Exaltation in the Epistles of St Paul Against the Background of Greek Classical Literature [1 ed.] 9783666573293, 9783525573297, 9783525573303

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2 Sławomir Stasiak

Exaltation in the Epistles of St Paul Against the Background of Greek Classical Literature

In their use of the motif of exaltation, St Paul’s Epistles show a terminological and conceptual dependence of on classical Greek literature. Comparing with epics, poetry, drama, rhetoric, philosophy and historiography, this study touches on themes such as God as the Most High, humiliation and ‘height’ as a goal in human life, and the resurrection in the Pauline corpus.

ISBN 978-3-525-57329-7

9 783525 573297

Stasiak  Exaltation in the Epistles of St Paul

Author Sławomir J. Stasiak, a priest of the Legnica diocese, is professor, head of the Biblical Theology Department at the Institute of Biblical Studies and vicerector at the Pontifical Faculty of Theology in Wrocław. He is an ordinary member of the Polish Biblical Association, the Association of Alumni of the Pontifical Biblical Institute in Rome, and a board member of the John Paul II Biblical Work Association (Dzieło Biblijne im. św. Jana Pawła II).

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Eastern and Central European Voices Studies in Theology and Religion

Edited by Rajmund Pietkiewicz and Krzysztof Pilarczyk

In co-operation with Piotr Burgon´ski (Poland), Wojciech Gajewski (Poland), Cyril Hisˇem (Slovakia), Mirosław Kiwka (Poland), Mihály Laurinyecz (Hungary), Piotr Lorek (Poland), Dominik Opatrný (Czech Republic), Adrian Podaru (Romania), Kristina Rutkovska (Lithuania), Oleg Salamon (Ukraine), Sławomir Stasiak (Poland), Jose M. Vegas (Russia)

Volume 2

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Sławomir Stasiak

Exaltation in the Epistles of St Paul Against the Background of Greek Classical Literature

Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht

© 2021 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht | Brill Deutschland GmbH https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293 | CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

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The book was financed from the subsidy granted by the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education.

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek: The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data available online: https://dnb.de. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek listsTheaterstraße this publication the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; © 2021 by Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 13,in37073 Göttingen, Germany, an imprint of the detailed bibliographic dataBrill available online: https://dnb.de. Brill-Group (Koninklijke NV, Leiden, The Netherlands; Brill USA Inc., Boston MA, USA; Brill Asia Pte Ltd, Singapore; Brill Deutschland GmbH, Paderborn, Germany; © 2021 by Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Theaterstraße 13, 37073 Göttingen, Germany, an imprint of the Brill Österreich GmbH, Vienna, Austria) Brill-Group Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands; Brill USA Inc., Boston USA; Brill Koninklijke (Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Hotei, BrillMA, Schöningh, Asia Ltd, Singapore; Brill Deutschland GmbH, Paderborn, Germany; GmbH, Brill Pte Fink, Brill mentis, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau, Verlag AntikeBrill andÖsterreich V&R unipress. Vienna, Austria) Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Hotei, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brillreserved. mentis, Vandenhoeck Ruprecht, Böhlau, Verlagor Antike andinV&R unipress. All rights No part of this&work may be reproduced utilized any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, photocopying, recording, or any information storage This publication is licensedincluding under a Creative Commons Attribution – Non Commercial – Noand retrieval system, without prior written permission from the publisher. Derivatives 4.0 International license, at https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293. For a copy of this license go to https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. Any use in cases other Coverthose design: SchwabScantechnik, than permitted by this license Göttingen requires the prior written permission from the publisher. Publishing reviews: Prof. Marek Jerzy Uglorz (Christian Theological Academy in Warsaw) and Prof. Mirosław Wróbel (The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin) Cover design: SchwabScantechnik, Göttingen Translation: Magdalena Wrocław Publishing reviews: Prof. Konopko, Henryk Witczyk (The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin) and Indexes: Anna Kryza, Wrocław Prof. Roman Bartnicki (Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw) Typesetting:Monika le-tex publishing services, Leipzig Translation: and Jacek Szela, Wrocław Indexes: Anna Kryza, Wrocław Printed and le-tex bound: Hubert &services, Co. BuchPartner, Typesetting: publishing Leipzig Göttingen Printed in the EU

Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Verlage | www.vandenhoeck-ruprecht-verlage.com Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Verlage | www.vandenhoeck-ruprecht-verlage.com ISSN 2749-6279 ISBN 978-3-666-57329-3 ISSN 2749–6260 ISBN 978–3–525–57330–3

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Contents

Abbreviations .......................................................................................

9

Introduction.......................................................................................... 11 1. Greek Classical Literature................................................................. 1.1 Epic........................................................................................... 1.1.1 Homer .............................................................................. 1.1.2 Hesiod .............................................................................. Summary........................................................................... 1.1.3 Apollonius of Rhodes .......................................................... Summary........................................................................... 1.2 Lyric.......................................................................................... 1.2.1 Pindar ............................................................................... Summary........................................................................... 1.2.2 Callimachus ....................................................................... Summary........................................................................... 1.2.3 Theocritus ......................................................................... Summary........................................................................... 1.3 Drama ....................................................................................... 1.3.1 Aeschylus .......................................................................... Summary........................................................................... 1.3.2 Sophocles .......................................................................... Summary........................................................................... 1.3.3 Euripides ........................................................................... Summary........................................................................... 1.3.4 Aristophanes...................................................................... Summary........................................................................... 1.4 Rhetoric..................................................................................... 1.4.1 Lysias ................................................................................ Summary........................................................................... 1.4.2 Isocrates ............................................................................ Summary........................................................................... 1.4.3 Isaeus................................................................................ Summary...........................................................................

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15 15 16 23 25 25 28 29 30 33 33 35 35 38 39 40 45 46 51 51 59 60 65 69 70 72 73 76 77 78

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Contents

1.4.4 Aeschines .......................................................................... Summary........................................................................... 1.4.5 Demosthenes ..................................................................... Summary........................................................................... 1.5 Philosophy ................................................................................. 1.5.1 Plato ................................................................................. Summary........................................................................... 1.5.2 Aristotle ............................................................................ Summary........................................................................... 1.6 Ηistoriography............................................................................ 1.6.1 Herodotus ......................................................................... Summary........................................................................... 1.6.2 Thucydides ........................................................................ Summary........................................................................... 1.6.3 Xenophon.......................................................................... Summary........................................................................... 1.6.4 Polybius ............................................................................ Summary........................................................................... Conclusions ..........................................................................................

79 82 82 88 89 90 101 101 106 107 108 115 115 120 121 127 127 135 137

2. St Paul’s epistles ............................................................................. 2.1 Epistle to the Romans .................................................................. 2.1.1 To raise Jesus from the dead ................................................. 2.1.2 The Resurrection of Christ ................................................... 2.1.3 Our resurrection ................................................................ 2.1.4 Arise ................................................................................ 2.1.5 Ascend into heaven............................................................. 2.1.6 Height............................................................................... 2.1.7 Pride ................................................................................. 2.1.8 Wake from sleep ................................................................. 2.1.9 Raise up ............................................................................ Summary ................................................................................... 2.2 First Epistle to the Corinthians ..................................................... 2.2.1 Treaty on the raising from the dead and Resurrection (1 Cor 15:1–58) ................................................................. 2.2.2 Entering (the heart) ............................................................ 2.2.3 To rise up .......................................................................... Summary ...................................................................................

139 139 140 157 160 161 163 164 167 170 172 173 174

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175 211 213 215

Contents

2.3 Second Epistle to the Corinthians.................................................. 2.3.1 Raising Christ and the faithful.............................................. 2.3.2 To exalt ............................................................................. 2.3.3 Every lofty opinion raised against ......................................... Summary ................................................................................... 2.4 Epistle to the Galatians ................................................................ 2.4.1 Going up, ascending ........................................................... 2.4.2 Elementary principles ......................................................... 2.4.3 Above ............................................................................... 2.4.4 To raise Jesus from the dead ................................................. Summary ................................................................................... 2.5 Epistle to the Ephesians................................................................ 2.5.1 Height............................................................................... 2.5.2 Ascend on high .................................................................. 2.5.3 To raise Jesus and the faithful from the dead .......................... 2.5.4 Awake and arise from the dead ............................................. 2.5.5 Taking up (the armour) ....................................................... Summary ................................................................................... 2.6 Epistle to the Philippians .............................................................. 2.6.1 To exalt Christ above all things ............................................. 2.6.2 The resurrection of Christ and Paul....................................... 2.6.3 Upward for the prize ........................................................... 2.6.4 Pick up, add ....................................................................... Summary ................................................................................... 2.7 Epistle to the Colossians............................................................... 2.7.1 Raising Christ and the faithful from the dead ......................... 2.7.2 Above at the right hand of God ............................................ Summary ................................................................................... 2.8 Epistles to Thessalonians .............................................................. 2.8.1 Raising, resurrecting (Christ) ............................................... 2.8.2 Resurrecting (the faithful) ................................................... 2.8.3 Kill (the lawless) ................................................................. Summary ................................................................................... 2.9 Epistles to Timothy ..................................................................... 2.9.1 Raise from the dead (about Christ) ....................................... 2.9.2 Take up in glory (about Christ) ............................................ 2.9.3 The resurrection of the dead................................................. 2.9.4 Lifting (hands in prayer)...................................................... 2.9.5 Bring (with you) ................................................................. Summary ................................................................................... Conclusions ..........................................................................................

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216 218 225 226 229 230 231 233 234 236 238 238 240 242 245 248 249 252 253 254 257 259 262 263 264 265 268 270 270 271 275 277 279 280 281 283 285 286 288 289 290

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Contents

3. Exaltation – similarities and divergences........................................... 3.1 Comparative data........................................................................ 3.2 God most high............................................................................ 3.3 The Gods’ dwelling Place.............................................................. 3.4 Establishing contact with God ...................................................... 3.4.1 Ascending Olympus or the heaven ........................................ 3.4.2 Erecting the altar and offering sacrifices................................. 3.4.3 The oracles......................................................................... 3.4.4 Philosophical knowledge ..................................................... 3.5 Humiliate and exalt ..................................................................... 3.6 Raising from the dead/Resurrection .............................................. 3.6.1 The possibility of resurrection .............................................. 3.6.2 The power to raise the dead is the domain of the deity ............. 3.6.3 The resurrection of Christ and the raising from the dead ......... 3.7 Becoming arrogant and conceited ................................................. Conclusions ..........................................................................................

293 293 295 295 296 297 297 298 299 299 300 300 301 301 304 305

General conclusions ............................................................................. 307 Bibliography ......................................................................................... Sources................................................................................................. Biblical ................................................................................................. Classical literature.................................................................................. Introductions, auxiliary grammatical and lexicographical works .................. Bible Commentaries............................................................................... Studies .................................................................................................

311 311 311 311 314 315 318

Index of modern authors ....................................................................... 327 Index of topics (Greek terms)................................................................. 333 Index of biblical references ................................................................... 335 Index of Greek classical references........................................................ 351

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Abbreviations

cf. com. ed. edn LXX

confer, compare commentary editor(s)/edited by edition Septuaginta. Id est Vetus Testamentum graece iuxta LXX interpretes, ed. Alfred Rahlfs, vol. 1–3, Stuttgart 1965 M Majority text, including the Byzantine Koine text Merk Nuovo Testemento greco e italiano, ed. August Merk, Giuseppe Barbaglio, Bologna 1990 MT Masoretic Text Nestle–Aland Novum Testamentum Graece, ed. Eberhard Nestle, Erwin Nestle, Barbara Aland, Kurt Aland, 28 edn, Stuttgart 2012 NKB NT Nowy Komentarz Biblijny. Nowy Testament [New Biblical Commentary. New Testament], Częstochowa no. number, numbers P Papyrus RAC Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, vol. 1–, Stuttgart 1950– RNT Regensburger Neues Testament, Regensburg transl. translation/translated by TWNT Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament, ed. Gerhard Kittel, Gerhard Friedrich, vol. 1–11, Stuttgart 1933–1973 v. verse, verses vol. volume/volumes

Manuscript designations after Novum Testamentum Graece, ed. Nestle–Aland, Stuttgart 2012.

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Introduction

Since the dawn of humanity, people have perceived the elements of the world around in terms of their height. One thing occupied high, the other higher, and yet another the highest ground. It was not merely the physical dimension that mattered. The moral aspect was equally important. A man could be exalted by others who appreciated his actions. The same posed a danger of swelling with pride or becoming haughty. The category of height referred to God in monotheistic, and to gods in polytheistic cultures. Man, as a religious being, placed himself in a certain relationship to a deity or deities. He desired to establish an interrelation with them by undertaking – as reflected in literature – various types of worship or by consulting them on crucial life issues. Not all literary works, however, paint an equally broad picture of exaltation. This work deals with those epistles of St Paul in which we meet the terminology we are interested in occurs.1 Since the Apostle wrote all his works in Greek, it seemed reasonable for us to examine Greek literature for the use of the word ‘exaltation’. From among the large number of authors, we have selected those representing three classical literary genres: epic, lyric and drama. Due to the specific language and topic, we have added representatives of rhetoric, philosophy and historiography. In total, we will analyse the works of twenty-one representatives. A legitimate question could arise: Why did we choose these rather than other authors? Of course, we may have omitted an author who could have made a significant contribution to analysing the concept of height or exaltation. We have adopted a quantitative criterion for the selection of texts. The greater the number of terms used, the greater the probability of developing a homogeneous range of use of a given term. To this end, www.perseus.tufts.edu – a worldwide programme of classical literature research edited by several international specialists – has proved to be extremely helpful. For our analysis we have selected more than 2800 texts from this website.2 Each of the authors used the terminology we are interested in his own specific way, so in the first chapter we do not adopt any thematic key in discussing their works. We will analyse them in the order in which each term was used.

1 We do not offer all the terms to be discussed here. They will be enumerated meticulously in the introductions to the first and second chapters. In the third chapter we will make a comparative analysis of their application. 2 We also consulted the book editions of the original texts of individual authors and their translations into Polish, Italian, English and German, which was marked in respective places.

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Introduction

In the literature to date we have not encountered a monograph devoted to the issue of exaltation.3 Yet, we can by no means draw a conclusion that this topic is of no interest to exegetes. It is true, though, that they limited their search to a certain group of New Testament texts or a very specific topic relating to exaltation. The works include those devoted to the humiliation and exaltation of Jesus and his disciples (Eduard Schweizer, Erniedrigung und Erhöhung bei Jesus und seinen Nachfolgern, Zürich 1955) and to the concept of exaltation and expectation of the Parousia from the perspective of the oldest Christology after the Resurrection (Wilhelm Thüsing, Erhöhungsvorstellung und Parusieerwartung in der ältesten nachösterlichen Christologie, Stuttgart 1969). Numerous dictionary and lexicographic studies should be mentioned,4 but they treat the issue very superficially and often without reference to the literary background. This group should also include articles that deal with particular concepts.5 We should note those works in which the term of exaltation was dealt with only partially when discussing, for example, the Synoptic Gospels6 or that of St John.7 St Paul wrote extensively about exaltation. Before the terminology could be presented, we should first, at least in general terms, discuss the literary issues concerning individual epistles. Here, the studies of Polish Biblicists cannot be overestimated: Hugolin Langkammer,8 Antoni Paciorek,9 Waldemar Rakocy10 or Tomasz

3 We do not take into account the studies of classical literature here, although this would certainly be very interesting. However, this is beyond the scope of this work. 4 Cf. for example G. Bertram, Erhöhung, RAC VI, Stuttgart 1966, p. 22–43; G. Bertram, Hypsos ktl., TWNT VIII, Stuttgart 1969, p. 600–619; M. Frenschkowski, Höhe/Tiefe, [in:] Theologisches Begriffslexikon zum Neuen Testament, vol. 1, ed. L. Coenen, K. Haacker, Wuppertal 1997, 979–986; J. Schneider, Bainō ktl., TWNT I, Stuttgart 1933, p. 516–521. 5 Cf. for example A.D. Nock, The Gild of Zeus Hypsistos, “Harvard Theological Review” 29 (1936), p. 39–88. 6 Cf. for example G. Friedrich, Beobachtung zur messianischen Hohepriestererwartung in den Synoptiker, “Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche” 53 (1956), p. 265–311; G. Friedrich, Die formale Struktur von Mt 28,18–20, “Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche” 80 (1983), p. 137–183. 7 Cf. for example C.H. Dodd, L’interpretazione del Quarto Vangelo, Italian edn A. Ornella, Brescia 1974, p. 367–385; M. Hengel, Reich Christi, Reich Gottes und Weltreich im Johannesevangelium, [in:] Königsherrschaft Gottes und himmlischer Kult. Im Judentum, Urchristentum und in der hellenistischen Welt, ed. M. Hengel, A.M. Schwemer, Tübingen 1991, p. 163–184; H. Hollis, The Root of the Johannine Pun – Hypsōthēnai, “New Testament Studies” 35 (1989), p. 475–478; C.C. Torrey, “When I am Lifted up from the Erth”. John 12,32, “Journal of Biblical Literature” 51 (1932), p. 320–322. 8 For example, the comments in the introductions to all the letters of St Paul, published in the series “Holy Scripture of the Old and New Testament”, Lublin. 9 Paweł Apostoł – Pisma [Paul the Apostle – Writings], Parts 1–2, Tarnów 1995–1996. 10 Paweł. Apostoł Żydów i pogan [Paul. Apostle of the Jews and Gentiles], Kraków 1997; Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of life and writings], Częstochowa 2003.

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Introduction

Jelonek.11 Among older scientists, Eugeniusz Dąbrowski deserves mention.12 We could also add several foreign authors: Alfio Marcello Buscemi,13 Joachim Gnilka,14 Bruno Maggioni15 and Herman Ridderbos.16 The topic to be examined in St Paul’s epistles is not only about the exaltation of Jesus above all else (cf. Phil 2:9–10). The Apostle pays particular attention to the raising from the dead/resurrection of Jesus Christ and the faithful. The resurrectionrelated works include: Karl Heinrich Rengstorf, Die Auferstehung Jesu. Form, Art und Sinn der Urchristlichen Osterbotschaft, Witten 1960; Leo Scheffczyk, Zmartwychwstanie (Polish transl. Paweł Pachciarek), Warszawa 1984; La Bonne Nouvelle de la Résurrection, ed. Robert Gantoy, Paris 1981. The first two studies focus on the resurrection from the theological point of view of the New Testament authors. Karl Heinrich Rengstorf in turn concentrates on the resurrection message in the early church, while Leo Scheffczyk – on presenting this article of faith from the point of view of dogmatic theology. The work edited by Robert Gantoy is a commentary to 1 Cor 15:1–58. The studies presented above do not exhaust the topic of exaltation. That is why, we decided to address this issue in a very broad way. In the first chapter we will therefore take into account the general background of the Greek language. To this end, in particular parts we will systematically present respective authors their literary output. The titles of the works are given in English translations and then in the original language. In the last point of the introduction, we will provide a full list of the terminology used with regard to exaltation. The next step will be to discuss its use in specific fragments. In particular, we will pay attention to the religious and moral meaning of individual concepts and how they function in context. The second chapter will include a thematic discussion of various terms in the writings of St Paul. In the analysis we will take a slightly different methodological key. We will discuss the epistles in the canonical order. In this way, we will avoid, often a fastidious discussion about the time and place of the creation, not because this problem is of no significance to us. On the contrary, it has often had a decisive influence on the final picture of the theology of the Apostle of the Nations. However, a detailed discussion on this problem is not the subject of this work. The structure of each of the points in which we discuss the terms used in particular epistles will

11 12 13 14

Wprowadzenie do listów świętego Pawła [Introduction to St Paul’s Epistles], Kraków 1998. Święty Paweł. Życie i pisma [St Paul. Life and Writings], Poznań 1952. A.M. Buscemi, San Paolo. Vita, opera, messaggio, Jerusalem 1996. Paweł z Tarsu. Apostoł i świadek [Paul from Tarsus. Apostle and Witness], Polish transl. W. Szymona, Kraków 2001. 15 Paweł. Apostoł Chrystusa i sługa Ewangelii [Paul. The Apostle of Christ and Servant of the Gospel], Polish transl. K. Stopa, Kielce 2009. 16 Paul. An Outline of His Theology, English transl. J.H. de Witt, Grand Rapids, MI 1975.

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Introduction

be very similar. First, we will give a brief introduction to the literary issues of a given epistle. We will then discuss the terminology in a thematic arrangement. This is a logical consequence of the fact that for one theological issue more than one term can be used. Inside the individual points, however, the arrangement of the texts in question, with few exceptions, is again canonical. The last, third, chapter will be of a comparative nature. Above all, we will provide the full terminology on exaltation in both Greek classical literature and St Paul’s letters. We have deferred it till this place of our work, because it is the fruit of the search and analysis of terminology, which very often only after analysis could be finally judged in terms of height and exaltation. The effect of this comparison will be to show the tendency of the Apostle of the Gentiles to use classical terminology. Special attention will be paid to the moral, religious and theological dimensions. This will lead us to show how St Paul availed himself of the already existing terminology to present important points of his theology and to what extent he had to modify the scope of the existing terminology or even develop new terms or their meanings. Finally, two more remarks. First of all, the use of the term exaltation is simplified to some extent. This concept covers all parts of speech which, in Greek classical literature, somehow refer to height and the attribute of being elevated in a religious and moral sense, and – in St Paul’s letters – also in a theological sense. It was an extremely difficult, if not impossible, task to cover all these terms in a single concept. Secondly, when listing the terms used in the works of particular authors, we use phrases like “terms from the group with ὕψο root” and “terms with the prefix ἀνα or the root ἀνω and cognates terms”. These are linguistic simplifications which are intended to show from the outset that the particular groups have a common element which will very often determine their scope of meaning.

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1.

Greek Classical Literature

Rich classical literature, for the sake of clarity, has been divided for the purposes of this analysis into six groups: epic, lyric, drama, rhetoric, philosophy and historiography. From each of them we have chosen representative authors as it was impossible to analyse all the Greek literature preserved to these times. The criterion for selecting authors was the frequency with which they used the terminology which pertains to the context of either exaltation or height. The statistics on particular authors and terms used by them were taken from an extremely helpful initiative undertaken by scientists and made available on the Internet at www.perseus.tufts.edu. For our purposes, we have chosen Homer, Hesiod and Apollonius of Rhodes as the representatives of the epic genre. Lyric is represented by Pindar, Callimachus and Theocritus. From among the dramatists, we have selected the works of Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides and Aristophanes. The rhetors are represented by Lysias, Isocrates, Isaeus, Aeschines and Demosthenes. Plato and Aristotle have an indispensable place in the history of philosophy. We also took their works into account. Historiography is represented by Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon and Polybius. In the works of the chosen authors we could find the following terms from the scope we are interested in: τὸ ὕψος (23 times), ὑψηλός (221 times), ὕψιστος (13 times), ὑψόω (13 times), ὑψοῦ (1 time), ὑψόθεν (36 times), ἀναβαίνω (387 times), ἀναιρέω (482 times), ἀναλαμβάνω (292 times), ἀνίστημι (483 times), ἡ ἀνάστασις (15 times), ἐγείρω (215 times), ἡ ἔγερσις (2 times), ἄνω (395 times), ἄνωθεν (118 times) and ἐπαίρω (157 times). When discussing individual authors, we first give their short biography or characteristics. Then we quote the titles of their works, and at the end we enumerate the terminology they use, referring to height and exaltation. The terms are grouped according to the following key: those with the root ὕψο and those with the prefix ἀνα or the root ἀνω and cognates. At the end of the analysis of individual authors and groups, we try to give a brief description of the concepts that refer to height or exaltation in a religious and moral sense.

1.1

Epic

The authors in this literary genre were prolific. Epic works were created from the beginning of Greek literature (Homer, 8th century BC) to its decline (Nonnus of Panopolis, 5th century AD). And even the decline in ancient literature did not mean the end of this genre in Greek, for the Byzantine literature continued the

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Greek Classical Literature

tradition of the heroic or mythological epic.1 From among such abundant epic works we had to choose the most representative authors and works. Our search will naturally begin with the father of the lyrical epic, Homer. Then we will analyse the works of Hesiod preserved to these times. Finally, we will present a representative of the Hellenistic period: Apollonius of Rhodes. Such a selection of analysed works and authors seems to be the most appropriate in terms of the number of preserved works and the time in which they were created.2 1.1.1

Homer

Homer is an author known since antiquity, but curiously enough, we are not capable of determining the exact period within which he created his works. Scientists’ opinions vary to a large extent; some even question his existence.3 He is believed to have authored two epic poems The Iliad 4 and The Odyssey5 . It is commonly accepted that the Iliad is an earlier work created at the turn of the 9th and 8th centuries, or even in the middle of the 8th century BC. The Odyssey was probably written half a century later, i.e. in the middle or at the end of the 8th century BC.6 Another poem attributed to Homer is a parody of the heroic epic The Battle of Frogs and Mice and a collection of Hymns to the Gods.7 The group of terms with the root ὑψο is represented by the verb ὑψόω (1 time), the adjective ὑψηλός (64 times) and the adverbs ὑψοῦ (10 times) and ὑψόθεν (9 times). However, no examples of the noun τὸ ὕψος can be observed. From the group of the ἀνα-prefixed terms or with the root ἀνω and cognates, Homer’s works include:

1 Cf. W. Appel, Poezja epicka od Anymacha do Nonnosa [Epic Poetry from Anymach to Nonnus], [in:] Literatura Grecji starożytnej [Literature of Ancient Greece], ed. H. Podbielski, vol. 1, Lublin 2005, 321. 2 In this search, we do not take into account the literature created at the same time St Paul’s epistles (1st century AD), as well as that which was created several years before his activity (1st century BC). The concepts used in literature need a certain, usually longer time to develop their proper range of meaning. Then they must become widely used, but it can never be achieved in a short time. Hence this choice of those authors and works which, in this opinion, had a significant impact on the development of the range of meaning of the concepts with which the category of height and exaltation is described. 3 Cf. the discussion on this subject presented by Z. Abramowiczówna, Homer, [in:] Encyklopedia Katolicka, vol. 6, ed. J. Walkusz, Lublin 1993, col. 1166–1168. 4 This study is based on the edition of all Homer’s works in: Homeri carmina et cycli epici reliquiae. Graece et latine cum indice noninum et rerum, ed. A. Firmin-Didot, Parisiis 1881. The Polish translations of Iliad we consulted include: Homer, Iliada, Polish transl. F.K. Dmochowski, preface. and com. T. Sinko, Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków 1966; Homer, Iliada, Polish transl. K. Jeżewska, Warszawa 1999. 5 The original text of The Odyssey as above. The comparative Polish translations are Homer, Odyseja, Polish transl. L. Siemieński, introduction and explanation T. Sinko, Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków 1965; Homer, Odyseja (trans. L. Siemieński, ed. Z. Kubiak), Warszawa 1990. 6 Cf. Homer, Iliada, Polish transl. F.K. Dmochowski, preface. and com. T. Sinko, XIX–XXI. 7 Cf. Z. Abramowiczówna, Homer, 1167.

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Epic

ἀναβαίνω (44 times), ἀναιρέω (17 times), ἀνίστημι (82 times), ἐγείρω (63 times), ἄνω (2 times).

1.1.1.1

ὑψόω

This verb is only encountered once in a literal sense.8 1.1.1.2

ὑψηλός

The adjective ὑψηλός was used much more often by Homer, both in The Iliad, The Odyssey and Hymns; more than 60 times in total. Despite this frequency, no great scope of meaning can be assigned to this term. Usually it was used by this author as a modifier.9 Only once this adjective was used in the function of a predicative, in combination with the verb τίθημι.10 Thus, we do not observe too wide a range of meanings of the term ὑψηλός.11 Only idiomatic expressions may attract attention: a) ὁ δόμος ὑψηλός (singular) or οἱ δόμοι ὑψηλοί (plural) in the sense of ‘a big, wonderful house’ that is, ‘a palace’ or ‘palace chamber’;12 αἱ πύλαι ὑψηλαί (always in plural), which literally means ‘high door wings’ but in this form means ‘gate’ or ‘city gate’.13

8 A frog (ὁ βάτραχος) raising (ὑψώας) its pale body out of pale water (The Battle of Frogs and Mice 81). 9 The Iliad 2.395; 3.384; 4.437; 5.560; 6.503; 7.60; 12.282; 12.131; 12.386; 12.388; 12.455; 14.293; 16.213; 16.297; 16.397; 16.512; 16.429; 16.702; 18.275; 20.146; 21.171; 21.540; 22.440; 23.713; 24.281; 24.449; The Odyssey 1.126; 1.330; 1.426; 3.402; 3.407; 4.304; 6.58; 6.263; 7.45; 7.131; 7.346; 8.422; 9.113; 9.183; 9.185; 9.192; 9.304; 10.104; 11.278; 14.6; 16.285; 17.110; 18.32; 21.5; 21.33; 21.51; 22.176; Hymn to Apollo (1).23; 145; Hymn to Aphrodite (3).161; 267; Hymn to Artemis (27).7; Hymn to Hestia and Hermes (29).1. Once, it also serves as the modifier to a personal name: ὑψηλοὺς Ἐρυθίνοθς (Iliad 2.855). It is probably the Erithini land; see the translation of Kazimiera Jeżewska in: Homer, Iliada (Polish trans. K. Jeżewska), p. 62. 10 Τύμβον εὑρον θ’ ὑψηλόν τε τιθήμεναι (Iliad 23.247); the probable meaning is: “to raise up […] a barrow”. 11 As it is not difficult to see Homer most often refers to the adjective under investigation to inanimate things (τὸ ὄρος, ὁ δόμος, το τεῖχος, etc.). Only three times does he describe plant sizes in this way: ἡ ἐλάτη – fir (Iliad 5.560), ἡ φηγός – he fegos – oak (Iliad 7.60) and ἡ ἴδη – tree (Iliad 14.293). 12 Cf. e.g. the translation of Lucjan Siemieński in: Homer, Odyseja, Polish trans. L. Siemieński, ed. Z. Kubiak, Warszawa 1990, p. 45. 13 Cf. the meaning of the term ἡ πύλη in: Słownik grecko-polski [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 3, Warszawa 1962, p. 766.

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1.1.1.3

ὑψοῦ

An adverb that in Homer’s works functions as an adverbial of place14 and always modifies the verb.15 Particularly noteworthy among these texts is the passage in which Zeus (literally ‘God-shaking-lands’) sits (ἧμαι) high (Iliad 13.12). This gives rise to a certain idea of the distinctiveness of the position of gods and people. Zeus is high (ὑψοῦ), above the ground, and people are waging wars down, right on the ground. 1.1.1.4

ὑψόθεν

As in the previous case, the adverb in question functions as an adverbial of place, in the sense: ‘high’ or ‘from high’ and also always modifies the verb.16 An interesting use of the adverb can be found in The Odyssey 20.104, where the phrase ὑψότεν ἑκ νεφέων is parallel to ἁπ’ αἰγληντος Ὀλύμπου. Both phrases modify the verb ἐβρόντησεν. Thus the ‘sound of thunder’ is sent by Zeus “from Olympus, from clouds, from above”. This use of ὑψόθεν leads us to the second group of texts in which this adverb refers to the actions of gods, or rather to the verbs with which their actions are described. Zeus thundered (βρόντησε) from on high (Iliad 20.57); he sent (προέηκε) two eagles from on high, from the top of the mountain (Odyssey 2.147); Athena soared (ἀνέσχεν) high under the ceiling (Odyssey 22.298); Ares is the one who sends (καταστίλβων) light (Hymn to Ares (7).10). 1.1.1.5

ἀναβαίνω

The word was used by Homer in different modes (indicativus – see e.g. Odyssey 6.29, coniunctivus – see e.g. Odyssey 2.358, optativus – see e.g. Odyssey 12.77, infinitivus

14 On the syntactic function of the adverb, see K. Pisarkowa, Przysłówka składnia [The syntax of the adverb], [in:] Encyklopedia wiedzy o języku polskim [Encyclopedia of the Polish language], ed. S. Urbańczyk, Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków–Gdańsk 1978, p. 273; see also D. Podlawska, I. Płóciennik, Leksykon nauki o języku [Lexicon of linguistics], Bielsko-Biała 2002, p. 99. 15 The ship was pulled out (ἐρύω) high to dry ground (Iliad 1.486; Hymn to Apollo (1).507). The ship was anchored (ὁρμίζω) “high”. (Odyssey 4.785; 8.55). The mast was to be hoisted (πήγνυμι) high (Odyssey 5.164). The horse has (ἔχω) its neck (raised) high (Iliad 6.509; 15.266). Two lions have (ἔχω) prey (raised) high in their mouths (Iliad 13.200). The two Ajaxes have (ἔχω) the dead Imbrius (raised) high, aloft (Iliad 13.201). 16 In one group of texts we encounter a simple meaning, which we can also call literal, expressing the action of people: the dew fell (ἧκεν) from above (Iliad 11.53); Ajax raised (ἄγ’) a boulder high (Iliad 12.383); Hera was bound and fixed (ἐκρέμω) on high (Iliad 15.18); water gushed (ῥέεν) from the rock, from high (Odyssey 17.210).

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Epic

– see e.g. Odyssey 1.210, participium – see e.g. Iliad 10.493), tenses (present – see e.g. Odyssey 4.473, imperfectum – see e.g. Odyssey 3.483, aorist – see e.g. Iliad 1.497 etc.), voices (active – see e.g. Odyssey 22.142, reflexive – see e.g. Odyssey 23.1), persons and genders. Usually it stands for an upward movement or ‘ascending’ of gods (see e.g. Iliad 1.497), humans (see e.g. Odyssey) or animals (see e.g. Iliad 10.493). The gods usually go to Olympus. Tethys rose (ἀνέβη) with morning fogs to reach Olympus (Ὀλύμπον), into a huge sky (Iliad 1.497). Zeus went (ἀναβάς) to rest close to Hera (παρὰ […] Ἥρη), the goddess with the golden throne (Iliad 1.611), and to other places as well. Sleep (Ὕπνος) climbed (ἀναβάς) a fir (εἰς ἐλάτην), which grew on Ida (Iliad 14.287). Hermes (Ἑρμῆς) entered (ἀναβάς) Polymele’s bedroom (εἰς ὑπερῷ’) and shared his bed with her (Iliad 16.184). People board the ship (Iliad 1.312, Odyssey 1.210; 3.157; 4.842; 9.177; 9.562; 11.637; 12.145; 12.293; 12.401; 13.285; 14.252; 15.209; 15.219; 15.474; 15.548), the chariot (Iliad 16.657; 22.399; Odyssey 3.483), climb the top (Odyssey 5.470; 12.77), the dry land (Odyssey 14.353), the armoury (Odyssey 22.132; 22.142), or depart at all (Odyssey 4.473). The woman, on the other hand, goes into her upper chambers, that is, into her bedroom (Odyssey 1.362; 2.358; 4.751; 4.760; 17.49; 18.302; 19.600; 19.602; 21.356; 22.428; 23.1; 23.364). To these categories the idiomatic phrase φάτις ἀνθρώπους ἀναβαίνει ἐσθλή (Odyssey 6.29) cannot be included as it means a good news in a general sense that comes out and spreads among people. Animals, specifically horses (ἵπποι)17 can be afraid of trampling (ἀναβαίνοντες) the bodies of those killed (νεκροῖς) in combat (Iliad 10.493). From the aforementioned analyses one can conclude that only texts that refer to the actions of gods can suggest some metaphorical elements. On seeing them moving up, we have the impression that Olympus (by the way, a mountain) is outside the sphere of human existence. However, this is a rather weak argumentation, because it is not the only place where the gods enter. They may also climb a tree (cf. Iliad 14.287) or creep secretly into a woman’s bedroom (cf. Iliad 16.184). Thus entering the space of dwelling of the gods (Olympus) is not the only action of this kind. 1.1.1.6

ἀναιρέω

The verb is not as often used as that previously discussed, but it is also used by Homer in various modes (indicativus – see e.g. Iliad 13.296, coniunctivus – see e.g. Iliad 16.8, optativus – see e.g. Odyssey 18.357, infinitivus – see e.g. Hymn to Demeter (5).283, participium – see e.g. Iliad 1.301), tenses (futurum – see e.g. Odyssey 21.261,

17 In Homer’s case, this verb was referred to animals and horses only once.

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aorist – see e.g. Iliad 2.410), voices (active – see e.g. Iliad 23.551, reflexive – see e.g. Iliad 1.449), persons and genders. Usually it stands for ‘lifting/raising’ something up, but the meaning has at least a few variants, depending on what is being lifted. However, the subject of this action is always a person or people. Usually something or someone is ‘raised, lifted up’18 in the physical sense. In this sense, an offering can be ‘lifted in a sacrificial gesture’. In this way both Danae (Iliad 1.449) and the Argives (Iliad 2.410) raised (ἀνέλοντο) the sacrificial barley (οὐλοχύτας). Nestor’s sons lifted (ἀνελόντες) the killed cow (βοός) above the ground in the sacrificial gesture (Odyssey 3.453). Sometimes it also acquires the meaning of physical ‘taking out, taking something away’.19 Several times ἀναιρέω has the meaning of receiving a prize (τὸ ἀέθλιον). Achilles says to Odysseus/Ulysses and Ajax: “And the prize will be taken (ἀνελόντυες) by both of them” (Iliad 23.736). Likewise, “all Achaean shouted out to stop the fight, giving (ἀνελέσθαι) the prize to both”, to Diomed and Ajax (Iliad 23.823). Telemachus, fighting on behalf of his father, Odysseus, hopes to take (ἀνελέσθαι) the prize back, that is to win (Odyssey 21.117). This verb is once part of an idiomatic phrase. Eurycleia addresses Telemachus with the following words: ἐπιφροσύνας ἀνέλοιο (Odyssey 19.22), which can be translated literally, ‘you want to raise prudence’ or ‘you take up prudence’. To summarize Homer’s use of the verb ἀναιρέω, two meanings seem particularly interesting for this topic. The first one: ‘lifting something up in a sacrificial gesture’, and the second: ‘taking back the prize’, the goal of a combat. 1.1.1.7

ἀνίστημι

This word Homer used quite often (82 times). It occurs in its texts in different modes (indicativus – see e.g. Iliad 1.68, coniunctivus – see e.g. Iliad 7.94, optativus – see e.g. Iliad 1.191, imperativus – see e.g. Iliad 10.176, infinitivus – see e.g. Iliad 2.694, participium – see e.g. Iliad 1.387), tenses (praesentis – see e.g. Iliad 9.52,

18 For example Demeter did not want to lift (ἀνελέσθαι) her dear son from the floor (Hymn to Demeter (5).283). Achilles asked Patroclus why he was crying like a little girl who wanted to be taken (ἀνέληται) in the arms (Iliad 16.8). Antinous wants to raise (ἀναιρήσεσθαι) a cup of wine to his mouth (Odyssey 22.9). Penelope’s prayer to Artemis is in a similar tone: “Lift (ἀνέλοντο) the wind as on Pandareus’ daughter […]” (Odyssey 20.66). 19 Thus Agamemnon will not be able to carry the loot taken (τῶν […] ἀνελὼν) by Achilles against his will (Iliad 1.301). Meriones immediately took (ἀνείλετο) a spear from the tent (Iliad 13.296). Antilochus calls on Achilles to appoint a reward to Meriones from the loot taken (τῶν […] ἀναλὼν) by him, not to take away his reward (Iliad 23.551). A beggar can leave the Odysseus’ court taking everything he collected (ἀναλόντα) (Odyssey 18.16). Antinous assured Eurymachus that the axes would not be taken (ἀναιρήσεσθαι) (Odyssey 21.261). In a similar sense, Eurymachus told Odysseus: “Wouldn’t it be good to take (ἀνελοίμην) you for a farmhand?” (Odyssey 18.357).

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Epic

imperfectum – see e.g. Iliad 7.94, futurum – see e.g. Iliad 2.694, aorist – see e.g. Iliad 1.305), voices (active – see e.g. Iliad 1.533, reflexive – see e.g. Iliad 21.56), persons and genders. It usually means ‘rising up, raising’ someone from some place. However, we observe several meanings of this verb, depending on the place or situation in which the action occurs. The vast majority of the people Homer mentioned in his poems get up or rise from their previous position.20 There is another interesting shade of meaning to this verb: ‘incitement, arousal to fight’.21 In far fewer texts we read about those who get up, rise from sleep. In these cases this verb means: ‘wake up’, both in the sense of ‘waking somebody up’ (a transitive verb) as well as ‘waking oneself up’ (a reflexive verb). For example: Menelaus went to wake up (ἀνστήσων) Agamemnon (Iliad 10.32); Agamemnon went to wake up (ἀνστήμεναι) Nestor (Iliad 10.55); Odysseus was instructed to wake up (ἄνστησον) Phyleus (Iliad 10.176); Diomedes woke up (ἀναστήσας) Achaean (Iliad 10.179); Priam woke up (ἀνίστη) a herald (Iliad 24.689). The reflexive form is used in the following cases: Achilles ἀνέστη woke up (Iliad 18.305); ἀνστάς Menelaus (Odyssey 15.58); ἀνστάς Eteoneus (Odyssey 15.96); ἀνίστατο Telemachus (Odyssey 20.124). Three times Homer made use of the verb ἀνίστημι to describe the raising of someone from the dead. Upon seeing Lycaon, whom Achilles believed he had sentenced to death before, Achilles said: “Obviously, the Trojans of great souls killed by me will rise again (ἀναστήσονται) from the misty darkness of the underworld […]” (Iliad 21.56). Even more eloquent is another text in which Achilles speaks to Priam: “[…] for you cannot do anything for your son with despair, you cannot resurrect the dead with tears (ἀνστήσεις); you will bring some other evil instead” (Iliad 24.551). Another example: Hecuba lamented the fate of Patroclus, friend of Achilles, whom Hector killed: “[…] but the friend you killed you did not raise from the dead with this act (ἀνέστησεν)” (Iliad 24.756). Therefore, we can conclude that

20 This action is highlighted in the following texts: Iliad 1.58, 1.68, 1.101, 1.191, 1.305, 1.387, 1.533, 2.76, 2.398, 2.694, 7.94, 7.123, 7.161, 7.354, 7.365, 9.52, 9.195, 14.336, 18.410, 19.55, 19.77, 19.175, 19.269, 23.491, 23.542, 23.566, 23.709, 23.734, 23.886, 24.11, 24.515, 24.597, Odyssey 2.224, 3.341, 4.343, 4.674, 4.776, 5.195, 6.7, 7.163, 7.170, 8.258, 10.215, 12.170, 12.195, 12.439, 14.319, 16.358, 16.378, 16.407, 17.134, 17.177, 18.47, 18.157, 19.357, 20.380, 21.139, 21.144, 21.166, 21.243, 21.392, 23.164. The only place where the act of lifting is not related to a person but to an object is Iliad 23.848, where: “The great cry of strong Polypoetes’ friends spread around […]” 21 Achaean must choose (ἀναστήσουσιν) to fight another warrior in place of Menelaus (Iliad 7.116). Achilles, according to the will of Zeus, is to incite his friend the fight (ἀνστήσει), Patroclus (Iliad 15.64). The goddess Hera achieved her goal by inciting (ἀνστήσας) Achilles (Iliad 18.358) to fight. Clytomedes, who challenged Nestor to fight (ἀνέστη), was defeated by him (Iliad 23.635). To fight in the games there is (ἀνίτατο) Euryjal (Iliad 23.677). Melanio’s service warns Odysseus not to challenge (ἀναστῇ) him to a hand fight (Odyssey 18.334).

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Homer knew the idea of bringing a dead man back to life. However, he did not associate it with any particular intervention of the gods. He merely suggested to the reader the possibility of this fact. 1.1.1.8

ἐγείρω

This verb was frequently used (63 times) by Homer. Similarly to the previous example, it can be seen in various modes (indicativus – see e.g. Iliad 7.434, coniunctivus – see e.g. Iliad 5.413, optativus – see e.g. Iliad 10.166, imperativus – see e.g. Iliad 7.371, infinitivus – see e.g. Iliad 5.510, participium – see e.g. Odyseja 10.50), tenses (praesentis – see e.g. Iliad 24.344, imperfectum – see e.g. Iliad 2.52, perfectum – see e.g. Iliad 10.67, plusquamperfectum – see e.g. Iliad 10.419, aorist – see e.g. Iliad 4.352), voices (active – see e.g. Iliad 5.208, reflexive – see e.g. Iliad 2.41, passive – see e.g. Iliad 1.57), persons and genders. We meet this verb in four slightly different forms: a) transitive – ‘to wake up, incite (e.g. to fight)’, and in the passive voice: ‘to be assembled’; b) intransitive – ‘to stand up’ and in perfectum: ‘to keep watch, be vigilant’; c) the reflexive form can also be found ‘to wake oneself up, come around’. The verb ἐγείρω meaning ‘to wake up’ was used in the following texts: Iliad 5.413; 10.108; 10.146; 10.166; 10.511; 17.261 23.234; 24.344; Odyssey 5.48; 6.48; 15.44; 24.4. In these texts we find no metaphorical or other meaning except for ‘awakening someone from a dream’. In a metaphorical sense, in Homer’s works the same form expresses ‘arousal, incitement to fight’. In that sense, we encounter this verb in: Iliad 5.208; 5.496; 5.510; 5.517; 6.105; 11.213; 13.58; 13.357; 13.778; 15.232; 15.242; 15.567; 15.594; 15.603; 17.544; 17.552; 20.31; 24.164. The phrase ἐγείρομεν ὀξύν Ἄρηα is particularly interesting in this respect, because it literally means “we will awaken the fierce Ares”, that is, “we will incite the fervour to war”, whose god was Ares. The phrase can be found in: Iliad 2.440; 4.352; 8.531; 18.304; 19.237. Another transitive form is to ‘to summon, gather somebody’. And in that sense, ἐγείρω appears in: Iliad 1.57; 24.790; Odyssey 2.9; 24.421. Its reflexive equivalent is ‘to gather, come together’: Iliad 2.52; 2.444; 7.434; 17.222; 24.789; Odyssey 2.8; 2.28; 2.41; 20.100. The particular personal form of this verb is perfectum, which means ‘to watch out, to be vigilant’ (See Iliad 7.371; 10.67; 10.419; 18.299). Of particular interest are the following personal forms of this verb, both in the declarative and in the imperative mode, which mean ‘[somebody] awakens’ (see Iliad 2.41; 15.4; Odyssey 6.113; 6.117; 10.50; 13.187; 15.8) and ‘awake!’ (see Iliad 10.159; Odyssey 15.46; 23.5) respectively. However, none of them have a metaphorical meaning. Thus we do not find in Homer’s texts any particular meaning of the verb ἐγείρω, which would indicate its meaning in the sense of exalting or raising someone from

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Epic

death to life. A further reminiscence of this can only be ‘to wake up somebody from sleep’, ‘to awake’ or ‘to ask somebody to wake up’. 1.1.1.9

ἄνω

An adverb used by Homer only twice and without any metaphorical meaning. In both cases, it functions as an adverbial of place. Achilles recalled that once Priam found his happiness living on (ἄνω) Lesbos Macaros (Iliad 24.544). When Odysseus reached Hades, he sees Sisyphus pushing a huge lump of rock to (ἄνω) the top of the mountain (Odyssey 11.596). Summary

The above observations lead us to the conclusion that Homer in his works, using the verb ὑψόω and the adjective ὑψηλός, did not assign them a metaphorical meaning that would have any reference to the subject of this investigations. It is slightly different with the use of the adverbs ὑψοῦ and ὑψόθεν and the verb ἀναβαίνω. Here we notice a reference to the action of gods ‘from on high’ or their ‘ascent’ to Olympus, which suggests placing their action above the space of people. In Greek mythology, Olympus was such a place. With regard to the verb ἀναιρέω, two of its meanings seem interesting for this topic: ‘to lift something in a sacrificial gesture’ and ‘to receive a prize’, which is the goal in combat. And the verbs ἀνίστημι and ἐγείρω provide us with the idea of ‘awakening’ from sleep, which, however, has an indirect reference to the subject in question. 1.1.2

Hesiod

An author who lived at the turn of the 8th and 7th centuries BC. Considered to be the most outstanding (after Homer) representative of epic poetry of the archaic period.22 His work consists of three epic poems: Birth of the Gods, Works and Days and Shield of Heracles.23 However, the authorship of the latter work is sometimes questioned.24

22 Cf. K. Narecki, Hezjod, [in:] Encyklopedia Katolicka, ed. J. Walkusz, vol. 6, Lublin 1993, col. 830–831. 23 This study is based on the publication of all the works of Hezjod in: Hesiodi carmina. Graece et latine cum indicibus noninum et rerum, ed. F.S. Lehrs, Parisiis 1878. The Polish translation consulted: Hezjod, Narodziny bogów (Teogonia). Prace i dni. Tarcza [Birth of the Gods (Theogony). Works and Days. Shield] (Polish transl. J. Łanowski, Warszawa 1999. 24 Cf. T. Sinko, Zarys historii literatury greckiej [An Outline of the History of Greek Literature], vol. 1, Warszawa 1959, p. 180–182.

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In Hesiod’s works, from the group of terms with the root ὑψο we find the adjective ὑψηλός (5 times) and the adverbs ὑψόθεν (2 times) and ὑψοῦ (1 time). However,

from the group of terms with the prefix ἀνα or the root ἀνω or cognates, we can find: ἀναιρέω (2 times), ἀνίστημι (1 time) and ἐγείρω (6 times). 1.1.2.1

ὑψηλός

In the poems by Hesiod, this adjective refers to inanimate things and is always used as a modifier – usually it modifies the noun,25 only once a proper name.26 However, Hesiod did not attribute any metaphorical meaning to the term in question. It simply means the physical height of the object described. 1.1.2.2

ὑψόθεν and ὑψοῦ

As in Homer’s texts discussed earlier, these adverbs function as adverbials of place and also modify only the verb.27 It is impossible to work out any figurative meaning of these adverbs in the works of Hesiod. All refer to the physical category of height. 1.1.2.3

ἀναιρέω

The term appears twice in Hesiod’s works; in both cases in the context of sacrifice, although once it means Zeus’s act of raising the bovine fat from the bones offered cunningly by Prometheus: χερσὶ δ’ὅ γ’ ἀμφοτέρῃσιν ἀνείλετο λεθκόν ἄλειφαρ (Birth of the Gods 553). In the second text, Hesiod warns against drinking and bathing in water from a vessel ‘which was not ordained’: μηδ’ ἀπὸ χυτροπόδων ἀνεπιρρέκτων ἀνελόντα ἔσθειν μηδὲ λόεσθαι (Works and Days 748). It would literally be about commanding not to lift (μηδ’[…] ἀνελόντα) something in order to eat, or to wash oneself from a boiler that was not dedicated to the gods (ἀπὸ χυτροπόδων ἀνεπιρρέκτων). We can conclude that Hesiod uses this verb in the context of sacrifices to the gods. But it only has an indirect relationship with them.

