tribal populations of Tripura provide another clue to the difference in the percentage of urban populations of each. In 1991, the percentage of cultivators and agricultural labourers among the main workers was 87.25% for the Scheduled Tribes and 48% for the non-tribals. Though these percentages declined to 54.64% for Scheduled Tribes and 26.88% for the non-tribals in 2001, the percentage of the former in the urban population was likely to be smaller due to their dependence on agriculture. Similarly, the cultural, political, social, historical and geographic characteristics of the Scheduled Tribes of Tripura provide an explanation for their small percentage of urbanites. They lived mainly in the hills away from the urban centres and were forest dwellers, while the non-tribals who came to the state to take up administrative jobs were more urban-centric. By tradition, the Scheduled Tribes were shifting cultivators who produced most of what they needed in their own villages. Their social life centred round small hamlets where they were tied by the bonds of kinship to the other members of their settlements and had very few social interactions with the members of other settlements, let alone the urban centres. Traditionally, the hamlets were presided over by chiefs, and even when political mobilization took place among them under the auspices of the communists, agrarian and rural issues were at the forefront and they were not encouraged to think of themselves as a part of the urban proletariat. In recent years, the Scheduled Tribes have also shown an aversion to migrating to urban centres. Six Scheduled Tribe families from a village near Agartala and four from a village near Khowai were interviewed to find out why they had not migrated to these urban centres, despite their proximity to their villages. Though most of the Scheduled Tribe residents of the village near Agartala had links with the city, they did not want to live there because the city is more expensive and they would have limited job prospects because of their lack of education and appropriate skills. Another reason cited was the availability of all the facilities in the village itself, and its excellent communication facilities with Agartala. Even in a once remote and politically disturbed rural area near Agartala, the Scheduled Tribe people interviewed said that they did not consider settling in Agartala as an option because of the development of a Growth Centre in their Block, and because all facilities were available near the Block Headquarters. In the village near Khowai, the Scheduled Tribe respondents wanted to live in the village because they could use the

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facilities in the town when the need arose, and in any case they were too poor to afford the town or ill-equipped to find jobs there. One of the respondents had migrated to Khowai but returned to the village because he found the town dirty and overcrowded. So, it can be said that the Scheduled Tribes were not socially excluded from becoming urbanites. They excluded themselves from the urban growth process and therefore formed a small percentage of the urban population of Tripura.

References Census of Tripura different years. Chacko, Pariyaram M. (1993). “Urban Studies: an Overview.” In Sinha, A. C, Chacko, M. Pariyaram & I. L. Aier (eds), Hill Cities of Eastern Himalayas. New Delhi: Indus Publishing Co. Das Gupta, M. (2011). “Process of Urban Growth and Urbanisation in Tripura Till 1951.” Journal of the Asiatic Society LIII (4). —. (2008). “Urbanisation among the Tribals of Tripura.” In A. K. Ray & S. Chakraborty (eds), Society Politics and Development: Essays in Memory of Basudeb Datta Ray. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. D’Souza, V. S. (1975). “Scheduled Castes and Urbanisation in Punjab.” Sociological Bulletin 24 (1). Government of Tripura. (2004). Tripura Gazette Extraordinary Issue, February 10. McGee, T. G. (1975). The Urbanization Process in the Third World: Explorations in Search of a Theory. London: G Bell and Sons Ltd. Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, India, Catalogue and Services. (2005). Census and You: Basic Results from Census 2001. SRS Bulletin, different years.

Notes 1

Article 342 of the Indian Constitution provides that the President of India may, with respect to any State or Union Territory, specify tribes or tribal communities or parts of groups within tribes or tribal communities that are deemed to be for the purposes of the Constitution the Scheduled Tribes in relation to that State or Union Territory and are valid only within the jurisdiction of that State or Union Territory and not outside. With the Constitution coming into force, the list of Scheduled Tribes was notified in 1950 and the list was revised and further modified from time

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to time. All the constitutional amendments taking place regarding the notification of Scheduled Tribes in each State or Union Territory prior to conducting any census were taken into account when Scheduled Tribes were enumerated. There are nineteen notified Scheduled Tribes in Tripura. Compared to the rest of the population of India in general and Tripura in particular, the Scheduled Tribes are socio-economically backward. 2 The percentage of Scheduled Tribes in the urban population of Tripura was also much lower than their percentage in the population of the state during the period under consideration. 6 This period was singled out for study because the Scheduled Tribes had been notified in Tripura only after the 1951 census. 7 Not only in India but also in the rest of the world, the question of the marginal presence of particular ethnic groups in urban centres has received inadequate attention. The paper by McGee (1975) on Malays in the city of Kuala Lumpur is a notable exception. 8 Not only has this aspect of urbanisation not been discussed by researchers on Tripura, “hardly any urban study is available with respect to … Tripura” (Chacko 1993, 37). 11 The number of females per thousand males was lower among the urban Scheduled Tribe population of Tripura than for the urban population of the state that did not belong to the Scheduled Tribes. In 1991, the number of females per thousand males was 821 among the Scheduled Tribes in urban Tripura, while among the non tribals it was 961. In 2001, the sex ratio for the non-tribals in urban Tripura remained at 961, while it was 921 for the Scheduled Tribes. So, the addition to the urban Scheduled Tribe population from natural growth was likely to have been lower than that of the non-tribals in urban Tripura, leading to the percentage of the former in the urban population being lower than that of the latter. 12 For details during this period see Das Gupta (2011).

THE LIVING CONDITIONS AND STRUGGLE FOR SURVIVAL OF SLUM DWELLERS IN INDIRA GANDHI NAGAR, CHENNAI THAMBI DURAI THANGAVEL AND JESURATHNAM DEVARAPALLI

Introduction Human beings are the most ubiquitous organisms next to microorganisms; they spread everywhere and occupy space wherever they can. Population and territory go hand in hand (Chakraworthy 2006, 57), and thus territories are occupied by humans who make up the population; until this point of occupancy by people, the concept of population might not have emerged as it would have consisted of small groups and not large masses. When the phenomenon of nomadism lost ground, there emerged the concept of population and territory. Nomadism as such has not declined; instead, it is an aspect of the change in the socio-economic patterns of the population. Human population has steadily occupied almost all the available niches, moved around the world and found suitable places for its survival, until such movement came to an end. As it started occupying the niches, particularly those that were available with many resources for its survival, nomadic movements gradually disappeared. The prototype or the earliest form of migration of humans was the search for resources. The emergence of advanced technology in food production alongside the availability of resources reduced movements in the search for food materials. Humans started settling down and diverted their understanding to acquiring the skills of production. They soon built dwellings until civilisation emerged. In general, these dwellings were built on river banks where the availability of fertile rich alluvial soil and water resulted in the emergence of agriculture. From the time agriculture first developed until about 6000 BC, the people in the near East lived in small villages. However, these settlements had none of the characteristics we commonly associate with “civilisation” (Ember & Ember 1999, 158). Gradually, as production

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started, the masses occupied lands together and framed and formed cultures as well as civilisations. As mentioned, the characteristics of civilisation were not traceable in early periods because as society evolved and technologies developed, the definitions of many terms took a firm and definite shape and could be explained in the contemporary context. Obviously, the measurement of civilisation also underwent consistent changes. Generations, as they came and went, inherited both the culture and civilisation of their ancestors and passed these down with minimal changes. We seek the help of historians to understand our early past, but then most ancient civilisations have been studied by archaeologists rather than historians as they evolved long before the advent of writing (Ember & Ember 1999, 158). Writing is a part of civilisation, and in the absence of the latter writing would not evolve. Archaeological evidences should be given greater importance than the historical. History is the study of the past happenings, all of which were recorded chronologically, while archaeology is the study of that prehistoric past from before writing emerged; the facts of archaeology have been constructed on the basis of fossil remains, artifacts, monuments, caves and manuscripts. It is true that we consider writing to be an integral part of any civilisation, but our prehistoric civilisation existed much earlier than the advent of writing, which should explain the significance of archaeological studies and researches. According to Ember & Ember (1999, 158), the ancient human settlements or habitats are the birthplaces of civilisations and cultures, and the most ancient civilisation arose in the near East around 3500 BC. The structure, composition and population sizes have changed and every society, as it has evolved, has reached various stages of development, out of which complex societies arose, gradually leading to urbanisation.

Urbanisation, Migration and Cities Urbanisation refers to the process whereby large numbers of people migrate to relatively dense areas of population (Orum 2007). In everyday usage, urbanisation connotes the dynamic process whereby a district undergoes noticeable transformation from rural to urban (Arnott & McMillan 2006). Thus, urbanisation is a dynamic process wherein there are physical, cultural and economic transformations. These kinds of transformations happen for multiple reasons that include the complex nature of the urban location, acculturation among the present multiple ethnic groups, diffusion and other such social processes. The process of urbanisation has been essentially a process of migration to the city (De

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Souza 1983, xiv). Urbanisation and the concept of city formation are both a result of migration, and so migration and city formation are directionally proportional to each other.

During nomadism, migration was considered an important factor that helped life to continue while at the same time giving the people the drive to wander in search of resources for survival. Later, as humans gradually found places where such resources were near at hand, their wanderings ended and they settled. Nevertheless, the factors compelling migration are still existent in more varied forms and include, most importantly, the need for survival. Sedentarism has found a place next to nomadism in the process of evolution from the past to the present. It may be recalled here that nomadism is based on migration from one place to another, mostly by hunters and food-gatherers, in order to follow the animals or collect food. It is therefore indicative of a highly mobile life. On the other hand, a sedentary life is the reverse of a migratory life. Where under nomadism people would move in search of food, in sedentary life migration is imposed by outside factors like drought, unemployment or any other social or economic reason. So, in sedentary life migration comes not from the migrants’ own interest, but a circumstantial outcome of force acting on them. Social forces are important and intriguing factors behind contemporary migration. For instance, the interest of the earliest rulers in the formation of cities also resulted in displacement and resettlement (both of which come under forced migration, and alongside all this the interest of the rulers has to be considered as the social force or factor acting). Smith, when he speaks of the formation of Mesopotamia, mentions that the “nearby rural villages were abandoned suggesting that people were moved forcibly into the city” (2010, 24). Apart from this kind of forced movement, security reasons also cause migration. Security problems could have caused villagers to choose a strategy other than nomadism, such as moving into larger centres where they were safer. In times of instability, the smaller sites are much more likely to be affected, while larger settlements can somehow manage to survive. When populations leave small sites and migrate to larger ones, the latter become even larger and better suited to facing these security problems (Faust 2003, 154).

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Faust also adds that through forced settlements the rulers imposed urbanisation over their subjects. Faust quotes Patterson, arguing that the relocation of people should not necessarily be viewed as punishment; in some cases, the relocation of loyal groups to problem regions included land grants as rewards (2003, 157). To substantiate, in south India, especially in Tamil Nadu, one could look for urban growth initially in the core regions where clusters of brahmadeyas or Brahman settlements originated from land grants to Brahmans, as learned men in charge of education and temple priests (Champakalakshmi 1991, 51). Alternatively, as Faust (2003, 157) mentioned, the authorities preferred to settle all their subordinates nearby or in regional centres, simply because it facilitated administration and control, or granted the state monopoly over economic resources. The social forces stimulating migration can be anything, such as forced resettlement by rulers, security issues, land grants or rewards and administration. However, all these forces mentioned are typical of the earlier eras. In the contemporary period, migration is instigated by the social forces of socio-economic changes, which has led to more and more concentrated urbanised areas and contributions to the city/urban population. The migrating population believes that they can find some kind of occupation in large towns and cities and can survive better than when they suffered for want of a job in villages and smaller towns. Thus, they impact on the population level in human settlements, be they cities, villages or even towns. As Crowe stated, the social disruption caused by mass migration to population centres is commonly attributed to urbanism (1981, 210). The urban population has grown rapidly, recording a growth rate of 38% during 1961–71 (De Souza 1983, xiii). This mention of growth rate indirectly hints at the new arrivals, not only by birth but also through the process of migration. The most rapid growth of population was in cities with populations of one million and above, in which over 50% of the total urban population was concentrated (De Souza 1983, xiii). It is interesting to note that most of the 5.4 billion inhabitants of the globe now live in urban settlements other than villages and hamlets (Clark 1998, 85). Orum (2007) mentions that as more than half of the world’s population lives in what are considered urban places, demographers project that by the year 2050 much of the world’s population will reside there. Clark explains the concentration of population in urban spaces as: “instead of being spread widely and thinly across the surface of the habitable earth, a population that is urban is one in which a vast number of people are clustered together in very small areas” (1998, 85).

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There are certain characteristics for each and every locality that help us to identify or differentiate one from the other, such as a city or a town. These characteristics help us in the easy identification of the place. One such noticeable characteristic of a city is its “high density of population” (Misra 1991; Faust 2003; Miksic 2000; Tittle 2007; Jaret 2008; Parasher 1991; Grewal 1991), a second is its non-agricultural occupation pattern (Misra 1991; Clark 1998), while a third is the symbiotic or parasitic relationship with the villages or the hinterlands around them (Parrillo 2007). Due to the heterogeneity of occupations, the localities in the cities/towns are occupied by populations of different kinds, performing multifarious tasks, increasing the complexity of the arena due to the settlement of different social groups of different origins. Urbanisation necessarily implies tension and conflict because the social groups belonging to different national origins and often different cultures compete with each other for scarce resources (in particular, land and space) (Orum 2007). This conflict or tension is due to the coexistence of different cultures within a very limited space, with a few of them being at the lowest rung of the society, their settlements being termed as “slums.” Capitalism—its inequalities and the tension it creates between rich and poor—should be taken into account for the underside of urbanisation (Orum 2007). Lewis Mumford states that the city is the form and symbol of an integrated social relationship (Misra 1991, 3). In certain other quarters it is felt that cities should ultimately emerge as complex, socially stratified units (Parasher 1991, 20).

Urban—The Unequal Complex Urban is one of those deceptive concepts that seem simple and yet have many layers of complexity that are subject to varying interpretations, depending on one’s theoretical and analytical predisposition. Derived from the Latin word urbanus (meaning characteristic of or pertaining to the city), urban essentially holds the same connotation to most people (Parrillo 2007). Urbanisation is not simply a broad impersonal fact of modern life, but is something that can also be changed (Orum 2007). Whatever it is and whenever it may be used, there is no apposite definition given by anyone; it simply varies from country to country. Parrillo thus states how complicated and complex it is to define an urban area: Complicating that understanding, however, are varying criteria among the 228 countries with urban populations. These criteria include administrative functions (a national or regional capital), economic characteristics (more than half the residents engaged in non-agricultural occupations), functional

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nature (existence of paved streets, water supply, sewerage and electrical systems), and population size and population density. (Parrillo 2006).

He also adds that each country has its own criteria for defining urban space and he classifies them accordingly: Administrative function is considered to be a sole criterion in 89 countries and in combination with other criteria in an additional 20. In a similar way, economic characteristic is one of the numbered criteria in 27 countries while 19 countries stress a lot on the functional character. 5 countries consider this functional character as the sole criterion while population size or density is the sole criterion in 46 countries; a combination of these two characters is considered to be significant in an additional 42 countries. A proper definition for “urban” is not found in 24 countries, while the entire population in Guadeloupe, Hong Kong, Kuwait, Monaco, Nauru, and Singapore is designated as urban. (Parrillo 2006)

Apart from these criteria, there is yet another important criterion—the conflicts between labour and management or among diverse population segments, which also impact the physical and social characteristics of the cities (Parrillo 2006). Socially, the city is a complex region with the involvement of people from various regions and origins. People are involved in diverse occupations; as the diversity increases, the complexity increases and the proximity of any conflict among the population grows. The complexity keeps on increasing based on class, caste, occupation, language, regionalism and many more such factors. Though the people seem to live together in the cities, in reality this isn’t so. The city is a complex phenomenon when seen as a whole, but everyone has his or her own arena and conflicts arise when the arenas cross one another. The group belonging to one arena may not like the next or the neighbouring one, simply because they are different either socially or physically. Thus, leading a life in a complex scenario always leaves people in tension. The arenas of differentiations are maintained in different regions of the city. Other than these arenas, the city is usually segmented and stratified. While explaining segmentation and/or stratification, Gupta mentions that when Black Town in Madras was being rebuilt, it was specified that different quarters should be assigned to the several castes. She further adds that separate streets were allotted to each caste group in Pondicherry and Madras (Gupta 1991, 131). This makes our understanding clearer and allows us to imagine the segmented arenas and how they are stratified. We may now leave the discussion on the good and bad of stratified arenas to a later period and instead ponder on when this stratification could have started. It is true that we get many answers to our queries from the

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pages of history books, but it is archaeology that better provides this evidence. The burial fields in different societies reflect a sense of inequality, and archaeologists generally assume that inequality in death reflects inequality in life, at least in status and perhaps also in wealth and power (Ember & Ember 1999, 158). The city as a whole, on the basis of race, creed, caste or occupation, was divided into separate quarters for various social groups (Grewal 1991, 71). Class division was rigidly followed in residential areas and the internal layout of the houses was determined by the authorities with regulations and specifications for buildings (Grewal 1991, 174–5). It has been mentioned that social differentiation was reflected in the size and structure of houses (Ibid., 138). Thus, the society is very clear in maintaining differences among people to classify or to stratify them. Whatever it may be, the people and their settlements, or localities, are stratified, showing us the social statuses of the settlers and their places in the social order. The visible factors of differentiation are locality, size and structure of the houses and these reveal to which class the people belong. The logic is that a king or an individual with ultimate political power cannot be expected to reside in a simple hut or a peasant to reside in a palace; intrinsically, both are irrelevant statements and the apparent reality is that they are there because they are stratified and located in that social order, though it is somewhat dogmatic in nature.

Slums Slums are those settlements or localities that are placed in the lowest social order. A slum is a place not suitable for humans and the population density here is much more than in the rest of the city. Slums are an outcome of migration and urbanisation, as the more urbanised a city or town becomes, the more people migrate. Not only is the urban population unevenly distributed in the towns and cities, even within the city there are considerable imbalances in population density (De Souza 1983, xiv). This uneven distribution is visible in any city space, as certain places hold large enough houses with spaces for all purposes, and certain places have living spaces with no basic amenities or any safeguards for their livelihood. The largest cities have attracted the largest number of migrants from the rural areas because, unlike the small towns, they offer a wide range of employment opportunities which require various degrees of skill. Moreover, what is more important is that the big cities can provide employment to rural migrants who are largely unskilled and illiterate (De Souza 1983, xiv).

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Faust mentions “security threat” as a reason for migration. This security threat does not necessarily imply any kind of physical abuse, as security threats for social and economic reasons could also result in migrations. The primary reason for contemporary rural-urban migration is economic, and the rural poor migrate to the cities in search of employment rather than better employment opportunities (De Souza 1983, xv). Rural poverty is carried over to the city by the mechanism of rural-urban migration and is most visible in slums and squatter settlements which stand apart for environmental deterioration, sub-standard housing and low levels of health and nutrition. He adds that when migrants reach the city they invariably find themselves pushed into the slums or squatter settlements, but to understand the magnitude of urban poverty one has to understand the conditions of life there with regard to basic services (water, health care, nutrition, housing, sanitation, drainage), occupational patterns and income (Ibid., xvi).

