Excavations at Kasteelberg and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa 9781841719696, 9781407329932

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BAR S1537 2006  SMITH  EXCAVATIONS AT KASTEELBERG

Cambridge Monographs in African Archaeology 66 Series Editors: John Alexander and Laurence Smith

Excavations at Kasteelberg and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa Andrew B. Smith

BAR International Series 1537 B A R

2006

Cambridge Monographs in African Archaeology 66 Series Editors: John Alexander and Laurence Smith

Excavations at Kasteelberg and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa Andrew B. Smith

BAR International Series 1537 2006

ISBN 9781841719696 paperback ISBN 9781407329932 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841719696 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

Table of Contents Preface ..................................................................................................................... iv Chapter 1: Herders at the Cape: Some Theoretical Underpinnings ......................... 1 Chapter 2: The ‘Invisible’ Hottentot........................................................................... 8 Chapter 3: Articulating a Research Design............................................................. 13 Chapter 4: Excavations at Kasteelberg................................................................... 19 Chapter 5: Other Sites on the Vredenburg and Churchaven Peninsulas ............... 53 Chapter 6: Kasteelberg within the Vredenburg Peninsula of the past 2000 years ....................................................................................... 63 Chapter 7: Debate on the Origins of Herding Societies in South Africa ................. 67 Appendix A: The seals of Kasteelberg: seasonal indicators for pastoral occupation (by Stephan Woodborne) ................................................................ 72 Appendix B: Availability and storage of marine mammal meat on the Vredenburg Peninsula (by Andrew B. Smith & Stephan Woodborne)......... 77 Appendix C: Domestic space on Kasteelberg herder sites (by Belinda Mütti) ....... 79 References .............................................................................................................. 95 List of Figures Fig. 1.1: Distribution of tsetse and possible route of entry of sheep and ceramics into southern Africa, c.2000 BP..................................................... 3 Fig. 1.2: Khoekhoen by Hans Burgkmair 1508 ......................................................... 3 Fig. 3.1: Rainfall Southwestern Cape ..................................................................... 14 Fig. 3.2: Monthly rainfall figures (1931-1960) for three stations in the Southwestern Cape.................................................................................. 15 Fig. 3.3: Estimates of Khoekhoe transhumance in Southwestern Cape before 1655 ........................................................................................................ 16 Fig. 4.1: Vredenburg Peninsula and location of sites reported here....................... 20 Fig. 4.2: Four of excavated sites at Kasteelberg..................................................... 21 Fig. 4.3: KBA: excavated area ................................................................................ 21 Fig. 4.4: KBA: west section square 22a’ ................................................................. 22 Fig. 4.5: KBA: section across squares 20c’-A20..................................................... 22 Fig. 4.6: KBA: stratigraphy square A19................................................................... 23 Fig. 4.7: Seriation of ceramics from KBA and KBB (from Sadr & Smith 1991)....... 25 Fig. 4.8: Spouted and lugged wares from the Vredenburg Peninsula (from Rudner 1968)............................................................................................ 26 Fig. 4.9: Various pottery types from the Vredenburg Peninsula (from Rudner 1968)............................................................................................ 27

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Fig. 4.10: Wall thickness of pottery from KBA and KBB ......................................... 28 Fig. 4.11: Decorated sherds from KBA and KBB (from Sadr & Smith 1991).......... 30 Fig. 4.12: KBB: west section square A3.................................................................. 32 Fig. 4.13: KBB: east section square A3 .................................................................. 32 Fig. 4.14: KBB: plan of site showing excavated area.............................................. 33 Fig. 4.15: KBB: 1 metre sections at 5 metre intervals along grid line F .................. 33 Fig. 4.16: KBB: stratigraphy of test pits (TP1-TP6)................................................. 34 Fig. 4.17: KBB: stratigraphy of test pits (TP7-TP9)................................................. 34 Fig. 4.18: KBB: north section (main excavation)..................................................... 35 Fig. 4.19: KBB: south section (main excavation) .................................................... 35 Fig. 4.20: KBB: ceramic lugs and bosses ............................................................... 37 Fig. 4.21: KBB: decorated sherds and rim profiles ................................................. 38 Fig. 4.22: KBB: small pot from F5: DBSWS............................................................ 41 Fig. 4.23: KBB: stone raw materials........................................................................ 41 Fig. 4.24: KBB: portable grooved stone (two sides)................................................ 41 Fig. 4.25: KBB: grooved/grindstone/bored stone fragments................................... 41 Fig. 4.26: KBB: bone tools ...................................................................................... 42 Fig. 4.27: KBB: ostrich eggshell beads ................................................................... 42 Fig. 4.28: KBB: bone tools ...................................................................................... 42 Fig. 4.29: KBB: polished and worn Raphicerus metapodial, probably used as a bridle part through an ox’s septum, as shown in the late 17th century drawing (from Smith & Pheiffer (1993: plate 15)................................................ 43 Fig. 4.30: KBC: view of shelter................................................................................ 48 Fig. 4.31: KBC: floor plan and location of excavation ............................................. 49 Fig. 4.32: KBC: observed stratigraphy with excavated spits................................... 49 Fig. 4.33: KBE: section drawing .............................................................................. 51 Fig. 5.1: Witklip: with Kasteelberg on skyline behind .............................................. 54 Fig. 5.2: Witklip: excavation in progress ................................................................. 54 Fig. 5.3: Witklip: plan of rockshelter ........................................................................ 55 Fig. 5.4: Witklip: section drawing............................................................................. 55 Fig. 7.1: Comparison of excavated material between Kasteelberg and Witklip...... 70 Fig. A.1: Seal mandible measurement systems...................................................... 73 Fig. A.2: KBB: seal age (mortality) profiles ............................................................. 74 Fig. A.3: KBB: seal seasonality by gender (combined levels) ................................ 75 Fig. A.4: KBB: seal seasonality by cohort and combined levels ............................. 76 Fig. B.1: Earth’s magnetic field along St Helena Bay coastline, and site of cetacean strandings ......................................................................... 78 Fig. B.2: Total bacteria counts for seal meat specimens buried in beach environment......................................................................................... 78 Fig. C.1: Burchell’s (1822) drawing of a Khoekhoe camp, and an attempt to show it in plan form (from Parkington & Mills 1991) ...................................... 80 Fig. C.2: KBB, layer 4 (FM/CS, 45 cm depth): plot of bone fabrication surface (from Smith & Poggenpoel 1988).......................................................... 80 Fig. C.3: KBB, layer 11 (GWSSWS) ....................................................................... 85 Fig. C.4: KBB, layer 12 (BSM/LBSWS)................................................................... 86 Fig. C.5: KBB, layer 13 (BSM) ................................................................................ 86 Fig. C.6: KBB, layer 16 (DBSWS/DBLWS/DBSLWFS) .......................................... 87 Fig. C.7: Area of Ju/’hoansi ash features (from Yellen 1977) ................................. 88 Fig. C.8: Area of modern pastoralist ash features (from Jacobsohn 1988; Archer 1994) ................................................................ 88 Fig. C.9: Area of KBB ash features ......................................................................... 88 Fig. C.10: Abandoned stock camp, Richtersveld, Northern Cape .......................... 93 Fig. C.11: Bell drawing (c.1830s) of a Namaqua camp .......................................... 93 Fig. C.12: Plan of stock camp at Richtersveld (after Archer 1994)......................... 94

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List of Tables Table 3.1: Historical observers around the Vredenburg Peninsula (1497-1653).... 14 Table 4.1: Granulometric analysis of Kasteelberg soils.......................................... 23 Table 4.2: KBA: dates ............................................................................................. 24 Table 4.3: KBA: stone raw materials....................................................................... 28 Table 4.4: KBA: stone artefacts .............................................................................. 29 Table 4.5: KBA: fauna ............................................................................................. 29 Table 4.6: KBA: shell from square 20c’................................................................... 31 Table 4.7: KBA: shell from square 22a’ .................................................................. 31 Table 4.8: KBB: dates ............................................................................................. 36 Table 4.9: KBB: stone artefacts .............................................................................. 39 Table 4.10: KBB: stone raw materials..................................................................... 40 Table 4.11: KBB: fauna ........................................................................................... 44 Table 4.12: KBB: shell from square A3................................................................... 46 Table 4.13: KBB: shell from square G6 .................................................................. 47 Table 4.14: Kasteelberg: isotopes from sheep bones ............................................ 48 Table 4.15: KBC: stone artefacts ............................................................................ 50 Table 4.16: KBC: fauna........................................................................................... 50 Table 4.17: KBE: fauna ........................................................................................... 51 Table 4.18: KBE: shell............................................................................................. 52 Table 5.1: Fauna from Paternoster A & B, and Vonk se Stal ................................. 57 Table 5.2: Steenberg’s Cove: fauna ....................................................................... 59 Table 5.3: Heuningklip: fauna. ................................................................................ 61 Table C.1: KBB, layer 11: artefacts/volume of deposit ........................................... 81 Table C.2: KBB, layer 12: artefacts/volume of deposit ........................................... 82 Table C.3: KBB, layer 13: artefacts/volume of deposit ........................................... 83 Table C.4: KBB, layer 16: artefacts/volume of deposit ........................................... 84

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PREFACE The research design underlying the work reported here is based on attempts to try to find the archaeology of the aboriginal herding people of the Cape: Khoekhoen (Khoikhoi, Quena = ‘Hottentots’). With the dating of sheep bones pushing back the age of domestic animals in the Cape to almost 2000 years ago (Schweitzer & Scott 1973) it became evident that the history of pastoralism at the Cape not only was probably of far greater antiquity than had hitherto been realised, but may well have changed significantly over this long period of time. My arrival here at the Cape in 1977 coincided with more and more supporting dates for these early stock keepers, and was an obvious research direction to add to my previous work on prehistoric pastoralism in North and West Africa (Smith 1974, 1992a, etc.). In 1983 I formulated a number of problems that faced a study of early pastoralism at the Cape (Smith 1983b), and offered direction on how these might be solved. Initial study in the drier interior regions of the northern Cape, while producing interesting results, found few sites which could be ascribed to herding activities, especially along the Orange River, known to have been one of the preferred pasture areas to people described historically (Beaumont et al. 1995). There can be little doubt that the domestic stock of southern Africa is derived from that introduced from further north, be it Eastern Africa (Phillipson 1993) or the Congo area (Denbow 1990). Since there is general agreement that the Khoekhoen were genetically derived from one of the three linguistic groups of the aboriginal hunting population of southern Africa, this leads to important questions, such as how and where did the transition from hunting to herding take place. Excavation at Kasteelberg, the prehistoric site containing the highest number of domestic faunal remains in the Cape, began in 1982. The site had already been reported as having both Middle Stone Age (Stillbay) and recent artifacts by Rudner (1968), as well as the many grinding hollows in granite bedrock that made the site unique. Since 1985, excavation has been conducted at several other sites in the Vredenburg Peninsula: namely Witklip (Smith et al. 1991), De Krans, Heuningklip, Eerste Mosselbank, Vonk se Stal and Steenberg's Cove (Jacobsohn 1985), as well as sites on the Churchhaven Peninsula on the edge of Saldanha Bay (Smith et al. 1991). An intensive survey for other sites was conducted by Karim Sadr et al. (1992) from which many more sites were identified (including another thirty around Kasteelberg), and Sadr has conducted a number of small excavations around Kasteelberg since 1999 (Sadr et al. 2003). These excavations have raised questions about assumptions of who the earliest herders may have been. The coastal area was probably only part of the seasonal round of prehistoric herders, but is all the more important because of its archaeological visibility, due to the amounts of shellfish exploited by the early inhabitants. Interior sites are notoriously difficult to find, perhaps due to the need for greater mobility by the people and fewer areas for the repeated reoccupation required for concentration of cultural debris. It is also a fact that it is in the interior that the greatest modern agricultural activity has taken place, and any sparse scattering of artefacts would be difficult to find in the deep ploughing done today. What is equally frustrating is that the period 800-200 BP is missing from our archaeological investigations at Kasteelberg. This is the period when the first colonists arrive at the Cape, so we have yet to fully explore the iv

changes that took place with the expanding colony, and the effects on herding people from an archaeological perspective (see Schrire 1988). The debate over the interpretation of the ceramic Later Stone Age archaeological record at the Cape has widened to encompass the relationships that existed among different groups. Can these be defined in cultural or economic terms, or, indeed, can we identify different archaeological signatures? The idea of more than one economic group in the landscape leads to questions of ethnic boundaries, as well as ideology and consciouesness of the ‘other’ (Smith 1998). It has also become clear that the picture we have of Khoekhoen from the historical records has not been duplicated in the archaeology of the Cape. The question of “who were the Khoekhoen” not only still eludes us, but we are aware that herding society at the Cape was a dynamic economic structure that changed through time.

KHOISAN ORTHOGRAPHY The new awareness of the importance of Khoisan languages stimulated by such public events as the Khoesaan Conference held in Cape Town in July 1997, has meant that a wide range of people, from descendants of Khoisan to history teachers, now would like to know how to write the languages correctly. For most African languages the correct orthography is a colonial construct, since few were actually written down, exceptions being tifinagh of the Tuareg, and Amharic of Ethiopians. Many of the people who speak African languages now have over a thousand years of contact with Islam, and their languages written in Arabic script, for example, Kotoko of Chad (Davidson 1992:254), Arabic-Malagasy (Domenichini-Ramiaramanana 1988:681) and Swahili. The first recorded Afrikaans was written in Arabic script (Davids 1993). Roman characters have been used to write eastern and southern African languages since contact with European colonists within the past 200 years. Such colonial intervention certainly pertains to the click languages of southern Africa. This is particularly true of Nama, which was being transcribed by missionaries in the early 19th century in the form of Biblical tracts. Published dictionaries first appeared in the mid-19th century. In A.B.Z.:Kannis (printed in Cape Town in 1845) ‘kho-in’ is translated as ‘men’ or ‘persons’; in Vocabular der Namaqua-Sprache (published in Barmen in 1854) ‘koib’ = man; and in Tindall’s A grammar and Vocabulary of the Namaqua-Hottentot Language (printed in Cape Town in 1857) ‘khoip’ = a man, and ‘khoi-khoip’ = a Hottentot. Krönlein (1889:209) continued this spelling with ‘khoi-khoin (repeated in Rust 1969:238), meaning ‘people’. Hahn (1881) dropped the final ‘-n’, and his spelling ‘Khoikhoi’ has tended to be used by academics, especially since Elphick’s (1977, 1985) seminal work. It is interesting to note that Meinhof (1930:86) used two spellings: Khoe-khoe-n-a = Hottentoten; Khoi-khoi-n = the Nama. Another version is that found in the Van Riebeeck journal entry for 31 October 1657 (Thom 1954:170): Quena. This is basically the same word using the accusative plural form ‘-na’: Que (Khoe) -na (people plural) = khoina (Rust 1965:19). With such a profusion of orthographic choice, it is little wonder that confusion exists about what should be considered the ‘correct’ spelling and usage. In order to simplify, and perhaps regularise the orthography, I would suggest the self-appelation of modern Nama speakers be recognised as the standard usage, and ‘Khoekhoen’ used as the collective term. ‘Khoekhoen’ is the currently recognised spelling for the communal, non-gender specific name meaning ‘people’, among the Naman of Namibia, and can be found in the Nama Dictionary compiled by the Department of African Languages, University of Namibia under the aegis of Wilfred Haacke (Haacke & Eiseb 2002). My preference would also be to use either Khoekhoe or Khoe as adjectives. According to Janette Deacon’s section on ‘What’s in a Name’ from the South African Cultural History Museum’s current exhibit on Khoekhoen, called ‘Kaan sa Hoega: Making Brothers to make Helpers’, Khoe “is pronounced a bit like the first three letters of the word ‘question’ in English, but with more of an ‘h’ sound at the beginning”. In many ways the use of San (Saan) or Bushman is more problematic. Sa-n means ‘forager people’ (non-gender plural) in Khoe. It also had the implication of a person without stock, and thus of lower status, and when domestic animals became much more easy to hunt than wild v

game, the name became associated with stock thieves. Bushman is a Dutch literal translation of this. Both names have been used pejoratively, but since there is no single self-appelation used among hunting people beyond their own group names, such as Ju/’hoansi, !Xo, G/wi, etc. we are forced by custom to use one or the other. It would seem this is really a matter of personal choice, as the hunters themselves use both names. Barnard (1992:7), would also like to retain the spelling ‘Khoisan’, since this is a foreign construct created by Schultze in 1928, and does not exist in Nama. The word refers to the linguistic or biological affinities of click speakers of Southern Africa, who are more closely related genetically than they are to other African populations, e.g. Bantu, Nilotes, Cushites, etc. Some linguists, such as Wilfred Haacke in Namibia, would suggest, however, that if we are going to accept Khoe as the root, we should go all the way and use Khoesaan as the general term. Although it is difficult for non-Khoisan speakers to get their tongues around the clicks there is a need to use the correct names for groups in the Western Cape. We might follow Traill (1995), and use !uri-//’ae instead of Goringhai, etc.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many people have assisted in this work over the years. I am particularly grateful to Mr & Mrs P.A. Kotze of the farm Rooiheuwel who have been consistently supportive and helpful in allowing us to excavate Kasteelberg on their farm. Several people gave generously of their time over several seasons of excavation: Denyse Avni, Margie Jacobsohn, Mary Patrick and Lita Webley. Cedric Poggenpoel did most of the digging and controlled the excavation of the bulk of KBB. John Parkington introduced me to the site in 1981. Royden Yates excavated KBC in 1984-5. Karim Sadr helped excavate KBE and Witklip, as well as conduct the survey around the peninsula. Stephan Woodborne did the detailed analysis of the seal bones, while Richard Klein and Kathy Cruz-Uribe the bulk of the faunal analysis. Graham Avery did the birds, Ed February the isotope analysis, Ann Cohen much of the shellfish, and Belinda Mütti helped with the drawings. John Vogel did the radiocarbon dating from the various sites. Ian Newton brought me up-to-date on the current literature on vegetation studies in the Vredenburg area. I would particularly like to thank Sona Buys, Harry Cleminshaw, Tom Lloyd-Evans, members of the South African Archaeological society who gave up many weekends to help, and to whom this book is gratefully dedicated. Thanks must also go to the many archaeology students from UCT who cheerfully assisted in the excavation and field sorting of the finds over several seasons.