25 Birth of the Gods 787; Shield 374; 406; 440. 26 Birth of the Gods 632; it is the name of a mountain in Thessaly: Ὄθρυς; cf. Mała encyklopedia kultury antycznej [Pocket Encyclopedia of Ancient Culture], ed. Z. Piszczek, Warszawa 1988, 554. 27 The sound would be heard high (ἐπακουσῇς ὑψόθεν; Works and Days 449); Uranus (is) falling from high (δ’ ὑψόθεν ἐξεριπόντος; Birth of the Gods 704); the fog (literally: “the air in which wheat is ripening” – ἀὴρ πυροφόρος) is mixed high (ὑψοῦ […] ἀρθείς; Works and Days 550).

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Epic

1.1.2.4

ἀνίστημι

This verb is only once encountered in the works of Hesiod and in a literal sense. The author recommends: ὄρθρου ἀνιστάμενος, ἵνα τοι βίος ἄρκοις εἴη (Works and Days 577).28 But there is no figurative meaning here – it refers to waking up, getting up from sleep. 1.1.2.5

ἐγείρω

This term was used much more often by this author. Literally it stands for ‘awakening someone from sleep’ (Works and Days 573), and figuratively it means ‘awakening the enthusiasm to work’ (Works and Days 20), ‘awakening, inciting to a fight’ (Birth of the Gods 666; 713; Shield 176) or ‘gathering of the people’ (Shield 475). Apart from the first meaning (‘awakening from sleep’), this verb has no significant meaning from this perspective. This is because other activities described by it do not have any religious meaning or any deeper metaphorical sense. Only ‘rising from sleep’ can indicate here the activity of lifting a person up from the state of unconsciousness, although Hesiod only assigns a literal meaning to it. Summary The research so far has shown that in Hesiod’s works only three concepts can be relevant to the subject we are discussing. In the context of offering sacrifices to the gods, we come across the verb ἀναιρέω which, however, does not refer to the very act of offering sacrifices but to the act of raising the offering dedicated to gods. Another two verbs (ἀνίστημι and ἐγείρω) provide the context of getting up, awakening from sleep. 1.1.3

Apollonius of Rhodes

He lived in the 3rd century BC. (from around 295 to around 215). He was born in Alexandria, although he owes his predicate “of Rhodes” to his long stay on this island. He was head of the Library of Alexandria after Zenodotus, and before Eratosthenes.29 His writings include Against Zenodotus and other works on Archilochus, Hesiod and Antimachus of Colophon (not preserved). He was also the author of lost poems about the founding of Alexandria, Kaunos, Knidos, Naucratis and Rhodes 28 Polish trans.: “Wstawaj, nim ranek zaświta, by później nie brakło ci chleba [lit. “Get up before dawn, so that you do not lack bread later”]. 29 Cf. T. Sinko, Zarys historii literatury greckiej [An Outline of the History of Greek Literature], vol. 2, p. 173–174.

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and the poem Κανόβος. His greatest surviving work is the poem about Argonauts – Argonautica.30 In this last work,31 Apollonius rarely used terms of interest for us. From the first group (with the root ὑψο), there are two adjectives: ὑψηλός (1 time), ὕψιστος (1 time) and two adverbs: ὑψοῦ (9 times), ὑψόθεν (5 times). The second group (with the prefix ἀνα or the root ἀνω and cognates) includes: ἀνίστημι (6 times), ἐγείρω (9 times), ἄνω (2 times) and ἄνωθην (1 time). 1.1.3.1

ὑψηλός

This adjective can be found only once as a modifier with which the mountains are described: ὀρέων […] ὑψηλῶν (2.977). It is difficult to see any figurative meaning of this adjective here. 1.1.3.2

ὕψιστος

Apollonius made once use of this adjective in its superlative form, also in the function of a modifier, to describe the highest tower – the seat of the king: ἐν ὑψίστω βασιλεὺς μόσσονι (2.1026). Perhaps this was to emphasise the king’s supreme position, in relation to his subjects and guests. 1.1.3.3

ὑψοῦ

Used nine times by Apollonius, this adverb usually collocates with the verbs of movement: ἀείρω (3.221; 4.154), φορέω (2.587), ἀνέχω (3.257), ἵημι (4.80). The grapevine blooms, growing high up (ἀειρόμεναι) (3.221). The snake, lifting high up (ἀείρας) its terrifying head, burns with anger (4.154). Jason freed (ἧκεν) his legs from the deck, from a high position (4.80), i.e. he went ashore. The ship was floating (πεφόρητο) high above the rocks (2.587). Chalciope raised her hands high (ἀνέσχεθεν) (3.257). In combination with a verb of this kind, we also find this adverb in 3.368. Here, however, it has a slightly different meaning: ὑψοῦ δὲ χόλῳ φρένες ἠερέθοντο. Literally translating, it stands for “the entrails/heart (of Aeetes) being raised high with anger”. So it would be an elaborate metaphor of Aeetes’ anger. In a few other cases, we come across ὑψοῦ as an adverbial of place, but without using a verb that describes a certain action. From above (ὑψοῦ), from the bough of 30 Cf. T. Rabenda, Apollonios Rhodios, [in:] Słownik pisarzy antycznych [Dictionary of Ancient Writers], ed. A. Świderkówna, Warszawa 1990, p. 75–76. 31 This study is based on the Greek edition of Argonautica: Apollonii Rhodii Argonautica, ed. F.S. Lehrs, Parisiis 1878.

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Epic

Hera the advice (3.931) is announced. Argonauts sail from higher regions (ὑψοῦ), from the highest island (4.315). Rocks (rise) high (ὑψοῦ) (above the surrounding) reefs (4.941). 1.1.3.4

ὑψόθεν

Another adverb used by Apollonius. In all five cases of its use, it collocates with the verbs of movement: ἐμπλήσσω, ἵζω, φοβέω, ἐξανέχω, ἀνατίθημι. From above, a fierce storm (ἐπλήξασα) is coming (1.1203). A virgin, exposed to the sunlight (ἐξανέχουσαν) from above, is caught (4.168). The unshaken strength of untiring shoulders were imposed (ἀνθέμενοι) from high (4.1376). In two cases, on the other hand, we notice a construction ὑψόθεν + verb + noun (proper name) in Genitive. Then this adverb means ‘over, above’. Tyndareus would sit (εἵσομαι) above (ὑψόθεν) the highest point (ἄκρης) of the high temple (2.806). The flying dove (πεφοβημένη) above (ὑψόθεν) Aisonides (Αἰσονίδεω) falls to his lap (3.542). 1.1.3.5

ἀνίστημι

The noun has essentially a literal meaning in this poem: ‘raise something’,32 ‘rise, get up’33 or ‘build, perform’.34 In the latter group, the passage in which Orpheus speaks about the construction of the altar dedicated to Apollo: βωμὸν ἀναστήσαντες (2.689) is noteworthy. Besides, in one text, this verb has a figurative meaning: ‘to stimulate, incite’. This is a passage in which the argonauts are called to ‘encourage’ one another (ἄνστησον δ’ ἑτάρους) in the difficult situation they found themselves in in Libya (4.1325). 1.1.3.6

ἐγείρω

Used as rarely as the verb above, its meaning is also similar: ‘get up, wake up’,35 ‘rise’ (in relation to a person36 and things37 ), to ‘provoke the fight’.38

32 33 34 35 36 37 38

Cf. 4.719. Cf. 1.346. Cf. 1.1349; 2.689; 4.533. Cf. 1.1105; 2.16; 2.884; 3.294; 3.752; 4.671. Cf. 1.666. Cf. 1.1159. Cf. 3.1386.

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1.1.3.7

ἄνω

The adverb, in the work of Apollonius, is always combined with the verbs of movement: προτύπτω (‘rush forward’) and τείνω (‘pull’); and means ‘upwards’ (3.1397) or ‘towards the north, northbound’ (4.1581). It has no metaphorical meaning but only literal. 1.1.3.8

ἄνωθην

It also collocates with the verb of movement: κατάγω (‘bring down’), and has a basic literal meaning: ‘from above’. Summary As can be easily concluded from the findings, the terminology describing the category of height in the work by Apollonius of Rhodes is not very rich. Literal meaning prevails. this attention is drawn to the text that refers to the construction (ἀνίστημι) of the altar dedicated to Apollo. This term seems to be a specific technical term for the erection of a place of worship. Besides, only in one text can we find a figurative sense of moral character. It is a metaphor for human anger: “a heart high (ὑψοῦ) raised with anger” (Argonautica 3.368). *** Undoubtedly, the epic work of prolific Greek classical authors resulted in the development of several concepts describing the category of height in a religious or moral sense. Only Homer describes the space that belongs to gods. He avoids direct descriptions, but uses the adverbs of place ὑψοῦ and ὑψόθεν: ‘high’, ‘from on high’. This is how the place where Zeus sits was presented (ὑψοῦ; Iliad 13.12). It is from there that the sound of thunder sent by the same god is heard (ὑψόθεν; Iliad 20.57; Odyssey 20.104). also two eagles sent by Zeus come from above (ὑψόθεν; Odyssey 2.147). Similarly, other gods act from the space above the earth, from above (ὑψόθεν): Athena soared high under the ceiling (Odyssey 22.298), and Ares is the one who sends light from on high (Hymn to Ares (7).10). This sphere of action of the gods was also rendered by the verb ἀναβαίνω, which literally expresses the movement from bottom to top: ‘climb, enter’. In Homer’s works the gods usually enter Olympus (Ὀλύμπον).39 Tethys rose (ἀνέβη) with morning fog to Olympus,

39 Though, as we have already shown above, the gods also enter other places (see Iliad 14.287; 16.184).

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Lyric

into the vast heaven (Iliad 1.497). Zeus went (ἀναβάς) to rest with Hera, the goddess on the golden throne (Iliad 1.611). Alongside these actions of the gods, the great epic authors presented discreetly in their works the actions taken by people, how they got in contact with gods through the sacrifices offered to them. Primarily the contact is established by erecting (ἀνίστημι) the altar as Apollonius of Rhodes related, quoting Orpheus’ words on the construction of the altar to Apollo: βωμόν ἀναστήσαντες (Argonautica 2.689). Apart from the construction of the altar, the offering, or rather the act of raising the offering (ἀναιρέω) in a sacrificial gesture, is of great importance. Such activities were described by Homer when he showed the Danae (Iliad 1.449) and Argives (Iliad 2.410) raising (ἀνέλοντο) the sacrificial barley, and Nestor’s sons lifting (ἀνελόντες) the killed cow above the ground in a sacrificial gesture (Odyssey 3.453). In the works of Hesiod, this verb also has a reference to sacrifices made to the gods, though not in such a direct way as Homer did. There, it does not mean an act of sacrifice, but only the act of raising of what was dedicated to the gods (see Birth of the Gods 553; Work and Days 748). An important element about exaltation and the act of raising in Homer’s works is the conviction about the possibility of resurrecting the deceased. This conviction is clearly seen in the text of The Iliad, in which the author three times puts words in the protagonists’ mouths about ‘resurrection’ (ἀνίστημι) of the Trojans (Iliad 21.56), Hector (Iliad 24.551) and Patroclus (Iliad 24.756). From these statements we can conclude that Homer was familiar with the idea of bringing the dead back to life. This did not, however, involve any particular intervention by the gods. He only suggested a theoretical possibility of this fact. For the sake of completeness, there are two more meanings in the category of height, which are rendered by Greek epic writers. The first is the verb ἀναιρέω used by Homer in the sense of receiving the prize (Iliad 23.736; 23.823; Odyssey 21.117). The second can be found in the work by Apollonius of Rhodes, namely, the adverb ὑψοῦ used as an elaborate metaphor of anger – “the entrails/heart (of Aeetes) being raised high with anger” (Argonautica 3.368).

1.2

Lyric

The history of lyric is almost as long as that of the epic. Lyric, or rather poetry, dates back to the times of Hesiod (7th century BC). “The contemporary concept of lyric is quite different from the Greek one, since the term is now used in a broad sense to denote also such genres as elegiac, iambic and choral poetry, while the Greeks only began to use the term lyriké (implicitly: poiesis – poetry) alongside the earlier melikos, exclusively for songs performed to the accompaniment of the lyre, with text and music forming an inseparable whole. The element that distinguished lyric

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– in the broad sense – from drama and epic was music as well as dance. While epic works were recited to the accompaniment of music, and in drama only the sung parts were based on music, lyric never lost its connection with music, although such genres as elegiac or iambic poetry sought to break with music quite early”.40 Throughout a dozen centuries of composing lyrical works,41 many literary types of this genre were developed. One can include here: elegiac, iambic poetry, fable, choral lyric, ode, melikos, monody, epigram, bucolic poetry, hymn. It would be impossible to present and at least briefly describe representatives of all these types; therefore, we selected three, from different periods: Pindar – author of the hymns also called odes (VI/V century BC), Callimachus – author of epigrams and hymns (IV/III century BC) and Theocritus – author of idylls (IV/III c. BC). 1.2.1

Pindar

An aristocrat, a witness to the Persian wars and the subsequent blossoming of Athenian democracy. He lived from about 520 to about 442 after Chr. Despite an overt aversion to Athens (he won the praise of only one Athenian, the winner of the Nemean Games), he learned choral lyric and its technique in this city. Although Pindar wrote many more works (his works were published in seventeen volumes by Aristophanes of Byzantium at the turn of the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC), only the odes from the last volume have survived to these times,42 a total of fourty four songs in honour of the winners: fourteen Olympian songs, twelve Pythian songs, eleven Nemean songs and eight Isthmian songs.43 In all these songs Pindar uses terms that are of interest to us (with the root ὑψο), but not in all grammatical forms. We only meet the adjectives ὑψηλός (6 times) and ὕψιστος (4 times) and the adverbs ὑψοῦ (2 times) and ὑψόθεν (2 times). There is no verb ὑψόω or noun τὸ ὕψος From the group of terms with the prefix ἀνα or the root ἀνω and cognates, in Pindar’s works we can find: ἀναβαίνω (5 times), ἀναιρέω (3 times), ἀνίστημι (1 time), ἄνω (1 time) and ἐγείρω (3 times).

40 S. Stabryła, Historia literatury starożytnej Grecji i Rzymu. Zarys [History of Ancient Greek and Roman Literature. Outline], Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków 2002, p. 42. 41 The last representative of this species in the Greek world is Proclus, living in the 5th century AD; cf. J. Danielewicz, Epigramat – poezja liryczna. Hymny orfickie – hymny Proklosa [Epigram – lyrical poetry. Orphic hymns – hymns of Proclus], [in:] Literatura Grecji starożytnej [Literature of Ancient Greece] ed. H. Podbielski, vol. 1, Lublin 2005, p. 626–627. 42 Cf. T. Sinko, Zarys historii literatury greckiej [An Outline of the History of Greek Literature], vol. 1, p. 257–261. 43 This study is based on two editions of Pindar’s works: Pindari opera quae supersunt, ed. A. Boeckhius, Lipsiae 1811; Pindari carmina cum fragmentis, ed. B. Snell, Lipsiae 1953. The Polish edition consulted is: Pindar, Wybór poezji, ed. A. Szastyńska-Siemion, Wrocław 2005.

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Lyric

1.2.1.1

ὑψηλός

In the use of this term we easily notice a certain variety. It usually functions as a modifier, but the nouns that are modified, in most cases, are abstract nouns: great success (ὄλβον ὑψηλόν; O.2.24; cf. ‘prosperity’s heights’), great perfection (ὑψηλᾶν ἀρετᾶν, O.5.1; cf. ‘high deeds’; ὑψηλᾶις ἀρετᾶις, I.5.50), great fame κλέος […] ὑψηλόν, P.3.111). Only once this adjective modifies a noun denoting a real object, but then the adjective is in the superlative form: ‘greatest games’ (ὑψηλοτάτων ἀέθλων, O.4.3). We find this term once again as a noun and it stands for Kronos’ ‘steep rock’: δ’ ὑψηλοῖο […] Κρονίου (O.6.64). 1.2.1.2

ὕψιστος

With this adjective, also in the form of a modifier, Pindar describes both the noun that denotes a material thing – ‘highest crown’ (στέφανον ὕψιστον, P.1.100) as well as an abstract term – ‘greatest profit’ (κέρδος ὕψιστον, I.1.51). In the case of this adjective we can also observe the it is used in a similar way the aforementioned Greek authors did. This is how Zeus is described: Διός ὕψιστον (N.1.60), Ζηνὸς ὑψίστου (N.11.2). Thus a certain attribute of Zeus seems to be formed, and his rank among the deities of Olympus as well as his superiority to humans is emphasised. 1.2.1.3

ὑψόθεν

It was used by Pindar as an adverbial of place to describe that a wreath was set ‘above a man’s brow’: ὑψόθεν […] βαλῃ (O.3.12). In another place men’s slinking down is described using this adverb: δ’ ἕμπετες ὑψόθεν (P.8.85). So we only notice a literal meaning of this term without any particular use or metaphorical meaning. 1.2.1.4

ὑψοῦ

In this case, the situation is somewhat different. This adverb functions as an adverbial (modifying the verb), but its meaning is figurative. Pindar wrote: ὑψοῦ […] πατεῖν (O.1.115). Which literally means ‘walk on high’ but it is probably about ‘walk proudly, strut’. A similar situation occurred when he wrote: “they extol and glorify the state of the Thessalians”: ὑψοῦ φέροντι νόμον Θεσσαλῶν (P.10.70). It is probably about the ‘exaltation’ of Thessalian law. We can see then the double meaning of this adverb. On the one hand, it means ‘pride’, ‘glory’, on the other hand, ‘elevation’, ‘exaltation’.

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1.2.1.5

ἀναβαίνω

Pindar did use this verb, but only in the literal sense of ‘going up’: to the top (O.7.48), to the prow of a ship (P.2.62), to the chariot (N.9.4), to the wall (I.5.45); or ‘mounting’ (O.13.86). No examples with any figurative or religious meaning could be found. 1.2.1.6

ἀναιρέω

The situation is slightly more interesting with this verb. Although we meet its literal meaning in Pindar’s Odes,44 we also see a metaphorical sense. The examples include that “it is impossible for one person successfully to attain complete happiness”: τυχεῖν δ’ ἕν’ ἀδύνατον εὐδαιμονίαν ἅπασαν ἀνελόμενον (N.7.56). It is probably about receiving the prize for winning the games in several disciples, which Pindar describes as impossible. Another Ode praises Arsinoe, who rescued Orestes by secretly saving him “from the violent hands and pain-laden treachery”: ἐκ δόλου τροφὸς ἄνελε δυσπενθέος (P.11.18). So we can see that ἀναιρέω in some contexts means “to receive, raise the received prize”, and in others, “to save” from oppression. Both of these meanings are noteworthy. 1.2.1.7

ἀνίστημι

In Pindar’s Odes, it is used only once (P.4.155), without any particular metaphorical meaning. 1.2.1.8

ἄνω

This adverb was also used by Pindar only once (O.12.6) and also in the sense of raising somebody physically, lifting up. 1.2.1.9

ἐγείρω

This verb can be found three times but in quite a wide range of meanings: once in the literal sense of “rousing” the lyre (N.10.21). Twice in a figurative sense. It was used to describe “awak[ing] […] a clear-sounding path of poetry”: ἔγειρ’ ἐπέων σφιν οἶμον λιγύν (O.9.47). Another time, also in the context of performing a song, it referred to the idea of “call[ing] up again the ancient fame of his ancestors”: ἐγεῖραι καὶ παλαιὰν δόξαν ἑῶν προγόνων (P.9.104).

44 In P.9.61 Hermes is lifted up from his loving mother.

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Lyric

Summary Our research into the meanings of the terms in question revealed that Pindar essentially accentuates their literal meaning.45 This is the case with the use of ὑψηλός, which is an adjective that only attracts the reader’s attention as a modifier of abstract concepts such as ὁ ὄλβος – ‘prosperity’, ἡ ὰρετή – ‘perfection’ or τὸ κλέος – ‘fame’. A slightly different situation is observed in a group of terms that Pindar uses both literally and figuratively, also in a religious sense. This is how the adverb ὕψιστος is used, which describes a material thing (ὁ στέφανος – ‘crown, wreath’), an abstract thing (τὸ κέρδος – ‘profit’); it also referred to Zeus, whom Pindar called ‘highest’ (ὕψιστος, N.1.60; N.11.2). Similarly, in two meanings (literal and metaphorical) Pindar uses the verb ἀναιρέω. On the one hand, it stands for the physical lifting something up (P.9.61), but also salvation from oppression (P.11.18) and the “raising the received prize” (N.7.56). The verb ἐγείρω is used likewise. It means rousing the lyre (N.10.21) but also awaking “a clear-sounding path of poetry” (O.9.47), and the restoration of the glory of the ancestors (P.9.104). There is another term that this author uses only in a figurative sense. The adverb ὑψοῦ has two shades of meaning, translated as (a) greatness (O.1.115), (b) extoling, glorifying (P.10.70). 1.2.2

Callimachus

The poet and Greek scholar lived from about 310 to about 240 BC. He was born in Cyrene, North Africa. He came from an aristocratic, although impoverished family, which originated from Battus, the founder of Cyrene.46 In his early youth he came to Alexandria, where he initially earned his living as a teacher while writing short poems (epigrams). Around 270 BC the Egyptian King Ptolemy II Philadelphus (285–246 BC) was appointed to work in the Library of Alexandria.47 His scientific

45 The terms include: ὑψόθεν, ἀναβαίνω, ἀνίστημι, ἄνω. 46 Cf. J. Smolarczyk-Rostropowicz, Kallimachos, [in:] Słownik pisarzy antycznych [Dictionary of Ancient Writers], ed. A. Świderkówna, Warszawa 1990, p. 266. 47 Cf. K. Narecki, Kallimach z Cyreny, [in:] Encyklopedia Katolicka, vol. 8, ed. A. Szostek, B. Migut, E. Gigilewicz et al., Lublin 2000, col. 409; cf. also S. Stabryła, Historia literatury starożytnej Grecji i Rzymu. Zarys [History of Ancient Greek and Roman Literature], Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków 2002, p. 122.

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and literary activity is connected with this very city, although some scholars believe that he started writing in Cyrene (Claude Meillier, André Laronde).48 According to historical data, Callimachus was an extremely prolific writer. He was to be the author of more than eight hundred books, including the monumental (in one hundred and twenty books) work of the Tables of Those Who Have Distinguished Themselves in Every Form of Culture and of What They Wrote. Only a few fragments of such works as Aetia, Iambi and Hecale survived to these times, but we have the whole sixty-three Epigramas and six hymns: To Zeus, To Apollo, To Artemis, To Delos, The Bath of Pallas, To Demeter.49 In these preserved works of the Callimachus we can find the following terms with the root ὑψo: ὑψηλός (3 times) and ὑψόθεν (1 time). From the group with the prefix ἀνα or the root ἀνω and cognates, there occur: ἀνίστημι (3 times), ἐγείρω (2 times) and ἄνω (1 time).50 1.2.2.1

ὑψηλός

This adjective was always used by Callimachus as a modifier to describe a ‘high’ peak,51 wall52 or cape.53 1.2.2.2

ὑψόθεν

An adverb that appears only once in the preserved works of this author. It collocates with the verb αὐγάζω (‘to see clearly, to see’) and functions in a sentence in a literal sense as an adverbial of place: ‘from the clouds’.54

48 Cf. J. Danielewicz, Kallimach i jego twórczość poetycka [Callimachus and his poetic works], [in:] Literatura Grecji starożytnej [Literature of Ancient Greece], ed. H. Podbielski, vol. 1, Lublin 2005, p. 524. 49 Cf. J. Smolarczyk-Rostropowicz, Kallimachos, p. 266–267; cf. also J. Danielewicz, Kallimach i jego twórczość poetycka [Callimachus and his poetic works], p. 540. 549–550. 50 This study is based on the edition of the original works of Callimachus: Callimachus, vol. 1: Fragmenta, vol. 2: Hymni et Epigrammata, ed. R. Pfeiffer, Oxonii 1949–1953. 51 Cf. hymn To Delos (4).63. 52 Cf. Epigram 23.2. 53 Cf. hymn To Delos (4).157. 54 Cf. hymn To Demeter (6).4.

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1.2.2.3

ἀνίστημι

The verb has a literal sense in the Callimachus sections: ‘get up’55 or ‘put up’.56 In the latter sense, one text is noteworthy that refers to “set[ing] up (ἀνίστημι) altars and do[ing] sacrifice”: ἀνεστήσαντο δὲ βωμούς ἱερὰ τε ῥέζουσι (hymn To Artemis (3).199). It would mean then “establishing” a place of cult, as the whole context suggests (cf. hymn To Artemis (3).197–203). 1.2.2.4

ἐγείρω

The literal meaning is: ‘to get up’,57 ‘to put up’,58 without any reference to the religious or moral contents. 1.2.2.5

ἄνω

An adverb used only once by this author in a literal sense. It functions in conjunction with the verb βάλλω (‘to throw’), as the adverbial of place.59 Summary It is not difficult to notice that Callimachus was not very eager to use the terminology referring to height, and if he did, it is always in the literal sense. The only text that can have any meaning for this research contains the verb ἀνίστημι in the sense of setting up a place of worship (hymn To Artemis (3).199). 1.2.3

Theocritus

A poet considered to be the greatest creator of the Greek pastoral poems, idylls. He was born in Syracuse, Sicily, probably in the last years of the 4th century BC. His parents were from Kos. Probably that is why he left his hometown in his youth and went to this island. He spent most of his adult life there.60 Around 270, Theocritus asked for a protectorate from Ptolemy II, King of Egypt, who invited

55 56 57 58 59 60

Cf. hymn To Artemis (3).128. Cf. hymns: To Artemis (3).199 and To Delos (4).173. Cf. hymn To Delos (4).312. Cf. hymn To Apollo (2).64. Cf. hymn To Zeus (1).24 Cf. J. Ławińska-Tyszkowska, Teokryt i poeci bukoliczni [Theocrite and Bucolic Poets], [in:] Literatura Grecji starożytnej [Literature of Ancient Greece], vol. 1: Epika – liryka – dramat [Epic – Lyric – Drama], ed. H. Podbielski, Lublin 2005, p. 559.

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him to Alexandria. He probably stayed there for a few years and then returned to Kos. Undoubtedly he travelled through other cities and islands of the Aegean Sea; he certainly visited Miletus and his friend Nicias.61 We cannot determine with certainty whether in Alexandria Theocritus had contacts with the most outstanding poet and scholar of the time, Callimachus. However, contemporary scholars claim to have found some mutual allusions in the works of both poets. The further course of Theocritus’ life is shrouded in mystery. One of the reasons behind it is an almost complete lack of information in his works about his contemporary events. Only two works were addressed to the rulers, Hiero of Syracuse and Ptolemy Philadelphus, which allows the researchers to establish the timeframe for his life.62 A man named Artemidorus, living in the 1st century BC, published Corpus Theocriteum, a collection of Theocritus’ works. It contains thirty epic works written in hexameter (except for the last three). Some of them are nowadays considered not to be authentic,63 but we will not discuss this problem here. The idylls (bucolics) in which Theocritus uses the terminology under investigation include: I. Thyrsis. A Goatherd, VIII. Pastorals II,64 X. The Two Workmen, XI. The Giant’s Wooing, XV. The Festival of Adonis, XVI. The Value of Song, XVII. The Praise of Ptolemy, XXI. Fishermen, XXII. Hymn to Dioskur, XXIV. The Infant Heracles, XXV. Heracles the Lion Slayer. In addition, twenty-four epigrams of various themes have been preserved under the name of Theocritus.65 In these works, Theocritus rarely referred to the category of height or exaltation. From the first group (with the root ὑψo) we have: ὑψηλός (3 times), ὑψόθεν (3 times) and ὕψιστος (1 time). The second group (ἀνα-prefixed or with the root ἀνω and cognates) is represented by: ἀναβαίνω (1 time), ἀναιρέω (2 times), ἀνίστημι (6 times), ἐγείρω (3 times), ἄνω (1 time) and ἄνωθεν (4 times).

61 Cf. J. Ławińska-Tyszkowska, Theokritos, [in:] Słownik pisarzy antycznych [Dictionary of Ancient Writers], ed. A. Świderkówna, Warszawa 1990, p. 454–455. 62 Cf. J. Ławińska-Tyszkowska, Teokryt i poeci bukoliczni [Theocritus and Bucolic Poets], p. 559–561. 63 In addition to the abovementioned studies by J. Ławińska-Tyszkowska, the topic was studied by: S. Stabryła, Historia literatury starożytnej Grecji i Rzymu. Zarys [History of Ancient Greek and Roman Literature], Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków 2002, p. 131–136. 64 Idylls VIII and IX do not have their own titles, and from Idyll VI they were called Pastoral Songs II and III; cf. J. Ławińska-Tyszkowska, Teokryt i poeci bukoliczni [Theocritus and Bucolic Poets], p. 568. 65 This research is based on the original edition of Theocritus’ works: Bucolicorum Graecorum Theocriti Bionis reliquie, accedentibus incertorum idyllis, ed. H.L. Ahrens, Lipsiae 1928; English text in the translation of C.S. Calverley is avalaible: http://www.gutenberg.org/files/11533/11533-h/11533-h. htm [accessed: 20.03.2021].

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1.2.3.1

ὑψηλός

The adjective in Theocritus’ works has a literal meaning: ‘high’.66 In the hymn to Hiero, however, we can read: ὑψηλὸν δ’ Ἰέρωνι κλέος φορέοιεν ἀοιδοί (Idyll 16: The Value of Song 98). The idea is to acclaim (φορέοιεν) high (ὑψηλὸν) Hiero’s fame (κλέος) by the singers. This adjective thus takes on an abstract meaning – Hiero’s fame was acclaimed everywhere by singers. Although ὑψηλός undoubtedly has a metaphorical meaning here, it is of little importance for this discussion. 1.2.3.2

ὕψιστος

The adjective in its superlative form is used Theocritus in relation to Zeus. One of the heroes of the idyll with these words: διός γόνον ὑψίστοιο (Idyll XXV: Heracles the Lion Slayer 159) undoubtedly addresses a god who is ‘most high’ among others (ὕψιστος). 1.2.3.3

ὑψόθεν

In this author’s works it has only literal meaning: ‘from on high, from above’.67 1.2.3.4

ἀναβαίνω

A word used only once by Theocritus, but in a sense relevant to this research. Teiresias, summoned by Alcmena, speaks to her: τοῖς ἀνὴρ ὅδε μέλλει ἐς οὐρανον ἄστρα φέροντα ἀμβαίνειν τεὸς υἱός (Idylla 24: The Infant Heracles 80). The phrase ἐς οὐρανον ἀμβαίνειν means literally ‘scale the heaven’. From a further context, we learn that this is the space of Zeus’ existence in which Heracles must dwell (πεπρωμένον ἐν Διὸς οἰκεῖν; Idyll 24: The Infant Heracles 82) having accomplished twelve tasks. So in this text, ‘scale’ (ἀναβαίνω) the heaven means to include Heracles among its inhabitants, which is a kind of deification. 1.2.3.5

ἀναιρέω

This verb has a literal meaning in one case: ‘to raise, pick up’.68 In the next one, Theocritus used it to mean: ‘quench this feud’.69 66 Cf. Idyll XI: The Giant’s Wooing 18; Idyll XXII: Hymn to Dioscur 40. 67 Cf. Idyll I: Thyrsis, a Song 8; Idyll XVII: The Praise of Ptolemy 71; Idyll XXV: Heracles the Lion Slayer 259. 68 Cf. Epigram 14.2. 69 Cf. Idyll 22: Hymn to Dioscur 180.

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1.2.3.6

ἀνίστημι

In principle, it has the literal meaning of ‘get up, rise’70 with one small variant of meaning: ‘raise’.71 1.2.3.7

ἐγείρω

Like the previous one, this verb has a literal meaning in Theocritus’ works: ‘wake up, get up’.72 1.2.3.8

ἄνω

This adverb was used once also in a literal sense: ‘up’.73 1.2.3.9

ἄνωθεν

An adverb used by Theocritus in a twofold literal sense: ‘from on high’74 or ‘from the origin’75 (place of origin) and ‘before’ (time expression).76 Summary In Theocritus’ case the vocabulary describing the category of height was not numerous and it translated into an equally poor set of metaphorical religious meanings. The religious meaning could be noticed in two terms: ‘most high’ (ὕψιστος) among the gods is Zeus (Idyll XXV: Heracles the Lion Slayer 159); Heracles, on the other hand, ‘scaled’ (ἀναβαίνω) the heaven entering the sphere where gods dwelled (Idyll XXIV: The Infant Heracles 80). *** Quite extensive lyrical works of the authors we have chosen turned out not to be the source of equally rich terminology describing height and exaltation. However,

70 Cf. Epigram 24.110; Idyll XV: The Festival of Adonis 53; Idyll XXIV: The Infant Heracles 36; 50; Idyll XXV: Heracles the Lion Slayer 149. 71 Cf. Idyll I: Thyrsis, a Song 152. 72 Cf. Idyll X: The Two Workmen 50; Idyll XXI: Fishermen 1; 20. 73 Cf. Idyll XV: The Festival of Adonis 125. 74 Cf. Idyll VIII: Pastorals II, 19; 22. 75 Cf. Idyll XV: The Festival of Adonis 91. 76 Cf. Idyll XXII: Hymn to Dioscur 164.

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Drama

each of the writers in question made his contribution to the research topic. The terms with which they describe the height and exaltation concern the gods, or in fact only Zeus, and man. The terms ὕψιστος i ἀναβαίνω are used in reference to gods. The first term is an adjective in the superlative form, by means of which both Pindar (N.1.60; 11.2) and Theocritus (Idyll 25: Heracles the Lion Slayer 159) described the position Zeus held among other deities. It does not seem to be just an attribute of the ‘most high’ god compared to other ‘inhabitants’ of Olympus. One can suppose that it is used to emphasize superiority over people. This heavenly position of the deities is also available to the mortal. He must, like Heracles, ‘scale’ (ἀναβαίνειν) the heaven, the dwelling of Zeus (Theocritus, Idyll 24: The Infant Heracles 82). Man can enter into a relationship with a deity here on earth by making sacrifices. This must be done in the right place, where an altar is set up (ἀνίστημι) as Callimachus explained in the hymn To Artemis (3).199. Man also experiences various different moments of exaltation in life. Sometimes man can receive (ἀνελόμενον) a reward (Pindar, N.7.56) or be saved (ἄνελε) from some kind of oppression (Pindar, O.11.18). Both situations are described with the verb ἀναιρέω. Another verb (ἐγείρω) is used by Pindar to describe the reality that people struggle to restore (ὲγεῖραι), namely the former glory of their ancestors (P.9.104). The human existence is marked not only by positive aspects of exaltation: ὑψοῦ as ‘extolling, exaltation’ (Pindar, O.10.70). Its negative, or rather pejorative, aspect is equally noticeable: ὑψοῦ as ‘haughtiness, conceit’ (Pindar, O.1.115).

1.3

Drama

The origins of this literary genre are still being vividly discussed by scholars. Nevertheless, the opinion expressed by Aristotle in the fourth chapter of Poetics that the drama has two main sources is increasingly widely accepted. These include dithyramb (a Greek choral lyric) and satyr plays presented during Dionysia.77 This thesis, leaving aside all the other details, is confirmed by the fact that the plays were staged in Athens during the festival in the honour of Dionysius.78 The decisive factor in the emergence of this literary genre was the performance of Thespis, who in 534 BC at the time of the Great Dionysia is believed to have introduced stage dialogue

77 In the classical period, the works of Sophocles, Ichneutae (Tracking Satyrs) and Euripides, Cyclops, would be representatives of this kind. 78 Cf. S. Stabryła, Historia literatury starożytnej Grecji i Rzymu. Zarys [History of Literature of Ancient Greece and Rome. Outline], Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków 2002, p. 60–62.

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and coryphaeus.79 The tragedy flourished in the age of Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides. In the classical era, alongside tragedy and satyr plays, Attican comedy developed exuberantly. Its origin is also presented by Aristotle in Poetics. The constituent elements of the comedy include the cheerful song sung during the Dionysia and the short farces played in the towns inhabited by the Doric people.80 The beginnings of a proper comedy date back to the comedy contests held in the 5th century BC during the Great Dionysia, in which the following writers won: Cratinus, Crates, Pherecrates, and Eupolis.81 Aristophanes was the master and representative of the so-called Old Comedy. After his death, this literary genre began to lose its power of expression. It revived to some extent in the period of the so-called Middle (late 4th century BC) and New Comedy (at the turn of 4th and 3rd century BC). Yet the works created during these periods no longer had such a significant impact on the shaping of the concepts we discuss as those from the Old Comedy period (the 5th century BC). Therefore, we will focus on the works of the three great representatives of tragedy (Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides) and one comedy playwright (Aristophanes). All of them are regarded as the representatives of the classical period of Greek literature. 1.3.1

Aeschylus

The tragedy playwriter, who lived between 525–456 BC came from an aristocratic family living near Athens. His works have already the features of the then approaching classical era, but the archaic traits are still noticeable. During his life, he wrote ninety plays, fifty-two of which received the highest distinctions.82 A collection of seven late tragedies has survived to these times: The Persians, Seven against Thebes, The Suppliants and Prometheus Bound and the Oresteia trilogy, which includes: Agamemnon, The Libation Bearers, The Eumenides.83

79 Cf. R.R. Chodkowski, Początki tragedii greckiej [Beginnings of the Greek Tragedy] [in:] Literatura starożytnej Grecji [Literature of Ancient Greece], ed. H. Podbielski, vol. 1: Epika – liryka – dramat [Epic – lyric – drama], Lublin 2005, p. 629. 80 Cf. S. Stabryła, Historia literatury starożytnej Grecji i Rzymu. Zarys [History of Literature of Ancient Greece and Rome], p. 77. 81 Cf. Z. Kubiak, Literatura Greków i Rzymian [Literature of Greeks and Romans], Warszawa 2003, p. 164–165. 82 Cf. J. Łanowski, Literatura starogrecka [Old Greek Literature], [in:] Dzieje literatur europejskich [History of European Literature], ed. W. Floryan, Warszawa 1979, p. 52–53. 83 In this study we use the publication with seven tragedies of Aeschylus: Aeschyli tragoediae septem et perditarum fragmenta, ed. E.A.I. Ahrens, [in:] Aeschyli et Sophoclis tragoediae et fragment. Graece et latine cum indicibus, Parisiis 1842. The Polish translations consulted are: Przekłady Jana Kasprowicza

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In almost all these works (except Seven Against Thebes) we find terms that are of significance to us. From the first group (with the root ὑψο): τὸ ὕψος (1 time), ὑψηλός (2 times), ὕψιστος (5 times) and ὑψόθεν (2 times). The second group (with the prefix ἀνα or the root ἀνω) and cognates: ἀναιρέω (1 time), ἀνίστημι (8 times), ἡ ἀνάστασις (2 times), ἄνω (4 times), ἄνωθεν (7 times) and ἐγείρω (5 times). The numbers are not impressive, but as it will turn out below, quite significant. 1.3.1.1

τὸ ὕψος

This noun is used only once by Aeschylus in Agamemnon. After the death of the protagonist, Clytemnestra said: πημονήν ἀρκύστατον, ὕψος κρεῖσσον ἐκπηδήματος (1376). It is not difficult to notice that the noun in question, used without the article, refers to the adjective ἀρκύστατος which can be used to describe ‘(area) fenced in’.84 It means literally: ‘its height is higher than a leap’. In this case it is the literal meaning of the investigated noun.85 1.3.1.2

ὑψηλός

An adjective used twice by Aeschylus. Once in The Persian and once in Agamemnon. In both texts it was used as a noun modifier. In the reply to the queen, the messenger thus described the place where Xerxes took refuge: ὑψηλὸn ὄχθον (The Persians 467). When greeting Agamemnon in front of the palace, Clytemnestra uses the phrase ὑψηλῆς στέγες (Agamemnon 897). In both cases the physical dimensions of ‘hill’ and ‘house’ (literally ‘roof ’) are specified.86 1.3.1.3

ὕψιστος

We encounter this adjective five times in four tragedies: The Persians (2 times), The Suppliants (1 time), Prometheus Bound (1 time) and The Eumenides (1 time). In two texts it functions as a modifier in agreement with the noun.87 This is how the king

84 85 86

87

[Translations by Jan Kasprowicz], vol. 1–4, ed. W. Meisels, Kraków 1931; Aeschylus, Prometeusz skowany. Persowie [Prometheus Bound. Persians], Polish transl. J. Kasprowicz, Wrocław 2005. Cf. Słownik grecko-polski [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 1, Warszawa 1958, p. 328. A separate issue is the metaphorical nature of the whole statement, in which this “fence” means the intrigues with which Agamemnon is surrounded. In the latter case a separate issue is the metaphoricity of the whole utterance; more extensively about it in: T. Sinko, Zarys historii literatury greckiej [An Outline of the History of Greek Literature], vol. 1, p. 376. The adjective agrees with the noun it specifies as far as the genre, number and case is concerned.

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describes his fear of Zeus: ὕψιστος γὰρ ἐν βροτοῖς φόβος (The Suppliants 479). The Pythia describes Zeus in the prologue to Eumenides as […] καὶ τέλειον ὕψιστον Δία (The Eumenides 28). In the following texts, this adjective was used in the sentence as partitive complement, in which the adjective serves as a quantitative modifier. Aeschylus used the noun always in the plural genitive case, and the adjective in the single or plural nominative. For example, queen Atossa, on learning the news of the defeat of Xerxes’ troops, expressed her sadness with κακῶν ὕψιστα (The Persians 331). Similarly, the Ghost of Darius described the suffering that Xerxes’ warriors would experience with κακῶν ὕψιστ’ (The Persians 807). Prometheus applies this modifier to describe the Caucasus: ὀρῶν ὕψιστον (Prometheus Bound 719–720). The aforementioned texts reveal that this adjective has a metaphorical meaning only two texts: a direct meaning when Zeus Most Hight was referred to (ὕψιστον Δία; Eumenides 28) and an indirect meaning the fear of Zeus is described as ‘supreme’ (ὕψιστος […] φόβος; The Suppliants 479). Other uses of this term, although undoubtedly interesting, have no figurative meaning. They rather describe the extent of suffering or directly the height of the Caucasus mountain range. 1.3.1.4

ὑψόθεν

An adverb used twice by this author in one drama – The Suppliants. In both cases, it functions as an adverbial of place. In the introducing song the chorus described Zeus in this way: ὑψόθεν δ’ εὖ κλύοι καλούμενος (175). In the following parts, also in relation to Zeus, the chorus sang: Τὸν ὑψόθεν δκοπὸν ἑπισκόπει (381). We can see then that this term collocates with the verbs κλύω and ἑπισκοπέω. Both actions refer to Zeus, so we can conclude that this is the place from which this god will intervene: he will ‘listen’ and ‘watch, look’. 1.3.1.5

ἀναιρέω

In the final scenes of The Libation Bearers, Orestes speaks bitter words about the murder of Agamemnon by his mother, Clytemnestra. This is where we notice this verb: tῷδὲ τ’ ἂν δολώματι πολλους ἀναιρῶν (The Libation Bearers 1004). It is not difficult to observe that Aeschylus meant to ‘catch’ someone in the ambush. Leaving aside the issue of the metaphoricity of Orestes’ entire statement (about the insidious deeds of the Clytemnestra), ἀναιρέω is used here in a literal sense. 1.3.1.6

ἀνίστημι

Aeschylus used this verb in three meanings. In the transitive form, it means ‘to displace, evict, wreak havoc’. And in this sense we encounter it in two fragments:

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Drama

ἂν ὡς Ἀργεῖον ἀνστήσῃς στόλον (The Suppliants 323); πόλεὼν τ’ ἀναστάσεις (The

Persians 99). In both these texts ἀνίστημι has a literal meaning. The chorus calls for the king’s mercy not to destroy the Argives or announces the fact that this is what the Persians do. Much more interesting for this topic is the use of ἀνίστημι in the intransitive form. It usually means, as in other authors’ works, to ‘arise’ from sleep. This is what the shadow of the Clytemnestra called Erinyes for: ἀνστήσῃ (The Eumenides 124); ἀνίστω (The Eumenides 124); they also encouraged themselves to it: ἀνίστω (The Eumenides 141). Similarly, Atossa, first told about her dream and then, emerging from the dream (ἀνέστην), spoke about her daydreaming (The Persians 201). Another two texts mention the resurrection. First the messenger, announcing the victory of Agamemnon, in the context of the deaths of many warriors, claimed: μηδ’ ἀναστῆναι μέλειν (Agamemnon 569). Then one act from the Chorus spoke the significant words: ἐπεὶ δυσμηχανῶ λόγοισι τὸν θανόντ’ ἀνιστάναι πάλιν (Agamemnon 1361). Although in the first text this verb is a transitive form and in the second it is intransitive, the pronunciation is similar. Both express doubts about the possibility of resurrection (569) or raising from the dead (1361). However, this apprehension allows us to suppose that this idea was known to Aeschylus and his contemporaries. A completely different issue is the possibility of its realization. However, this does not change the fact of its existence, at least in the literary sphere. 1.3.1.7

ἡ ἀνάστασις

A term which in the works of Aeschylus conveys the same meaning as ἀνίστημι. In one of the texts it stands for ‘havoc’ (literally ‘displacement’), which Clytemnestra is heralded by a messenger: φράζων ἅλωσιν Ἰλίου τ’ ἀνάστασιν (Agamemnon 589). The next passage refers directly to the resurrection. Here, Apollo asks a very significant question: ἅπαξ θανόντες οὔτις ἔστ’ ἀνάστασις (The Eumenides 647). Although the possibility of resurrection is clearly in doubt, it is not the idea itself. We can infer, as in the case of ἀνίστημι, also ἡ ἀνάστασις confirms the existence of the resurrection idea in Greek terminology. 1.3.1.8

ἄνω

This adverb was used by Aeschylus 4 times, and it almost always refers to the sphere of existence or action of gods. Thus Apollo speaks of Zeus: τὰ δ’ ἄλλα πάντ’ ἄνω τε καὶ κάτω στρέφῶν τίθησιν (The Eumenides 650). The scope of Zeus’ actions is not limited, it includes what is high above (ἄνω) and what is down below (κάτω).

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Of course, it can be considered to be an idiomatic expression ‘here and there’.88 This does not change the fact, however, that on the linguistic level, we find here an adverbial of place meaning ‘high above, up’. We meet with a slightly different shade of meaning in Electra’s statement, she turned to Hermes with the following words: κῆρυξ μέγιστε τῶν ἄνω τε καὶ κάτω (The Libation Bearers 124). She called this god “a messenger of those high above and down below”. It is probably about the gods living in heavenly and underground spheres. Then this adverb would define both spaces where the gods dwell. In a similar sense, in the following passage Electra expresses a wish: ἡμῖν δὲ πομπὸς ἴσθι τῶν ἐσθῶν ἄνω (The Libation Bearers 147). The good is to be sent ‘from above’. It seems that this is also the sphere of the gods’ dwelling, since ‘good’ is to come from them, as evidenced by another stich: σὺν θεοῖσι (“from the grace of the gods”). In the next text, the chorus summoned the land and the ruler of the underworld to release the deceased, which had a special meaning: πέμπετε δ’ ἄνω (The Persians 645). Darius is to be released ‘up’, which is synonymous with a return to life. The promise was fulfilled because in verse 681 the Ghost of Darius took the floor. Perhaps this is not literally a description of the resurrection, but in some sense, it is about bringing Darius back to life. And the process and movement itself (‘upwards’) has a significant character. On the example of the use of the adverb in question, we can see the confirmation of its two essential meanings. First, it defines the space of dwelling and action of the gods. Secondly, it stands for the motion of the person being brought back to life. Both are important for the issue under investigation. 1.3.1.9

ἄνωθεν

This term was used by this author in a much broader sense, both literally and figuratively. In the first sense we meet it in the following texts: Agamemnon 875; 1595; The Libation Bearers 427. Much more interesting seems to be its metaphorical meaning. A “transitional” meaning can be found in an interjection from Agamemnon: πολλὴν ἄνωθεν τὴν κάτω γὰρ οὐ λέγω (Agamemnon 871). It should be translated literally: “much above, what is much below I do not discuss”. This meaning is extremely difficult to interpret. Given the context, it is probably a reference to living on earth and being alive (ἄνωθεν) and living below, being dead (κάτω). It is much easier to understand the sense of subsequent texts. The chorus announces that Zeus is a single ruler whose power reaches above all: οὔτινος ἄνωθεν

88 Cf. meaning 12a ἄνω in: Słownik grecko-polski [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 1, p. 230.

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ἡμένου σέβει κράτη (The Suppliants 597). It appears that Zeus is not afraid of any

gods sitting ‘high above’ (ἄνωθεν). Similarly, Aegisthus is convinced: θεοὺς ἄνωθεν γῆς ἐποπτεύειν ἄχη (Agamemnon 1579). Once again, the intervention of the gods ‘from above’ towards the earth is advisable. This time the term refers to watching, looking (ἐποπτεύω). A slightly different meaning can be assigned to another call of the chorus to avenge τοῖς θ’ ὐπὸ χθονὸς φίλοισιν τοῖς τ’ ἄνωθεν (The Libation Bearers 834). The chorus definitely mentions the dead. Interestingly, however, they were described literally as “those under the ground and from above”. Perhaps all the spaces in which the dead dwell were thus described: the underworld and heavenly spheres, but the meaning is not certain.89 1.3.1.10 ἐγείρω

Aeschylus made use of this term 5 times. Usually in the literal sense: ‘get up, wake up’ from a dream (The Eumenides 140 [× 2]; Agamemnon 299) or from a place (The Eumenides 706). We meet it only once in a figurative sense in the sense of ‘arousing’ vengeance from the blood of the dead (Agamemnon 346). However, this is not the meaning that would be important for the subject under investigation. Summary Many terms describing the category of height in Aeschylus have a literal meaning. These include: τὸ ὕψος, ὑψηλός, ἀναιρέω, ἐγείρω. Other terms can be classified by meaning. The space in which the gods dwell and from which they act is described by the terms ὑψόθεν (The Suppliants 175; 381), ἄνω (The Eumenides 650; The Libation Bearers 124; 147), ἄνωθεν (The Suppliants 597; Agamemnon 1579). Zeus is considered most high among gods; to this end, this author uses the adjective of the superlative form: ὕψιστος (The Suppliants 479; The Eumenides 28). A separate issue is the resurrection described by Aeschylus or even referring to the idea of the resurrection. The first term is described by the terms ἄνω (The Persians 645 – releasing Darius up) and ἄνωθεν (The Libation Bearers 834). The first text insists that the deceased Darius should be ‘released’ up, that is, brought back to life. The second one probably indicates the space in which the dead are staying. In referring to the idea of the resurrection, this author uses terms with the same root: the verb (ἀνίστημι) and the noun (ἡ ἀνάστασις). In both cases, the main characters doubt the possibility of resurrection/raising from the dead (cf. Agamemnon 569; 1361; The Eumenides 647). To declare the resurrection impossible

89 Cf. footnote to the section in question: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc= Perseus:text:1999.01.0008:line=831 [accessed: 20.03.2021].