The Status of Indira Gandhi Nagar, Chennai Indira Gandhi Nagar in Chennai, also known as Indira Nagar in government records, is one such slum, with around 2,300 households and an approximate population of 9,200 (Chennai District Census Handbook 2001, 68). The settlement is situated at the far end of Anna Salai (formerly Mount Road) at the junction of the roads connecting Parry’s Corner and Fort St. George. It is surrounded by some important landmarks of Chennai like the Central Railway Station, the General Hospital, the Island Grounds, the former Central Jail and is close to the banks of River Cooum. The 2001 metadata on slum populations indicates that 32.9% of the population here could be identified as workers, implying that as per the number of inhabitants in this slum, a population of around 3,000 people only is engaged in some sort of work. It further reveals that only one third of the total population is engaged in work, and the remaining subsist on their income. To begin with, an analysis of the structure of the settlement—the housing structures within it—shows that the sizes of the houses lived in are 15 feet long and 10 feet wide, or 150 sq. ft in area, which definitely does not meet the minimal standards of living. As per the data of the 2001 census, around four members share a household, but then the given area for a household does not satisfy the basic needs of all four individuals. The three most important among the basic amenities are safe drinking water, electricity and sanitation. It is unfortunate that only electricity among the above-mentioned three is available to the inhabitants, according to the census data of 2001. The same data records that there are only two

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tap points in the locality for the supply of protected water, and the system of sewerage is an open surface drain. The septic tank is the method employed for the disposal of night soil. There are at least three hundred electric light points available in the settlement (Chennai District Census Handbook 2001, 69). As mentioned by De Souza, the availability of these three basic services gives us an understanding of the level of poverty of the slum people as well as their statuses. As regards the availability of drinking water in the area it has been seen that there are enough hand pumps. As such, the water supply in this settlement is satisfactory and the people don’t have to go far in search of it. Interestingly, the shortage of water supply is an acute problem in many slums and other parts of Chennai. However, we cannot consider this alone as a benchmark of whether or not the locality is developed. Rather, in this particular slum, the problem over the easy and safe disposal of wastewater is more acute and should be given greater importance. The lack of wastewater disposal provisions eventually creates problems and makes the usage of water difficult. The stagnation of the standing wastewater creates water-borne diseases and leads to various health hazards. This automatically shifts our attention to the issue of healthcare and whether it is adequate, and if the minimum basic facilities are available. There is a Primary Health Centre (PHC) available in the settlement, but most of the time it is closed. Often, when it is open, there are no health personnel available. The stagnation of wastewater creates the conditions for the spread of diseases among the inhabitants. All these things are interrelated and interconnected to each other. Sanitation is, without doubt, an issue of concern in the settlement for a population of around 9,200 with no proper drainage or sanitation facilities. There are four “pay to use” toilets, two of which have been deemed “not fit for use” due to improper maintenance. The remaining are in use but are not well maintained. Quite obviously, only two pay-and-use toilets cannot meet the requirements of the entire settlement. Moreover, as the sanitary facility is pay to use, most are unwilling to use it due to the costs, and engage in open-air defecation instead. As a result, children defecate in the streets and women face maximum inconveniences, and in addition, considering the problems over the disposal of wastewater, they do not bathe daily. In fact, most of them take a bath once every two or three days as they generally have to use the public pay-to-use bathrooms, costing them Rs 10 each time, and is the reason why many of them finish their morning chores in the workplace. Considering the deteriorated sanitary conditions in the slum as well as the lack of proper drinking water facilities (in Chennai as a whole), the urgent need is to improve the

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prevailing conditions and ensure ready access to safe drinking water and toilets (Athreya 2010). The nutritional level of the slum dwellers is now at an all-time low. Food insecurity due to scarcity of resources is already a major problem for most nations, including India, and the unchecked price hike of recent times is only adding to their woes. Usually, most consume two meals and few consume three—to be precise, the women normally consume only two meals while the males have three. Due to the lack of space and money, these slum inhabitants normally don’t keep groceries at home and buy them on a daily basis, or each time they cook a meal. Obviously, they don’t expect to find the stores open every time they have to cook a meal, so as the nutrients cannot be bought they make do with the minimum of meals or none at all. As mentioned earlier, every factor is interconnected, and the reason for the lack of sufficient nutrients invariably causes diseases and deficiency disorders. The next criterion relevant for discussion in the context of the slum dwellers is occupation. They are the serving population of the city and involve themselves in almost each and every kind of unskilled occupation available in the city space. From street vending to hawking, running small shops, manual labour, cleaning streets and drains and many more things, most of the city’s jobs could not be done without their help. Ironically, there is no job security as all of them can be grouped under a single criterion of “informal labour/informal sector” (Breman 2011). There is neither any stability of occupational opportunities for them nor any statutory benefits, and they earn low wages. The people from this settlement are mostly construction labourers. A handful of them have changed occupations and taken to rickshaw pulling and auto rickshaw driving, but this is not common. Hence, these people belong to the lowincome group population and earn very little, struggling to meet the expenses of their families. Considering the above criteria that contribute towards determining the statuses of the people living in the slum, we can conclude that there is no simple or single factor that causes problems; instead, each should be considered in the purview of other factors. As mentioned and discussed, population density is a noteworthy factor of urbanisation, which reflects on the settlement; however, in slums this assumes intolerable proportions. Within the limited area under review, there are around 2,300 households with a population of around 9,200. The houses are congested, dilapidated and lack space for anything and everything; as a result, they mostly cook outside the houses. At least half of the houses are constructed from perishable materials such as tarpaulin, polythene sheets, vinyl sheets/flex

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banners, tin, and/or thatched roofs, and are impermanent. All family or household members cannot be inside the houses together as they are too small. However, electricity is available all over the settlement, and a good number of streetlights are present.

Conclusion The factors determining the living conditions of the people of the slum, which have a bearing on their status, are interconnected and interrelated. For example, the criterion “occupation” is related and connected with other criteria like housing, nutrition and healthcare. Similarly, the criterion “water” is related to healthcare, sanitation and drainage. The “income” of a person is obviously related to most of the criteria for basic amenities. It has been proved that any single specific factor alone cannot create a noteworthy impact on a particular problem unless it is related to others. Interrelated factors create severe and serious impacts. Population density due to urbanisation and migration has an impact over all the other criteria. Evidently, due to the population density, the people suffer from a lack of amenities. The low wage factor could be explained by the theory of “supply and demand.” Since the supply of labour is huge, owing to population density, it exceeds the demand; and, as per the theory, when supply exceeds demand, it is rated low. It is a fact that a high population density is the main cause of most ills in urban slums; after all, a high population density in mega-cities and metro cities is incontrollable as greater numbers of the peasant and village populations are attracted to them mainly for job opportunities in the unskilled and informal sector. This should explain why the living conditions of the slum dwellers are so dismal compared to the rest of the urban society. Whereas all essential basic amenities and comforts are available to the residents of the posh urban locales, in the middle class areas all basic amenities may not be available, but they are comfortable with that. In order to eradicate the disparity present among the population of urban spaces, the following steps need to be followed: (i) focus on the needs of small and medium towns and the needs of slums in all cities, and (ii) take care to address the needs of the poor with regard to their shelter, water, sanitation, drainage, nutrition and education. Urban infrastructure cannot and must not mean only flyovers and six-lane roads in the metropolitan cities (Athreya 2010). Instead, fulfilling the needs and raising the living standards of the population in the urban spaces are more important, and will help the slum dwellers to survive and persist.

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Jaret, C. (2008). “City.” In W. A. Darity Jr. (ed.), International Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, 540–2. Detroit: Thompson and Gale. Miksic, J. N. (2000). “Heterogenetic Cities in Premodern SouthEast Asia.” World Archaeology 32: 106–120. Misra, S. C. (1991). “Urban History in India: Possibilities and Perspectives.” In I. Banga (ed.), The City in Indian History: Urban Demography, Society and Politics, 1–7. New Delhi: Manohar Publications. Orum, A. M. (2007). “Urbanisation.” In G. Ritzer (ed.), Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology. Blackwell References Online. http://www.blackwellreference.com/subscriber/tocnode?id=g97814051 24331_yr2010_chunk_g978140512433127_ss1-23 (accessed January 11, 2011). Parasher, A. (1991). “Social Strucuture and Economy of Settlements in the Central Deccan (200 BC–200 AD).” In I. Banga (ed.), The City in Indian History: Urban Demography, Society and Politics, 19–46. New Delhi: Manohar Publications. Parrillo, V. N. (2007). “Urban.” In G. Ritzer (ed.) Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology. Blackwell References Online. http://www.blackwellreferences.com/subscriber/tocnode?id=g9781405 124331_yr2010_chunk_g978140512433127_ss1_6 (accessed January 11, 2011). Smith, M. E. (2010). “Ancient Cities.” In R. Hutchinson (ed.), Encyclopedia of Urban Studies, 24–8. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publication Inc.

COLONIZED PHYSICAL AND MENTAL SPACE AND CONFLICTS IN CITIES SANJAY K. ROY

Revolution in the production system, ever increasing social differentiation, the surplus generation, social stratification, organized political authority and religious and cultural factors have contributed to the growth of cities in different historical epochs, most significantly in the period since the late eighteenth century. With revolutions in agricultural production and production technology, a section of the population took off to explore the advantages of urban space. Failing to keep pace with population growth, the rural economy continually ejected sections of its population to fend for themselves in urban centres. The newly emerged cities in the late feudal age catered to the religious, administrative and trade needs of societies. The growing production needs and fierce competition among the classes over material and human resources, growing trade and market, evolving aesthetics and redefinition of leisure and luxury and art defined and redefined the modes of land use in the different time and space contexts. The cities assumed new meanings with the formation of the capitalist mode of production in the West and elsewhere. The cities, industrial or otherwise, have thus been arrangements for the reproduction of capital from the late-nineteenth century. In a sense, the modern cities are arrangements that reproduce the capitalist mode of production and consolidate its foundation, and the use of physical, cultural and mental space is attuned to this predominant function. In the phase of globalization, the cities have been realigned to cater to the needs of the national and global capital. The global capital, with its ideological and cultural resources has, in turn, besieged the man, labour, land, forest, water resources, air and all the components of physical space. The global cities have mastered the mechanisms of controlling the cultural and mental space of the urbanites. As an inevitable consequence, nature and the environment, the poor and the other weaker sections of the urbanites are transformed into the means of reproduction of national and global capital. There have been efforts to achieve mental or ideological

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integration with the new order of the cities. The aesthetics of life and the ideals of the good life are defined in terms of consumer freedom in this arrangement and management of physical and cultural space. The weaker sections of the urbanites, which make city life possible with the uninterrupted supply of labour and services, are disenfranchised in the new urban arrangements. The ever-growing slum dwellers, pavement dwellers, hawkers, beggars and the millions of unorganised “semi-proletariat” in the urban informal sector, the jobless and semi-employed youth and even the disenfranchised industrial proletariat speak of the miseries of modern cities. The task before social sciences, therefore, is to unravel the mechanisms of colonization of the physical, cultural and mental space of the urbanites and find a way out of this colonized state. The fundamental idea is to secure and further the rights of those who have been disenfranchised in the urban space.

Discourses on Urban Space Classical thinkers like Marx, Simmel, Weber and Durkheim provided early discourses on cities. These thinkers approached the modern industrial societies of the West from historical, political, economic, demographic and relational points of view. They tracked down the historical courses the modern cities had followed and gave their respective critiques of modern capitalist cities. Marx explained how every corner of modern life is couched in the means of reproduction of the capitalist order, and how the whole process is ideologically and politically legitimized. The focus of the Marxist interpretation was production and production relations centring on questions of control of productive forces, exchange of labour, generation of surplus value and the resulting alienation of the working classes. For Marx, a capitalist city is the space where the capital reproduces itself and, at the same time, prepares the ground for the destruction of the order. Simmel also critiqued the capitalist cities in his account of money and consumption which alienate individuals from their social and moral roots. Durkheim identified growing demographic pressure on material resources as a main reason leading to a complex division of labour, social differentiation and the breakdown of the collective norms. He argued that only a renewed focus on the normative orientation through prolonged socialization and education would generate some degree of “voluntarism” in individuals which, in turn, would save the society from the breakdown of its normative order. Weber expressed frustration at the widespread

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bureaucratization of society and the growing acceptance of instrumental rationality as the guiding principles of modern life. The cities provide the space for the emergence and reproduction of a goal-oriented, calculative and individualistic approach to life, which make other considerations like tradition, emotion, pity and collective concerns and norms irrelevant. The trend towards rationalization, Weber apprehended, is universal and irreversible, and from this he did not see any escape. In constructing his relativist theory of value, Simmel examined the socio-cultural conditions of subjective valuation of commercial modernity. He analyzed the development of the money economy and its alienating effect on the individual within metropolitan settings. Drawing from his Berlin experience he observed that when every single property becomes an object of sale the value of property itself changes, and when money exchange replaces personal obligations with impersonal networks of functions, people’s values change. The metropolis, he observed, works as a catalyst of the money economy. Simmel argued that the metropolitan commercial culture entails an extension of subjective meanings and wants beyond the immediate spatial and temporal working of the subject. Just as individual life in the metropolis “is extended in a wave-like motion over a broader national and international area,” “production for the market” also means production for “entirely unknown purchasers who never appear in the actual field of vision of the producers themselves” (Simmel [1903] 1971, 335, 327). Such transformations are to Simmel not confined to the superficial level, i.e. to the growth of “de-personalized” modalities of social relations like commercial or polite encounters governed by discretion. On the contrary, they reach the “depths of the soul,” being bound with the meaning and the style of life ([1903] 1971, 328). In his observation, everyday life has been filled with “weighing, calculating, enumerating and the reduction of qualitative values to quantitative terms.” Relationships can be defined with an unprecedented degree of “precision,” “certainty in the definition of the equalities and inequalities,” and “unambiguousness in agreements and arrangements” ([1903] 1971, 328). Driven by an “image of objectivity of relations,” the inhabitants of the modern metropolises are becoming more and more calculative. One can notice a great deal of similarity in the formulations of Simmel and Weber—both identified “calculative rationalism” as the essence of modern city life. In an attempt to explain the patterns of city growth and urban culture, Robert Park has given us a comprehensive theory of the city. Park argued that as we move into the modern cities, the traditional means of social control and social solidarity break down. For Park, the loosening of

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traditional moral control on city life has been a cause of both celebration and concern. What concerned him is the way the growth of the cities has undermined the social cohesion once maintained by the family, the church and the village, and he pointed out that the threat of the mob swept by every new wind of doctrine, subject to constant alarms (Park 1952, 31). Yet, on the other hand, he saw the potential for individual freedom and self-expression that the city represents. With a note of optimism, he underlined how disorganization could be seen as a prelude to reorganization at a new level, involving new modes of social control. Park observes that human society combines two contrasting aspects. On the one hand, it offers a space for an expression of human nature or natural propensities, for example, “the competition for survival” in which relationships with others are entirely utilitarian, and on the other it is an expression of consensus and common purpose. At one level, individual freedom is supreme, while at the other individual will is subordinated to the “collective mind” of society (Durkheim termed it “collective conscience”). Park terms the first level “community” and the second “society” (Park 1952, 181). The ecological approach to social relations poses the biotic as opposed to the cultural aspects of human interactions, and finally settles on the cultural taming of the biotic impulses. Following Darwin, Park focuses on the “web of life” through which all organisms are related in interdependence or symbiosis. The principles of “struggle for existence” and “the survival of the fittest” regulate population size and its distribution over differentially valued quarters of urban space, depending on their relative competitive power and adaptability. But competition alone can lead to destruction and destabilization, and what is therefore essential is “cooperative competition.” For Park, “Competition operates in the human (as it does in the plant and animal) community to restore the communal equilibrium when, either by the advent of some intrusive factor from without or in the moral course of its life history, that equilibrium is disturbed.” Competition between individuals gives rise to relations of competitive cooperation through the differentiation of functions (division of labour) and the orderly spatial distribution of these functions to the areas for which they are best suited. Park’s analysis is both functional and spatial: “The main point is that the community so conceived is at once a territorial and functional unit” (1952, 241). Park draws heavily from Durkheim’s Division of Labour in Society (1893) in interpreting the development of functional differentiation and interdependence in the human community. Following Durkheim’s idea of social differentiation through an increase in material and moral density, Park argues that an increase in population size within a given area,

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together with an extension of transport and communication networks, results in greater specialization of functions, and thus greater interdependence. Functional differentiation, for Park, is also expressed spatially, since competition not only stimulates a division of labour, but also distributes the different economic groups to different niches in the urban environment. The pattern of land use in the city therefore reflects the pattern of economic competition and interdependence. The ecological concept of dominance explains the congruence between spatial and economic differentiation. Interests relating to industry and commerce are dominant, as they can outbid other competitors for a place in the central locations of the city. The pressure for space at the centre therefore creates an area of high land value, and this determines the pattern of land value in every other area of the city, and thus the pattern of land use by different functional groups. As Park puts it: “The struggle of industries and commercial institutions for a strategic location determines in the long run the main outlines of the urban community … the principle of dominance … tends to determine the general ecological pattern of the city and the functional relation of each of the different areas of the city to all others” (Park 1952, 151–52). Differential land values thus determine the distribution of different functional groups in different parts of the city space. Park and his followers held the cultural aspect of human organization as a force that moderates the chaos of free competition. Competition results in increased functional and spatial differentiation and creates utilitarian ties of mutual interdependence. Once disturbed functionally and territorially, the members of a human population develop new and qualitatively different bonds of cohesion based on common goals, sentiments and values. Through free and unconscious competition, human organization develops a new basis in consensus and conscious competition. Consensus and cooperation driven by a combination of self and collective interests requires communication and the subordination of the individual’s primordial instincts to the collective consciousness. For Park, competition is consciously and collectively organized through political parties, trade organizations and bureaucracy, and then patterned by cultural norms. Competition is mediated by culture, but the cultural form does not fundamentally alter the underlying biotic process. This distinction between the biotic and the culture, community and society is fundamental to the classical perspective of human ecology. The theory that promised to be dialectic ended up being “functionalist.” However, one can pick up dialectical insights of ecological theory in building a conflict approach for understanding the conflicting forces that

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are out to redefine the urban space to their advantage. We will later discuss how the war of interests continues as the guiding principle in the changing mode of use of urban space even in the Indian urban situation. Manuel Castells is one of the recent theorists to have made a significant contribution to the study of urban space. Castells is highly critical of the ecological approach and the narrow empiricism which long dominated urban research, and constructed a new urban sociology in The Urban Question (1977) with the adoption of a Marxist interpretation of capitalism. He argued that we cannot understand cities unless we locate them in a wider analysis of the economic and political structures which give them shape, determining the processes of their growth or decline. For him, the construction of issues as specifically “urban” is frequently in the interest of political authorities or dominant economic institutions. Drawing from his observations on the urban struggles in the Paris region which started in 1968, Castells (1978, 129) argues that the “new urban sociology” had to be a critical study of urban planning—a vital institution in the current phase of capitalist development. In Monopolville, Castells and Godard explored the impact of the large companies and the structures of class and power in the port. They examined the ways that the state facilitates the growth of monopoly capital by accepting many infrastructural costs and carrying out unprofitable tasks required for the “reproduction of the labour force.” They observed how the economic and occupational bases of the era changed under the impact of new industries and examined the conflicts between “old” and “new,” “local” and “national” capital and the emergence of political alliances reflecting the shift in class boundaries. They further argue that the planning apparatus, which was bent on promoting the interest of private capital, showed no interest in addressing the urban problems. In effect, the extensive “public” interventions contributed primarily to “private” profits. The planning apparatus allowed class confrontation and encouraged processes of bargaining, and thus worked as a systemic organ (Castells & Godard 1974, cited in Saunders 1981). Castells spelt out the role of the state in the management of the means of “collective consumption.” The state, he argues, fosters the development of collective goods like housing, transport and education in order to facilitate the growth of capital and market. The state manages to distribute more and more resources on its part in response to the demands of an increasingly vigorous citizenry, expressing itself through a variety of urban social movements. Castells observes that “urban problems are increasingly at the heart of political debate in industrial capitalist societies” (Castells 1978, 167), and that the reasons for this lie in the

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“contradiction between the increasing socialization of … goods and the fact that they are managed in the interests of capital” (Castells 1978, 21, cited in Saunders 1981). Overall, the state tries to strike a balance between business interests and the peoples’ demands for better infrastructure which are aired through grassroots movements. Castells expresses the hope that the new urban social movements will arise from the urban contradictions as a means of changing social relations (Castells 1978, 127). The revolution will emerge not so much from the tensions inherent in the system of production as from the struggles developing from an elaborate system of consumption. These new movements will articulate the discontent of the working class and “the new petite bourgeois”; that is, those in lower management, technicians, etc. Castells also noticed the emerging “trade-unionism of collective consumption” (Castells 1978, 147), which is multi-class in character. Henri Lefebvre was a contemporary critic and a defender of the Marxist approach to the study of cities. In his major work The Production of Space ([1974] 1991), Lefebvre argues that in dealing with the extraction and circulation of surplus value, the Marxian political economy has neglected the material aspect of production. Focussing on the material aspect of dialectics, Lefebvre argues that the production activity of capitalism resulted in a space that possessed its own dialectical moment. Space, for him, is both a material product of social relations (the concrete) and a manifestation of relations—a relation itself. According to Lefebvre (1991), dialectical moments are expressed as “triplicate”—three terms, not two. The third term instantly deconstructs static oppositions, and adds a fluid dimension to the social process. The most important “triple” concerns grasp the importance of space according to its manifestations in the perceptions and lives of the people occupying it. The triple is meant to convey that space has a complex character and enters social relations at all levels. It is at once a physical environment that can be perceived; a semiotic abstraction that informs both how ordinary people negotiate space (the mental maps studied by geographers) and the space of corporations, planners, politicians, and the like; and, finally, a medium through which the body lives out its life in interaction with other bodies. Social relations are also spatial relations—we cannot talk about the one without the other. His unitary theory of space ties together the physical, the mental and the social. Space, for him, is simultaneously a spatial practice (an externalized, material environment), a representation of space (a conceptual model used to direct practice), and a space of representation (the lived social relation of users of environment).