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Chapter 1: Herders at the Cape: Some Theoretical Underpinnings

Chapter 1: HERDERS AT THE CAPE: SOME THEORETICAL UNDERPINNINGS While the underlying theme of this book is to look closely at the development of herding societies at the Cape, we must be aware of the social interaction that existed between different economic groups. The early colonists at the Cape wrote about two aboriginal groups existing in the southwestern Cape. These were referred to as ‘Hottentots’ (or sometimes their own name, such as Namaqua, Goringhaiqua, Gorachoqua, etc.), or even their collective name Khoekhoen, which meant ‘Real People’, and ‘Bushmen’ (Soaqua). The definition of ascription to either category was not without problems for observers, so much so, that for Gordon travelling at the end of the 18th century “Chinese, Bushmen and Namaquas” were all Hottentots, but they could be subdivided into “Bushmen and inlanders” (who had no cattle, but lived by hunting), and contrasted with people who had cattle (Smith & Pheiffer 1994: 34-35). Equally, to Burchell, travelling in 1811, his ‘Bushman Kraal’ was made up of huts with beautifully decorated mats (Burchell 1822-24:II:plate 4). At this point in history the name ‘Bushman’ or ‘Bushman-Hottentot’ or ‘wild Hottentots’, referred to people living off the veld, sometimes with domestic stock, as opposed to ‘tame Hottentots’ who worked for the colonists, spoke Dutch and wore western clothes.

Even at the beginning of the 21st century we might still stumble over a definition of Khoekhoen, but let us attempt to narrow down who these people were at the Cape. We do know they were probably the first of Africa's many herding people to be met by Europeans during the expansionism of the 15th/16th centuries. In the earliest accounts of Dias in 1488 and da Gama in 1497 (Raven-Hart 1967) contact was ephemeral and not particularly auspicious for future relations: Dias had to scare the herders around Mossel Bay away by gunfire when they began to stone the sailors who were taking water. This was the first of many mistakes by Europeans: water was controlled, but available for the asking. Europeans were perceived to be bad mannered for not asking permission first.

This confused perception, formed under conditions of refugees forced from their traditional land and livelihood to join with people away from colonial interference, has led several commentators to believe that the boundary between hunter and herder societies was permeable and easily crossed. Elphick (1977; 1985), for example, created a cyclical model of fortune whereby a man with stock was Khoekhoen (herder), but if he lost his stock through theft, disease or drought, he would revert to being Soaqua or hunter. Schrire & Deacon (1989) phrased this in archaeological terms by their interpretation of the indigenous artifacts recovered in the excavation of the small Dutch East India Company redoubt called Oudepost. Since these artifacts were no different from ones found on all the other Later Stone Age sites in the Cape, including those pre-dating the arrival of domestic stock at the Cape, and the ‘Hottentots’ were the people described as interacting with the Dutch occupants of the redoubt, it stood to reason that it was impossible to archaeologically

The Khoekhoen were described as having large herds of cattle, lived in clusters of mat houses, were smelly and stole from the Europeans. All these attributes were no doubt true, but need to be adequately phrased in modern anthropological terms. Smell is a cultural as well as an olfactory attribute. It is probable that the Dutch, who wore heavy clothes and did not wash very often, must have perspired freely in the African sun and were equally odorous. In addition all cultural property, with the exception of livestock, would have been held in common. The Khoekhoen would seldom have taken surreptitiously, at least in the beginning, and were basically acknowledging the wealth and status of the Dutch. Nothing taken would be held by a Khoekhoe individual for long. It would in turn be taken by someone else and passed on down the line. A clue to this can be seen in the following statement by one of the voyagers on the Lancaster expedition of 1601: “They will picke and steale, although you looke on them” (my emphasis)(Raven-Hart 1967: 24).

separate the two groups, so they should be considered as a single entity. Many questions exist about who the Khoekhoen were, where they came from and how they got to the Cape. There are few answers to these questions, and even though authors from Mentzel in 1787 (Marais & Hoge 1944) to Stow (1905) speculated on Khoekhoe origins, they had no historical or archaeological support for their hypotheses.

1

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

Thus we can probably view the Khoekhoen as not dissimilar to many other African herding people who have been studied by anthropologists. The Khoekhoen were virtually culturally extinct before any trained social scientist came over the horizon. The nearest an anthropologist got to Khoekhoe traditional life was Winifred Hoernlé around the time of the First World War, and even then she remarked: “It is obvious that the culture...is...in the last stages of decay...The people all claim to be Christians, and the influence of the Dutch, with whom they have long been in contact, can be traced in all of their institutions, even in their kinship system...the social organisation... (has) been gathered with great difficulty from the old headmen of the tribes, and much of it is little known to most of the younger generation” (Hoernlé 1925:8).

This is one of the strong arguments against hunters becoming herders. In becoming Tswana’ this problem is solved, but this is only the beginning. In order to become a herder the herd size must contain sufficient numbers of breeding animals to allow off-take for food, and not critically affect herd survival. To become a pastoralist, the animals must be built into the deep structures of symbolism and ritual. How long this might take will depend on many things: the strength of relationships with the donor society and degree of incorporation and possibly separation from the original social conditions of hunters. But, and this is crucial, not all hunters want to become herders, because of the social pressures, and the additional responsibility which reduces their freedom of movement. It is also relatively easy to incorporate into a polygynous society (such as African agro-pastoral social organisation) where wives might be expensive. Bridewealth payments for lower-status wives would probably be less.

Where the Khoekhoen originated is still a matter of conjecture. The only aspect of the argument which appears not to be questioned is that the Khoekhoen were derived from the aboriginal hunting population of southern Africa: the San or Bushmen. They spoke a click language reputedly similar to the Khoe-speaking Bushmen of Botswana today (Westphal 1963). These linguistic similarities between Botswana and the Cape led to hypotheses that it is to the area of where Zambia/Botswana/Angola come together at the Caprivi where we should look for Khoekhoe ancestors. Work in northern Botswana has shown that there is considerable antiquity in the appearance of domestic stock. The relationships between stock owners and hunters was initially found and appeared to at least as far back as 1600 BP (Denbow & Wilmsen 1986), and the first domestic stock initially appeared to coincide with the expansion of food-producing Iron Age farmers from the north. Recent archaeological work, however, has shown that domestic animals were already south of the Caprivi by 2000 BP, and in the Cape shortly thereafter, before any Iron Age people were to be found in South Africa. This does not rule out, however, the possibility of farmers or pastoralists north of the Caprivi as being the donors of the stock.

As will be suggested later, perhaps an intervening stage in the transition to food production by southern African foragers may have come via ‘delayed return’ hunters, whose social organisation allowed concepts of private and unequal ownership of resources. Having thus obtained the necessary stock to be viable herders, we can only speculate about how Khoekhoen society eventually ended up in the southwestern Cape. The earliest herders at the Cape seem to have been shepherds, and only later did cattle appear. We can postulate that at some time around 2000 years ago a group of Khoespeaking herders had learned husbandry skills, hived off from a donor group and moved towards the Cape, possibly down through Limpopo Province of South Africa to the Vaal/Orange drainage, and onto the Cape following the available river systems (Smith 2005) (fig. 1.1). HUNTER AND HERDERS IN THE SOUTHWESTERN CAPE

If, indeed, black African farmers were the donors of stock to the Khoekhoen, the question that concerns us here is not only how hunters became herders, but what social relationships existed between people practising the two economies, and how easy the transition might have been. As outlined elsewhere (Smith 1990a, 1990b) relationships between San and Tswana in Botswana have led to incorporation of the hunters into agro-pastoral society through inter-marriage. Tswana men take San wives and pay bridewealth in the form of stock. This is a one-way exchange of hypergyny. Tswana women do not marry ‘down’. Thus the San are absorbed into Tswana society as low-class members, to the extent that they will deny their cultural heritage and refer to themselves as ‘Tswana’.

Much of the underlying hypothesis of this study revolves around the question not only of pastoral adaptation to the coastal forelands of the Cape, but to the problem of ethnic identity and social relations between different economic and social groups. In a provocative paper, Humphreys (1994) has criticised the ethnic separation which depicted black African farmers, Khoekhoen herders and Bushmen hunters across the landscape of southern Africa as a colonial paradigm. He suggests that this picture of aboriginal identity was a condition of ‘otherness’ constructed by the colonial mind. There is no question that depictions of indigenous people were used ‘to keep them in their place’, i.e. to control them, but the question arises, were the categories only a colonial construct, or did the aboriginal people themselves also have a concept of ‘the other’.

This is an important point, since there are distinct differences in the relations of production between hunters and food-producers. Any animal products must be shared in San society, and domestic animals are treated like wild game in this respect. The only way a person can retain his animals without immediately slaughtering them is to go towards private ownership, an anathema in San society.

Parkington (1977, 1984) has already discussed in detail the historic evidence for ‘Soaqua’, seen variously as hunters and stock thieves by both early European colonists, e.g. Dapper in 1668 (Schapera & Farrington 1933:33), Kolb 2

Chapter 1: Herders at the Cape: Some Theoretical Underpinnings

Fig. 1.1: Distribution of tsetse and possible route of entry of sheep and ceramics into southern Africa, c.2000 BP.

(1731), etc. and the Khoekhoen, e.g. Schrijver 1689 (Mossop 1931:235, 241). The question of how ‘fixed’ this category of people was has been the basis of debate, starting with Elphick’s (1977:24) recognition that the name referred “not to specific bands but to a category of people scattered all over southern Africa”. He went on to discuss the perception that the relationship between hunters and herders seen in the 17th century documents later became “replaced in the 19th century by a conviction that ‘Hottentots’ and ‘Bushmen’ were two distinct peoples, each with its own language(s), culture, economy, and racial type” (ibid: 24). Such reification, according to Elphick, created distinctions which did not exist in reality, and he devised a cyclical model (ibid: 30-41) with which he stated that people seen with stock were herders on the upward part of the cycle, but when the stock were lost through theft, disease or drought, the herders could fall back on hunting and thus were on the downward part of the cycle. Thus, he concluded, they were not distinct people at all. Categorisation was simply their economic condition at any given moment in time. KHOEKHOEN/SOAQUA RELATIONSHIPS In the Western Cape Province of South Africa contact with aboriginal groups by Europeans began in the 15th century. The first depictions of Khoekhoen appeared in 1508 (Smith & Pasche 1997) (fig. 1.2), and it was from the Khoe that the early travellers obtained domestic animals in exchange for small pieces of iron. But it was apparent that not all the people had stock to exchange. This was first seen in the people met by Vasco da Gama at St Helena Bay in 1497. That these were different from the stock-keeping

Fig. 1.2: Khoekhoen by Hans Burgkmair 1508.

Khoe was not fully recognised until about 150 years later when the Dutch colony was set up at Table Bay. Initially the name given to the people living off marine resources at 3

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

Table Bay was the ‘Fishermen’, but on January 9th, 1653 we first encounter the name given to them by the Khoe: Soaqua or Sonqua (Thom 1952:127). Although there is some argument on who exactly the Soaqua were (see Elphick 1985), it is clear that the name was one given by the Khoe to those they considered ‘other’: Sa- person who gets his food from the bush; -qua people in Nama language, and was used pejoratively to refer to people without domestic animals, stock thieves or people in servile position (ibid:xxii).

THE PRE-COLONIAL PRODUCTIVE MODE An alternative way of looking at the historical data is to view it in greater anthropological terms and ask: are hunters different from herders? Using a Marxist approach to social formation we can look at the relations of production of each and see how compatible they might be. There is some discussion about whether hunting should be a separate mode of production from herding, both of which fall under Marx's ‘undeveloped’ stage of production in precapitalist societies (Hobsbawm 1964:122). The domestic mode of production (Sahlins 1972:78-86) or primitive communist mode of production, has been defined on the basis of the relations of production in interaction between individuals who form domestic groups. The material goods they produce are distributed directly among themselves. There is “an absence of classes, complex division of labour or accumulation of the product on a substantial scale by individuals or specific segments of the community” (Hall 1987). Even though this is seen as the most basic level of social formation, Marx still believed that all human societies had some inequitable structures, even hunter/ gatherer bands (Hobsbawm 1964:122-3). This he saw as an extension of the division of labour within the family. Mid19th century data suggested to Marx that the simplest form of ownership was tribal, and hunter/gatherers, herders and subsistence agriculturalists should all be included in a single mode of production, although “special kinds of conditions of production (for example, animal husbandry, agriculture) lead to the evolution of a special mode of production and special forces of production” (ibid: 94-5).

The relationship between the stock-keepers and stockless people varied between enmity, where, when caught, captives were killed without mercy (Thom 1952:127), to clientship or attachment to a particular group from whom food could be obtained in return for service. As described in the journal of Van der Stel’s journey to Namaqualand: “...we find that these Sonquas are just the same as the poor in Europe, each tribe of Hottentots having some of them and emplying them to bring news of the approach of a strange tribe” (Waterhouse 1932:122) and by Kolb (1731:I:76): “Sonquas are mercenaries to other Hottentot nations, serving for food”. There is the question of how independent the Sonqua were of the Khoekhoen. The hunters of the Cape may have been forced to modify their lifestyle after the introduction of domestic animals into Southern Africa c.2000 years ago, although archaeological research has indicated that two quite distinct economic entities operated in the Western Cape up to the colonial period (Smith et al. 1991). Analysis of the ostrich eggshell bead sizes does suggest that there was some transfer across the economic divide in the later period (Smith 1998). On the basis of archaeological observations of increased use of plant foods, Parkington (1984:172) has argued that “...the soaqua pattern of greater emphasis on gathering than on hunting arose at least in part as a response to the appearance of pastoralism in the landscape”. And since many of the sites from this period are small rock shelters in the mountains, we can infer that some of the hunter-gatherers were pushed onto the periphery of pastoral land use, perhaps even into using the mountains as refuges instead of the more productive (at least in an animal biomass sense) coastal forelands where the Khoekhoen were to be found.

Marx had no experience of societies that profess to be egalitarian, and where ‘ownership’ does not exist beyond personal tools. Ownership, of course, is a cultural perception, so we can suggest that societies which do not own property, such as domestic stock accrued on a sustained-yield basis, will, in all likelihood, be unable to structure their production in the same way as those where ownership of the means of production is in private or corporate hands. The concept of a ‘foraging mode of production’ has been suggested by Lee (1979:117) which he says is based on hunting of wild game animals, gathering wild plant foods and foraging for fish and shellfish. This mode of production, which he distinguishes from a mode of subsistence, is not just the ways of making a living, but ownership of the “factors of production (land. labour and tools), the way people organize around production, and the way products of labour are allocated...and widespread food sharing within and among local groups according to the principle of generalized reciprocity”.

The Sonqua had a number of services they could offer the Khoe. Some have already been mentioned, such as watchdogs to prevent a surprise attack by stock thieves, or as armed warriors. Other services included providing meat from wild animals, or honey. It is probable that they might also act as herdsmen, taking care of the stock of their patrons. This would have meant protecting them against predators, and making sure they were adequately watered. In return they would have been given milk and possibly the odd slaughter animal (male sheep, or a female beyond breeding age). What would have been denied them was breeding stock, especially cows in milk, as this potentially could have put them in competition with the Khoe for resources. It is also possible that they worked as rainmakers or healers as they are reported to have done among the black farmers in the eastern part of South Africa.

As I see it, the social relations of foraging and concomitant social formation is distinctly different from herding. This is most evident in the division of labour and role of the sexes. In African hunting/foraging societies the work done by women often brings in the bulk of the daily food used by the camp (see Lee 1969; 1979). As a result, the status of women matches her economic input, giving her a great deal of autonomy with issues affecting her family, as well 4

Chapter 1: Herders at the Cape: Some Theoretical Underpinnings

as her public role within the community (Leacock 1978). Ingold (2000) would go even further and suggest that hunters rely on ‘trust’ and sharing, not only among themselves on an egalitarian basis, but with the animals they hunt. The hunters expect the environment to offer all the resources they need, and so see themselves as integral parts of the environment without any attempt to dominate it. Any lack of ‘respect’ for prey animals, or sharing the meat within the social group, will prevent a hunter from being successful.

accrue surplus which can be used simply for bridewealth payments, or for wider exchange. This is suggested by Asad (1979:426) as “a non-capitalist mode of production in which there are different relations of production, binding a heterogeneous class of direct producers, most of whom are not yet separated from their means of production (free nomads, sharecroppers, and other agricultural tenants)”. This distinction must be seen as different from the theoretical dichotomy of ‘immediate’ versus ‘delayed’ return described by Woodburn (1988) who suggests that hunters with a concept of delaying consumption would be more predisposed to adopting either agriculture or pastoralism. But the crucial point is that until the relations of production have shifted to include a greater than purely economic role of commodities (that is in exchange, inheritance and symbolic value), hunters would continue to practise a foraging mode of production. In other words, the transformation in ideological terms separates the two productive systems.