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is not to deny it. His idea is present, even if the fact itself is denied. We observe thus very significant directions of ‘movement’ in Aeschylus’ speech about exaltation. The first direction is from top to bottom (priority of the gods), while the second is from bottom to top (priority of the people). The gods intervene from their place of dwelling in people’s lives, in their space of existence. People, on the other hand, have a chance to ‘move’ upwards, only under the condition of the intervention of the saving gods (resurrection). However, this is only possible with “deified” characters such as Darius in The Persians.90 1.3.2

Sophocles

He lived between 496–406 BC. He came from Colonos, a community in Attica. At the beginning of his work he modelled himself on the pathetic style of Aeschylus, but with time he developed his own, natural and “ethical” style, corresponding to the characters of people presented in his tragedies. Sophocles left a very rich literary legacy; today we know one hundred and fourteen titles of his works. He won 18 times at Dionysia and 6 times at Lenaia festivals.91 Only seven tragedies have survived to our times: Ajax, Antigone, Electra, The Trachiniae (Women of Trachis), Oedipus Tyrannus, Philoctetes and exhibited only five years after Sophocles’ death Oedipus at Colonos.92 In all these works, we find the terms under investigation. However, their occurrence is not equally frequent. The terms with the root ὑψο (ὑψηλός; 2 times, ὕψιστος; 2 times and ὑψοῦ; 1 time) are only found in five tragedies. The terms with the root ἀνω or the prefix ἀνα and cognates can be found in all Sophocles’ works: ἀναιρέω (4 times), ἀναλαμβάνω (1 time), ἀνίστημι (8 times), ἡ ἀνάστασις (1 time), ἄνω (19 times), ἄνωθεν (4 times), ἐγείρω (1 time) and ἐπαίρω (5 times).

90 Cf. R.R. Chodkowski, Ajschylos [Aeschylus], [in:] Literatura starożytnej Grecji [Literature of Ancient Greece], ed. H. Podbielski, vol. 1: Epika – liryka – dramat [Epic – lyric – drama], Lublin 2005, p. 678–679. 91 Cf. T. Sinko, Zarys historii literatury greckiej [An Outline of the History of Greek Literature], vol. 1, p. 401–403. 92 This study is based on the edition of Sophocles’ works: Sophoclis tragoediae septem est perditum fragmenta, ed. L. Benloew, E.A.I Ahrens, [in:] Aeschyli et Sophoclis tragoediae et fragmenta. Graece et latine cum indicibus, Parisiis 1842. The consulted Polish edition of some of Sophocles’ tragedies is: Sophocles, Antygona. Król Edyp. Elektra [Antigone. Oedipus Tyrannus. Electra], Wrocław 2004. Particular works were translated by: Kazimierz Morawski (Antigone, Electra) and S. Srebrny (Oedipus Tyrannus).

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1.3.2.1

ὑψηλός

Although used only twice, this adjective is found in two syntactic functions. First, as a predicative. Agamemnon in the final fragments of Ajax treated Teucer with contempt: ἄπο ὑψηλ’ ἐκόμπεις (Ajax 1230). He accused Teucer of expressing pride and claiming that he ‘(is) great’ (ὑψηλ’) or ‘proud’. In Antigone, this adjective has a modifying function. The chorus in the dialogue with the protagonist asserted ὑψηλὸν ἐς Δίκας βάθρον (Antigone 854), specifying the term ‘throne’ (τὸ βάθρον).93 1.3.2.2

ὕψιστος

In both cases this adjective is used by Sophocles, it referred indirectly to Zeus. In The Trachiniae Heracles said: Οἶαθ’ οὖν τὸν Οἴτης Ζηνὸς ὕψιστον πάγον (The Trachiniae 1191). The phrase ὕψιστον πάγον does not mean ‘the highest hill’ in the literal sense, but rather ‘the sacred hill’ on which the sacrifices for Zeus were made. This can be inferred from Hyllus’s words: “I know it, I have made sacrifices on it many times” (The Trachiniae 1192). In Philoctetes Neoptolemus, Achilles’ son, took this oath: Ἀπώμοσ’ ἁγνὸν Ζηνὸς ὑψίστου σέβας (Philoctetes 1289). He swore by “the sacred majesty of Zeus”. Although grammatically, ὕψιστος may describe here both the person of Zeus and his majesty. Whatever it is, we certainly have here a reference to Zeus, directly or indirectly. It seems, therefore, that the adjective ὕψιστος functions as an attribute assigned to this very god, if not the title by which Zeus is referred to.94 1.3.2.3

ὑψοῦ

An adverb used by Sophocles only once. Jocasta, seeing Oedipus worry, prays to Apollo asking: Ὑψοῦ γὰρ ἄρει θυμὸν Οἰδίπους ἄγαν λύπαισαι παντοίασιν (Oedipus Tyrannus 914). The phrase ὑψοῦ […] αἴρει θυμὸν Οἰδίπους does not refer to the physical raising of Oedipus’s soul, but rather to ‘spiritual elevation’ or consolation provided by Apollo, as the rest of the sentence proves. In this fragment we encounter a figurative meaning of the term in question.

93 Of course, a separate issue is the metaphor of the whole speech, but the phrase ὑψηλόν […] βάθρον does not have that meaning. 94 For more on “Zeus Most High” see A.D. Nock, The Gild of Zeus Hypsistos, “Harvard Theological Review” 29 (1936), p. 39–88. The abbreviated version of this article was published a few decades later in: A.D. Nock, The Gild of Zeus Hypsistos, [in:] Essays on religion and the Ancient World, ed. Z. Stewart, vol. 1, Oxford 1972, p. 414–443.

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1.3.2.4

ἀναιρέω

This term was used several times by this author (Oedipus Tyrannus 1035; Electra 1140; The Trachiniae 558; Ajax 237), but always in a literal sense: ‘pick up, raise’. 1.3.2.5

ἀναλαμβάνω

It only occurs once in the works of Sophocles. Neoptolemus mentions his mistake: ἁμαρτών ἀναλαβεῖν πειράσομαι (Philoctetes 1248). The context reveals that the actions taken by the protagonist lead to ‘rectification’ (ἀναλαμβάνω)95 of the mistake made earlier. The figurative meaning seems to be confirmed; the point is to ‘restore’ the previous state of affairs or at least ‘compensate’ for the mistake made. 1.3.2.6

ἀνίστημι

This verb has a transitive and intransitive form and it is used similarly by other authors. The transitive form is used in two texts. Lichas tells Deianira about Heracles’ actions: ᾕρει τῶνδ’ ἀνάστατον δορὶ χώραν γυναικῶν ὧν ὁρᾷς ἐω ὄμμασιν (The Trachiniae 240). The meaning of this verb seems to be clear: ‘to evict, make desolate’. In another sense it was used in the description of Oedipus: θανάτων δ’ ἐμᾷ χώρᾳ πύργος ἀνέστα (Oedipus Tyrannus 1201). The sense of the whole description is undoubtedly metaphorical, but this verb has a literal meaning: ‘to stand up, get up’. In its intransitive form, it has two meanings. It usually means ‘to get up’, ‘wake up’. In that sense, we find it in: The Trachiniae 979, Ajax 788, Oedipus at Colonos 276, 1286, Philoctetes 666. Only once does it have another meaning in this form. The chorus turned to Electra with the significant words: ἀλλ’ οὔτοι τὸν γ’ ἐξ Ἀΐδα παγκοίνου λίμνας πατέρ’ ἀνστάσεις (Electra 137–139),96 claiming that Hades will definitely not let Agamemnon go, that is, he will not allow him to rise (ἀνίστημι) from the dead. We have already met with a similar statement in the tragedies of Aeschylus, and here too it has a comparable meaning. It is the impossibility of returning to life, not the idea, that is mentioned as a fact. So it seems reasonable to claim that it was known to both playwrights.

95 Such a meaning of this verb is also given by dictionaries: see e.g. Słownik grecko-polski [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 1, p. 147. 96 This verb occurs at the end of stich 138 and at the beginning of stich 139.

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1.3.2.7

ἡ ἀνάστασις

This noun retains in the works of Sophocles the same meaning as the intransitive verb discussed above, that is ‘raising, getting up’ from sleep (thus a literal sense). This interpretation is given to it by Philoctetes in a long monologue about the events in which he participated (see Philoctetes 276). 1.3.2.8

ἄνω

We can find this adverb in Sophocles’ works in both literal and figurative meaning. In the former, it usually defines (as the adverbial of place) the action performed ‘up, on high’ or ‘upwards’ (cf. Ajax 240, 298, 918, 1412, Electra 421, 714, Oedipus Tyrannus 965, Philoctetes 1092, The Trachiniae 917). The other texts in which we meet this adverb can be divided into three groups. In the first ἄνω refers to the living on earth, and thus above the underground world of the gods of death. In this sense, it could mean depriving someone of the opportunity to be among the living. This is how Creon speaks of Antigone: μετοικίας δ’ οὖν τῆς ἄνω στερήσεται (Antigone 889). The context shows that ἄνω means being outside, above the grave, that is on earth, among the living. In a similar sense, Tiresias threatens Creon: ὧν ἔχεις μὲν τῶν ἄνω βαλὼν κάτω ψυχὴν τ’ ἀτίμως ἐν τάφῳ κατῴκισας (Antigone 1068). These words were said when Creon retained the body of a Polynices ‘up’ (i.e., not buried, on the ground), though the body belonged to ‘deities underground’ (cf. 1070–1071). Also, Electra lamenting over the urn with her brother’s alleged ashes says: καὶ γὰρ ἡνίκ’ ἦσθ’ ἄνω ξὺν σοὶ μετεῖχον τῶν ἴσων (Electra 1167). The phrase ἦναι ἄνω means being in the world, among the living.97 The same meaning is assigned to the adverb in the prophecy of Tyresias to Oedipus: καὶ λέληθας ἐχθρὸς ὣν τοῖς σοῖσιν αὐτοῦ νέρθε κἀπὶ γῆς ἄνω (Oedipus Tyrannus 416). The context shows that Oedipus did not realize that he is the enemy of his loved ones, both the dead (νέρθε) and the living, staying on earth (κἀπὶ γῆς ἄνω). Also, the Philoctetes laments, saying: ὦ στυγνὸς αἰών τί με τί δῆτ’ ἔχεις ἄνω βλέποντα (Philoctetes 1348). The phrase ἄνω βλέποντα could mean simple looking, up but the context indicates that it refers to “staying among the living”. The second group are those texts in which ἄνω specifies the sphere of the dwelling of the gods. In this sense the second part of the oracle of Tiresias against Creon, mentioned above, is maintained: ὧν οὔτε σοὶ μέτεστιν οὔτε τοῖς ἄνω θεοῖσιν (Antigone 1072). The body of Polynices does not belong to either Creon or the gods ‘on high’, i.e. the heavenly gods. In a very lively dialogue between Philoctetes and Neoptolemus, this adverb is repeated twice. Firstly, Philoctetes when describes the place

97 Cf. Słownik grecko-polski [Greek-Polish Dictionar], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 1, ἄνω II.2, p. 230.

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he is heading to: ἄνω (Philoctetes 814). This very enigmatic statement is explained by Neoptolemus’ doubt: τί τὸν ἄνω λεύσσεις κύκλον (Philoctetes 815). The phrase ὁ ἄνω κύκλος, is nothing more than “celestial spheres”, the place of the gods dwell. The third group with ἄνω can be found in two texts. But in each of them this adverb has a different meaning. In Oedipus in Colonos, the chorus sings: ὁρᾷ ὁρᾷ ταῦτ’ ἀεὶ χρόνος τρέχων μὲν ἔτερα τὰ δὲ παρ’ ἦμαρ αὖθις αὔξων ἄνω (Oedipus at Colonos 1455). The combination of ἄνω with the verb αὔξάνω takes on the meaning ‘to strengthen’ or ‘to exalt’. This last meaning is indicated by the context. Another meaning of this adverb is found in Hyllus’ words: οἶδ’ ὡς θυτήρ γε πολλὰ δὴ σταθεὶς ἄνω‘ (The Trachiniae 1192). This time, this adverb is combined with the verb ἵστημι, which in the transitive form means ‘to put up’. The context of this fragment reveals that this ‘putting something up’, should be construed as ‘making a sacrifice’. From the texts analysed, it can be concluded that Sophocles knew at least five different meanings of ἄνω, depending on the context and verb with which it collocates. It may mean a physical activity performed somewhere up or above, or upward. In a metaphorical sense, it can refer to the sphere of man’s earthly existence (see Antigone 889, 1068, Electra 1167, Oedipus Tyrannus 416, Philoctetes 1348) as opposed to the underground world, which belongs to the gods. It can also describe the heavenly sphere of the dwelling of gods (see Antigone 1072, Philoctetes 814, 815) as opposed to the earthly existence of humans. In one text (in combination with ἵστημι) it means ‘standing up to sacrifice’ (see The Trachiniae 1192). And in another it stands for ‘exaltation’, ‘strengthening’ (see Oedipus in Colonus 1455). 1.3.2.9

ἄνωθεν

It is used much less frequently and only in one sense used by Sophocles. In his works it always means a physical movement from on high to below (Philoctetes 1002, Oedipus at Colonos 1082). With one variant when it replaces ἄνω (Philoctetes 28, Electra 1060). 1.3.2.10 ἐγείρω

The verb is found only once in the works of this author in Oedipus at Colonos 1779. Although the meaning of ἐγείρω in the final song of the Chorus can be understood figuratively (‘to sing the funeral song’), it has no particular significance for our investigations. 1.3.2.11 ἐπαίρω

Used several times by Sophocles. In a literal sense it means ‘to raise, to lift’, both in relation to man (Philoctetes 889) and parts of his body (‘eyelids’; Oedipus Tyrannus

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1276). In a figurative sense, it may mean ‘provoke an argument’, ‘stir up quarrels’ (Oedipus Tyrannus 635). In relation to the sacrifice, it may refer to ‘raising’ or ‘making’ the sacrifice (Electra 634). Another use also seem interesting, namely ἐπαίρω. The chorus asks Oedipus: τίς σ’ ἐπῆρε δαιμόνων (Oedipus Tyrannus 1328). In this context, this verb means “to be aroused, possessed” by one of the demons. Summary Among the many terms which Sophocles used to introduce the category of height, four of them have always a literal meaning in his works. These are ἀναιρέω, ἡ ἀνάστασις, ἄνωθεν and ἐπαίρω. The figurative uses of the terms are extremely rich. They form two groups: with regard to man and with regard to gods. Some of them remain in a sense ‘on the borderline’ of the world of gods and people. People can show pride. This is described by the term ὑψηλός (Ajax 1230). By making a mistake, they try to rectify it and restore the previous state. This is indicated by the use of the verb ἀναλαμβάνω (Philoctetes 1248). While remaining in a difficult situation a person may need to be consoled, elevated (ὑψοῦ; Oedipus Tyrannus 914) or be strengthened with time (ἄνω; Oedipus in Colonus 1455). The life, the presence of man in the world (even his corpse) is in opposition to the sphere of the swelling of underground gods and is described by the adverb ἄνω (Antigone 889, 1068, Electra 1167, Oedipus Tyrannus 416, Philoctetes 1348). The reverse human movement from the world of the dead, that is, resurrection, is possible, at least in the conceptual sphere as shown in the context in which the verb ἀνίστημι is used (Electra 138–139). Relationships with the world of the gods can also be established through sacrifices, which is confirmed with such terms as ἄνω (The Trachiniae 1192) or ἐπαίρω (Electra 634). But man, living on earth, remains as if suspended between the two worlds of the gods, upper and lower. This upper world is specified by the adverb ἄνω (Antigone 1072, Philoctetes 814, 815). And Zeus, the most high among the gods of Olympus, is indirectly referred to by Sophocles by means of the superlative ὕψιστος (The Trachiniae 1191, Philoctetes 1289). 1.3.3

Euripides

The son of a wealthy proprietor Mnesarchus and a noblewoman Cleito; he lived in the years 485 to 407/6 BC. He was born in his father’s estate on Salamin. He was first trained in gymnastics and then in ‘music’, which included literature and poetic technique and philosophy. He barely left Salamis, devoting his time to study and write. He probably owned the first private library in Athens. However, at the end of his life (in 408 or 407) he left Athens and went to Pella for the court of

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the Macedonian king Archelaus. He died in 407 or 406 in Pella, according to a well-documented legend, he was torn apart by hunting dogs.98 Out of Euripides’ prolific work (ninety-two pieces), seventeen tragedies, one satirical drama and over thousand fragments have survived.99 In each of them we can find terms of interest; they include: Medea, Hippolytus, Hecuba, Andromache, The Trojan Women, Heracleidae, The Suppliants, Heracles, Alcestis, Iphigenia in Tauris, Helen, Ion, Electra, Orestes, Phoenician Women, Iphigenia in Aulis, Bacchae; and the satirical drama Cyclops.100 In these works, Euripides used four terms from the first group (with the root ὑψο): τὸ ὕψος (2 times), ὑψηλός (8 times), ὑψόθεν (2 times) and ὑψοῦ (1 time). He also made use of nine terms from the second group (with the prefix ἀνα or with the root ἀνω and cognates): ἀναβαίνω (3 times), ἀναιρέω (10 times), ἀναλαμβάνω (6 times), ἀνίστημι (21 times), ἡ ἀνάστασις (1 time), ἄνω (30 times), ἄνωθεν (2 times), ἐγείρω (5 times) and ἐπαίρω (17 times). 1.3.3.1

τὸ ὕψος

A noun used twice by this Author in two different tragedies. In the Phoenician Women, Jocasta, in dialogue with her son, Polynices, says among other things: οὐδ’ ηὑγένειά σ’ ἦρεν εἰς ὕψος μέγαν (Phoenician Women 404). It can be translated literally as follows: “Nor did your noble birth raise you to a great height?” It seems, therefore, that this is about a certain social position that Polynices was to achieve through its origin. But that never happened, he concluded, replying to his mother: “The family never helped me avoid evil, they did not feed me” (cf. Phoenician Women 405). In Bacchae, the messenger, at the request of the chorus, tells the story of the death of King Pentheus, who was torn apart by Bacchae led by his mother (cf. Bacchae 1043–1152). Describing the place where the king was attacked, he uttered: κρεῖσσον γὰρ ὕψος τῆς προθυμίας ἔχων καθῆσθ’ ὁ τλήμων (Bacchae 1101–1102). The phrase we are interested in (ὕψος τῆς προθυμίας) means ‘height’ of lust and the fury of bacchants, in comparison to which the place where Pentheus sat turned out to be more unhappy. It seems that the point here is to describe the great fury (literally ‘height of lust’) with which the king was attacked.

98 Cf. T. Sinko, Zarys historii literatury greckiej [An Outline of the History of Greek Literature], vol. 1, p. 506–508. 99 Cf. D. Łowicka, Euripides, [in:] Słownik pisarzy antycznych [Dictionary of Ancient Writers], ed. A. Świderkówna, Warszawa 1990, p. 192–195. Cf. also the titles of all preserved works by Euripides. 100 In this study we use the edition of Euripides’ tragedy: Euripidis Tragoediae, ed. A. Nauck, vol. 1–2, Lipsiae 1887. The Polish consulted translation: Przekłady Jana Kasprowicza [Translations by Jan Kasprowicz]. vol. 5–15, ed. W. Meisels, Kraków 1931.

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1.3.3.2

ὑψηλός

An adjective used by Euripides eight times, but in many syntactic functions: as a modifier, as a noun, as a predicative and in idiomatic phrases. As a modifier, we meet it in the satirical drama Cyclops. Odysseus tells the story of an ambush set on a monster: ὑψηλῆς δρυὸς κορμοὺς πλατείας ἐσχάρας Βαλὼν ἔπι (Cyclops 383). He referred to the size of the (tall) trees turned into logs that were thrown into fire. A slightly different situation can be found in the next text, with ὑψηλός used as a modifier, but its meaning is metaphorical: ὑψηλῶν δ’ ἐπι ναῶν ἔθηκε σκῦλα πλεῖστα βαρβάρων (Electra 6). In the prologue, a peasant (Autourgos) recapitulated the deed Agamemnon did by making sacrifices in ‘high’, that is, majestic, magnificent temples. The point here is to emphasize the majesty or extraordinary dignity of these places of worship. In a similar sense we meet this adjective, this time as a noun, in the next two texts. Iolaus, having obtained some help from Demophon during the war, praised him with the words: πολλῷ σ’ ἐπαίνω Θησέως ἑστὼς πέλας ὑψηλὸν ἀρῶ καὶ λέγων τάδ’ εὐφρανῶ (Heracleidae 322). Literally translating this phrase: ‘I will raise (to) heights’, ‘I will raise high’, ‘I will exalt’. In this particular case, the point is to consider Demophon’s conduct to be as exalted as the rescue of Theseus by Heracles. A similar meaning of this adjective can be found in the words of Theseus to Adrastus about fortune in The Suppliants: ὅ τ’ ὄλβιός νιν πνεῦμα δειμαίνων λιπεῖν ὑψηλὸν αἴρει (The Suppliants 555). The fate extols the lucky, which needs to be construed that it changes his social or financial condition and does not physically raise him up. In the function of the predicative ὑψηλός was used by Euripides once and it was incomplete. In the tragedy of Iphigenia in Tauris, Orestes speaks to Pylades in the following way: ἀμφίβληστρα γὰρ τοίχων ὁρας ὑψηλά (Iphigenia in Tauris 97). In this phrase we can see an ellipse of the verb εἰσὶ(ν) (indicativus praesentis activi 3. pluralis from εἰμί) or similar, because “the surrounding walls are high”: ἀμφίβληστρα γὰρ τοίχων εἰσὶ ὑψηλά. Euripides also uses three idiomatic expressions with this adjective, which cannot be translated literally into English. In the tragedy Helen Menelaus, after the departure of the protagonist in search of the priestess Theonoe, states in a monologue: ὅταν δ’ ἀνὴρ πράξῃ κακῶς ὑψηλός, εἰς ἀηθίαν πίπτει κακίω τοῦ πάλαι δυσδαίμονος (Helen 418). The phrase κακῶς ὑψηλός means ‘great misfortune’, ‘great calamity’. Also in the tragedy of Hippolytus we meet this adjective in an idiomatic phrase. Phaedra in dialogue with the chorus says: ἀτάρ κακόν γε χατέρω γενήσομαι θανοῦς’, ἵν’ εἰδῇ μὴ ’πι τοῖς ἐμοῖς κακοῖς ὑψηλὸς εἶναι (Hippolytus 730). The phrase ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐμοῖς κακοῖς ὑψηλὸς εἶναι means ‘disregarding (someone’s) misfortune’. We meet a similar phrase in Heracles. The chorus celebrates the bravery of Macaria, the daughter of Heracles, who agreed to die to ensure victory for Demophon’s troops: μοῖρα […] τὸν μὲν ἀφ’ ὑψηλῶν βραχὺν ὤκισε (Heracleidae 613). This phrase can

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be translated as: “Fate […] from the heights of happiness throws into poverty”. Thus, in all cases this adjective was used its meaning was metaphorical and it was modified by the phrases with which it collocated.101 1.3.3.3

ὑψόθεν and ὑψοῦ

Adverbs expressing the concept of height. The former accentuates the movement from top to bottom, the latter functions as an adverbial of place. In The Trojan Women, facing the unavoidable face of Astyanax, the little son of Andromache, the latter in conversation with the Talthybius, deprived of any hope of rescue, makes a lamentation over her child and says: λυγρὸν δὲ πήδημ’ ἐς τράχηλον ὑψόθεν πεσὼν ἀνοίκτως (The Trojan Women 755). This fragment πήδημ’ ἐς τράχηλον ὑψόθεν πεσὼν can be literally translated: “jumping from high places and falling on the neck”, “a dangerous jump, at the risk of breaking the neck”. Apart from this idiomatic meaning, there is no particular figurative meaning. In Bacchae, the messenger describes the moment when Pentheus fell from a fir102 in the following words: ὑψοῦ δὲ θάσσων ὑψόθεν χαμαιριφὴς πίπτει πρὸς οὖδας μυρίοις οἰμώγμασι Πενθεύς (Bacchae 1111). As we mentioned above, the adverbs used here serve as adverbials. They convey the meaning of ‘moving from high places downwards’ (ὑψόθεν) and ‘high (place to stay)’ (ὑψοῦ). In the texts under consideration, however, they have no metaphorical sense. 1.3.3.4

ἀναβαίνω

This verb was rarely used by Euripides (3 times). In all texts it has a literal meaning: ‘to go up’ (Hecuba 1263, Bacchae 1061, 1107). 1.3.3.5

ἀναιρέω

Slightly more often used by this author (10 times), it also has a wider range of meanings. In a literal sense it means to ‘raise, lift’ physically someone alive (Helen 1217, 1616, Iphigenia in Tauris 373) or dead (The Suppliants 471, 1167). In a figurative sense, it can have several meanings. Menelaus in a conversation with Andromache and her son, Molossus, says to the latter: σὲ μὲν ἡμετέρα ψῆφος ἀναιρεῖ (Andromache 518), which literally means “so this (voting) ballot will raise you up”. This is a judgment (ψῆφος) that will cause the death of (ἀναιρεῖ) Molossus. 101 As for the meaning of the idiomatic expressions we are discussing, see Słownik polsko-grecki [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 4, Warszawa 1965, slogan: ὑψηλός, p. 484. 102 This is part of the same scene (Bacchae 1043–1152) that we discussed earlier in connection with the noun τὸ ὕψος.

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In the next text, Old Man speaks to Orestes: ἐκ βάθρων γὰρ πᾶς ἀωῄρησαι φίλοις (Electra 608), which can be translated as: “all (your) friends died entirely”.103 As we can see this verb may have the meaning: ‘to die, to be removed’. In Electra’s monologue about Aegisthus and Clytemnestra we can hear: ἄμφω πονηρὼ δ’ ὄντ’ ἀνῃρεῖσθον τύχην κείνη τε τὴν σὴν καὶ σὺ τοὐκείνης κακόν (Electra 928). The phrase ὄντ’ ἀνῃρεῖσθον τύχην refers to “the misery experienced by them both”. This verb thus means ‘receiving’ the retribution for the harm (κακόν) done by Aegisthus and Clytemnestra. In the next text Agamemnon describes the intervention of the soothsayer Calchas: Κάλχας δ’ ὁ μάντις […] ἀνεῖλεν (Iphigenia in Aulis 90). Therefore, the meaning of this verb is clear: ‘to announce, to proclaim’. This activity is reserved for the oracle and the soothsayers. The considerations of the messenger who addresses Theseus point to yet another meaning of this verb: ταῦτ’ ἀφέντες οἱ κακοὶ πολέμους ἀναιρούμεσθα (The Suppliants 492). In this context, ἀναιρέω means ‘to instigate, to declare’ war. The above research reveals that Euripides uses ἀναιρέω in its tragedies in different meanings. However, none of them contributes significantly to this investigation. Only the manner in which an oracle or a prophet announces the will of the gods can be of any importance. However, it is impossible to find any special and valuable metaphorical meaning for our research. 1.3.3.6

ἀναλαμβάνω

A verb quite rarely used by Euripides (6 times), but in interesting meaning shifts. In a literal sense, met only once, it means to ‘take out, unsheathe’ a sword (Orestes 1531). Much richer is the figurative meaning of the term. Ulysses, addressing his companions, says: καὶ τὸν ἀρχαῖον φίλον Διόσυνον ἀνάμαβ’ (Cyclops 436). The point is to ‘get’ (ἀνάμαβ’) an old friend, Dionysus. A slightly different meaning has ἀναλαμβάνω in Agamemnon’s statement to Menelaus: ἀπολέσας κακὸν λέχος ἀναλαβεῖν θέλεις (Iphigenia in Aulis 390). The point of this text is to “get the wife back” (ἀναλαβεῖν). These two fragments, though undoubtedly present the metaphorical sense of this verb, are of secondary importance. The remaining texts seem much more important for this research. Eurystheus in a conversation with Heracles’ mother, Alcmene asks οὔκουν σύ γ’ ἀναλαβοῦσα τὰς ἐμὰς τύχας (Heracles 1005). In this context this verb means ‘to take something on’. In this particular case, “to put oneself in a situation of suffering”, to be empathetic with for Eurystheus. In the next text, Creusa, Xuthus’s wife, answers his call: Λοξίας δ’ ἐὰν θέλῃ νῦν ἀλλὰ τὰς πρὶν ἀναλαβεῖν ἁμαρτίας (Ion 426). The excerpt from Creusa’s prayer indicates that

103 Cf. the meaning of τὸ βάθρον [in:] Słownik grecko-polski [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 1, p. 407.

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ἀναλαμβάνω here means ‘to repair sins’, i.e. to restore the previous state. Even more

significant is another passage in which Orestes makes a complaint: μήτ’ ἐκεῖνος ἀναλαβεῖν ἔμελλε φῶς (Orestes 292), which can be translated as the possibility of ‘restoring light’ for Orestes’ father, Agamemnon. This verb therefore means, at least in practical terms, the impossibility of bringing Agamemnon back to life. But the very idea of returning to life is present in it. The research led us to the conclusion that in the works of Euripides ἀναλαμβάνω has three important meanings: 1) ‘to take on’ the sufferings of others, 2) ‘to repair, make amends’ for the sins committed, and 3) ‘to bring life back’ to the deceased. 1.3.3.7

ἀνίστημι and ἡ ἀνάστασις

The verb was often used by Euripides (21 times), much more than the noun (used only once). In a literal sense, it usually means: (a) ‘to erect, build’ something material (Helen 1244, Ion 1129, Phoenician Women 572, 824), (b) ‘to annihilate, destroy’ (Andromache 1249, Hecuba 494), c) ‘to arise, to rise up’ in a general sense (Hecuba 499, Heracleidae 59, Heracles 1226, 1394, Medea 1163, 1190)104 ‘to stand up, rise’ in the congregation in order to take the floor (Orestes 885, 887, 902, 917). The noun only used in one text means ‘destruction, extermination’ (The Trojan Women 364). In a metaphorical sense we meet three different meanings in the works of this author. The first is ‘to pick up the fallen’. In this sense Pheres speaks about Alcestis, Apollo’s wife: ἀναστήσασα δὲ ἡμᾶς πίτνοντας (Alcestis 625). The context excludes any physical activity of lifting or raising; the words reveal a metaphorical meaning of ‘saving’ from oppression: ὦ τὸνδε μὲν σώσας (Alcestis 625a). The second meaning is to ‘raise, restore’ the fear of the gods. This is what Lyssa claims, describing Heracles’ actions: θεῶν ἀνέστησεν μόνος τιμὰς πιτνούσας ἀνοσίων ἀνδρῶν ὕπο (Heracles 852). It is undoubtedly about ‘restoration’ (ἀνέστησεν) of the fear of God, lost because of ungodly people. The third meaning is ‘to rise from the dead’. The chorus referred thus to Heracles, which could bring Alcestis, Apollo’s wife back to life: δμαθέντας γὰρ ἀνίστα (Alcestis 126). Heracles is praised as the only one who ‘raised the killed’, and he repeated this deed with Alcestis (see Alcestis 1008nn). In a similar sense, Amphitryon said to Lycos about Heracles: εἴ γε μή τις τεῶν ἀναστήσειέ νιν (Heracles 719). From this statement it can be concluded that he meant the ‘resurrection’ of Heracles by one of the gods. The above analyses show that most often (although only twice) Euripides uses ἀνίστημι in the sense of ‘resurrecting, bringing back to life’, though another meaning

104 Similar meaning can be found in the use of ἀνίτημι in Heracles 78, where the ‘raising of one’s legs’ is mentioned, i.e., running out to meet one’s returning father.

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of this verb is also found: ‘to raise, lift up’ the falling and ‘to raise, restore’ the fear of the gods. 1.3.3.8

ἄνω

Euripides used this adverb in various shades of meaning. Literally it stands for an upward movement in the sense of the location (Bacchae 1071, 1076, Cyclops 706, Hecuba 1010, Hippolytus 1234, 1292, Medea 410) or time (The Suppliants 520), or an activity directed upwards (Cyclops 211, Hecuba 1279, Ion 1155, Orestes 1542, The Suppliants 654). In a literal sense, the idiomatic phrase ἄνω κάτω or ἄνω τε καὶ κάτω, which means movement ‘in all directions’ (Bacchae 349, 602, 741, 753, Electra 842, Heracles 953, 1307, Iphigenia in Tauris 282, Phoenician Women 181, The Suppliants 689) is worth noting. In other texts, in a metaphorical sense, ἄνω refers to gods and humans, although not in equal proportion. Only once are the rulers of Olympus described in this way. Hecuba calls Agamemnon to avenge Polydorus, murdered by Polymestor: ὃς οὔτε τοὺς γῆς νέρθεν οὔτε τοὺς ἄνω δείσας (Hecuba 791). The whole phrase expresses the fact that Polymestor is neither afraid of the ‘underground’ gods (τοὺς γῆς νέρθεν) nor the heavenly ones (τοὺς ἄνω). In the following passages this adverb refers to man, both in the sense of his existence and his moral attitude. In Euripides’ understanding, the habitat of human life is the earth; as Amphitryon put it in a dialogue with Heracles: οὐδ’ οἶδεν Εὐρυσθεύσ σε γῆς ἥκοντ’ ἄνω (Heracles 616). The context (γῆς ἥκοντ’ ἄνω) clearly indicates Heracles’ ‘being up’, that is, on earth. When the human life ends, people wander, according to Greek mythology, to the underworld. Few are the cases when people can return to life from there. Heracles claims: αἰτήσομαί τε καὶ πέποιθ’ ἄξειν ἄνω Ἅκληστιν (Alcestis 853). The context suggests that the phrase ἄξειν ἄνω means ‘to bring up’ to bring Alcestis back to life on earth. In the later part of the same tragedy, the chorus doubts this possibility: οὐ γὰρ ἀνάξεις ποτ’ ἔνερθεν κλαίων τοὺς φθιμένους ἄνω (Alcestis 986). Although the very possibility of bringing Alcestis back to life is doubted, the phrase ἀνάγω ἄνω implies the action of ‘bringing up’, which indicates conclusively the bringing of her back to life on earth, at least in the conceptual sphere. Man in his earthly existence has always had the opportunity to exalt himself, although he has not always used it. This can be seen on the example of Agamemnon’s words to Menelaus: μὴ λίαν ἄνω βλέφαρα πρὸς τἀναιδὲς ἀγαγών (Iphigenia in Aulis 378). What Agamemnon did towards his brother was not intended to show him his own superiority, although it was possible. ‘Eyes (raised) up’ can mean the feeling of superiority of one person over another. This, however, is a human initiative. It is a completely different matter if it comes from the gods. As Hecuba puts it: εἰ δὲ μὴ θεὸς ἔστρεψε τἄνω περβαλὼν κάτω χθονός (The Trojan Women 1243). The work of the gods is ‘exaltation’ (ἔστρεψε τἄνω) of people, but they can as

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previously mentioned ‘humiliate, knock the man down’. This idea is present in an earlier fragment of the same tragedy. Hecuba asserts: ὁρῶ τὰ τῶν θεῶν ὡς τὰ μὲν πυργοῦς’ ἄνω τὸ μηδὲν ὄντα τὰ δὲ δοκοῦντ’ ἀπώλεσαν (The Trojan Women 612). A very significant antithesis, also known from the Old Testament: ἐταπείνωσας τὸ ὑψηλὸν καὶ τὸ ταπεινὸν ὕψωσας (Ezek 21:31).105 Although the terminology is different, the idea remains the same: ‘exalted’ (πυργοῦς’ ἄνω) will be what is nothing (τὸ μηδὲν ὄντα) and annihilated (ἀπώλεσαν) what is considered (τὰ δοκοῦντ’) valuable. For the first time in Greek literature we come across this antithesis, well known in the Bible and Biblical literature. In conclusion, it should be noted that ἄνω refers to both gods and men. The sphere of dwelling of the former is the space above the earth (Hecuba 791), while the latter dwell on earth (Heracles 616). This adverb was used in both these texts. The state of human existence on earth can be defined by him in relation to other people, by ‘looking from above’ or by ‘exaltation’ (Iphigenia in Aulis 378). It can also be the work of the gods, who make people ‘exalted’ or ‘humiliated’ (The Trojan Women 612, 1243). After the death, man goes down to the underworld and from there he can be led ‘up’ (that is to say, to the earth) by special intervention (Alcestis 853, 986). 1.3.3.9

ἄνωθεν

Euripides uses this adverb much less frequently (2 times). It literally means a movement ‘from above’ (Cyclops 323). In a figurative sense, it is similar to one of the meanings of the ἄνω. Theonoe claimed καὶ γὰρ τῶνδ’ ἐστὶ τοῖς τε νερτέροις καὶ τοῖς ἄνωθεν πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις (Helen 1014). The repayment concerns all people (πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις), it concerns both those who have already died (τοῖς τε νερτέροις) and those who are alive (τοῖς ἄνωθεν). The context shows that this adverb specifies people who are alive, on earth. 1.3.3.10 ἐγείρω

A verb that has a literal meaning in Euripides’ works: a) ‘raise’ lamentation (Electra 125), noise (Orestes 1353); b) ‘awaken’ (Heracles 1050), with a small variant in the intransitive form: ‘to wake up’ (Iphigenia in Aulis 624) and ‘rise up, stand up’ (Medea 1184). This verb is also found in the tragedy Rhesus.106 However, we did not take it into account, as it is now widely considered a work not written by Euripides.107 105 Quote after LXX. 106 Rhesus 532 (2 times), 541, 543, 563, 572, 644. 107 Cf. B. Butrymowicz, Rhesus, [in:] Przekłady Jana Kasprowicza [Translations by Jan Kasprowicz], vol. 15, ed. W. Meisels, Kraków 1931, p. 144; cf. also J. Czerwińska, Eurypides i jego twórczość

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1.3.3.11 ἐπαίρω

In this author’s works it has quite a wide range of meanings, although in most cases it is used literally: a) ‘raise’ something material (Bacchae 789, Hecuba 500, Heracleidae 728, Iphigenia in Tauris 1484, Medea 27, The Suppliants 289); b) ‘make, have’ friends (Andromache 197); c) ‘instigate’ to action (Orestes 286); d) ‘arouse’ anger (Iphigenia in Aulis 125, The Suppliants 581). Among the texts in which this verb is to be interpret literally, the phrases ἔπαιρε σεαυτήν and ψυχὴν ἐπαίρει are noteworthy. The first one in some cases simply means to ‘arise’ (Andromache 717, 1077, Ion 727), but in others it takes on a metaphorical meaning of ‘rising, being elevated in spirit’. Consider the words of Admetus to Alcestis: ἔπαιρε σεαυτήν ὦ τάλαινα (Alcestis 250). It follows from the context that Alcestis, through prayer to the gods, helped herself and her husband, Admetus, become elevated spiritually (see Alcestis 251). The words of consolation spoken by the Servant to Iolaus are similar: ἔπαιρέ νυν σεαυτόν ὄρθωσον κάρα (Heracleidae 635). The parallelism of the speech could indicate that Iolaus is to ‘rise up and raise his head’. But the preceding words of Iolaus (see Heracleidae 634) indicate that he is plagued by the ‘spiritual distress’ from which he is to recover. The fragment with the second phrase is similar in its mood. Kopreus, the hero of King Eurystheus says to Demophon: εἴ τι τοῦτό σε ψυχὴν ἐπαίρει (Heracleidae 173). The phrase ψυχὴν ἐπαίρει means ‘strengthening the heart’, and thus gaining the confidence that he will need in ruling Athens in a difficult time of an ordeal. Such a use of ἐπαίρω is complemented with another metaphorical text. Peleus says to Menelaus: μόχθοισιν ἄλλων καὶ πόμοις ἐμηρμένοι (Andromache 705). Recalling the expedition of Menelaus and Agamemnon against Troy, Peleus points to the deeds and achievements of others, which ‘raised the two commanders to the top’. In this way we learn that one person can be ‘exalted, elevated to glory’ and through the achievements of others gain a higher social position. The analyses demonstrate that this verb in the tragedies of Euripides has above all a literal meaning. In a figurative sense, it can mean: ‘to be elevated’ in spirit (Alcestis 250, Heracleidae 173, 635) or ‘to be raised to glory’ (Andromache 705). Summary Euripides’ rich vocabulary on exaltation indicates that this was a reality close to his contemporaries. Issues such as achieving a certain social position, exaltation and dramatyczna oraz mniejsi tragediopisarze [Eurypides and his dramatic works and minor tragedy playwrights], [in:] Literatura Grecji starożytnej [Literature of Ancient Greece], vol. 1: Epika – liryka – dramat [Epic – lyric – drama], ed. H. Podbielski, Lublin 2005, p. 775. The same applies to the occurrence of ἐπαίρω (Rhesus 189, 789).

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humiliation by the gods, and the desire to bring a dead person back to life are the leading themes in this regard. All these issues can be divided into two categories: religious and social. In the religious category, the place of dwelling of the gods should be mentioned, described by the adverb ἄνω (Hecuba 791). They receive the glory as we learn analysing the adjective ὑψηλός (Electra 6). Yet, sometimes the fear of God must be restored. This is indicated by the use of ἀνίστημι (Heracles 852). The space of human existence is the earth, which is often referred to as ‘above, up’ in opposition to underground Hades: ἄνω (Heracles 616) or ἄνωθεν (Helen 1014). However, man suffers death, and the desire to undo its effects is expressed in various ways, usually by means of verbs or adverbs, presumably because they can express the dynamic character of the return to life: ἀναλαμβάνω (Orestes 292), ἀνίστημι (Alcestis 126, Heracles 719), ἄνω (Alcestis 853, 986). The category of height is also present in social and moral life. Here, the first place is given to the social position, which only a few achieve by: birth (τὸ ὕψος; Phoenician Women 404), actions (ἐπαίρω; Andromache 705; ὑψηλός; Heracleidae 322) or the intervention of fortune (ὑψηλός; The Suppliants 555). Often, however, this state is destroyed either by man’s own self-exaltation (ἄνω; Iphigenia in Aulis 378), or by the intervention of gods who exalt the lowly and humiliate the exalted (ἄνω; The Trojan Women 612, 1243; ὑψηλός; Heracleidae 613). The behaviour of a person is also essential; man can take on the suffering of others, put himself (ἀναλαμβάνω) in their situation (Heracles 1005) or save them (ἀνίστημι) from oppression (Alcestis 625). And if he makes any mistakes, sins, he strives to correct them (ἀναλαμβάνω; Ion 426). It should be then emphasised that Euripides made use of a very wide range of uses of terms that describe the category of height and exaltation. 1.3.4

Aristophanes

The comic playwright, born in Athens, lived from about 445 to about 385 BC. His father Philip was a peasant, not very wealthy, who received a plot of land on the island of Aegina as a colonist, probably at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. Aristophanes received a thorough education in Athens. At the age of seventeen he wrote poetry and composed music.108 He staged over forty-five comedies, eleven of which have survived to these times.109 The Acharnians, The Knights, The Clouds, The Wasps, Peace, The Birds, Lysistrata, Thesmophoriazusae, The Frogs, Ecclesiazusae 108 Cf. J. Ławińska-Tyszkowska, Aristophanes, [in:] Słownik pisarzy antycznych [Dictionary of Ancient Writers], ed. A. Świderkówna, Warszawa 1990, p. 89–92. 109 For a detailed discussion of all preserved works by Aristophanes and their titles see T. Sinko, Zarys historii literatury greckiej [An Outline of the History of Greek Literature], vol. 1, p. 603–635.

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(Assemblywomen), Plutus.110 Since antiquity, Aristophanes has been considered a master of comedy, and his language is a classic model of atticism. His works are characterized by dynamic action, vivid imagination, insightful observation of reality, witty dialogue. The comedy intrigue was for Aristophanes often a pretext for satirical presentation of current problems.111 In all of Aristophanes’ works we come across the terms from the scope of our research. However, their frequency is not uniform; this author definitely more often uses terms with the root ἀνω or the prefix ἀνα and cognates: ἀναβαίνω (9 times), ἀναιρέω (6 times), ἀναλαμβάνω (1 time), ἀνίστημι (19 times), ἄνω (28 times), ἄνωθεν (16 times), ἐγείρω (10 times) and ἐπαίρω (12 times). From the group of terms with the root ὑψο, the works of Aristophanes only include the adjective ὑψηλός (3 times). 1.3.4.1

ὑψηλός

This adjective, as we mentioned above, was used by Aristophanes three times. Always as a modifier. The chorus calls the clouds to rise ὑψηλῶν ὀρέων κορυφὰς ἐπὶ δενδροκόμους (The Clouds 279). After the dialogue with the chorus, the hoopoe said: αἱ πόλεις […] ἔμαθον […] ἐκπονεῖν θ’ ὑψηλὰ τείχη τε κακτῆσθαι μακράς (The Birds 379). Heracles told Dionysus: ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τὸν πύργον φὸν ὑψηλόν (The Frogs 130). So we can see that this adjective modifies the following nouns: τὸ ὄρος τὸ τεῖχος, ὁ πύργος. Moreover, it seems that it has no metaphorical meaning in these texts.

110 This study is based on the original text of Aristophanes’ works: Aristophanis Comoediae, ed. F.W. Hall, W.M. Geldart, vol. 1–2, Oxford University Press; Oxford 1906–1922. Consulted Polish translations are: Aristophanes, Żaby [Frogs], Polish transl. A. Sandauer, Warszawa 1956; Aristophanes, Komedie. Acharniacy, Rycerze, Chmury, Bojomira (Lysistrate) [Comedies. The Acharnians, The Knights, The Clouds, Lysistrata], Polish transl. S. Srebrny, Warszawa 1962; Aristophanes, Ptaki [The Birds], Polish transl. A. Sandauer, Warszawa 1965; Aristophanes, Komedie. Acharnejczycy, Rycerze, Chmury, Żaby [Comedies. The Acharnians, The Knights, The Clouds, The Frogs], Polish transl. J. Ławińska-Tyszkowska, Wrocław 1991; Aristophanes, Komedie [Comedies], vol. 1: Acharnejczycy, Rycerze, Chmury, Osy, Pokój [The Acharnians, The Knights, The Clouds, The Wasps, Peace], Polish transl. J. Ławińska-Tyszkowska, Warszawa 2001; Aristophanes, Komedie [Comedies], vol. 2: Ptaki, Lysistrata, Thesmoforie, Żaby, Sejm kobiet, Plutos [The Birds, Lysistrata, Thesmophoriazusae, The Frogs, Ecclesiazusae, Plutus], Polish transl. J. Ławińska-Tyszkowska, Warszawa 2003; Aristophanes, Komedie. Ptaki, Lysistrata, Sejm kobiet, Plutos [Comedies. The Birds, Lysistrata, Ecclesiazusae, Plutus], Polish transl. J. Ławińska-Tyszkowska, Wrocław 2005; English translations are available at: https:// www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/ [accessed: 20.03.2021]. 111 Cf. Z. Abramowiczówna, Aristophanes, [in:] Encyklopedia Katolicka [Catholic Encyclopedia], vol. 1, ed. F. Gryglewicz, R. Łukaszczyk, Z. Sułowski, Lublin 1985, p. 961–962.