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Lefebvre’s approach combines geographical, historical and semiotic analyses, and avoids Marxist materialist reductionism. He focuses on how various societies have, over time, particularized space in both form and meaning. He makes a distinction between abstract space and social space. Abstract space is constituted by the intersection of knowledge and power, a hierarchical space that is pertinent to those who wish to control social organization, such as political rulers, people with economic interests and planners. Social space, in contrast, arises from practice, the everyday life experience externalized and materialized through action by all members of the society, even the rulers. Persons working from the model of abstract space continually try to reign in and control the social space of everyday life, with its constant changes, whereas social space always transcends conceived boundaries and regulated forms. Finally, both abstract and social space involve the triplicate—mental imaging, perceptions of built forms, and social practice. In particular, the conception of space always precedes spatial practice for humans; that is, mental projection, or the semiotic model of space, and physical construction, for externalization, are always related (Lefebvre 1991, 275). Lefebvre argues that every social organization produces an environment that is a consequence of the social relations it possesses. By producing a space according to its own nature, a society not only materializes into distinctive built forms, but also reproduces itself. The production of space under capitalism involves the fragmentation and homogenization of space, just as is the case with other commodities “under the law of the reproducible and the repetitive” (1991, 375). No wonder the new suburbs that look the same, especially in economic terms, are always eager to respond to the demands of the city economy. By appreciating space, by taking account of it explicitly, Lefebvre proposes going beyond the Marxian political economy without abandoning the critical approach to capitalism that Marx introduced. According to Lefebvre, land and its advanced capitalist relations of production, which he calls “real estate,” constitute a second circuit of capital, even though a separate class of landowners no longer exists. That is, the channelling of money, the construction of housing, the development of space, financing and speculation in land constitute a second means of acquiring wealth that is relatively independent of the “first” circuit— industrial production. Although the real estate and housing industries operate on different production relations, they have been a major catalyst in the expansion of global capital, particularly in the last two decades. Lefebvre shows that this second circuit is one of the fundamental forces of society and a source of surplus value creation. These concepts constitute

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the basis of “the new urban sociology,” which continues to influence in the field. Lefebvre discusses how the advancement of capitalist industrialization superimposes abstract space—the quantified space everywhere. The qualitative aspect of space re-emerges when the “spaces of consumption” become the “consumption of space” (1991, 352). When does this occur? In tourism, for example, “when people seek a qualitative space—sun, snow, the sea” (1991, 352); when capitalism transforms the circulation of commodities for the people into the circulation of people though commodified places. Lefebvre’s interpretation in a sense can be read on the one hand as an advance of the Marxist idea of consumer fetishism and on the other as something symbolic and semiotic, which also has a bearing on the “political construction of space.” One can thus notice the journey of the discourses on urban space from crude geographical treatment to class explanation, and finally to a metaphysical and symbolic interpretation. The urban space in these discourses can be read as a space that shapes and reshapes itself in the light of endless dialectics between the integrationist and colonizing forces of the order and the counter-hegemonic (if not revolutionary) forces. Marx saw the consolidation of the revolutionary forces in the modern “urban space” or a space of “class struggle.” Taking the Marxist interpretation further, Habermas deciphered the colonization of both the public and private spheres by the system (the capitalist order controlled by the bourgeois-ruling class combine) by taking control of the means of communication and prescribed recreation of the free communication to enliven the critical voice of the oppressed social forces (see Calhoun 1992). Foucault, for a change, recommends micropolitics of resistance (see Dreyfus & Rabinow 1982). The colonization of physical, political, social and cultural “urban space” and the struggle for freeing the colonized space are dialectically interfaced. Urban space thus constitutes a highly interesting “place” for the interplay of social science discourses.

Indian Urban Space Among the factors that differentiate the Indian urban space from the Western are: (1) the different historical course it has followed; (2) the continuation of the pre-capitalist mode of production alongside the predominant capitalist mode, and; (3) the continuation of the traditional (Indian) ways of life, beliefs and ideologies despite the conspicuous penetration of the elements of the “modern” Western or global culture. The historical, economic, cultural, political and demographic uniqueness

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make the Indian urban space significantly different from the Western urban space. There is, however, no denying that the forces of global capital are active in creating a levelling effect and achieving an integration of the Indian urban space with the global capitalist order. Indian cities, like their Western counterparts, are primarily production centres, centres of commercial activities, administrative centres, centres of religious and sports activities, centres of political, cultural and creative activities, residential places, and so on. But, these are not the exclusive functions by which the cities or the urban centres are known. Often, we see various combinations of all or some such functions in a city. Whatever may be the apparent functional combination of a particular city, the economic activities (production and commerce) and administration constitute the lifeline of Indian cities. The non-economic arrangements (such as education, health, recreation, religious institutions, transport, housing, water supply, management and engineering institutes, communication, etc.) which are the primary responsibility of the state, directly or indirectly help to reproduce the capitalistic mode of production and the consequent social inequalities. In the phase of globalization and restructuring, capital has strongly entrenched in some of these areas for its reproduction. The space in an Indian city is either privately owned or owned by the government or semi-government institutions and is utilized either for public or private purposes. There is the problem of unauthorized holdings as well, mainly in the form of squatter settlements on government-owned property or on property owned by an absentee landlord. The urban space is utilized as residential areas, industrial complexes, the business district, sports complexes, parks and recreation centres, roads and parking spaces, offices, schools, colleges, hospitals, slums and squatter settlements and so on. As a part of urban planning, the government or the corporation administration may decide about the mode of distribution and use of urban space for all these functions. The corporation or a city development authority may even plan the mode of utilization of a micro space owned by an individual or an institution. Hence, there is the provision of getting building or any other land-use plans sanctioned by the development authority in every urban centre. But everything is commodified when capital is allowed free rein. Geographical space in cities and the small and medium-sized towns is the most coveted of all commodities for the people of all classes—the poor, the middle class and the rich. The over concentration of a wide range of facilities widens and reproduces the rural-urban disparities and continues to add more and more value to urban space. Urban space is in high demand for setting up industries, business projects, residential complexes

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or projects for public consumption such as educational institutions, hospitals and theatre halls. For the reproduction of capital, the appropriation of urban space is a must. Besides the minimal control that the urban agencies usually exercise over it, urban space largely operates in the hands of capital and is appropriated according to its needs. In cases of conflict between capital and social consumption (apparently outside the control of capital, but not necessarily so, since the creation of public utilities such as roads, parks, stadium, colleges or hospitals actually pushes the land price up in the area and also creates avenues of capitalist manoeuvre), the interests of capital prevail. The urban space sells to the money power of the industrial and business houses, and land promotion becomes a big business. There is a growing tendency in the state to operate in the land market following capitalist logic, although with the declared objective of promoting “public interest.” It is because of this free appropriation of urban space by capital that the mode of urban space use tends to change. The state and the private capital work in close nexus to turn “non-urban” geographical space into “urban” and subject the newly acquired land to capitalist appropriation. The change, whether effected by the government or private agencies, has only one direction, i.e. from apparently “nonprofitable” to “profitable” use. The direct victim of the “profitable use” of urban land is the environment (the green areas, agricultural land, rivers, natural lakes and wetlands, open space, air and urban culture), both natural and social. The mode of urban space use cannot be understood without the ideology of the ruling forces and economic forces that control the process. It would not be out of place to refer to Lefebvre (1976), who has said that the production of space is an ideological and political process and a vital mediator in capitalistic production and reproduction. Even when the modern state is taking care of the “welfare of the people” in line with its social responsibility, it is actually sharpening its art of governance (“governmentality,” to use Foucault’s word). While playing to the tune of capital the mode of urban space use changes in such a way that it ensures more and more business returns. Because of the profit motive of the user, more and more skyscrapers emerge, one-story buildings turn into multi-storied ones, residential areas turn into commercial centres, and marshlands, ponds and green spaces are usurped with a disastrous effect on the environment. The researchers and architects are called upon to find ways and means for the most efficient and profitable use of land. The search for profit is so irrepressible that the legal stipulations are thrown to the winds and means of manipulation are institutionalized to become integral parts of urban development. The

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religious places, playgrounds, space for roads and other public utilities, the sky, valued land, forest cover—nothing is spared, as everything is turned into the playground of private capital. The norms of market and consumption do not remain confined to the level of institutions—they easily become the norms of life in the private sphere as well. The profitable use of land is nobody’s business—only the moneyed class can do it with efficiency. When the economically weaker section— the original inhabitants and owners of prime land—intend to use it profitably they fall into the hands of the moneyed people and, in the process, lose control of it. The prime land in important locations is thus transferred from the hands of the lower and middle classes to the rich, from the non-business class to the business class, and from the peasants to the industrial entrepreneurs. The agricultural land and the tea gardens around the Darjeeling foothills, for example, which were undisturbed until recently, are thus gradually absorbed into the body of the city as the latter expands beyond its outer boundaries. The land speculators, who have access to money, the city administration and the development agencies, are prompt in purchasing land in advance on the outskirts of the city, where new development projects are undertaken. They have the manipulative power to set the direction of developmental activities to the area of their choice and can thus control the land price. The land promotion business, house building and big construction companies are controlled by the big business houses. It is in the interest of this class that the city planning is done in such a way as to make sure that land is used in a more profitable and productive way. The residential areas are transformed into market complexes, office complexes and the showrooms of multinational companies. As the business grows the city acquires a new look with a gradual withering of the leisurely small townships. A nexus develops between the state-controlled urban development agencies such as the Siliguri Jalpaiguri Development Authority (SJDA) or the Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority (KMDA) and the other statesponsored development agencies in other Indian cities, and private capital plays havoc in deciding the shape of the urban space. Taking advantage of the development plans and initiatives of these urban development agencies, the land leased out to the tea gardens and the sprawling agricultural land on the outskirt of the cities gradually falls into the hands of land speculators. The nexus undertakes eviction drives to free up more land for the capital to play with. One can instantly refer to the recent (1997–8) appropriation of the Chandmoni Tea Estate (700 acres) and a sprawling agricultural tract called Kawakhali (320 acres acquired in 2008), on the southern and eastern outskirts of Siliguri city respectively, by a

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nexus of SJDA and a regional capitalist firm. The whole exercise has resulted in the setting up of many profit-making ventures and the displacement of tea workers and peasants. Besides the weaker sections of people, the green cover had to take the wrath of the “development” projects, which are often legitimized in the name of “public interest.” The affected people and some political outfits championing their cause protested the acquisition, but the system, with all its manipulative power, overcame the protesters within a short time and the township projects are now on course. The free transfer of urban land often leads to the concentration of prime urban space in the hands of a particular class or community. This often leads to interethnic disparity in the control of urban space and tension builds between the original inhabitant community that loses its land and the migrant community that succeeds in taking control by virtue of its money power. The local community loses land either because it does not have the resources to put it to profitable use or because it is short of ideas as to how to do so. Indian urbanization, in one sense, is the saga of the transfer of land from the poor and the middle classes to the rich. Losing their land, the poor urbanites become consumers of the housing market developed by the state-private capital nexus. Initially, the state keeps some space for the poor and the middle classes in its housing complexes with a view to appeasing them, but as the market becomes aggressive in the absence of any resistance, the space promised to the former classes is taken away for profit making. The poor often lack organizational acumen to force the state to stick to its policy declarations or for enhancing their share of urban space. While losing land, the original inhabitants observe rather haplessly their nostalgic memories and attachments, with land withering to make way for the new urban culture and a new mode of land use attuned to the emerging demands of capital. With the commodification of land comes the emotional detachment; the urbanites are now driven by a calculative rationalism in dealing with their land. In Siliguri one can see how the traditional wooden houses and the open homesteads have been handed over to the land developers on financial consideration. When there is resistance the promoters use several strategies, including threat of physical elimination, in taking over the land. This has now become a regular feature in the fast developing cities in West Bengal and India. The old among the original inhabitants often recall their fond memories in informal gatherings with heavy hearts. As the emotions and non-material values attached to land gradually make way for its “rational” use, the houses of the forefathers are transformed into multi-storeyed housing or commercial

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complexes. In this process, land transfer and land use have become the prime sources of family feuds and urban tension, at all levels of production, marketing, consumption and inheritance. The capitalistic appropriation of urban space leads to new kinds of residential and spatial differentiation. Harvey (1975), for example, has observed that the differentiated space is an outcome of the capitalistic production and reproduction process, and not a product of the aggregate of the individual consumer preferences. He has advanced four hypotheses linking residential differentiation and social structure: (1) that the residential differentiation is part of the reproduction of social relations within capitalism, (2) that residential areas provide the locus for social interaction through which market capacities are transmitted, (3) that the fragmentation of population into distinct communities also fragments class consciousness, and (4) that the patterns of residential differentiation incorporate many contradictions in capitalism and are, consequently, a source of instability and contradiction themselves (Harvey 1975, 362; Dear 1981, 485). In the context of the Indian cities one can easily notice that differential statuses are associated with different residential segments and this affects the free mixing of the communities and their class solidarities. In the land-human relations, urban space and residence are fetishized and this generates movement of the urbanites from one place to another and from one house to another, both within and across cities. This process has gone global, as the rich of one country have started buying houses in global cities as a mark of status and identity. There are also pressures from below. The expanding economic activities along with the expanding capital in urban centres attract impoverished job seekers from all directions. In the case of Siliguri, impoverished job seekers from the rural areas of the district (Darjeeling) and the neighbouring districts of West Bengal, the neighbouring state of Bihar, and the neighbouring countries like Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan, as well as the displaced from the northeastern states of Assam and Meghalaya, contribute to the growth of the city at a very high rate. These migrants mostly constitute the poor peasants and petty traders, although a section of them might also be from middle-class backgrounds. In an effort to make a living, these immigrants look for cheap or free accommodation. The obvious fall out of this is the creation of new bastis (slums) and jhupris (squatter settlements), which grow either on privately owned fallow land or by the side of the railway lines, highways or on riverbeds. The urban poor provide the necessary labour in the process of production of capital, and constitute the “reserve army” of semi-employed or unemployed. They work as domestic help (the service indispensable for

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the middle- and upper-class urbanites), provide cheap labour to the sprawling informal sector of urban economy, yet mostly remain deprived of the minimum urban amenities necessary for human living. The place of the urban poor is always marginal and vulnerable, and tends to shrink further in the face of the aggressive penetration of capital. The eviction of the slum dwellers and squatter settlers, in the name of “development,” is universal across cities and countries. The slums and squatter settlements are thus dialectically interlinked with the urban capital, and they provide new dimensions to the mode of use of urban land, which is controlled, planned and used regarding the interests of the dominant classes among the urbanites. While the labour of the impoverished migrants is indispensable for city life, they are “othered,” stigmatized, disenfranchised and subjected to various kinds of atrocities by the systemic forces; namely, the civic bodies and development authorities (for details see Roy 1993, 2677–81).

“Urban” in Post-colonial and global phases While largely continuing along the lines set by the British, urbanization in the post-independence era has acquired some new features. The post-colonial India took time in setting in motion some kind of decolonization drive and national reconstruction activities. Nehru based his vision of modern India on a policy of large-scale industrialization and speedy economic development, with a view to earning self-reliance and freedom both from imperialist control and traditional social bondages. Industrialization, expansion of trade and commerce, creation of new administrative zones, modernization of transportation and architecture, and new forms of recreation started redefining the post-colonial “urban.” The plebeian tradition of urban administration, i.e. urban administration run by an elected body of peoples’ representatives, set forth by the British, was refined along the lines of the democratic tradition of modern India. The post-colonial urban has been a prominent field or “place” of economic, social and political conflicts, both ideological and real. Despite the unifying trends, urbanisation as a demographic, economic, political and cultural process has never been uniform; there have always been local elements that reproduced and influenced both the processes and consequences of urbanisation. In the Nehruvian scheme of development there was a huge social sector and some protection for the vulnerable sections of the urban population, in particular the poor. The predominant feature of the urbanisation of India in the post-World War II period has been the phenomenal growth of large cities, with large-

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scale city-bound migration being the single most important driving force behind the process of urban proliferation. The population inflow following partition, the industrialisation of the urban centres, centralised planning and development, the expansion of the market, state reorganization, advanced transport and communication systems, and avenues of collective consumption created by the state are the new forces out to redefine urban life. Top-heavy urbanization (the city and metropolis centric urbanization) has been the highlight of this. Another dominant trend has been the citybound migration of the rural populace after being ejected by agriculture and rural poverty, and the migration of the trading castes to access the entrepreneurial and business opportunities. The middle-class population migrated to the cities to avail the employment opportunities and urban privileges to elevate the quality of life. In contrast to Nehru’s vision, the post-independent phase of planned development focussed more on rural India, thereby losing the urban focus. Nehru’s vision of modern India, with industry, modernity, speedy economic growth, secularism and a fight against feudal and primordial forces at its core, was largely upset by the continued focus on rural India. Indian polity was directed at the rural for a long time, since it sustained pre-modern patterns and semi-feudal forces in the seat of power. Meanwhile, inequality grew and the process of impoverishment continued. The policy of self-reliance also fell through and by the end of the 1980s India strongly felt the need to revise its policies, taking strides in the 1990s towards globalization. The urban centres in India, particularly the bigger ones, experienced steady growth until 1971–81, after which the growth rates fell. During 1961–71, the annual exponential growth rate of the urban population was 3.21%, which reached an all-time high of 3.83% during 1971–81. The trend started declining in 1981–91 with 3.09%, which further declined to 2.73% during 1991–2001. However, in 2011 the share of the urban population in India grew to 31.16%, which means a 3.35% growth over the urban population of 2001. Despite this marginal take off, the overall trend not only goes against the popular projections but also questions the theoretical link between urbanisation and globalisation. The proponents of the structural reforms in the 1980s anticipated an accelerated rural-urban migration, which proved to be far removed from the actual trend as reflected in the recent censuses. The common belief was that globalization would encourage massive capital inflow from outside and lead to an increase in the level of domestic investment, which would provide an impetus to the process of urbanisation since much of these investments and the consequent increase in employment would be