Herding, by contrast, begins with ownership, and control of the animals. Ten Raa (1986:372) describes how Sandawe hunters of East Africa acquire cattle, but since hunting, and not herding, is highlighted in initiation ceremonies, the social organisation to defend property is not internalised, so the group becomes vulnerable to raiding. Ownership requires responsibility for herd maintenance, and even in the egalitarian segmentary lineage systems of East African pastoralists, it is “the reproduction of a part of the extra-domestic social relations that count among the conditions underlying the autonomy of the domestic production unit” (Lefébure 1979:3). Ownership is more often than not by the family or clan, whichever is the basic economic unit, led by a man with seniority acquired through patriliny and age. Thus decisions about the disposal or use of the herds has traditionally been seen as the domain of men, and although it is common for women of pastoral societies to mix freely with men, and have no hesitation in arguing for their interests. As Evans-Pritchard (1951:128) would have it “the cattle belong to the husband. It is the usual practice for a man to divide his cows among his wives, but they only have the use of them for milking and cannot dispose of them”. Similarly, among the Karimojong a woman's access to the herd is through her husband who gives her a milch cow for her use (Dyson-Hudson 1966). There is some debate on this issue, however. Hodgson (2000) sees colonial pressures resulting in loss of status for pastoral women.

MARGINALISATION ACROSS THE PRODUCTIVE MODE Having tried to show how hunting and herding societies are structured differently, I would like to use this theoretical difference to show how difficult it is for hunters to cross the productive mode threshhold to become herders, and also how herders can maintain hegemony over hunting people by forcing them into marginal social positions. The concept of marginalisation implies at least a dominant social group and a subordinate one. The barriers between these can be more or less permeable depending on the ideology of the power elite, and how much the dependent group has to offer. In his Phenomenology of Mind, Hegel stated the relationship that exists between Master and Bondsman, whereby each is chained to the other. “The essence of the Bondsman is to exist for another, not for self. But the Master also lacks true independence, since his independent existence...is mediated by the Bondsman” (Collins 1986:248). Hegel would even suggest that those with apparently the greatest choice, i.e. Masters, are encumbered by their position in having to deal with Bondsmen. Another way to look at this is to see the lower-status individual as necessary, not only for the Master's status and his consciousness as a ‘Master’, but as an integral part of a much larger social and economic whole. Without the lowstatus individuals there is no hierarchy, therefore no one above is needed to mediate disputes. Power exists in the unequal relationship: power that manifests itself in control over minds and resources.

These examples show that even in herding societies where women have a great deal of freedom, they are, to a degree, still constrained by men, although in Khoekhoen society, a young man is brought up to respect his womenfolk (Smith & Webley 2000). The separation of the sexes and status appear to be a function of the degree of control over distribution of the means of production. Where men control, or have the greatest say, women's status is reduced. Inequality in herding society may have social and political ramifications with men having control over women in both marriage and inheritance. Equally, there are differences in social organisation between hunter and herders. Barnard (1988), in his linguistic analysis of Khoe-speaking people, suggests that the Khoekhoen are hierarchical and patrilineal with complicated inheritance rules (Carstens 1983), whereas Khoe-speaking Bushmen are bilateral.

Two groups with different social formations at the level of the mode of production, that is, who were organised with significantly different relations of production and ideological reference points, will find the barrier to transition very difficult to cross. The ethos of herding, with its ‘future’ orientation, social and symbolic relations with

The subsistence mode of production may be seen as distinct from a foraging mode of production (see Lee 1979:117). The former would include societies that 5

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

domestic stock, political alliances over the control of water and pasture, private and corporate ownership of stock, etc., has little ideological relevance in hunting society. This does not deny that hunters may have their own symbolic relationships with animals or other aspects of the environment (e.g. totems), but these relationships are defined within different parameters.

to stealing domestic animals, and much of the historic record of the early colonial settlement at the Cape involved incidence of stock theft, either between different Khoekhoe groups or by the Soaqua. As Dapper described them in 1688 (Schapera & Farrington 1933:33): “They are extremely great plunderers and marauders. They steal from other Hottentots all the cattle they can get, with which they flee immediately to the mountains, where they cannot be found in their retreats and hidden caves by anybody, not even by other Hottentots.”

Just as Hegel saw the master/bondsman relationship as mediated by consciousness of each other, Galaty (1986) analyses the relations between hunters and herders of East Africa as an awareness by each group of the ‘other’ created “through understanding themselves in the negative terms of the other”. They have developed their own ‘anthropology’ of the other to accommodate the different roles that need to be played by the groups which make up the 'whole' of the ethnic mix. This, he says, allows the groups to “practice distinct modes of subsistence and interact with each other through limited channels and in only tentative accommodation” (ibid: 114).

IDEOLOGY & CONSCIOUSNESS The dominant group is perhaps very aware of its position, as it not only can use low-status groups as a foil, but there is also intra-group rivalry and jockeying for power. Unless the individual is part of the dominant group there is little chance of rising in status, except, perhaps, by sheer force of arms. Although this is not unheard of, it is unlikely, given the potentially greater organisation and manpower that can be released by the dominant group, and a significant psychological factor discussed by Edgerton (1971:280), that under duress pastoralists will tend to be socially cohesive.

Herders can use these differences to their advantage in any association with hunters. The relationship between the dominant herding society and its social satellites varies in detail, but a common thread can be identified. In most cases the lower strata are not directly incorporated into the hierarchy except through economic relationships, e.g. they are not permitted to marry up. In fact the herders, if they do not almost ignore them, totally downgrade the position of the low status people. This may have the effect of keeping people firmly at the bottom of the hierarchy.

If hunting and herding are two quite distinct modes of production (see Smith 1990a), then the issues which confront the two economies will be quite marked. The differences between hunting and herding societies, even among the so-called egalitarian herders of East Africa, is that the domestic animals are ‘owned’ by individuals or families. Their selection, breeding, maintenance, protection or distribution are all controlled by the owners.

Thus we enter the realm of ‘ideology’, although such a belief system legitimising political and economic interests need not necessarily be subscribed to by all the other groups in the vicinity. This would be true of people more or less divorced from the concerns of the dominant group, particularly of groups practising different modes of production. The issues which confront the two economies will be quite different. These range from ownership of property, through how property and product may have its own ideological structure that is separate and independent at one level, but each may modify the other when they come into contact or conflict. “Family and personal ideology occupies a strategic place in the dominant ideologies of very different societies. It obviously relates to the transmission and accumulation of private productive property and will be functionally important to the extent that an economy operates by means of the private ownership of productive resources” (Abercrombie et al. 1980:176).

Abercrombie et al. (1980:176) pose three questions: “What is the significance of private property in particular modes of production? What is the role of the family in relation to property? What is the role of these elements of the dominant ideology stressing family and property in relation to private property and its transmission?” Some might argue that since the stock of traditional herders is not commoditised this argument of private property is not applicable. I would argue that it is the difference of approach to product between hunter and pastoralist societies that is significant, not so much the mechanism of economic control. At the individual level, Said (1983:15) puts a succinct case for awareness of social position: “On the one hand, the individual mind registers and is very much aware of the collective whole, context or situation in which it finds itself. On the other hand, precisely because of this awareness - a worldly, self-situating, a sensitive response to the dominant culture - that the individual consciousness is not naturally and easily a mere child of the culture, but a historical and social actor in it.”

In southern Africa social separation was to be seen in patron-client relationships, with hunters working often on an ad hoc basis for herders (Wilson 1969:63). There was probably little in the way of formal ties between the two groups, such as marriage alliances. Payment for services rendered would usually be in the form of food, for example milk or a sheep, but not breeding stock. The competition for grazing between domestic stock and wild game must have put pressure on an important hunting resource. Presumably, as game became scarcer, hunters would resort

The difference between consciousness and ideology is in bringing a belief system to a critical level where the 6

Chapter 1: Herders at the Cape: Some Theoretical Underpinnings

individual can act on it to affect some course of action. Having said this I am very aware that in modern Western European academic circles argument should be based on a recognition of different sides in any debate, and at the beginning of the 21st century individual freedoms are being pushed (as opposed to collective needs) in democracies and/or free-market economic systems. This does not mean that we can easily identify the social forces acting upon us. It is in exactly this vein that Schrire (1992:64) accused us of conforming to a “Verwoerdian maxim of separate development” and ‘enshrining racism’ by our belief that there were different ethnic groups in the pre-colonial landscape of the Cape. We might ask, is this model of the world any less valid than her utopian view of everyone having the power to equally participate in social and political life?

CONCLUSIONS It should be obvious from what has been discussed here that the degree of integration of peripheral groups into pastoral societies varies considerably, but almost without exception there is the tendency on the part of the pastoralists to keep them at arms length. Even those that are seen to be part of the pastoralist society, such as the Rendille ironworkers, who are dispersed among the clans to produce needed iron and officiate at rituals, are still people to avoid. In fact neighbouring Samburu blacksmiths are expected to live in a separate encampment, and avoidance is quite extreme (Spencer 1973). The special skills of peripheral groups mean there is an ambiguous relationship with herders that exists at several levels. At the economic level, the herder will use lower class groups as herdsmen, but deny them access to breeding stock. At the ritual and purity level, the lower class groups might officiate, but be considered polluting. Galaty (1986) is quite clear that Maasai and Dorobo are aware of the ‘other’, but in other cases, such as Bedouin and Solubba, the underclass is almost an unseen backdrop, needed, but not considered human enough to be given much thought.

Consciousness does not equal power, it only identifies a condition. However, forcible domination by one group over another may completely restrict choice, particularly if the ideology of the mode of production means it is antithetical to accepting a different one. The pressures to share among Kalahari hunter/gatherers today mean the !Kung San have great difficulty becoming herders in their own right, since the demands of people coming for their share requires any animal to be immediately slaughtered and divided (see Smith 1990a, 1992a for arguments). Wilmsen (1989), however, has argued that this was a function of colonial pressures, since the San have been in contact with herders for almost 2000 years. I would respond that it is a more deeply entrenched phenomenon, tied into the ideology of the hunting mode of production.

The image of the ‘other’ is a very strong one which makes any possibility of crossing over difficult. Even to contemplate it would require a major ideological adjustment. Spencer (1973) notes that it might take several generations for a Rendille family that has deliberately ceased to be ironworkers to be ‘marriageable’ within the rest of the society, and even then only among certain phratries.

In the master/bondsman tie one ‘reflects’ the other, and low status people become all we are not: the ‘other’. In the case of the Dorobo, they become mythical figures, invented as a foil against which to gauge the actions of those assigning status. The Dorobo are seen as amoral and have an enviable freedom from restriction: “...they are always there, just out of the light of the cooking fire, or out of sight, but not out of mind, on the wrong side of the tracks” (Kenny 1981:490-1).

The difficulties are not only ones of ritual pollution, as in the above example, but also between different modes of production. It would take a major re-organisation of the relations of production to allow hunters, even those capable of herding stock, to build the animals into the symbolic and ritual realm that is characteristic of pastoralists.

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A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

Chapter 2: THE ‘INVISIBLE’ HOTTENTOT There is a myth which permeates Cape society, that as a result of the 1713 smallpox epidemic the Khoekhoen all died out and disappeared. This myth continued to be perpetuated by school texts written as late as the 1980s: “Why there are no longer true Hottentots in your district. About 280 years ago several smallpox epidemics broke out at the Cape. The disease also spread inland and many Hottentot tribes were completely wiped out. This broke down their tribal organisation because many captains also died” (Stander & Olivier 1980:54).

the 16th century. At the Cape eight outbreaks of various disease episodes occurred between 1658 and 1687 (Thom 1954, Vol. II: 346, 363; Moodie 1838-42, Vol. I: 272, 291, 336, 363, 370, 386, 420), so the single episode of 1713 could have had a greater effect if it was added to others, although there is no information that there were any outbreaks immediately preceding 1713. Equally, not all of the episodes mentioned above affected populations outside the Table Bay colony. What probably had more effect on the Khoekhoen was their crumbling livelihood, as colonists stole their animals and land, as well as the two years of intense drought that succeeded the smallpox epidemic. In addition, there were seven years of recurrent foot and mouth disease, where the colonists sheep numbers dropped by 50% between 1711 and 1719, which must have equally affected the Khoekhoe herds (Elphick 1985: 233).

While historians recognised that the situation was much more complex, even they were saying: “...this disease apparently swept away the majority of the Khoikhoi in the southwestern Cape, but it merely consummated a long process of breakdown among Khoikhoi which was already far advanced by 1713” (Elphick 1979:4). The immediate reason for the effects of the smallpox on the Khoekhoen was given as a lack of immunity to the disease (Elphick & Malherbe 1989:21).

Thus the real basis of the Khoekhoe economy: land and livestock, was ripped apart at a time when they were increasingly being interfered with socially, as the Dutch took on the role of dispute mediation to limit raiding between groups (Smith 1983a). To add to their woes, the feeling that the smallpox epidemic was the result of Dutch witchcraft was current among the Khoekhoen at that time (Serton et al. 1971: 219), and attempts to flee to neighbouring areas resulted in a number of them being killed (Elphick 1985: 232). This meant survival for many was only possible well away from the colony, and probably resulted in many refugees joining both hunting and herding groups as far away as the Orange River or the Sneeuwberg.

As I have shown elsewhere (Smith 1989) this is probably an overstatement of the effects of virgin soil epidemics on aboriginal populations. Using Elphick’s own figures (1989: 130), we can see that the slaves at the Cape were also impacted by the epidemic. Their numbers dropped from 2012 in 1712 to 1788 in 1713, a loss of 224 slaves. This constituted only 11.1% of the 1712 slave population. Even if the slaves were more immune to smallpox, and the Khoekhoen had been stricken by as much as three times their figures, it would still only be a third of the population. Around 30% are the figures which Ross (1977) quotes from Dixon (1962: 319) as being the suggested mortality rate for an unvaccinated population. Thus, it is probable that the direct biological effects of the smallpox epidemic were not as catastrophic as has been assumed. This does not take into account, however, the possibility that the 1713 smallpox visitation was only one of a number of accumulated fatal disease episodes to have struck the colony. As Crosby (1972; 1978) has shown, it was probably the accumulative effect of one different disease episode after another, for which traditional nursing skills would have been ineffective, that so greatly affected the aboriginal populations of South America and Caribbean in

The Cape Khoekhoen may have disappeared as a cultural entity, so that by the end of the first quarter of the 18th century were seldom seen as important enough to be mentioned in the VOC documents, except when they transgressed the laws of the colony. Mentions of ‘Hottentots’ in the Journal dropped from 70 between 16911710 to 15 between 1721-32 (Smith 1993b: 18). To really compound the misery, while all of this was taking place, the image of the ‘Hottentot’ was being further 8

Chapter 2: The ‘Invisible’ Hottentot

denigrated by European science. In this period at the end of the 17th century human societies were being placed in the Aristotelian taxonomic “Great Chain of Being”, with Europeans seen as the most ‘evolved’ or ‘civilised’. In the published work of Ovington’s (1696) voyage to the East in 1689 the Khoekhoen were described as “the very Reverse of Human kind...so that if there’s any medium between Rational Animal and a Beast, the Hottentot lays the fairer claim to that species”. Such perceptions of the Khoikhoi are the accumulation of previous writers’ statements where they were described as ‘brutal’ or ‘beastly’, possibly starting with Giovanni di Lionardo da Empoli in 1503 when he said that the Khoekhoen were a “bestial people” (Noonan 1989:140), and continued later by John Jourdain in 1608: “...for I think the world doth not yeild a more heathenish people and more beastlie” (Raven-Hart 1967: 42), and with Pyrard de Laval in 1610: “The people...are very brutish and savage, as stupid as can be and wholly without intelligence...” (Raven-Hart, 1967: 47). The litany continues with the Standish-Croft Journal of 1612: “ ...the people bruitt and sauadg, without Religion, without languag, without Lawes or gouernment, without manners or humanitie...” (Raven-Hart 1967: 57), Seyger van Rechteren in 1629: “The people who dwell here are very uncivilised, and entirely beastlike in their life, they eat everything raw, flesh, fish, guts and the skins of beasts when they are slaughtered” (Raven-Hart 1967: 128), and Johan Albrecht von Mandelso in 1639: “The people found here are black, uncivilised and beast-like in their life and speech, more resembling beasts than men” (Raven-Hart 1967: 152), etc. so that one sees that each report was reinforcing those which follow, and were picked up by commentators who never visited the Cape, such as William Petty (1927), writing around 1677: “...those who live about the Cape of Good Hope, which last are the Most beastlike of all Souls of men”. This was written as part of Petty’s Scale of Animals. The Khoekhoen were being seen as the lowest form of humanity, either interbreeding with apes, as suggested by Thomas Herbert in 1627: “Their language is rather apishly than articulately sounded, with whom ‘tis thought they have unnatural mixtures” (Raven-Hart 1967: 120), or only slightly more advanced than the great apes, in particular the Orang Utang of Malaysia. As Blackmore and Hughes put it in 1713:

closely with the lowest degree of that quality in man, that they cannot easily be distinguished from each other. From this lowest degree in the brutal Hottentot, reason, with assistance of learning and science, advances, through the various stages of human understanding...” (Lovejoy 1942: 197). William Smellie noted in 1835: “How many gradations may be traced between a stupid Huron, or a Hottentot, and a profound philosopher! Here the distance is immense, but nature has occupied the whole by almost infinite shades of discrimination” (Stepan 1982: 8). The ‘Hottentots’, being regarded as some of the most degenerate of humans, entered the English language as a pejorative. In the 18th century, to call someone a ‘Hottentot’ was considered a significant snub, exemplified by the 4th Earl of Chesterfield who said of a rival in 1726: “The utmost I can do for him is to consider him a respectable Hottentot”. The image of the Khoekhoen was now being taken out of scientific circles and expropriated for more general use. John Lubbock, in his book Prehistoric Times, written in 1865, while recognising that the ‘Hottentots’ were nonetheless people who knew about iron, called them “the most disgusting of savages”, and using Kolb’s 1731 English edition reiterates that they were “the filthiest people in the world. We might go farther, and say the filthiest animals; I think no species of mammal could be fairly compared with them in this respect” (p. 338). In 1882, the Imperial Dictionary stated that the ‘Hottentot’ was “one of a certain degraded tribe of South Africa” (Ogilvie 1882), and Flammarion’s Dictionnaire Encyclopédique Universel (1894-98) described “Hottentots ou Khoin: Ce sont des nègres qui comptent parmi les plus disgracés de la nature. Leur état intellectuel parait être en rapport avec leur laideur physique.” Even in the 20th century, the low esteem of the Khoekhoen was used by Kroeber (1923: 71) as an example of the argument of why no genius’ have shown up in ‘primitive’ society whose cultural environment is “atrophied and sterile”, and noted (ibid: 96) that the extreme southwest of Africa “is in the possession of the backward Bushmen and Hottentots”.