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1.3.4.2

ἀναβαίνω

A verb used by Aristophanes 9 times. Always in the literal sense: ‘to climb, go up’ (The Acharnians 732, The Frogs 132, The Knights 149, The Wasps 398, 1341). A small variant of meaning can be found in several texts, in which ἀναβαίνω means ‘to enter’ the court (The Wasps 905, 944, 963, 977). 1.3.4.3

ἀναιρέω

The term is also used (6 times) by this author in a literal sense: ‘pick up’ an object (Acharnians 810, The Birds 449, The Clouds 981), a person (The Clouds 531, The Wasps 330) or a dead body (The Wasps 386). 1.3.4.4

ἀναλαμβάνω

This verb occurs only once and also in a literal sense: ‘gain something’ (Knights 682). 1.3.4.5

ἀνίστημι

A verb used slightly more often by Aristophanes (19 times), but also in a literal sense: ‘to get up’ from a seat (The Acharnians 1187, The Clouds 975, Ecclesiazusae 373, 1073, The Frogs 480, 490, Lysistrata 929, Plutus 683, 801, Thesmophoriazusae 384, 643, The Wasps 998) or from sleep (Ecclesiazusae 740, Plutus 738, The Wasps 137, 217, 286). We meet only two variants of meaning: ‘to raise’ fingers (The Wasps 95) and ‘rise’ to vote (The Wasps 754). 1.3.4.6

ἄνω

Much more diverse and thus more interesting examples are found in the case of this adverb. In a literal sense, ἄνω means doing something upwards (The Birds 50, 51, 175, 1149, 1671, The Clouds 172, Ecclesiazusae 268, 1111, 1180, The Frogs 420, Lysistrata 117, 1292, Peace 168, Thesmophoriazusae 1223, The Wasps 1526). In this sense, we meet this term in combination with its antonym (κάτω), meaning together a movement in all directions: ἄνω κάτω (The Birds 3, Lysistrata 709), ἄνω καὶ κάτω (The Acharnians 21, The Clouds 616, The Knights 866, Peace 1180, Thesmophoriazusae 647). In a metaphorical sense, in certain contexts, this adverb means the sphere of dwelling of the gods. In the comedy The Birds we read the following statement of the Chorus: καθεδούμεθ’ ἄνω σεμνυνόμενοι παρὰ ταῖς νεφέλαις ὥσπερ χὠ Ζεύς (The Birds 727). The meaning of the phrase καθέζομαι ἄνω (‘I sit on high’) is explained

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in the next stich: παρὰ ταῖς νεφέλαις. It can be interpreted as “sitting above the clouds”, in the space reserved for the gods (ὥσπερ χὠ Ζεύς). Pisthetaerus called Euelpides in a similar way: κήρυκα δὲ πέμψον τὸν μὲν εἰς θεοὺς ἄνω (The Birds 843). In this case, the meaning of the phrase πέμπω ἄνω (‘I send up’) is explained by the words εἰς θεοὺς. So the messenger is to be sent ‘to the gods up’, i.e. to their place of swelling. This meaning is also confirmed by the words of Prometheus: φάσω σοι πάντα τἄνω πράγματα (The Birds 1507). The phrase itself would be incomprehensible but for the words with which the hero continues to argue: ὡς ἃν μή μ’ ὁρῶσιν οἱ θεοί (The Birds 1509). These ‘deeds done on high’ or ‘what is done on high’ are actions taken by the gods. So once again, ἄνω means the space belonging to the gods. In the same dialogue with Pisthetaerus, Prometheus reports: Ἥξουσι πρέσβεις δεῦρο περὶ διαλλαγῶν παρὰ τοῦ Διὸς καὶ τῶν Τριβαλλῶν τῶν ἄνω (The Birds 1533). The origin of the messengers (ἄνω) was explained by means of the words: παρὰ τοῦ Διὸς καὶ τῶν Τριβαλλῶν. As for Zeus, we have no doubt that he is a god living in the upper realms. The Triballians, on the other hand, are barbaric deities (cf. 1528–1529), which also dwell on high. A similar meaning of ἄνω is presented to us by Aristophanes also in the comedy The Clouds. Socrates here explains to Strepsiades: εἰ δ’ ὣν χαμαὶ τἄνω κάτωθεν ἐσκόπουν οὐκ ἄν ποθ’ ηὗρον (The Clouds 231). The phrase τὰ ἄνω is definitely an ellipse of a term (e.g.τὰ ἔργα). But what ‘works, things’ are mentioned here? That is explained in Strepsiades’ previous question: “Are you looking down on the gods from above, from the basket?”112 (The Clouds 226). So this adverb once again defines the space in which the gods reside. In another comedy (Peace) we find the same meaning. Trigaios comments on one of the ladies: παρὰ τοῖς θεοῖσιν ἀμβροσίαν λείχειν ἄνω (Peace 854). The meaning of both the whole comment and this term seems clear. It is about ‘licking ambrosia’ on high, among the gods. The above analysis shows that Aristophanes, apart from the literal meaning of ἄνω, also knew its figurative meaning. By combining it with both verbs and other parts of speech, he assigns to it a meaning that defines the place of dwelling of the gods. 1.3.4.7

ἄνωθεν

The adverb, used by Aristophanes much less frequently (16 times), presents several interesting semantic fields. In a literal sense, it defines an activity performed ‘from above’ to below (The Birds 844, 1002, 1509, Ecclesiazusae 698, Knights 313, Peace 225, The Wasps 204, 817). However, in some texts it is used as a synonym for ἄνω

112 Polish translation by J. Ławińska-Tyszkowska, in: Aristophanes, Komedie [Comedies], vol. 1, p. 186.

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and then it stands for an action performed ‘up’ (The Acharnians 433, The Birds 1551, Ecclesiazusae 1108, Peace 1243) or ‘upwards’ (Thesmophoriazusae 1181). In a figurative sense, ἄνωθεν always means the place the gods reside. Prometheus in an interview with Pisthetaerus observes that the hungry barbaric deities κεκριγότες ἐπιστρατεύσειν φάσ’ ἄνωθεν τῷ Διί (The Birds 1522). The meaning of both the whole sentence and this adverb seems clear. Zeus is threatened by the armed intervention of the barbarian deities ‘from above’ (ἄνωθεν). The statement is explained by another fragment of the same comedy in which Pisthetaerus asks: ἐισὶν γὰρ ἕτεροι βάρβαροι θεοί τινες ἄνωθεν ὑμῶν (The Birds 1526). Considering this text, the barbaric deities dwell ‘up’ (ἄνωθεν), above the speakers.113 A similar meaning can be found in what Trigaius said: μιχροὶ δ’ ὁρᾶν ἄνωθεν ἦστ’ (Peace 821). The sense of ὁρᾶν ἄνωθεν (‘look down’) is explained in the previous context, when the protagonist starts his speech with words: “How hard it was to get to the gods!” 114 (Peace 819). Once again, this adverb describes the space of dwelling of the gods. Aristophanes was familiar with the figurative meaning of ἄνωθεν. he made use of it to describe both the space where the gods live (The Birds 1526) and the fact that from there specific actions can be carried out (The Birds 1522). Which, by the way, is not reserved exclusively for the gods (Peace 821). 1.3.4.8

ἐγείρω

The verb, which in Aristophanes’ works is almost always synonymous with ἀνίστημι, in the transitive form: ‘wake up’ (Lysistrata 18, Plutus 541, 740, 744) and the intransitive form: ‘get up, wake up’ (The Clouds 9, The Frogs 340, The Wasps 395, 774) However, the latter sense we come across in one interesting text. In the comedy Lysistrata the Chorus of Old Men announces: τουτὶ τὸ πῦρ ἐγρήγορεν θεῶν ἕκατι καὶ ζῇ (Lysistrata 306). This phrase is remarkable because it combines two verbs (ἐγείρω and ζῶ) in a causal consequence – the fire ‘woke up’ (ἐγρήγορεν) and ‘lives’ (ζῇ). Finally, one more use of this verb in a figurative sense is worth mentioning. In the comedy Ecclesiazusae the Chorus calls Praxagora: νῦν δὴ δεῖ σε πυκνὴν φγένα καὶ φιλόσοφον ἐγείρειν (Ecclesiazusae 571). This verb means a call to seek “something wise” (φιλόσοφον ἐγείρειν). It is noticeable that the range of meaning of ἐγείρω in Aristophanes’ works is common for the literature of the time. The only meaning not yet encountered is a result of the combination of two verbs (see Lysistrata 306), the first of which

113 In this last passage this adverb was used as a synonym ἄνω. 114 Polish translation by J. Ławińska-Tyszkowska, in: Aristophanes, Komedie [Comedies], vol. 1, p. 379.

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(ἐγείρω) means an action that leads to the existence of a fact expressed by the second verb (ζῶ). The effect of the waking up (ἐγρήγορεν) of fire is its life (ζῇ). 1.3.4.9

ἐπαίρω

Aristophanes used this verb 12 times. In a literal sense, in an intransitive form it means ‘to rise’ (Lysistrata 938). It occurs in combination with the personal pronoun: ἔπαιρε σαθτόν (Lysistrata 937, The Wasps 996). However, it usually has a figurative meaning. Most often it means ‘to induce, to excite’ (The Birds 1657, The Clouds 42, 809, 1457, The Frogs 1041, Lysistrata 623). It also has other meanings, both positive and pejorative. In a positive sense, Pisthetaerus declares: ὑπὸ γὰρ λόγων ὁ ωοῦς τε μετεωρίζεται ἐπαίρεταί τ’ ἄνθρωπος (The Birds 1448), which can be construed as the elevation, the improvement of man. Pisthetaerus concludes his speech with: “So do I want to give you wings with knowledge, bring you up to legitimate occupation”115 (The Birds 1448–1450). In a negative sense, it refers to ‘being haughty, conceited’. This sense is obvious in Aeacus’ words about Euripides: κἄπειτ’ ἐπαρθεὶς ἀντελάβετο τοῦ τθόνου ἵν’ Αἰσχύλος καθῆστο (The Frogs 777). From an earlier statement (cf. The Frogs 758–776) it follows that ἐπαίρω in this context means ‘to become conceited, to show off, to claim someone’s place’. In this particular case, Euripides claimed the place of Aeschylus. In another fragment we find a statement about, as the chorus says, ‘your poet’, who was highly praised and honoured more than any poet before, yet οὐκ ἐκτελέσαι φησὶν ἐπαρθείς (The Wasps 1024). For the second time, this verb means ‘boasting, exaltation’. Summary Most of the terms describing the category of height and exaltation in Aristophanes’ works have a literal meaning. Only four in some sense describe the reality of heights in religious or moral categories. As in the case of other authors discussed so far, two adverbs (ἄνω and ἄνωθεν) define the place of dwelling of the gods (The Birds 727, 1526) and their actions (The Birds 1507, 1522, 1533) or the actions of heroes towards them (The Birds 843, The Clouds 231, Peace 854, 821). With regard to a person, ἐπαίρω means ‘exaltation, boasting’, in a pejorative sense (The Frogs 777) or in the case this attitude is denied (The Wasps 1024). In relation to the things, but in combination with another verb we find ἐγείρω. It stands for the ‘revival, awakening’ of fire and its ‘life’ (Lysistrata 306).

115 Polish translation by J. Ławińska-Tyszkowska, in: Aristophanes, Komedie [Comedies], vol. 2, p. 84.

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*** In the history of Greek literature, the drama flourished for a shorter period in comparison with other literary genres. The period only lasted three centuries. The work of the four authors offers a rich terminology describing the category of height and exaltation in relation to both gods and people. 1) In relation to the world of gods there are numerous terms describing six equal realities. First, Zeus as the most high and supreme god, already known from lyric, took centre stage. This belief was expressed primarily by an adjective in the superlative: ὕψιστος. By means of this adjective this god is directly (ὕψιστον Δία; Aeschylus, The Eumenides 28) and indirectly portrayed, with the fear of him being considered supreme. (ὕψιστος […] φόβος; Aeschylus, The Suppliants 479). Furthermore, ‘the highest glory of Zeus’ receives mention (Ζηνὸς ὑψίστου σέβας; Sophocles, Philoctetes 1289). It is also noteworthy that the place of worship of Zeus was described as ὕψιστον πάγον – the ‘highest’, that is ‘sacred’ hill (Sophocles, The Trachiniae 1191). The category of height was applied to describe the place from which Zeus springs into action. The adverb used here is ὑψόθεν. It is from there that the god most high ‘watches and looks’ (Aeschylus, The Suppliants 381) and ‘listens’ (Aeschylus, The Suppliants 175). Similarly, the space where Zeus and other gods dwell was depicted by means of the adverb ἄνω. Thus, Apollo portrayed Zeus as someone whose scope of actions is not limited by anything: he operates high above and down below (ἄνω τε καὶ κάτω; Aeschylus, The Eumenides 650). In turn Electra calls Hermes “a messenger of those on high and those below” (τῶν ἄνω τε καὶ κάτω; Aeschylus, The Libation Bearers 124). In a somewhat less clear way, Electra asked in the subsequent fragment that the good be sent ‘from above’ (ἄνω; Aeschylus, The Libation Bearers 147). It can be probably interpreted as the good coming from the gods on high. Likewise, the gods to whom the body of Polynices does not belong were defined in general (τοῖς ἄνω θεοῖσιν; Sophocles, Antigone 1072). The place to which the Philoctetes is heading, in the drama under the same title, was twice defined by the adverb ἄνω. Both texts mention ‘celestial spheres’ (ὁ ἄνω κύκλος), the place of the dwelling of the gods (Sophocles, Philoctetes 814 and 815). Sometimes the authors present two spheres where the deities dwell: for example Euripides in one of his tragedies, in which he expressed the regret that Polymestor lacked the fear of the underground and heavenly gods (τοὺς γῆς νέρθεν οὔτε τοὺς ἄνω δείσας; Euripides, Hecuba 791). Aristophanes in his comedies shared the conviction that the gods ‘live on high’ (Aristophanes, The Birds 727; 843; Peace 854), from where they operate (Aristophanes, The Birds 1507; 1533; The Clouds 231). The adverb under investigation, although often used by Greek playwrights, is not the only one to describe the space in which the gods reside. Another adverb

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was used for this purpose: ἄνωθεν. For Zeus is not afraid of any of the gods sitting ‘on high’ (ἄνωθεν; Aeschylus, The Suppliants 597). And the gods look down on the earth from there (ἄνωθεν; Aeschylus, Agamemnon 1579; Aristophanes, Peace 821). According to Prometheus, Zeus is threatened ‘from above’ (ἄνωθεν) with the danger of armed intervention by barbarian deities (Aristophanes, The Birds 1522; 1526). Man can enter the world of the gods through sacrifice, or more precisely, through ‘raising’ (ἐπαίρω; Sophocles, Electra 634) the offering ‘upwards’ (ἄνω; Sophocles, The Trachiniae 1192). Man can also direct inquiries to the deity and await answers. Such an answer usually comes through a soothsayer. In literature, such an answer is usually formulated with the verb ἀναιρέω (see Euripides, Iphigenia in Aulis 90). In a situation where the reputation of the gods was damaged, man should try to restore (ἀνίστημι) the fear of the gods (Euripides, Heracles 852). 2) In relation to the human world (in the physical sense), there are equally numerous concepts describing three distinct realities. Similarly to the space of dwelling of the gods, there is the sphere of human existence. Interestingly, exactly the same adverbs are used here: ἄνω and ἄνωθεν. Their meaning depends on the context. The earthly existence of humans is mentioned in the texts of Sophocles (ἄνω; Antigone 889, 1068, Electra 1167, Oedipus Tyrannus 416, Philoctetes 1348) and Euripides (ἄνω; Heracles 616; ἄνωθεν; Helen 1014). Man can find himself in a difficult life situation and take action to restore the previous situation, to rectify his misconduct. This is how the use of ἀναλαμβάνω in some texts can be understood (Sophocles, Philoctetes 1248; Euripides, Ion 426). People may also need consolation, exaltation. This is rendered in turn by the verb ἐπαίρω (Euripides, Alcestis 250; Heracleidae 173, 635; Aristophanes, The Birds 1448) and the adverb ὑψοῦ (Sophocles, Oedipus Tyrannus 914). 3) In relation to the human world (in the moral sense), we find three other terms which express two opposing human attitudes. Anyone can be exalted – people’s acts can be exalted, highly praised (ὑψηλός), like the conduct of Demophon (Euripides, Heracleidae 322). Man himself can be exalted (ἐπαίρω) through his glorious deeds (Euripides, Andromache 705). This state (ἄνω) may also be the result of the action of gods (Euripides, The Trojan Women 1243). Nevertheless, everyone must be careful that his actions never lead to excessive pride. Three authors use different terms to depict such a situation: ὑψηλός (Sophocles, Ajax 1230), ἄνω (Euripides, Iphigenia in Aulis 378), ἐπαίρω (Aristophanes, The Frogs 777). Whatever the circumstances, every person can expect the opposite fate. Euripides expressed this in two different ways (using the adjective ὑψηλός and the adverb ἄνω). In Heracleidae, the bravery of Makaria, daughter of Heracles, is extolled; she agreed to die to ensure the victory of Demophon’s army. The chorus speaks

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significant words: “Fate […] from the heights of happiness, throws to poverty” (μοῖρα […] τὸν μὲν αφ’ ὑψηλῶν βραχύν ὤκισε; Heracleidae 613). In The Trojan Women it is stated twice that the ‘exaltation’ (ἔστρεψε τἄνω) is the work of the gods (The Trojan Women 1243). They can also, as already mentioned in this text, ‘humiliate, knock a man down’. This idea is present in an earlier fragment of the same tragedy (The Trojan Women 612). As already mentioned in the summary to Euripides’ work, this antithesis is also known from the Old Testament: ἐταπείνωσας τὸ ὑψηλὸν καὶ τὸ ταπεινὸν ὕψωσας (Ezek 21:31). Although in a different terminology, the idea remains the same: what is nothing (τὸ μηδὲν ὄντα) will be ‘raised up’ (πυργοῦς ἄνω) and what is considered (τὰ δοκοῦντ’) valuable will be annihilated (ἀπώλεσαν). 4) In relation to the after-death existence of man, a series of terms is used to present two realities: two spheres of existence after death and the raising of the dead or resurrection. Although the meaning of the description of the first reality, two spheres of human existence after death, as expressed in the phrase ἄνωθεν is not certain. Given the context, we can assert with some probability that the reference to living on earth, above, means being alive (ἄνωθεν), while staying below means being dead (κάτω) (Aeschylus, Agamemnon 871). The idea of bringing the dead back to life is much better documented. By using the verb ἀνίστημι the authors clearly express doubts about the possibility of resurrection (Aeschylus, Agamemnon 569; Sophocles, Electra 137–139) or raising from the dead (Aeschylus, Agamemnon 1361). For all that, the very idea of bringing someone back to life (if only in the hypothetical and literary sphere) was known to Greek playwrights. This is confirmed by Euripides attributing to Heracles the power of resurrecting (ἀνίστημι) he dead (see Euripides, Alcestis 126; 1008nn; Heracles 719). The same problem occurs with the noun ἡ ἀνάστασις. Apollo explicitly expressed doubts about the possibility of resurrection: ἅπαξ θανόντος οὔτις ἔστ’ ἀνάστασις (Aeschylus, The Eumenides 647). We have a slightly different situation with the adverb ἄνω. In Aeschylus’ The Persians, the chorus summons the earth and the ruler of the underworld to ‘let Darius go up’ (πέμπετε δ’ ἄνω), and thus allow him to return to life (Aeschylus, The Persians 645).116 The story of Alcestis in Euripides’ tragedy of the same title has a similar meaning. First, Heracles expresses the theoretical possibility of coming back to life, literally ‘being led up’ (ἄξειν ἄνω Ἄκληστιν) in the case of the protagonist (Euripides, Alcestis 853). In the following parts, the chorus doubts this possibility that the protagonist may, literally, ‘be led up’ (ἀνάγω ἄνω) (Euripides, Alcestis 986).

116 It eventually happened, cf. Aeschylus, The Persian, 681.

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Rhetoric

A similar idea is expressed by a phrase with the verb ἀναλαμβάνω. Orestes utters words of complaint that it is impossible to ‘restore light’ (ἀναλαβεῖν ἔμελλε φῶς), that is, to raise his father, Agamemnon, from the dead (Euripides, Orestes 292). We can see that the idea of the resurrection/raising from the dead was well known to the Greeks. It is only the implementation of this idea that was debatable.

1.4

Rhetoric

The Hellenic culture was for centuries a culture of the spoken word. From the very beginning of literature, the power of verbal argumentation in convincing listeners or readers was very much appreciated.117 Rhetoric as an art was born in the agora. The assemblies and courts were to become forever the places where the speakers were to demonstrate oratorical proficiency. Over time, the art of speaking became an element of Greek education, and even one of the subjects taught at schools preparing for public functions. Ancient scholars called rhetoric the queen of all sciences.118 In classical Greek rhetoric we distinguish between three types of speech: political (deliberative), judicial (forensic) and epideictic (ceremonial). The last was first used as Funeral Orations in honour of the fallen heroes; among its precursors are the Sicilians, Corax and Tisias, who in the 5th century BC wrote the first textbook of rhetoric. Gorgias of Leontinoi (ca. 485–380) was Tisias’ student and an eminent sophist and excellent speaker. His fragmentarily preserved works119 did not allow us to analyse his contribution to the development of terminology describing the category of height and exaltation. In this research we have therefore focused on the period when Greek rhetoric flourished (5th and 4th centuries BC) and analysed the speeches of five great artists: Lysias, Isocrates, Isaeus, Aeschines and Demosthenes.

117 We could describe extensively the speeches made, for example, by Nestor, Agamemnon, Achilles or Odysseus in Homer’s poems. 118 Cf. R. Turasiewicz, Mówcy Attyccy [Attic Orators], [in:] Literatura starożytnej Grecji [Literature of Ancient Greece], ed. H. Podbielski, vol. 2: Proza historyczna, krasomówstwo, filozofia i nauka, literatura chrześcijańska [Historical Prose, Oratory, Philosophy and Science, Christian Literature], p. 165–167. 119 Two epideictic addresses (Defense of Palamedes and Encomium of Helen), two fragments of a rhetorical textbook and fractions of other speeches have only survived; cf. S. Stabryła, Historia literatury starożytnej Grecji i Rzymu. Zarys [History of Ancient Greek and Roman Literature. An Outline], Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków 2002, p. 89–90.

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1.4.1

Lysias

He was born around 450 BC in Athens, in the family of Cephalus, a rich Syracusan. He lived in Piraeus with his brother until his father died (around 430). Then he left for Thurii in southern Italy. After 412, he returned to Athens. A few years later, the Thirty Tyrants (around 404) imposed repressive measures against the citizens, including arrests, confiscations of property and executions on a large scale. Lysias managed to escape this persecution by escaping to Megara, but his brother, Polemarchus, was sentenced to death and their property confiscated. Lysias, partly with a view of avenging his brother’s death, partly because he hoped to recover the property, supported the democrats who regained power around 403. At that time, Thrasybulus requested at the ecclesia that the orator be granted Athenian citizenship. The application did not pass and Lysias remained a metoic (a foreign citizen resident of Athens).120 As an orator he could not play a significant role in politics because of the lack of Athenian citizenship. Therefore, he undertook writing judicial speeches for others. Shortly, he became the most popular logographer, which even particularly talented competitors like Isocrates could not match. In antiquity, Lysias was attributed with more than four hundred speeches. But probably only nineteen thirty-three were actually authored by him. To our times, the so-called Corpusculum has been preserved, which contains thirty four speeches: twenty-five complete, the rest in fragments. Only two of them (II and XXXIII) are not judicial.121 He wrote his speeches between 409 and 382 BC, of which eighteen seem of importance for our research into the terminology describing height and exaltation. These terms were used by Lisias in:122 I. On the murder of Eratosthenes; II. Funeral Oration; VI. Against Andocides; IX. For the soldier; X. Against Theomnestus 1; XI. Against Theomnestus 2; XII. Against Eratosthenes; XIII. Against Agoratus; XIV. Against Alcibiades 1; XV. Against Alcibiades 2; XVI. In defense of Mantitheus; XIX. On the property of Aristophanes; XX. For Polystratus; XXI. Defense Against a Charge of Taking Bribes; XXII. Against the Corn-Dealers; XXIV. On the Refusal of a Pension; XXXI. Against Philon; XXXII. Against Diogeiton.123

120 Cf. W. Siwakowska, Lysias, [in:] Słownik pisarzy antycznych [Dictionary of Ancient Writers], ed. A. Świderkówna, Warszawa 1990, p. 302–303. 121 Cf. R. Turasiewicz, Mówcy Attyccy [Attic Orators], op. cit., p. 178–181. 122 The Roman number means the consecutive number of a speech in Corpusculum. In further quotations we will use abbreviations and numbers without giving the full title of the speech. 123 This study is based on the edition of the original text of Lysias’ speeches: Lysiae Orationes, ed. T. Thalheim, Lipsiae 1913. The consulted Polish translation is: Lizjasz, Mowy [Speeches], Polish transl. R. Turasiewicz, Kraków 1998; English translation after: Lysias, English transl. W.R.M. Lamb, London 1930.

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The terms with the root ὑψο do not appear in these speeches. However, from the group with the prefix ἀνα or the root ἀνω and cognates, we encounter: ἀναβαίνω (28 times), ἀναιρέω (4 times), ἀνίστημι (9 times), ἄνω (3 times) and ἐπαίρω (8 times). 1.4.1.1

ἀναβαίνω

In Lysias’s speeches, it has only literal meaning: ‘to appear’ to testify in court (I.29; I.42; XII.24; XII.47; XIII.64; XIV.16; XV.2; XVI.8; XVI.13; XVI.14; XVI.17; XX.29; XXII.5; XXXII.18; XXXII.27), ‘to mount’ a horse (II.4; XIV.10 [× 2]; XVI.13; XXIV.5; XXIV.11 [× 2]; XXIV.12 [× 2], ‘to board’ a ship (XXI.7; XXI.8) and ‘to climb’ a mountain (I.23). In particular, but also literally, it means ‘to ascend’ the Areopagus (X.11). 1.4.1.2

ἀναιρέω

The verb occurs in this author’s work entirely in a literal sense: ‘to kill, to destroy’ (X.28; XI.10; XIX.64), ‘to pick up, to catch’ (XII.36). 1.4.1.3

ἀνίστημι

The literal meaning is usually ‘to arise’ (I.13), particularly, with the purpose of ‘taking the floor’ (XII.73; XII.74; XIII.8; XIII.9; XXII.2; XXII.3). Lysias used it also once to refer to ‘rebuilding’ walls (II.63). It is worth noting one of the speeches in which ἀνίστημι has a literal sense, though the context indicates a special place from which the main defendant, Agoratus, is to ‘arise’. This is the thirteenth speech Against Agoratus on immediate imprisonment. Leaving aside the whole question of Athenian intrigue against this person, the point is that Agoratus, seeking shelter, was to sit as a suppliant on the altar of Artemis in Munichia124 and from there he ‘arose’ voluntarily: ἑκὼν ἀνέστη Ἀγόρατος ἀπὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ (XIII.29). In all this procedure, the ritual of sitting on the altar as a place of refuge seems interesting. The purpose of this ritual was probably to seek the protection of the god against those accusing the suppliant. The altar would then be a place of asylum, as was the case in Israeli culture.125

124 Staying on the altar of god ensured the suppliant’s inviolability; cf. Lizjasz, Mowy [Speeches] (Polish transl. R. Turasiewicz), footnote 12, 108. 125 This fragment refers to the function of the altar as an asylum for the criminal (cf. Exod 21:14). We read about this law in the Old Testament in the story of Adonijah (1 Kings 1:50–53), and about its violation in the story of Joab (1 Kings 2:28–34).

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1.4.1.4

ἄνω

An adverb not very often used by Lysias (3 times); in two places it has a literal meaning (‘above, aloft’) and combines with the verbs: ἔχω (I.9) and διαιτάω (I.9). In Funeral Oration, however, we find it in combination with the adverb κάτω in the phrase referring to gods: τοὺς δὲ κάτω οὐ κομίζεσθαι, ἱερῶν δὲ μιαινομένων τοὺς ἄνω θεοὺς ἀσεβεῖσθαι (II.7). A glance at Greek mythology allows us to see that the world of the gods was divided into several spheres: Olympus, the earth, the sea, the underworld. Consider the fact that in the oration under investigation the bodies of the dead, if not buried, make the underground gods (οἱ κάτω θεοί) not receive proper reverence (οὐ κομίζεσθαι, and the temples of the earthly gods (οἱ ἄνω θεοί) be desecrated (ἀσεβεῖσθαι).126 It seems, therefore, that the corresponding adverbs refer to the space of dwelling of underground (κάτω) and earthly (ἄνω) gods respectively. Whether these fragments mention the household gods or the gods of Olympus, the earth and the sea combined, it is difficult to decide. Certainly, the meaning of this adverb is religious. 1.4.1.5

ἐπαίρω

In the works of this author, this verb has once the literal meaning ‘to raise, lift, deliver’ (VI.49), but usually it means ‘to encourage’ or ‘to be elevated, conceited’. The second meaning has a positive sense (see I.36; IX.19; IX.21; XVI.21; XXI.19; XXXI.2), the third pejorative (although Lysias used it in a negative sentence; see II.10). We can conclude that in all the texts this verb describes human behaviour, whether in the sense of physical activity or encouragement to act properly, or to avoid pride. Summary Three terms come to the fore in Lysias’ orations. Two of them describe divine reality, one characterizes human action. The space of dwelling of the gods is clearly defined by the adverbs ἄνω and κάτω, but the former defines the deities that dwell on earth, the latter in the underground (II.7). This sphere also extends to the temple with its altar. It was a kind of asylum for criminals. Sitting on it protected the suppliant, while arising from it (ἀνίστημι) resulted in a loss of this privilege (XIII.29). Humans

126 This is indicated further in the oration on the actions of the Athenians against the Argives and the inhabitants of Thebes: “they risked combat with one of the parties in the interest of both, that on the one side they should cease from grossly outraging the gods by their trespass against the dead, and that on the other they should not hasten away to their own land frustrated of an ancestral honour, cut off from Hellenic custom, and disappointed in a common hope” (II.9).

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in their everyday activities could be ‘encouraged’ (ἐπαίρω) to positive action (I.36; IX.19; IX.21; XVI.21; XXI.19; XXXI.2) or to loftiness over others (II.10). As we can see, in spite of scanty vocabulary in terms of height and exaltation, there are religious (concerning deities) and moral (concerning people) ideas present in Lysias’ works. 1.4.2

Isocrates

The son of the owner of the craft factory lived between 436–338 BC. He was a disciple of the sophists, Socrates, the rhetor Gorgias, and the politician Theramenes. Although he hardly ever delivered speeches, he became an outstanding orator and theorist of rhetoric. He began his literary activity in 403 BC by writing judicial speeches, six of which have survived. He earned his living as a logographer until he founded his own rhetorical school in 390 BC.127 Isocrates’ School was Europe’s first comprehensive school to prepare students for state positions.128 Isocrates demanded that the orator influence the audience with his high moral standing and personal dignity. He considered these features to be particularly effective means of persuasion. He took over the rhetorical art from Gorgias and passed it on to Demosthenes, who attained absolute mastery in it. The works of Isocrates129 can be divided into six groups: a) judicial speeches; b) epideictic speeches; c) rhetorical programme speeches; d) political speeches; e) hortatory orations, and f) letters. The judicial speeches include:130 XXI. Against Euthynus; XVIII. Against Callimachus; XX. Against Lochites; XVII. Trapeziticus; XVI. On the Yoke; XIX. Aegineticus. There are only two Isocrates’ epideictic orations preserved: X. Economium of Helen; XI. Busiris. The rhetorical program was presented in two program speeches: XIII. Against the Sophists; XV. On the Antidosis. There are seven political speeches: IV. Panegyricus; XIV. Plataicus; VI. Archidamus; VIII. On the Peace; VII. Areopagiticus; V. Philippus; XII. Panathenaicus. There are also three hortatory orations: II. To Nicocles; III. Nicocles or the Cyprians; IX. Evagoras.131 The last attracted the greatest attention of literary historians; it is given as an 127 Cf. R. Turasiewicz, Mówcy Attyccy [Atticus Speakers], p. 185. 128 Cf. S. Kalinkowski, Isokrates, [in:] Słownik pisarzy antycznych [Dictionary of Ancient Writers], ed. A. Świderkówna, Warszawa 1990, p. 257. 129 There are twenty-one speeches and nine letters among them. 130 The Roman numeral before the name of the speech means its consecutive number. The order of the orations is, as far as possible, chronological. 131 For a more detailed discussion of the individual speeches, see R. Turasiewicz, Mówcy Attyccy [Attic Orators], p. 185–193. This study is based on the edition of Isocrates’ speeches in the original language: Isocratis orationes editio altera curante Friderico Blass, B.G. Teubner; Lipsiae 1879; English text available at: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Isoc.%204.38&lang=original [accessed: 20.03.2021].

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example of the first acclaim of a historical figure in prosaic literature. Moreover, to Isocrates’ legacy, nine letters should be added. It ought to be noted that the origin of some of these works (especially letters) from Isocrates is questionable, first of all the oration: I. To Demonicus.132 No terms with the root ὑψο appear in these speeches. In almost all the others, we find terms significant from our perspective, with the exception of: To Demonicus (not authentic), To Nikocles and Aegineticus. In the others, the following terms from the group with the prefix ἀνα or the root ἀνω and cognates were used: ἀναβαίνω (9 times), ἀναιρέω (30 times), ἀναλαμβάνω (11 times), ἀνίστημι (11 times), ἐγείρω (1 time) and ἐπαίρω (10 times). 1.4.2.1

ἀναβαίνω

A verb not often used by Isocrates; in his speeches it has two essential meanings, both figurative in a sense. The first means ‘to ascend’ (ἀναβαίνω) the Areopagus, i.e. to join the council (VII. Areopagiticus133 38; XII. Panathenaicus 154) or the congregation (VIII. On the Peace 152). The second meaning refers to the appearance or invitation to appear as a witness at the tribunal: XV. On the Antidosis 164; XVII. Trapeziticus 14.32.37.41. The literal meaning is: ‘to enter, ascend’ (see XX. Against Lochites 22). Thus, there is no special theological or even religious meaning of this term in the orations of this author. 1.4.2.2

ἀναιρέω

This verb is much richer both in terms of its use by Isocrates (30 times) and in terms of its meaning. It has at least three literal and five metaphorical meanings. Literally it means: ‘to rise, to take away’ (cf. V. Philippus 66; VII. Areopagiticus 45; VIII. On the Peace 44.113; XII. Panathenaicus 19.112.267; XV. On the Antidosis 242) or ‘to return’ (cf. IV. Panegyricus 63.176), or ‘to recover, restore’ (cf. IV. Panegyricus 55; VIII. On the Peace 99; XII. Panathenaicus 169; XIV. Plataicus 53). In a figurative sense, it often means: ‘to destroy, kill’, (cf. VI. Archidamus 89; VII. Areopagiticus 67; XII. Panathenaicus 157), ‘to incite’ a war (cf. IV. Panegyricus 58; XIV. Plataicus 17; XV. On the Antidosis 118) and ‘to undertake, establish’ something (cf. VII. Areopagiticus 8; XVII. Trapeziticus 31.32 [× 2]). There are also two other metaphorical meanings which in some sense are related to the issue under investigation. The first one appears in two consecutive political speeches (IV. Panegyricus, VI. Archidamus); by means of ἀναιρέω the oracle of Apollo answered:

132 Cf. S. Kalinkowski, Isokrates, 258. 133 The number of a particular oration is provided before each title.

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ὅ τε θεὸς ἀναιρεῖ (IV. Panegyricus 31); ἀνελόντος δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ (VI. Archidamus 24).

If no answer is given by the oracle: ὁ δὲ θεὸς περὶ μὲν ὧν ἐπηρώτησαν οὐ ἀνεῖλεν (VI. Archidamus 17); τοῖς μὲν οὐδὲν ἀνεῖλεν (VI. Archidamus 31). Another meaning is related to the Olympic Games and describes the receipt of the prize for victory: ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι τὰς νίκας ἀναιρουμένων (VI. Archidamus 95). It seems that these two meanings are slightly broader than the others. The first, similarly to other texts, not only rhetorical, describes the activity of ‘giving the answer by the oracle’ to a question addressed to a deity. The second one refers to the well-known then comparison between life and the Olympic Games, or more strictly to the victory achieved in competitions. 1.4.2.3

ἀναλαμβάνω

Another of the verbs used by Isocrates in the context of height or exaltation. In this case, however, it literally means ‘to pick up, to take’ (see III. Nikocles or the Cyprians 28; V. Philippus 29). Much more important, however, is the prevailing metaphorical sense, having essentially two meanings: ‘to cool down, to pull through’ (in relation to man – V. Philippus 22; VI. Archidamus 40.104; in relation to the city – XII. Panathenaicus 58) and ‘to recover’ something people had before. The latter is much more interesting for us, as it remains in an ethical context at least in some aspects. And so, in oration sixth the attempts to regain respect, honor (ἡ τιμή) and power by governments (ἡ δυναστεία) was described as follows: περαθῆναι τὰς τιμὰς καὶ τὰς δυναστείας ἀναλαβεῖν (VI. Archidamus 82). Similar words describe the desire to regain democracy (ἡ δημεκρατία) established by Solon: ἐθελήσωμεν ἐκείνην τὴν δημεκρατίαν ἀναλαβεῖν (VII. Areopagiticus 16). Isocrates wrote similarly on regaining power (ἡ δύναμις): καὶ τὴν δύναμιν ἀναληψόμεθα πάλιν (VIII. On the Peace 6). This verb, however, refers not only to the recovery of material things, but also to things that are abstract in a sense, like ‘glory’ (ἡ δόξα). This applies to the glory of the ancestors: τὴν δόξαν τὴν τῶν προγόνων ἀναλαβεῖν (VIII. On the Peace 141). However, it may equally well concern the city regaining its former glory: τῆς τε παλαιᾶς δόξης μέρος τι πάλιν ἀνέλαβε (IX. Evagoras 56). We can see quite clearly that the dominant meaning of this verb is ‘to recover’ something that was previously possessed, whether by a human being or an entire city or country. It seems interesting that ἀναλαμβάνω refers to the glory (ἡ δόξα), which in Isocrates’ texts appears to mean something more than just material power and authority.

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1.4.2.4

ἀνίστημι

The term was used by Isocrates only 11 times, yet it has as many as five different meanings, none of which, however, contributes to our research. The first and the second meaning, the least frequent, is ‘to rebuild’ (cf. XVI. On the Yoke 40) and ‘to displace, evict’ (cf. VIII. On the Peace 42). Almost as rare is: ‘to get up’ (cf. VI. Archidamus 2; X. Economium of Helen 64). Slightly more frequent, although in the previously quoted literature it was not the prevailing meaning of ἀνίστημι, is ‘to be destroyed, devastated’ (cf. III. Nicocles or the Cyprians 23; IV. Panegyricus 126.144.181; V. Philippus 44; VI. Archidamus 43; XV. On the Antidosis 127). As we notice, none of these meanings have any reference to the category of height or exaltation in a religious or moral sense. 1.4.2.5

ἐγείρω

A word used only once in the speeches of this orator. It has a metaphorical meaning in the sense of taking action anew: πάλιν ἤγειρον τὸ πρᾶγμα (XVI. On the Yoke 7), however, of no significance to our investigations. 1.4.2.6

ἐπαίρω

The prevailing meaning of this verb is actually ‘to excite, to incite, to arouse’ (IV. Panegyricus 108; V. Philippus 10; VIII. On the Peace 105; XI. Busiris 47; XVII. Trapeziticus 35.46; XVIII. Against Callimachus 17.43; XXI. Against Euthynus 12). Only in speech XXI. Against Euthynus (12) it was assigned the meaning ‘to bring action’ against someone. However, none of these texts is of importance for our investigations. Summary From this research into Isocrates’ works, it is clear that only two of the terms he used are somehow related to the reality of height or exaltation. The first is the verb ἀναιρέω, which describes the answer given by a deity (Apollo) through its oracle (IV. Panegyricus 31; VI. Archidamus 17.24.31). The same verb also refers to ethical values, or more precisely to life, which was compared to winning a prize in the Olympic Games (VI. Archidamus 95). In a similar sense the second term was used: ἀναλαμβάνω – this time it is not a matter of gaining but of regaining lost values, be it material (VI. Archidamus 82; VII. Areopagiticus 16; VIII. On the Peace 6) or intangible (VIII. On the Peace 141; IX. Evagoras 56).

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1.4.3

Isaeus

He lived between 420 and 340. He was the son of Diagoras, he came from Chalcis in Euboea. He is said to have been a student of Isocrates, and later a teacher of Demosthenes. He is one of the ten Attic Orators, a logographer, a follower of Lysias’ style. He reportedly authored sixty-four speeches,134 of which only fifty are considered authentic. We know the titles of fifty-six, but only twelve, concerning inheritance, have survived to these times.135 We will analyse nine speeches, in which the terms referring to exaltation can be found. These include: I. On the Estate of Cleonymus, II. On the Estate of Menecles, IV. On the Estate of Nicostratus, V. On the Estate of Dicaeogenes, VI. On the Estate of Philoctemon, VII. On the Estate of Apollodorus, IX. On the Estate of Astyphilus, X. On the Estate of Aristarchus, XI. On the Estate of Hagnias.136 In the works of Isaeus, no terms are found with the root ὑψο; however, the following terms from the group with the prefix ἀνα or the root ἀνω and cognates were used: ἀναβαίνω (3 times), ἀναιρέω (13 times), ἀναλαμβάνω (1 time), ἀνίστημι (2 times). 1.4.3.1

ἀναβαίνω

A verb used only three times by Isaeus. In all cases it stands for the appearance of witnesses (οἱ μαρτύρες) to give evidence (II. On the Estate of Menecles 33; IX. On the Estate of Astyphilus 28; XI. On the Estate of Hagnias 4). 1.4.3.2

ἀναιρέω

This term has a plethora of meanings. Most often (9 times), Isaeus uses it to refer to the invalidation (ἀνελεῖν) of the will (singularis: τὴν διαθήκην; pluralis: τάς διαθήκας).137 More rarely, this verb means ‘to incur’ enmity (I. On the Estate of

134 Cf. R. Turasiewicz, Mówcy Attyccy [Attic Orators], p. 193. 135 Cf. S. Kalinkowski, Isaios, [in:] Słownik pisarzy antycznych [Dictionary of Ancient Writers], ed. A. Świderkówna, Warszawa 1990, p. 255. 136 To make the list complete, the following titles should be added: III. On the Estate of Pyrrhus, VIII. On the Estate of Ciron, XII. On Behalf of Euphiletus. This study is based on the edition of Isaeus’ orations: Isaei Orationes cum deperditoru fragmentis, ed. T. Thalheim, Lipsiae 1903; the English translations are based on: Isaeus. Isaeus with an English translation by Edward Seymour Forster, London 1962; available at: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.01. 0142 [accessed: 20.03.2021]. 137 For the annulment of the will, see I. About the inheritance of Kleonymos 14.18.21; VI. For the inheritance of Philoctemon 30.31. For the cancellation of another document see I. About the inheritance of

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Cleonymus 9); ‘to take’ the dead body (IV. On the Estate of Nicostratus 19); ‘kill’ (VII. On the Estate of Apollodorus 32.42). As for the first meaning, its sense would be developed later by Demosthenes,138 but as we can see Isaeus used it quite often. ‘The invalidation, annulment of will’ (ἀνελεῖν τὴν διαθήκην/τάς διαθήκας) brings to mind the text from the letter to the Colossians: ἐξαλείψας τὸ καθ᾽ ἡμῶν χειρόγραφον τοῖς δόγμασιν (Col 2:14). However, it is not difficult to notice that with regard to the terms used,139 these texts do not correspond to each other. Yet the juxtaposition, so characteristic of the speeches delivered in cases concerning the inheritance, is noteworthy. 1.4.3.3

ἀναλαμβάνω

The term, which generally means ‘to take, to take away, to lift’, in the only text in which it was used by Isaeus, describes the act of taking the inheritance (ἀνέλαβε) by Dicaeogenes, to which he became entitled as a result of a court’s ruling (V. On the Estate of Dicaeogenes [hypothesis]). 1.4.3.4

ἀνίστημι

Another verb rarely used by this author (2 times). In both cases it was used in the intransitive form in the sense ‘to arise, to rise’ (VI. On the Estate of Philoctemon 35) and ‘to cease’. (VI. On the Estate of Philoctemon 19). So there is no metaphorical meaning in the orations of Isaeus. Summary The terminology regarding exaltation and height is not particularly rich in Isaeus’ orations. The terms he used usually have a literal meaning. Only in the nine fragments with the verb ἀναιρέω can we see some interesting shades of meanings: the invalidation, annulment of the will (ἀνελεῖν τὴν διαθήκην/τάς διαθήκας). Although the terms used (ἀναιρέω and ἡ διαθήκη) in the these passages differ significantly from Col 2:14, there is some connection between the two texts. The Epistle to the Colossians mentions the debt record (ἐξαλείψας χειρόγραφον) that was obliterated by Christ’s death. Isaeus referred to a more mundane matter: the

Kleonymos 25.42; VI. About the fall of Philoctemon 32; X. To Xenainetos about Aristarch’s inheritance [hypothesis]. 138 Cf. the meaning of ἀναιρέω in: Słownik grecko-polski [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 1, p. 142. 139 The verb ἀναιρέω used by Isaeus would correspond to the noun ἐξαλείφω used by Paul; and the noun ἡ διαθήκη to the notion of Paul τὸ χειρόγραφον.

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annulment of the will. The difference exists because the debt was incurred by man and annulled by Christ, and the inheritance was left by a man and challenged by another. However, the concept is similar – one person makes a commitment and the other interferes in order to abolish it or change. 1.4.4

Aeschines

He lived in the years between c. 390–315 BC. He studied at his father’s elementary school, Atrometus. Before appearing for the first time on the tribune in Athens as a politician, he was a lower-rank civil officer and a tragic actor. He took part in military expeditions, among others to Euboea and the Battle of Mantinea (362). However, he devoted himself to his political career. Together with Demosthenes, he was sent on an embassy to Philip II of Macedon, which led to the so-called Peace of Philocrates (346 BC). It was a turning point in his political activity. From that moment on, he became an ardent supporter of Philip and one of the leaders of the pro-Macedonian party. For this reason, he was accused by Timarchus of high treason. Demosthenes accused him of taking bribes from Philip. These events are preserved in two Aeschines’ orations: I. Against Timarchus, II. On the Embassy.140 When, in 337, Ctesiphon requested a golden wreath for Demosthenes for his services to the State, Aeschines challenged that request as unlawful. Eventually Demosthenes defended Ctesiphon and Aeschines was fined. It is from this period that the last preserved oration of this author comes from: III. Against Ctesiphon. After these events Aeschines went to Ephesus, then to Rhodes and finally to Samos, where he died.141 A popular opinion, voiced by Demosthenes in his speeches, makes Aeschines a traitor and defector. But he was rather a realist, ready to accept the Macedonian supremacy (Philip II) over Greece.142 In his orations, from the group with the root ὑψο, Aeschines uses only the adjective ὑψηλός (one time). Quite often, however, he uses terms from the group with the prefix ἀνα or the root ἀνω and cognates: ἀναβαίνω (8 times), ἀναιρέω (11 times), ἀναλαμβάνω (9 times), ἀνίστημι (13 times), ἡ ἀνάστασις (1 time), ἄνω (2 times), ἄνωθεν (1 time) and ἐπαίρω (6 times).

140 This study is based on the edition of Aeschines’ orations: Aeschinis orations, ed. F. Blass, Bibliotheca Teubneriana; Lipsiae 1908; the English translation was based on: Aeschines, English transl. C.D. Adams, London 1919; available at: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc= Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0002%3Aspeech%3D1 [accessed: 20.03.2021]. 141 Cf. W. Siwakowska, Aischines, [in:] Słownik pisarzy antycznych [Dictionary of Ancient Writers], ed. A. Świderkówna, Warszawa 1990, p. 46–47. 142 Cf. R. Turasiewicz, Mówcy Attyccy [Attic Orators], p. 197.

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1.4.4.1

ὑψηλός

The adjective was used only once by this author to refer to the peace treaty that was negotiated with the Lacedaemonians: ἣ τὸν δῆμον ὑψηλὸν ἦρεν (II. On the Embassy 174). In this text, ὑψηλός has a metaphorical meaning: ‘to rise’ above what is average and normal. This referred, however, to ‘democracy’ (ὁ δῆμος), and therefore is not connected with our research. 1.4.4.2

ἀναβαίνω

This verb, used 8 times by Aeschines, always has a literal meaning, although with different shades, because the places people ascend (ἀναβαίνω)143 are different. 1.4.4.3

ἀναιρέω

In the usage of this verb, two meanings prevail: ‘to remove, to invalidate’ (I. Against Timarchus 90; III. Against Ctesiphon 12.39.40.191), ‘to destroy’ (II. On the Embassy 9; III. Against Ctesiphon 16.87.202.236). By means of this verb, Aeschines renders the sense already known to Greek authors, namely the answer given by the oracle to the question addressed to the deity: καὶ αὐτοῖς ἀναιρεῖ ἡ Πυθία (III. Against Ctesiphon 108). 1.4.4.4

ἀναλαμβάνω

A verb that in Aeschines’ speeches has above all a literal meaning: ‘to take, to take away’ (I. Against Timarchus 43), ‘to take up’ (II. On the Embassy 96), ‘to recover’ (I. Against Timarchus 84; II. On the Embassy 35). The special meaning we encounter for the first time in Greek literature is ‘to adopt, to take up’ (I. Against Timarchus 53.54.57.58). In spite of the rather large variety of meanings, this verb has no particular significance for the issue of religious or moral exaltation under investigation. 1.4.4.5

ἀνίστημι

The basic literal meaning of this verb in its transitive form is ‘to stand up, to rise’ (I. Against Timarchus 35.61 [× 2].110; II. On the Embassy 49.74.84.127; III. Against Ctesiphon 94). In the same form, it also means ‘to be destroyed’ in Aeschines’ orations (II. On the Embassy 115 [× 2]). In a transitional form, it means ‘to rebuild,

143 Cf. I. Against Timarchus 69.80.132.193; II. On the Embassy 63.143; III. Against Ctesiphon 152.241.

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Rhetoric

construct’ (II. On the Embassy 104). It is clearly then visible, that this verb does not have any meaning in Aeschines’ speeches, which would have any significance for the topic we are discussing. 1.4.4.6

ἡ ἀνάστασις

A noun used only once by this author. In the third speech it has a literal meaning: ‘uprising’ (III. Against Ctesiphon 126). So it does not contribute to our research. 1.4.4.7

ἄνω

Aeschines barely resorted to adverbs to describe the category of height; ἄνω was only used by him twice. In both cases, it functions as an adverbial of time and indicates that an action preceded other events (see II. On the Embassy 10.34). 1.4.4.8

ἄνωθην

An adverb less frequently used by this author; once it meant ‘to retreat’ (cf. I. Against Timarchus 170). 1.4.4.9

ἐπαίρω

This verb can be found in Aeschines’ works six times. The literal meaning ‘to stimulate, to excite’ (I. Against Timarchus 137.192; III. Against Ctesiphon 114) and ‘to bring, to raise’ (III. Against Ctesiphon 113.119) prevail. One text from the third speech draws attention, in which Aeschines mentions the crimes committed by some representatives of the Thirty, and then poses rhetorical questions, one of which is: οὐ ταπεινώσαντες ἀποπέμψετε τοὺς νῦν ἐπηρμένους (III. Against Ctesiphon 235). The question arises what the meaning of ἐπηρμένους144 is in this text? The context and grammatical form (medii-passivi) indicate the meaning of III.2 in the dictionary edited by Zofia Abramowiczówna, which can be rendered as: ‘to boast about something, to be haughty, to be conceited’.145 This verb would then denote not so much the religious aspect of exaltation as its negative moral dimension – adulation and conceit.

144 Participium perfecti medii, accusativus masculinum pluralis from ἐπαίρω. 145 Cf. Słownik polsko-grecki [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna), vol. 2, Warszawa 1960, p. 193.