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either within or around the existing urban centres. Even when the industrial units are located away from the cities, the new industrial centres would gradually acquire the urban status. Kundu (2007) shows how macro-economic reforms have impacted the workforce structure and the system of governance and, through them, affected the pace of urbanisation. He notes a sharp increase in the unemployment rate in the 1990s, partly due to the low growth rate maintained by both the organised and the unorganised sectors. He also points to the formation of degenerated peripheries on the outskirts of major cities where new industries are being set up with cheap labour. Even in the areas where workforces have grown in size there has been large-scale casualization and the workers’ right to organization has been largely taken away. In its attempt to lower budgetary deficits, the post-globalization government of India has been forced to cut investment in the public sector (the sector has largely been sold to the private capital) and reduce the budget allocations for the social sector—a policy that has made the weaker sections more vulnerable. The open-door policy for the import of chemical fertilizers, pesticides and agricultural goods has also had a negative impact on agricultural growth. This has led to the “contraction of purchasing power” and the destabilisation of the agrarian economy, causing high unemployment and an exodus from rural areas (Kundu 2003). Kundu (2007) further cautions that the decentralisation of economic and financial power to local governments could lead to greater inequalities between the different urban areas. Within cities as well, inequalities would increase if basic services are provided on the basis of the willingness of users to pay, as has happened with the imposition of water tax across the country. The poor, having found urban areas increasingly inhospitable, would stop migrating to the cities, thus contributing to the slower rate of urbanisation (Shaw 1999, xxvii). Baruah (2004, 63) argues that following the global economic restructuring, the increased competition among the cities and the waning of the concept of the welfare state might force the cities to pursue entrepreneurial policies and strategies for urban development. He perceives a situation where the state would prefer private partnership in urban development, and there will be greater emphasis on local finance, devolution and the decentralisation of the development process. As such, a “growth policy” might replace the “redistributive policy.” This has happened in the Indian urban space over the last two decades. In line with the observations of Kundu and Baruah, Harris (2007) argues that the cities in India have been forced to restructure to keep up with economic changes and, in the process, the nation state has

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substantially withdrawn from city management. Globalization, according to Harris, has led to the privatisation of public enterprises and public services in the city, deindustrialisation or the closure/relocation of manufacturing units, increase in outsourcing, greater mobility of labour and capital, formerly non-tradable services such as health and education becoming tradable, greater vulnerability to external shocks, and the emergence of the “servicing city.” The latter is characterised by service exports in areas such as manufacturing, finance, trade and hospitality, culture, medical services, education and data processing and software programming. The big cities attract foreign and national capital to effect economic growth. Because of their infrastructures and market advantages, they act as the centres through which the globalization process spreads to the remote areas. The global and national capital now penetrates the city life not only economically, but also socially, culturally and politically. One can notice a sudden spurt in the process of commodification of almost everything—the city space, water bodies, air, body, culture and sports, and in the process the women, poor and environment suffer the most. Housing, health, education and transport are now opened up to the private and corporate capital. It is the free play of capital that speeds up the process of urbanization. In this, one can find the finest expression of fetishism of commodities, new social divides along varying consumption standards and degrees of consumer freedom. We are already in an urban situation which surges ahead, showing scant respect to the demands of the environment and the rights of the indigenous, the poor, the children and the women. In other words, the globalized cities ensure the finest displays of the triumph of the liberal social order. The urban poor are now a vulnerable lot; while the state is withdrawing from its social support obligations, corporate capital penetrates with new business ventures; the state often works as the facilitator for the advancing corporate capital. Banerjee (2007) notices a shift in policy from active demolition/clearance and resettlements to increasing calls, since the 1980s, for regularisation and upgrading. This policy shift reflects the international consensus, the emergence of an active civil society and a more marketoriented attitude by the state. Since liberalisation there has been a concern for making the poor “bankable,” and one of the ways of doing this is by providing them with land titles. Today, land expropriation is seen as undesirable and anti-market. Thus, the regulation of squatter settlements is the most viable option for the poor. In a study of Calcutta slums, Choudhury & Roy (2003) noticed the penetration of private capital in the slum housing market. The manipulative private capital easily bypasses the

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corporation regulation to construct multi-storied housing complexes in an effort to make easy money. Banerjee Guha (2007) observes in her study of Mumbai that the reorganisation of urban space in recent times is related to placement in the world city system and is marked by many contradictions. Cities now experience greater polarisation along class, gender and ethnic lines and more joblessness. The growth of the IT sector, finance and other services has emerged alongside slums and shanties. These contradictions reflect “the agenda of global capital.” In an effort to “adapt” to the situation, the metropolitan planning bodies make plans in line with the demands of the global capital while disregarding the rights of the poor and ordinary citizens. Sharma (2007) has drawn from the writings of Lefebvre, Harvey and Castells in examining the housing market in Mumbai. He shows how the physical space of Mumbai has become a means of creating private wealth and power. The very high costs of land and housing have made affordable shelter out of the reach of ordinary citizens. He places the blame on the “greed of the builder-mafia, the corrupt promoter (black marketer), underworld extortionist, corrupt politician and bureaucrat.” Thus, in spite of unmet demand, over 15% of the newly built housing stock remains vacant for speculative purposes. With economic liberalisation, there has been some relaxation of development rules to allow for speedier urban renewal in the city. Sharma points out that this has meant huge gains for builders, while the shelter rights of the poor have been largely threatened. Dasgupta’s study of the expansion of Eastern Calcutta (2007) examines the great spurt in construction activity in the eastern periphery of Calcutta and attempts to explain it through changes in the larger structures. The proclaimed policy was to protect the ecologically fragile area in this part comprising wetlands and marshes, serving as the city’s natural drainage and sewage outlet. However, the recent development indicates a sell out to the private capital, which means the seizure of the rights of the poor and the disruption of the ecological balance of the area. The building of Salt Lake City in the 1970s was followed by numerous private and public sector projects and the construction of a major highway, the Eastern Metropolitan Bypass, demonstrating how capital has been dictating terms in the growth of the city. New projects including five star hotels, elite residential complexes, private hospitals and sites for leisure activities continue to emerge along the bypass as new means of capital appropriation, while the poor, the peasants and nature are the inevitable victims. Protests by the civil society and the active use of the judiciary have not been able to stop the process as market forces are too strong and

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the area is seen as having high potential for future development and city spread. Another unavoidable consequence of globalization is that the private capital is now much more profit oriented and equipped with advanced technologies, and with government support it can now exploit the natural resources and the city space faster and more profitably. In the process, the air and the natural habitat of the city are polluted. Ghosh (2007) examines how the changing lifestyles in globalised cities have pushed air pollution in the twenty largest metros to dangerous levels, with the suspended particle matter (SPM), sulphur dioxide, and nitrogen dioxide levels far beyond permissible levels. As a result, Calcutta is one of the most polluted cities in the world. While the penetration of global capital, global ideas and elements of global culture is obvious, the response of the “national” and “local” is varied and constitutes an interesting area for sociological and anthropological study. Even in the global phase of the urban, one can notice the reproduction of traditional forms and minds in the so-called modern and postmodern cities of present-day India. One can come across different manifestations of “nativism” in urban life even in the globalized cities. The colonial politics have reproduced and appropriated the primordial forms of social and cultural identities and used them for political ends in their policies and programmes and in their praxis of politics. The politics of Hindu and Muslim nationalism has added credence to the art of divisive politics, popularised by colonial rulers. By the time India earned independence, the use of caste and religious identities as forms of political mobilisation had been institutionalised. The radical (Nehruvian and Leftist) vision of modernism, where the primordial identities were expected to make way for class and other forms of rational-secular identities, has not been actualised; instead, post-colonial politics has encouraged identity politics, communal politics and the rediscovery of primordial identities as the strongest means of political mobilisation. The political and social processes in the “post-colonial urban” have encouraged the reproduction of traditional identities and the proliferation of nativist politics. Hansen’s study (2001) of identity politics in Mumbai depicts how ethnic and primordial passions and identities are reproduced in the modern urban political and cultural processes. The rise of Marathi sub-nationalism in the 1950s, at the time of state reorganization, culminated in the rise of Shiv Sena and Communal Politics in the 1970s and 1980s, and more intensely in the 1990s, and found expression in the renaming of Bombay as Mumbai in 1995, the spread of communal riots, the unearthing of

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underground organisations by the police, the forceful grabbing of land, and the political appropriation of all forms of primordial ties. The DravidanMarathi divide, the Dalit-upper caste divide, and the Marathi-North Indian divide now characterize post-colonial Mumbai, the financial capital of global India. The renaming of Bombay as Mumbai alongside the resurgent Hinduvta politics and the communal conflicts that followed symbolize the reproduction of nativism in the modern urban social space. Hansen (2001) argues that the ideals of modernity and cultural diversity, secularism and democratic tolerance have been replaced by violent nationalism and ethnic conflict. Challenging conventional writings on Indian politics, Hansen shows that the xenophobic public culture of the Indian city, specifically contemporary Mumbai, has deep roots in regional histories and contested identities. He shows how the atmosphere of urban India, its dominant public languages, and its political power structures have changed over the past thirty years. The Hindu communal frenzy, in dialectics, has helped the consolidation and communalisation of the Muslim community and the subsequent spurt in terrorist acts in the city. The globalization of India’s cities and nativism are thus cohabiting. The latest example of nativist politics is the incident in the Maharashtra Assembly on November 9, 2009, when four legislators of north Indian-baiter Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena slapped and kicked the Samajwadi Party MLA Abu Asim Azmi for taking oath in Hindi on the inaugural day of the new Assembly! The growing nativism in the urban space finds support in Mahadevia’s study (2007) of social segregation in Ahmedabad city, where she finds a complete separation of the physical space on the basis of religion. She traces the reasons for the rise of such separatism through a discussion of the politics of communalism in Gujarat and its role in the creation of a divided society. She observes that since 1969 there have been brutal communal riots in the state, culminating in the carnage of 2002. Since that time, Ahmedabad’s morphology has undergone speedy changes. In the aftermath of the riots there has been busy intra-city migration of the scared Muslims, which has led to the formation of new “Muslim cities” within the larger city. Muslim cities refer to separate areas within the larger city inhabited entirely by Muslims. Sharp and well-defined borders separate these entities from Hindu Ahmedabad. The Muslims have been pushed to peripheral areas of the city and there is an economic cost to this, as such areas are outside the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation and lack basic services. The Muslim enclaves must create these services, including schooling and medical services, on their own. The setting up of capital intensive high-tech industries replacing the earlier labour-intensive ones

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has caused loss of jobs and the informalization of the urban economy. Growing unemployment and downward mobility in the unorganised sector may have fuelled the frustrations of the urban middle and working classes. Given Gujarat’s history of communal tension and Ahmedabad’s role in it, these frustrations have taken an ugly communal turn. The uncertainties and risks unleashed by the capitalist-global-urban arrangement, which inevitably disturbs the vision of a secure, peaceful life, and threatens identity-loss, provoke the urbanites to fall back on premodern, feudal and primordial identities. This thus forms a valid question for sociological/anthropological probing as to why the pre-modern elements of identity formation endure, despite the onslaught of modernism and globalism. Interestingly, such pre-modern identities do not oppose the entry of globalism or consumerism—the new-found ideologies of the masses. The forces unleashed by the economic course work hand-in-hand with the political ideologies and mobilizations. The liberal order coordinates the local and global and the urban centres are used as the seedbeds at which the achievement of the complicated task of ideological integration is aimed.

Conclusion “Urban” in the present-day context cannot be understood but as a happy hunting ground of capital, both national and global. The managers of liberal polity and the market forces join hands to create new urban, physical and mental spaces for the reproduction and proliferation of capital. Modern capital grows and reproduces itself by exploring new areas and working out new strategies for the appropriation of geographical, cultural, political and mental spaces. The urban and any other space cannot escape the penetration of the national and global capital. Not only land but the air, water and the underground are now open for capitalist exploration. Thus, the conventional non-material and noncapitalist meanings of urban space (such as defining cities as religious or political centres) are replaced with new utilitarian meanings. The aggressive capitalist appropriation of landed space and the conversion of rural land into urban has opened up new areas of conflict in urban life. The capitalist appropriation of urban space is achieved by controlling the production, marketing and consumption activities. The urban production and market network and the consumer market have a steamrolling effect not only on the city economy but also on the demographic pattern, class structure, housing arrangement and the social and cultural life of the city. The impact transcends the urban boundaries to

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influence the life of the rural populations. The informal sector of urban economy, which accommodates more than 90% of the urban labour force, and the labour force that continues with traditional caste occupations of the the migrant rural poor are appropriated by the capital. The large-scale production units are now fragmented into smaller units through a process of outsourcing. The workforce, an overwhelming majority of the working urbanites, is thus reduced to the status of “semi-proletariat,” disenfranchised and exploited. The liberal state is the ever-willing facilitator in this process. With global capital coming into play in a big way, the cities now experience speedy restructuring and the urban space is given new meanings. This process of redefinition of the “urban” for the sake of reproduction of capital covers both the physical and mental spaces. The colonisation of mental space, achieved through the cultural, psychic and ideological integration of the urbanites, has a legitimating function for the colonization of geographical or physical spaces. The geographical or physical spaces are made to expand both vertically (through the development of architecture and technology) and horizontally (through planning and development initiatives of the state agencies and the extension of the urban market). The liberal mode of urban development and urban planning is a strategy of colonization of urban space as well as a means for the legitimation of the process of colonization. While the capitalist appropriation of urban space is inevitable, the legitimation of the mechanisms is achieved by manipulating the social and cultural space, by the production of mass-culture (such as the consumer culture) and the control of the information flow. One can now see a closer interdependence between the cities at the national and global levels. This happens because of the free flow of capital, technology, commodities, information, knowledge ideologies and lifestyles across the countries and the cities. The ideological integration of the globe, along with high-tech communication and the greater mobility of people across the continents, make this globalization of the use of city space possible. Such trends are very common and strong in all Class I cities in India. The national governments invite global capital, extending all possible concessions and allowing them to join the bandwagon that is out to colonise the physical and mental spaces. Cities are now spreading both horizontally and vertically at the cost of agricultural land, water bodies, low-lying fallow land and forest cover, which provide the much-needed ecological balance. Capital, both national and global, is expanding the physical space, its playground, more and more aggressively at the cost of ecological balance, the homes and

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livelihoods of the urban poor inside the city and the peasants on the outskirts. Rationalization of space utilization, which means more profitable use of land and the landscape, is the new mantra of urban life, which bulldozes the traditional and emotional considerations attached to space. Capital dictates the mode of use of urban space while the control of the middle and poorer classes over the landed resources erodes drastically. The protection that the impoverished slum dwellers have enjoyed so far, thanks to the organized political forces, NGOs and the slum dwellers’ movements, melts into the air as their space is bulldozed by the real-estate forces. The globalized phase of urban development results in the disenfranchisement of the impoverished and the marginalized; consequent to this, the industrial proletariat and the semi-proletariat in the urban informal sector, the street vendors, the slum dwellers, the squatters and the pavement dwellers find themselves bereft of their fundamental rights, although they toil hard to generate surplus value and keep all urban services alive. All the modernist predictions (the idea that urbanization will help realise a modern, secular, democratic and rights-based society) have gone wrong as, in reality, we find the reproduction and rejuvenation of all forms of “nativism” (like casteism, ethnic consolidation, regionalism, and communalism) in the Indian urban space. Cities thus provide the space for the reproduction of traditional cultural forms and identities which are coached to cohabit with the dominant order. The liberal politics and its organs thrive by cultivating the nativist sentiments and identities of the urbanites to mystify the real conflicts of urban life. The media and the middle-class aggressively take the side of the integrationist order, resulting in the gradual colonization of the “public sphere.” The newfound ideology of consumerism, which strives forward with a baggage of “tittytainment” and elements of McDonaldization, is fast capturing the mind, psyche and the habitus of the common man. The urban society is now stratified in terms of consumption and the degree of consumerism. The spread of the ideology of consumerism perfectly fits the interest of the capital while the urbanites (which include the proletariat and the semi-proletariat) are split into atomized individual consumers. We are thus fast moving towards a situation where consumerism is not confined to material consumption alone; even relations, emotions and, for that matter, sex are being reduced to the level of material consumption. In this process, moral considerations are relegated to the back seat. The colonization of the mental space of the urbanites, through the “ideological state apparatuses,” is a corollary to the usurpation of the physical space by fast-growing capital. The forces of colonisation that operate in the urban space are out

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to marginalise the counter-hegemonic forces, which could have preserved and strengthened the public sphere, free communication, critical citizenship and the fight against colonising liberal order. The Marxist optimism that urban/industrial production relations will facilitate class consciousness and class war is fast submerging into Weberian pessimism, at least in the Indian urban space. The advance of global capital and its ideology of consumerism, the overpowering economic governance, the colonization of the “political space” by “nativism,” and the displacement and disenfranchisement of the poor and the exploited sum up what is happening in the Indian urban space.

References Banerjee, B. (2007). “Impact of Tenure and Infrastructure Programmes on Housing Conditions in Squatter Settlements in Indian Cities.” In Annapurna Shaw (ed.), Indian Cities in Transition, 104–124. Chennai: Orient Longman. Banerjee-Guha, S. (2007). “Post-Fordist Urban Space of Mumbai: The Saga of Contemporary Restructuration.” In Annapurna Shaw (ed.), Indian Cities in Transition, 260–282. Chennai: Orient Longman. Baruah, J. (2004). “Accommodating the ‘Extra-urbanites’: Transitional Agenda for Spatial Planning—Mapping India’s Urban Policy onto Global Changes and Challenges.” Social Change and Development 2 (1) (2004): 62–78. Calhoun, C. (ed.). (1992). Habermas and the Public Sphere. Cambridge: MIT Press. Castells, M. (1977). The Urban Question: A Marxist Approach. London: Edward Arnold. —. (1978). City, Class and Power. London: Macmillan. Castells, M. & F. Godard. (1974). Monopolville: L’enpreprise, l’etat, l’urbain. Mouton. Choudhury, N. & S. K. Roy. (2003). Urban Poor: A Comparative Study in Indian Slums. Unpublished Research Project, ICSSR, New Delhi. Dasgupta, K. (2007). “A City Divided? Planning and Urban Sprawl in the Eastern Fringes of Calcutta.” In Annapurna Shaw (ed.), Indian Cities in Transition, 314–340. Chennai: Orient Longman. Dear, M. & A. Scott. (1981). “Towards a Framework for Analysis.” In M. Dear & A. Scott (eds.), Urbanization and Urban Planning in Capitalist Society. London and New York: Methuen. Dreyfus, H. & P. Rabinow. (1982). Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics. Chicago: Chicago University Press.

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Ghosh, N. (2007). “Air Pollution in India: The Post-liberalisation Era.” In Annapurna Shaw (ed.), Indian Cities in Transition, 125–159. Chennai: Orient Longman. Hansen, T. B. (2001). Violence in Urban India: Identity Politics, “Mumbai” and the Postcolonial City. New Delhi: Permanent Black. Harris, N. (2007). “Globalisation and the Management of Indian Cities.” In Annapurna Shaw (ed.), Indian Cities in Transition, 1–28. Chennai: Orient Longman. Harvey, D. (1988). Social Justice and City. Oxford: Blackwell. Kundu, A. (2003). “Urbanisation and Urban Governance—Search for a Perspective Beyond Neo-liberalisation.” Economic and Political Weekly, July 19. Kundu, A. (2007). “Urbanisation and Urban Governance: Search for Perspective Beyond Neo-liberalism.” In Annapurna Shaw (ed.), Indian Cities in Transition, 29–58. Chennai: Orient Longman. Lefebvre, H. ([1974] 1991). The Production of Space. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. Mahadevia, D. (2007). “A City with Many Borders: Beyond Ghettoisation in Admedabad.” In Annapurna Shaw (ed.), Indian Cities in Transition, 341–389. Chennai: Orient Longman. Park, R. E. (1952). Human Communities. New York, Free Press. Roy, S. K. (1993). “State, Ideologies and the Urban Poor in Third World.” Economic and Political Weekly Xxviii (49): 2677–81. Saunders, P. (1981). Social Theory and the Urban Question. London, Unwin Hyman. Sharma, R. N. (2007). ‘The Housing Market in Mumbai Metropolis and its Relevance to the Average Citizen.” In Annapurna Shaw (ed.), Indian Cities in Transition, 283–313. Chennai: Orient Longman. Simmel, G. (1903 [1971]). “The Metropolis and Mental Life.” In D. Levine (ed.), On Individuality and Social Forms, 324–39. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

THE INDIAN FAMILY IN URBAN SPACE MOHIT RAJAN

Introduction Ali Madanipour (2003) has identified “Space” as an abstract entity that can be shaped for various functional needs. In the contemporary Indian context this urban space fulfils the various needs for the survival of the young population in terms of employment and economic needs directly and the socio-cultural needs indirectly through Corporate Culture. The emergence of Corporate Culture in the urban areas in India created a divergence in the two types of family: the family of orientation and the family of procreation, in terms of their values for life. On the one hand, they have been socialized in an environment dominated by traditional Indian values, while on the other they are gradually moving towards acculturation with a new work environment of corporate culture with professional ethics. As a result of the inconsistency in the environment at the workplace and home, many strains appear regarding roles, daily life issues and family relations. The growing demand for work along with a career-oriented approach limit the concept of common living and force the husband and wife to live apart in many cases. At the global level, this trend of living separately has been conceptualized in the form of the “transnational family” by Deborah Bryeson and Ulla Vuorela (2002). This chapter attempts to look into the family life in the context of urban living. The work is based on empirical research from 2008 as part of a Masters of Philosophy study. Alongside the details of the fieldwork and methodology used, I have discussed the basic interfaces of family life and corporate culture and the new emerging patterns in the family due to the changing urban settings. The divergent economic forces of the 1990s, from socialist flexibility to capitalist transition, made the family, as a space of interaction, more important than ever. The age of information may have challenged patriarchalism within the family, as Castells (1997) insists, but related capitalist dynamics have made the family more economically essential for

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a majority of people who need income from multiple sources, with multiple fall back options. The family provides a synthesis of this. Contemporary economic developments are not eroding the value of the family; rather, in many places the family seems to be of increasing economic significance (Wheelock & Maurissen 1997).