“Nor is the Disagreement between the basest Individuals of our species and the Ape or Monkey so great, but that, were the latter endow’d with the Faculty of Speech, they might perhaps as justly claim the Rank and Dignity of the human Race, as the savage Hotentot, or the stupid native of Nova Zembla...The most perfect of this Order of Beings, the Orang-Outang...that is the Wild Man, or the Man of the Woods, has the Honour of Bearing the greatest Resemblance to Human Nature” (Lovejoy 1942: 234).

The history of denigration of the Khoekhoen comes partially from the fact that from the 17th century onwards the Cape was in direct contact with Europe through the colonial experience, so they were used as a general ‘type’ of African. This supported a settler mentality that the ‘natives’ were of little consequence compared with European civilisation. The result of this was that any person descended from the Khoekhoen would have been most reluctant to identify with his or her ancestry, since no-one wishes to be seen as ‘primitive’, ‘beastly’ or ‘ugly’. At the same time top jobs were reserved for whites, so there was considerable financial incentive to ‘pass for white’ (Watson 1970). This was often done by conscious choice of marriage partner, so the Khoekhoe features could be bred out, or as the people of Namaqualand would have put it: “to improve the stock” (Emile Boonzaier, pers. comm.). Such a practice, known as vorentoetrouery (Boonzaier et al. 1996) identified light skin colour as a

The idea of the Great Chain of Being was taken up by Soame Jenyns in 1782: “Animal life rises from this low beginning in the shellfish, through innumerable species of insects, fishes, birds and beasts, to the confines of reason, where, in the dog, the monkey, and chimpanzee, it unites so 9

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

positive attribute. The ideology of subordination was forcing many people of ‘colour’ to accept their position as lower class, and at the same time was indoctrinating them to accept the bases of Cape society: Christianity and Dutch culture, as ‘correct’. Even the opposition to this, Islam, used as a means of resistance among slaves, did not support aboriginal cultural values or beliefs.

Ngwato manufacture) still exists in the Museum collections in Cape Town (ibid: 297). Since so very little of their material culture has come down to us, we must ask why? Is it because they did not make objects of interest to a wider public? Or was it because they were held in such low esteem that no-one cared about them? Or was it another convenient lacunae to support the ‘disappearance’ of the Khoikhoi? Once again the Khoekhoen are almost invisible.

Since the abbreviated name ‘Hotnot’ in Afrikaans became synonymous with low class, or a degraded person lacking civilised values, any cultural association with the aboriginal people of the Cape not only was denied by their descendents, but increased the invisibility of the Khoekhoen. The ‘disappearance’ of the Khoekhoen at the beginning of the 18th century was also a convenient myth that implied that since there was no ‘Hottentot’ society left, the land could belong to the European colonists.

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF KHOEKHOEN Beginning with Schweitzer & Scott’s (1973) identification of sheep at Die Kelders as early as 2000 years ago, a new awareness of greater time-depth to Cape herding societies emerged. Subsequent work by Avery (1976), Deacon et al. (1978) supported the early dates for sheep at the Cape. The assumption was that this was formative Khoekhoe society.

Uncritical expansion of trek-boers into the interior in the 18th and 19th centuries assumed the land was available for occupation, in spite of considerable opposition by Khoisan people in places like Bushmanland, as well as the Sneeuwberg, Roggeveld and Nieuweveld Mountains (Penn 1996). This, in many ways, had to do with concepts of private ownership of land, and unwillingness to use pasture areas communally. At all times the colonial mentality was at odds with traditional Khoisan values.

These ideas were further supported by the linguistic analysis of Westphal (1963) who said that the language of Khoe-speaking Bushmen of northern Botswana was related to that of the Cape Khoekhoen. Elphick (1977) built up a model of Khoekhoe dispersal on the basis of this evidence which showed people coming south through the Kalahari to the Orange/Hart River confluence, then splitting in two directions: one grouping going westward down the Orange River, and the second southward through the Karoo via the Seacow Valley to the south coast, and then turning westward along the coast towards the southwestern Cape.

KHOEKHOEN ETHNOGRAPHY IN MUSEUMS Very little ethnographic material attributed to the Khoekhoen exists in Museums throughout the world. This is partially due to their cultural disappearance at the Cape by the early part of the 18 th century. All material which may have been obtained for the kabinets of influential Dutch collectors has most probably either been lost, or entered formal museum collections, but are so badly provenienced that nothing is known about them today. This is particularly true of the South African Museum in Cape Town, whose collection is almost entirely limited to the artifacts displayed in the single case in the Ethnographic Gallery. Perhaps it is no accident that so little material exists in South Africa. It cannot be for want of opportunity. Col. Robert Gordon collected many natural history specimens of plants, birds and animals that he found on his travels into the interior, which were all sent to his mentor Hendrik Fagel (Smith & Pheiffer 1994), or Professor Alleman in Leiden. It would be most unlikely that ethnographic material was not also collected, especially as he spent considerable amount of time among the Namaqua (Raper & Boucher 1988). The oldest provenienced collections are those of Sparrman and Thunberg housed in the Ethnographic Museum in Stockholm (Rudner & Rudner 1957) from the 1780s. The first director of the South African Museum, Sir Andrew Smith, made collections on his expedition in the 1830s. Most of these were his own private property, and taken with him when he returned to Britain. Other pieces collected were given to the Association which funded the expedition (Lye 1975: 299-300), and probably sold per instructions by the Committee before the expedition started (ibid: 10). Only one of these pieces (of

At the same time as this work was being formulated, Robertshaw (1978) described an ethno-archaeological project which mapped and analysed the remains of a modern herder camp in the Richtersveld. He used this study partially to demonstrate the difficulty of finding pastoralist sites in the Cape for his doctoral research, due to the quick dispersal of material remains of mostly organic nature and their low archaeological visibility. This only helped to heighten awareness that no site had been found containing the bones of the large herds of cattle described in the historical literature, such as Dapper’s 1668 assertion that the Cochoqua had over a hundred thousand cattle and two hundred thousand sheep (Schapera & Farrington 1933:23), or the report of the French captain whose crew had been sealing in St. Helena Bay in 1653, and where “he had seen the Saldanhars with thousands of cattle and sheep on the plains” (Thom 1952:176). Such descriptions, along with Vasco da Gama’s journal entry of 1497 about meeting one of the local men who indicated that his camp was at the foot of a hill two leagues away (Raven-Hart 1967: 3), was historical impetus to the work that has been conducted on the Vredenburg Peninsula since 1982. Survey for sites in the interior (Sadr et al. 1992) complemented a coastal survey by Thackeray & Cronin (1975). Excavation took place at several sites, notably those around the kopje at Kasteelberg, as well as sites on the Churchhaven Peninsula (Smith et al. 1991). 10

Chapter 2: The ‘Invisible’ Hottentot

Surveys were carried out in the interior across the Swartland (Hart 1987). No sites that could be identified as ‘herder’ were found, although small rockshelters at Voelvlei and Driebos in the mountains overlooking the Swartland were excavated, and yielded colonial artefacts, as well as large ostrich eggshell beads that would be indicative of interaction with herders.

Subsequent events have sharpened this political consciousness, not the least the elections of 1994 when South Africa elected its first fully democratic government. A dominant African Nationalist Congress (ANC) in the government created a threat to the ‘coloured’ people of the Cape, who felt their interests would not be recognised, and most voted in favour of the Afrikaner dominated Nationalist Party. The logical consistency in this comes from the fact that Afrikaans is the language spoken by the majority of the people of the Cape, both among the white population and people of colour. More radical groups among ‘coloured’ people would like their historical demands as the true representatives of the aboriginal population of the Cape to be recognised, especially when it became obvious that the land claims of the African population were being given precedence.

Kasteelberg, Heuningklip, and probably a site above Paternoster, and another on Vlaeberg in the Posberg Reserve are the only sites that have true herder signatures. Although the excavated sites have produced considerable quantities of sheep bone, none have produced cattle bones in anywhere near the proportions that would have been expected from the historical descriptions. Thus, once again the Khoekhoen, as described in the early colonial literature are ‘invisible’.

Most recently a court case was brought by the Richtersveld Nama community against the government diamond mine, Alexcor. Since the cut-off date for claims has to occur after 1913, the year of the Land Act, the Richtersvelders had to show that they were racially discriminated against and lost their land by the institution of mining rights in the 1920s. This was initially rejected by the lower courts, but the case ultimately went to the Constitutional Court, who, in 2004 proclaimed in favour of the Nama community.

NAMA AND KHOEKHOE POLITICAL AWARENESS The Khoekhoen were pushed further and further aside historically and socially. Only in the Namaqualand ‘reserves’ was there any semblance, albeit marginal, of the old way of life, partially being kept alive by the fact that Nama was still being spoken. But this was the least valuable land, all the rest having been taken by white farming interests, so the people in the reserves were virtually forgotten, ignored and not seen of any consequence. So low was their status that in the 1980s the ‘Coloured Affairs’ administration in the government decided to try to ‘improve’ the farming techniques in the reserves using the assumption that private ownership of land stimulates its optimal use. The reserves were to be divided up into ‘economic units’ and sold to individuals (Archer et al. 1989; Boonzaier 1987). No thought was given to the majority of the people who could not afford to buy the units, and who used the commonage for grazing their stock. This was another myth perpetuated by colonial interests, that common lands cannot be effectively managed (Diergaardt 1989; but see response by Boonzaier et al. 1990). Fortunately, there were strong voices in Namaqualand who found a sympathetic ear among lawyers in Cape Town, and a successful court case stopped the government action (Krone & Steyn 1991). At the same time the management boards of the reserves were strengthened under locally elected people, who could make decisions that affected life in the reserves, instead of bureaucrats from Pretoria.

The question of who has the right to claim descendency from the Khoekoen is being raised. This is a socially and politically sensitive area, since few records were kept of individual Khoekhoen, as few were formally baptised. An exception was Krotoa who was Van Riebeeck’s interpreter, and whose descendents are known. The only connection today can be made on the basis of skin pigmentation and family oral histories. Approximately 2% of white families of the Cape have a record of a “Hottentot” or “Baster Hottentot” in the their ancestry (24 out of 1200 records in Heese, 1984). Several Khoekhoe political groups have emerged, the most vocal being descendents of the so-called ‘Griqua Nation’. But even they are not in agreement and two factions have arisen in opposition to each other: Griqua National Conference of South Africa and Griquas of Adam Kok V. Other voices being heard come from the Namas of Richtersveld, Namaquas of Steinkopf and Garkhams, Community of Mier, !Hurikamma Cultural Movement, Namas of Bethanie, Rehoboth Basters and the Karretjiemense of the Karoo and Gordonia.

A further reckoning came from the National Parks Board who proclaimed part of the Richtersveld as a national park without local consultation, with the rationale that rare species of plants were being overgrazed. The opposition from local herders was so great that the Parks authorities had to back down, and a contract in favour of local needs was negotiated. The Khoekhoen were no longer invisible, and a political force was emerging that looked to ‘Namaness’ as a central theme (Sharp & Boonzaier 1994), although, as Boonzaier (1996) noted, attempts by the Park authorities to negotiate development, conservation and tourism remain contested terrain, mainly because outside ideas of conservation do not always coincide with the needs of the people on the ground.

The !Hurikamma Cultural Movement has constituted itself as an umbrella body to deal with the needs of Khoe descendents. Membership is restricted to ‘brown people’, although they say they have a non-racial definition of brown people (Cape Times, 8 May 1997). Heightened awareness of ‘Khoe’-ness came from the successful return of the remains of the ‘Hottentot Venus’, Sara Baartman from the Musée de l’Homme in Paris. Her skeleton and remaining soft tissue parts which had been prepared for the collections after her death in the early 19th century by Cuvier became a cause célèbre against colonial insensitivity to human remains that was highlighted by 11

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

Legassick & Rasool (2000). She was buried with dignity in a ceremony close to where she was born and had lived before she had been inveigled into leaving South Africa.

2004) run by members of the Iziko Museums of Cape Town (formerly the South African Museum) stated the need for the return of non-archaeological skeletal material crudely collected during the first half of the 20th century to responsible communities all over South Africa. This may be the first step in a process that will result in a new national policy being developed.

Discussion around the issue of ‘unethically collected’ human remains for racial purposes still continues. A recent workshop at the University of Cape Town (November

12

Chapter 3: Articulating a Research Design

Chapter 3: ARTICULATING A RESEARCH DESIGN Binford (1981:27) noted that “insofar as our references regarding the past refer to dynamics of the past, these references must be accomplished by appeals to principles or knowledge about dynamics and how static properties may be derived from dynamics”. His ‘middle-range theory’ was an attempt to create a methodology that would allow inferences to be made about past behaviour based on modern ethno-archaeological observation. Thus he saw the ethnographic present as dynamic, and the archaeological record as essentially static. However, the one area he did not recognise where the dynamics of the past were still retained in the present was in the environment. If environmental conditions could be held constant between past and present one could argue that the adaptive strategies of the present could be projected onto past societies. This is particularly true of the seasonal and often highly localised rainfall found in the semi-arid grasslands of Africa where the annual variation in available pasture placing severe constraints on pastoral land use today would have had equal effect on people in the past.

land. This, of course, was going to create conflict with the local Khoekhoen once they found themselves excluded from pasture lands they had always used (Schapera & Farrington 1933:15). The reason for choosing April 1655 as the cut-off date, is because during that month is when we see the ‘true Saldanhars’ (or Cochoqua) coming from the north into the territory of the Peninsula Khoekhoen around Table Bay for the first time. This indicates an increased disruption in Khoekhoe movements precipitated by the desire to trade with the Dutch colony. What we thus see prior to April 1655 is a coherent annual transhumance between the coast and the interior. Why should this be? RAINFALL OF THE SOUTHWESTERN CAPE In figure 3.1 it can be seen that the annual rainfall drops off markedly as one travels in a northwestern direction from the mountains of the Cape Peninsula where >2000mm annual precipitation is experienced, towards the Vredenburg Peninsula, where only 2-300mm is usually found. Thus rainfall may drop by as much as 90% over a distance of only 150km. Figure 3.2 shows the average annual rainfall recorded at three stations across this area. It can be noted that the bulk of the rains (>30mm/month) come between April and September. It also shows that on the edge of the mountains further north at Gouda, rainfall remains relatively high.

Focussing specifically on the coastal forelands of the southwestern Cape, Smith (1984a) used this assumption to create a model of pastoral transhumance and land-use from which a research design to study the archaeology of pastoralism could be generated. This included looking at the historical record, rainfall, soils, plant cover and nutrients. HISTORICAL OBSERVATIONS AROUND THE VREDENBURG PENINSULA PRIOR TO APRIL, 1655

The reason for this dramatic drop in rainfall is due to the cold fronts of winter that come in from the Atlantic and only clip the edge of the continent. This creates a Mediterranean-type ecological zone along the southern fringes of the continent, and a rain shadow area in the interior on the other side of the Cape Fold Belt.

One of the great trials of early sea voyages was the lack of fresh food, other than fish. For this reason any visitors to the Cape always tried to trade for domestic animals from the local inhabitants when they arrived, and since this was a special activity was almost certainly noted in the journals kept by the sailors. As can be seen in Table 3.1 not all the visitors met local inhabitants, or when they did were able to obtain animals in trade. Even a casual glance at the table shows that the period when trade was most likely was in the winter months, thus suggesting that there was a movement away from the coast in summer. This pattern was also found around Table Bay where the first settlers set up their fort in what they perceived to be an empty

GEOLOGY AND SOILS OF THE SOUTHWESTERN CAPE There are four main geological substrates from which soils are formed in the southwestern Cape: 1) the quartzitosandstones of the Cape Fold Belt or Table Mountain System; 2) shales of the Malmesbury System; 3) recent unconsolidated sands of the coastal strip; and 4) intrusive 13

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa Table 3.1: Historical observers around the Vredenburg Peninsula (1497-1653). Domestic Stock Sightings

No Domestic Stock Seen

Vasco da Gama

November 1497

Davys

November 1598

Van Spilbergen

November 1601

Castleton

April 1612

De Vries

July 1627

De Flacourt French Captain

October 1648 April to October 1653

Fig. 3.1: Rainfall Southwestern Cape.

granites, mostly into the recent sands (although they occasionally underlie the TMS). Of these soil types the TMS and recent sands are leached of a number of essential trace elements that, as we will see, are crucial in the natural pastures of the southwestern Cape.

the analysis reported here, because the Cape Fold Belt sandstone is an area of broken country unsuitable for pastoral activities, and, in spite of high plant species counts, is actually a low nutrient-status area, the associated fynbos has been excluded. The remaining three soil types produce strandveld on granites, coastal renosterveld on shales and coastal fynbos on recent sands.