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Summary Aeschines, as we have noticed, scarcely used the terminology referring to exaltation or height category at all. If he did, then the literal sense prevailed. But we have two exceptions. In one, the verb ἀναιρέω describes the answer given by the oracle (ἀναιρεῖ ἡ Πυθία) to a question addressed to a deity (III. Against Ctesiphon 108). In the second one, the verb ἐπαίρω indicates the conceit of people (τοὺς νῦν ἐπηρμένους) in a concrete historical situation, to which the speaker refers (III. Against Ctesiphon 235). 1.4.5

Demosthenes

He lived between 384–322 BC. His father died when Demosthenes was 7. The care over him was entrusted to his nephews: Aphobus and Demophon who seized his inheritance. At the age of eighteen, Demosthenes only regained thirty silver minas, a house and fourteen slaves. The total value of recovered assets was about seventy minas. From the oration against his guardian we learn that Demosthenes’ father at the time of his death had a fortune worth fourteen talents (Against Aphobus I (27).4) – an enormous property.146 The conflicts over the inheritance gave rise to Demosthenes’ activity as an orator. When he was eighteen, he brought the first action, but it could not be concluded due to his awaiting military service, during which conscripts were not allowed to take legal actions.147 He managed to complete the court proceedings at the age of 20. He delivered his speech and won, yet he did not succeed in recovering his property. Later he took up learning rhetoric. His teacher was an orator renowned for his speeches, Isaeus, who taught him especially the judicial orations. For several years (363–354 BC) Demosthenes earned his living as a logographer, writing speeches for others to deliver. He probably did not learn directly from Isocrates, but like others, he as deeply impressed with his mastery. He learned a lot about history and politics from Thucydides’ works.148 As for the art of rhetoric, he owed much to the advice of the actors, especially Satyrus.149 He started his political activity around 354, when he gave his first truly political speech On the Navy Boards (14).150 He soon became the leader of the anti-Macedonian

146 The Greek talent was an Athenian monetary unit of 26,2 kilograms in silver; cf. Demostenes, Wybór mów [Selected Orations], Polish transl. R. Turasiewicz, Wrocław 2005, p. 5. 147 Cf. Demostenes, Wybór mów [Selected Orations], Polish transl. R. Turasiewicz, p. XXIX. 148 It is obviously The Peloponnesian War. 149 Cf. R. Turasiewicz, Mówcy Attyccy [Attic Orators], p. 200. 150 In brackets, there are consecutive numbers of Demosthenes’ speeches. The speeches are numbered in a different way than in the case of previous orators to make it easier for the reader. Roman numerals, especially the greater ones, can be difficult to read.

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Rhetoric

party and in his speeches he warned against Philip II’s invasive policy. His biggest political antagonist and a great orator was Aeschines. He got into a polemic with him about submissiveness (Aeschines) or opposition (Demosthenes) to Philip II of Macedon.151 From Demosthenes’ rich legacy, sixty-one speeches have survived to these times,152 forty two of which are classified as judicial orations, sixteen as advisory and political orations and two as epideictic speeches. They include: I. Olynthiac 1; II. Olynthiac 2; III. Olynthiac 3; IV. Philippic I; V. On the Peace; VI. Philippic II; VII. On the Halonnesus; VIII. On the Chersonese; IX. Philippic IIIa;153 X. Philippic IIIb; XI. Reply to Philip; XII. Philip’s Letter; XIII On Organisation; XIV. On the Navy Boards; XV. On the Liberty of the Rhodians; XVI. For the Megalopolitans; XVII. On the Treaty with Alexander; XVIII. On the Crown; XIX. On the Embassy; XX. Against Leptines; XXI. Against Meidias; XXII. Against Androtion; XXIII. Against Aristocrates; XXIV. Against Timocrates; XXV. Against Aristogeiton 1; XXVI. Against Aristogeiton 2; XXVII. Against Aphobus 1; XXVIII. Against Aphobus 2; XXIX. Against Aphobus 3; XXX. Against Ontenor 1; XXXI. Against Ontenor 2; XXXII. Against Zenothemis; XXXIII. Against Apatourius; XXXIV. Against Phormio; XXXV. Against Lacritus; XXXVI. For Phormio; XXXVII. Against Pantaenetus; XXXVIII. Against Nausimachus and Xenopeithes; XXXIX. Against Boeotus 1; XL. Against Boeotus 2; XLI. Against Spudias; XLII. Against Phaenippus; XLIII. Against Macartatus; XLIV. Against Leochares; XLV. Against Stephanos 1; XLVI. Against Stephanos 2; XLVII. Against Evergus and Mnesibulus; XLVIII. Against the Olympiodorus; XLIX. Against Timotheus; L. Against Polycles; LI. On the Trierarcic Crown; LII. Against Callipus; LIII. Against Nicostratus; LIV. Against Conon; LV. Against Callicles; LVI. Against Dionysodorus; LVII. Against Eubulides; LVIII. Against Theocrines; LIX. Against Neaera; LX. Funeral Oration; LXI. Erotic Essay. In addition, six letters and fifty-six introductions have been preserved.154 In almost all the speeches, introductions and letters we find vocabulary of significance for us. From the group with the root ὑψο, Demosthenes only used the adjective ὑψηλός (2 times). Quite often, however, he used terms from the group

151 Cf. W. Siwakowska, Demostenes, [in:] Słownik pisarzy antycznych [Dictionary of Ancient Writers], ed. A. Świderkówna, Warszawa 1990, p. 157–159. 152 This study is based on the edition of Demosthenes’ speeches: Demosthenis opera recensuit graece et latine cum indicibus, ed. J.T. Voemelius, Parisiis 1843. Polish translation (selected orations) was consulted: Demostenes, Wybór mów [Selected Orations], Polish transl. R. Turasiewicz, Wrocław 2005; English translation: Demosthenes, transl. C.A. Vince and J.H. Vince, London 1926; available at: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper [accessed: 20.03.2021]. 153 The third speech against Philip has survived to these times in two versions, hence they are marked as IIIa and IIIb; cf. W. Siwakowska, Demostenes, op. cit., p. 160. 154 Cf. R. Turasiewicz, Mówcy Attyccy [Attic Orators], p. 200.

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with the prefix ἀνα or the root ἀνω and cognates: ἀναβαίνω (25 times), ἀναιρέω (115 times), ἀναλαμβάνω (10 times), ἀνίστημι (45 times), ἡ ἀνάστασις (4 times), ἐγείρω (2 times), ἄνω (20 times), ἄνωθεν (10 times) and ἐπαίρω (19 times). 1.4.5.1

ὑψηλός

An adjective used only twice by Demosthenes, in both cases literally.155 1.4.5.2

ἀναβαίνω

In the works of this author we meet this verb in one sense: ‘to climb, to ascend’. However, the place people ascend is presented differently. They go up (ἀναβαίνω) to the rostrum in the court or in the assembly.156 They can also board the ship157 or climb to a city.158 As one can see, the meaning is rather exclusively literal. The only thing that deserves some attention is its use in the 25th Speech about ascending the Acropolis, a space dedicated to prayers to the gods, which is indicated by the subsequent context: εἰς ἀκρόπολιν ἀναβαίνοντες (Against Aristogeiton I (25).99). The action expressed by ἀναβαίνω obviously has a literal meaning, only the place of prayer located ‘upwards’, where one has to ascend, indicates the space reserved for the gods. 1.4.5.3

ἀναιρέω

This verb was used by Demosthenes frequently (115 times) and in various ways (twelve different meanings). Usually, in a literal sense: ‘to take’,159 ‘take up’,160 ‘to re-

155 However, once in the positive (On the Embassy (19).255) and once in the comparative degree (Against Callicles (55).22). 156 Introduction 6.1; 14.1; 56.1; On the Crown (18).66; 209; On the Embassy (19).289; 290 (× 2); 291; Against Meidias (21).205; Against Androtion (22).38; Against Aristogeiton I (25).9; 20; Against Ontenor I (30).32; Against Timotheus (49).20; Against Theocrines (58).42; 70; Against Neaera (59).16; 80. 157 Against Meidias (21).163; Against Polycles (50).47; 48; 52. 158 Against Callipus (52).14. 159 Against Aristocrates (23).81; Against Ontenor II (31).4 (× 2); Against Phormio (34).31; Against Pantaenetus (37).41; Against Macartatus (43).57 (× 2); 58; Against Stephanos I (45).53; Against the Olympiodorus (48).46; Against Polycles (50).17; Against Callipus (52).14; Against Nicostratus (53).21; Against Theocrines (58).34; Funeral Oration (60).23. 160 Against Leptines (20).134; Against Aristocrates (23).27; 148; Against Stephanos I (45).21; Against Dionysodorus (56).15; Against Eubulides (57).17; Against Theocrines (58).32; 34.

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Rhetoric

move’,161 ‘to lose’,162 ‘to reject’,163 ‘to nullify’,164 ‘to destroy’,165 ‘to kill’,166 ‘to banish’,167 ‘to record, save’168 and ‘incite’ a war.169 Among these numerous literal meanings we can find two texts in which ἀναιρέω stands for the answer given by the oracle of Apollo in Delphi (Against Meidias (21).51) or Zeus in Dodona (Letter 1.16). 1.4.5.4

ἀναλαμβάνω

A verb used much less frequently by this author (only 10 times). Its meaning is ‘to lead’.170 However, the dominant meaning is ‘to recover’ something lost (Philippic I (4).7; Against Phaenippus (42).32), position (On the Crown (18).163), power (Reply to Philip (11).21), health (Against Neaera (59).58) or someone (Against Neaera (59).57; 59). It refers to a reality that people constantly struggle to recover. However, this does not seem to have any particular significance for the subject of our research.

161 Introduction 12.2; Letter 3.8; Olynthiac III (3).35; Philip’s Letter (12).4; On the Crown (18).63; 294; On the Embassy (19).2; 127; 342 (× 2); Against Leptines (20).143; 155; Against Meidias (21).105; Against Aristocrates (23).62; 175; 218; Against Timocrates (24).2; 32; 84; 101; Against Aristogeiton I (25).90; Against Aphobus I (27).61; 64; Against Ontenor I (30).28; Against Apatourius (33).12; Against Dionysodorus (56).14; (56).15 (× 2); 16; Against Neaera (59).53; 54; 68; 69; 90. 162 Funeral Oration (60).24 (× 2). 163 Against Androtion (22).20. 164 Olynthiac I (1).21; On the Halonnesus (7).1; On the Treaty with Alexander (17).5; On the Crown (18).42; 71; Against Androtion (22).20; Against Phormio (34).33. 165 On the Chersonese (8).60; Philippic IIIa (9).26; 32; On the Liberty of the Rhodians (15).19; For the Megalopolitans (16).4; 25; 26 (× 2); 30; On the Embassy (19).51; 80; 183; 186 (× 2); Against Leptines (20).111; 142; Against Meidias (21).29 (× 2); 105; Against Androtion (22).75; Against Timocrates (24).96; 183; Against Aristogeiton I (25).70; 84; 87; 95; Against Aphobus II (28).5; 17; Against Aphobus 3 (29).36; Against Neaera (59).9. 166 Philippic II (6).15; 20; On the Chersonese (8).65; Philippic IIIa (9).19; 26; Philippic IIIb (10).47; 62; On the Navy Boards (14).32; On the Crown (18).18; 98; Against Aristocrates (23).59; Against Aristogeiton I (25).69; Against Stephanos I (45).53. 167 Philippic IIIb (10).36; 67. 168 Against Androtion (22).72; Against Timocrates (24).18. 169 Introduction 24.3; Olynthiac I (1).7; On the Navy Boards (14).10; On the Embassy (19).298. 170 Letter 1.2; On the Crown (18).78; Against Meidias (21).109.

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1.4.5.5

ἀνίστημι

Used by Demosthenes 45 times, always in the literal sense. Usually in the intransitive form: ‘to arise’ to take the floor,171 rarely for any other purpose.172 Sometimes it means ‘to be destroyed, devastated’.173 The only meaning that draws attention in this form is to ‘to recover’ health (Against Neaera (59).58). However, this does not seem to have a significant impact on our research. Sometimes Demosthenes uses ἀνίστημι in the transitive form: ‘to erect, to put up’174 or ‘to raise’ from misery175 or ‘lift’.176 We can conclude that neither in the transitive nor in the intransitive form does this verb have a metaphorical meaning in the works of Demosthenes. 1.4.5.6

ἡ ἀνάστασις

A noun used by this author not too often (4 times), with two literal meanings: it stands for ‘destruction, extermination’ (Olynthiac I (1).5; Olynthiac II (2).1; On the Crown (18).90), or ‘reconstruction’ (Against Leptines (20).72). There is no metaphorical sense in Demosthenes’ works. 1.4.5.7

ἐγείρω

This verb can only be found twice: in the intransitive form ‘to stand up’ (On the Embassy (19). 305) or in perfectum as ‘to watch, be vigilant’ (Philippic II (6).19). Both texts have a literal meaning. 1.4.5.8

ἄνω

This adverb is used in a wide range of meanings in the works of Demosthenes. In general, it functions as an adverbial of a place (‘above’177 or even ‘in the north’178 171 Introduction 1.1; 9.1; 17.1; 38.2; 3; 46.3; 52.1; 53.3; 56.1; Olynthiac III (3).18; Philippic I (4).1; On the Peace (5).3; On the Chersonese (8).52; Philippic IIIb (10).55; On the Crown (18).10; 136; 171; 259; On the Embassy (19). 13; 15; 23; 35; 45; 57; 117; 120; Against Meidias (21).206; 221; Against Timocrates (24).12; Against Stephanos I (45).58. 172 On the Chersonese (8).74; On the Crown (18).170; On the Embassy (19).122; Against Meidias (21).68; 203; Against Polycles (50).2; Against Conon (54).8; Against Neaera (59).34. 173 On the Embassy (19).84. 174 Philip’s Letter (12).21; Against Leptines (20).68. 175 On the Crown (18).129; Against Boeotus I (39).31. 176 Against Conon (54).29. 177 On the Embassy (19).287; Against Aristogeiton I (25).75. 178 Olinthiac II (2).16.

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Rhetoric

or simply ‘on’179 ) or as an adverbial of time (‘before’180 ). As in the works of other authors, in Demosthenes’ orations it is also part of a characteristic idiomatic phrase: ἄνω κάτω,181 standing for chaos, confusion or movement in all directions.182 Among these texts, one also contains the juxtaposition of two realities, rendered respectively by κάτω (the world of the underground gods) and ἄνω (the human world). Demosthenes in the Funeral Oration depicted the space of dwelling of the gods (τοῖς κάτω θεοῖς) and humans (τῶν ἄνω τιμῶν). Speaking about the deceased heroes, he emphasized that, by analogy, citizens may consider them enjoying the same honours in the afterlife as people worthy of respect in the world (Funeral Oration (60).34). 1.4.5.9

ἄνωθην

Our author uses this adverb a little less frequently, only 10 times. However, each time it has a literal meaning, as an adverbial of time (‘formerly’)183 or place (‘upper’ country184 ) or referring to the previous time in a logical sense (returning ‘to the beginning’185 ). The metaphorical meaning is not found. 1.4.5.10 ἐπαίρω

This verb was used (19 times) in the works of Demosthenes with the literal meaning ‘to lift’.186 However, the metaphorical meaning is much more frequent: ‘to inspire, stimulate’,187 ‘to elevate in spirit’188 and ‘to incite, stir up’.189 In none of these texts, however, ἐπαίρω was assigned the religious or even moral denotation.

179 On the Crown (18).16; Against Zenothemis (32).5. 180 On the Crown (18).310; Against Leochares (44).65; Against Conon (54).7; Funeral Oration (60).4. 181 This phrase has also other versions, using the following conjunctions: καὶ ἄνω καὶ κάτω (Philippic IIIa (9).36), ἄνω καὶ κάτω (On the Crown (18).111; On the Embassy (19).261; Against Aristocrates (23).178), ἄνω τε καὶ κάτω (Against Aristogeiton I (25).47). 182 Philippic I (4).41; Against Meidias (21).91; Against Aristogeiton I (25).75 (× 2). 183 Introduction 30.2; Philippic IIIa (9).41; Against Leochares (44).16; Against Stephanos I (45).80. 184 Against Aristocrates (23).155. 185 Against Meidias (21).77; 160; Against Leochares (44).5; Against Leochares (44).6; Against Neaera (59).74. 186 On the Crown (18).291; On the Embassy (19).336. 187 Introduction 39.3; For the Megalopolitans (16).23; On the Crown (18).168; On the Crown (18).175; 222; On the Embassy (19).300; Against Leptines (20).63; Against Meidias (21).159; 211; Against Timocrates (24).195; Against Aphobus 3 (29).22; Against Zenothemis (32).10; Erotic Essay (61).6. 188 Philippic I (4).49; Against Neaeraa (59).38. 189 On the Crown (18).168; 298; Against Pantaenetus (37).2.

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Summary Among sixty-one preserved speeches, six letters and fifty-six introductions to speeches attributed to Demosthenes, we find the terms referring to the category of height in a religious sense in but a few. The space of dwelling of underground gods was described by the adverb κάτω, as opposed to the sphere of human existence, rendered by ἄνω (Funeral Oration (60).34). The realm of the gods can be approached only in certain places. Demosthenes believed that oracles were such places: the Apollo’s oracle at Delphi (Against Meidias (21).51) or Zeus’ oracle in Dodona (Letter 1.16), in which deities would give answers (ἀναιρέω) to questions addressed to them. The Acropolis, a place of worship of the gods, was also such a place. Man must put some effort to ascend it, to climb upwards (ἀναβαίνω) to get closer to the world of the gods (Against Aristogeiton I (25).99). *** In the works of the five rhetors the dynamics of the spoken word confirmed and specified the meaning of the terms used to describe a category of height or exaltation. Yet, the terminology is not as rich as we might have expected, given the number of the speeches examined. The terms refer to two fundamental spheres: divine and human. The space that was ‘in between’ also has its importance. The world of the gods, the space in which they reside was presented quite enigmatically with the adverb ἄνω (‘aloft, on high’; Lysias, II. Funeral Oration 7). As an antithesis to this term (which, however, means the living space of humans), Demosthenes used κάτω which means the world of underground gods. So much for the gods in relation to the category of height. Man, on the other hand, has always looked for opportunities to come into contact with the deity, often by making inquiries through the oracle. The answer given by them was described by Greek authors, including rhetors, with the verb ἀναιρέω. This verb was used by Aeschines to refer to the oracle in the general sense (III. Against Ctesiphon 108). The oracle of Apollo is mentioned several times by Isocrates (IV. Panegyricus 31; VI. Archidamus 24), even if no answer was offered (VI. Archidamus 17; 31). Demosthenes mentions the oracle of Apollo in Delphi (Against Meidias (21).51) and Zeus in Dodona (Letter 1.16). The very entrance (ἀναβαίνω) into the cult or prayer space (Acropolis) put man in some kind of relation to the deity. Demosthenes pointed out that it was in the Acropolis that the prayers were uttered (Demosthenes, Against Aristogeiton I (25).99). Lysias, reporting on the story of Agoratus, wrote about a ritual that was supposed to provide its participant with a kind of asylum against the accusers. The ritual consisted in taking a place on the altar of the deity – in the case of Agoratus

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Philosophy

it was the altar of Artemis in Munichia. Leaving this place, rising (ἀνίστημι) from the altar cancelled this inviolability. People in their earthly existence were still exposed to negative effects of exaltation. Conceit (ἐπαίρω) was a constant temptation. The rhetors mention this both in exhortations to avoid it (Lysias, II. Funeral Oration 10) and in the mere statements on pride (Aeschines, III. Against Ctesiphon 235). Life, at least in some situations, brought with it rewards for persistent effort. This is illustrated by Isocrates writing about receiving the prize (ἀναιρέω) after winning the Olympic Games (Isocrates, VI. Archidamus 95). Other life situations demanded the invalidation (ἀναιρέω) of the last will (Isaeus, I. On the Estate of Cleonymus 14.18.21; VI. On the Estate of Philoctemon 30.31) or another document (Isaeus, I. On the Estate of Cleonymus 25.42; Isaeus, VI. On the Estate of Philoctemon 32; Isaeus, X. On the Estate of Aristarchus [hypothesis]). Also the recovery (ἀναλαμβάνω) of various assets, especially the lost glory, was a vital necessity (Isocrates, VIII. On the Peace 141; IX. Evagoras 56).

1.5

Philosophy

The history of philosophical thought dates back to the turn of the 7th and 6th centuries BC; Polish philosopher, Władysław Tatarkiewicz identified five philosophical approaches for that period: 1) the Ionic natural philosophers with Thales of Miletus at the head; 2) variabilism initiated by Heraclitus of Ephesus; 3) the philosophy of the Eleatic school founded by Parmenides; 4) Empedocles and Anaxagoras as well as Democritus and Atomists; 5) Pythagoreans with Pythagoras as their founder.190 The next period of Greek philosophy (the 5th and 6th century BC) produced such a great thinker as Socrates (469–399 BC); sadly, he left no writings, so we have no possibility of analysing how the concept of exaltation developed in his views. The great synthesis of the humanistic stance in the 5th century Greek philosophy was made by Plato. This was not the first synthesis; it was preceded by that of Democritus. Nonetheless, the latter’s preserved works are incomplete, which makes it impossible to discuss the issue in question in a reliable way. Plato, on the other hand, left numerous writings, making it possible to examine his work from the point of view of the terms describing height and exaltation. It is noteworthy to remember that St Augustine drew on his dogmatic system. The last great system of the second period of ancient philosophy was created by Aristotle. He left a prolific literary legacy that makes a good material for this

190 Cf. W. Tatarkiewicz, Historia filozofii [A History of Philosophy], vol. 1, Warszawa 1981, p. 22–23.

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research. As a philosopher he became the forerunner of St Thomas Aquinas and the latter’s thoroughly Christian philosophical system. Unfortunately, the literary output of the representatives of the last period (3rd and 1st century BC) of ancient philosophy (Stoics, Epicureans, Sceptics and Eclectics) is fragmented, which prevents us from performing the analysis of characteristic features of the investigated terminology. Therefore, in this research we need to shortlist the thinkers to those who have left great philosophical systems and a rich literary legacy: Plato and Aristotle. 1.5.1

Plato

He was born in 428 or 427 BC in an aristocratic family in Athens or in an Athenian colony in Aegina. His father was Ariston, who came from the mythical king of Athens, Codros, and his mother was Perictione of Solon’s family. In 407 Plato became a student of Socrates, with whom he never parted for the next eight years. It was about Socrates that he later wrote about with great reverence in his dialogues. After the death of his master in 399, he made numerous trips to Megara, Egypt, Cyrene, Italy and Syracuse in Sicily. After returning to Athens in 387, he founded his first school of philosophy, engaging in teaching and writing until his death. However, before his death, he visited Syracuse twice. Eventually, however, he returned to Athens, where he died in 347 BC.191 Among the many preserved works of Plato, there are many whose authorship was already questioned in ancient times. It is not the subject of this research to clarify which of the works were authored by Plato and which were only attributed to him – we encourage the reader to familiarize with a clear presentation of this issue and the opinions of scholars on this subject in the study of Marcin Podbielski.192 We will only focus on those works193 in which Plato uses the terms that fall within the scope of investigations. And these include: First Alcibiades,194 Second Alcibiades, Charmides, Epinomis, Euthydemus, Phaedrus, Phaedo, Philebus, Gorgias, Hipparchus, Greater Hippias, Lesser Hippias, Ion, Cratylus, Critias, Crito, Laches, Lysis, Menexenus, Meno, 191 For more on Plato’s life see M. Podbielski, Platon [Plato], [in:] Literatura starożytnej Grecji [Literature of Ancient Greece], ed. H. Podbielski, vol. 2: Proza historyczna, krasomówstwo, filozofia i nauka, literatura chrześcijańska [Historical Prose, Oratory, Philosophy and Science, Christian Literature], Lublin 2005, p. 557–565. Cf. also T. Sinko, Zarys historii literatury greckiej [An Outline of the History of Greek Literature], vol. 1, p. 848–852. 192 Cf. M. Podbielski, Platon [Plato], p. 565–576. 193 In this work, we do not conduct research concerning the authenticity of particular works of Plato, so we consider all of them, except those whose authenticity has been rejected. The order in which they are listed is not chronological but alphabetical. 194 This paper is based on the edition of Plato’s collected works in: Platonis opera, ed. I. Burnet, vol. 1–5, Oxonia 1950–1953.

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Philosophy

Minos, The Republic,195 Parmenides, Politicus, Laws,196 Protagoras, Sophist, Theages, Theaetetus, Timaeus, Symposium,197 The Apology of Socrates and Epistles.198 In these works, Plato used the following terms from ὑψο group: τὸ ὕψος (9 times), ὑψηλός (27 times) and ὑψόθεν (1 time). From ἀνο group, however, ἀναβαίνω (19 times), ἀναιρέω (32 times), ἀναλαμβάνω (40 times), ἀνίστημι (35 times), ἄνω (114 times) and ἄνωθεν (26 times). He made also use of: ἐγείρω (59 times), ἡ ἔγερσις (1 time) and ἐπαίρω (7 times). 1.5.1.1

τὸ ὕψος

Plato used this noun in different ways, from giving the dimensions of physical objects199 to the description of a war dance,200 to emphasizing the importance of “heritage” and the state of ignorance and stupidity of Dion’s robbers. We will analyse these last two examples. Writing about heritage, Plato, noted the following: εἶτα τὸ τῆς οὐσίας ὕψος τε καὶ μέγεθος, ὃ τὸ πρῶτον ἐνείμασθε μέτριον (Laws 5.741b). It is a special property of what Plato called ἡ οὐσία, that is, its dignity (ὕψος) and greatness (μέγεθος), undoubtedly presented in a positive sense. But if we read Plato’s Seventh Letter, we can see that τὸ ὕψος also has a pejorative meaning. Writing about the death of Dion, the ruler of Syracuse, he described his knowledge on the robbers: ὅσον δὲ ὕψος ἀμαθίας εἶχον (Epistles 7.351d–351e). The point was not to physically define

195 This dialogue in Polish is sometimes called Rzeczpospolita [Commonwealth]; see editorial note of Edyta Kubikowska to Plato, Dialogi [Dialogues], Polish transl. W. Witwicki, vol. 1, Kęty 1999, p. 7. 196 In addition to the mentioned Platonis opera, ed. I. Burnet edition, when analysing Laws I also used the edition: Platonis Legum libri duodecim, ed. K.F. Hermann, Lipsiae 1884. 197 For all the dialogues mentioned so far, with the exception of those that have not been translated, the following Polish translations were consulted: Plato, Dialogi [Dialogues], Polish transl. W. Witwicki, vol. 1–2, Kęty 1999. The exceptions are Republic and Laws, whose translations appeared in a separate edition: Platona Państwo z dodatkiem Siedmiu Ksiąg Praw [Plato’s Republic with the addition of Seven Books of Laws], Polish transl. W. Witwicki), vol. 1–2, Warszawa 1958. 198 Apart from the mentioned edition of Platonis opera, ed. I. Burnet, when analysing Letters I also used the edition: Platonis quae feruntur Epistole, ed. K.F. Hermann, Lipsiae 1875. It is worth noting here that Listy i Obrona Sokratesa [Letters and the Apology of Socrates] are the only works of Plato that are not dialogues; see M. Pąkcińska, Platon [Plato], [in:] Słownik pisarzy antycznych [Dictionary of Ancient Writers], ed. A. Świderkówna, Warszawa 1990, p. 367. 199 In the works of this philosopher, we most often find a physical expression: the height of the willow at which Socrates and Phaedros were placed (Phaedros 230b); the heights of the earth on which man moves (Timaeus 44d); literally: the height of the mirror on both sides, i.e. the deformation of the two ends of the mirror (Timaeus 46c); the height of the royal palace in the capital of Atlantis (Critias 116d); the height of the trees in the grove of Poseidon (Critias 117b); the height of the groves lying along the road from Knossos to the temple of Zeus (Laws 1.625c). 200 War dance (ὄρχησιν τὴν πολεμικὴν), which is performed by jumping high (Laws 7.815a).

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a dimension, but to describe the level of ignorance, blindness, that is, what is called ἡ ἀμαθία. We can observe a certain logic in these two texts: if τὸ ὕψος refers to positive values, then it expresses ‘dignity’, and if it refers to pejorative values, then it has the meaning of ‘pride, level of blindness’. In any case, however, it takes over at least part of the meaning of the noun to which it refers. 1.5.1.2

ὑψηλός

In the works of this author we meet this noun used in three functions as a noun, modifier and adjective. In the function of the noun it is always in the plural: τὰ ὑψηλά and it stands for ‘hills, uplands’.201 The excerpt in which the Athenian Stranger promotes the right attitude both in joy and in sadness is particularly interesting; we can find there the following comparison: καὶ κατὰ τύχας οἷον πρὸς ὑψηλὰ καὶ ἀνάντη δαιμόνων ἀνθισταμένων τισὶν πράξεσιν (Laws 5.732c).202 Thus, the adjective ὑψηλός has no figurative meaning, but functions as part of a comparative phrase. Most often this adjective is used by Plato as a modifier.203 It can formally serve as a modifier and have a figurative meaning. In the Seventh Letter, Plato gives the reason why he failed to present his views in a systematic and exhaustive manner in his writings. He wrote: τῶν τε δὴ ἄλλων τοὺς μὲν καταφρονήφεως οὐκ ὀρθῆς ἐμπλήσειεν ἂν οὐδαμῇ ἐμμελῶς, τοὺς δὲ ὑψηλῆς καὶ χαύνης ἐλπίδος (Epistles 7.341e).204 An explanation of ἐμπλῆσαί τινα ὑψηλῆς καὶ χαύνης ἐλπίδος is given by Zofia

201 In that sense, we meet it in seven places in Plato’s works: Critias 111b; 111d; Laws 3.678c; 3.682b; 3.682c; 6.761b; 6.778c. One cannot find here the metaphorical meaning of ὑψηλός. Maybe only in the Third Book of Laws, where the descent of people from highlands (ἐκ γὰρ τῶν ὑψηλῶν εἰς τὰ πεδία καταβαίνειν) is a sign of their civilisational development (cf. Laws 3.678c). But only the whole speech of Athenian can be thus interpreted as such and not only the adjective ὑψηλός, which in any case means ‘hills, a highland country’. This meaning is also given in dictionaries: see e.g. Słownik grecko-polski [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 4, p. 484. 202 W. Witwicki translated it as: “jak i w złej doli, kiedy się duchy niektórym działaniom sprzeciwiają, jak by się człowiek na strome szczyty wspinał [“as well as in a bad fate, when spirits oppose certain actions, as if one were climbing steep peaks”]; Platona Państwo z dodatkiem Siedmiu Ksiąg Praw [Plato’s Republic with the addition of Seven Books of Laws], Polish transl. W. Witwicki, vol. 2, Warszawa 1958, p. 439. 203 It usually describes physical dimensions in relation to the nouns ὁ λόφος (Laws 3.682b; 3.682c) and of similar meaning ὁ γήλοφος (Critias 111c) and τὸ ὄρος (Laws 3.680b). And then: ὁ τόπος (Timaeus 22d; Critias 118a; Laws 8.848e), τὸ δένδρον (Critias 111c; Laws 1.625b), ἡ πλάτανος (Phaedrus 229a), ὁ χαμίζηλος (Phaedo 89b), τὸ βῆμα (The Republic 10.617d) and τὸ χῶμα (Laws 12.958e). The adjective used in this way does not raise any doubts that its meaning is literal. 204 Which can be rendered as: “As for the others, it would cause in some, quite improperly, undeserved contempt for these matters, in others, it would lead to haughtiness, vanity and unsupported selfconfidence”.

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Philosophy

Abramowiczówna: ‘become haughty, conceited and arouse vain hope’.205 So this term would refer to the negative aspect of ‘exaltation’ – becoming too proud and haughty. In the function of the adjective ὑψηλός was used by Plato five times in combination with various verbs, including twice with its ellipse.206 In two texts it is part of an idiomatic phrase. In the former Socrates ponders on the influence of philosophy on an uneducated person, who will feel ἀπὸ ὑψηλοῦ κρεμασθεὶς (Theaetetus 175d). This phrase means literally ‘hanging high’.207 The prepositional construction ἀπὸ ὑψηλοῦ combines with the verb χρεμάννυμι. In the latter, Socrates, considering the attitude of a young man from a noble family, who was favoured by relatives and citizens and believed “that he can manage with the affairs of the Hellenes and the barbarians”, asked: ἐπὶ τούτοις ὑψηλὸν ἐξαρεῖν αὑτόν (The Republic 6.494d).208 This attitude is obviously regarded as pejorative; the man literally ‘raises himself high above others’, which is syntactically expressed by means of a combination of this adjective with the verb ἐξαίρω. The reason for this is pride. So the adjective ὑψηλός would mean ‘pride, conceit’ in this case. 1.5.1.3

ὑψόθεν

An adverb used only once by Plato, but it actually reflects the character of the philosopher. In the opening dialogue in Sophist between Socrates and Theodore, the former noted that philosophers are those who καθορῶντες ὑψόθεν τὸν τῶν κάτω βίον (Sophist 216c). It refers to people who look down on things. The privilege of the gods on Olympus seems to become an attribute of philosophers as well. Gods are not the only ones who look and act from on high (ὑψόωεν), people are allowed to do the same, people who love wisdom, that is philosophers.

205 Słownik polsko-grecki [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 4, p. 484. 206 The Athenian Stranger warned against trying to escape divine justice: οὐδ᾽ ὑψηλὸς γενόμενος εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀναπτήσῃ (Laws 10.905a). In this sentence, ὑψηλός combines with the verb γίγνομαι. Socrates, walking with Phaedrus, asked: ἥ τε γὰρ πλάτανος αὕτη μάλ᾽ ἀμφιλαφής τε καὶ ὑψηλή. We can notice an ellipse of the verb ἐστί or a similar verb (Phaedrus 230b). Socrates claimed in a longer speech to Crito: καὶ αὐτὴ ἡ τέχνη αὐτῶν θεσπεσία τις καὶ ὑψηλή (Euthydemus 289e). It seems that in the context of the previously used εἶναι, also here the verb ἐστί or similar is left out. 207 Cf. Słownik polsko-grecki [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 1, p. 258. 208 W. Witwicki rendered it as: “Więc czy nie zacznie na tym punkcie wysoko zadzierać nosa […]? [Will he not become conceited because of that?]”; Platona Państwo z dodatkiem Siedmiu Ksiąg Praw [Plato’s Republic with the Addition of the Seven Books of Laws], Polish transl. W. Witwicki, vol. 1, Warszawa 1958, p. 325.

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1.5.1.4

ἀναβαίνω

Plato usually made use of this verb in a literal sense.209 In several texts we encounter tehe figurative meaning,210 three of which seem to be interesting for our research. Socrates, discussing ignorance, the lack of knowledge, asked the question: οἶσθα ὅντινα τρόπον ἀναβήσῃ εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν (First Alcibiades, 117b). In the argumentation the impossibility of denying reality is emphasised, even that reality the people cannot know. It seems, therefore, that Plato, using this verb, indicates a certain, even theoretical, possibility of ascending to heaven. This, at least, is apparent from the further part of the dialogue (117b–117c), in which he provided other examples of a lack of knowledge of some issues, which does not prove that these things are impossible to perform. Socrates, describing the fate of Er, the son of Armenius, whose soul made a journey to the other side, recalled two chasms that were in heaven and earth. The righteous were led by the judges to the right, to the opening above, and the unrighteous to the left, to the opening below (The Republic 10.614c–614d). In this context, the protagonists of Socrates’ story claim: ἦσαν δὲ καὶ ἰδιῶταί τινες τῶν μεγάλα ἡμαρτηκότων – οὓς οἰομένους ἤδη ἀναβήσεσθαι οὐκ ἐδέχετο τὸ στόμιον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐμυκᾶτο ὁπότε τις τῶν οὕτως ἀνιάτως ἐχόντων εἰς πονηρίαν ἢ μὴ ἱκανῶς δεδωκὼς δίκην ἐπιχειροῖ ἀνιέναι (The Republic 10.615d–615e).211 Then it was stated: ἔνθα δὴ φόβων, ἔφη, πολλῶν καὶ παντοδαπῶν σφίσι γεγονότων, τοῦτον ὑπερβάλλειν, μὴ γένοιτο ἑκάστῳ τὸ φθέγμα ὅτε ἀναβαίνοι, καὶ ἁσμενέστατα ἕκαστον σιγήσαντος ἀναβῆναι (The Republic 10.616a).212

209 ‘To enter, climb, mount’: the pulpit (Euthydemus 305c, The Apology of Socrates 31c; The Republic 10.617d), the stage (Symposium 194b), upstairs (The Republic 2.365b); ‘board’ the boat (Phaedo 113d). 210 ‘To ascend, take place’ among the royal dignitaries (First Alcibiades, 123b), ‘to go to’ court (Gorgias 486b; The Apology of Socrates 17d; 33d; 36a; 40b), ‘to go far’ in meditation, literally ‘in words’ (The Republic 4.445c), ‘raise’ the soul to the world of thought (The Republic 7.517a; 7.519d – 2 times). 211 Cf. “Ci, którzy już zamyślali wyjść na górę, wtedy ich paszcza przepaści wypuścić nie chciała, tylko wydawała ryk, ile razy koś z tych nieuleczalnych zbrodniarzy, albo ktoś, kto jeszcze swej pokuty nie odbył, próbował wyjść na górę” [“Those who were already thinking about going up, the mouth of the chasm did not want to let go, but just made a roar every time someone from these incurable criminals, or someone who had not yet done his penance, tried to ascend”]; Platona Państwo z dodatkiem Siedmiu Ksiąg Praw [Plato’s Republic with the Addition of the Seven Books of Laws], Polish transl. from Greek by W. Witwicki, vol. 2, Warszawa 1958, p. 89; cf. “they were just, as they fancied, about to return into the upper world, but the mouth, instead of admitting them, gave a roar, whenever any of these incurable sinners or some one who had not been sufficiently punished tried to ascend”. 212 Cf. “Przeżyły tam dusze wiele różnych strachów, ale ten strach był największy, aby głosu przepaści nie usłyszeć przy wchodzeniu na górę. Najchętniej każdy wchodził, kiedy przepaść milczała” [“Souls experienced there various different fears, but this fear was the greatest not to hear the voice of

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Philosophy

The problem here is the meaning of the words: ἀναβήσεσθαι, ἀναβαίνοι and ἀναβῆναι. Taking into account the context of the statement, we can conclude that it

can be interpreted as ‘ascending, climbing up’ to a chasm in the sky. This is further explained by the words in the final part of the first text: ἢ μὴ ἱκανῶς δεδωκὼς δίκην ἐπιχειροῖ ἀνιέναι (The Republic 10.615e). It seems that the point is to get these criminals out, after having atone for their deeds, into the ‘world’ located up there, behind the chasm in heaven. We can consider it as some distant prototype of Purgatory, from which one can get to ‘heaven’ after the atonement of transgressions. 1.5.1.5

ἀναιρέω

Plato used it both literally213 and figuratively.214 Of the latter group, those texts that refer to the ‘choosing’ of someone or something by the gods or the ‘answer given’ by the oracle are of particular interest to this topic.215 Socrates writing about his wisdom stated that ἀνεῖλεν οὖν ἡ Πυθία μηδένα σοφώτερον εἶναι (The Apology of Socrates 21a).216 The verb ἀναιρέω (ἀνεῖλεν) here means the answer given by the oracle to a question by Chaerephon. A similar context can be noticed to the statement by Cleinias, who speaks of Epimenides arriving in Athens and, according to the oracle, offering sacrifices ἃς ὁ θεὸς ἀνεῖλεν (Laws 1.642e).217 This verb (ἀνεῖλεν) means the choice that god makes when accepting sacrifices. Similar meaning is also assigned to the statement of the Athenian Stranger, who speaks about appointing an heir in a family that has more than one child under ten years old. Their names are to be sent to Delphi ὃν

213

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215 216 217

the chasm when ascending the mountain. Everyone was most eager to enter when the chasm was silent”]; Platona Państwo z dodatkiem Siedmiu Ksiąg Praw [Plato’s Republic with the Addition of the Seven Books of Laws], Polish transl. W. Witwicki, vol. 2, p. 90; cf. “And of all the many terrors which they had endured, he said that there was none like the terror which each of them felt at that moment, lest they should hear the voice; and when there was silence, one by one they ascended with exceeding joy”. ‘To raise, take’ a material thing (Laws 6.753c; 11.913b – 3 times; 11.913c; 11.913d; 11.914b; 10.617e – 2 times), ‘to gather’ corpses (The Apology of Socrates 32b; Menexenus 243c; The Republic 10.614b – 2 times), ‘to take’ assets from the property (Epistles 7.346c). ‘To elect’ someone (Laws 6.759d), ‘to take’ responsibility for work (Laws 11.921a; 11.921b; 11.921d), ‘to win’ friendship (Lysis 219a), ‘to raise hopes’ (Epistles 4.320e), ‘to enter into’ discussion of assumptions (The Republic 7.533c), ‘to incite’ discord (Phaedrus 233c; 243c), ‘to report’ on someone (Laws 9.870d). Cf. Słownik polsko-grecki [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 1, p. 142. Cf. “No i Pytia odpowiedziała, że nikt nie jest mądrzejszy [And Pythia answered that no one is wiser]”; Plato, Dialogi [Dialogues], Polish transl. W. Witwicki, vol. 1, p. 558. “which God has accepted”; Platona Państwo z dodatkiem Siedmiu Ksiąg Praw [Plato’s Republic with the Addition of the Seven Books of Laws], Polish transl. W. Witwicki, vol. 2, p. 297.

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δ᾽ ἂν ὁ θεὸς ἀνέλῃ218 to become the heir (Laws 9.856e). The same is true for the

offerings made by someone who killed his slave: τούτων δ᾽ ἐξηγητὰς εἶναι κυρίους οὓς ἂν ὁ θεὸς ἀνέλῃ (Laws 9.865d).219 And for specifying the rights of a person who stole some goods. Their fate will depend on the decision of the oracle ὅτι δ᾽ ἂν ὁ θεὸς ἀναιρῇ περί τε τῶν χρημάτων (Laws 11.914a).220 We can see thus that this verb has, among others, the meaning that emphasises the choice of the gods announced by oracles. Generally speaking, it is based on the decision that the gods make in matters concerning people. The choice, acceptance of offerings or a verdict given by the oracle means the acceptance of a person’s achievements or the indication of the right course of action. 1.5.1.6

ἀναλαμβάνω

This verb is used by Plato both literally221 and metaphorically.222 In the latter group, Glaucon’s statement is particularly noteworthy with regard to the war to be watched by young people (The Republic 5.467b). In such a situation, however, they are faced with the danger that not only will they die (the fighting ones), but also they will lose children and the rest of the country will not be able to rise (πρὸς ἑαυτοῖς παῖδας ἀπολέσαντας ποιῆσαι καὶ τὴν ἄλλην πόλιν ἀδύνατον ἀναλαβεῖν). Plato seems to indicate to the impossibility of restoring the country to its original state. One can see here a distant prototype of raising something or someone, that is restoring to the previous state.

218 219 220 221

“The one whom god will choose” (own translation) “those who will explain them with authority will be those whom god will choose” (own translation). “because god will decide on the riches” (own translation). ‘To take’ something in hand (The Apology of Socrates 22b; Symposium 185), ‘entertain’ someone (Epistles 7.329d). 222 ‘To take up, regain’ power (Epistles 8.352c); ‘to take up’ an issue, a topic; ‘to take into account’ (Cratylus 437a; Sophist 232b; 255e; Politicus 261c; Theaetetus 187c; 198d; 203a; Euthydemus 275c; Gorgias 506c; Meno 85d – 2 times; 87e; The Apology of Socrates 19a; Crito 46c; Greater Hippias 288a; Epinomis 980c; 983d; Laws 1.644b; 6.771a; 12.961c; Philebus 34b; 34e; The Republic 6.490d; 8.544b; 9.588b; 10.606e); ‘to translate’ (Critias 113b); ‘to recall’ (Politicus 294d; Phaedo 75e – 2 times; 95e; Timaeus 26a; 26b); ‘to abstain’ (Lysis 210e; Laws 3.701c).

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1.5.1.7

ἀνίστημι

A verb quite often used by Plato, but always in a literal sense: ‘to get up, rise’223 and no metaphorical or religious meaning can be assigned to it. 1.5.1.8

ἄνω

The adverb is quite often found in Plato’s works, it has both literal224 and figurative225 meaning. Two metaphorical meanings of this adverb by Plato seem interesting. In one group of texts it has an abstract meaning ‘upwards’. That is what Socrates said in his conversation with Theaetetus: “But, O my friend, when he draws the other into upper air (ἑλκύσῃ ἄνω), and gets him out of his pleas and rejoinders [175c] into the contemplation of justice and injustice in their own nature […]” (Theaetetus 175b–175c). It seems that this is a transition in reasoning from simple concepts to abstract concepts. We find a similar way of thinking in words: “of all these stages, passing in turn from one to another, up and down (ἄνω καὶ κάτω μεταβαίνουσα), which with difficulty implants knowledge, when the man himself, like his object, is of a fine nature” (Epistles 7.343e). And then again: “They say that there is no need of treating these matters with such gravity and carrying them back so far (ἀνάγειν ἄνω), to first principles with many words; for, as we said in the beginning of this discussion, he who is to be a competent rhetorician need have nothing at all to do, they say, with truth in considering things which are just or good, or men who are so, whether by nature or by education. For in the courts, they say, nobody cares for 223 Laches 195c; First Alcibiades 106c; 107a; 107c; 109a; 116d; Lysis 207d; Theages 129b – 3 times; 129c; Charmides 155b; 155c; Epistles 5.322a; 13.360a; Euthydemus 272e – 2 times; Protagoras 310d; 311a; 317e; 319d; 335c – 2 times; 335d; Phaedo 116a; Laws 11.937a; Symposium 219b; 219d; 223b; 223d; The Republic 3.388a; 7.515c; 10.616b. 224 ‘Upwards, high’ (Cratylus 414a; 423a; Sophist 221a; 221c; Theaetetus 174a; Phaedo 109c; 111e; 112b; 114c; Timaeus 43e; 46c – 2 times; 58b; 62c – 2 times; 62d – 2 times; 63a – 2 times; 63c; 63d; 63e – 2 times; 65e; 85e; Critias 113e; 118a; Gorgias 508e; Laws 5.747a; Parmenides 129c; Philebus 43a; The Republic 3.400b; 9.584d; 9.584e); ‘high’ parts, things (Sophist 236a; Phaedrus 274d; The Republic 9.584d); ‘from top to bottom’ – ἄνω κάτω (Protagoras 361c; The Republic 10.613b). Particularly noteworthy here is the temporal meaning of this adverb ‘before’. (Theaetetus 175b; Epistles 7.338e; Laws 3.699c; The Republic 4.441b; 10.603d). Perhaps the following are connected with this meaning: ἄνω preceded by the plural means ‘ancestors’ (Critias 110b; Laws 9.878a; 11.919e; The Republic 5.461c). 225 The phrase ἄνω καὶ κάτω, used in the relevant context, means ‘chaos, confusion in action and thinking’ (Hipparchus 228a; 228e; Second Alcibiades 147e; Laches 196b; Cratylus 386e; Sophist 242a; Theaetetus 153d; 195c; Gorgias 481d; 493a; 511a; Protagoras 356d; Phaedo 90c; 96b; Timaeus 43b; Lesser Hippias 376c; Minos 316c; Epinomis 982d; 989a; Ion 541e; Phaedrus 272b; 278d; The Republic 6.508d).

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truth about these matters, but for that which is convincing (Phaedrus 272d, e). In this text, the meaning of ἄνω seems to indicate an in-depth consideration of things – reaching high. Another group of Socrates’ statements about a man who elevates his soul to the world of thought is maintained in a slightly different tone: “Men would say of him that up he went (ἀναβάς ἄνω) and down he came without his eyes; and that it was better not even to think of ascending” (ἄνω ἰέναι; The Republic 7.517a). He then confirms that with words: “and you will not misapprehend me if you interpret the journey upwards (ἄνω ἀνάβασιν) [to see what is up there] (θέαν τῶν ἄνω), to be the ascent of the soul into the intellectual world according to my poor belief, which, at your desire, I have expressed” (The Republic 7.517b). And then again: “Moreover, I said, you must not wonder that those who attain to this beatific vision are unwilling to descend to human affairs; for their souls are ever hastening into the upper world where they desire to dwell” (The Republic 7.517c). Subsequent texts confirm the argument: “I mean, as I was saying, that arithmetic has a very great and elevating effect up (σφόδρα ἄνω ποι ἄγει), compelling the soul to reason about abstract number, and rebelling against the introduction of visible or tangible objects into the argument” (The Republic 7.525d); “Then, my noble friend, geometry will draw the soul towards truth, and create the spirit of philosophy, and raise up (πρὸς τὸ ἄνω σχεῖν) that which is now unhappily allowed to fall down” (The Republic 7.527b); “For every one, as I think, must see that astronomy compels the soul to look upwards (εἰς τὸ ἄνω ὁρᾶν) and leads us from this world to another. […] You, I replied, have in your mind a truly sublime conception of our knowledge of the things above (τὰ ἄνω μάθησιν; The Republic 7.529a); “but, in my opinion, that knowledge only which is of being and of the unseen can make the soul look upwards (ἄνω ποιοῦν), and whether a man gapes at the heavens (ἄνω) or blinks on the ground, seeking to learn some particular of sense, I would deny that he can learn, for nothing of that sort is matter of science [529c]; his soul is looking downwards, not upwards (οὔτε ἄνω ἀλλὰ κάτω αὐτοῦ βλέπειν τὴν ψυχήν), whether his way to knowledge is by water or by land, whether he floats, or only lies on his back” (The Republic 7.529c); “Then dialectic, and dialectic alone, goes directly to the first principle and is the only science which does away with hypotheses [533d] in order to make her ground secure; the eye of the soul, which is literally buried in an outlandish slough, is by her gentle aid lifted upwards (ἀνάγει ἄνω); and she uses as handmaids and helpers in the work of conversion, the sciences which we have been discussing” (The Republic 7.533d); “Those then who know not wisdom and virtue, and are always busy with gluttony and sensuality, go down and up again as far as the mean; and in this region they move at random throughout life, but they never pass into the true upper world; thither they neither look (πρὸς τὸ ἀληθῶς ἄνω), nor do they ever find their way, neither are they truly filled with true being” (The Republic 9.586a); “Wherefore my counsel is, that we hold fast ever to the heavenly way (τῆς

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Philosophy

ἄνω ὁδοῦ ἀεί) and follow after justice and virtue always, considering that the soul

is immortal and able to endure every sort of good and every sort of evil. Thus shall we live dear to one another and to the gods” (The Republic 10.621c). Similarly, in one of the dialogues, the situation of the souls of whom Socrates says: “The other souls follow after, all yearning for the upper region (τοῦ ἄνω ἔπονται), but unable to reach it, and are carried round beneath, [248b] trampling upon and colliding with one another, each striving to pass its neighbour” (Phaedrus 248a–248b); “All my discourse so far has been about the fourth kind of madness, which causes him to be regarded as mad, who, when he sees the beauty on earth, remembering the true beauty, feels his wings growing and longs to stretch them for an upward flight, but cannot do so, and, like a bird, gazes upward (βλέπων ἄνω) and neglects the things below” (Phaedrus 249d). In all these texts, this adverb here means an unspecified direction ‘upwards’, perhaps the sphere of otherworldly existence. It can also be construed as some existence of the soul on a higher level than just the earthly one. In the next group of texts we meet ἄνω in the sense of ‘high, from on high’ as a sphere of dwelling of the gods. Socrates in his description of Uranus stated that contemplation of what is above (ἐς τὸ ἄνω ὄψις) is “rightly called the name urania” (Cratylus 396b), for he looks at the things above. Further on, explaining the meaning of the word πᾶν226 he noted that Pan has a double nature: upper – smooth and divine, which dwells aloft (λεῖον καὶ θεῖον καὶ ἄνω οἰκοῦν) and lower – false and rough (Cratylus 408c). In the Laws, the Athenian Stranger gives the law against any wrong done to parents by referring to the fear of gods ‘above’ (τῶν ἄνω δείσας θεῶν; Laws 9.880e). Likewise, it prescribes the fear of gods ‘above’ (τοὺς ἄνω θεὺς φοβείσθων) who are sensitive to the rights of orphans (Laws 11.927b). In another place Plato presents the wings as a divine element, for they can “carry that which is heavy up (ἄγειν ἄνω) to the place where dwells the race of the gods” (Phaedrus 246d). In the text describing the fate of Er, the son of Armenius, whose soul made the journey to the other side (cf. The Republic 10.614b–621b),227 two chasms are mentioned that were up in heaven (ἐν τῷ ἄνω) and in earth. The judges ordered the righteous to go right and upwards (πορεύεσθαι τὴν εἰς δεξιάν τε καὶ ἄνω) and the unjust to go left and downwards (The Republic 10.614c). Taking into account the texts analysed so far, we notice that in a metaphorical sense the adverb ἄνω has two meanings of particular interest to us. In the relevant context (the dwelling of the gods or the existence of the soul) it stands for a sphere of existence above the earth, which we can call divine, accessible for the human

226 Calling it a child in the two natures of Hermes (cf. Cratylus 408b). 227 In the fragment devoted to the verb ἀναβαίνω.