Rise of Urban Space in India A new point of departure has been observed in India after the economic reforms in the 1990s. The changes faced by India in this scenario with special reference to the urban can be understood in the context of globalization. In the early 1990s, India liberalized its economic policies for foreign companies and entered into a new era of globalization. Soon, with the help of the multinational companies, globalization spread all over India and multinational culture became visible in the form of mega concrete structures. This led to the emergence of a new urban setting in India. The service sector, the third revolutionary requirement of development, emerged as a consequence of all these measures. The aura of globalization impacted almost all walks of Indian life and people. Concomitantly, the establishment of the multinational companies (MNCs) brought in employment opportunities for a large section of the population. For example, the courier sector alone provided three times more employment than the hundred-year-old Indian Postal Department. The MNCs also prepared the ground for other sectors to grow. Several private educational institutions of engineering, management and computer applications were opened for educating the people, especially the middle class, which could thereafter fulfil the demand for skilled human resources in the multinationals. The easy availability of cheap human resources in India attracted the attention of the top-most companies of the world, the software market in particular, and the outsourcing of business, knowledge and law. The establishment of world-class companies led to the introduction of professional working conditions within the corporate environment, which gave rise to the “corporate culture”1 in India. On the other hand, the kind of job assurances provided by the educational institutes due to the easy availability of employment opportunities in the MNCs attracted a major section of the population. Most of these people came from small towns and had middle-class backgrounds. So, finding a suitable job in the multinationals was a new kind of experience for these people whose perception of “job” was largely based on their parent’s job conditions in Public Sector Units (PSUs).

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Moreover, the work culture they faced in the new companies was totally different from the traditional culture. The employees felt that there was inconsistency in the environment at the workplace and home. Almost all the developing countries that followed the path of globalization encountered this kind of problem and India was no exception. Once a professional starts working in an MNC, they set up their own family. A young professional’s family initially consists of the husband and the wife, in all probability with both of them working in MNCs as professionals. Though this fulfils one universal function of Murdock’s (1949) definition of family, the other functions like economic dependency and reproduction (in the initial phases) are invisible. However, many times, their engagement in the corporate sector and their careerist attitudes also lead them to live in different geographical locations, which again defies the stake of common residence. Against this corporate backdrop, the next section focuses on the interaction of the Indian family and corporate culture in the newly emerged urban space of India.

Interfaces and Multidimensional Discussion The new urban space in India is totally dominated by multinational companies. This trend has, on the one hand, limited the urban city life within the circumference of corporate culture exclusively and, on the other, started to intrude into the social lives of their employees. In most of the above kinds of families of professionals, both husband and wife go to work each weekday and return home late in the evening. They have to spend most of their days in their respective workplaces. While in the office they have to follow the norms and limit their behaviours within the boundaries decided by their organizations. Their precincts within the organizations make them understand, in a real sense, how things work in the office, i.e. the corporate culture. A major portion of their time is spent in their workplace, where they not only work but also enjoy and experience the concept of sharing. Once they finish work in a very corporate culture, they return to the family set-up they are so familiar with, where they relax, spend time with their loved ones and try to fulfil the responsibility of being a part of the family institution. Although work and household activities overlap for both members of the family in this new urban setting, it is instructive to expand the interface between the two within the urban family. Such an analysis would help us see with clarity what transpires between family life and corporate culture

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within the purview of space as provided by the different urban settings daily. The basic condition of the urban male professional today is very similar to the earlier idea, as they also confront a similar conflict in their roles of sons, husbands, professionals, social people and, most importantly, dreamers and careerists. In a conscious effort to meet the demands of modern living, these professionals, who are very calculative, are steadily withdrawing themselves from their collective social lives and traditional kinship networks and, to a great extent, from their “social desires.” Here, social desires mean those wishes they think they should achieve as an active social being to bring more respect to their family. These wishes or desires include donating money (in the name of any or many of their forefathers) for charitable work.2 Leaving behind the pressure of office work, when a person returns home they again find themselves in the midst of family expectations regarding tasks and responsibilities. These responsibilities are primarily the demands that automatically come from parental families. Most of the time they have to associate themselves with the celebrations and functions of extended relatives or maintain the traditional social ties of the families. In the real sense of the word, they have little time to participate in all these activities and always try to make3 their parents understand their situation. At times it may cause stress between the two, but this is an issue which, as they say, cannot be resolved. Here, one thing that draws our attention is that while on the one hand these people do not want to give time to the demands of their parents, on the other they are not interested in solving this problem. This implies that these people are still inclined to carry on with their family traditions. Though they seem to be fully part of the corporate culture of MNCs from the outside, in deed they do not want to discard or disregard the embedded traditional values for the sole interest of their profession. An interesting observation about these corporate workers is that they still hold the view that their parents, who are outdated, do not understand their problems in the way they should because they have never faced such circumstances where they have to work hard, beyond office hours, throughout the week. According to this generation, their parents spent their entire lives as part of the government machinery where things went at a snail’s pace and there was hardly any accountability. Unlike the past, the work culture in the MNCs of today is very different as they are more profit making organizations. So, in order to maintain their position and move up the organizational hierarchy, they have to be more “involved” in the assigned tasks. Hence, a drastic change in the work situations for the two

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generations occurs. It is primarily owing to this sort of a major shift in work ethics and culture that the parents of today’s professionals are still not accustomed to this type of corporate lifestyle. The new generation believe that their parents are still stuck with the traditional mindset of the past, and that their acts are driven by those traditional values that stress their customs and traditions. As such, the parents seem to want their children to follow in their footsteps, so when these professional people do not obey their parents, conflicts arise. In fact, this type of disagreement produces role conflict in the minds of the professionals. Their dual status demands diverse kinds of roles which they, in the present setting, are mostly unable to perform. This role conflict affects the orientation of a person. When the state of affairs is such, the person concerned tries to work out possible solutions, and when circumstances finally compel them to think of their own family, they give preference to their career over traditions. Gradually, their orientation sways towards their future and they try to focus once again on their career, totally involving themselves in the work culture to earn more money for their family’s comfort. In this process they, unknowingly, partially withdraw themselves from social life and participate in gatherings and functions of friends and relatives only occasionally. This kind of sudden withdrawal from family and other social congregations directly affects social ties, distancing them from their extended family, who are generally their secondary and tertiary kin. This attitude also weakens their relation with those people with whom their parents maintain social relations. Moreover, due to their hectic schedules, they hardly get the time to interact with those with whom they grew up.4 It has been observed that there is one factor that really controls their behaviour in this regard, and that is their profession. These people generally take interest in maintaining relations with those relatives who are either already established in a similar profession as theirs, e.g. in the IT sector, or are presently engaged in studies for a similar profession and are planning to join the same in the near future. Accordingly, the professionals, who are the subject of this discussion, feel more comfortable in the company of people with similar tastes and who work in the same sector. And, as a result, they wish to spend their time with their friends rather than attending family gatherings. Another important dimension of the interface between family and corporate culture can be seen through the careful observation of the setting of the family. When the husband and wife return after an exhausting day in the office, the home, which is traditionally considered a place for relaxation, does not provide them the type of comfort they would like to

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have. They have to attend to the household work on their own, as although they may have hired help, most of them are very irregular. Here, the tendency of male dominance surfaces and all or most of the work at home is supposed to be done by the woman of the house.5 Since she also comes home tired, she is generally unwilling to do all the work and the situation at times gets beyond control. This kind of a situation rules because the desire of the working spouses to come home and relax is beaten due to the unavailability of human resources. As discussed, both the spouses work in MNCs and are oriented to building their careers. Therefore, at the point when both are struggling to attain a better position in the organizational hierarchy and society, their children may seem to be obstacles. In this regard, all the families that have been brought under the purview of this research expressed similar views. Considering the present circumstances globally, they want to prioritize their careers and lines of business over their children. Their point of view is that they do not have the time to compromise with regard to the upbringing of their children, and have thought against having children in the near future. One of the respondents even expressed their passing through a rather difficult phase of his career, and added to this he neither owns a house nor has enough savings for the future. All he is aiming at right now is moving to a different city or country through lucrative job offers. Justifying their logic, such people still prefer to search for better jobs than consider the prospects of family extension. Hence, we can see that this new trend of keeping all plans to have children at bay is taking an alarming shape among the young professionals working in MNCs. Despite the fact that this pattern is gradually emerging, they have never apparently said “no” to raising families; it is only through lack of time that the group interviewed delay such an effort in this respect. Their dream for better and more lavish lifestyles, coupled with the desire to climb the corporate ladder, leads them to delay their plans of having children. Moreover, they also raise one important point that both husband and wife would need more time6 to get to know each other better, as at present they can hardly devote quality time to one another. It is quite interesting to note that these families still try to preserve their religious faiths and practices. Their endeavours for religious ceremonies are an exact replica of what was passed down to them from their parents, and they practice all the customs and rituals they have been socialized with from childhood. Going to the temples on a regular basis, and compulsorily on festive occasions, shows their faith in their own religious traditions and cultures. This attitude demonstrates that believing

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in one’s religion and saying his or her prayers has nothing much to do with profession. Now among the families of this category, religion is considered as a belief outside of any rationale. The lack of time in corporate culture is a key factor limiting the professional’s abilities in planning family life and maintaining family values in more satisfying ways. Devoting more time to family vis-à-vis the work organization appears critical for altering one’s inclination towards traditional values. They wish to queue up in the elite clubs and earn all the amenities of a modern lifestyle while at the same time their thoughts still wander towards the world of traditional values. This implies that though they have a corporate spirit in their outer core, deep within they are still attached to their traditional values. Planting a tulsi plant in the terrace garden and fulfilling social desires to bring repute to their parental family clearly indicate that they do not want to disown the traditions embodied in them. Hence, the modern ideology of the family also leads people to realize that emotional needs can be satisfactorily met within the context of the family and its values. Regarding the multi-dimensional analysis of the Indian families in the urban setting, which is dominated by corporate culture, I can say7 that the families of the young professionals truly represent a progressive middle class (of the urban Indian society), who are gradually moving away from their traditional family values. In their personal lives, both husband and wife overwhelmingly rely on each other. They seem to be very ambitious and do not consider traditions a hurdle in their way of progress. They believe in leading a global life and wish to earn all the modern amenities of an elite lifestyle. Though they spend most of their time in the corporate environment of multinational organizations, they still have faith in their religion and perform the rituals as they should, showing due regard to their parental families and the associated traditions.

Conclusion Finally, I would say that the families of the young professionals truly represent the emerging elite segment of the contemporary urban Indian society. They have their own ideologies and belong to the broader category of the middle-class urban families. They are not subject to abject poverty but are engaged in solving the riddle of gathering urban amenities. In my opinion, they form the “cream of the middle class crop” of the present urban Indian society, aligning with the era of globalization.

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This final discussion can be analyzed through the theoretical framework of the family developmental theory. According to this, like individuals, families too pass through developmental stages delineated by the accomplishment of specific tasks within each stage (Duvall 1971). Later developments in the theory went beyond the demarcation of stages and tasks and began to focus on changes within the family over time, including transition and social roles. Hence, from this point of view, the changes observed in an Indian family in the urban setting should be understood as a process rather than a product. These new patterns in the family can be viewed as a stage in the family development. Families are facing changes corresponding to the changes in urban space due to globalization.

References Bryeson, D. F. & Ulla Vuorel. (2002). The Transnational Family: New European Frontiers and Global Networks. Oxford; Berg Publishers. Castells, M. (1997). The Power of Identity. Oxford: Blackwell. Duvall, E. M. (1971). Family Development. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott. Madanipore, A. (2003). Public and Private Spaces of the City. New York: Taylor and Francis Ltd. Maurissen, A. & J. Wheelock. (1997). “The Family Business Tradition in Britain and Norway.” Int. Stud. Manage. Organ 27 (3): 64–85.

Notes 1

I define “corporate culture” as a unifying theme of any organization or company where competition, lack of time and shared values take the lead with professionalism (based on my M.Phil. work of 2008). 2 One can notice the notion of traditional family values deeply rooted in their mindsets due to which they still seem to be associated with their family and its customs. 3 All the parents of the families brought under the purview of the study work with some government organization like a bank, school or university or PSU (Public Sector Unit). 4 All the respondents of the present study have been brought up in joint families. A Hindu Joint family consists of many generations living under one roof, all income goes to a common pool and all property is held jointly 5 All these families follow the patriarchal pattern, which is a form of family organization in which the father plays a dominant role while the woman performs all domestic work related to day-to-day life.

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7 Though it would be imperative to give generalized statements on the basis of a small research on families, it clearly indicates the new emerging patterns in the families living in modern urban settings.

SUSTAINABLE AND EFFICIENT ORGANIZATIONS: THE CASE OF HANDCRAFTS MICROBUSINESSES IN SOUTHERN SAN SEBASTIAN JOSÉ G. VARGAS-HERNANDEZ

Introduction The new conditions of globalization underpin life conditions and the importance of a generational future as a component of competition. What constitutes globalization is the interaction that changes the scenarios for the individuals, organizations and societies who are constantly hounded by contradictory forces and uncertainties. The ecological model of the organizations widens to include the interactions which can integrate the environmental paradigm with the organizational system. An organization’s approach to sustainability is affected by the combination of ambiguous environmental economic policies, the abrupt adoption of production technologies, and market practices. Sustainability in business organizations is an implementation strategy of process re-engineering and the adoption of production technologies oriented towards avoiding waste materials, recycling trash and eliminating toxic chemicals. The lack of acceptance of the role that business organizations play towards sustainability influences the global debate that questions the real causes of pollution, poses a threat to organizations and justifies poverty as the main cause of environmental degradation. Given this deterioration, it also questions the inadequate economic policies that allow for non-environmentally friendly business actions. This chapter sets the following as its aims:

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Firstly, to determine the level of organizational sustainability for the environmental and economic development of cutting, treating and utilizing the grass tule (thypa spp) from the Zapotlán Lake. Secondly, to analyze opportunities and economic benefits derived from the marketing orientation of international business in the making of crafts from tule and palmilla (a kind of palm) that grow rapidly and densely in the Zapotlán Lake.

Organizational sustainability and organizational social capital A sustainable organization integrates the ecological vision and institutional theories in organizational systemic values. The acquisition of common sense in the production of goods and services is considered advantageous for the promotion of eco-efficiency towards achieving emission reductions and the rational utilization of natural resources. From the point of view of the general theory of organizations, according to Baker & Burt (cited by Portes 1999, 247), we study social capital to gain a greater insight, comprehension and understanding of market competitiveness mechanisms, while Joyce (1998) focuses his analysis of social capital on the leadership phenomena. Either the organization or each of its members can be incorporated as public and private issues to social capital. Thus, two patterns emerge from social capital: emphasis on public goods and emphasis on private goods. Leana & van Buren III (1999) define organizational social capital as a resource which reflects the character of social relations within the organization, achieved through the levels of member orientations by collective objectives and shared trust. Social capital is a collective attribute more than an aggregation of individual social connections; it is a by-product of other organizational activities, and is thus an indispensable component of collective action. Social organizational capital is an asset whose joint possession between members and the organization benefits both. A new organization has the advantage to create its own organizational social capital in such a way that it can maintain optimum equilibrium between stakeholders, individual interests and other organizational interests, in spite of their contingent nature; i.e. different situations and persons in their relation to organizational performance. A community relies on social organizational capital when its organizations are characterized by relationships of trust that develop and make their behaviour predictable. The capacity of a community is reflected in its level of endogenous development. The organizations are a concrete reality with

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resources, rules and ordinances for the pursuit of objectives. Members of an organization expect to solve problems of collective action to attain some goods and services.

The case of micro and small business enterprises involved in the exploitation of tule typha spp from Lake Zapotlán Background of the problem Similar to the great majority of aquatic bodies in the closed basins of the Mexican national territory, Lake Zapotlán is also a natural receptacle, dump and outlet for sewage and trash from the human settlements of Guzmán and san Sebastián del Sur (Southern San Sebastián converge). The presence of these natural outlets helps to form a nutrient mix that facilitates the growth and development of an abundant aquatic combination which has spread to cover almost the total surface of the lake. The transformation of Lake Zapotlán has a strong impact on the population’s socio-economic concerns. The deterioration or damage of this lake has reached an all-time high consequent to the increasing population and alarming pace of the urbanization processes and industrial, farming and agricultural activities. The natural resources offered by the lake, including the aquatic tule typha spp, have been benefiting the settlers and inhabitants of San Sebastián del Sur mainly for its utilization towards crafting several products and handicrafts. Thus, the use of the tule and the expansion of handicrafts create direct employment opportunities and constitute the income base for around three hundred families. An approximate estimation is that one thousand five hundred individuals are making a living from these activities in Gomez Farías. The maximum benefit is obtained from the tule chubby and plump followed by palmilla [palm]. To aggravate this problem, the Pan-American Olympic Games chose Lake Zapotlán as the location for the aquatic games in 2011. Accordingly, the lake is being massively transformed, which necessitates the clearance and cleaning of any type of grass and bushes at its edges, including the cutting and taking out of tule. Other factors contributing towards limiting the environmental and economic sustainability of development and the scope of benefits from economic activities and the use of tule are the following:

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No orientation toward the sustainable use of tule as a natural resource. Lack of organization and coordination between the cutters of tule and the handcrafters. Weak infrastructure for the development of a more advanced handcrafted production. Excessive interest of hoarders and middlemen in the processes of commercialization and distribution of the various types of products. Lack of mechanisms of governmental institutions to foster and develop economic activities, such as credits, training and technical assistance. No knowledge of techniques and systems to export the products to the international markets where there is much interest in them.

Handcrafted products derived from tule are artistically decorated for local, regional, national and international markets, because there has been a strong presence of this in Mexican culture since the pre-colonial times. Handcrafts and goods made from tule in the locality of San Sebastian del Sur include chairs, curtains, armchairs, easy chairs, different types of multipurpose containers such as the tortilla containers, tables, blowers, bedrolls and matting [petates] and baskets. Most of the craftspeople deliver their products to middlemen who, being a link in the distribution channel and contributing to the commercialization of the handcrafts, always hold the greater percentage of profits. The use of tule from Lake Zapotlán has followed irrational patterns affecting not only the sustainability and equilibrium of the environment, but also generating problems of low family income and a decline in manpower requirement. The rehabilitation of the lake requires the more rational exploitation of the tule, in the sense that environmental sustainability and economic activity derived and the treatment of tule are not negatively impacted.