PLANT COVER AND NUTRIENTS An analysis of the nutrient status of the natural pastures of the southwestern Cape was done by Brock (1959). The analysis was done during three periods of the year: winter

The vegetation of the coastal forelands of the southwestern Cape corresponds well to the soil distribution (fig. 3.3). In 14

Chapter 3: Articulating a Research Design

ourselves how prehistoric pastoralists would have responded to the constraints imposed. The historical information suggests seasonal movement between the coast and interior. If one wanted to make maximum use of the coastal resources, both pasture and marine animals, winter would be the obvious time to be there. During summer the natural pastures of the Vredenburg Peninsula are very sparse, whereas the higher rainfall along the mountains of the Viren-twintig Rivieren and perennial waters of the Berg River would have offered at least riparian forage for the animals (fig. 3.3). What the nutrient data mean in practical terms is that the recent sands are deficient enough that herders relying on the natural pastures without any supplementary feeding, would have to move their animals across to the other more nutritious soils, at least during part of the year, to avoid serious debilitations occurring in their stock. Such a coherent strategy would have been particularly important when large cattle herds (bulk grazers) were to be found. The Malmesbury shales are very widespread and there would have been little need for any concentration or repeated occupation of sites in the interior. By contrast the limited distribution of the granite substrate and related vegetation would have focussed pastoral use to a much greater degree. Surveys of both areas were undertaken, with a fairly large area of the Swartland along the Berg River near Porterville was selected for the interior (Hart 1987). This area produced only traces of late human occupation and no concentrations of archaeological material. The opposite was found at the coast. Large numbers of shell middens were located along the coastal dunes. Small rock shelters and large open sites were found in the interior. The coastal signature was enhanced by the fact that all sites contain large quantities of shell, so the volume of deposit is magnified and very visible (Sadr et al. 1992).

Fig. 3.2: Monthly rainfall figures (1931-1960) for three stations in the Southwestern Cape.

Selected sites were chosen for excavation from those found on the Vredenburg Peninsula, with the research strategy thus being designed to ask whether the model of seasonal transhumance would hold up, and if so, what may have been the seasonal rhythms of the former occupants of the area. In addition, the question of identity of the different economic groups would also be addressed to see if the debate on Elphick's cyclical model could be resolved.

(July), summer (November) and autumn (March). As expected, crude fibre levels increase as dry conditions prevail, and, conversely, protein levels decline. Fibre exceeds recommended levels and protein is adequate during the winter months. Perhaps more importantly are potential trace element deficiencies seen in low levels of phosphorus on all soil types, cobalt and manganese on the recent sands, and high levels of molybdenum also in the latter soil types. This is important because the ratio of copper: molybdenum should be at least 30:1 (Brock 1959:23), and only the soils of the Malmesbury shales, which support the coastal renosterveld, provide acceptable amounts.

THE VREDENBURG PENINSULA: GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING The town of Vredenburg, which gives the peninsula its name lies some 120km north of Cape Town. The peninsula is bounded on the south by Saldanha Bay, on the west by the Atlantic Ocean, and on the north by St. Helena Bay (fig. 3.3). The geological structures exposed today are basically granitic rocks of the Vredenburg pluton, interspersed with recent sands. At St. Helena Bay there is a contact with the Malmesbury shales, much of which lies offshore exposed in the form of reefs.

AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH DESIGN FOR PASTORALISM IN THE SOUTHWESTERN CAPE Using the data available to us described above, and assuming neither the natural pastures nor rainfall have changed over the past two thousand years, we can ask 15

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

Fig. 3.3: Estimates of Khoekhoe transhumance in Southwestern Cape before 1655.

The granite-derived red apedal soils (designated F2 by Schloms et al. 1983:75) are highly to moderately preweathered. They comprise well-drained red kaolinitic loams and clays found at altitudes between 120-150m.

al. (1984:13) describe the vegetation as short scrub, with taller shrubs and trees in protected places amongst the granite boulders, recent work by Newton (2005) suggests that much of the interior renosterveld would have been much richer in grasses prior to Khoekhoe and colonial herding or farming practices. The same may also have been true for the vegetation growing on the granite substrates around Kasteelberg.

The vegetation on the peninsula is predominantly from modern agricultural activities, but the little surviving natural veld has variously been designated Strandveld by Boucher (1981), West Coast Renosterveld (Moll et al. 1984), veld type 4: dune thicket (Low & Rebelo 1996), vegetation type 27: Langebaan fynbos/thicket mosaic (Cowling & Heijnes, 2001), and for the specific area around the peninsula at Paternoster, Saldanha granite strandveld (Mucina & Rutherford 2004). Although Moll et

On the farm Rooiheuwel, where Kasteelberg is located, there are probably two plant communities, as is also found at the nearby kopje of Heuningklip. One community occurs on the granite and is dominated by broad-leaved evergreen shrubs such as Euclea racemosa, Rhus spp., Putterlickia 16

Chapter 3: Articulating a Research Design TABLE 1: List of Plant Species from Rooiheuwel Putterlickia pyrecantha: spiny shrub Solanum guineense: medicinal fruiting plant Euclea racemosa: tree with edible fruit Rhus laevigata: tree with edible fruit R. dissecta Zygophyllum morgsana: good stock food shrub Pteronia cf. onobromoides: boegoe (uretic and aromatic herb) Melianthus minor: nectar-bearing plant (poisonous to stock) Salvia sp.: medicinal plant Ricinus communis: castor oil tree Acacia cyclops: Autralian invasive tree Passerina sp.: shrublet with poisonous berries Metalasia sp.: shrub (can become a serious weed) Elytropappus rhinocerotis: shrub (can become a serious weed) Anthospermum sp.: shrub Ballota africana: aromatic herb Aloe sp. Pelargonium sp.: bushy shrubs Hermannia trifoliata Senecio spp. Tylecodon paniculatus Chasmanthe floribunda: edible bulb Lachenalia sp.: bulbous plant Zantedeschia aethiopica : arum lily (rhizomes eaten) Trachyandra sp.: young inflorescences eaten Ehrharta spp.: excellent fodder grass Pentaschistis sp.: excellent fodder grass Cynodon dactylon : excellent fodder grass Restionaceae (undifferentiated).

pyrecantha and Salvia sp. Understorey plants include succulents, herbs, annual and perennial grasses and several geophytes.

April and September. Although this area is in the winter rainfall zone, it does not lie within “the realm of the maritime polar masses” (Nieman 1981: 12), which just clip the southern end of the African continent. Towards the northwest, annual rainfall decreases by more than 60% over 150km (see fig. 3.1). Nieman (ibid: 13) notes: “fortunately the bulk of the annual precipitation falls during the time of lowest heat energy supply, diminishing the amount of evaporative water loss from the soil”. This means that due to a reliable rainfall in the coastal forelands of the southwestern Cape the natural pastures were dependable and of reasonable quality during the winter months, but considerably less so during the summer months. The average temperature at Paternoster (4km west of Rooiheuwel) is 16.4°C (summer variation 14-26°C; winter 10-18°C), with average rainfall of 176mm (ibid: 14). It is really only in August that the rainfall is high enough to overcome the temperature variation, allowing the Vredenburg Peninsula to be called ‘humid’ at this time (see fig. 3.2). Evaporation throughout the rest of the year means this is basically an arid zone.

The second community occurs lower down the slopes, away from the granite rocks. It is characterised by ericoidleaved shrubs, e.g. Passeria, Elytropappus and Anthospermum. Geophytes, herbs and perennial grasses, as well as Restionaceae occur in the understorey. In addition there is a highly characteristic community occurring on ‘heuweltjies’ or small hills created by former termite action. These are often overgrown with the mesem Carpobrotus, or carry a weedy flora. The ‘heuweltjies’ generally occur with the erocoid-leaved community. The vegetation of the valley bottoms and drainages is a secondary community of Cynodon dactylon (grass) and introduced weeds, such as Atriplex, Blackiella and Salsola. These areas at one time were probably covered with species of Restionaceae, Juncaceae and Cyperaceae. The pasture component of the Rooiheuwel vegetation includes grasses, palatable shrubs, and both exotic and indigenous herbs. Cynodon dactylon is probably the dominant grass over much of the area, but species of Ehrharta and Pentaschistis do occur. Palatable shrubs occur primarily in the broad-leaved shrub community: Rhus, Putterlickia, Salvia, etc. Atriplex, Blackiella and Salsola are all grazed, as are indigenous herbs like Hermannia and annual Composites (Liengme 1987).

The prevailing winds during most of the year are from the southern quadrant. In the summer months, from November until March, there is a 75-79% frequency of southerly winds. In contrast, during the winter months the winds from the northern quadrant bring rain and cold conditions. The frequency of these winds varies between 30-40% for the months of May to August, with a corresponding drop in the frequency of southerly winds (Africa Pilot, 12th ed. 1977).

The 200-300mm annual rainfall of the Vredenburg Peninsula is seasonal, with most rain falling between 17

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

NATURAL RESOURCES OF THE VREDENBURG PENINSULA

Shellfish are a form of background ‘noise’, since they are ubiquitous on sites along the coast. The animals would have been easily obtainable throughout the year, and could have been collected by women and children. This is not to diminish the value of these in the diet. Buchanan (1988) estimates that a third of coastal foragers’ diet would have come from shellfish.

Both marine and terrestrial resources would have been available to the pre-colonial occupants of the peninsula. Shellfish, fish, crustaceans and marine birds would have been regular and dependable foods, but perhaps the main attraction may have been access to fat-rich marine mammals. A regular supply of seals would have been available for most of the year. Historical information indicates there were probably breeding colonies on the offshore islands and even on the shore. The captain of a French ship reported in 1653 that at St. Helena Bay “he had seen the Saldanhars with thousands of cattle and sheep on the plains...He had also seen Saldanhars at a certain point jutting into the sea where they were killing many seals (of which there were thousands) for food, etc.” (Thom 1952:176).

Since very few white mussel shells (Donax serra), which come from the sandy beach, have been found at Kasteelberg, this indicates that the rocks were the main collecting areas. The rocky point of Eeerste Mosselbank, north of Paternoster, is the closest source to Kasteelberg, being only 4 km from the hill. Other marine resources include crayfish, the mandibles of which have been recovered in excavation, as well as marine birds, whose bones have also been found at Kasteelberg. One would have expected fish to have been an important part of the diet, but in fact very few fish bones have been recovered.

Gas chromatographic analysis of residues on ceramics from KBB (Patrick et al. 1985) indicated that marine mammal fat was probably being rendered in the pots. One of the fatty acids even suggested that the brains of these animals were being cooked. Such findings have recently been supported by an isotopic analysis of fatty acids from residues inside pots from KBDe (Copley et al. 2004).

Territorial resources were also important to the aboriginal people of the area. From the faunal analysis of the bones excavated at Kasteelberg and other sites on the peninsula all the antelope species available were hunted. These included eland, hartebeest, duiker and steenbok. A surprising omission is that of zebra or quagga, which are well documented in the historical records of the western Cape. No buffalo bones were found, and this conforms to a lack of these animals recorded historically in this area, even though they were recorded along the South Coast (Skead 1980). Elephants, rhinos, a variety of carnivores (though not hyenas or lions), as well as rodents were all used by the early inhabitants of the sites, either for food or for skins. Canid bones are also well represented, and. although most of these are probably dogs, jackals must also be represented, but there are difficulties in separating the bones of these animals at the species level. Another very common animal, which also becomes background noise, is the angulate tortoise.

While seals may have been available on a regular basis, another important fat resource would have come from periodic stranding of cetaceans. Since whales and dolphins are generally bigger packages than seals, the fat available from them would also be considerably greater, but these animals tend to be under-represented on archaeological sites, even where we know there were people living in whalebone hut structures (Smith & Kinahan 1984). Of importance here is the location of a cetacean ‘trap’ some 12km from Kasteelberg (see Appendix B) where many whales and dolphins have live-stranded over the past 50 years. A number of different mechanisms have been offered for live-stranding of cetaceans (Wursig 1989). One of these is that they use the earth's magnetic field to navigate (Weisburd 1984; Kirschvink et al. 1986). Livestranding apparently occurs where magnetic minima cross the coastline near off-shore islands (Klinowska 1986; 1987), in some way interfering with the animals' ability to stay on course. These are exactly the conditions that exist at St. Helena Bay. The magnetic structure is probably tied up with the phyllite shales of the Malmesbury formation where they abut against the intrusive Vredenburg granites (fig. B.1).

The availability of pasture, reflected in the winter rainfall regime would have been crucial to pastoralists. The natural pastures would have included Ehrharta and Pentaschistis, although today these have been mostly replaced by modern agricultural species. Not only domestic stock and game animals would have utilized plant resources, but people would have exploited underground corms for food, and used many of the local herbs in their pharmacopoeia. Unfortunately modern agriculture and herding practises have resulted in landscape changes, including the loss of plants that would have existed in the past.

18

Chapter 4: Excavations at Kasteelberg

Chapter 4: EXCAVATIONS AT KASTEELBERG Previous reports on the excavations at Kasteelberg have either not been published (Smith 1987) or were on specific aspects of the excavated material (Smith & Poggenpoel 1988; Klein & Cruz-Uribe 1989; Sadr & Smith 1991; Woodborne 1996; Balasse et al. 2002, 2003). Recent publication of the latest excavations (Sadr et al. 2003) concentrated on different economic groups that occupied the hill, and the potential relationship between them.

ceramic Later Stone Age, with the marine shells of the later sites predominating. From the wider surveys of the peninsula as a whole, it would appear that Kasteelberg was a major focus of attention of people over the past 2000 years. The reasons for this may be a combination of several factors: proximity to coastal resources and the fact that the hill commands an imposing view of the surrounding countryside. Equally, among aboriginal hunters of the Cape, prominent physiographic features were considered to be places of ‘power’ where ceremonial and ritual acts were often focused (Deacon 1988). Such places may also have been aggregation points for nomadic people whose groups were usually widely dispersed.

The sites around Kasteelberg have been labeled initially in sequence of their excavation (KBA, KBB, KBC, KBD, KBD east, KBE, KBE open), and later by identity through a detailed surface survey (KBG, KBM, KBN)(Sadr et al. 1992). BACKGROUND TO EXCAVATIONS AT KASTEELBERG

At present 10 sites have been excavated around the hill. KBA, KBB, KBD (fig. 4.2) and KBE open are open-air herder sites, sheltered from the southeast wind. KBG, KBM and KBN are open-air hunter sites. KBC and KBE are small sites under sheltering and overhanging boulders. KBA, KBC and KBG produced pre-ceramic occupations: KBA showed a Middle Stone Age level in cemented gravels below the ceramic LSA. KBC was the only site with hunter materials below and herder above. KBG crossed the pre-ceramic to ceramic LSA divide, but the site continued to be occupied by hunters (Sadr et al. 2003).

Research design was created to look at the potential cultural ecology and constraints on Khoe pastoralism in the Cape landscape (Smith 1984a; 1984b; 1987b). Surveys were also carried out for pastoralist sites inland along the Berg River, where historical sightings of Khoe kraals had been made (Hart 1987). We have been unable to identify any pastoralist sites in the interior, so focus was placed on the coast where a number of excavated sites have already been reported (Smith et al. 1991).

This chapter will report on excavation of five of the herder sites: KBA, KBB, KBC, KBD and KBE. The area covered by these sites is extremely variable. KBA is roughly 20 x 15m in area, KBB is greater than 50 x 30m, KBC is only about 5 x 4m, KBD is estimated at 10 x 8m, and KBE 5x 3m. Thus, by far the largest area and volume is that found at KBB, with a depth of cultural deposit that is up to 170cm from the surface to bedrock.

Herder sites on the Vredenburg Peninsula have been found on the farm Heuningklip, on the hill overlooking the village of Paternoster, and on the ridge above St. Helena Bay. There are also herder sites on Vlaeberg in the Posberg Reserve overlooking Saldanha Bay. The greatest concentration of material on the peninsula is on the hill of Kasteelberg, on the farm Rooiheuwel (38° 48.8’S: 17° 56.8’E)(fig. 4.1). The hill is part of the batholith of granites of Saldanha Bay area standing 187m above sea level, surrounded by agricultural land on the granite derived soils of the Vredenburg Peninsula.