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soul only after death. In the context of rational reflection, it may mean that the soul is uplifted above the mundane things, but this is already available to people during their life on earth if only they love wisdom and become philosophers. 1.5.1.9

ἄνωθεν

This adverb is used less often by this author than the one discussed above. Its Meaning is not that rich either. In Plato’s texts it has a literal, even physical sense: ‘from on high, from above’.228 1.5.1.10 ἐγείρω

A verb quite often found in Plato’s works (59 times in all his literary legacy). Except for one exception (Theaetetus 184a229 ), it always has a literal meaning. The dominant meaning is ‘to wake up,230 to get up from sleep,231 to watch’,232 but it also means ‘to cause something’.233 The first of these thematic groups seems to be relevant to our investigations. 1.5.1.11 ἡ ἔγερσις

The noun was used by Plato only once, literally as ‘awakening, waking up’234 and it is without any significance for our research.

228 Cf. Cratylus 408d; Sophist 220e; 246b; Theaetetus 175d; Epistles 2.310e; Phaedo 101d; 110b; Menexenus 236e; Timaeus 18d; 22e; 53d; 74e; Ion 535e; Critias 112a; 115e; 118d; Laws 3.682b; 4.717b; 6.781d; Philebus 44d; The Republic 5.449b; 7.514b; 7.518b; 10.616b; 10.616e; 10.617b. 229 Socrates: ἄλλως τε καὶ ὃν νῦν ἐγείρομεν πλήθει ἀμήχανον, which has been translated into Polish in the following way: “Zresztą to zagadnienie, które poruszamy, jest niesłychanie obfite” [“Anyway, the issue we are discussing is extremely abundant”]; Plato, Dialogi [Dialogues], Polish transl. W. Witwicki, vol. 2, p. 389. 230 Cf. Lysis 204d; The Apology of Socrates 30e – 2 times; 31a; Crito 43b; 44a; Timaeus 46a; Laws 7.808a – 2 times; 10.909a; 12.942b. 231 Cf. Cratylus 411a; Sophist 266c; Politicus 272d; Timaeus 52b; Ion 532c; 533a; 536b; Laws 7.807e; 7.808a; Phaedrus 245a; The Republic 1.330e. 232 Cf. Theaetetus 158d; 158c; 184a; Protagoras 310b; Phaedo 71c – 3 times; 71d; Timaeus 85b; Laws 7.791a; 7.800a; 7.808b; 7.808c; 7.809d; 7.819c; 7.823e; Philebus 20b; Symposium 203a; 223c; The Republic 3.390b; 5.476c. 233 Cf. Theaetetus 149d; 151a; Laws 2.673d; 3.685c; 5.747b; 6.773; 8.843a; 9.856b; The Republic 3.410b; 3.411d; 4.440c; 8.555a; 9.571d; 9.571c; 10.605b. 234 Cf. Timaeus 70c.

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1.5.1.12 ἐπαίρω

In the works of this philosopher, we encounter this particular verb six times, always in a figurative sense.235 Only one text seems important for these investigations. In the statement on the performance of a specific function, we read about the danger of a man’s pride (ἐπαιρόμενος) because of his profession, who wants to reach a position in the state for which he is not intended (The Republic 4.434b). We can clearly see a negative aspect of ‘exaltation’, that is conceit. Summary From the above search for the meaning of the idea of ‘exaltation’ we notice that in Plato’s works, in a figurative sense, it has a positive dimension (the cognitive sphere of existence of the soul, the otherworldly dwelling of the gods and people – all rendered by the adverb ἄνω) and a pejorative dimension (the pride of man). The latter was expressed by the terms: τὸ ὕψος, ὑψηλός and ἐπαίρω. In a literal sense, in the case of certain verbs, it refers to awakening, waking from a dream (ἀνίστημι in the intransitive form), waking up (ἐγείρω in a reflexive form). 1.5.2

Aristotle

Aristotle lived between 384–322 BC. He was born in Stagira on the Thracian Peninsula. He came from the Asclepiades family (both from his father’s and mother’s side), where the medical profession was hereditary. The environment in which he grew provided him with a certain amount of natural and medical knowledge. In 367 he came to Athens and joined Plato’s Academy, where he spent twenty years, first as a student and then as a teacher. Undoubtedly, his empirical education had a significant impact on the philosophical system he created. While still at the Academy, he spoke out against the Plato doctrine. He departed from the Academy, however, only after Speusippus, less brilliant, had been chosen Plato’s successor. Then he moved to Assos, Asia, and then, probably, to Mytilene, Lesbos. Later, at the invitation of Philip of Macedonia, he became Alexander’s teacher, holding this position probably until 340, when Alexander’s father made his son the regent of Macedonia. As far as Aristotle’s further stay is concerned, the scholars’ opinions are divided, but it is known that in 335 he returned to Athens and established a school, which he ran until 323. Then, after Alexander’s death, anti-Macedonian movements intensified

235 ‘To possess’ goods (Laws 4.716a), ‘to encourage, to incite’ to something (Lesser Hippias 373a; Phaedrus 232a; The Republic 3.416d; 10.608b).

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and the philosopher left with his family for the estate in Chalcis, Euboea, where he died less than a year later.236 He left an extremely rich literary legacy. His works can be divided into two main groups: literary writings (also called “published” by him) and didactic writings. The latter are divided into four blocks: logical, metaphysical, on the philosophy of nature and natural sciences and on practical philosophy. The literary works include no terms that would be of interest for our analyses. Among the didactic writings we will only mention those with terms that are significant from our perspective:237 the only metaphysical work, Metaphysics; the writings on the philosophy of nature and natural sciences: Meteorology, History of Animals, Parts of animals, Movement of animals, On the Universe, Problems, On Marvelous Things Heard, Sense and sensibilia; the writings on practical philosophy: Eudemian Ethics, Nicomachean Ethics, Politics, The Constitution of the Athenians, Rhetoric, Economics, Poetics.238 In these works we can find terms from ὑψο group: τὸ ὕψος (12 times), ὑψηλός (35 times), and ὑψοῦ (1 time). From ἀνο group and cognates: ἀναβαίνω (6 times), ἀναιρέω (77 times), ἀναλαμβάνω (10 times), ἀνίστημι (4 times), ἐγείρω (6 times), ἡ ἔγερσις (1 time), ἄνω (17 times), ἄνωθεν (5 times) and ἐπαίρω (1 time). 1.5.2.1

τὸ ὕψος

In the works of this author it usually means physical ‘height’.239 In two texts, however, we observe a slightly different, metaphorical meaning of this term. In the first one, the author gives an argument about the hidden truth (τὴν ἐν αὐτοῖς ἀλήθειαν), whose sublimity (τὸ ὕψος) and greatness (τὸ μέγαθος) can be feared by other sciences, but not philosophy (On the Universe 391a). In the next fragment, Aristotle, describing the court of Cambyses, Xerxes and Darius, uses this noun to describe the sublimity (ὕψος) of his majesty and dignity (On the Universe 398a). So in both texts, the meaning of τὸ ὕψος is metaphorical, although it does not bring any particular contribution to our research.

236 Cf. W. Tatarkiewicz, Historia filozofii [A History of Philosophy], vol. 1, p. 104–105. 237 The full list of Aristotle’s writings can be found in: H. Podbielski, Arystoteles – życie i dzieło [Aristotle – life and work], [in:] Literatura starożytnej Grecji [Literature of Ancient Greece], ed. H. Podbielski, vol. 2: Proza historyczna, krasomówstwo, filozofia i nauka, literatura chrześcijańska [Historical Prose, Oratory, Philosophy and Science, Christian Literature], Lublin 2005, p. 670–671. 238 The study is based on the original edition of Aristotle’s works: Aristotelis opera omnia graece et latine cum indice absolutissimo, ed. Firmin-Didot, Parisiis 1848–1869. Polish translation consulted: Arystoteles, Dzieła wszystkie [Collected Works], vol. 1–7, Warszawa 2000–2003. 239 Cf. History of Animals 6.576b; 6.580a; 9.614b; Meteorology 1.347a; 1.350a; On Marvelous Things Heard 833a; 834b; 839a; Parts of animals 2.657b; 4.686b.

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1.5.2.2

ὑψηλός

The adjective coming from the same root as the noun discussed above, in the writings of Aristotle equally defines the physical ‘height’ of things or places,240 or animals.241 In the comparative, it describes the ‘superiority’ of one object or place over another.242 1.5.2.3

ὑψοῦ

Aristotle only used this adverb once. Describing the eagle, he states that “it flies high (ὑψοῦ), to inspect a very large area with its eyes” (History of Animals 9.619b). 1.5.2.4

ἀναβαίνω

A verb used by Aristotle in quite diversified senses, mostly literal: ‘to climb’243 or ‘to mount’ the horse.244 Twice, however, this verb has a metaphorical meaning: ‘to climb’ (ἀναβήναι) the Areopagus, which means to become the member of its Council (The Constitution of the Athenians 60.3). Warning the people against the rule of Phalaris, Aristotle stated: “If, to top it all, you give him a guard and if you let him get on your back (ἀναβήναι), you will become slaves to Phalaris from that moment on”. The Constitution of the Athenians, however, presents the ritual of swearing-in by the archons: ἀναβάντες δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῦτον ὀμνύουσιν δικαίως ἄρξειν καὶ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους […] (The Constitution of the Athenians 55.5). The pronoun τοῦτον indicates that this is the place where the archons take the oath (ἀναβάντες). It was a stone to which they were going in a slow procession, and there was a sacrificial animal on it: βαδίζουσι πρὸς τὸν λίθον ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὰ τόμι᾽ ἐστίν (The Constitution of the Athenians 55.5). However, the attention should be paid not so much to the ritual itself as to the place where the archons climb. It is raised above the surrounding area, which suggests that it is a ‘sacred place’. This is also underlined by the fact that the sacrifice

240 Cf. History of Animals 6.559a.6; 9.616a.9; 9.619a.25; 9.619b.4; Meteorology 1.341a.1; 1.347a.35; 1.348a.21; 1.348a.23; 1.350a.2; 1.350a.5; 1.350a.7; 1.350b.22; 1.352b.7; 2.354a.24; 2.354a.28; 2.354a.31; On Marvelous Things Heard 833a.5; 837b.34; 839b.1; On the Universe 392b.18; Problems 14.909b.5; 25.940a.3; 26.941.39; 26.944b.10; 26.944b.12; 26.944b.18; 26.944b.20; 26.947a.15. 241 Cf. Movement of animals 713b.11. 242 Cf. Meteorology 1.352b.27; 2.354a.25; Problems 26.940a.19; 26.940a.20; 26.940a.26; 26.945a.26. 243 Cf. Eudemian Ethics 3.1230a. 244 Cf. Rhetoric 2.1393b.

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lied on it. We can conclude then that it was actually a sacrificial altar,245 a place reserved exclusively for the gods. Man, by entering it, appeals to the gods and calls them to be witnesses to his oath. 1.5.2.5

ἀναιρέω

In the majority of Aristotle’s works, it has a literal meaning: ‘to take’,246 ‘to abolish, remove, discard’,247 ‘to kill, to lose’,248 ‘to solve’,249 ‘to command’.250 Only in three texts do we find moral and religious meaning. With regard to man, Aristotle states: δεῖν ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ γε τῆς ἀληθείας καὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα ἀναιρεῖν (Nicomachean Ethics 1.1096a.10). The task that a thinker puts before a philosopher is the choice to defend the truth, even at the price of losing (ἀναιρεῖν) what is dear to him. As for the gods, it is to show their answer to man’s call. This is what we read about the Phylai, the tribes, among whom ten Pythia appointed (ἀνεῖλενout of a hundred (The Constitution of the Athenians 21.6). Similarly, when writing about the rules of composing a literary work, Aristotle notes: ἀνείλεν ὁ θεός (Poetics 1455b). Both examples present the action of gods who answer the question of man, whether directly or through an oracle.

245 Cf. Arystoteles, Dzieła wszystkie [Collected Works], vol. 6: Polityka, Ekonomika, Retoryka dla Aleksandra, Poetyka, Zachęta do filozofii, Ustrój polityczny Aten, List do Aleksandra Wielkiego, Testament [Politics, Economics, Rhetoric for Alexander, Protrepticus, The Constitution of the Athenians, Letter to Alexander the Great, Τestament], transl., introduction and com. by M. Chigerowa and others, Warszawa 2001, p. 783. 246 Cf. The Constitution of the Athenians 15.4. 247 Cf. The Constitution of the Athenians 29.4; 50.2; Eudemian Ethics 1.1217b (× 2); 1.1218a (× 2); 2.1222b (× 2); Metaphysics 1.988b; 1.989a; 1.990b; 1.992b; 2.994b; 3.1000b; 4.1006a; 4.1006b; 4.1007a; 4.1010b; 4.1012b; 5.1017b (× 2); 7.1040a; 11.1062b; 11.1063b; 11.1065a; 12.1071a (× 2); 13.1079a; 13.1082b; 13.1083b; 13.1086b; Nicomachean Ethics 5.1132b.10; 5.1133a.10; 10.1173a.1; Poetics 1460a; Politics 1.1253a; 2.1261a; 2.1261b; 2.1263b; 4.1288b; 5.1301b; 5.1307b; Rhetoric 1.1375a; 1.1376b; 1.1377b; 2.1382b; 2.1391b; 2.1397a; 3.1415a; 3.1418b. 248 Cf. The Constitution of the Athenians 18.5; 19.1; 25.2; 25.4; 35.3; 35.4; 37.2; 40.2; Nicomachean Ethics 9.1166b.10; Politics 5.1304a; 5.1311a; 5.1311b; 5.1313a; Rhetoric 1.1365a; 1.1376a; 2.1395a. 249 Cf. Nicomachean Ethics 7.1146b.5. 250 Cf. Nicomachean Ethics 10.1172b.25.

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1.5.2.6

ἀναλαμβάνω

A verb used by this author solely in a literal sense: ‘to get back’,251 ‘to get’,252 ‘to return’ to the subject.253 1.5.2.7

ἀνίστημι

As discussed above, this verb in the works of Aristotle has only a literal meaning: ‘to rise, to stand up’.254 1.5.2.8

ἐγείρω

It has a slightly different shade of meaning. Literally it means: ‘to wake up’ from sleep255 or ‘be vigilant’.256 In the context of this first meaning, a metaphorical sense also appears in the quotation from Homer’s Iliad: μένος καὶ θυμὸν ἔγειρε (Nicomachean Ethics 3.1116b.25), which can be translated as: ‘he aroused bravery and wrath’. However, this is not relevant in this search. 1.5.2.9

ἡ ἔγερσις

In the works of Aristotle, it has similar meanings to the corresponding verb discussed above. It occurs once, in the context of “arousing and giving vent to fierce anger”: τὴν τοῦ θυμοῦ ἔγερσιν καὶ ὁρμήν (Nicomachean Ethics 3.1116b.30). 1.5.2.10 ἄνω

An adverb used by this author to refer to material and abstract things. When specifying physical objects or places, it means ‘upwards, being aloft’.257 It also specifies the earlier statement.258 In the description of abstract realities, it stands

251 Cf. The Constitution of the Athenians 16.9; Nicomachean Ethics 3.1114a.15. 252 Cf. Rhetoric 1.1354b. 253 Cf. Nicomachean Ethics 1.1095a.10; 3.1115a.1; 10.1174a.10; 10.1176a.30; Poetics 1449b; Politics 8.1339a; Rhetoric 1.1373b. 254 Cf. Metaphysics 9.1047a; 9.1047b (× 2); Rhetoric 1.1365a. 255 Cf. Economics 1.1345a. 256 Cf. Eudemian Ethics 1.1214b; Metaphysics 4.1010b; 4.1011a; 9.1048b. 257 Cf. Eudemian Ethics 2.1220b; 2.1224a; Metaphysics 11.1065b; 11.1065a; 11.1067a; 11.1067b; Nicomachean Ethics 2.1103a; Politics 2.1262a; 7.1331b. 258 Cf. Rhetoric 3.1412b.

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for ‘higher, prior’ in terms of categories.259 Even if in the latter group we encounter statements of a metaphorical nature, they have neither religious nor moral meaning, describing at best the considered realities of philosophy. 1.5.2.11 ἄνωθεν

In the texts of Aristotle, it is actually a synonym of the adverb discussed above. It literally describes something that is ‘aloft, up’260 or ‘before’.261 1.5.2.12 ἐπαίρω

It has only literal meaning: ‘to pick up’.262 Summary In Aristotle’s works we can find quite a rich terminology describing categories of height. However, it is dominated by the literal meaning. Only in the use of terms such as ἀναβαίνω or ἀναιρέω do we observe a metaphorical meaning of a religious nature. And so, the space where man can communicate with God is the sacrificial altar, to which he must ascend (ἀναβάντες) and take the oath there (The Constitution of the Athenians 55.5). He also turns to God in matters of life. God answers (ἀνεῖλεν) in person (Poetics 1455b) or by an oracle (The Constitution of the Athenians 21.6). The attitude of a man, and especially of a philosopher, is to be characterized by the defence of the truth, even at the cost of losing (ἀναιρεῖν) the most precious things (Nicomachean Ethics 1.1096a.10). *** Plato and Aristotle use quite a rich terminology when determining the category of height, but usually it should be understood literally. Plato used only seven concepts to present this reality in a metaphorical sense, Aristotle used only two. They both did so in relation to three realities: to the gods, to man’s desire to come into contact with the gods, and to the moral aspect of human life.

259 Cf. Metaphysics 1.992a; 2.994a; 2.994b; 4.1007b; 5.1016a. On the metaphorical meaning of ἄνω in the works of Aristotle, see K. Narecki, Słownik terminów arystotelesowskich [Dictionary of Term Used by Aristotle], [in:] Arystoteles, Dzieła wszystkie [Collected Works], vol. 7, Warszawa 2003, p. 24. 260 Cf. Metaphysics 1.990a; Rhetoric 3.1412a. 261 Cf. Nicomachean Ethics 6.1139b.10; 6.1144a.10; 6.1149b.5. 262 Cf. Rhetoric 1.1374a.

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The space of the dwelling of the gods is described by the adverb ἄνω since their dwelling is ‘on high, above’ (Plato, Cratylus 396b; 408c; Laws 9.880e; 11.927b; Phaedrus 246d; The Republic 10.614c). The search for contact with the deities, or rather, for obtaining their opinions on everyday matters, was one of the most frequent activities undertaken by man. Questions that were addressed to a deity were usually answered (ἀναιρέω) by an oracle (Plato, The Apology of Socrates 21a; Aristotle, The Constitution of the Athenians 21.6); especially a choice was to be made by a god (Plato, Laws 1.642e; 9.865d; 11.914a). Sometimes a god replied personally (ἀναιρέω; Aristotle, Poetics 1455b). Man can come into contact with the world of the gods personally by ascending (ἀναβαίνω) to heaven (Plato, First Alcibiades, 117b; The Republic 10.615e; 10.616a).While still on earth, he seeks such contact with gods and reaches it by ascending (ἀναβαίνω) the sacrificial altar (Aristotle, The Constitution of the Athenians 55.5). Through the study of philosophy, man can find the otherworldly (ἄνω) existence of the soul (Plato, The Republic 7.517a; 7.517b; 7.517c; 7.525d; 7.527b; 7.529a; 7.529b–529c; 7.533d; 9.586a; 10.621c; Phaedrus 248a; 249d). Practicing the queen of sciences gives him an insight into the truth from above (ὑψόθεν; Plato, Sophist 216c). Thus, the privilege of the Olympus gods becomes an attribute of philosophers too. In the sphere of the moral life of the human being, Aristotle sets a clear task for the philosopher: to defend the truth, even at the price of losing (ἀναιρέω) what is most precious (Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics 1.1096a.10). It seems that the opposite attitude is excessive pride, or to be more precise, ‘conceit’, excessive self-assurance and self-confidence. Plato describes this reality quite extensively using terms such as τὸ ὕψος (Epistles 7.351d–351e), ὑψηλός (Epistles 7.341e; The Republic 6.494d) and ἐπαίρω (The Republic 4.434b).

1.6

Ηistoriography

Apart from authors who looked for answers to the question about the nature of the world and its key elements, there were also those who would record events. They created their works based on the oldest documents, such as temple and monument inscriptions and chronicles of the winners of the Olympic Games. In the 6th and 5th centuries BC there were many such logographers, but only scanty fragments of

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their works have survived.263 Among these authors, the following should be listed: Cadmus of Miletus (ca. 560–490 BC), Hecataeus of Miletus (ca. 560–490 BC) and Hellanicus of Mytilene (485–400 BC), contemporary of Herodotus.264 Historiography as an artistic prose began to flourish in the 5th century BC. Two figures came to the fore: Herodotus of Halicarnassus and Thucydides of Athens. The work of the latter was continued at the end of the 5th century and at the beginning of the 4th century BC by Xenophon. Later, historiography was influenced by rhetoric flourishing in the 4th century BC. The writers of rhetorical historiography include Ephorus of Cyme (ca. 405–330 BC), Theopumpus of Chios (ca. 376–315 BC) and Timaeus of Tauromenium (ca. 346–250 BC).265 In the Hellenistic period, historiography was largely focused on the conquests of Alexander the Great and his successors, the Diadochi. One can list here a number of his biographers and historians of the period of the Diadochi reign.266 The development of historiography then was greatly dependent on rhetoric, and probably Polybius, the author of the monumental Histories, was the only representative of scholarly historiography operating on the model worked out by Thucydides. In this research we have concentrated on the writings of four authors. Three of them represent the period when historiography flourished: Herodotus, Thucydides and Xenophon. The fourth is Polybius, the author of the most important work of Hellenistic historiography of the second century BC. 1.6.1

Herodotus

He came from Halicarnassus, a town in Caria founded by Dorian Greeks. He lived between 485 and 425 BC. He spent the first years of his life in his hometown, which he left for Athens after 450 BC. When the Athenians founded the city of Thurii in southern Italy between 444–443, Herodotus went there and stayed probably

263 Cf. Z. Kubiak, Literatura Greków i Rzymian [Literature of Greeks and Romans], Warszawa 2003, p. 131. 264 Cf. R. Turasiewicz, Początki prozy – logografowie – najwcześniejsi historycy [The Beginnings of Prose – Logographers – Earliest Historians] [in:] Literatura starożytnej Grecji [Literature of Ancient Greece], ed. H. Podbielski, vol. 2: Proza historyczna, krasomówstwo, filozofia i nauka, literatura chrześcijańska [Historical Prose, Oratory, Philosophy and Science, Christian Literature], Lublin 2005, p. 5–9. 265 Cf. S. Stabryła, Historia literatury starożytnej Grecji i Rzymu. Zarys [History of Literature of Ancient Greece and Rome. Outline], Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków 2002, p. 82–89. 266 Extensively on this subject: R. Turasiewicz, Historiografia hellenistyczna [Hellenic Historiography], [in:] Literatura starożytnej Grecji [Literature of Ancient Greece], ed. H. Podbielski, vol. 2: Proza historyczna, krasomówstwo, filozofia i nauka, literatura chrześcijańska [Historical Prose, Oratory, Philosophy and Science, Christian Literature], Lublin 2005, p. 63–68.

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until his death.267 His only known work is Histories,268 written in the Ionic dialect, even though Herodotus spent almost twenty-five years in Athens.269 The division of his legacy into nine books (and naming them after the Muses) was made later. The work, however, was composed by the author himself in a very elaborate and complicated form – the main story, excursions and minor digressions within these excursions. Herodotus followed the Ionian logographers, providing abundant historical, geographical and ethnographic material. Although his historical method was not yet developed, he can be called, after Cicero, the father of history.270 In his work, Herodotus used three terms from the first group (with the root ὑψο): τὸ ὕψος (16 times), ὑψηλός (24 times) and ὑψοῦ (3 times). The use of the adjective ὑψηλός is particularly rich as regards its syntactic function. The second group (ἀνα-prefixed or with the root ἀνω and cognates) we meet: ἀναβαίνω (54 times), ἀναιρέω (40 times), ἀναλαμβάνω (28 times), ἀνίστημι (18 times), ἐγείρω (11 times), ἄνω (46 times), ἄνωθην (7 times) and ἡ ἀνάστασις (1 time). 1.6.1.1

τὸ ὕψος

A noun whose most common meaning is ‘height’271 is used in Herodotus’ work to describe this very dimension (always in a physical sense). By means of this noun sometimes only one dimension is specified (2.138.2; 2.175.1; 7.60.2). More often, however, Herodotus provided two dimensions of the described object apart from height (1.178.3; 1.185.4; 2.124.4272 ). In six cases Herodotus provided three dimensions (including height) of the described objects (1.50.2; 2.124.3; 2.175.3; 3.60.2; 4.62.2).

267 Cf. K. Głombiowski, Herodot [Herodotos], [in:] Słownik pisarzy antycznych [Dictionary of Ancient Writers], ed. A. Świderkówna), Warszawa 1990, p. 229–230. 268 This study is based on the following editions of the original text of Histories: Herodoti historiarum libri IX, ed. G. Dindorfius, C. Müllero, Parisiis 1862; Herodoti historiarum libri IX, ed. H.P. Dietsch, Lipsiae 1887. Polish translation consulted: Herodotus, Dzieje [Histories], Polish transl. and compilation by S. Hammer, vol. 1–2, Warszawa 1959. 269 For more on the Ionic dialect in Histories cf. Herodoti historiarum libri IX, ed. G. Dindorfius, C. Müllero, V–XLVII; cf. also T. Sinko, Zarys historii literatury greckiej [An Outline of the History of Greek Literature], vol. 1, p. 685–686. The presence of this dialect will also be observed in the spelling of the terms we are interested in, as we will see later in this work. 270 Cf. K. Głombiowski, Herodot [Herodotos], p. 229–230. 271 Cf. Słownik polsko-grecki [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 4, p. 486. 272 The term used here normally means “forehead” of an animal or human being. In Herodotus’ work, however, it means ‘the wall, the side of a pyramid’; cf. Słownik polsko-grecki [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 3, p. 137–138.

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Another construction in which we meet this noun is the combination of preposition + τὸ ὕψος + verb. Similarly, phrases based on the preposition ἐς273 are constructed, which in these cases means the limits of height (2.13.3; 2.14.1; 2.155.2; 2.155.3). 1.6.1.2

ὑψηλός

The adjective was used in various grammatical and syntactical forms, likewise the noun discussed earlier. We can find it in all three adjective degrees: positive (17 times), comparative (2 times) and superlative (5 times). The syntactical functions it takes include: (a) noun (7.182.2), (b) predicative274 (1.110.3; 1.203.1; 2.124.3; 2.137.3 [× 2]; 2.137.4; 4.199.1; 7.112.1). The most common adjective used by Herodotus as a modifier is: (a) in the positive degree (2.127.3; 3.60.1; 4.23.2; 4.25.1; 5.16.2; 7.111.1; 7.176.3; 7.191.1; 7.198.2; 9.25.4); (b) in the comparative degree (1.98.4). It is particularly interesting to analyse its use in the superlative degree, since the Dionysus’ oracles among the Satrae were described by means of it: ἐπὶ τῶν ὀρέων τῶν ὑψηλοτάτων (7.111.2). In the next text, ὑψηλός occurs in combination with a partial complement and acts as a quantitative modifier. The Persians, climbing the highest of the mountains (ἐπὶ τὰ ὑψηλότατα τῶν ὀρέων), make sacrifices to Zeus (1.131.2). The superlative degree thus determines the place suitable for offering sacrifices to the gods and for the inquiries directed to their oracles. 1.6.1.3

ὑψοῦ

An adverb used by this author three times. In two texts it has a literal meaning. To protect against insects, towers were built in the fen lands of Egypt, because gnats cannot fly high due to the wind: οὐκ οἷοί τε εἰσὶ ὑψοῦ πέτεσθαι (2.95.1). The area of the city of Bubastis in Egypt was raised (ἐκκεχωσμένης ὑψοῦ) by means of embankments (2.138.2). What is interesting is the following use of this term. A wicked proposal of Lampon deserved Pausanias’ answer: ἐξαείρας γάρ με ὑψοῦ καὶ τὴν πάτρην καὶ τὸ ἔργον […] (9.79.1). The context shows that this is not about the physical ‘lifting up’, but about ‘elevating’ to a certain position, ‘exalting’ Pausanias, his family and his deeds. It seems then that the expression ἐξαείρας […] ὑψοῦ is metaphorical.

273 This is a lesser known equivalent of the preposition εἰς. 274 Sometimes with an ellipse of the verb (probably εἰμί – as we deduce from the context of the previous two passages): this is how the height of the wall around the city of Gelonus (4.108.1) and of the Atlas mountain are described (4.184.4).

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1.6.1.4

ἀναβαίνω

This verb, usually meaning ‘enter, ascend, get in’,275 is used by Herodotus 54 times. Sometimes it stands for to ‘disembark’ from a ship (5.100.1; 8.110.2) or to ‘mount’ a camel (1.80.2; 3.102.3). For male animals it means ‘to sire’ (1.192.3 [× 2]). Water, while rising, can ‘flood’ the country (1.193.1; 2.13.1). Usually, however, in the work of this author, it refers to the physical upward movement of a person.276 An interesting example can be found in the passage about the sacrifice made by the Persians: ἐπὶ τὰ ὑψηλότατα τῶν ὀρέων ἀναβαίνοντες (1.131.2). The action is definitely physical, but the place where the sacrifice of offered is significant. They need to ‘go up’ so they can make the right sacrifice to Zeus. In a metaphorical sense, this verb means: ‘returning’ to previous facts (4.82.1) or ‘taking over the power’ by the successor (1.109.4; 7.205.1) as well as ‘following’ the advice of the King’s advisor (7.10(8).2). However, these texts do not seem to be relevant to our research. 1.6.1.5

ἀναιρέω

The term is used by Herodotus 40 times, but in a very different sense both literally and metaphorically. In a literal sense, means ‘to lift’ an object (1.84.5; 2.36.2; 2.41.4; 4.128.1; 4.128.2; 4.196.2; 7.190.1) or body (4.14.4; 9.22.5; 9.23.2; 9.27.3). It may also mean ‘to conceive’ (3.108.2; 6.69.4). In a figurative sense, it has much more meanings. Rarely it stands for: ‘to undertake’ a task (7.16(1).2), hardship (6.108.1), penance (2.134.4 [× 2]) or ‘to save’ life (6.29.2). More often it refers to ‘winning’ a prize, especially in competitions,277 which is sometimes described by Herodotus as wearing a victory wreath (στεφανηφόρους, 5.102.3). Although this meaning is not related to religiousness, it has a rather characteristic feature of ‘reaching out’ for laurels, which only the best can win. Another figurative meaning of this term, quite popular in the ancient world, is ἀναιρέω as an activity performed by the oracles in Delphi (1.13.1; 1.13.2; 6.34.2; 6.52.5; 7.148.3; 9.33.2), Dodona (2.52.4), Ethiopia (2.139.3) and by the soothsayers in general (6.69.3). It seems, therefore, that the act of ‘giving the message’ expressed by ἀναιρέω refers to the announcement of the gods’ will. In this sense, therefore, it is important for us as a clue to understand this activity in terms of a reality hidden 275 Cf. Słownik polsko-grecki [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 1, p. 132. 276 1.84.5; 1.181.4; 1.191.5; 2.95.1; 3.30.3; 3.74.3; 3.140.1; 3.140.2; 3.151.1; 3.158.1; 4.22.2; 4.172.1; 5.52.6; 5.72.3; 6.24.1; 6.24.2; 6.79.2; 6.84.2; 7.3.1; 7.6.2; 7.6.3; 7.43.1; 7.136.1; 7.137.2; 7.151.1; 7.152.1; 7.218.1 (× 2); 8.32.1; 8.32.2; 8.36.2; 8.53.1; 8.53.3; 8.53.4; 8.54.1; 8.55.2; 9.70.1; 9.113.2. 277 6.36.1; 6.70.3; 6.103.2 (× 2); 6.103.3; 6.103.4; 6.122.1; 6.125.4; 9.33.2; 9.33.3; 9.64.1.

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for man and known only to God and to the people he has chosen (at least on a lexical level). 1.6.1.6

ἀναλαμβάνω

A verb less common than the previous one – this author uses it 28 times. Usually in the literal sense of ‘picking up, taking away’: (a) in relation to people;278 (b) in relation to things.279 In the metaphorical sense, it stands for: (a) ‘to take up’ an interrupted story (5.62.1); (b) ‘to take up, face’ danger (3.69.1); (c) ‘to regain, take over’ the reign (3.73.1; 7.154.1); (d) ‘to take up’ the appellations for the gods (2.4.3). There are two more figurative meanings of this term, which we encounter in the works of Herodotus, and which may be relevant to the subject under investigation (at least indirectly). The Carians took up the fight against the Persians, they failed and to start the fight again they had to ‘repair the loss’, literally ‘heal their wounds’: μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τὸ τρῶμα ἀνέλαβόν τε καὶ ἀνεμαχέσαντο οἱ Κᾶρες (5.121.1). The phrase τὸ τρῶμα ἀνέλαβόν means ‘to heal, close’ the wounds, that is, to regain strength to fight. Another meaning of this term is discovered in the description of events in the life of Aristodemos, who, saving his life in the fight against the Persians, fell into dishonour and only in the Battle of Plataia, he repaired the guilt: ἐν τῇ ἐν Πλαταιῇσι μάχῃ ἀνέλαβε πᾶσαν τὴν ἐπενειχθεῖσαν αἰτίην (7.231.1). The phrase ἀνέλαβε πᾶσαν τὴν […] αἰτίην may mean ‘to erase, remove’ the guilt suffered by a man, and thus restore his dignity and respect. In a similar sense, we meet this term in the statement of Themistocles who drew on his experience of people who resume the fight after a defeat καὶ ἀναλαμβάνειν τὴν προτέρην κακότητα (8.109.2). The phrase we are analysing (ἀναλαμβάνειν τὴν προτέρην κακότητα) means to ‘repair’ an earlier failure, i.e. to restore the state from before the misfortune, disaster. So it seems that in both texts ἀναλαμβάνω means to restore, return to some safe condition that occurred before some unfortunate event. 1.6.1.7

ἀνίστημι

The term was used by Herodotus 18 times, however, it has quite a wide range of meanings in his work. In the transitive form, it means ‘to order somebody to rise’ (1.196.2; 1.196.4; 3.15.1; 5.71.2), ‘to take away’ (3.14.9; 4.158.2), ‘to construct,

278 1.111.1; 1.111.4 (× 2); 1.166.4; 4.71.1; 4.157.3; 5.98.2; 6.115.1; 8.62.2; 9.51.4. 279 1.119.6; 3.78.2; 5.90.4; 5.91.1; 6.78.1; 9.25.4; 9.46.2; 9.53.1; 9.57.1; 9.74.1.

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erect’ (1.165.1) and ‘to displace, desolate’ the country (5.29.2; 7.56.2; 7.220.3; 9.73.2; 9.106.4). In the intransitive form it stands for ‘to get up, rise’ (1.202.2; 2.60.2; 2.64.2280 ). In this group three texts deserve special attention, which tell about ‘getting up, rising’ in a specific situation. The first example is the story of the construction of temples devoted to Athena in Assessos. They were built after Alyattes ‘recovered’ from his illness: ἐκ τῆς νούσου ἀνέστη (1.22.4). The story, however, does not seem to be about a simple ‘getting up’ from bed. If the author mentions it in this form, it must have been some particular disease from which the hero recovered. This verb then takes on the meaning ‘to recover, pull through, to overcome the disease’. In the next text, we read about the story of a woman from the Argive tribe and her two sons, Cleobis and Biton, who instead of oxen, hooked up to the wagon and thus took their mother to the temple of Hera. There, however, having made sacrifices, they went to sleep and οὐκέτι ἀνέστησαν (1.31.6). The phrase itself means: ‘they never rose’, suggesting their death in a dream. However, we meet another fragment of Histories, in which Herodotus reports on the rebellion initiated by the magicians against Cambyses, who ordered the servant to kill his brother Smerdis. When asked if he had done so, the servant replied that he had done so, questioning the possibility of rising from the dead: εἰ μέν νυν οἱ τεθνεῶτες ἀνεστᾶσι (3.62.4). It cannot be regarded as a confirmation of the faith in the resurrection. Yet, at least theoretically, such a possibility exists, and ἀνίστημι, which in previous examples meant ‘rising’ from illness or from sleep, here refers also to ‘rising’ from the dead. 1.6.1.8

ἐγείρω

This verb also has two forms: transitive and intransitive. In Herodotus’ writings we meet ἐγείρω mostly in the transitive form. Then it stands for ‘to take, collect’ (1.61.3; 1.62.3), ‘to provoke, incite’ e.g. to war (4.119.3; 5.90.1; 7.148.2; 7.220.3; 8.131.1; 8.142.2), ‘to collect’ e.g. supporters (1.59.4). There also appears another meaning, classified by Zofia Abramowiczówna as metaphorical: “if a storm should arise” (7.49.1).281 The only time this author uses ἐγείρω is in the intransitive form in the sense of ‘getting up, waking up’. This example can be found in the legend of Heracles in the land of the Scythians: ἐγερθῆναι τὸν Ἡρακλέα (4.9.1). However, it does not seem that in this context this verb has any metaphorical meaning apart from ‘rising’ from a dream.

280 In the sense of getting up after the intercourse. 281 Cf. Słownik polsko-grecki [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 2, p. 9.

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1.6.1.9

ἄνω

An adverb quite often used by Herodotus (46 times). However, it does not always perform this function, sometimes it is a preposition, which is combined with the genitive and then it stands for ‘above, over’.282 However, it usually is found as an adverb of place in such phrases as: ‘the upper regions’ of a country or a thing.283 In this sense, it may also mean the geographical direction, ‘north’ (1.72.1; 5.9.3). In relation to the human body or animal body it specifies the ‘upper’ part (2.68.3; 2.92.5; 9.83.2). Sometimes it refers to the ‘old times’ (6.53.3). In an idiomatic phrase, it combines with κάτω and means ‘turning something upside down’ (3.3.2). Usually, however, by means of ἄνω Herodotus describes the physical movement ‘upwards’ (1.93.3; 2.7.1; 2.8.1 [× 2]; 2.35.3; 4.18.1; 4.62.5 [× 2]; 7.23.2; 9.69.1). In this group of texts, two seem significant, in which this adverb functions as the predicative. In the description of Thracian deeds during the storm we read: τοηεύοντες ἄνω πρὸς τὸν οὀρανόν ἀπειλέουσι τῷ θεῷ (4.94.5) – “shoot[ing] arrows up towards the sky” is supposed to cause a reaction of the god. We read about a similar ritual in the next text. Darius, finding out about the union of Athenians and Ions established by Onesilos, puts an arrow on the string ἄνω πρὸς τὸν οὀρανόν ἀπεῖναι, calling out: “Zeus, that it may be granted me to take vengeance upon the Athenians!” (5.105.2). And in this case, the ‘discharging’ of the arrow from the bow is to provoke Zeus’ reaction. From the above texts we can conclude that the sphere defined as ἄνω (‘above, aloft’), is the space of the dwelling of the gods. Man through certain rituals (in this case, “discharging the arrow from the bow”) wants to reach this space and cause the desired reaction of the gods. 1.6.1.10 ἄνωθην

The adverb is used less frequently by Herodotus, and the meaning is less developed. In all texts, it means moving ‘from above’ (1.75.5; 1.84.5; 1.185.2; 2.17.4; 2.99.2; 4.105.1; 9.51.2). Any other meaning of importance for the subject under investigation can be detected. 1.6.1.11 ἡ ἀνάστασις

A noun used only once by this author, in a literal sense. This is how Herodotus described the Hellenes’ debate on the eviction of the Ions: ἀπικόμενοι δὲ ἐς Σάμον 282 1.103.2; 1.130.1; 1.142.1; 2.29.2; 2.29.3; 2.95.1; 2.155.1; 4.9.1; 4.62.2. 283 1.95.3; 1.177.1; 2.24.1; 2.25.1; 2.25.2; 2.26.1; 2.26.2; 2.148.7; 3.10.3; 4.1.2; 5.15.2; 7.20.2; 7.23.3; 7.128.1; 7.173.4; 8.116.1; 8.137.1. Once, even in this way, the inhabitants of the highlands of the Thracian party – ‘highlanders’ – were defined (8.115.4).

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οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ ἀναστάσιος τῆς Ἰωνίης (9.106.2), which refers to the

displacement, the eviction from the previous place. Summary Herodotus’ rich terminology on the category of height translates into equally abundant meanings. The adjective ὑψηλός indicates the place where sacrifices were offered to Zeus and the place where the oracle of Dionysus gave advice. Therefore, people who want to make sacrifices to the gods must ‘go upwards’ (ἀναβαίνω). Expecting a reaction of the gods, they follow the ritual of discharging arrows upwards towards heaven (ἄνω). The following terms express in relation to people the idea of gaining a reward (ἀναιρέω) or regaining lost dignity (ἀναλαμβάνω) and even the possibility (at least theoretical) of resurrection (ἀνίστημι). 1.6.2

Thucydides

A historian, Athenian aristocrat, son of Olorus, born around 460, died between 404 and 393 BC. He was thoroughly educated. Thucydides was probably a disciple of the philosopher Anaxagoras and the sophists Antiphon of Rhamnus and Prodicus of Ceos. In the Peloponnesian War as a strategist he failed to protect the city of Amphipolis in Thrace by Spartan (424 BC.) and was therefore sent by the Athenians into exile. For twenty years he lived in exile probably in his family estate in Thrace. He did not return to Athens until 404 after the Spartans had conquered the city; he died a few years later.284 His main work is the unfinished history of the Peloponnesian War, known as The History of the Peloponnesian War, in Polish Wojna Peloponeska.285 The title is taken from the very first words of the work: Θουκυδίδης Ἀθηναῖος ξυνέγραψε τὸν πόλεμον τῶν Πελοποννησίων καὶ Ἀθηναίων.286 Some researches, however, give the title History.287 284 Cf. K. Głombiowski, Thukydides, [in:] Słownik pisarzy antycznych [Dictionary of Ancient Writers], ed. A. Świderkówna, Warszawa 1990, p. 458–461. 285 In this study we rely on the edition of the original text: Thucydidis historiae interim, ed. H.S. Jones, J.E. Powell, Oxford 21942. Consulted Polish translation: Thucydides, Wojna peloponeska, Polish transl. K. Kumaniecki, vol. 1–2, Wrocław 2004; English text also available at: https://www.gutenberg. org/files/7142/7142-h/7142-h.htm [accessed: 20.03.2021]. 286 This title is quoted imprecisely by Stanisław Stabryła: see S. Stabryła, Historia literatury starożytnej Grecji i Rzymu [A history of the Ancient Greek and Roman literature], Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków 2002, p. 84. 287 Cf. R. Turasiewicz, Historiografia: Herodot, Thucydides, Ksenofont i historycy IV wieku przed Chr. [Historiography: Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon and Historians of the 4th Century BC],

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In this work, Thucydides uses two of the terms we discussed from the first group (with the root ὑψο): τὸ ὕψος (5 times) and ὑψηλός (6 times). The second group (with the prefix ἀνα or the root ἀνω and cognates) includes: ἀναβαίνω (26 times), ἀναιρέω (32 times), ἀναλαμβάνω (26 times), ἀνίστημι (42 times), ἡ ἀνάστασις (3 times), ἐγείρω (1 time), ἄνω (25 times), ἄνωθεν (16 times) and ἐπαίρω (24 times). 1.6.2.1

τὸ ὕψος

This noun in the work of this author does not perform any special function except to determine the size of physical objects. Lacedaemonians learnt that a wall (τειχίζεται) was being built in Athens, which reached then a certain height (ὕψος) (1.91.1). In the construction of the walls (τὸ τεῖχος) of Piraeus the intended height (τὸ ὕψος) was only half reached (1.93.5). The height of the wall (τὸ ὕψος τοῦ τείχου) around Plataea was great (2.75.6). The wall (τὸ ὕψος) in Pylos from the port side was considerable (4.13.1). The use of (τὸ ὕψος) is unexpected in the idiomatic phrase: τοῦ ἀναγκαιοτάτου ὕψους (1.90.3); it stands for ‘a minimum height’ of the wall (τοῦ τείχους). 1.6.2.2

ὑψηλός

The use of this adjective by Thucydides is much more interesting in comparison to the previous noun, although here too we do not observe any metaphorical meaning. This author most often takes ὑψηλός as a modifier to describe: a platform (τὸ βῆμα) that Pericles, the son of Xanthippus climbs to give a Funeral Oration after the death of the first warriors: ἐπὶ βῆμα ὑψηλόν (2.34.8); a region (τὸ χωρίον) in which lies Aegitium ἐφ’ ὑψηλῶν χωρίων (3.97.2); Idomeni (Ἰδομενή) consisting of two peaks: δὺο λόφω […] ὑψηλώ (3.112.1); Athos (Ἄθος) – a high mountain: ὄρος ὑψηλόν (4.109.2). Twice Thucydides uses this adjective as a predicative. In the description of the construction of the Plataea fortifications we read about a certain construction made of wood and bricks, which, becoming high (ὑψηλόν γιγνόμενον) did not lose its durability (2.75.5). In the account of the fights between the Syracusans and the Athenians we read that the latter raised (ἐποικοδομήσαντες […] ὑψηλότερον, literally ‘built as higher’) the wall surrounding the city (7.4.3).

[in:] Literatura starożytnej Grecji [Literature of Ancient Greece], ed. H. Podbielski, vol. 2: Proza historyczna, krasomówstwo, filozofia i nauka, literatura chrześcijańska [Historical Prose, Oratory, Philosophy and Science, Christian Literature], Lublin 2005, p. 22.

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We can see that Thucydides uses this term several times, but never in a figurative sense. The only variety is the specific syntactic constructions we find them in, as presented above. 1.6.2.3

ἀναβαίνω

This verb was always used by Thucydides literally and always in the sense of an upward movement: ‘to go up’, ‘to ascend’.288 Moreover, there is one small variant: ‘to board’ the ship (4.44.6). One case, despite its literal meaning, is of importance for our investigations: ἀναβαίνω. In the fragment about where the Lacedaemonians are to take the oath to the Hellens: ἀναβάντας δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου (5.50.1). The meaning of the phrase ἀναβαίνω ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν is quite clear: “I am ascending to the altar”. What kind of altar it is, is explained to us by further words: τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου. Thus, it can be seen that it was important for people of that time to ascend (move up) a holy place. And the location of the altar itself was also crucial. In this way, a sphere intended for the gods was separated from the human space. 1.6.2.4

ἀναιρέω

The term is very often used by Thucydides (32 times), usually in the literal sense: ‘to pick up, take away’ something (4.12.1) or someone (2.84.4). Most often it means ‘to take’ the corpse (20 times).289 Sometimes it occurs in the sense of ‘destroying, demolishing’ (5.33.1; 5.77.1) or ‘to incite, go to’ the war (6.1.1; 6.38.3; 7.25.6; 8.24.2). In one group of texts, we encounter it in the sense of ‘an answer given by an oracle or a deity’. It is this kind of answer that was offered to: Epidamnians (1.25.1), Lacedaemonians (1.118.3; 2.54.4) by the Delphi oracle as well as Cylon of Athens (1.126.4).

288 We meet it in the following texts: Peloponnesian War 2.4.4; 2.69.2; 3.19.2; 3.22.3 (× 2); 3.23.1; 3.85.3; 4.48.2; 4.110.2; 4.115.2; 5.6.4; 5.7.3; 5.9.3; 6.94.2; 6.96.1; 6.97.2; 7.2.3; 7.4.2; 7.43.2; 7.43.3; 7.44.3; 7.67.2; 8.92.10. 289 In this sense, we can find it in the following texts: 1.8.1; 1.54.1; 1.54.2; 1.126.12; 2.22.2; 2.79.7; 2.92.4; 3.98.5; 3.104.2; 3.109.2; 3.109.3; 4.44.4; 4.44.6; 4.97.1; 4.99.1; 4.114.2; 5.1.1; 5.74.2; 7.5.3; 7.72.1.