Objectives (i) To determine the level of organizational sustainability taking into account the economic and environmental development of the cutting, treatment and exploitation of the tule at Lake Zapotlán. (ii) To analyze the opportunities and economic benefits possible after a marketing orientation on the making of handcrafted products from tule and palmilla.

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Hypothesis An orientation on (i) organizational sustainability following the making of handcraft goods from tule from Lake Zapotlán, and (ii) how this activity could contribute towards the increase in family income and ensure economic benefits for the workers through the creation of employment opportunities.

Research methods A study was conducted of the handcrafters who carry out economic activities using tule as a raw material in making handcrafts in San Sebastian del Sur under the municipality of Gomez Farías, Jalisco. The data was obtained through a random survey based on the roster of a number of registered handcrafters to find the different economic and social aspects of the producers. The trades of the handcrafters and the producers were classified into four groups. The 33 people surveyed were dedicated to the following activities: Manufacturing of rustic furniture: 9 Hand-woven furniture and handcrafts: 7 Manufacturing of matting and bedrolls: 15 Handcrafts from tule: 2.

Analysis of results The percentages of families who depend on activities related to tule, according to the survey results, are the following: 42% are engaged in the making of rustic furniture, 39% in manufacturing petates, 15% depend on handcrafts, and 4% are cutters of tule. The average weekly salary per worker in the different activities related to the processing of tule has also been estimated. According to this data, the manufacturers of rustic furniture earned $56.6, the cutters of tule $40, the handcrafters $21 and those handcrafting petites $12.0. The study also reveals that those affiliated to different associations and organizations were only 19%. The majority of 94% receive some sort of support from institutions of dependence, while a small number of workers do not receive any economic support, and there is also no kind of promotional campaign for their products and goods. Eighty-one percent of those surveyed are of the

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opinion that the market has benefited in the last few years due to a higher demand for their products. Only 19% perceived that there have been difficulties in selling their products. As regards pollution, while 45% stated it was increasing, 42% said the level remained the same and only 13% perceived pollution to be less.

Discussion and comments on organizational sustainability based on the research results The presence of bundles of tule covering around one third of the surface of the lake (Universidad de Guadalajara 1995) is important for the nesting, refuge and protection of several species of fish, including tilapia and carp, and also for several species of birds. Starting from the organic material separated from the roots, the tule plant and its parts serve as food for several species, also regulating the water temperature and thus impacting the environmental temperature. The cultivation and utilization of tule constitute an important economic activity, mainly for the community of San Sebastian del Sur because they provide economic support to around three hundred families. About eighty families benefit economically from the income through the cutting, drying and transportation of tule. Around 140 families benefit from the handcrafted products made of both palmilla tule and chubby tule. Out of these, 120 are handcrafters of matting and bedrolls [petateros]. Around half of the 55 handcrafters registered with the Association of Traders have their own workshops, while the other half work in the assembling plants. Around 70 families receive incomes from intermediation, hoarding, stockpiling and commercialization activities of products derived from tule. Most of the manpower employed in the cutting of tule is permanent and the trade was inherited from their ancestors. According to the field research, there are a lower number of cutters every year due to the ongoing changes taking place at Lake Zapotlán. The cutters of tule dry their raw material and make up to two bunches every day, which sells for an average of 75–80 pesos per bundle. The income generated from this contributes towards the daily family income, averaging approximately 160 pesos. The tule palmilla used for the manufacturing of chairs is sold to intermediaries; most of them are owners of small stores who stockpile it. The tule chubby is sold to craftsmen at a lower price for use in the manufacture of matting and bedrolls (petites). Many cutters supply raw materials to their own families for handcrafted products, widening the scope of economic benefits and adding

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value. In other cases, after the selling of the products both the cutter and the handcrafter equally share the benefits. The interviewees indicated that sales of their products are declining. Today, they insist, they sell less than ten years ago and that the middlemen and the intermediaries obtain more profits from the commercialization of the products. For a handcrafted product to reach the final consumer, a distribution pattern of at least three-levels is required, and thus there are at least two intermediaries between the producers and the consumers. The intermediaries are those who attend national markets and, to a lesser extent, export the handcrafted products to some parts of the United States, Canada, Puerto Rico, the UK and Japan. Some of the problems the craftsmen face relate to the lack of training programs to develop and preserve the handcrafter’s techniques, lack of financial support and lack of opportunities for obtaining credits to extend basic production infrastructure, and of course staffing and consultancy for the direct export of their products to international markets. Undertaking activities to address these issues will benefit the economic income of more than three hundred families in San Sebastián del Sur, Jalisco.

Conclusion The utilization of tule represents an economic activity that provides income to approximately three hundred families living in the settlements of San Sebastian del Sur. Nevertheless, in the last few years, the income has been decreasing due to environmental changes as well as the rehabilitation of the lake to host the Pan-American Games in 2011. Both environmental changes and rehabilitation of the lake are serious threats to economic efficiency and environmental sustainability. One of the main goals of the rehabilitation programs must be to achieve equilibrium between environmental sustainability and economic sustainability. Thus, a systematic study is very much required to determine the indicators of the most adequate levels of environmental sustainability and economic efficiency. The limited social organizational capital acts as a hindrance to the scopes of economic benefits that can be achieved from the utilization of tule from the lake. The lack of organization between the cutters and the craftsmen causes profound and increasing conflicts. This not only blocks and limits the scope of improved levels of productivity and family income, but also makes coexistence and harmonious living very difficult, spoiling the community’s quality of life.

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The lack of any consultancy program for the export of handcrafted products leads to a decrease in the incomes of the families of the cutters and craftsmen, because the intermediaries who take part in the commercialization processes and distribution channels make the maximum profits. Some characteristics of specificity and appropriateness of social and human capital involve economic, social and political relationships among individuals who are members of organizations with complex interactions. The market is a social construction that relies on operational social relations. Both social and human capital can be important resources for competitive advantage, assuming that these reside in the members or are specific to the organizations as integral parts of unique resources. Organizations with higher levels of social and human capital generate more competition than those with lower levels. Therefore, a sustainable and competitive economy requires programs aimed at improving social and human capital.

Recommendations Some recommendations derived from this research are formulated below: i.

ii.

iii.

A program could be designed to promote handcrafted activities derived from the utilization of tule which could run parallel to the program for the rehabilitation of the lake and establishing equilibrium between economic efficiency and environmental sustainability. A program could be set for promoting an export consultancy with support and technical staffing from among the students of International Business at the University of Guadalajara, providing the knowledge, skills and contacts in such a way that the craftsmen can directly commercialize and market their own handcrafted products in the international markets. A program may be proposed for the development of organizational and social capital and new forms of organizations aimed at increasing productivity and competitiveness of the craftsmen, which could enhance their family income, promote employment opportunities and improve the quality of life of the whole community of San Sebastian del Sur.

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References Joyce, P. (1998). “Management and Innovation in the Public Services.” Strategy Change 7. Leana, R. C. & H. Van Buren III. (1999). “Organizational Social Capital and Employment Practices.” Academy of Management Review 24 (3). Portes, A. (1999). “Capital Social: Sus orígenes y aplicaciones en la sociología moderna.” Carpio, Jorge y Novaconvsky, Irene (comp.), De igual a igual. El desafío del Estado ante los nuevos problemas sociales, Fondo de Cultura económica-Siempro-Flacso, Ciudad de México. Universidad de Guadalajara. (1995). Ordenamiento Ecológico de la Cuenca de la Laguna de Zapotlán el Grande Jalisco, Gobierno municipal, Cd. Guzmán, Jalisco.

MEGA-URBANIZATION IN EASTERN KOLKATA: VISION AND REALITY JENIA MUKHERJEE AND AMLAN ROY

Introduction When parts of (east) Kolkata were flooded with infrastructural development plans, following the emergence of different planning strategies for ratifying the possibilities of developing the twin cities of Salt Lake and East Kolkata, introducing various development projects from 1960 until the end of 1990 and beyond, the planners simply ignored the importance of preserving the East Kolkata Wetlands (EKW). Consequent to this, huge acres of wetlands have been converted into estate land, and large numbers of people have lost access to their traditional occupations and livelihoods. According to an estimation, urban growth in the developing countries is likely to be around 56.9% by 2025 (Harpham & Stephens 1991, 62), and there is a steady spurt in the growth of people among the informal sectors living in slums and squats in the city’s interstitial space. The rapid extension of urban areas accompanied by an increasing number of urban builds in the form of “city,” satellite town, nagar and newer forms of agglomerations, and the growth of population have actually imposed enormous pressure, resulting in the emergence of numerous urban slums and small towns at the peripheries and in the vicinity of the rural region, which act as the urban-rural continuum. There are certain facts which should not be overlooked, for example the importance of industrialization for better living generating a share of gross domestic product (GDP) and providing opportunities for employment. Development is a pre-requisite, especially for the developing countries, but the balance sheet reflecting the minute details of the costs involved and the segments of beneficiaries can clarify the actual impact of mega-urbanisation and mega-development projects.

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The impact of mega-urbanisation on eastern Kolkata has been severe for both urban ecology and the livelihood opportunities of the marginal wetland dwellers that depend on this natural ecosystem and also nurture it. The gradual replacement of the EKW has directly affected the entire sewerage system of Kolkata. Why, then, did this east centric megaurbanisation occur at the cost of Kolkata’s wetlands in the first place? Did this pattern of urbanisation and development accomplish what it initially promised (was the vision of the urban planners realised)? Did these projects run smoothly or was there environmental and social unrest? To understand these micro processes underlining mega-urbanisation, we need to reflect on the broader dynamics of decolonization in the south and the process by which they became a part of the global economy through the imposition of certain capitalist conditions and developmental models (such as industrialization, the Green Revolution, macroeconomic policy, megaurbanisation, and so on) by multilateral and transnational funding agencies. This chapter explores the socio-ecological problems associated with Kolkata’s rapid urban expansion from the viewpoint of post-colonial planning and development.

The Formation and Reclamation of Salt Water Lakes— Geological and Historical Perspectives The Bengal Basin In the geological sense, Kolkata is a part of the Bengal Basin which is the largest fluvio-deltaic sedimentary system on earth—the GangesBrahmaputra Delta (Uddin & Lundberg 2004; Alam et al. 2003). It is situated in the northeastern part of the Indian Peninsula and falls in the state of West Bengal in India and Bangladesh (covering latitudes 25°– 20°30’ and longitude 87°30’–90° 30’). The Basin extends to the offshore region of the Bay of Bengal, occupying an area of 57,000 square km on land and 32,000 square km offshore, and is up to 200 m deep. The formation of the Bengal Basin was initiated during the MiddleUpper Cretaceous period with differential subsidence. The proximal deposition of a portion of the orogenic sediment from the eastern Himalayas and the Indo-Burman uplifts has built a thick sequence of deposits into the Basin of approximately 20 km. From at least the Miocene period to the present, the Ganges-Brahmaputra and its tributaries or ancestral rivers have been transporting clastic sediments. The major phase of sediment deposition is attributed to the collision of the Indian Plate with the Eurasian Plate towards the end of the Eocene period. This event

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heralded the beginning of a marked shift in the direction of the drainage system from easterly to southerly, eventually causing the emergence of the Himalayas. However, the Oligo-Miocene sedimentation condition was followed by a strong deltaic environment, and present-day Kolkata is a part of this.

Salt Lake and Dhapa Formation The deltaic district of the 24 Parganas, studded with large marshes and swamps (bils) and lying between the elevated tracts, is actually the marker of numerous courses of rivers (Hunter 1875, 15–16). The Salt Lake and the Dhapa are prominent examples of such marshes. Mentions of the Salt Lake and its topographical condition can be found in the accounts of several colonial officials such as Captain Alexander Hamilton, HMS Harvich, John Henry Grose, and others (Chattopadhyay 1990, 6–8). The lakes were formed by the tidal action of streams and channels, and the tributaries and distributaries of the River Hooghly. Having their origins in the Bay of Bengal, these water bodies carried volumes of saline water into the district and over vast areas which remained stagnant, leading to the formation of the salt water lakes. The Bidyadhari River played the biggest contributing part in the formation of the salt-water lakes. The presence of a depression along with changing silt distribution patterns due to the shifting of the river courses and the clayey and calcareous substratum created a conducive environment for marsh formation in the eastern part of Kolkata and the north of the Sundarbans. In the north, the edge of the lakes extended up to the foot of a 9 m mound known as Dumduma, which the Burmese and Mug traders, arriving in boats, used as an anchor (Ghosh & Sen 1987, 220). Dhapa was a part of the Salt Lake in a low basin about five miles east of Kolkata.

Colonial Intervention and Experiments Salt Lake and Dhapa Reclamation Programmes The colonial era between 1830 and 1945 is loaded with the history of various proposals, schemes and projects to reclaim the salt water lakes. There were also certain proposals in the pre-1830 period, but it was not until the 1830s that definite measures were taken. In 1830, Lord William Bentinck, the then Governor-General of India, intervened in the issue of reclamation of the marshes on sanitary grounds. On December 23, 1835,

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T. H. Maddock, Secretary to the Government of India, submitted a proposal to the Court of Directors. In 1865, the Government appointed a Commission to enquire into a project of the Salt Water Lakes Reclamation and Irrigation Company Limited. As the name suggests, it proposed to reclaim an area of around 44 square miles by raising embankments, draining the entire area, and clearing the Tardah jungle. However, the proposal was renounced by the Government. The next proposal was Mr Buckley’s scheme of 1882–3 (Inglis 1909, 273–77), which was also rejected due to the prohibitive cost of land acquisition. Then, after a few years, the two most significant schemes were designed: C. W. Gurner’s scheme of 1943 and S. L. Hora’s scheme of 1944. While Mr Gurner proposed the extension of the town eastward to provide relief to the growing giant of Kolkata, Mr Hora emphasized the improvement of the area and the development of fisheries (mostly sewage-fed). The Committee to Enquire into the Drainage Condition of Kolkata and the Adjoining Areas, after a careful examination of both the schemes, came to the conclusion that a major part of the northern Salt Lake should be reclaimed as per Gurner’s scheme and most of the southern Salt Lake should be devoted to fisheries or fishery-cum-agriculture; the southeastern part of northern Salt Lake may also be similarly treated (Department of Irrigation and Waterways 1947, 49–54). Colonial initiatives were also taken to reclaim the Dhapa square mile area. William Clark, Sanitary Engineer and Justice of the Peace, designed a plan to remove the wastes and residue of the city to the uninhabited areas of the marshy swamp (Clark 1855). In 1865, one square mile of the Dhapa area was acquired by the Government and transferred to the Justice of the Peace. The acquisition was completed the next year at a cost of Rs 93,225 when it was acquired for drainage and outfall work, sewage-based cultivation, and dumping of city-waste.

Colonizers’ Mission These efforts of reclamation were tied up with colonial needs and interests. The colonizers were doing business and the purpose behind each and every activity was the appropriation of surplus revenue over expenditure. The Company of 1865 intended that a variety of crops might be cultivated, or if nothing else guinea grass would be grown, and that the returns would secure a fair percentage on the invested capital for the shareholders (Inglis 1909, 259). In a letter of the Bengal Government of India to the Government of India on December 2, 1865, the question of application of sewage to agriculture was discussed. The company wanted the process

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of reclamation and sewage utilization to go hand in hand, as sewage could generate great value. Between 1868 and 1869, experiments in sewage farming were conducted by Dr Fabre Tonnerre, the then health officer, for growing rice, vegetables and cotton. The reclaimed Dhapa area was leased to the local inhabitants for a short time. The leasee had to pay annual rent to the company, which again became an important source of revenue collection.

Decline of the Bidyadhari River and the Formation of the East Kolkata Wetlands Due to several severe interventions and interferences, the Bidyadhari River declined (Dasgupta 2003, 6). It was officially declared dead in 1928. The Kulti Gung came up as a viable alternative when the Kulti Outfall Scheme of Dr B. N. De was launched in 1943. This change led to a gradual transformation in the aquatic environment of the area from saline to non-saline, from salt water to sewage-fed fresh water, when the tidal wetland gave way to a sewage-fed wetland. The silting up of the Bidyadhari River caused a decrease in the in-flow of saline water of the Bay of Bengal through the River. Moreover, with the decay of the River, the city sewage and storm water were diverted into the salt water lakes flowing into fresh water lakes. With this diversion in the discharge of the city, the salinity of the lakes dwindled from 800–1,200 parts per million (ppm) to 500–600 ppm. This turned the once profitable salt water fisheries into sewage-fed fisheries. Thus, “the salt water marshes that existed for 200 years back between the Hooghly and the Bidyadhari Rivers gave rise to the present East Kolkata Wetlands” (Gupta 2005, 24). When the Kulti Outfall Scheme was commissioned, an adequate water-head was raised to supply sewage to most of these fishponds by gravity, which resulted in the extension of the wastewater fishponds further east and southeast for about 8,000 hectares (Ghosh 2005, 48). This area, with its unique ecosystem, has been termed the East Kolkata Wetlands (EKW) by Dr Dhrubajyoti Ghosh (2005), lying between the levee of the River Hooghly on the west and the Kulti Gung on the east, distributed nearly equally on the two sides of the Dry Weather Flow (DWF) channel that reaches the Kulti Gung to the east. The wetland area lies approximately between latitudes 22°25’–22°40’ north and longitudes 88 ° 20’–88 °35’ east (Ghosh 2005, 43). The EKW forms a part of the extensive inter-distributory wetland regimes formed by the Gangetic Delta. The dynamic siltation pattern in the Delta in the interface between freshwater and coastal processes creates a distinct topographic pattern within the region. The EKW constitutes one

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large system of marshes located within the peri-urban interface of Kolkata (EKW Newsletter 2010).

The Post-independent Scenario New Townships and Development Projects The post-independence period saw massive encroachments on the wetlands when Kolkata expanded rapidly towards the east. In 1951, the Netherlands Engineering Consultants (NEDECO) were invited by the then Chief Minister Dr Bidhan Chandra Ray to draw up a detailed township plan. On January 30, 1953, NEDECO submitted a plan for the town extension covering an area of 3.75 square miles. It also proposed the development of fisheries in the southern part of the Salt Lake covering an area of 15 square miles. The Messrs. Invest Import, a Yugoslav firm, was to work on the 4 square mile area for the extension, following the hydraulic method of filling and dredging at the cost of Rs 7.3 crores. Finally, on April 16, 1962, the actual work of Rs 20 crores Salt Lake reclamation and rural development project commenced. The development of the Salt Lake Township was followed by the development of several other townships and development projects such as Kasba, Vaishnabghata, East Kolkata Township (CMDA, 1976, Report no. 29), Patuli, and the Eastern Metropolitan Bypass (EMBP) in the peri-urban interface of east Kolkata.

The Demographic Explosion and the Planners’ Vision In the post-independence period there was a tremendous population influx to Kolkata. The post-partition waves of refugee population and people migrating from the hinterland to the city in search of work left it overcrowded. The population growth between the 1930s and 1960s was 140%. The severe housing problem leaving two million homeless needed to be solved, along with all the basic amenities and facilities provided to them. When the city reached saturation point, excessive numbers were absorbed by the suburban areas mostly between 1951 and 1961. When the situation became alarming, the development of a township on the eastern part of Kolkata seemed to be a viable option. The government planned the erection of multi-storey buildings to provide accommodation to even the middle class and low income groups (LIG). It was devised that a certain percentage of plots measuring between 7 and 10 cottahs2 would be earmarked and allotted to people belonging to

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the high income group (HIG). A provision was also made for selling readymade houses on individual plots. The Calcutta Metropolitan Planning Organization (CMPO) pointed out that “This decision has been taken not from any social judgment of relative housing needs for the various income-categories presently existing in Kolkata but rather it follows naturally from the underlying assumptions and thoughts about the utilization of the Salt Lake area to the maximum immediate economic advantage of the State” (Chattopadhyaya 1990, 84–5).