All these sites are stratified shell-midden deposits, with good bone preservation. It is of interest that it is the main kopje that shows signs of intensive human occupation, since only a few shell scatters were located on the side spur. The area of occupation of all the herder sites is relatively easy to discern, as the grey ashy matrix associated with the shells is quite different from the red

Site surveys (Sadr et al. 1992) showed that 36 discrete occupation areas could be identified around the hill, ranging from Middle Stone Age scatters, through to the 19

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

Fig. 4.1: Vredenburg Peninsula and location of sites reported here.

parent soils formed from the granite bedrock. In addition the Cynodon grass seems to prefer the ashy soils, so after the rains there is good growth over the occupation areas.

excavations showed basically a horizontal stratigraphy over most of the site, with slightly greater complexity in and around squares A20-22a’ (figs. 4.4 and 4.5). The small sheltered area of A20-22a’ allowed intensive use of this space indicated by hearth lenses. The depth of deposit in squares H18-K21 was very shallow, on average only 10cm, but reaching 30cm in square H18.

KASTEELBERG 'A' The top of the hill was particularly rich in pottery and bone, so excavation began there in 1982, and designated ‘KBA’. This site proved to have variable stratigraphy across the occupation area, but we managed to get a good sequence of herder deposit down to 80cm at one point.

From squares A2-A8 there is basically only one unit of a grey brown shell matrix to a maximum depth of 50cm. From A9-A20 below the grey brown shell matrix at around 30cm, there are loose, almost sterile gravels that become increasingly cemented with depth. The cemented gravels contain MSA stone tools and fossilised bone. The lateral extension of this pattern to the north along the 13 series squares showed the following stratigraphic sequence:

Stratigraphy 57 square metres were excavated at KBA to bedrock (fig. 4.3), with the deposit processed through a 3mm sieve. The 20

Chapter 4: Excavations at Kasteelberg

Fig. 4.2: Four of excavated sites at Kasteelberg.

Fig. 4.3: KBA: excavated area. 21

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

Fig. 4.4: KBA: west section square 22a’.

Fig. 4.5: KBA: section across squares 20c’-A20.

A20 Surf Sub-surface LSS LSS 1 CSS/CSS1 FS/CSB

top level:

humic matter to 25cm grey/brown loamy matrix to between 4050cm middle level: (squares A9-A19, 13a’-15e’ loose reddish gravels bottom level: cemented gravels. By contrast, the greater intensity of occupation around the boulders of squares A20-22c’ can be seen in Figures 4.4 and 4.5. This is possibly due to greater protection from the wind. In these strata are to be found discernible hearth features:

A19* SC SS SSWS MSS DBL GS

* Sadr noted that SS, SSWS, MSS & DBL were practically the same, and could not be differentiated in profile. This same problem occurred in the long trench (squares A2-A15)

A granulometric analysis of the soils from the ceramic levels was carried out by Duncan Miller. The results are shown in Table 4.1 and indicate a high proportion of gravels >4mm and between 2-4mm. This is consistent with a granite weathering pattern from salt crystallisation. Since the coast is only 4km away, such a finding is of no great surprise. The cemented gravels of the MSA levels also show this high percentage, although it is somewhat masked in the ceramic levels by the high shell frequency and ashy soil of the matrix.

top level: humic deposit 2nd level: fine dark soil (FDS) light shelly soil (LSS) 3rd level: bone & shell rich unit (B+S) fragmented shell unit (FS) bottom: gritty soil (GS) bone rich unit (BR) sterile gravels (GP)

Dating

Karim Sadr (2003) conducted a small test excavation to check the stratigraphy at KBA: square A19 to see if he could replicate the early herder dates from the site, but he gave his levels different names from the earlier excavation. However, the section of fig. 4.4 (square A20) can be equated with that of fig. 4.6:

Due to the more complicated stratigraphy, 12 radiocarbon dates have been run on samples from this site, 10 of which come from the area A20-22c’. The remaining two are from the long trench in square 12a’. 22

Chapter 4: Excavations at Kasteelberg

Fig. 4.6: KBA: stratigraphy square A19.

Table 4.1: Granulometric analysis of Kasteelberg soils. Square: Dry sample Carb. % % Gravel level mass > 63 µ Equiv. CaCo³ & sand

SIEVE ANALYSIS

> 63 µ

FRACTION

>4mm 4-2mm 2-1mm 1-0.5mm mass % A mass % A mass % A mass % A

0.5-0.63mm mass % A

A3:20-30

288

176

61

39

65,8

59

45,5

40

0,8

0,7

0,5

0,4

0,4

0,3

A10:30-40

220

39

18

82

76,4

42

102

57

1,2

0,6

0,7

0,4

0,5

0,3

A!0:40-50

295

50

17

83

169,2

69

71

29

1,8

0,7

1,5

0,6

0,8

0,3

A10:50-60

286

27

9

91

126,9

49

125,6

48

3,4

1,3

1,9

0,7

1,6

0,6

Table 4.2 lists the dates, and shows a time range from c1860 BP to c100 BP. The initial dating was done from samples taken in squares A20 and 21a’ at the bottom of the sequence at the interface between the bone rich level and the loose gravels. This produced dates of 1860 BP and 1790 BP respectively. Subsequent dating in squares 20b’ and 20c’ gave four dates of between 970 and 100 BP in the finely stratified units at the top of the sequence between 830cm. The stratigraphic levels are not completely horizontal, tending to slope away from the datum line, i.e. away from A20. Samples of sheep bone dated by the Oxford Accelerator Lab gave two dates of 1430 and 1630 for level GP/BR, only 20-30cm deep.

test this two more samples were submitted: one from square 20c’ at 55cm gave a shell date result of 1810 (corrected to 1410 BP); the other on an undiagnostic bone sample from square A20 (20-30cm) gave a date of 1230 BP. These both overlap with the bottom level of KBB. The four samples from A20: 20-30cm, unfortunately do not differentiate the three levels (CSS, CSSI & FS) found in this 10 cm spit, resulting in the confusion of the dating. The final two dates were from the top of the long trench in square 12a’. These dates of 970 and 730 BP came from stratigraphically undifferentiated levels. However, the top of squares A20-22c’ is finely stratified, and the fact that we could see the fine stratification at the top suggests that

This indicated that a rich bone deposit existed and was older than 1300 BP (the bottom of the deposit at KBB). To 23

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa Table 4.2: KBA: dates. KBA Dates 20b’: LSSI © 20b’:12 cm © 20b’:18 cm © 20c’: 25 cm © A20: 20-30 cm © A20: 20-30 cm (b) A20: 20-30 cm (b) A20: 30 cm © 20c’: 50-60 cm (s) 21a’: 50-60 cm © 12a’: 9 cm © 12a’: 25 cm ©

B.P. 100 ± 50 140 ± 50 220 ± 50 970 ± 50 1230 ± 40 1430 ± 55 1630 ± 60 1860 ± 60 1810 ± 50 (1410) 1790 ± 40 730 ± 40 970 ± 50

δ13 -22.8 -23.2 -23.2 -24.3 -17.5 -19.4 -22.9 +0.2 -23.5 -24.4 -24.4

Lab. number Pta-4257 Pta-4340 Pta-4337 Pta-4336 Pta-5937 OxA-3865 OxA-3864 Pta-3711 Pta-5728 Pta-3461 Pta-5082 Pta-5085

© = charcoal; (s) = shell; (b) = bone samples

these levels could be differentiated from the levels immediately below.

greater than 100mm, and a few spouts in this collection with a diameter of 20-30mm. The neck profiles show everted lips with any decoration tending to be immediately below the lip.

From a cultural perspective, the ceramic decorative techniques indicate that KBA belongs to the bottom of the sequence at KBB (Sadr & Smith 1991). Thus the bulk of the deposit of KBA would be dated between 1860 and 1200 BP. Cultural Material

Figure 4.10 shows the frequency of wall thickness from 20cm spits. As can be seen, all three levels exhibit a median thickness of 6mm. Many of the sherds have a red slip that was burnished, and some still have residue adhering to the surface.

The richest finds from KBA came from the ceramic Later Stone Age deposit in the upper part of the sequence. This deposit was underlain by Middle Stone Age deposits in the cemented gravels overlying bedrock.

None of the decorative motifs (fig. 4.11) are unusual in the Cape west coast, but our analysis has shown that there are decorative changes through time and the KBA sample overlaps with that from the bottom of KBB (fig. 4.6).

Since we are primarily concerned with the origins and development of pastoralism in the Vredenburg Peninsula, we will concentrate almost entirely on those materials that date within the last 3000 years. Those levels we are concerned with are shell-midden deposit rich in bone, shell and artifacts of ceramic, stone, bone and ostrich eggshell.

Stone: The raw material most frequently used in stone tool manufacture was quartz (52%). The range of other materials, as shown in table 4.3, comprises quartzite (15.3%), silcrete (14.0%) and the remaining smaller groups totalling 18.8%. The formal tools found in excavation only numbered 20 (table 4.4), which represents 0.5% of the total stone. All of these are virtually scraping tools: adzes, scrapers, and miscellaneous retouched pieces. No backed pieces were found, suggesting that stone may well have been a low priority stylistic cultural element with the users, and most was used without any formal retouch, such as small quartz chips and flakes.

Pottery: Ceramic fragments were to be found throughout the shell-bearing part of the sequence. A total of 4361 sherds were found and analysed for decoration, lip form, rim diameter and wall thickness (Sadr & Smith 1991)(fig. 4.7). The pots at KBA are basically jar forms, known variously as Cape Coastal Pottery (Maggs & Speed 1967), Strandloper Pottery (Rudner 1968) or Ceramic Wilton (Sampson 1974) (figs. 4.8 & 4.9). The majority of the decorated vessels conform to the early ceramics identified by Sadr & Sampson (1999) as spouted wares. There are, however, 15 lugged vessels represented. Eleven of these were found associated with later dates within the top 30 cm. Three of the remaining lugs were found 30-40 cm, with one between 40-50 cm. The excavated area where the earliest dates for the site were obtained (squares 20-22 a, b & c) produced two lugs in the subsurface layer. Over 90% of the vessels represented have a neck aperture of between 40-100mm. There are a few larger diameter necks of

What is more significant is that stone was much more plentiful at the bottom of the sequence. Level 60-70cm had only two squares in its sample, but produced 89 pieces of stone. If we extrapolate this by multiplying by 23 (to equate with the number of squares of 0-10cm) we would get over 2000 pieces (2.5 times that from the top of the sequence). Much of the stone from the lowest levels had the appearance of MSA flakes, some showing prepared platform. Below 50cm the amount of brown loamy soil decreased and the rare loose stone found in level 90-100 cm could be separated from that in cemented gravels below. It is from these cemented gravels that the tooth of 24

Chapter 4: Excavations at Kasteelberg

Fig. 4.7: Seriation of ceramics from KBA and KBB (from Sadr & Smith 1991).

extinct Equus capensis came, and like the bone, the stone was very difficult to extract without breakage.

underlines the limited later occupation of the site (compared with the occupation of KBB, where there are many bedrock grooves, and portable lower grindstones in the upper level).

Grinding equipment existed above 60cm, with the top 30cm producing 62.5% of the total. It should be noted that only two bored stone fragments were found, and both of these in the top 20cm. Significantly, only one poorly finished bedrock groove can be seen at KBA. This

A tiny cache of six ochre-stained upper grindstones and one quartz core were found in square 21a’ (not included in table 4) between large bedrock boulders at a depth of 5025

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

Fig. 4.8: Spouted and lugged wares from the Vredenburg Peninsula (from Rudner 1968).

60cm. There was no indication of why the cache should have been there, except that some of the pieces appeared to be fire-blackened, and so may have been related to the ash/charcoal lens from which the radiocarbon sample was taken that gave the date of 1790 ± 40 BP (Pta-3461).

lowest level 30-40cm. Of these 6 were bone awls, one a bodkin, 7 were bone point fragments, one may have been a bone link shaft fragment, 3 were bone tubes, probably used as part of necklaces. One of the bone point fragments had 6 lines incised around the shaft.

Bone Tools: A total of 18 pieces of worked bone were found among the excavated material from the ceramicbearing part of the sequence, half of which came from the

Worked Shell: Six pieces of shell showed some kind of modification or use. One perforated perlemoen pendant from 15a’: 30-40, one fragment of perlemoen showing cut 26

Chapter 4: Excavations at Kasteelberg

Fig. 4.9: Various pottery types from the Vredenburg Peninsula (from Rudner 1968). 27

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

Fig. 4.10: Wall thickness of pottery from KBA and KBB.

Table 4.3: KBA: stone raw materials. KBA Stone: Raw Material Number of squares analysed Quartz Quartzite Silcrete Coarse Silcrete Magnetite Ochre Hornfels Granite CCS Schist Mica Jasper? Sandstone Total

46 0-10 457 169 76 46 16 13 27 60 3

10 877

43 10-20 330 137 50 23 3 10 11 40

41 20-30 252 110 63 49 8 2 6 33

2 1

1 1

607

9 534

40 30-40 295 77 105 73 1

31 40-50 424 79 157 116

12 50-60 366 63 119 64

2 60-70 44 5 16 10

5 28 1

6 31

3 8

9

1 22 836

18 641

5 89

9 594

marks, two Fissurella sp.holes from the same level (13a':30-40), one Glycymeris sp. with a hole, and one mussel hinge with a hole.

1 90-100 3 1 1

2

7

Total 2171 641 587 381 28 25 60 210 4 3 2 1 73 4185

% 51.9 15.3 14.0 9.1 0.7 0.6 1.4 5.0 0.1 0.07 0.05 0.02 1.7

Ostrich Eggshell: Both worked and unworked fragments of ostrich eggshell were found throughout the sequence. No decorated ostrich eggshell was seen. Analysis of the 28

Chapter 4: Excavations at Kasteelberg Table 4.4: KBA: stone artefacts. KBA Stone Number of Squares Analysed Chips Chunks Flakes Blades Flaked cobble Manuport Core P. esquillee Core rejuv. flake. Ochre Total Waste Utilised Upper G/stone Lower G/stone G/stone. frag. Grooved frag. Hammerstone Bored stone. frag. Total utilised MRP Adze Scraper Total formal Grand Total

46 0-10 64 360 385

43 10-20 49 252 245

10 4 24 7 1 13 868 4

13 3 21 1 1 10 595 5

1 2

2

7 2

2 877

1 2 10 2

2 607

41 20-30 30 216 216 2 9 10 23 5 2 513 5 3 2 5 1 2 18 2 1 3 534

40 30-40 13 263 251 3 8 3 35 2 2

31 40-50 43 344 389 2

580 6

821 7 1

43

12 50-60 41 245 307 1 7 6 27

2 60-70 6 35 45

1 90-100

7

1 2

2

2

636 2

89

7

1 1

1 9 3 1 1 5 594

9 5 1 6 836

3 1 1 2 641

89

7

Total 246 1715 1845 8 47 27 175 15 6 25 4109 29 4 2 11 4 4 2 56 15 3 2 20 4185

% 5.9 41.0 44.1

4.1

98.1

1.3

0.5

Table 4.5: KBA: fauna.

finished beads has been previously published in Smith et al. (1991: fig. 6 & table 2). Beads are large, with the outside diameter ranging in size from 5.3-11.0mm, with a mean of over 7mm and aperture diameter mean of 2.6mm.

KBA Fauna Lepus sp. (hare) Bathyergus suillus (dune mole rat) Hystrix africaeaustralis (porcupine) Canis sp (jackal or dog) Vulpes chama (Cape fox) Mellivora capensis (honey badger) Herpestes ichneumon (Egyptian mongoose) Galerella pulverulenta (grey mongoose) Felis caracal (caracal) Arctocephalus pusillus (Cape fur seal) Orycteropus afer (aardvark) Diceros bicornis (black rhinoceros) Taurotragus oryx (eland) Sylvicapra grimmia (grey duiker) Raphicerus sp. (steenbok/grysbok) Ovis aries (sheep) Bos Taurus (cattle) Bovidae -- general small bovids small medium bovids large medium bovids large bovids

Exotica: One red glass bead was recovered from A10:2030, measuring 3.4 mm in diameter. A small iron fragment was found in A19: MSS (20-35cm). This measured 25mm long and 5.4mm thick. Fauna The faunal material from KBA is well preserved in the ceramic LSA levels, which made identification simpler. Cut-marks and gnawing can be seen on a number of bones. The fauna in the MSA levels, while existing there in fossilised form, is badly broken up, and extremely difficult to extract due to the cementation of the matrix. Mammals: A brief summary of the mammalian fauna will be given here. The reader is directed to the complete analysis published by Klein and Cruz-Uribe (1989). Table 4.5 shows the mammalian fauna identified from KBA. It will be seen that, unlike KBB, small medium bovids out-number seals, although both are the dominant animals. The grey duiker, Sylvicapra grimmia, exists in 29

NISP/MNI 3/1 1/1 2/1 14/2 5/1 5/1 3/2 2/1 2/1 1218/24 1/1 1/1 1/1 6/2 9/3 268/34 6/2 238/7 1809/35 44/2 33/2

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

Fig. 4.11: Decorated sherds from KBA and KBB (from Sadr & Smith 1991).

small enough numbers that it is probable that the vast majority of the small medium bovids are most likely to be sheep. The ratio of small medium to large bovids is 55:1, as a rough guide to sheep to cattle ratio, although it is probable that the large bovids represent a combination of cattle from the upper levels of KBA and eland.

Crayfish: Of a sample of 64 crayfish mandibles from the site, 47% came from the 20-30cm level, and 47% from 020cm. 50 of these were complete and measurements showed 24% had a carapace length of 4-7cm (tail weight 3

2

Fig. C.7: Area of Ju/’hoansi ash features (from Yellen 1977).

Modern Pastoralist 4,5

Nama

4

Himba

3,5 3 2,5 2 1,5 1 0,5 0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8

1

1.2 1.4 1.6 1.8

2

2.2 2.4 2.6 2.8 >3

Fig. C.8: Area of modern pastoralist ash features (from Jacobsohn 1988; Archer 1994).