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1.6.2.5

ἀναλαμβάνω

The term which, in Thucydides’ works, literally means ‘to pick up, take something away’ something290 or someone.291 Sometimes this verb describes the act of ‘putting up’ a house (2.16.1) or ‘breaking up’ (literally ‘a camp’; 5.7.3). Metaphorically speaking, it can mean ‘to pull through’ from the illness, that is, to recover. In this way the author writes about the situation in Athens: ἄρτι δ᾽ ἀνειλήφει ἡ πόλις ἑαυτὴν ἀπὸ τῆς νόσου (6.26.2). The combination of the verb ἀναλαμβάνω with the prepositional phrase ἀπὸ τῆς νόσου, clearly indicates the meaning of this expression: ‘to recover’ from the plague, that is ‘to cure’ its effects. Another figurative meaning of this verb is ‘to recover, regain’ something. With these words Pericles encourages the Athenians to fight for freedom: ἢν ἀντιλαμβανόμενοι αὐτῆς διασώσωμεν, ῥᾳδίως ταῦτα ἀναληψομένην (2.62.3). If they secure freedom in the struggle, they will regain (ἀναλαμβάνω) all previously lost goods. The aim of the actions undertaken by Brasidas, the Lacedaemonian, is to regain Nisaia: λέγων ἐν ἐλπίδι εἶναι ἀναλαβεῖν Νίσαιαν (4.71.1). Here, however, attention is rather drawn to the military action aimed at ‘recapturing’ the city. A similar meaning this verb has in the next text describing the ‘recapturing’ of Antandrus by the Athenians: ἀναλαμβάνουσι τὸ χωρίον πάλιν (4.75.1). In a slightly different tone Alcibiades said to the Lacedaemonian chiefs about his desire to regain his homeland: ἀλλ᾽ ὃς ἂν ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου διὰ τὸ ἐπιθυμεῖν πειραθῇ αὐτὴν ἀναλαβεῖν (6.92.4). However, the meaning of this verb still remains in the military sphere. At least, this is the context of Alcibiades’ statement.292 1.6.2.6

ἀνίστημι

Among the terms we analysed, it is this verb that was most commonly used by Thucydides, both in the transitive and intransitive forms. But it usually has a literal meaning: ‘to stand up, to get up’,293 ‘to make somebody rise, to raise’.294 This last meaning has two more variants in the meaning: ‘call to arms’295 and ‘evict’.296 Only in two texts do we encounter a figurative meaning of the term. In one of them

290 291 292 293 294 295 296

4.32.1; 4.130.4; 6.69.2; 6.89.2; 7.74.1; 7.83.4. 2.25.5; 2.81.8; 3.79.1; 5.64.5; 6.65.2; 7.1.5; 7.4.2; 7.25.4; 7.33.5; 7.43.2; 7.86.2; 8.23.5; 8.27.4. Cf. 6.90–92. 1.87.2; 1.87.3; 6.41.1; 7.50.3; 8.27.6; 8.45.1; 8.46.2. 1.62.4; 1.126.11; 1.128.1; 1.137.1; 2.68.1; 3.28.2; 3.75.4; 3.75.5; 4.93.1; 4.112.1; 5.58.2. 2.96.1; 2.96.3; 3.7.3; 4.77.2; 4.90.1. 1.8.2; 1.12.3; 1.12.4; 1.105.3; 2.27.1; 2.99.3; 2.99.5; 4.54.3; 5.1.1; 6.2.2; 6.4.1; 6.4.2 (× 2); 6.6.2; 6.94.1; 7.49.2; 8.108.4.

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it means to ‘recover’ from an illness: τοὺς δὲ καὶ λήθη ἐλάμβανε παραυτίκα ἀναστάντας τῶν πάντων ὁμοίως (2.49.8). In the next text it expresses ‘reassuring’: καὶ παραινέσεις ἄλλας τε ἐποιοῦντο ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἀνιστάμενοι (8.76.3). However, these meanings do not seem to have any particular significance for the issue under investigation. The fact of ‘recovering from an illness’ could mean the restoration of man to his original condition, but it can also have the literal meaning of ‘getting up’ from the bed of illness, just like from the ‘bed’ in which somebody slept. 1.6.2.7

ἡ ἀνάστασις

This noun remains within the same semantic field as the verb discussed above and it usually means ‘leaving’ the temple (1.133.1), the place residence (2.15.1), or the ‘withdrawal’ of the army (7.75.1). 1.6.2.8

ἐγείρω

The verb was used by this author only once in the sense of ‘inciting’ to war. We find it in the decision to fight the Corinthians against the Athenians (7.75.1). 1.6.2.9

ἄνω

An adverb quite often used by this author and in quite different meanings. But always in the literal sense. It stands for primarily an ‘upward’ movement (3.22.4; 4.34.2; 4.130.3; 7.4.1; 7.4.2) or, as a synonym of ἄνωθεν, ‘from on high’ (4.48.3), or the location of something ‘up, aloft’ (2.48.2; 3.34.1; 3.34.2; 4.54.2; 4.57.1; 4.66.3; 4.69.3; 4.112.3; 7.54.1; 7.60.2; 7.60.3; 7.65.2). In several texts it means ‘inland’ (1.93.7; 1.137.3; 2.83.1; 2.97.2; 7.80.5). Once it describes a ‘straight’ movement in some direction (8.88.1). In one of the texts we find an interesting phrase with this adverb. It reports on the plans of Macedonians who wanted to use the horsemen προσμεταπεμψάμενοι ἀπὸ τῶν ἄνω ξυμμάχων (2.100.5). The term οἱ ἄνω ξυμμάχων means the inhabitants of the ‘upper’ land, i.e. the highlanders. Apart from, undoubtedly, an interesting name describing the inhabitants of this land, the meaning is of little importance for this research. 1.6.2.10 ἄνωθεν

Similarly to the adverb described above, this one always has a literal meaning in the works of Thucydides: the movement ‘from above’ (2.49.7; 2.52.4; 2.102.2; 3.21.4; 3.23.1; 4.75.2; 4.108.1; 7.44.8; 7.84.4) or from the interior of the land (1.59.2; 2.99.4; 3.115.1; 4.107.1) or, as a synonym of ἄνω, the location of something aloft (3.68.3; 6.102.4; 7.63.2).

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1.6.2.11 ἐπαίρω

A verb which has the richest range of meanings in the works of this author. Literally it means: ‘to incite’ war (1.42.2), ‘to act’ against (4.108.3; 8.2.1), ‘to be seduced’ (1.43.1; 1.81.6; 1.83.3; 1.84.2; 3.38.2; 7.13.2), ‘to be moved’ (2.11.2; 3.45.1; 3.45.6), ‘to be elevated’ by a fact (3.37.5; 5.14.2; 7.41.3; 7.51.1; 8.89.4), ‘to man’ a crew (8.97.1). As we see, among these meanings there are also metaphors. However, they are not relevant to our investigations. However, there is another meaning that appears in Thucydides’ writings in phrases with ἐπαίρω. It is the pejorative aspect of: ‘being driven into pride’. This is how the attitude of the Corkirians towards the Corinthians was defined: ναυτικῷ δὲ καὶ πολὺ προύχειν ἔστιν ὅτε ἐπαιρόμενοι (1.25.4). This meaning also appears in the Corinthians’ statements about the danger of falling into pride because of war successes: oὐκ ἐντεθύμηται θράσει ἀπίστῳ ἐπαιρόμενος (1.120.5). The Scionaeans failed to avoid this trap and are elated at the words of praise from Brasidas: οὐκ ἐντεθύμηται θράσει ἀπίστῳ ἐπαιρόμενος (4.121.1). It is the brave Corinthians who managed to avoid pride as we read: καὶ μήτε τῇ κατὰ πόλεμον εὐτυχίᾳ ἐπαίρεσθαι (1.120.3). Lacedaemonians also speak of the necessity of avoiding the danger of pride after some success: διὰ τὸ μὴ τῷ ὀρθουμένῳ αὐτοῦ πιστεύοντες ἐπαίρεσθαι ἐν τῷ εὐτυχεῖν (4.18.4). Similarly, the speech of Nicholas to the Athenians, about the pride following the failure of friends: χρὴ δὲ μὴ πρὸς τὰς τύχας τῶν ἐναντίων ἐπαίρεσθαι (6.11.6). Summary Among quite rich vocabulary referring to the category of height, it is the literal meaning that prevails in Thucydides’ works.297 Only in a few texts does it have a moral and religious meaning. Usually it refers to human actions. Man, therefore, can become haughty, conceited (ἐπαίρω; 1.25.4; 1.120.5; 4.121.1) or manages to avoid it (1.120.3; 4.18.4; 6.11.6). People also take action to regain (ἀναλαμβάνω) something (city; 4.71.1, homeland; 6.92.4, property; 2.62.3). In relation to a deity, people ask for advice from gods or the oracle and receive an answer (ἀναιρέω; 1.25.1; 1.118.3; 1.126.4; 2.54.4). Offering sacrifices, people must ascent (ἀναβαίνω; 5.50.1) an elevated platform or the altar.

297 Out of two hundred and six texts containing such terminology, only fourteen have at least in some sense a figurative meaning. That makes just over 6%.

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1.6.3

Xenophon

Xenophon, son of Gryllus, a wealthy Athenian; a disciple and friend of Socrates. He lived between 430 and 335 BC. In 401 he enlisted in the army and, under the leadership of Cyrus the Younger, set off on an expedition against his brother, Artaxerxes II. In the same year, after losing the Battle of Cunaxa, he became one of the main strategists who ensured that the defeated army returned from the interior of Asia to the Black Sea.298 Then he entered the service of the Thracian Duke of Seuthes, and later of the Spartan King Agesilaus. This resulted in the loss of Athenian citizenship and being sent into exile. He settled in Scillus, Elis, where he devoted himself to farm work, hunting and writing his works. As a result of wars between Sparta and Thebes, he lost his property and moved to Corinth. As Athens entered into an alliance with Sparta against Thebes, the sentence imposed on Xenophon was no longer valid. But he probably never came back to Athens.299 Xenophon’s literary legacy can be divided into three groups: historical and biographical works, Socratic works and other works of different character. The first group includes: Hellenica, Anabasis or The Expedition of Cyrus, Cyropaedia or The Education of Cyrus, Agesilaus. The second group lists: Memorabilia, The Apology of Socrates, Symposium, Oeconomicus. In the third group we have: Hipparchikos, Polity of the Lacedaemonians, Hiero, On Horsemanship, On Hunting, Ways and Means.300 Almost all of these works include terms that are interesting from our perspective. From the group with the root ὑψο we can find: τὸ ὕψος (10 times), ὑψηλός (27 times). The group with the prefix ἀνα οr the root ἀνω and cognates includes: ἀναβαίνω (125 times), ἀναιρέω (50 times), ἀναλαμβάνω (45 times), ἀνίστημι (112 times), ἐγείρω (19 times), ἄνω (53 times), ἄνωθεν (17 times) and ἐπαίρω (17 times).

298 Cf. S. Stabryła, Historia literatury starożytnej Grecji i Rzymu [History of Ancient Greek and Roman Literature], Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków 2002, p. 86. 299 Cf. R. Turasiewicz, Historiografia: Herodot, Thucydides, Ksenofont i historycy IV wieku przed Chr. [Historiography: Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon and Historians of the 4th Century BC], [in:] Literatura starożytnej Grecji [Literature of Ancient Greece], ed. H. Podbielski, vol. 2: Proza historyczna, krasomówstwo, filozofia i nauka, literatura chrześcijańska [Historical Prose, Oratory, Philosophy and Science, Christian Literature], Lublin 2005, p. 38–39. 300 This study is based on the edition with collected works of Xenophon: Xenophon, Opera omnia, ed. E.C. Marchant, vol. 1–5, Oxford 1975–1985. Polish translations consulted are: Xenophon, Wyprawa Cyrusa [The Expedition of Cyrus], Polish transl. W. Madyda, Warszawa 2003; Xenophon, Historia grecka [Hellenica], Polish transl. W. Klinger, Wrocław 2004; English translation: Xenophon, Xenophon in Seven Volumes, English transl. C.L. Brownson, London 1930.

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1.6.3.1

τὸ ὕψος

This noun only has the literal meaning in the works of this author: ‘height’.301 1.6.3.2

ὑψηλός

The term is more frequently used by Xenophon than the noun discussed above. It also has a wider range of meanings, but always literal as well: ‘high’.302 1.6.3.3

ἀναβαίνω

A verb used many times by Xenophon (125 times), always in a literal sense: ‘to go up’,303 ‘to mount’ a horse,304 ‘to board’ the ship,305 ‘to ascend, climb’ a platform for delivering speeches.306 1.6.3.4

ἀναιρέω

The usage of this words seems slightly different; usually its meaning is literal: ‘to collect’ the bodies of the dead,307 ‘to pick up’ an object308 or a person (to save the

301 Cf. Anabasis 2.4.12; 3.4.7 (× 2); 3.4.9; 3.4.10; 3.4.11; 6.4.3; 6.1.29; Symposium 2.8; On Hunting 2.7. 302 Cf. Hellenica 3.1.22; 4.5.4; 6.2.29; 7.5.22; Anabasis 1.2.22; 3.4.24; 3.4.25; 5.4.31; 5.6.6; 5.6.7; 6.1.5; Memorabilia 3.8.9; 3.10.1; Symposium 5.6; Oeconomicus 10.2; 18.2; On Hunting 3.2; 3.3; 5.30; 6.8; On Horsemanship 1.3 (× 2); 1.11; 1.16; 12.11; Hipparchikos 8.3; Ways and Means 4.44. 303 Anabasis 1.1.2; 1.2.22; 1.4.12; 2.5.22; 3.1.1; 3.1.2; 3.4.13; 3.4.25; 3.4.49; 4.1.1; 4.1.7; 4.2.8; 4.2.12; 4.2.16; 4.2.27; 4.6.27; 4.8.13; 4.8.18; 4.8.19; 5.1.1; 5.2.15; 5.2.22; 7.1.1; Cyropaedia 3.1.40; 3.2.4; 6.3.13; 6.4.10; 7.1.7; 7.1.39; 7.1.40; 7.5.22 (× 2); 8.8.3; Hellenica 1.4.4; 1.4.19; 1.5.2; 2.1.14; 2.1.15; 3.1.2; 3.1.6; 3.4.2; 4.1.3; 4.4.11; 4.4.12; 4.5.4 (× 2); 4.8.16; 5.1.10; 5.4.11; 5.4.14; 5.4.52; 5.4.53; 5.4.58; 5.4.59; 6.1.12; 6.4.4; 6.4.25; 6.5.9; 6.5.26 (× 3); 7.1.19; 7.1.33; 7.2.5; 7.2.6 (× 2); 7.2.7; 7.2.8 (× 2); 7.3.1; 7.4.13; 7.4.32; 7.5.11; Hipparchikos 1.12; On Horsemanship 1.4; Oeconomicus 19.18; Symposium 4.23. 304 Anabasis 1.8.3; 3.4.35; 4.7.24; 7.6.42; 7.7.12; Cyropaedia 3.3.27; 3.3.60; 3.3.68; 4.1.7; 5.5.37; 6.4.4; 6.4.9; 7.1.1; 7.1.3; 7.1.18; 7.1.39; 8.3.32; Hellenica 4.1.39; 5.4.39; 5.4.40; 6.4.32; Hipparchikos 1.4; 3.4; 6.5; On Horsemanship 1.1; 1.4; 3.3; 3.4; 3.9; 6.6; 6.16 (× 3); 7.1; (× 3); 7.2; 7.4; 8.5; 8.7 (× 2); 9.3 (× 2); 9.7; Oeconomicus 11.17. 305 Anabasis 6.1.14; Hellenica 3.4.4; 6.2.26. 306 Hellenica 1.7.14; 1.7.16 (× 2). 307 Anabasis 4.1.19; 5.7.30; 6.4.9; Cyropaedia 7.3.4; Hellenica 2.4.7; 3.5.22; 3.5.23; 3.5.24; 3.5.25; 4.5.8; 6.4.14; 6.4.15; 7.4.25. 308 Anabasis 5.7.21; 7.3.22; Cyropaedia 2.3.17; 7.5.12; 8.3.27; 8.5.4; 8.8.20; On Hunting 5.17; 5.24; 6.26; 7.11; 9.5; Oeconomicus 20.11.

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person),309 ‘to wage’ a war,310 ‘to remove’ someone from the office,311 ‘to take the power away’,312 ‘to destroy’ something.313 There is, however, a group of texts in which it stands for ‘the answer’ given by a deity or the oracle. Such an answer (ἀνεῖλεν) Xenophon received from Apollo who listed the gods to whom the former was to offer sacrifices (Anabasis 3.1.6). Following the advice of the god (ἀνεῖλεν), this protagonist made his sacrifices to these gods (Anabasis 3.1.8). Similarly, he obeyed the answer (ἀνεῖλεν) given by the oracle (Anabasis 5.3.7), when he bought a piece of land in Olympia for a goddess in a place indicated by the oracle. While staying at Seuthes’, Xenophon made an offering to Zeus the Ruler to get a confirmation whether to stay or leave with the army. God answered (ἀναιρεῖ) that he was to leave (Anabasis 7.6.44). Also, Socrates received an answer (ἀναιρεῖ) from Pythia that he should preserve the customs of the state (Memorabilia 1.3.1). A similar response (ἀνεῖλε) was quoted in the next work (cf. Polity of the Lacedaemonians 8.5). Chaerephon also seeks advice from the deity and Apollo replies (ἀνεῖλεν) through the Delphic oracle (The Apology of Socrates 1.14). 1.6.3.5

ἀναλαμβάνω

The frequency of using this verb is comparable to that discussed above. Its meaning is mostly literal: ‘to take’ somebody314 or something,315 ‘to gather’ an army,316 ‘to pick’ a person,317 ‘to win’ a woman,318 ‘to put oneself at the head’, ‘to take’ power,319 ‘to recover’ something.320 The latter meaning gains a different shade in texts of a more abstract nature, for example as “regaining” power. We can find this word in Xenophon’s relation on the message of the Thebans to Athens: ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, βούλοισθ᾽ ἂν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἣν πρότερον ἐκέκτησθε ἀναλαβεῖν πάντες ἐπιστάμεθα (Hellenica 3.5.10).

309 310 311 312 313 314 315 316 317 318 319 320

Hellenica 1.7.4; 1.7.9; 1.7.11; 1.7.17 (× 2); 1.7.29; 1.7.31; 2.3.32; 2.3.35 (× 2); 6.4.13. Anabasis 5.7.27; Hellenica 6.3.5; On Hunting 12.13. Cyropaedia 1.1.1. Hellenica 3.5.23. Symposium 4.36. Anabasis 5.2.32; 6.4.26; Hellenica 2.2.8; 2.4.6; 2.4.19; 3.1.19. Anabasis 6.5.1; 7.1.41; Cyropaedia 2.1.19; Hellenica 1.5.14; 5.1.26; 5.3.5; 7.2.21; 7.5.22; Hiero 2.15; On Horsemanship 3.5; 8.7; 10.9; On Hunting 6.17; 7.10; 10.20. Anabasis 1.10.6; 7.3.36; Cyropaedia 1.4.19; 1.5.14; 7.1.29; Hellenica 2.1.3; 4.4.13; 4.7.3; 4.8.11; 4.8.21; Agesilaus 1.16. Anabasis 4.7.23; Cyropaedia 3.2.1; 5.4.17. Hellenica 6.4.37. Hellenica 3.2.29; 4.8.11; 5.4.63. Hellenica 1.1.4; 7.4.26.

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The Athenians wanted to ‘recover the dominion’ (τὴν ἀρχὴν). Teleutias also had a similar intention, forming alliances with the kings of the neighbouring countries, εἴπερ βούλοιτο τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀναλαβεῖν (Hellenica 5.2.38). The problem was once again how to regain power (τὴν ἀρχὴν). The treatise Ways and Means also mentions the possibility of recovering it: τὴν δὲ ἡ γεμονίαν βουλόμενοί τινες ἀναλαβεῖν τὴν πόλιν (Ways and Means 5.5). However, this verb refers to a slightly different issue in the conversation between Pericles and Socrates. The former notes: τί ἂν ποιοῦντες ἀναλάβοιεν τὴν ἀρχαίαν ἀρετήν (Memorabilia 3.5.14). The aim here is to regain the initial valour (τὴν ἀρχαίαν ἀρετήν). In yet another figurative sense, we can find this term, namely as ‘elevating’ in spirit (Hellenica 6.5.21). This, however, is of no significance to this research. 1.6.3.6

ἀνίστημι

The frequency of this word is quite high in the works of this author (he used it 112 times). As in previous cases, its meaning is almost always literal: ‘to get up, rise’321 or ‘wake up’.322 In one text, however, we see a very interesting meaning. In the introduction to the treatise On Hunting, the author presented those chosen by gods who received special privileges from them. Among them, Cephalus and Asclepius were mentioned: Ἀσκληπιὸς δὲ καὶ μειζόνων ἔτυχεν, ἀνιστάναι μὲν τεθνεῶτας, νοσοῦντας δὲ ἰᾶσθαι: διὰ δὲ ταῦτα θεὸς ὣς παρ᾽ ἀνθρώποις ἀείμνηστον κλέος ἔχει (On Hunting 1.6). It was rendered as: “Asclepius won yet, greater preferment – to raise the dead, to heal the sick; and for these things he has everlasting fame as a god among men”. The combination of two verb forms is of key importance here: ἀνιστάναι τεθνεῶτας. The first form is infinitivus praesentis activi from ἀνίστημι, the second is participium praesentis activi from θνήσκω. The whole phrase undoubtedly means ‘to raise the dead’, and the form of perfectum of the verb θνήσκω confirms that the person is not seemingly dead, but who certainly died and this condition lasted till the intervention of Asclepius. It is worth noting that the cult of Asclepius lasted from 321 Anabasis 1.3.13; 1.3.16; 1.5.3; 1.6.10; 3.1.15; 3.1.47; 3.2.1; 3.2.4; 3.2.7; 3.2.34; 3.3.1; 4.1.5; 4.4.12 (× 2); 5.4.8; 4.5.9; 4.5.19; 4.5.21; 4.8.21; 5.1.2; 5.1.3; 5.1.5; 5.5.13; 5.6.3; 5.6.25; 5.6.27; 5.6.28; 5.7.34; 5.8.12; 5.8.14; 5.8.26; 6.1.5; 6.1.7; 6.1.11; 6.1.25; 6.1.30; 6.2.4; 6.4.12; 6.4.18; 6.6.11; 6.6.17; 7.3.3; 7.3.28; 7.3.29; 7.3.32; 7.3.33; 7.3.34; 7.6.8; 7.6.10; 7.6.39; 7.6.40; Cyropaedia 1.3.10; 1.6.39; 2.3.4; 2.3.5; 2.3.7; 2.3.16; 5.1.5 (× 2); 5.2.14; 5.2.20; 5.4.4; 6.1.19; 6.2.21; 7.2.2; 7.5.12; 7.5.48; 7.5.55; 8.1.1; 8.1.6; Hellenica 1.6.12; 1.7.7; 2.3.24; 2.3.35; 2.4.9; 2.4.42; 4.1.12; 4.5.18; 5.2.23; 5.2.30; 6.5.37; 6.5.38; Memorabilia 1.4.11; On Horsemanship 5.5; On Hunting 5.32; 6.10; 6.23; 6.25; 10.7; 10.15; Symposium 2.21. 322 Anabasis 3.4.1; 4.4.11; 4.4.12; 6.5.2; 7.4.6; Cyropaedia 1.2.10; 1.4.17; 5.2.1; 5.3.44; 8.8.20; Hellenica 2.4.6; 5.4.28; 7.1.16; 7.2.20; Memorabilia 2.1.3; Hipparchikos 7.12; Oeconomicus 3.7; 11.4; Symposium 9.3; 9.5.

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the 6th century BC for almost a thousand years, and developed especially in the Epidaurus and spread throughout the Greek world.323 It seems justified, therefore, that this author living at the turn of the 5th and 4th centuries BC mentioned this hero, who was famous for his medical knowledge and with time came to be revered as god the healer. It is important, however, that it is Xenophon that for the first time mentions the resurrection of the dead and the healing of the sick by Asclepius. 1.6.3.7

ἐγείρω

The meaning of this verb is not diversified in the works of this author. It has only literal meaning: ‘to get up, wake up’,324 ‘to watch out’,325 ‘to incite’ a war.326 1.6.3.8

ἄνω

The scope of meaning of this adverb is similar to that presented in the works of previous authors. So the literal meaning prevails: ‘upwards, up, above’327 and ‘into the interior’.328 Only in one text, although the meaning ἄνω is also literal, we find a reference to the action of a deity: καίτοι ὕδωρ μέν ὁ ἄνω θεὸς παρέχει (Oeconomicus 20.11). This action is “sending (παρέχω) rain by a god on high (ὁ ἄνω θεὸς)”, that is from heaven, which determines the sphere of existence of the gods and the space from which they perform their actions. 1.6.3.9

ἄνωθεν

An adverb used by Xenophon in a similar range of meanings as the previous one. The prevailing literal meaning is: ‘from on high’,329 ‘from the inferior’ of the country.330

323 Cf. E. Zwolski, Asklepios, [in:] Encyklopedia Katolicka, vol. 1, ed. F. Gryglewicz, R. Łukaszczyk, Z. Sułkowski, Lublin 1985, col. 999–1000. 324 Hellenica 1.6.21; On Horsemanship 3.6; 9.10 (× 2); 10.15; Oeconomicus 5.4. 325 Anabasis 4.6.22; 5.7.10; Cyropaedia 1.4.20; 1.6.35; 4.5.7; 7.5.20; Hiero 1.6; On Horsemanship 1.9; On Hunting 5.11; Symposium 2.24; 3.1. 326 Hipparchikos 1.19; Ways and Means 4.41. 327 Anabasis 1.7.15; 3.4.17; 4.1.7; 4.2.1; 4.2.8; 4.3.3; 4.3.5; 4.3.21 (× 2); 4.3.23 (× 2); 4.3.25; 4.6.26; 4.8.28; 5.4.25; Cyropaedia 1.3.4; 3.2.5; 3.2.6; 3.2.10; 7.1.23; 7.3.15; 7.5.11; Hellenica 2.4.11; 3.5.20; 4.4.11; 4.8.35; 5.1.28; 5.2.5; 7.4.16; On Horsemanship 1.2; 5.4; 5.5; 10.2; 10.3; 10.4; 10.15; Oeconomicus 19.10; 19.13; 19.14; Symposium 2.20. 328 Anabasis 1.2.1; 3.1.8; 5.2.3; 5.4.25; 7.1.28; 7.3.16; 7.5.9; 7.7.3; Cyropaedia 7.1.45; Hellenica 4.8.17. 329 Anabasis 4.7.12; 5.2.23; Cyropaedia 5.1.6; Hellenica 6.4.22; On Horsemanship 5.4; 7.7; On Hunting 4.1; 4.8; 5.15; 5.30 (× 2); 9.14; 9.16. 330 Anabasis 7.7.2.

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However, we come across two texts in which this adverb may point to a ‘place’ where the gods work. In the first, the meaning is not clear: κεραυνός τε γὰρ ὅτι μὲν ἄνωθεν ἀφίεται (Memorabilia 4.3.14). The phrase ἄνωθεν ἀφίεται indicates that thunder “was sent down from above, from heaven”, but not necessarily by the gods. However, the action of the latter is indicated by the immediate context in which the invisible servants of the gods are mentioned. In a similar vein, another text seems to be maintained, in which Socrates states: ἄνωθεν μὲν γε ὕοντες ὠφελοῦσιν, ἄνωθεν δὲ φῶς παρέχουσιν (Symposium 6.7). The immediate context shows that it is the action of the gods: θεῶν ἐπιμελοίμην, which means ‘care of the gods’.331 And this care is expressed in sending “from above, that is from the heavens, rain (ὕοντες ὠφελοῦσιν) and light (φῶς παρέχουσιν). Therefore, it seems justified to say that Xenophon was convinced the gods take various actions in their place of dwelling, which are directed towards the earth. 1.6.3.10 ἐπαίρω

The verb, as in the works of other authors, also in Xenophon’s texts has quite a wide range of meanings: ‘to pick up’ something or someone,332 ‘to elevate in spirit’,333 ‘to wish, desire’,334 ‘to arouse, incite’,335 ‘to take up’ discourse.336 In the next three texts, we observe that the meaning refers to man. Cambyses addresses Cyrus with the following words: εἰ δὲ ἢ σύ, ὦ Κῦρε, ἐπαρθεὶς ταῖς παρούσαις τύχαις ἐπιχειρήσεις […] (Cyropaedia 8.5.24). In this text, the verb ἐπαίρω means ‘to be proud, to take pride’. That is the attitude Cambyses accuses Cyrus of. A similar meaning of this word is found in Pericles’ conversation with Socrates, but in relation to the whole nation. The former notes: τεταπείνωται μὲν ἡ τῶν Ἀθηναίων δόξα πρὸς τοὺς Βοιωτούς, ἐπῆρται δὲ τὸ τῶν Θηβαίων φρόνημα πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους (Memorabilia 3.5.4). The decisive factor here is the antithetical

construction, in which we read that the glory of the Athenians (ἡ τῶν Ἀθηναίων δόξα) to the Boeotians was humiliated (τεταπείνωται), and the pride of the Thebans

(τὸ τῶν Θηβαίων φρόνημα) to the Athenians was exalted (ἐπῆρται). This stylistic means is based on two verbs with opposite meanings: ταπεινόω (‘to humiliate, disgrace’) and ἐπαίρω (‘raise, exalt, extoll’). They form a kind of antithesis also known in the Greek world: what is high will be humiliated and what is lowly will

331 332 333 334 335 336

The verb form ἐπιμελοίμην, is optativus praesentis activi from ἐπιμελέομαι. On Horsemanship 12.6; On Hunting 5.19; 6.7. Memorabilia 3.5.3; On Hunting 12.12. Anabasis 6.1.21; 5.5.41. Anabasis 7.7.25; 1.6.21; 4.2.4; 8.1.21; Memorabilia 1.2.25; Oeconomicus 14.9. Memorabilia 1.2.9.

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be exalted. In both cases, however, the category ‘low’ is used to define one people, the Athenians. The positive understanding of the meaning of this verb is discovered in a conversation between Socrates and Glaucon, in which the former encourages the latter to gain a ‘good name’ if ἐπαρεῖς δὲ τὸν πατρῷον οἶκον, αὐξήσεις δὲ τὴν πατρίδα (Memorabilia 3.6.2). We find a synonymous parallelism in which ‘father’s house’ (τὸν πατρῷον οἶκον), that is the family and the fatherland (ἡ πατρίς) are to be appropriately ‘exalted’ (ἐπαίρω) and ‘enlarged, enhanced’ (αὐξάνω). Undoubtedly, both actions are aimed at bringing glory to one’s own family and nation. Summary Among the large number of terms used by Xenophon which refer to height (475 in total), only a small group is of moral and religious significance (6 terms in 18 places337 ). In a metaphorical sense, these terms refer to a man who has a desire to regain (ἀναλαμβάνω) power (Hellenica 3.5.10; 5.2.38; Ways and Means 5.5) or valour (Memorabilia 3.5.14). Xenophon included various meanings in the verb ἐπαίρω in describing the attitudes of people or whole nations. Someone can become proud (Cyropaedia 8.5.24), and the pride of the whole nation can be exalted (Memorabilia 3.5.4). However, man should strive to gain a ‘good name’ by bringing glory to his family and homeland (Memorabilia 3.6.2). In relation to the gods, Xenophon uses slightly richer terminology. The god is on high (ἄνω), and from there he performs his actions (Oeconomicus 20.11). He sends from above (ἄνωθεν) thunder (Memorabilia 4.3.14) and rain and light (Symposium 6.7). At the request of man, god answers (ἀναιρέω) through his oracle (Anabasis 3.1.6; 3.1.8; 5.3.7; 7.6.44; Memorabilia 1.3.1; Polity of the Lacedaemonians 8.5; The Apology of Socrates 1.14). What is particularly interesting, however, is the use of the verb ἀνίστημι, which this author, probably for the first time in Greek literature, directly describes the ‘resurrection of the dead’ by Asclepius (On Hunting 1.6). He was not a god, but a hero, who from the 6th century BC onwards received divine honour in large parts of the Greek world. 1.6.4

Polybius

A future historian, a critic of his predecessors Timaeus and Phylarchus as far as the concept of historiography is concerned, and a follower of Thucydides, lived from about 200 to about 118 BC. He was the son of Lycortas, an influential politician and leader of the Achaean League. From his youth he took part in the political and

337 It constitutes almost 3,8 % of the occurrence of the terms under investigation.

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military life in his homeland until 168 BC, when the Romans, after the victory at Pydna, demanded thousand hostages from the most prominent Achaean families. Among them was Polybius. He stayed in Rome until 151, when he was released along with three hundred surviving hostages. He returned to his country, although he often left it on numerous journeys. He spent the last years of his life in his home country. He died at the age of 82.338 His greatest work is The Histories in forty books.339 “From this work we only have only five initial books (I–V), books VI–XVIII (except XVII) in excerpts (the so-called Excerpta antiqua) and books XIX–XXXIX in excerpts (Excerpta Porphyrogennetaee). These are the history of the West from 264 to 168 (or 148), the history of Greece from 220 to 168 (or 148) and of the East from 220 to 168 (or 148)”.340 Other unpreserved works by Polybius include Philopoemen’s Life in three books,341 a work on tactics and a monograph on the Numantine War.342 In The Histories Polibius uses three of the terms in question from the first group (with the root ὑψο): ὑψόω (1 time), τὸ ὕψος (14 times) and ὑψηλός (6 times). The second group (with the prefix ἀνα or the root ἀνω and cognates) is represented by: ἀναβαίνω (22 times), ἀναιρέω (33 times), ἀναλαμβάνω (104 times), ἀνίστημι (34 times), ἐγείρω (9 times), ἄνω (19 times), ἄνωθεν (2 times) and ἐπαίρω (23 times). 1.6.4.1

ὑψόω

Although Polybius only uses the verb ὑψόω once, he does so in a quite distinctive way. Describing Apelles’ arrival at Philip’s court, in view of the fact that he was not accepted by the king, he makes the following reflection: βραχεῖς γὰρ δὴ πάνυ καιροὶ πάντας μὲν ἀνθρώπους ὡς ἐπίπαν ὑψοῦσι καὶ πάλιν ταπεινοῦσι […] (5.26.12). It was rendered in English as follows: “So true it is all the world over that a moment exalts and abases us”. And then the author comments on the situation: “They indeed are exactly like counters on a board, which, according to the pleasure of the calculator, are one moment worth a farthing, the next a talent. Even so courtiers at the king’s nod are one moment at the summit of prosperity, at another the objects of 338 Cf. K. Głombiowski, Polybios, [in:] Słownik pisarzy antycznych [Dictionary of Ancient Writers], ed. A. Świderkówna), Warszawa 1990, p. 380–381. 339 This study is based on the following editions of the original text: Polybii et Appiani quae supersunt. Graece et latine cum indicibus, ed. A. Firmin-Didot, vol. 1–2, Parisiis 1839; Polybii Historia, ed. L. Dindorfius, Lipsiae 1867. The Polish translation consulted: Polibius, Dzieje [The Histories], Wrocław 2005; The English translation quoted after: The Histories of Polybius, English transl. E.S. Shuckburgh, London 1889. 340 Cf. T. Sinko, Zarys historii literatury greckiej [An Outline of the History of Greek Literature], vol. 2, p. 133. 341 This work was mentioned by Polybius himself in The Histories 2.40.2. 342 Cf. K. Głombiowski, Polybios, p. 381.

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pity” (5.26.13). So we recognise here the figurative meaning of this verb. ‘To exalt’ (ὑψοῦσι) would mean achieving a certain dignity, a position at the royal court, while ‘to abase’ (ταπεινοῦσι) – the loss of it. 1.6.4.2

τὸ ὕψος

A noun repeatedly used by this author, however, usually to determine the physical height of an object or a thing. The only difference is the use of a preposition in some cases. It is assigned the following meanings: the height of the wall (τοῦ τείχους; 4.83.4, 9.19.5, 9.19.6) or the whole (παντός) height of the wall (9.19.8); making (κατεπύκνωσε343 ) holes in the wall (τρῆμασι τὸ τεῖχος) at human height (ἀνδρομήκους; 8.7.6); the height of a crater or chasm (κρατῆρος; 34.11.15). In prepositional constructions, the most common is the use of εἰς with accusative. The mountain (ὄρος) rises to a height (εἰς ὕψος; 1.56.4). Media (Μηδία) differs from other Asian countries because of its highlands (εἰς ὕψος; 5.44.3). Acrolisson (Ἀκρόλισσον) is inaccessible due to height (εἰς ὕψος; 8.15.3). Houses (τὰς […] οἰκίας) rise to a height (εἰ ὕψος; 9.21.10). The walls (τὰ τείχη) rise to a height (εἰς ὕψος; 10.13.8). We also meet other prepositions in combination with τὸ ὕψος: a) ἀπό with genitive: the ship’s prow (τῆς πρώρας) falling from a height (ἀφ’ ὕψος) submerged in the water (8.8.4); b) πρός with accusative: the hills (λόφοι) called Cynoscephalae rise significantly to a height (πρός ὕψος; 18.5.9); c) περί with genitive: in 34.10.15 we read that Polybius, speaking of the size and height of the Alps (περὶ τοῦ μεγέθους τῶν Ἄλπεων καὶ τοῦ ὕψους) compares them with the highest mountains of Greece. 1.6.4.3

ὑψηλός

This adjective is not very often used by this author but in various forms. We come across it both in the function of a modifier and a predicative in the comparative as well as in the superlative form. As a modifier it describes the size of hills (βουνοὺς […] ὑψηλοὺς; 3.83.1), slopes (ὄχθων ὑψηλῶν; 18.3.4), Aemon as the highest mountain of the Pontus range (ὄρος […] ὑψηλότατον; 24.4.1), the highest house (οἴκησιν ὑψηλοτάτην; 34.1.17). In the function of the predicative it connects with the verb εἰμι. The hills on which Menelaion is located are unusually high (ὄντας […] διαφερόντως ὑψηλούς; 5.22.3). From the work “Περὶ τῆς ὑπὸ τὸν ἰσημερινὸν οἰκήσεως” (referred to in 34.1.7) we learn that the temperate zone (ζώνη εὔκρατος) is the highest (ὑψηλοτάτη ἐστί; 34.1.16).

343 Literally: ‘filled with’.

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1.6.4.4

ἀναβαίνω

The verb can be encountered in the sense of ‘ascending’ a higher place344 or an elevated, a rostrum.345 What draws attention, however, is one text that describes Philip of Macedonia’s ascent to the Messenian acropolis in order to make a sacrifice to Zeus: ἀναβάντος μετὰ τῆς θεραπείας καὶ θύοντος (7.12.1). It is not clear whether the verb ἀναβαίνω should be interpreted as ‘ascending’ the acropolis, which was located higher than the whole city, or ‘ascending’ the platform in order to make a sacrifice. Then it would refer to a kind of holy place, belonging to the gods, where the offering is made. The latter meaning is not excluded, especially since the acropolis, losing its significance as a fortress, became a place of worship of the gods.346 1.6.4.5

ἀναιρέω

A term used by Polybius in a slightly broader range of meanings than the previous one. Primarily the meaning is literal: ‘to delete’, in the broadest sense of the word ‘to kill’ somebody,347 ‘to remove’ the body (5.86.2), ‘to destroy’ something material (6.8.1; 18.3.4; 18.3.8; 30.20.6; 29.22.4), ‘to incite’ a war (20.5.3), ‘to come into’ conflict (9.11.1), or simply ‘to raise’ something (12.4d.6) or ‘to delete’ (39.3.3). In relation to persons it may also mean ‘punishing’ someone for something (1.10.4). In a metaphorical sense it also has several meanings: ‘to repair’ a defect (6.45.3; 6.46.7) or ‘to reverse’ a positive value (1.14.6; 12.25b.4; 15.7.6), ‘to break off ’ an alliance (31.20.2). In spite of such a rich range of meanings of the verb, it is difficult to find any religious or moral denotation among them. 1.6.4.6

ἀναλαμβάνω

It is this verb that is most frequently used by this author (104 times). It usually has a literal meaning: ‘to take’ in relation to people,348 animals (1.19.1) and objects (2.6.6; 3.9.3; 5.13.1; 16.3.4; 28.21.1; 30.4.11; 31.22.8; 34.3.6) or ‘to put on’ clothes 344 4.78.9; 5.27.3; 5.76.4; 6.39.5; 7.17.4; 8.18.11; 9.19.7; 10.4.6; 10.11.5; 10.14.13; 11.16.2; 15.30.6; 16.25.5; 16.27.4; 21.15.9; 21.42.6; 34.10.16. 345 6.53.2; 15.25.4; 30.4.4; 30.22.11. 346 It is proved by the function of the Acropolis in Athens. 347 1.84.7; 2.21.5; 2.60.2; 4.23.1; 4.33.5; 4.35.5; 4.53.2; 13.6.7; 15.21.2; 23.10.8; 23.10.15; 23.12.3; 31.11.1; 32.4.1; 32.5.6; 39.6.5. 348 Usually it denotes a ‘gathering’ of armed forces; see 1.26.5; 1.29.10; 1.30.2; 1.32.8; 1.36.12; 1.40.1; 1.60.4; 2.1.6; 2.26.3; 2.26.8; 2.27.5; 2.31.4; 2.34.3; 2.34.6; 2.54.5; 2.65.1; 3.35.7; 3.41.8; 3.47.1; 3.50.8; 3.51.6; 3.65.3; 3.68.13; 3.77.1; 3.93.10; 3.102.6; 3.110.5; 4.36.4; 4.61.2; 4.62.1; 4.63.4; 4.67.6; 4.68.4; 4.75.4; 4.80.8; 4.80.16; 5.5.11; 5.20.6; 5.22.9; 5.61.8; 5.68.9; 5.70.1; 5.70.3; 5.73.5; 5.76.2; 8.7.12;

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Ηistoriography

(8.19.7; 26.1.5; 26.1a.2). Sometimes it denotes ‘recovering’ after an illness (2.18.5; 3.60.2; 3.68.14; 3.80.2; 3.85.5; 12.26.6)349 or ‘taking up’ a task (1.14.5; 6.9.3; 20.8.1) or ‘passing’ a resolution (2.46.6; 25.4.5). Sometimes it means ‘to incite’ a war (1.71.5; 1.88.11; 2.46.1; 3.2.5; 3.8.8; 4.32.4; 5.1.3; 7.13.1; 38.9.8). In several texts we find a reference to more abstract concepts: τὸ χρήσιμον καὶ τὸ τερπνὸν ἐκ τῆς ἱστορίας ἀναλαβεῖν (1.4.11); ἀναλάβῃ τὴν αἰτίαν (2.50.8); τὰς ἐμπειρίας καὶ τέχνας αὐτῆς ἕνεκα τῆς ἐπιστήμης ἀναλαμβάνει (3.4.11); τὸν τῶν ἡττωμένων ζῆλον ἀναλαμβάνειν (9.10.6); τῶν ἐκτὸς ἐπιτηδευμάτων μέχρι τινὸς ἀναλαβεῖν (9.20.8); τὴν ἐπὶ σωφροσύνῃ δόξαν ἀναλαβεῖν (31.25.2). However, none of these cases refers to religious values. There is another group of texts in which ἀναλαμβάνω refers to ‘power’. In this sense, the term ἀναλαμβάνω διάδημα is used: 5.42.7 (ἀναλάβῃ διάδημα), 15.26.5 (τὸ διάδημ᾽ ἀναλαμβάνειν). We also meet phrases: τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀνειληφέναι (21.25.1) or ἀνέλαβεν ἐξουσίαν (38.13.7). With regard to ‘respect, dignity’ we read: ἃς πρότερον εἶχον ἐν Ἀχαΐᾳ τιμὰς οἱ φυγάδες ἀναλάβοιεν (35.6.3). All these texts it is only the human authority that is to be regained or acquired, which does not fall within the scope of our research. Possibly. it only allows us to realize that this dignity was granted by putting on the head what is called in the Greek language τὸ διάδημα. It was a headband especially on the tiaras of Persian kings, hence the royal diadem in general.350 1.6.4.7

ἀνίστημι

Like many other authors, also in Polybius’ work ἀνίστημι is used in the form of a transitive (‘to order to rise, lift, raise’) and a non-transitive (‘to stand up, rise’). In the first form we meet it in: 5.17.5; 6.40.2; 13.7.8; 15.32.8; 29.27.10; 30.9.10. In this sense it also means ‘to destroy’ (4.25.4; 4.53.4; 21.35.2; 28.8.3; 38.2.13) or ‘to rebuild’. (16.1.5). In the second form it is used more frequently: 8.5.8; 15.1.7; 15.19.3; 18.36.2; 18.36.5; 21.18.7; 22.5.10; 22.8.1; 22.8.9; 22.9.5; 22.10.4; 22.12.8; 26.1.14; 26.1a.2; 28.4.9; 28.7.4; 28.7.5; 28.7.8; 29.14.2; 33.16.7; 35.4.9; 35.6.1. In all these texts, this verb has a literal meaning, so it does not contribute to our investigations.

10.9.6; 10.31.7; 10.32.2; 10.35.7; 10.37.6; 10.42.4; 10.49.2; 11.21.1; 14.4.1; 14.4.4; 14.10.3; 16.36.4; 18.24.1; 30.9.8. 349 In one case, it means ‘gaining’ authority, power – 3.8.2. 350 Cf. Słownik polsko-grecki [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 1, p. 525.

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1.6.4.8

ἐγείρω

Similarly, also this verb in the work of Polybius is used in the transitive form (‘to awaken’) and the intransitive form (‘to get up’ in the perfectum tense, and cognates of ‘to watch, to be vigilant’). The first form is present in: 5.48.3; 8.37.4. In this sense it also means ‘to instigate’ war or riots: 2.19.1; 15.1.2; 6.36.3; 8.20.8; 9.18.7; 33.21.2; 36.16.3). In each of these texts this verb has a literal meaning, so it hardly falls within the scope of this research. 1.6.4.9

ἄνω

In the work of Polybius, the meaning of this adverb is mostly literal and it describes geographical areas,351 political regions,352 structures (8.4.5) or body parts (12.13.1). Only once does it appear in the idiomatic phrase ἄνω καὶ κάτω (29.27.10), in the sense of ‘everything’. It is impossible to find any metaphorical meaning in the texts in question. 1.6.4.10 ἄνωθεν

As previously, also this adverb has exclusively literal meaning and was used by this author to describe a river (5.22.6) and to build the shield of a Roman soldier (6.23.4). 1.6.4.11 ἐπαίρω

This verb in the literal sense in Polybius’ work means ‘to raise, hoist’ the sail (1.61.7; 16.15.2). Three texts mention a certain Eperatus353 of Pharae, who was elected Strategus by the assembly of Achaeans (4.82.8; 5.1.7; 5.91.4). In the passive voice, it usually means ‘to be haughty, to be conceited’. It is then combined with a noun (or adjective354 ) in dative. Sometimes in combination with prepositions ἐπί (+ Dat.), πρός (+ Acc.), ἔκ (+ Gen.).355 Usually in such cases, ἐπαίρω has a figurative meaning, both in a positive sense (‘to be elevated, to be proud’) and in a pejorative sense (‘to be arrogant, to be conceited’). Then its meaning depends on the noun (adjective) with which it is combined and on the context.

351 352 353 354 355

1.56.4; 4.67.1; 5.46.5; 5.55.4; 5.97.3; 16.39.1. 3.6.10; 5.40.5; 5.40.7; 5.41.1; 5.48.12; 5.54.13; 5.55.3; 11.34.14 (× 2); 15.26.10. Name from the same core as ἐπαίρω. Also with a participle, which by its nature behaves like an adjective in a sentence. Cf. Słownik polsko-grecki [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 2, p. 193.

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Ηistoriography

The first meaning (positive) is most often in the combination with the terms referring to human feelings. We encounter three times ἡ ἐλπίς. The Aetolians formed an alliance with Antigonus and Cleomenes, hoping to occupy the cities: τότε παραπλησίαις ἐλπίσιν ἐπαρθέντες (2.45.2). They also spread terror among their enemies as a result of the expectations associated with the presence of the Romans and King Attalus: προσφάτως ἐπηρμένοι ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐπὶ τῇ Ῥωμαίων καὶ τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀττάλου παρουσίᾳ (10.41.1). Publius, on the other hand, expressed his surprise when he spoke to the tribunes about what hopes they cherished to rebel: ποίαις ἐλπίσιν ἐπαρθέντες ἐπεβάλοντο ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἀπόστασιν (11.28.1). The valour (ὁ θυμός) of Hannibal was raised as a result of good news from the Gauls and Carthage: προσπεπτωκότων δὲ προσφάτως αὐτῷ καὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς Καρχηδόνος, ἐπαρθεὶς τῷ θυμῷ (3.34.7). The troops of Molon, the ruler of the country of the Medes, were elevated in their ‘fervour’ (ἡ ὁρμή) because the enemy commanders hid themselves in their fortresses: καὶ τῶν ἰδίων δυνάμεων ἐπηρμένων ταῖς ὁρμαῖς (5.45.2). Certain events can have the same effect – elevate (ἐπαίρω) in spirit. This is how Philip’s mercenaries felt encouraged by the appearance of the ‘reserves’ (ἡ ἐφεδρεία) of the Illyrians and peltasts: ἐπαρθέντας τῇ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν καὶ πελταστῶν ἐφεδρείᾳ (5.23.4). The failure (ἡ περιπέτεια)356 of Attalus restored Philip’s confidence: τῇ δὲ περιπετείᾳ τῇ κατὰ τὸν Ἄτταλον ἐπαρθείς (16.6.9). The events that took place in the Roman Senate in the presence of the messengers sent by Ptolemais the Younger, i.e. the annulment of the covenant with Ptolemais the Elder, ‘elevated’ (ἐπαρθείς) the first one in spirit. As a result, he started recruiting mercenary troops: ὁ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος ἐπαρθεὶς εὐθέως ἐξενολόγει (31.20.5). The second meaning (negative) is mostly found in the descriptions of events as a result of which people become ‘haughty, complacent’, usually following a military victory. The Senate of Rome, on the news of the victory of the troops over Hannibal at Agrigentum, reacts with great joy and complacency, feeling their ideas were ‘raised’ (ἡ διάνοια): περιχαρεῖς γενόμενοι καὶ ταῖς διανοίαις ἐπαρθέντες (1.20.1). A similar reaction of haughtiness and ‘exaltation’ (ἡ διάνοια) can be found in the description of the Lacedaemonians’ fight with the Achaean: ἐπαρθέντες ταῖς διανοίαις ἐπὶ τῷ τῶν εὐζώνων προτερήματι (11.15.6). After losing a naval battle, the Carthaginians are afraid that the Romans ‘in the flush of their victory’ (τὸ προτέρημα) will immediately set out against Carthage: ἐκ τοῦ γεγονότος προτερήματος ἐπαρθέντας εὐθέως ποιήσεσθαι τὸν ἐπίπλουν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν Καρχηδόνα

(1.29.4). A similar victory (τὸ προτέρημα) made Antioch ‘elated with success’ go to war against the barbarians: ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐπαρθεὶς τῷ γεγονότι προτερήματι […]

356 The literal meaning of this noun is: ‘a total change, sudden change, breakthrough, turn in action’; cf. Słownik polsko-grecki [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 3, p. 505.