The Reality The vision or the backdrop of the east-centric development of Kolkata has been discussed. What, then, is the reality? As we have seen, the major objectives for setting up the Salt Lake Township were: (1) to set up a self-contained HIG and middle income group (MIG) residential township to absorb about 2.5 lacs population initially followed by 3.5 lacs, and (2) to partially relieve the congestion in Kolkata and provide a full range of community amenities and facilities, including underground sewerage disposal, water, electricity, roads, parks, schools and markets (CMDA 1976, Report no. 29). The apprehension of Dr Asok Mitra that Dr Ray’s city extension scheme would not be able to decongest Kolkata, and moreover that the open space would “… soon be overrun by fresh in-migration and rapid multiplication … There is bound to be an eventual and rather explosive displacement of the State’s indigenous population” (Chattopadhyaya 1990, 112), became a reality within a few years of the completion of the project. Though initially one of the main purposes behind the development of the Salt Lake Township was to accommodate the middle sections of the society with low-cost housing, it could only become a major investment area consisting of luxury buildings, corporate offices and theme parks. It could not accomplish the planners’ vision. Moreover, the township projects destroyed the local ecology and displaced the farming and fishing populations, affecting their livelihoods. The ecological value of the EKW is immense. The interplay of wastewater, sunshine, algae, fishes and creative and indigenous techniques employed by farmers and fishers has allowed it to evolve into a keystone ecosystem.3 Kolkata does not have a separate sewage treatment plant. By absorbing the daily urban sewage production of around 1,300 million

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litres, the EKW acts as a natural “kidney” for the city. A team led by Kunal Chattopadhyay has estimated the total loss incurred due to wetland conversion (Chattopadhyay 2000, 47–9). In 1960, when 3.75 square miles of the north Salt Lake were acquired, 44 of 58 fisheries of that area were sacrificed to meet the present needs of the expanding city. Twenty-six fisheries were taken over by the housing complex alone (CMDA 1976, Report no. 6). The lives of around 3,602 fishers from the north and 1,377 from the south were affected when they lost employment opportunities. Between 1967 and 1972, 800 acres of wetlands were lost due to the new townships such as Kasba and Vaishnabghata. Between 1978 and 1979, the East Kolkata Township and Patuli claimed another 1650 acres and 600 acres respectively. Parts of the wetlands and sewage disposal ground were encroached upon during the construction of the EMBP in 1980. The total area of sewage-fed fisheries was reduced from 18,000 acres to around 7, 500–8, 000 acres, and the number of bheris 4 dwindled from 240 in 1955–56 to around 120–130 in the 1990s (Chattopadhyay 1990, 13).

Urban Environmentalism—Gains and Failures The mega-urbanisation drive, however, did not go smoothly, and we can see urban environmentalism acting as a politics of protest and petition against the changing patterns of land use through wetland conversion. In 1991, the city-based non-government organizations (NGOs) took up the cause of wetland protection and conservation along with likeminded bureaucrats who wanted to protect the environment. This was the first incidence of a movement that had an explicitly environmental goal in the metropolitan area. It forced the state government to take into account public opinion on urban planning for the very first time. Several cases were fought in the High Court and subsequently the Supreme Court to conserve the EKW. The main debate and movement started with a proposal that the Salt Lake Township would be further expanded affecting the northern rim of the Waste Recycling Region (WRR), which is the heart of the EKW. The project, after receiving approval from the state cabinet, was expected to proceed soon after. The pro-conservationist bureaucrats motivated the NGOs to work for wetland conservation, and pressure groups launched a pro-conservation campaign (Dembowski 2001, 99– 100). In 1992, a writ petition was filed in the Kolkata High Court by one of the leading NGOs of the city, People United for Better Living in Calcutta (PUBLIC). The petition pointed out that the State of West Bengal and its officers were legally bound to protect the wetlands as per the West

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Bengal Town and Country Planning Act, 1979, Section 46 (1); Article 51 A of the Indian Constitution, which says that the protection of the environment is one of the vital duties of the citizens of the country, and Article 21 of the Constitution implies the right to live in environmentally safe and pollution free conditions. The petition demanded that the state authorities should be directed to maintain the wetlands’ character in its present form, stop all development plans, and prevent any further encroachments. The court ruling made a sharp distinction between general urbanisation for pluralistic benefits in terms of housing or business spaces and development projects that benefit the society as a whole. The land area for potential extension of the Salt Lake Township was reduced from 784 to 187.44 acres. Time and again, charges of unplanned development have been brought against the Calcutta Metropolitan Development Authority (CMDA), which has countered them stating that its 1990 document was not legally binding. The petitioners demanded that the CMDA should explain why its programmatic statements of 1990 were no longer applicable. No Outline and Development Control Plan (ODCP) has been officially published as demanded by law. There were few achievements due to litigation (Appendix 1). After constant efforts from ecologists and bureaucrats and arduous initiatives by the members of the Institute of Wetland Management and Ecological Design (IWMED), the EKW was declared as the Ramsar site in November 2002. The Ramsar fact sheet, prepared by the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) for Nature, cites the EKW as a perfect example of a well-used wetland ecosystem where we find the existence of traditional practices of agriculture-pisciculture by the local inhabitants using city-sewage.5 It further acknowledges that the EKW is one of the rare examples of a combination of environmental protection and development management where complex ecological processes have been adopted by local farmers mastering resource recovery activities. It is the largest ensemble of sewage-fed fishponds in the world. The East Kolkata Wetland Management Authority (EKWMA) was formed under the state legislation in 2006 as per the East Kolkata Wetlands (Conservation and Management) Act. It has been entrusted with the responsibility of maintaining and managing the existing land use along with its unique recycling activities, for which the wetlands have been included in the Ramsar List of Wetlands of International Importance (EKW Newsletter 2010). But the major problems and threats in the area still persist. By protecting the core area (the Ramsar site), the High Court has left the adjoining or buffer areas of east Kolkata open to rapid development. Though the Calcutta Environmental Management Strategy and Action

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Plan (CEMSAP) has criticized the existing Land Use and Development Control Plan (LUDCP) for emphasizing the mega-urbanisation of Kolkata’s eastern fringes, it is yet to suggest any alternative welfare plan to replace it!

The Polemics of Planning and Development Considering this sharp contradiction between the vision and the reality of east Kolkata’s urban sprawl, let us reflect on the politico-economic forces that have actually dictated this pattern of urbanisation and development. For this, we need to look at the issue of urban planning and development within the broader context of the events following World War II, when the apparatuses of knowledge production and intervention, designed and implemented by the World Bank, the United Nations, bilateral development agencies, planning offices in the developing countries and so on were established, and a whole new political economy of truth, different from that of the colonial or pre-World War II period, was set in place (Escobar 1992, 23–4). The emergence of the development discourse can be traced back to this period by means of which individuals, governments and communities were seen as “underdeveloped” (or placed under conditions in which they tend to see themselves as such). They then aspired to achieve those conditions that characterize rich societies, industrialization, agricultural modernisation and urbanisation (Ibid., 24–5). Countries of the south became part of the global economy through conditionalities and a developmental model was imposed on them by the multi-lateral funding agencies under the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). These have had adverse impacts on the social sectors and the environment. The SAPs have meant the privatisation and commercialisation of infrastructure including social sectors, deregulation and withdrawal of the state from welfare responsibilities under the guise of decentralisation and popular participation (Mahadevia 2001, 243). The twists and turns in the planning acts in the 1960s and 1990s well explain this ambiguity, justifying the mega-urbanisation of eastern Kolkata with its otherwise catastrophic impact on the marginal wetland dwellers. The first planning initiatives towards urban development for West Bengal began with the establishment of the CMPO. The Basic Development Plan (BDP) for the Calcutta Metropolitan District, 1966–86 (CMPO 1966) published in 1966 contained a perspective plan and a strategy to deal with the urban problems of the city. One of the basic objectives of the BDP was to develop an urban environment capable of sustaining a population of about 12.3 million in the Calcutta Metropolitan

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District (CMD) with appropriate services and facilities by 1986. The plan advocated a bi-nodal strategy for the development of the CMD by focusing on governmental actions at two centres—Howrah-Kalyani and Bansberia—which would act as counter-magnets to the city of Kolkata. It also indicated a five-year action programme commencing in 1966 as a part of the national Fourth Five-Year Plan (after the preceding three five-year programmes between 1951 and 1965). But due to a national economic crisis between 1966–67 (leading to the devaluation of the rupee), the BDP was not implemented. In 1969, the Fourth Five-Year Plan was launched. It laid out a provision of Rs 43 crores for the development of the CMD, but this amount was inadequate (Roy & Roy 1990, 284). At this critical juncture, a statutory body was set up in September 1970 for centralized administration of the investment programme, and the CMDA was born. It was allocated an amount of Rs 150 crores for implementing the next five-year programmes. In 1976, under the initiative of the Directorate of Planning, the Development Perspective Plan was published which dealt with crucial issues like urban expansion, economic activity and employment opportunities. The plan was implemented between 1979 and 1983 with a total investment of Rs 278 crores. This plan violated the bi-nodal strategy of the BDP and emphasised the polycentric model of development; that is, east-west spatial growth. The major development projects included in it were East Kolkata, Vaishnabghata-Patuli and West Howrah. In 1990, another landmark plan entitled the Plan for Metropolitan Development, 1990–2015 was published (CMDA 1990). Unlike the Development Perspective Plan, this document again stressed the BDP’s vision of north-south development for Kolkata and proposed the implementation of development projects in Kalyani-Gayeshpur, BhatparaNorth Barrackpur and Barasat-Nabapalli on the eastern side of the Ganges, and Chuchura-Chandannagar-Bhadreshwar, Bali-Dankuni, West Howrah, Sakrail-Abada and Uluberia on the western side. This plan not only pointed out where urban development and expansion should take place, but was also specific about the areas where urban sprawl could be disastrous. It clearly mentioned that the unplanned rapid urban sprawl on the eastern and southern fringes of Kolkata should be stopped immediately. The plan showed that the extension of the Raja Subodh Mallick Road and the construction of the EMBP had strengthened the eastern and southern connections of the periphery with the CMD, causing the reduction of water bodies and wetlands, the latter becoming a space for real-estate speculation. However, all these provisions in the plan were mere rhetoric as the CMDA itself violated its own argument by continuing

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development projects on the eastern part of the city, such as Science City, The Spring Club, Energy Park, Satyajit Ray Film and Television Institute (SRFTI). The continual promises in the planning reports for all-round development were false hopes injected in the city-dwellers by planners, merely planning the ideology of planning. David Harvey mentions that planning is a: “… commitment to an alien ideology which chains our thought and understanding in order to legitimate a social practice that preserves, in a deep sense, the domination of capital over labour and nature. The real task is to plan the ideology of planning to fit the new economic realities rather than to meet the social unrest and civil strife … The planner’s knowledge is used ideologically as both legitimation and justification for certain forms of action” (Harvey 1985, 177). When the planning inspirations of the 1960s faded, the next major task was the introduction of new planning strategies that would fit the new economic realities of the time, embedding the rationality behind such planning. It is clear from the planning reports that the actual purpose of this kind of urban expansion was to capitalise on the enormous development potential in this vast stretch of undeveloped land (CMDA 1976, Report no. 29). The CMDA tried to attract private investment for these projects, aiming at the development of commercial complexes and market areas. It explored the possibility of obtaining financial assistance from the Housing and Urban Development Corporation (HUDCO), the Government of India, and other agencies. It is important to mention here that in 1973 the International Development Association (IDA), a soft loan associate of the World Bank, agreed to provide financial assistance against 44 out of 100 ongoing schemes under CMDA. The credit package amounted to US $35 million. IDA-I marked the beginning of a series of such credits for the development of Kolkata. Rs 278 crores, allocated for the Five-Year investment plan (1979–83), included World Bank assistance amounting to US $87 million for a package of projects under IDA-II (Roy & Roy 1990, 285).

Discussion The present decade and those following are marked with the problematic shortages of water, food, employment opportunities and funds to treat or correct environmental damages due to rapacious expansion of capital with the least concern for benefits to the majority. The EKW provides a unique solution to all these problems—“Give us poverty, sunshine and wastewater, we shall give you food, employment and

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purified water, free of cost”—and locally adapted sewage-fed agriculture and fisheries are practiced by the wetland dwellers using indigenous techniques. The farmers of the EKW, bordering the peri-urban zone, have been developing inter-generational knowledge by making use of Kolkata’s municipal waste to farm fish and grow vegetables over an area of about 12,500 hectares, treating sewage without incurring any cost (Ghosh 2009), practicing this with much precision. Unfortunately, this generations-old traditional knowledge is replaced by urban intervention which may provide some temporary gains at the cost of collapsing the very basis of traditional knowledge. Though there have been statutory interventions, those are inadequate. It is important to bring in the concept of “social ecology” in this context, which claims that environmental crisis is the result of the hierarchical organization of power and authoritarian mentality rooted in the structures of society. The domination of nature by humans stems from the very real domination of humans by humans (Bookchin 1982; Ghosh 2009). Over 12,000 people were evicted from many areas of the city, including Kulpi, Chandmoni, Falta, Rajarhat, Beliaghata, Naya Patti, Jambudwip, the Dhakuria rail colony and Tollygunge over recent decades. The wetland dwellers were also a part of that evicted population. Being evicted, they have moved from the age-old tradition-based economy to the informal sectors of economy. The crisis seems to be universal. Urban sprawl has become the mainstay of middle-class housing since World War II. Sprawl is no longer equated with a type of dispersed development characterized by large, separate zones for residences, shops and businesses only—it is viewed as an unstoppable spread of such development leading to worse congestion, escalating tax rates, disinvestment in older communities and the disappearance of open spaces and fertile agricultural lands (Marathe 2001). For the developing world, the problems associated with the suburbanisation of the advanced capitalist world pale into insignificance with the wildly uncontrolled pace of urbanisation in Sao Paulo, Mexico City, Cairo, Lagos, Mumbai and Kolkata. Localized environmental problems assume far more chronic characters in the cities of developing countries (Harvey 2000). In sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and parts of Asia, urbanisation-without-growth is actually the legacy of a global political conjuncture, the debt crisis of the late 1970s and the subsequent IMF-led restructuring of the economies of the developing countries in the 1980s. Third World urbanisation continued its breakneck pace (3.8% per annum between 1960 and 93) through the years of the 1980s and the early 1990s, in spite of falling wages, soaring prices and skyrocketing urban unemployment (Gugler 1997, introduction). This problem of rapid urban

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sprawl in the context of structural adjustment, currency devaluation and state retrenchment is also typically associated with the growth of slums and squatters. Sometime in the next year, a woman will give birth in the Lagos slum of Ajegunle, a young man will flee his village in west Java for the bright lights of Jakarta, or a farmer will move his impoverished family into one of Lima’s innumerable pueblos jovenes. The exact event is unimportant and it will pass entirely unnoticed. Nonetheless it will constitute a watershed in human history. For the first time the urban population of the earth will outnumber the rural. Indeed, given the imprecisions of the Third World censuses, this epochal transition may already have occurred. (Davis 2004, 5).

These are followed by protests (Escobar 1992), but they are not yet well-grounded. In our particular case study, where we have traced the emergence of urban environmentalism, it is to be remembered that the wetland conservation movement was not led by the inhabitants—mainly the farmers and fishers of the area (whose lives were personally affected by induced urbanisation)—but rather by the bureaucrats and the NGOs, with some grassroots contacts mobilizing awareness among the urban public.

Conclusion In recent decades, the developing world has suffered from serious losses of agricultural and forest land on the urban fringes, occasioned by the tremendous growth of cities and the heavy demand for wood fuel (Furedy & Ghosh 1984). Maintaining food production on lands around urban areas is essential for the long-term survival of city dwellers. Protecting these lands from housing and industrial development and guaranteeing landless urban dwellers access to cultivable land are essential components in the development of successful strategies for urban food production. The understanding of the importance of the EKW as the waste management system, and the recognition of low-cost indigenous technology practised here, can stimulate a conservationist urge for this ecosystem.

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Appendix 1 Statutory and Legal Intervention to Save and Protect the EKW Source: www.rainwaterharvesting.org/kolkata/kolkata_wetlands.htm (accessed February 11, 2011) 1992: Writ petition By PUBLIC; prohibited changes of land use in the Waste Recycling Region of the wetland area. 1995: PUBLIC accused leading government officials of contempt of court for not safeguarding the wetlands. 2002: EKW designated as the Ramsar site. 2004: Association of tanners approached the state government to operate the effluent treatment plant. 2005: East Kolkata Wetland Management Act was formulated to demarcate the boundaries of the wetlands as well as to take measures to stop, undo or prevent any unauthorized development project or illegal use of the wetlands. 2006: East Kolkata Wetlands Conservation and Management Bill, aiming at 12,571 hectares of land for the EKW, was passed. 2008: An Order was passed for issuing licenses or sanctioning building plans for commercial activities without clearance from the EKWMA.

References Alam M. et al. (2003). “An Overview of the Sedimentary Geology of the Bengal Basin in Relation to the Regional Tectonic Framework and Basin-fill History.” Sedimentary Geology 155 (3–4): 179–208. Bookchin, M. (1982). The Ecology of Freedom: The Emergence and Dissolution of Hierarchy. Palo Alto, California: Cheshire Books. Chattopadhyay, K. (2000). “Environmental Conservation and Valuation of East Calcutta Wetlands,” funded by Environmental Economics Research Committee. World Bank Aided India: Environmental Management Capacity Building Programme. Chattopadhyaya, H. (1990). From Marsh to Township East of Calcutta: A Tale of Salt Water Lake and Salt Lake. Calcutta: K. P. Bagchi and Company. Clark, W. (1855). System of Sewers for the Drainage. Calcutta: Sanders, Cones and Co.

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CMDA. (1976). Area Development Strategy for Salt Lake Township (Bidhannagar). Report no. 6. Calcutta: Metropolitan Planning Circle, Directorate of Planning, CMDA. CMPO. 1966. Basic Development Plan for the Calcutta Metropolitan District 1966–86. Calcutta: Development and Planning Department, CMPO. Dasgupta, A. (2003). Drainage Disposal of the Metropolis of Kolkata & its Environs. Calcutta: Irrigation & Waterways Directorate. Davis, M. (2004). “Planet of Slums: Urban Involution and the Informal Proletariat.” New Left Review 26: 5–34. Dembowski, H. (2001). Taking the State to Court: Public Interest Litigation and the Public Sphere in Metropolitan India. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Department of Irrigation and Waterways. (1947). Report of the Committee to Enquire into the Drainage Condition of Calcutta and Adjoining Area, 1945. Calcutta: Bengal Government Press. East Kolkata Wetlands Management Authority and Wetlands International. (2010). East Kolkata Wetlands Newsletter, November (New Delhi: The Print Shop). http://www.wetlands.org (accessed May 10, 2012). Escobar, A. (1992). “Imagining a Post-Development Era? Critical Thought, Development and Social Movements.” Social Text 31/32: 20–56. —. (1995). Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Furedy C. & D. Ghosh. (1984). “Resource-Conserving Traditions and Waste Disposal.” Conservation and Recycling 7 (2–4): 159–165. Ghosh D. (2005). Ecology and Traditional Wetland Practice: Lessons from Wastewater Utilisation in the East Calcutta Wetlands. Calcutta: Worldview. —. (2009). “Nature strikes back—I.” The Sunday Statesman, November 29, 6. Ghosh, D. & S. Sen. (1987). “Ecological History of Calcutta’s Wetlands Conversion.” Environmental Conservation 14 (3) 219–226. Gugler, J. (ed.). (1997). Cities in the Developing World: Issues, Theory and Policy. New York: Oxford University Press. Gupta G. (2005). Urban Wastewater: Livelihoods, Health and Environmental Impacts in India, The Case of the East Calcutta Wetlands. New Delhi: Winrock International. Harpham, T. & C. Stephens. (1991). “Urbanisation and Health in Developing Countries.” World Health Stat Q 44 (2): 62–9.