Kasteelberg 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 3

Appendix C

Problems of hearth integrity and the dispersion of artifact concentrations (regardless of object size) can result from activity that is intentionally or unintentionally generated, with the latter occurring as a consequence of scuffage and trampling (Stevenson 1991). Scuffage is defined as the horizontal displacement of discarded artifacts across occupation surfaces by foot traffic, and the effect is far from random. Compact floors that are repeatedly exposed to foot traffic might eventually be cleared of larger artifacts discarded during earlier depositional events, so intensively used outdoor activity areas rarely contain any obtrusive or observable refuse. Given that larger objects are particularly susceptible to foot traffic, it is clear they would migrate to areas of peripheral activity or other areas where activity is reduced, such as the edges of footpaths and walkways where vegetation might serve to impede further dispersal and concentrate objects. Ethnographic studies among the Alyawara Aborigines have shown that for objects involved in the same activity and/or deposited at the same time, larger items tend to migrate further from areas of activity than smaller ones (ibid).

on a scheduled basis) refuse disposal operation. Although intentional size sorting usually takes place in two dimensions, items can also be pressed downward. Another type of expedient refuse clearing involves the tossing of large or potentially disruptive debris away from activity centres. Both types of expedient refuse clearing would be expected to produce zones of debris just outside the perimeter of the ‘drop zone’ (Binford 1978, 1983) or the area of most intensive use and activity. However, because hand/foot sweeping is a more inclusive, less discriminating activity than the selective retrieval and tossing of discrete items, these zones may differ. Specifically, ‘toss zones’, as opposed to ‘displacement zones’, would tend to be less dense and to contain a higher proportion of large and/or immediately disruptive items, and ‘toss zones’ would occur further away from activity than ‘displacement zones’. Systematic refuse clearing often produces secondary refuse deposits (Schiffer 1972, 1976) on the periphery of intensively or repeatedly occupied activity areas. Secondary refuse deposits would be expected to be located at least as far away from activity centres as ‘toss zones’, although in many cases the disposal of both small and large artifacts as secondary refuse may overlap. Depending on the thoroughness of the cleanup operation, such as sweeping or raking, duration of occupation, compaction of living surfaces, and other possible factors, systematically redeposited refuse disposal zones might contain a higher percentage of smaller items than ‘toss zones’.

Smaller artifacts, however, become imbedded in occupation surfaces and are thus more susceptible to trampling. Gifford-Gonzalez et al. (1985) have demonstrated by experimentation that, by keeping the intensity and duration of trampling constant, smaller artifacts penetrate deeper into occupation surfaces than larger ones. This was corroborated by Yellen (1977: 103) in his analysis of Ju/’hoansi hearths. Trampling may not be the only cultural activity that vertically sorts artifacts according to size in deposits. Reuse of artifacts by later occupants, especially larger useful ones, may account for the vertical separation according to size within occupation floors. Trampling studies have also shown that substrate compaction and grain size affect the downward penetration of artifacts into living floors. Artifacts tend to migrate deeper into unconsolidated, sandy deposits than into more compacted substrates (Stevenson 1991). Size sorting is not evident to the same degree in loose deposits, and discarded artifacts, regardless of size, circulate more freely in this type of matrix during trampling. Equally, objects deposited in loose sandy substrates appear prone to horizontal dispersal than objects in harder substrates, and tend to disperse less across consolidated floors than across compact surfaces. This suggested that the movement of artifacts exposed to foot traffic on loose substrates may be characterized by more vertical displacement than by horizontal displacement.

Systematic refuse clearing involving regular cleanup and disposal is expected to be more characteristic of sites occupied for greater periods of time. According to Schiffer (1972), what results is that with “increasing intensity of occupation, there will be decreasing correspondence between use and discard locations for all elements used in activities and discarded at the site”. Secondary refuse disposal tends to be common among sedentary and semisedentary people possessing habitation structures, whereas more mobile populations are more likely to discard elements near activity areas, particularly when occupying outdoor living spaces (Murray 1980). From an archaeological perspective, a campsite ceases to be short term when: 1) systematic refuse disposal becomes the dominant waste management strategy, and 2) secondary refuse deposits overwhelm other types of refuse deposits in area, volume, and number of elements present (Stevenson 1991). When a site is abandoned, however, refuse would no longer be subject to the same degree of size sorting and general dispersal as during occupation. Items discarded last before occupation ended, regardless of size or disruptive potential, would tend to remain clustered around activity areas, such as hearths. Site structure would now be different from earlier episodes of occupation. “Smaller artifacts would tend to remain intact on their depositional surfaces, whereas comparatively little trampling damage to large artifacts would be expected” (ibid). It is suggested that in the event of the site being re-occupied, still functional or valuable artifacts might be stored in protective locations away from activity areas for future use.

Artifact size clearly plays a part in determining whether an artifact will be redeposited as secondary refuse, or left behind as residual primary refuse. Small artifacts are by nature less obtrusive and less visible than large objects. Stevenson (ibid) argues that they are more likely to be missed during refuse cleaning, regardless of the diligence of the operation. Intentional size sorting normally occurs directly as a result of expedient (ad hoc activity involving little or no conscious thought or effort, i.e. casual, low energy maintenance), or systematic (planned and often intensive effort conducted 89

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

INTERPRETATION

beads and pottery, some of which tend to be found more in the hearths, although the majority are still outside the hearths.

It is obvious that the distribution of cultural material is not random in any of the layers. Space is divided into shell matrix, hearths and larger ash bodies, each of which are the result of different human processes, and in many ways can be assumed to have constrained space use. For example, we can be sure people were not working on top of a fire, and an ash heap (using the modern analogy) may well have belonged to a single woman. Higher densities of artifacts might be suggested as the places where different activities took place.

ACTIVITY SPACE AT KBB Using modern analogies, broken or unfinished ostrich eggshell beads may be taken as the result of women’s work. Assuming none of these would have been picked up and moved, then we have at the site indications of the activities of women at the place where fabrication may have taken place. A high preponderance of hearths in all four layers on both sides of the chronological break had no beads associated with them. The bulk of the beads were in the matrix. There was a tendency for unfinished ostrich eggshell beads to occur in concentrations near hearths, which might indicate places where bead-making took place.

In Layer 16 pottery densities are low except for one unit where a large concentration exists in Hearth below DBLWS. This might be interpreted as a single pot that was broken and left at place of breakage. Similarly, a dense concentration of stone was found in Hearth below DBSWS. Another concentration, this time of unfinished OES beads (11.5 beads/bucket), was found in the matrix, and not in a hearth. Nevertheless, there is a high proportion of bead-free units in both the matrix and hearths. These isolated concentrations are unique to Layer 16, with the one exception of unfinished OES beads in Layer 11. The pottery count for Layer 16 is low with virtually all of the pottery present in the matrix. Stone is dispersed through the matrix, with only a few pieces in the hearths. The densities of unfinished OES beads are low and, like the stone, mostly in the matrix with a few pieces in the hearths.

The concentration of potsherds in Layer 16 (Hearth below DBLWS) in a hearth is quite different from the other layers. Pottery is used for various purposes: cooking, rendering seal fat for oil (Patrick et al. 1985, Copley et al. 2004), and possible storage (of liquids)(in contrast to other storage containers used by pastoralists, such as leather bags). It is probable that one pot could yield many pieces if broken, but, equally, we may be dealing with a concentrated cooking episode around a hearth. It is an assumption that stone fabrication and utilization would be men’s work, particularly the butchering of seal and terrestrial mammal carcasses or working wood and skins. Although use of flaked stone had disappeared before any European observer was on the scene among the Khoekhoen at the Cape, leather and woodwork using metals was often in the hands of men (Smith & Webley 2000), although the tanning and preparation of leather by women has also been noted (Boonzaier et al. 1996). The trend at KBB was for stone to have been deposited (and probably flaked) away from hearth areas.

Pottery densities in Layer 12 are higher than in Layer 16. There are more unfinished OES bead-free hearths than matrix units, and stone densities are higher in the matrix than in the hearths. As far as pottery is concerned, Layer 11 is similar to Layer 12. A single concentration of unfinished beads is evident but numbers are mostly low in the matrix. By way of contrast, stone shows higher concentrations in the matrix and low densities in the hearths. Generally, the figures indicate that there are twice as many matrix units as there are hearth units (20 matrix v/s 10-12 hearths). It can be therefore argued that hearth concentrations are more dramatic than those in the matrix.

We are aware of the difficulty in knowing how close the different hearth and matrix units are to each other in time, so do not assume that we have single living surfaces. If we are correct that the shell substrate would limit postdepositional lateral movement of artifacts, then we can be reasonably sure that the pieces were in some way retained close to where they were dropped. If stone was men’s work, and stone is more dispersed through the shell matrix, then men were not focused around specific loci. By contrast, even though most of the unfinished beads are in the matrix, they tend to be close to the hearths.

As KBB is primarily a shell midden, integrity may have been maintained due to the reasonably hard compact nature of the matrix, and have been less susceptible to trampling. If there has been little movement of material laterally, it can be suggested that the distribution of artifacts in each level is more likely to be where they were dropped. An analysis of the frequency of artifacts (unfinished ostrich eggshell beads, stone and pottery) shows that the distribution is inversely correlated between the deposit and hearths, i.e. hearths have very low densities of cultural material, while the rest of the deposit is artifact-rich.

A comparable site may be Dunefield Midden (DFM) where nuclear areas have been identified around hearths (Henshilwood 1990). Items that have been found clustered close to hearths include ostrich eggshell beads, stone artifacts, tortoise bones and small-medium bovid (Raphicerus sp.) bones. Given that all these items are found at KBB allows us to make the comparison. Items found close to hearths at DFM are generally small in size and conform to activities that are generally clean and nonspace consuming. This appears also to be the case at KBB.

Not only is there differential distribution of artifacts between deposit and hearths, but there is a tendency for stone artifacts to be more concentrated in the deposit than in the hearths, while the reverse is true for unfinished 90

Appendix C

On the basis of the seeming hearth focus at DFM, and the range of artifacts found, Henshilwood (1990) argues that no clear distinction can be made between areas in which subsistence and manufacturing processes were performed, as suggested by Yellen (1977) at Ju/’hoansi camps. Henshilwood’s (1990: 145) analysis indicated that “discrete, low density areas on one side of some hearths could be discerned”. These, he argued might tie in with the practice of keeping the area within shelters, and between shelters and hearths, reasonably clean in Ju/’hoansi camps, although the rear and side area outside the shelter might be used as a dump. This might explain the sterile areas immediately adjacent to areas of artifact concentration at KBB.

boundaries to settlement layout, as do the many individual large boulders located around it, thereby confining the amount of available space for domestic arrangements. At KBB the back wall would have confined the amount of space (in accordance with a predetermined cultural plan), and perhaps compacted spatially specific cultural activities. Archaeological visibility may thus have been made more complex, and analogies with historically observed settlement arrangements more difficult to determine. More open space would have allowed activities to be laid out in a more fluid manner. Historical references are made about Khoekhoe settlements from the seventeenth century onwards. Details and descriptions are relatively consistent between sources. It is important, however, not to preclude the possibility that much of what was written may have been from informants, and not first hand observation, and plagiarism was rife among writers in the early years of European writing. Also, personal subjectivity of an author might place bias upon the data, such as Kolb (1731) who had the tendency to idealise some of the Khoe activities in an attempt to defend their reputation. Nevertheless, the historical record does provide some very useful information that might assist in interpreting the archaeological record.

HERDER SETTLEMENTS AND HOUSEHOLD SPACE AT KBB Architecture and settlement layouts are generated by social needs and incorporate economic, political, religious/ritual requirements. According to Mills (1995) design is essential to understanding how architecture takes on specific formal properties, such as shape, size, mode of construction, use of building materials, etc. The most important elements are social processes that have bearing on decisions out of which particular forms emerge. Climatic, topographic and technological constraints place limitations upon design options (ibid; Cribb 1992). These constraints should be extended to incorporate limitations on settlement layout and organization. Can we use spatial patterning and layout as a means of identifying social processes on archaeological sites? Whether or not this is possible, it can be argued that space is socially produced and that “space is the means for constituting social structure as well as for making it real” (Mills 1995: 211), and social space (settlement) can be suggested as the interface between nature (the physical world) and the internal world (experiences, beliefs, behaviours and values) of the people that produced and use it.

The basic settlement has been traditionally described as circular in layout, usually enclosed by a thorn fence with two gateways, one facing north, and the other south (Schapera 1930; Schreyer 1668, quoted in Raven-Hart 1971). Arranged around the fence, within its perimeter, were the huts of individuals, all facing inwards to the centre. This circular pattern is illustrated by Burchell (1822)(fig. C:1), with the important communal central space used for the animals at night. This drawing refutes the idea that all the doors need necessarily have faced the central area. Even a circular pattern to the settlement layout has been disputed as occurring at all times. Carstens (1969) believes that a circular pattern may have been a local phenomenon at the Cape where population densities were higher, and may have been a response to defensive needs, or for protection of the animals

It is characteristic of nomadic pastoralists that when they move they do so as relatively autonomous household units taking along with them not only the greater part of their productive base, in the form of flocks and herds, but also an entire domestic establishment, which is repeatedly set down in much the same way depending on the topography of the landscape (Cribb 1991) or season (Smith, S.E. 1980). In each household the same structures and activity areas are replicated, which Cribb (1992) argues gives rise to a high degree of redundancy in the organisation of household space. In other words, the organisation of space is replicated and areas are designated according to social and/or cultural determinants regardless of whether or not all of thee spaces are going to be utilized. The mobile camp arrangement that Cribb (ibid) describes is contrasted with the village scenario in which walls restrict the layout of settlement patterning. Hence space becomes more confined and the utilization of this space demands a more economical and a less ‘wasteful’ approach.

The hut consisted of two components: a skeletal framework of arched poles, and a reed or skin mat covering. This was easily dismantled and transported on the backs of oxen (Schapera 1930) or even carried on the backs of the owners (Fryke 1681, quoted in Raven-Hart 1971). According to Schapera (1930), arrangement of huts within a settlement was patrilineal, in order of seniority with the chief and members of his clan in the western part of the circle, facing east, and on either side were members of other clans. There seems to be a general consensus that the huts had two entrances: the main entrance on the lee side of the prevailing wind. Kolb (1731: 222) describes the huts of wealthy individuals having two coverings: an under mat and outer skin cladding adorned “with a variety of trinkets”. This ensured the hut would be dry during the rains although an advantage of the reed mats in the heat is that they allow a cooling wind to penetrate. There was no light inside the huts except that provided by the doors (only three feet high and two wide, according to Kolb,

Cribb’s arguments are applicable to Kasteelberg. Whilst there is no evidence for permanent or semi-permanent walled structures, the hill itself presents spatial limitations/ 91

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

1731). Each entrance had a rolled up flap above it that could be unfurled to close the space. In the writings of early observers the height of the hut was so low that no grown up could stand easily inside. This is somewhat at odds with modern huts among the Nama that stand considerably higher (Boonzaier et al. 1996; Haacke 1982), but these are more permanent structures often used as kitchens in summer and not intended for relocation.

and depends on the size and composition of the herding group. Modern huts are usually oblong in shape, but are built in the traditional manner. There does not appear to be a clear correspondence between the size of the hut and the number of occupants. The huts at Namaqualand stockposts are approximately 2.5 x 3 metres in size, but are 1-2 metres smaller than huts at more permanent locations (Webley 1982), which would be more comparable to those described by Kolb in 1731, who suggested 4.3 x 3 meter units.

From historical accounts, the interior space of the hut was uniformly laid out. A hearth, dug approximately one foot into the ground, was located in the centre for cooking and warmth. On each side of the hearth were sleeping hollows, again dug into the earth, and lined with grass, a sheepskin or leather kaross (Vogel 1679, quoted in Raven-Hart 1971), or as described by Tachard (1685, quoted in RavenHart 1971: 289): “the people lying in the ashes, and having nothing under them, but a sheepskin”. There seems to be little consensus over the number of inhabitants per hut. 10 or 12 people were suggested by Vogel (1679, quoted in Raven-Hart 1971), or four to five families (Tachard 1865, quoted in Raven-Hart 1971), but this would seem to be complete conjecture, since the hut measurements provided by Tachard himself, and other historical references, would make this impossible. Modern information indicates that an individual woman and her family would be the occupants (Smith & Webley 2000).

Today, fires may be made on the hut floor during winter for warmth (Fiona Archer, pers. comm.). During the summer months all cooking takes place outdoors. Webley (1984) notes that the heat generated by fires might bake floors, and although there is record of pressed mud and dung floors, it cannot be assumed that this was necessarily a feature of all past settlements. This would only be applicable to a clay substrate, and is unlikely to have occurred in shell middens. Certainly, there is no evidence of such at KBB. In ethnographic examples, approximately half a metre away from the hut is the sheltered cooking area (kookskerm)(fig. C: 10). It is usually constructed of small bushes piled about a metre high so the cook is out of the wind and the fire is protected. This takes on a specific size, and hearths are very formalised, often raised on a clay or stone base about 0.5-0.7 metre in diameter (Fiona Archer, pers. comm.). Although the historical record makes no mention of the kookskerm, Daniel (1804-5) illustrates the presence of one, and in 1834 Bell depicted another (fig. C:11), so it was certainly widely used from the early nineteenth century onwards.

One of the fundamentals of architecture is to delineate and organise space into ‘categories’ for the performance of various activities (Mills 1995). Analysis of stockposts in Namaqualand indicates that there are six principle components that constitute the domestic space: hut, kookskerm (cooking place), kraal (for penning young animals), ash heap (for cleaning the hearth), woodpile and n//a pole. Webley (1984) notes that stockposts are seasonally re-occupied satellite settlements of herders and their stock. The stockpost is the “minimal unit of the Nama herder; it is also the basic unit of movement and of livestock management” (ibid: 103). She argues that the high degree of uniformity among stockposts may mean their layout is of enough time depth that this may be represented in the archaeological record. Her excavations at Bethelsklip were indeed an attempt to see if Khoekhoe settlement patterns could be detected archaeologically (Webley 1986). Bethelsklip consisted of several large boulders below which were signs of an abandoned camp. All posts, postholes, hearths, ash deposits, dung units and artifact concentrations were plotted. Elements typically associated with mat huts, such as compacted floors or hearths were not recovered, and no patterning between features was identified. Webley (ibid) suggests that once a cattle economy was introduced, there was a movement away from large boulders onto the plains, and this might have led to the establishment of the historically documented settlements.

Close to the hearth, and positioned within the screen wall is one or more n//a poles. These are long forked sticks used for hanging meat, clothes, cooking utensils, etc. (Mills 1995). In many instances the branches of nearby trees also fulfill this purpose. Historical references to these are limited. Meister (1688, quoted in Raven-Hart 1971: 346) notes that during the slaughter of cattle “4-6 stakes are set in the ground, to hang on them the leftover meat, the head, skin, feet and other parts which could not be eaten the day before”. Hearth debris from a cooking fire is primarily ash and charcoal (bone is rare). Hearths are cleaned out at least daily, and debris placed on the ash heap. Ash heaps vary in size seasonally, as they are influenced by variations in activity. They get bigger in winter (up to four metres in diameter), and will also increase in size depending on how often the camp is re-occupied. Ash heaps are privately owned by individual women, so are repeatedly utilized. Both hearths and ash-heaps contain little more than ash, so are relatively sterile. Distance from hearth to ash heap is variable, and can be anything up to 1 to 19 metres away (Fiona Archer 1994)(fig. C: 12), although there might be smaller ash features in addition to the ash heap closer to the hut.

Although there are differences between present herder stockposts and those that served as stockposts in the past, Webley (1984) stresses that the various elements of the stockpost occur together so frequently that they suggest a formal concept of stockpost layout, so may be of some antiquity. The number of huts at a stockpost is variable,

Hodder (1978) warns that slight traces of structures are easy to miss during excavation, and that it is often difficult to know how many of the features, such as pits and post92

Appendix C

Fig. C.10: Abandoned stock camp, Richtersveld, Northern Cape.

Fig. C.11: Bell drawing (c.1830s) of a Namaqua camp.

holes, are contemporary. This would most certainly be the case at KBB, given that the stratigraphy is made up of overlapping layers. Nevertheless, post-holes were found and warrant some thought, although they do not represent complete structures, nor the boundaries of the domestic settlement.

the vertical rock surface at the back of the site. This might have been a cooking area making the rock the rear boundary of the domestic area. The ten post-holes in Layer 16 are dug down into the sterile gravels at the bottom of KBB, but no discernible pattern is evident from them. This is unfortunate, since these presumably represent the first structural elements at KBB. The post-holes in squares I6, J5, J6 and J7 could conceivably be part of an oval structure, 1.5 metres wide and 2-3 metres long. These estimates would be comparable to the ethnographic examples of Khoekhoe shelters.

Post-holes were identified in both Layers 13 and 16. The distribution of these holes would offer some spatial information regarding structures. The alignment of four holes in Layer 13: squares G5 and H6 could be interpreted as some form of windbreak with a hearth between it and 93

A.B. Smith: Excavations at Kasteelberg, and the Origins of the Khoekhoen in the Western Cape, South Africa

Fig. C.12: Plan of stock camp at Richtersveld (after Archer 1994).

CONCLUSIONS

hearths than does stone which is more concentrated in the shell matrix.

This study has tried to demonstrate how occupants of KBB were ultilising their domestic space, and whether it was possible to make clear separations between different levels in this regard. While we recognize that KBB is a palimpsest of repeated occupations over several centuries, and it is difficult to see single occupation ‘floors’, we are confident that the structure of the shell midden, that constitutes the bulk of the residue, has meant limited lateral displacement of artifacts or ash features.

Moore (1986) is skeptical regarding the analysis of household space, saying that the problem lies in how to take account of the different experiences of men and women. Among the Turkana of East Africa, women’s and girl’s work is focused around the homestead in domestic activities. Their work includes watering and milking the livestock around the homestead, gathering plant foods, making fat, oil and butter, manufacturing and repairing clothes and pots, and doing beadwork. Such activities are separate and different from those conducted by men (Gulliver 1951). The area of men’s activities tends to be spatially more widespread, as it has to do with herding and hunting. Men congregate away from the homestead, often under a shade tree, to discuss herding matters, as well as social and political problems. It is during this time they might partake in other manufacturing activities. But such gendered patterns do vary, as among the Himba of northern Namibia both men and women might sit around the cooking fire to the left of the hut doing domestic chores, although, like the Turkana, the men might also find a shade tree elsewhere to meet (Jacobsohn 1988).

The area of the ash features was calculated for layers before and after the chronological divide, c.1100 BP, to see if any major differences were obvious. No such difference was seen, suggesting similar patterns of ash cleaning had taken place before and after the break. This indicates that the people who lived before the hiatus were not behaviourally dissimilar form those who re-occupied the site afterwards, even though changes in pottery form and decoration were noted. An attempt was made to show that hearths are distinguishable from ash-heaps (or re-distribution areas for hearth material). If, indeed, hearths are the final episode of a woman’s use of a domestic space, and associated with unfinished ostrich eggshell beads, we might suggest that fabrication of beads was taking place close to or next to hearths. Pottery also seems more closely associated with

Our conclusions are, however, that there was differential use of space at KBB, and would like to assume that this difference can be ascribed to gender activities, with men and women doing different things across the site. 94

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BAR S75, 1980 The Niger Delta Aspects of its Prehistoric Economy and Culture by Nwanna Nzewunwa. ISBN 0 86054 083 9 BAR S89, 1980 Prehistoric Investigations in the Region of Jenne, Mali A Study in the Development of Urbanism in the Sahel by Susan Keech McIntosh and Roderick J. McIntosh ISBN 0 86054 103 7 BAR S97, 1981 Off-Site Archaeology and Human Adaptation in Eastern Africa An Analysis of Regional Artefact Density in the Amboseli, Southern Kenya by Robert Foley. ISBN 0 86054 114 2 BAR S114, 1981 Later Pleistocene Cultural Adaptations in Sudanese Nubia by Yousif Mukhtar el Amin. ISBN 0 86054 134 7 BAR S119, 1981 Settlement Patterns in the Iron Age of Zululand An Ecological Interpretation by Martin Hall. ISBN 0 86054 143 6 BAR S139, 1982 The Neolithic Period in the Sudan, c. 6000-2500 B.C. by Abbas S. Mohammed-Ali. ISBN 0 86054 170 3 BAR S195, 1984 History and Ethnoarchaeology in Eastern Nigeria A Study of Igbo-Igala relations with special reference to the Anambra Valley by Philip Adigwe Oguagha and Alex Ikechukwu Okpoko. ISBN 0 86054 249 1 BAR S197, 1984 Meroitic Settlement in the Central Sudan An Analysis of Sites in the Nile Valley and the Western Butana by Khidir Abdelkarim Ahmed. ISBN 0 86054 252 1 BAR S201, 1984 Economy and Technology in the Late Stone Age of Southern Natal by Charles Cable. ISBN 0 86054 258 0 BAR S207, 1984 Frontiers Southern African Archaeology Today edited by M. Hall, G. Avery, D.M. Avery, M.L. Wilson and A.J.B. Humphreys. ISBN 0 86054 268 8. £23.00. BAR S215, 1984 Archaeology and History in Southern Nigeria The ancient linear earthworks of Benin and Ishan by P.J. Darling. ISBN 0 86054 275 0 BAR S213, 1984 The Later Stone Age of Southernmost Africa by Janette Deacon. ISBN 0 86054 276 9 BAR S254, 1985 Fisher-Hunters and Neolithic Pastoralists in East Turkana, Kenya by John Webster Barthelme. ISBN 0 86054 325 0 BAR S285, 1986 The Archaeology of Central Darfur (Sudan) in the 1st Millennium A.D. by Ibrahim Musa Mohammed. ISBN 0 86054 367 6. BAR S293, 1986 Stable Carbon Isotopes and Prehistoric Diets in the South-Western Cape Province, South Africa by Judith Sealy. ISBN 0 86054 376 5. BAR S318, 1986 L'art rupestre préhistorique des massifs centraux sahariens by Alfred Muzzolini.. ISBN 0 86054 406 0 BAR S321, 1987 Spheriods and Battered Stones in the African Early and Middle Stone Age by Pamela R. Willoughby. ISBN 0 86054 410 9 BAR S338, 1987 The Royal Crowns of Kush A study in Middle Nile Valley regalia and iconography in the 1st millennia B.C. and A.D. by Lázló Török.. ISBN 0 86054 432 X BAR S339, 1987 The Later Stone Age of the Drakensberg Range and its Foothills by H. Opperman. ISBN 0 86054 437 0 BAR S350, 1987 Socio-Economic Differentiation in the Neolithic Sudan by Randi Haaland. ISBN 0 86054 453 2 BAR S351, 1987 Later Stone Age Settlement Patterns in the Sandveld of the South-Western Cape Province, South Africa by Anthony Manhire. ISBN 0 86054 454 0 BAR S365, 1987 L'art rupestre du Fezzan septentrional (Libye) Widyan Zreda et Tarut (Wadi esh-Shati) by Jean-Loïc Le Quellec. ISBN 0 86054 473 7 BAR S368, 1987 Archaeology and Environment in the Libyan Sahara The excavations in the Tadrart Acacus, 1978-1983 edited by Barbara E. Barich. ISBN 0 86054 474 5 BAR S378, 1987 The Early Farmers of Transkei, Southern Africa Before A.D. 1870 by J.M. Feely. ISBN 0 86054 486 9 BAR S380, 1987 Later Stone Age Hunters and Gatherers of the Southern Transvaal Social and ecological interpretation by Lyn Wadley. ISBN 0 86054 492 3 BAR S405, 1988 Prehistoric Cultures and Environments in the Late Quaternary of Africa edited by John Bower and David Lubell. ISBN 0 86054 520 2 BAR S418, 1988 Zooarchaeology in the Middle Nile Valley A Study of four Neolithic Sites near Khartoum by Ali Tigani El Mahi. ISBN 0 86054 539 3 BAR S422, 1988 L'Ancienne Métallurgie du Fer à Madagascar by Chantal Radimilahy. ISBN 0 86054 544 X BAR S424, 1988 El Geili The History of a Middle Nile Environment, 7000 B.C.-A.D. 1500 edited by I. Caneva. ISBN 0 86054 548 2 BAR S445, 1988 The Ethnoarchaeology of the Zaghawa of Darfur (Sudan) Settlement and Transcience by Natalie Tobert. ISBN 0 86054 574 1 BAR S455, 1988 Shellfish in Prehistoric Diet Elands Bay, S.W. Cape Coast, South Africa by W.F. Buchanan. ISBN 0 86054 584 9 BAR S456, 1988 Houlouf I Archéologie des sociétés protohistoriques du Nord-Cameroun by Augustin Holl. ISBN 0 86054 586 5

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BAR S469, 1989 The Predynastic Lithic Industries of Upper Egypt by Liane L. Holmes. ISBN 0 86054 601 2 (two volumes) BAR S521, 1989 Fishing Sites of North and East Africa in the Late Pleistocene and Holocene Environmental Change and Human Adaptation by Kathlyn Moore Stewart. ISBN 0 86054 662 4 BAR S523, 1989 Plant Domestication in the Middle Nile Basin An Archaeoethnobotanical Case Study by Anwar Abdel-Magid. ISBN 0 86054 664 0 BAR S537, 1989 Archaeology and Settlement in Upper Nubia in the 1st Millennium A.D. by David N. Edwards. ISBN 0 86054 682 9 BAR S541, 1989 Prehistoric Settlement and Subsistence in the Kaduna Valley, Nigeria by Kolawole David Aiyedun and Thurstan Shaw. ISBN 0 86054 684 5 BAR S640, 1996 The Archaeology of the Meroitic State New perspectives on its social and political organisation by David N. Edwards. ISBN 0 86054 825 2 BAR S647, 1996 Islam, Archaeology and History Gao Region (Mali) ca. AD 900 - 1250 by Timothy Insoll. ISBN 0 86054 832 5 BAR S651, 1996 State Formation in Egypt: Chronology and society by Toby A.H. Wilkinson. ISBN 0 86054 838 4 BAR S680, 1997 Recherches archéologiques sur la capitale de l’empire de Ghana Etude d’un secteur d’habitat à Koumbi Saleh, Mauritanie. Campagnes II-III-IV-V (1975-1976)-(1980-1981) by S. Berthier. ISBN 0 86054 868 6 BAR S689, 1998 The Lower Palaeolithic of the Maghreb Excavations and analyses at Ain Hanech, Algeria by Mohamed Sahnouni. ISBN0 86954 875 9 BAR S715, 1998 The Waterberg Plateau in the Northern Province, Republic of South Africa, in the Later Stone Age by Maria M. Van der Ryst. ISBN 0 86054 893 7 BAR S734, 1998 Cultural Succession and Continuity in S.E. Nigeria Excavations in Afikpo by V. Emenike Chikwendu. ISBN 0 86054 921 6 BAR S763, 1999 The Emergence of Food Production in Ethiopia by Tertia Barnett. ISBN 0 86054 971 2 BAR S768, 1999 Sociétés préhistoriques et Mégalithes dans le Nord-Ouest de la République Centrafricaine by Étienne Zangato. ISBN 0 86054 980 1 BAR S775, 1999 Ethnohistoric Archaeology of the Mukogodo in North-Central Kenya Hunter-gatherer subsistence and the transition to pastoralism in secondary settings by Kennedy K. Mutundu. ISBN 0 86054 990 9 BAR S782, 1999 Échanges et contacts le long du Nil et de la Mer Rouge dans l'époque protohistorique (IIIe et IIe millénaires avant J.-C.) Une synthèse préliminaire by Andrea Manzo. ISBN 1 84171 002 4 BAR S838, 2000 Ethno-Archaeology in Jenné, Mali Craft and status among smiths, potters and masons by Adria LaViolette. ISBN 1 84171 043 1 BAR S860, 2000 Hunter-Gatherers and Farmers An enduring Frontier in the Caledon Valley, South Africa by Carolyn R. Thorp. ISBN 1 84171 061 X BAR S906, 2000 The Kintampo Complex The Late Holocene on the Gambaga Escarpment, Northern Ghana by Joanna Casey. ISBN 1 84171 202 7 BAR S964, 2000 The Middle and Later Stone Ages in the Mukogodo Hills of Central Kenya A Comparative Analysis of Lithic Artefacts from Shurmai (GnJm1) and Kakwa Lelash (GnJm2) Rockshelters by G-Young Gang. ISBN 1 84171 251 5 BAR S1006, 2001 Darfur (Sudan) In the Age of Stone Architecture c. 1000 - 1750 AD Problems in historical reconstruction by Andrew James McGregor. ISBN 1 84171 285 X BAR S1037, 2002 Holocene Foragers, Fishers and Herders of Western Kenya by Karega-Mũnene. ISBN 1 84171 1037 BAR S1090, 2002 Archaeology and History in Ìlàrè District (Central Yorubaland, Nigeria) 1200-1900 A.D. by Akinwumi O. Ogundiran. ISBN 1 84171 468 2 BAR S1133, 2003 Ethnoarchaeology in the Zinder Region, Republic of Niger: the site of Kufan Kanawa by Anne Haour. ISBN 1 84171 506 9 BAR S1187, 2003 Le Capsien typique et le Capsien supérieur Évolution ou contemporanéité. Les données technologiques by Noura Rahmani. ISBN 1 84171 553 0 BAR S1216, 2004 Fortifications et urbanisation en Afrique orientale by Stéphane Pradines. ISBN 1 84171 576 X BAR S1247, 2004 Archaeology and Geoarchaeology of the Mukogodo Hills and Ewaso Ng’iro Plains, Central Kenya by Frederic Pearl. ISBN 1 84171 607 3 BAR S1289, 2004 Islamic Archaeology in the Sudan by Intisar Soghayroun Elzein. ISBN 1 84171 639 1. BAR S1308, 2004 An Ethnoarchaeological Study of Iron-Smelting Practices among the Pangwa and Fipa in Tanzania by Randi Barndon. ISBN 1 84171 657 X. BAR S1398, 2005 Archaeology and History in North-Western Benin by Lucas Pieter Petit. ISBN 1 84171 837 8.

BAR S1407, 2005 Traditions céramiques, Identités et Peuplement en Sénégambie Ethnographie comparée et essai de reconstitution historique by Moustapha Sall. ISBN 1 84171 850 5 BAR S1446, 2005 Changing Settlement Patterns in the Aksum-Yeha Region of Ethiopia: 700 BC – AD 850 by Joseph W. Michels. ISBN 1 84171 882 3. BAR S1454, 2006 Safeguarding Africa’s Archaeological Past Selected papers from a workshop held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 2001 edited by Niall Finneran. ISBN 1841718920