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Harvey, D. (1985). The Urbanization of Capital. Oxford: Blackwell. Hunter, W. W. (1875). A Statistical Account of Bengal. London: Trubner and Co.Mahadevia D. (2001). “Sustainable Urban Development in India: An Inclusive Perspective.” Development in Practice 11 (2–3): 242–259. —. (2000). Possible Urban Worlds. The Fourth Megacity Lecture. Amersfoort, Netherlands: Twynstra Gudde Management Consultants. Inglis, W. A. (1909). The Canals and Flood Banks of Bengal. Calcutta: The Bengal Secretariat Press. Marathe, E. V. (2001). “Modern City Form and the Problem of Urban Sprawl.” In H. S. Sudhira, T. V. Ramachandra and M. H. Bala Subrahmanya, Urban Sprawl Management: Need for an Integrated Spatial Planning Support System. Available at: http://wgbis.ces.iisc.ernet.in/biodiversity/pubs/ces_tr/TR119_HSS2007 /HSS_Urban%20Sprawl%20and%20SPSS,%20Technical%20Report_ 200707.pdf Rainwater Harvesting, http://www.rainwaterharvesting.org/kolkata/kolkata_wetlands.htm (accessed February 11, 2011). Ramsar Convention, http://www.ramsar.org, date accessed (March 23, 2009). Roy S. K. & K. Roy. (1990). “Planning for Action: The CMDA’s Involvement.” In J. Racine (ed.), Calcutta 1981: The City, its Crisis, and the Debate on Urban Planning and Development. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. Uddin, A. & N. Lundberg. (2004). “Miocene Sedimentation and Subsidence during Continent–continent Collision, Bengal Basin, Bangladesh.” Sedimentary Geology 164: 131–146. —. (1976). East Calcutta Development Strategy and Action Plan, Report no. 29. Calcutta: Metropolitan Planning Circle, Directorate of Planning, CMDA. —. (1990). Plan for Metropolitan Development, 1990–2015. Calcutta: CMDA.

Notes 1. Calcutta is pronounced “Kolkata” in the local Bengali language. In 2001, its official English name was changed from Calcutta to Kolkata as a move to erase the legacy of colonial rule. In this chapter, although we have used the new official name, at times the old name also appears in reports while citing municipal organizations, areas, etc.

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Mega-urbanization in Eastern Kolkata: Vision and Reality

2. A cottah (also spelled katha) is an area unit in Bangladesh and India approximately equal to 1/20 of a bigha. In West Bengal, the bigha was standardized under British colonial rule at 0.3306 acre, often interpreted as being one third of an acre. 3. A keystone ecosystem consists of keystone species that play a great role in maintaining the ecosystem structure and function more beneficially on the basis of their relative abundance or biomass. “If the proposed keystone service be ‘removed’ from a particular ecosystem setting, the landscape’s response will be in terms of altered disturbance regimes, new patch dynamic equilibria, including loss of integrity and/or dominant species” (Ghosh 2005, 60–1). 4. Bheris imply sewage-fed ponds in the EKW where numerous species of fish are farmed. 5. Under Article 3.1 of the Ramsar Convention, the Contracting Parties agreed to “formulate and implement their planning so as to promote the conservation of the wetlands included in the List, and as far as possible the wise use of wetlands in their territory.” The “wise use” concept was applied to all wetlands and water resources in a contracting party’s territory to ensure that wetlands can continue to deliver their vital role in supporting the maintenance of biological diversity and human well-being.

Acknowledgement The authors would like to thank Heather Goodall, Professor of History, University of Technology, Sydney, Australia and co-editor of Conservation and Society for providing detailed review comments and suggestions to enrich this chapter.

CONTRIBUTORS Dr. (Mrs.) Sumita Chaudhuri, Former UGC Research Scientist, Department of Anthropology, University of Calcutta, 28, Prince Anwar Shah Road, Flat 4A, Kolkata - 700 033, India. [email protected] www.sumitachaudhuri.com Dr. Anjali Kurane, Professor & Head, Department of Anthropology, University of Pune, Pune -411007. India. [email protected] Ashok Bhairi,Department of Anthropology, University of Pune. India. [email protected] Aritra Samajdar, Scholar in Social Anthropology from University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad, India. [email protected] Dr. Jesurathnam Devarapalli, Department of Anthropology, Pondicherry University, Puducherry 605014, India. [email protected] Prof.Talbot Rogers is an associate professor at Lincoln Memorial University (USA). [email protected] Dr.Alyson Lerma, Tennessee (USA). [email protected] Dr.Corina Escoto. [email protected] Dr. Suchismita Sen Chowdhury, Research Investigator, Cultural Research Institute,Govt.ofWestBengal.Kolkata, India. [email protected] Prof. Malabika Dasgupta, Honorary Visiting Professor of Economics, Institute of Development Studies Kolkata, Honorary Associate, Centre for Urban Economic Studies, Department of Economics, University of Calcutta, [email protected] Thambi Durai Thangavel, Research Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Pondicherry University, Puducherry 605014. India. [email protected]

186

Contributors

Sanjay K. Roy, Professor, Department of Sociology, North Bengal University, Dist. Darjeeling, West Bengal, India, Pin – 734 013. [email protected] Mohit Rajan, Doctoral Research Scholar, Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi, Delhi, India Pin: 244302. [email protected] Professor José G. Vargas-Hernández, M.B.A. Ph.D. Research Professor, University Center for Economic and Managerial Sciences, University of Guadalajara, Mexico. [email protected] Jenia Mukherjee, Assistant Professor of History, Institute of Development Studies, Kolkata, India. [email protected] Amlan Kanti Ray, Research Coordinator, Spectrum Clinic & Endoscopy Research Institute, Kolkata, India. [email protected]

INDEX

Adaptation, 2, 3, 18, 20, 21, 25, 26 Adaptive Norms, 10, 11, 12, 14 Adjustment, 9, 10, 14, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 81, 176, 180 Agrarian Economy, 23, 139 Alien Culture, 3 Alyson Lerma, 4, 59 Amlan Roy, 6, 167, Anjali Kurane, 3, 18, Archaeology, 110, 115 Aritra Samajdar, 4,40 Ashok Bhairi, 18 Atomized Individual, 146 Baidyabati, 43, 44, 45, 48, 53, 4, 50, 54 Bangladesh, 43, 1, 20, 43, 92, 100, 136, 168, 183, 184 Basic Development Plan (BDP) 182 Bell, D., 42, 57 Berhampore, 43 Bhadralok, 47 Bidyadhari, 169, 171 Biracial, 42 Black Town, 115 Brahmadeya, 113 Burdwan, 48 Calculative Rationalism 125, 135 Calcutta Environmental Management Strategy And Action Plan (CEMSAP) 175 Calcutta Metropolitan Development Authority (CMDA) 175 Calcutta Metropolitan District (CMD) Calcutta Metropolitan Planning Organization (CMPO) 173 Calcutta Slums, 140 Capitalist Mode Of Production, 123

Careers, 154 Caste Divide, 143 Caste 3, 9, 11, 12, 22, 23, 33, 36, 43, 47, 108, 115, 115, 143, 145 Casual Labour 7, 9, 80, 82, 91 Chandmoni Tea Estate, 134 Chennai, 78, 79, 80, 90, 91, 116, 117 Chiefs, 107 Child Care, 51, 52 City, 2, 5, 7, 8, 9, 25, 31, 38, 51, 52, 78, 79, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 125, 126, 156, 171, 174 Civilisation, 110, 111 Class Division, 116 Class Struggle, 131 Collective Consumption, 128, 129, 138 Collier, J. F., 55, 57 Colonized State, 124 Commodification of Land, 135 Common Residence, 41, 151 Communal Politics, 142 Communists, 107 Community, 3, 10, 14, 19, 21, 25, 28, 36, 84, 126, 135, 159, 163, 164, 165, 173 Conflict, 5, 23, 24, 53, 65, 70, 77, 113, 114, 124, 126, 127, 128, 130, 137 Construction Labour, 48, 49, 52, 119 Consumer Fetishism, 131 Consumerism, 144, 146, 147 Consumption of Space, 131 Corina Escoto, 4, 59 Corporate Capital, 140

188 Corporate Culture, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 155, 156 Crawford, J. M., 42, 57 Crystallisation, 10, 12 Cultural Adaptation, 2 Cultural Growth, 40, 139 Cultural Identities, 61, 142 Cultural Prop, 8 DalitUpper, 143 De Souza, 113, 116, 117, 118, 121 Decolonization Drive, 137 Democratic Decentralisation, 84 Deteriorated Lifestyles, 5 Development, 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 13, 25, 26, 38, 40, 49, 58, 75, 86, 87, 97, 107, 108, 111, 121, 125, 126, 128, 132, 133, 134, 139, 141, 145, 146, 150, 156, 159, 160, 161, 172 Development Perspective Plan, 177 Dhapa, 169, 170, 171 Disadvantaged People, 43 Discrimination, 4, 66, 78, 79 Disenfranchisement of the Poor, 147 Disinheritance Displacement, 77 Displacement, 77, 112, 135, 147, 173 Domestic Reproductive Work, 51 Dravidan-Marathi Divide, 143 Drinking Water, 44, 117, 118, 119 East Kolkata Wetland Management Authority (EKWMA), 175 East Kolkata Wetlands (EKW), 167, 171 East Pakistan, 20, 43, 100, 106 Eastern Metropolitan Bypass, 141, 172 Eastern Railway, 44 Ecological Conditions, 9 Economic Cooperation, 41 Efficient Organizations, 6, 158 Employment, 2, 7, 9, 19, 27, 43, 48, 51, 52, 53, 68, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87 Entrepreneurship, 2 Expansion Of Eastern Calcutta, 141

Index Extremism, 102 Family, 11, 25, 29, 32, 34, 35, 37, 42, 55, 56, 68, 69, 72, 77, 82, 83, 84, 85, 120, 126, 137, 150, 162, 180 Family Values, 155, 156 Faust, 111, 112, 113, 114, 117, 121 Feminisation, 81 Fertility, 62, 63, 78, 83 Frusterburg, F. E., 50, 57 Gender, 2, 4, 37, 50, 51, 53, 57, 58, 74, 78, 80, 81, 83, 141 Gender Differential, 80 Gender, 50, 2, 4, 37, 50, 51, 53, 57, 58, 74, 78, 80, 81, 83, 141 Global Culture, 131, 142 Global, 40, 1, 2, 60, 66, 70, 130, 132, 136, 137, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144, 145, 147 Globalization 150, 151, 155, 156, 1, 5, 132, 138, 139, 140, 142, 143, 145 Goode, W. J., 40, 1, 50, 57 Governmentality, 133 Group Solidarity 12, 13 Gupta, Dr. Madhusudan, 44 Handcrafts, 1, 161, 162, 6 Hawking, 81, 82, 119 Hindu, 43, 142, 143, 156, 8, 10, 26, 28, 34, 37, 43, Hinduvta Politics 143 Hispanics, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67 Homosexual, 42 Hooghly District, 44 Household, 40, 42, 53, 56, 151, 154, 1, 23, 43, 45, 46, 25, 53, 54, 56, 76, 82, 85, 88, 117, 119, 120 Housing And Urban Development Corporation (HUDCO) 178 Howrah-Bandel, 44 Human Degradation, 8 Human Development, 1, 40, Human Geography, 61 Hunting And Gathering Bands, 40, 1 Ideal And Real, 41

Facets of Urbanisation: Views from Anthropology Immigration, 1, 4, 62, 63, 64, 65, 70, 72 Impoverished Culture, 11 Indian Family, 57, 58, 151, 156, 5 Indo-Pakistan War, 43 Industrial Proletariat 124, 146 Industrial Society, 40 Inequality, 115, 72, 86, 116, 138 Informal Employment, 81, 87 Informal Sector, 1, 5, 13, 75, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 119, 120, 124, 137, 145, 146, 179, Insecurity, 45, 54, 119, 121, 8, 27 Institute Of Wetland Management And Ecological Design (IWMED), 175 Institution, 1, 4, 8, 11, 24, 34, 40, 41, 42, 43, 56, 63, 64, 67, 72, 106, 127, 128, 132, 133, 134, 142, 150, 151, 159, 161, 162

Interfaces 1, 151 International Border, 43 International Development Association (IDA) 178 Jenia Mukherjee, 6, 167 Jesurathnam Devarapalli, 4,5,40, 110 José G. Vargas-Hernandez 6, 158 Kapadia, K. M., 41 Karve, I., 41 Kin, 42, 51, 54 Kolkata, 1, 6, 8, 9, 14, 15, 43, 44, 48, 78, 80, 90, 91, 134, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 183

Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority, 134 Labour Market 15, 78, 81, 85 Labourers 27, 48, 50, 52, 79, 80, 81,

82, 106, 107, 119, 2, 3, 4 Lalgola, 43 Lamphere, L., 55 Land Use And Development Control Plan (LUDCP) 176

Language 21, 23, 24, 29, 31, 34, 60, 63, 66, 115, 143, 183, 2, 3 Latin America 1, 61, 62, 63, 179, 4

189

Leach, E., 42 Levi-Strauss, C., 41, 42 Liberalization 5 Life Cycle Ceremonies, 35 Linton, R., 50 Live Together, 42, 115 Livelihood, 6, 8, 53, 56, 106, 116, 146, 1, 168, 173, 182 Lord Sri Chaitanya, 44 Low Representation 96, 97 Madan, T. N., 40 Maharashtra Navnirman Sena 143 Maid Servant, 49, 51, 53 Malabika Das Gupta 5, 92 Malinowski, B., 55, 50, 56, 58 Manufacturing 26, 79, 80, 82, 86, 106, 140, 162, 163 Marathi Sub-Nationalism 142 Marathi-North Indian Divide 143 Marital Fragmentation, 54 Marriage, 41, 42, 43, 56, 11, 22, 25, 30, 34, 35, 36, 37, 41, 42, 43, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56, 76, 77, 85, 88, Mass Migration, 113, Maternal Relatives, 11 Matrifocal, 11 Mcdaniel, S. H., 42 Mcdonaldization 146 Mega-Cities, 2, 83, 120 Mega-Urbanization, 6 Mental Space Of The Urbanites, 123, 124, 146 Microbusiness, 158 Micropolitics of Resistance 131 Middle Class 132, 134, 135, 136, 138, 146, 150, 155, 172, 179, 120 Migrant, 4, 9, 12, 19, 20, 25, 43, 50, 51, 52 Migration, 2, 3, 4, 8, 19, 20, 25, 26, 31, 56, 61, 69, 74, 75, 76, 99, 110, 111, 112, 115, 116, 119, 138, 143 Mohit Rajan, 5, 149 Mojados, 61, 68, 70

190 Moral Laxity , 11 Multinational Companies (MNCS), 134, 150, 151 Municipal Governance, 84, Murdock, G. P., 40, 41, 151 Murshidabad District, 43 Murshidabadi, 43, 48 Murshidabadibasti, 43, 44, 46, 48, 55, 56 Namo Para, 44 National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO), 81 Nativist Politics, 142, 143 Natural Environment, 40 Nehru, 137, 138 Nehruvian Scheme Of Development , 137 New Urban Sociology, 128, 131 Nomadism 110, 112 North America, 56, 69, Occupation, 23, 25, 30, 49, 60, 74, 113, 114, 115, 116, 119, 120, 145, 167 Offspring, 41, 47, 63 Orum 111, 113, 114 Padmashali, 3, 18, 21, 23, 24, 25, 27 Pap, 8 Parrillo 114, 115 Parsons, T., 49 Patriarchal Authority, 81 Pithas, 10 Plan For Metropolitan Development, 1990–-2015, 117 Planning, 84, 128, 132, 138 Plato, 41 Political Construction of Space, 131 Political Organization, 31 Popenoe, D., 56 Population And Territory 110 Population Density, 115, 116, 119, 120 Population, 149, 150, 160, 167, 172, 179 Post-Colonial Urban, 137, 142 Postmodern Anthropology, 56 Process Of Urbanization, 4, 140

Index Profitable Use” Of Urban Land, 133 Programme, 81, 84, 142, 169, 177 Proletariat, 146 Pull Factor, 10, 11, 18, 19, 26, 62 Pull Factors, 19, 26, 77, 82 Punya, 8 Radcliffe-Brown, A. R., 50 Ramsar Site, 175 Rationalization, 125, 146 Reclamation, 168, 170, 171, 172 Religious Identities, 142 Religious Institutions, 34, 132 Reproduction Of The Labour Force, 128 Reproduction, 41, 123, 124, 125, 133 Resettlement 112, 11, 140 Resource, 15, 41, 43, 49, 53, 82, 110, 112, 113 Revolutionary Forces, 131 Role, 50, 128, 144, 149 Rosaldo, M. Z., 55 Salt Lake, 141, 167, 169, 172, 173 Salt Water Lakes, 168, 169, 170, Same Sex Partner, 42 Sanitation, 9, 14, 117, 118, 120 Sanjay K. Roy, 5, 123 Sanskritization, 23, 47 Scheduled Caste, 43 Scheduled Tribes, 2, 92, 96 Security 112, 113, 117, 119 Semi-Feudal Forces, 138 Semi-Proletariat, 5, 124, 146 Settlement 7, 9, 12, 14, 15, 18, 27, 43, 77, 110, 111, 112, 114, 116, 117, 118, 119 Sex, 41, 50, 52, 66 Sexual Relationship, 41 Shah, A. M., 40 Shiv Sena, 142 Siliguri Jalpaiguri Development Authority, 134 Sim, Cheng., 40 Single Member Family, 46 Single Parent, 42

Facets of Urbanisation: Views from Anthropology Slum 46, 50, 77, 110, 114, 116, 117, 118, 119 Slum Dwellers, 5, 110, 119, 146, Social Security Benefits, 81, 82 Social Desires, 152, 155 Social Development, 40 Social Environment, 44 Social Inequalities, 132 Social Institutions, 11, 34 Social Ostracism, 10 Social Scenario, 40 Social Stratification, 123 Society, 124, 125, 126, 127, 130, 140, 146 Socio-Cultural, 4, 11, 125, 149 South America, 56, 60 Southern San Sebastian, 6, 158, 160 Squatter Settlements, 9, 117, 132, 136, 137, 140, 147 Stack, C. B., 42 Status, 20, 25, 31, 42, 50, 63, 64, 79, 116, 117 Strathern, M., 55 Structural Adjustment, 81, 176, 180 Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPS), 176 Structure And Function, 3, 40, 43, Structure, 4, 40, 42, 46, 50, 63, 111 Suburb, 43, 46, 48 Suchismita Sen Chowdhury, 4, 74 Sumita Chaudhuri, 1, 4, 7 Surplus Generation, 123 Talbot Rogers, 4, 59 Tarakeswar, 48 Thambi Durai Thangavel, 5, 110 The Indigenous, 96, 140 The Production Of Space, 129, 130, 133

191

Third World, 15, 179, 180 Tittytainment, 146 Tule Grass, 6 Tulsi, 33, 37, 155 Undocumented, 59, 60, 63, 66, 69 United Nations, 75, 85, 176, Unskilled Labour, 3, 4, 82, Upar Para, 44 Urban Development, 2, 7, 74, 83, 85, 133, 134 Urban, 1, 2, 3, 13, 43, 62, 74, 80, 83, 92, 113, 119 Urban Growth, 74, 92, 97, 113, 167,

Urban Planning, 84, 128, 132, 145, Urban Poor, 3, 8, 9, 13, 14, 15, 136, 137, 140, 146 Urban Space, 2, 5, 113, 115, 120, 124, 126, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135 Urbanisation 1, 2, 74, 75, 77, 78, 111, 112, 113, 116, 118, 119, 120, 137, Village 20, 23, 25, 27, 43, 48, 51, 54, 56, 109, 111, 112, 113, 119 Wage Earning, 51 Waste Management System, 180 West Bengal, 76, 106, 136, 168, 174, 184, 186 Westernization, 47 Wetlands, 133, 167, 168, 171, 174, 175 Work Participation Rate (WPR), 75, 79, 91 Working Couples, 6 World Bank, 176, 178, Writh, L, 40 Yanagiasko, S. J., 55