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(5.55.1). Achaeus, a relative of the Syrian king Seleucus, intended to keep power for his son, Antiochus after his death. However, ‘puffed up by his good fortune’ (τὸ εὐτυχήμα), i.e. the victory over Attalus and taking over the rest of the empire, he swerved from the course: ἐπαρθεὶς τοῖς εὐτυχήμασι παρὰ πόδας ἐξώκειλε (4.48.11). The consequence was that he accepted the diadem and declared himself king. In another fragment, Polybius first describes the intrigues in the Carthaginian camp and then shows how these events (τοῖς συμβεβηκόσιν357 ) elated and emboldened Mathos and Spendius: οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Μάθω καὶ Σπένδιον ἐπαρθέντες τοῖς συμβεβηκόσιν (1.82.11). In slightly different circumstances, but in a similar context this author presents the Tiberius campaign against Hannibal. The Roman chief, in the face of the attack of the Numidian horsemen, sends numerous troops in the hope that they would settle the affair, because his superiority in numbers (τὸ πλῆθος), and his success in the cavalry skirmish of the day before, had filled him with confidence (τῇ προτεραίᾳ358 ): ἐπαιρόμενος τῷ τε πλήθει τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τῷ γεγονότι τῇ προτεραίᾳ (3.72.2). A separate group of texts are those in which Polybius uses the relative pronoun (ὅς, ἥ, ὅ) or the indicative pronoun (οὗτος, αὕτη, τοῦτο) in combination with this verb. However, it is always about the events that preceded the reaction of ‘becoming haughty’. Consul Caecilius, in the face of the confrontation with the Carthage chieftain, Hasdrubal, stops his troops inside the city, which (οἷς) makes the latter ‘supremely confident’: οἷς ἐπαιρόμενος Ἀσδρούβας (1.40.4). Xenoetas, the leader of the Syrian army, is assured by the visitors from the enemy Molon’s camp that if he would cross the Tigris river, Molon’s army would come to his side. Encouraged by this (τούτοις), he decides to cross the river: ἐπαρθεὶς τούτοις ὁ Ξενοίτας ἐπεβάλετο διαβαίνειν τὸν Τίγριν (5.46.8). As a result of an unsuccessful ploy of Garsyeris, the leader of the Syrian army, the victuals destined for Pednelissus (the city besieged by the Selgians) fell into the hands of the enemy. The Selgians, elated with this (οἷς) “essayed to storm the camp of Garsyeris as well as the city”: οἷς ἐπαρθέντες ἐνεχείρησαν οὐ μόνον τὴν πόλιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Γαρσύηριν πολιορκεῖν

(5.73.8). As we have found out, this verb is assigned rich meanings. In a positive sense, although it refers to the feelings of man, these feelings are always related to the reality of earthly power or success. In a negative sense, in the context of the successes achieved by people, it points to the danger of overconfidence in somebody’s own strength.

357 Perfectum passive participle from συμβαίνω: ‘to happen’. 358 Adjective from προτεραῖος: ‘previous, preceding’.

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Ηistoriography

Summary The terminology with which Polybius describes the height usually, if not exclusively, refers to man and his actions. The verb ἐπαίρω in a metaphorical sense can mean both positive a spiritual elevation359 as well as the pejorative feeling of haughtiness because of some successes.360 Another interesting combination is the verb ὑψόω with its antonym ταπεινόω: “So true it is all the world over that a moment exalts and abases us” (5.26.12). This would mean that everyone could gain some dignity (ὑψόω) and then lose it (ταπεινόω). With regard to gods, that is, the religious sphere, the use of the verb ἀναβαίνω is worth noting although its religious meaning in the only text of Polybius is uncertain. It is not clear whether in 7.12.1 the ascent of Philip of Macedonia to the Messenian Acropolis is purely religious (to offer sacrifices to Zeus) or military (to take over the city). *** In a world full of various noteworthy events, two spaces reserved for two kinds of beings are of key importance. The first group are the gods who act from their place of dwelling, ‘from above’ (ἄνωθεν), sending thunder or rain from there (Xenophon, Memorabilia 4.3.14; Symposium 6.7). The place of their dwelling is specified by another adverb (ἄνω): the rain is sent from gods (implicitly ‘residing’) from ‘on high’ (Xenophon, Oeconomicus 20.11). By shooting arrows ‘upwards’ (ἄνω) people may provoke their reaction (Herodotus, The Histories 4.94.5; 5.105.2). In order for a human being to come into contact with a deity he must prepare a suitable place for it. Although historians are silent on this subject, we come to this conclusion reading about the ‘ascent’ (ἀναβαίνω) to the highest (τὰ ὑψηλότατα) places to offer the sacrifice (Herodotus, The Histories 1.131.2361 ). To take the oath, it was also necessary to ascend such a place, that is the altar (Thucydides, Peloponnesian War 5.50.1). The oracles were located on the highest (ὑψηλοτάτων) mountains (Herodotus, The Histories 7.111.2). Inquiries addressed to a god were answered (ἀναιρέω) by the gods themselves (Xenophon, Anabasis 3.1.6; 3.1.8) or through the oracle (in Delphi: Herodotus, The Histories 1.13.1; 1.13.2; 6.34.2; 6.52.5; 7.148.3; 9.33.2; Thucydides, Peloponnesian War 1.25.1; 1.118.3; 2.54.4; Xenophon, Memorabilia 1.3.1; The Apology of Socrates 1.14; in Dodona: Herodotus, The Histories 2.52.4; in Ethiopia: 359 2.45.2; 3.34.7; 5.23.4; 5.45.2; 10.41.1; 11.28.1; 16.6.9; 31.20.5. 360 1.20.1; 1.29.4; 1.40.4; 1.82.11; 3.72.2; 4.48.11; 5.46.8; 5.55.1; 5.73.8; 11.15.6. 361 The Messenian Acropolis of Messengers, ascended by Darius, was probably also such a place (Polybius, The Histories 7.12.1).

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Herodotus, The Histories 2.139.3 or an unspecified oracle: Thucydides, Peloponnesian War 1.126.4; Xenophon, Anabasis 5.3.7; 7.6.44; The Polity of the Lacedaemonians 8.5) or by the soothsayers (Herodotus, The Histories 6.69.3). These actions taken by people to come into contact with the gods did not, however, guarantee that they would belong to the world of the gods; on the contrary, they still confirmed the belief that the dwelling of gods was closed to man. The effort of climbing the mountain peaks to make a sacrifice or consult an oracle was only to confirm the conviction of how distant this world was. The earth was the space of human existence. Living on it, people were constantly struggling on a religious and moral level. This belief is also present in the works of Greek historiographers. In the religious sphere there was a constant struggle for a return to life. This is expressed by using the verb ἀνίστημι. Herodotus denies it (οὐκέτι ἀνέστησαν) and creates one of the many synonyms of death: ‘not to rise’ or ‘to pass away’ (Herodotus, The Histories 1.31.6). As for the possibility of ‘resurrection’, that is, returning to life on one’s own, he expresses his serious doubts (Herodotus, The Histories 3.62.4). The possibility of returning to life is only conceivable through a deity that “raises from the dead, brings back to life”. The conviction that Asclepius was granted such power can be found in Xenophon’s On Hunting: “Asclepius won yet, greater preferment – to raise the dead (ἀνιστάναι τεθνεῶτας), to heal the sick; and for these things he has everlasting fame as a god among men” (Xenophon, On Hunting 1.6). In the moral sphere, everyone strives to erase (ἀναλαμβάνω) the guilt he has contracted in order to restore his former state (Herodotus, The Histories 7.231.1; cf. also 8.109.2). Different situations, especially military interventions, can elevate a person or even a whole nation (ἐπαίρω) (Polybius, The Histories 5.23.4; 16.6.9; 31.20.5). The fight is also significant, especially on the Olympic field, as it leads to the highest laurels (ἀναιρέω) (Herodotus, The Histories 6.36.1; 6.70.3; 6.103.2 [× 2]; 6.103.3; 6.103.4; 6.122.1; 6.125.4; 9.33.2; 9.33.3; 9.64.1); which is referred to as wearing a wreath (στεφανηφόρους; Herodotus, The Histories 5.102.3). It seems equally interesting to analyse those texts that emphasize the exaltation (ἐξαείρας […] ὑψοῦ; Herodotus, The Histories 9.79.1; ἐπαίρω; Xenophon, Memorabilia 3.6.2) by others of someone else’s exemplary behaviour. In opposition to this meaning we find the pejorative use of the same verb (ἐπαίρω), in the sense of ‘becoming haughty’ (Thucydides, Peloponnesian War 1.25.4; 1.120.5; 4.121.1; Xenophon, Cyropaedia 8.5.24; Polybius, The Histories 1.20.1; 1.29.4; 1.40.4; 1.82.11; 3.72.2; 4.48.11; 5.46.8; 5.55.1; 5.73.8; 11.15.6). In two texts we meet a characteristic antithesis: what is high will be humiliated and what is low will be exalted. The first of the historiographers who mentioned it was Xenophon. In one of his Socratic works we read: “the glory of the Athenians (ἡ τῶν Ἀθηναίων δόξα) to the Boeotians was humiliated (τεταπείνωται), and the pride of the Thebans to the Athenians was exalted (ἐπαίρω)” (Xenophon, Memorabilia

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Conclusions

3.5.4). Another text is authored by Polybius: “a moment exalts (ὑψοῦσι) and abases us (ταπεινοῦσι) […]” (Polybius, The Histories 5.26.12). This antithesis returns once again in Greek literature362 and is closely related, at least in terms of terminology, to the biblical text in Ezek 21:31.363

Conclusions Summarising this research briefly, since it was already presented in more detail at the end of particular paragraphs, it should be mentioned that the Greek authors primarily focus on describing the gods’ place of dwelling. To this end, they make use of adverbs ὑψοῦ, ὑψόθεν and ἄνω. Zeus is the highest (ὕψιστος) ruler of Mount Olympus, the world of gods. Man can climb (ἀναβαίνω) Olympus, the dwelling of the gods. Man can also enter the space of worship and prayer, and even into heaven itself. Before this happens, however, he has to build (ἀνίστημι) an altar and raise the offering (ἀναιρέω) in a sacrificial gesture or lift (ἐπαίρω) the gift upwards (ἄνω). Man can achieve the otherworldly (ἄνω) existence of the soul and the view from above (ἄνωθεν) through philosophy. He can also come into contact with the deities thanks to the oracle through which the deities respond (ἀναιρέω). Ancient authors knew the idea of resurrection although they consistently denied the possibility of resurrection of someone (ἀνίστημι) or resurrection (ἡ ἀνάστασις) as such. It was the domain of the gods. This power was attributed to Heracles (Euripides, Alcestis 126; 1008nn; Heracles 719) and Asclepius (Xenophon, On Hunting 1.6). References to this were also made using the adverb ἄνω and the verb ἀναλαμβάνω. Literature also repeats the motif of humiliation and exaltation, although not yet in the same form as in the Old Testament (cf. e.g. Ezek 21:31). In this context, the Greek used the terms ὑψηλός, ἄνω, and the pairs ἐπαίρω/ταπεινόω and ὑψόω/ ταπεινόω. In the negative sense (as ‘haughtiness’ or ‘excessive pride’), Greek authors prefer such concepts as τὸ ὕψος, ὑψοῦ, ὑψηλός, ἄνω and ἐπαίρω.

362 It was also used by Euripides, but the wording was different (The Trojan Women 612). 363 After LXX 1950–1953: ἐταπείνωσας τὸ ὑψηλὸν καὶ τὸ ταπεινὸν ὕψωσας.

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2.

St Paul’s epistles

The subject of exaltation was taken up by Paul in all his letters, except Titus and Flm.1 We find almost all the terminology we know from Greek classical literature about exaltation. In our search, we contractually divide the terms into those with a ὑψo core and those with a prefix ἀνa and related. Let us list here the ones used by the Apostle and the number of their occurrence his letters: τὸ ὕψος (twice), τὸ ὕψωμα (twice), ὑψηλός (twice), ὑψόω (once), ὑπερυψόω (once), ἀναβαίνω (7 times), ἀναιρέω (once), ἀναλαμβάνω (4 times), ἀνίστημι (5 times), ἡ ἀνάστασις (9 times), ἡ ἐξανάστασις (once), ἐγείρω (4 times), ἐξεγείρω (twice), συνεγείρω (3 times), ἄνω (4 times), ἄνωθεν (once) and ἐπαίρω (3 times). Among the concepts known from classical Greek, only the following are missing: ἡ ἔγερσις, ὕψιστος, ὑψόθεν and ὑψοῦ. We discuss the terms occurring in individual epistles within the same due to the possibility of different approach to theological themes and, consequently, the possibility of nuances of meaning in the terms we occupy. In the introduction to individual paragraphs we give statistics on the occurrence of terms. In our search, we accept the canonical arrangement of letters because the discussion about the time when Paul’s originated is not the subject of our work. However, in the introduction to individual paragraphs, we will give basic information about the time and place of the epistle. The internal layout of the individual paragraphs is fixed. The order of the texts discussed was dictated mainly by two factors: literal or metaphorical meaning and reference to God or man. The discussion of each text also has a fixed layout. First, we quote a passage in Greek. Then we conduct text criticism. The natural consequence is to propose a translation of the discussed text. Further, we continue to discuss the context and comment on the whole text with a special emphasis on the term we are interested in, the specific meaning of which we give at the end.

2.1

Epistle to the Romans

It is a letter that is touted as coming from St Paul, and such it is in fact. Only some passages are sometimes questioned as authored by the Apostle. In the past it

1 We do not take into account the letter to the Hebrews, for it is generally considered not to be Paul’s epistle. Note, however, that there are also terms in this epistle that deal with exaltation: ὑψηλός (1:3, 7:26; ὕψιστος (7:1), ἀνίστημι (7:11.15), ἡ ἀνάστασις (6:2, 11:35), ἐγείρω (11:19), ἄνω (12:15) and ἀναιρέω (10:9).

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concerned Rom 13:1–7, which James Kallas considers to be unauthentic.2 A more serious problem is the authorship of the final doxology – Rom 16:25–27 – as well as the entire sixteenth chapter.3 We do not want to discuss literary issues as this is not what we are concerned with here. However, let us note that there is not enough evidence that both fragments are not authentic.4 Let’s also mention the date and place of writing the Letter. The scholars agree on the place: this would have been Corinth, during the apostle’s three-month stay (cf. Acts 20:2–3), at the end of the so-called third missionary journey. Discussions are ongoing as to the date of the creation. However, this must have been between the year 55 and 58.5 In this Letter, Paul uses two terms from the group of terms with a ὑψο root: ὕψωμα (once) and ὑψηλός (twice). It also uses a number of terms with the prefix ἀνα and related: ἀναβαίνω (once), ἀνίστημι (once), ἡ ἀνάστασις (twice), ἐγείρω (10 times), ἐξεγείρω (once).6 They form eight groups of meanings, which we will discuss in the order dictated by the reference to God and to man. 2.1.1

To raise Jesus from the dead

The theme of the “raising” Christ from the dead occurs eight times in this Letter, always in connection with the verb ἐγείρω. However, Paul does not give a systematic lecture on this subject anywhere. The information returns as if occasioned by discussing other theological-practical issues. Consider the texts that mention it. 2.1.1.1 23

Rom 4:23–25

Οὐκ ἐγράφη δὲ δι᾽ αὐτὸν μόνον ὅτι ἐλογίσθη αὐτῷ 24 ἀλλὰ καὶ δι᾽ ἡμᾶς, οἷς

μέλλει λογίζεσθαι, τοῖς πιστεύουσιν ἐπὶ τὸν ἐγείραντα Ἰησοῦν τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν ἐκ νεκρῶν, 25 ὃς παρεδόθη διὰ τὰ παραπτώματα ἡμῶν καὶ ἠγέρθη διὰ τὴν δικαίωσιν ἡμῶν

2 J. Kallas, Romans XIII. 1–7: An Interpolation, “New Testament Studies” 11 (1964/1965), p. 365. Compare W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], Częstochowa 2003, p. 271. 3 In addition to W. Rakocy (Paul the Apostle, 271–274), this problem is extensively discussed by A. Paciorek, Paweł Apostoł – Pisma. Część pierwsza [Paul the Apostle – Writings. First part], Tarnów 1995, p. 190–192. 4 E.F. Harrison, Romans, [in:] The Expositor’s Bible Commentary, vol. 10: Romans-Galatians, ed. F.E. Gaebelein, Grand Rapids, MI 1984, p. 4–5. 5 For a detailed discussion on this subject and the location where the letter was written, see W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł [Paul the Apostle], p. 274–282, among others. 6 The statistics of the terms used is to be found in R. Morgenthaler, Statistics of New Testament Vocabulary, Zürich–Frankfurt a. M. 1958, pp. 72.73.74.91.97.152.

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Epistle to the Romans

Verse 23 has one alternative reading: at the end εἰς δικαιοσύνην is added. The addendum present in Codex D (Claromontanus) of the 6th century and in manuscript 1241 as well as in other few (pc), the 1592 Vulgate (vgcl ). The Peshitta also has it. Taking into account external criticism of the text (importance and number of manuscripts confirming the reading), it seems that the text proposed by Nestle–Aland (without the addition) is closer to the original. Internal criticism of the text also confirms a shorter reading. The addition is a repetition of the last words in. 22. Thus, we would probably be dealing with a subconscious distortion of the text – homoioteleuton (repetition of the ending). Translation: “23 But the words “it was counted to him” were not written for his sake alone,24 but for ours also. It will be counted to us who believe in him who raised from the dead Jesus our Lord,25 who was delivered up for our trespasses and raised for our justification”. Our text (4:23–25) is the end of block 4:13–25, in which Paul contrasts the law with the promise given to Abraham. Its fulfilment depends on faith. In 4:23–25 Paul begins to relate his explanation concerning Abraham to his readers. The conviction expressed in 5:23–24 that what is written in the Book of Genesis about Abraham is relevant to the life of Christians is present throughout the entire fourth chapter of the Epistle to the Romans. This is evidenced by the close link between our passage and the 22nd verse. In St Paul’s letters, the conviction prevails that in many places the statements of the Old Testament refer to Christians; this is the basis of his theology. Here, however, the connection between Gen 15:6 and Rom 5:13–25 is clear and obvious. For the relationship between Christians and Abraham concerns both faith and God. Paul only quotes from Gen 5:6 the words ἐλογίσθη αὐτῷ (“it was credited to him”; Rom 4:3). He probably does this as a signal that he refers to this particular passage from the Old Testament.7 It is also possible that he was concerned with a particular understanding of faith as something that is ‘counted, summed up’ by God (λογίζομαι). Faith would then consist partly of works, partly of circumcision, partly of the law and partly of God’s recognition.8 Verse 24 is an extension of the previous one, but with reference to the Christians with whom Paul identifies himself in relation to what has been written about Abraham. This is evidenced by the use of the first person plural δι᾽ ἡμᾶς. Now he states that it will also be credited to us (οἷς μέλλει λογίζεσθαι). It seems that the Apostle here drew on the interpretation characteristic of the Midrash, which updates the history of the Old Testament in order to adapt it to the new situation. Paul’s statement has its counterpart in a passage from the Midrash, which states

7 This method of quoting biblical texts was quite widespread in rabbinical schools. If one wanted to point out a passage, even longer, of the Bible text, then the initial words were quoted. 8 Cf. D.J. Moo, The Epistle to the Romans, Grand Rapids, MI/Cambridge, UK 1996, p. 287.

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that “everything that was written about Abraham has been repeated in the history of his children” (Gen. Rabbah 40:8).9 In this way Paul describes the Christians in two clauses. The first begins with the relative pronoun οἷς, which is dependent on the previous personal pronoun ἡμᾶς. In this way the dependence between Abraham’s experience (trust in the promise; see Rom 4:20) and the eschatological experience of the original commune was emphasized with the justifications for which Abraham was waiting in hope.10 The second clause is introduced by the gerund τοῖς πιστεύουσιν which is an opposition to οἷς and ἡμᾶς. The whole phrase is: τοῖς πιστεύουσιν ἐπὶ τὸν ἐγείραντα11 Ἰησοῦν τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν ἐκ νεκρῶν. Paul, in his characteristic way, presents God as the one “who raised Jesus from the dead” (cf. Rom 8:11, 10:9, 1 Cor 6:14, 15:15, 2 Cor 4:14). But in a less characteristic, even unusual way he writes about God as an object of faith. It is presumably a matter of presenting the faith of Christians in the closest possible relationship to the faith of Abraham. Both in nature and in object: God “who gives life to the dead” (θεοῦ τοῦ ζῳοποιοῦντος τοὺς νεκροὺς; Rom 4:17).12 Leaving aside other details, let us note that through the resurrection of Jesus, the faith of Abraham was opened to a much broader perspective than just the miraculous raising of the dead (v. 17). This perspective is Jesus Christ Himself, in whom the promises given to Abraham reach their fullness. This in turn was realized in God’s ‘raising’ (ἐγείρω) him (v. 24). The next verse develops the theme of the salvific works done by Jesus. This text has been the subject of many discussions. It was primarily a juxtaposition of the two stichs forming a parallelism: ὃς

παρεδόθη13

διὰ

τὰ

παραπτώματα14

ἡμῶν

καὶ

ἠγέρθη15

διὰ

τὴν

δικαίωσιν16

ἡμῶν

9 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans. A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (Anchor Bible 33), New York–London 1993, 388. 10 The futuristic character of this experience is indicated by the use of the verb μέλλει, which is used as a circumlocution of the future tense: something ‘is to’ happen; see R. Popowski, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great Greek-Polish Dictionary of the New Testament], Warszawa 1995, p. 382–383. This text is about ‘counting’ (λογίζεσθαι). 11 Participium aoristi activi, accusativus masculinum singularis from ἐγείρω. 12 Cf. D.J. Moo, The Epistle to the Romans, p. 287–288. 13 From παραδίδωμι. 14 From τὸ παράπτωμα. 15 Indicativus aoristi passivi, 3a singularis from ἐγείρω. 16 From ἡ δικαίωσις.

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Most commentators focused on explaining this parallelism.17 Of course, for the message of the text, these explanations are of primary importance,18 but the verb ἠγέρθη and the construction in which it is contained are of major importance for the issue we are discussing. It follows from Paul’s statement that through Christ’s death man was justified, and the ‘natural consequence’ or ‘necessary effect’ of justification was the resurrection of Christ.19 So we see that already in the discussed pericope (Rom 4:23–25) the ἐγείρω begins to have the characteristics of a technical term for the resurrection of Jesus. God is the subject of action. Not without significance is also the soteriological message of the fact of Christ’s resurrection – the fulfilment of the promises of salvation (4:24) and the justification that is established by this event (4:25). 2.1.1.2

Rom 6:4

συνετάφημεν οὖν αὐτῷ διὰ τοῦ βαπτίσματος εἰς τὸν θάνατον, ἵνα ὥσπερ ἠγέρθη Χριστὸς ἐκ νεκρῶν διὰ τῆς δόξης τοῦ πατρός, οὕτως καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐν καινότητι ζωῆς περιπατήσωμεν

Our verse has one version of the text: οὖν was replaced in the Vulgate and parts of the manuscripts of Vetus Latina and in Origen by γάρ. Peshitta (syp ) leaves both readings out. The variant with οὖν is found in the vast majority of manuscripts: ‫ א‬A B C D F G Ψ 6. 33. 81. 104. 256. 263. 265. 365. 424. 436. 459. 1175. 1241. 1319. 1573. 1739. 1852. 1881. 1912. 1962. 2127. 2200. 2464, the Byzantine manuscripts K L P, Greek lectionaries (Lect), some manuscripts of ancient Latin Italy (itd,f,g ) and some Syrian manuscripts (syr h,pal ). Considering the external criticism of the text (the multitude of witnesses and the importance of manuscripts), one should opt for the reading containing οὖν. Translation: “We were buried therefore with him by baptism into death, in order that, just as Christ was raised from the dead by the glory of the Father, we too might walk in newness of life”. As for the structure of the fragment of which our text is part, there is no consensus among scholars. Rudolf Pesch’s argumentation seems most logical. He maintains that Paul (as in 3:5) puts the thesis in the form of a question in 6:1–2. He then

17 Cf. for example K.H. Rengstorf, Die Auferstehung Jesu. Form, Art und Sinn der Urchristlichen Osterbotschaft, Witten 1960, p. 62; J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 388–390. 18 Many believe it is of pre-Pauline origin. Others believe that it is only about the parallelism of the segments and not about some particular theological thesis; cf. K. Romaniuk, List do Rzymian. Wstęp, przekład z oryginału, komentarz [The Epistle to the Romans. Introduction, translation from the original language, commentary, Poznań–Warszawa 1978, p. 130. 19 Cf. D.J. Moo, The Epistle to the Romans, 289–290.

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develops it in a doctrinal statement (6:3–10) to go on to present the consequences of the Christian life (6:11–14).20 Our text would be part of the doctrinal material. In this verse, St Paul concludes the union with the death of Christ. If we died with (συν) Christ by (διὰ) baptism, then we were also co-buried with him by (συνετάφημεν). Burial is not only a sign of the end of the old life, but is also a necessary part of the transition to the new life to be entered by the believer.21 Death (εἰς τὸν θάνατον), burial (συνετάφημεν οὖν αὐτῷ) and resurrection (ἠγέρθη) of Christ are the models of this passage. At the beginning of the twentieth century, scholars saw the source of the images referred to by Paul in the ancient religions of the Middle East. These are the traditions of deities that died and came back to life: for example, deities associated with the cycle of nature that were reborn every year in the spring. At that time, people who received the initiation to these religions “died and rose to life” together with the deity.22 However, the early Christian view of Christ’s resurrection does not seem to have been taken from these religions. It comes rather from the Jewish religion. Consider it more closely. We mean the sentence: ἵνα ὥσπερ ἠγέρθη Χριστὸς ἐκ νεκρῶν διὰ τῆς δόξης τοῦ πατρός, οὕτως καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐν καινότητι ζωῆς περιπατήσωμεν.

The whole sentence is introduced with the conjunction ἵνα, which refers to the objection presented in 6:1. The comparison given by means of ὥσπερ and οὕτως καὶ refers the reader to a similar comparison in 5:12–14, with the juxtaposition of the times of Adam and Christ. The words ἠγέρθη Χριστὸς ἐκ νεκρῶν are almost a technical term describing the restoration of Christ to life (cf. Rom 6:9, 7:4, 8:34, 1 Cor 15:12.20, 2 Tim 2:8). The Father is the subject of the action (as in 4:24–2523 ). Here, in particular, his ‘glory’ (διὰ τῆς δόξης τοῦ πατρός). As in the Old Testament, the miracles and signs performed at the time of the exodus from Egypt (cf. Exod 15:7.11, 16:7.10) were attributed to “the glory of JHWH”, so is the “resurrection of Christ”. In 2 Cor 4:6 Paul describes ‘glory’ (ἡ δόξα) of the Father shining on the face of Jesus Christ and that He was given ‘power’ (Rom 1:4, cf. 1 Cor 6:14, 2 Cor 13:4) which gives life (ζῳοποιέω) (1 Cor 15:45). This power in turn transforms Christians (2 Cor 3:18) who share in the glory of Christ (Rom 8:17).24

20 Cf. R. Pesch, Römerbrief (Die Neue Echter Biebel 6), Würzburg 1987, 56. 21 Cf. V. Tanghe, Die Vorlage in Römer 6, “Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses” 73 (1997), no. 4, p. 411–412; As for co-burial in Christ and Paul’s use of this very phrase at this point, see D.J. Moo, The Epistle to the Romans, p. 361–366. 22 C.S. Keener, Komentarz historyczno-kulturowy do Nowego Testamentu [Historical and cultural commentary on the New Testament], ed. Polish edition, Polish transl. Z. Kościuk, Warszawa 2000, p. 322. 23 This was mentioned in point 1a above. 24 Cf. J. A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 434–444.

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Epistle to the Romans

We can clearly see that the image of the ‘resurrection of Christ’ is based on the Old Testament and refers especially to the events associated with the exodus from Egypt. In connection with baptism, it refers to the water through which the Israelites passed, and its rite represents the death, funeral and resurrection of Christ. The Catechumen descending into the Baptistery is covered by baptismal waters and emerges into a new life. It is in this very act that every Christian goes through the experience of death for sin, of being buried, to be finally resurrected to a new life like Christ.25 2.1.1.3 8

Rom 6:8–9

εἰ δὲ ἀπεθάνομεν σὺν Χριστῷ, πιστεύομεν ὅτι καὶ συζήσομεν αὐτῷ, 9 εἰδότες ὅτι

Χριστὸς ἐγερθεὶς ἐκ νεκρῶν οὐκέτι ἀποθνῄσκει, θάνατος αὐτοῦ οὐκέτι κυριεύει

Our fragment has no other variants of reading – the whole, so far known tradition has passed this text in the same wording.26 Translation: “8 Now if we have died with Christ, we believe that we will also live with him.9 We know that Christ, being raised from the dead, will never die again; death no longer has dominion over him”. Romans 6:8–9 belongs, like the above-mentioned passage, to the doctrinal part (6:3–10) in which Paul speaks about baptism. Paul continues his argumentation about our participation in Christ’s death and resurrection through baptism, or rather re-formulates what he already wrote in 6:5. The verb πιστεύω (v. 8), especially in the Church Fathers’ speeches against the Gnostics,27 is of vital importance. For the new life in Christ is not an object of sensual knowledge or direct understanding, but can only be grasped with the eyes of faith. In this way, Paul goes on to explain the relationship that exists between faith and baptism, while living “together with Christ” (συζήσομεν αὐτῷ) brings to mind 1 Thess 4:17: “Then we who are alive, who are left, will be caught up together

25 Also in the interpretation of Rom 6:4 by Church Fathers such as Hippolytus and Tertullian, the emphasis was placed on the ‘new life’ (ἐν καινότητι ζωῆς); cf. R. Schlarb, Röm 6:1–11 in der Auslegung der frühen Kirchenväter, “Biblische Zeitschrift” 33 (1989), no. 1, p. 109–110. 26 After Nestle–Aland, while A. Merk gives some less significant variants of interpreting these verses: v. 8 manuscript P46 (3rd century AD) and codex G (10th century AD) have γαρ in place of δε; and revised codex D (6th century AD), some codices of the Vulgate, Peshitta, and Ephrem have τω Χριστω in place of αυτω. In verse 9 some Latin translations have αναστας in place of εγερθεις; manuscripts 81. 623. 1319 and translations into Latin, Syrian, Coptic in the dialect of Bohairic as well as Irenaeus, Eusebius, Ephrem and Ambrosiaster have κυριευσει in place of κυριευει. There seems that these interpretations do not have much significance for the critical evaluation of this text and the variant proposed by Nestle–Aland is correct. 27 This is primarily about Origen’ interpretation of this text; cf. R. Schlarb, Röm 6:1–11 in der Auslegung der frühen Kirchenväter, p. 112.

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with them in the clouds to meet the Lord in the air. Thus we shall always be with the Lord” (σὺν κυρίῳ ἐσόμεθα). Thus, baptism opens up to the believer the prospect of ultimate being in Christ. Paul also comments on this in 2 Cor 5:17: “So whoever is in Christ (ἐν Χριστῷ), is a new creation: the old things have passed away; behold, new things have come”.28 The future life with Christ is an object of faith, while Christ’s resurrection or rather the raising from the dead29 is an object of our knowledge: εἰδότες ὅτι Χριστὸς ἐγερθεὶς ἐκ νεκρῶν οὐκέτι ἀποθνῄσκει, θάνατος αὐτοῦ οὐκέτι κυριεύει (v. 9). The raising from the dead of Christ means not only a final break with death but also depriving it of all power: θάνατος αὐτοῦ οὐκέτι κυριεύει. This event is also an anticipation of the universal resurrection. However, Paul focuses on the importance of ‘resurrection’ for Christ himself, who “dies no more; death no longer has power over him”.30 This wording indicates that Paul looks at reality from the perspective of two eras of salvation history. Christ was born in the ‘old age’ of sin (Rom 6:10), the old law (Gal 4:4) and death. Now he is no longer under the power of death. Just as the future, universal resurrection will put an end to death (Rev 20:11–15), so now Christ’s resurrection has put an end to the power of death over Him. This is the anticipation of overcoming the death of those who belong to Him. 2.1.1.4

Rom 7:4

ὥστε, ἀδελφοί μου, καὶ ὑμεῖς ἐθανατώθητε τῷ νόμῳ διὰ τοῦ σώματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ, εἰς τὸ γενέσθαι ὑμᾶς ἑτέρῳ, τῷ ἐκ νεκρῶν ἐγερθέντι, ἵνα καρποφορήσωμεν τῷ θεω

This passage has only one reading. The tradition known so far has passed it on in a uniform form.31 Translation: “Likewise, my brothers, you also have died to the law through the body of Christ, so that you may belong to another, to him who has been raised from the dead, in order that we may bear fruit for God”. In the first six verses of the seventh chapter, Paul makes a kind of introduction to the answer to the question raised earlier: the Apostle maintains that believers

28 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 437. 29 The verb used here is ἐγερθείς, it is participium aoristi passivi, nominativus masculinum singularis from ἐγείρω. 30 Cf. D.J. Moo, The Epistle to the Romans, p. 378. 31 After Nestle–Aland, while A. Merk gives one small variant: manuscripts 1, 242, 440s and 1518 have ανδοι added after υμας. However, this interpretation does not seem to be more likely than the option adopted by Nestle–Aland.

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Epistle to the Romans

in Christ are free from the Law.32 He will answer in 7:7–25. The passage we are discussing is in the introductory part (7:1–6). Our verse is an interpretation, or rather application, of the previously presented image of marriage: “Thus a married woman is bound by law to her living husband; but if her husband dies, she is released from the law in respect to her husband. Consequently, while her husband is alive she will be called an adulteress if she consorts with another man. But if her husband dies, she is free from that law, and she is not an adulteress if she consorts with another man” (7:2–3). In this way Paul cites the norms of the Old Testament law concerning married women. Every extramarital sexual act was considered adultery (Exod 20:14.17, 21:22, Lev 20:10, Num 30:10–16, Deut 22:22). By the Mosaic Law, a wife was bound to her husband as long as he lived. After his death, she could have married another man. Paul emphasized this right twice as he repeated it in verse 3 the information about when a woman was considered adulterous (if she has a relationship with another man during her husband’s lifetime) and when she was not (if she has a relationship with another man after the death of her husband).33 Our verse (7:4) is the centre of the paragraph where Paul draws conclusions. This is evidenced by the use of the adverb ὥστε, which usually appears at the beginning of the clause of result.34 Also, the intimate approach to the addressees (ἀδελφοί μου), signals the start of the application, the explanation of the example.35 These conclusions are valid for both verse 1 and the above-mentioned verses 2–3, as shown by the use of καὶ, which follows the sentence-initial adverb. However, a number of questions arise about the Law and its application. What Law did the author of the text mean? Who should abide by it? First of all, it should be noted that the passage is a reference to Rom 6:14: “For sin will have no dominion over you, since you are not under law but under grace”. Douglas J. Moo directs much attention to the Law in Rom 7:4. He quotes two definitions of the Law formulated by Kalvin, or rather a double definition of the same. The first means the Law given by Moses, the second – Law as a principle of life. The first is suspended by Christ, the second is still in force. Thus, if a person “dies to the Law”, it means that he is no longer bound by the Law of the “old age” because he belongs to Christ. D.J. Moo also points to a weakness in this reasoning. For Paul never distinguishes between two kinds of law. Rather, he refers to one

32 The redeemed man was freed not only from the bonds of sin and death, but also from the power of the Law; cf. K. Romaniuk, List do Rzymian [The Epistle to the Romans], p. 154. 33 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 457–458. 34 Cf. R. Popowski, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great Greek-Polish Dictionary of New Testament], p. 672. 35 Cf. D. Hellholm, Die argumentative Funktion von Römer 7.1–6, “New Testament Studies” 43 (1997), no. 3, p. 403.

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– Judaic – Law, which was a kind of system. In this context, Rom 7:4 in conjunction with 6:14 does not mean that a believer is not under any law. He is free from the Law of the Old Testament, but he is still subject to the commandments (cf. 1 Cor 7:19, 9:20–22, Gal 6:2).36 An additional problem also arises with the Gentiles and the Law. How could a pagan be told that he’s free from the Law when he had never lived under it? The answer to this question was sought in two directions: Paul meant either the moral law in general and not just the Old Testament Law or he only referred to Judaeo-Christians. Today it is rather dominant to believe that Paul presented the experience of the Jews with their Law as a paradigm of the experience of all men, including the Gentiles, with their own laws.37 Paul’s statement about death to Law διὰ τοῦ σώματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ also aroused some controversy. In the past there have been opinions that this was about the collective meaning of the Body of Christ – the Church.38 This thesis, however, is not justified in the text of his Epistle to the Romans, in which Paul does not expound on the subject. Joseph A. Fitzmyer discusses this issue quite extensively in his commentary, leaving no doubt that it is the physical, historical body of Jesus. He died on the cross, he died for everyone.39 This interpretation also allows for a better understanding of the example presented earlier about the life and death of the husband. Here we find two references to the body of Christ – the first, the physical body that died on the cross (τοῦ σώματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ); the second, the body glorified after resurrection (τῷ ἐκ νεκρῶν ἐγερθέντι).40 There is one more issue to which most, if not all, of those commenting on the text direct their attention. It is about an example and its application. The example is based on three elements, or images: a woman in a relationship with her husband – her husband’s death – the woman can start a relationship with another man. This example is applied to three motives: readers bound by the Law – they die to the Law (including them) – they may be bound to the one who is raised from the dead. As Everett F. Harrison rightly points out, among others, the parallel of these two parts in the second point (husband’s death/readers’ death to Paul) has been broken:

36 Cf. D.J. Moo, The Epistle to the Romans, p. 414–416. The opinions quoted by K. Romaniuk are also worth noting here: “In exegetic attempts to explain this poem there are at least two kinds of ideas: according to some, those who are baptized die for the law of the old man, a man living only for the affairs of the body (Gutjahr, Leenhardt); according to others, baptism is in fact death for the Old Testament Law (Dodd, Kuss)”; K. Romaniuk, List do Rzymian [The Epistle to the Romans], p. 155. 37 Cf. D.J. Moo, The Epistle to the Romans, p. 417. 38 This opinion is quoted by K. Romaniuk, List do Rzymian [The Epistle to the Romans], p. 155. 39 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 458. 40 Cf. J.D. Earnshaw, Reconsidering Paul’s Marriage Analogy in Romans 7.1–4, “New Testament Studies” 40 (1994), no. 1, p. 87. We will discuss this issue in more detail below.

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for it is not the one who has power over someone (husband) who dies, but the one who is subject to power (Christian).41 Consider that Paul had no intention of hiding the ‘imperfection’ of the comparison, or of counting on his readers’ small perceptiveness. Rather, it was about presenting the new situation of the Christian in the negative aspect (liberation from the Law) and in the positive aspect (union with Christ). In the negative aspect, the discrepancy of the metaphor refers to Rom 6:2, also with regard to the terminological convergence of: – ἐθανατώθητε τῷ νόμῳ (7:4); – ἀπεθάνομεν τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ (6:2). The common denominator of both statements is life in Christ. On the positive side, the mention of belonging to the “other,” through the use of the verb ἐγείρω (τῷ ἐκ νεκρῶν ἐγερθέντι42 ), refers to the texts of Rom 6:4.9 discussed above.43 Returning to the comparison presented, we can note that the second husband corresponds to Christ raised from the dead. The characteristic phrase (γίνομαι + ἑτέρῳ) describes the relationship of both woman to another husband and believer to Christ. The second part of the comparison shows that Christ can correspond to both the first and the second husband of a woman. How is that possible? Above all, we must remember that Christ’s existence in a resurrected, glorified body is the basic form of Christ’s existence in the light of St Paul’s theology. For the human nature of Christ, resurrection means a total (eschatological) transformation. There is no question of continuity (as in Heb 13:8), but of absolute discontinuity. Paul elaborated on this contrast between the two successive states of Christ’s human existence especially in 1 Cor 15. The text that we discuss here first presents the physical body of Christ, which was put to death (τοῦ σώματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ). Then His body was shown in a resurrected, glorified state (τῷ ἐκ νεκρῶν ἐγερθέντι). Both terms are separated by the above mentioned construction (γίνομαι + ἑτέρῳ). Who does ἑτέρῳ refer to? It seems that it does not describe Christ in general, but rather in a particular way the incarnate Christ in his glorified, resurrected existence: τῷ ἐκ νεκρῶν ἐγερθέντι is an apposition to ἑτέρῳ.44

41 Cf. E.F. Harrison, Romans, p. 76. A similar opinion is also expressed by J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 458; D. Hellholm, Die argumentative Funktion, p. 403. The most comprehensive explanation for this comparison is A. Gieniusz, A., Rom 7,1–6: Lack of Imagination? Function of the Passage in the Argumentation of Rom 6,1–7,6, “Biblica” 74 (1993), no. 3, p. 397–400. 42 The verb used here is ἐγερθέντι, that is participium aoristi passivi, dativus masculinum singularis from ἐγείρω. 43 Cf. D. Hellholm, Die argumentative Funktion, p. 403. 44 Cf. J.D. Earnshaw, Reconsidering Paul’s Marriage Analogy in Romans 7.1–4, p. 86–88.

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We see how Paul is trying to present to believers in Christ their relationship with the Resurrected, in His absolutely new ‘way of existence’. Reflecting on the image of someone who dies and is raised from the dead (Christ) is not simply stopping at the liberation (the woman’s first husband). It is rather a reflection on the Law and its scope. Paul does this, using two images relating to marriage. The first is the earthly marriage (slavery to the Law), the second is the relationship with the Resurrected (baptism). This last relationship (7:4), which no longer dies (6:9) is inseparable. There is no way back to the past.45 2.1.1.5

Rom 8:11

εἰ δὲ τὸ πνεῦμα τοῦ ἐγείραντος τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐκ νεκρῶν οἰκεῖ ἐν ὑμῖν, ὁ ἐγείρας Χριστὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν ζῳοποιήσει καὶ τὰ θνητὰ σώματα ὑμῶν διὰ τοῦ ἐνοικοῦντος αὐτοῦ πνεύματος ἐν ὑμῖν

The passage we are discussing has a number of variants. The first lacks the article before the name of Jesus (Ἰησοῦν) in codex’s ‫א‬2 (4th century; second redaction), C (5th c.) D (6th c.) F (9th c.) F (9th c.) G (9th c.) Ψ (9/10th c.), in manuscript 33 (9th c.) and in the so-called majority of Byzantine manuscripts (M). This reading also appears in Clement of Alexandria (Cl) and Methodius of Olympus (Meth). The article (τὸν Ἰησοῦν) occurs in the following codex’s: ‫( *א‬4th c.; first redaction), A (5th c.) B (4th c.), manuscripts 6. 630. 1505. 1739. 1881 and other few (pc) manuscripts. Taking into account the external criticism of the text (the importance of manuscripts), we can assume that the reading adopted by the Nestle–Aland edition – a longer variant, with the article – τὸν Ἰησοῦν – is more likely. The second case are different variants of the reading of Χριστὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν. Let’s present them in graphic form: – B D2 F G (l 249) pc m sa; MartionT Irlat Spec; ἐκ νεκρῶν Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν – ‫ *א‬A (C 81.: I. X.) 630. 1506. 1739. 1881 pc; Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐκ νεκρῶν – D* (104 lat syp : I. X.) bo; τὸν Χριστὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν – ‫א‬2 Y 33 M.

Χριστὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν

Given the importance of the manuscripts, it seems that the first and second variants should be considered, as they are supported by a larger number of manuscripts that are also more reliable. The first (Χριστὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν) was preferred by the last edition of Nestle–Aland, while the second (ἐκ νεκρῶν Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν) was preferred by the 25th Nestle–Aland edition. Considering the internal criticism of the text, it seems that the first reading is more likely, as the longer variant is more

45 Cf. A. Gieniusz, Rom 7:1–6: Lack of Imagination?, p. 398–399.

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in harmony with Paul’s characteristic Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς phrase. Thus, the first is a shorter version, less harmonised with the context,46 and these are the two basic principles of internal text criticism. The third case leaves out καὶ before τὰ θνητὰ in manuscripts ‫ א‬A 326. 630. 1739. 1881 pc Epiphaniuspt . It seems that Nestle–Aland’s preferred reading is more likely to be the right one, mainly due to the number and greater reliability of the remaining manuscripts containing καὶ. The fourth variant of the text we are discussing are two alternative readings: τοῦ ἐνοικοῦντος αὐτοῦ

– ‫ א‬A C(*) Pc 81. 104. 1505. 1506. l 249 al F m syh ; Cl;

πνεύματος τὸ ἐνοίκουν αὐτοῦ πνεύμα – B D F G Ψ 33. 1739. 1881 M lat syp ; Irlat .

The rules of internal text criticism (grammatical and syntactical correctness) suggest that the redaction with διά + genetivus is more likely. Although the syntax διά + accusativus is possible, Paul uses it extremely rarely (see Rom 2:24, 3:25, 4:25). Here it seems that the message intended in the text is better reflected in the reading preferred by Nestle–Aland. All the more so because the credibility of Codex B (if it exists, as here, in combination with D and G) is much lower.47 Translation: “If the Spirit of him who raised Jesus from the dead dwells in you, he who raised Christ Jesus from the dead will also give life to your mortal bodies through his Spirit who dwells in you”. Our verse is part of a unit (8:1–13) where ‘life’ (ἡ ζωή) is the most important word. More specifically, 8:11 completes the first part of this passage, which announces the bringing back to life of those in whom the Spirit of God lives. All this will happen because Christ has already been raised from the dead. When discussing this passage, commentators usually focus on explaining the statement: τὸ πνεῦμα τοῦ ἐγείραντος τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐκ νεκρῶν.48 Especially the presence of the noun τὸ πνεῦμα seems to be ‘disturbing’. Was it the Spirit who raised Jesus from the dead? The Third Divine Person does not seem to be meant here; it is rather the work of God the Father – just as in Rom 8:9 the work of the Spirit of God (πνεῦμα θεοῦ) and the work of the Spirit of Christ (πνεῦμα Χριστοῦ)49 are presented. So it was to God the Father that the work of resurrection of Jesus was assigned (as in 2:24, 6:4, cf. also Col 2:12), and the title “He who raised Jesus from

46 Besides, the addition of the name Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν seems to have been influenced by the first part of the verse; cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 491. 47 Cf. B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament, Stuttgart 1998, p. 456. 48 The form used here is participium aoristi activi, genetivus masculinum singularis from ἐγείρω. 49 Cf. K.H. Rengstorf, Die Auferstehung Jesu, p. 28; cf. also E.F. Harrison, Romans, p. 90.

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the dead” (ὁ ἐγείρας Χριστὸν)50 is an honorary title of God the Father.51 The first sentence, however, lays emphasis on the Spirit. It is through him that the presence of the Father and his power to give life in the world through and thanks to the resurrection of Jesus is revealed. This is the Spirit that gives life (cf. Rom 8:2). And life is nothing but ‘excuse’ (ἡ δικαίωσις; Rom 5:18) and ‘justice’ (ἡ δικαιοσύνη; 5:21).52 As in other places (6:5, 8:17), here too Paul shows the relationship between Christ’s resurrection and the resurrection of believers. The first work was done by God the Father, the second will be effected through the power of His Spirit living in believers. The futurum used here (ζῳοποιήσει – ‘will bring back to life’) indicates the eschatological resurrection of Christians. In this way we learn that believers are brought back to life in the present through the glory of the Father (Rom 6:4). They will also return to life on the Last Day (cf. 1 Thess 4:14, Gal 6:8, Phil 3:10.21, 1 Cor 6:14, 2 Cor 4:14).53 Thus, as in the texts discussed so far, also in Rom 8:11, the work of ‘resurrection’ done by God the Father (τοῦ ἐγείραντος and ὁ ἐγείρας respectively) means an obvious action opposite to death. In Paul’s letters, however, its significance lies in the double antithesis. The ‘body’ is juxtaposed with the ‘spirit’ and ‘death as a result of sin’ is juxtaposed with ‘life, through justification’. ‘Body’ and ‘spirit’ together make up the whole man. The Spirit of God is the basis for the new life of believers through baptism. On the Last Day they will be brought back to life by the power of His Spirit dwelling in them.54 All this can happen through the resurrection of Christ by God the Father. 2.1.1.6

Rom 8:34

τίς ὁ κατακρινῶν; Χριστὸς [Ἰησοῦς] ὁ ἀποθανών, μᾶλλον δὲ ἐγερθείς, ὃς καί ἐστιν ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ θεοῦ, ὃς καὶ ἐντυγχάνει ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν

We have a number of variants of this passage. In the first one there is the change of emphasis from κατακρινῶν to κατακρίνων. The latter is supported, as the publisher Nestle–Aland put it, by other manuscript traditions (including M). It seems, however, that the principles of external criticism make it necessary to consider κατακρινῶν as a reading that is closest to the original. In the second variant we have ἅμα δέ added before Χριστὸς, supported by P46 a d* and the Latin translation of Irenaeus. It seems that the age of P46 (about 200 50 51 52 53 54

Here the form participium aoristi activi, nominativus masculinum singularis from ἐγείρω was used. L. Scheffczyk, Zmartwychwstanie [Resurrection], Polish transl. P. Pachciarek, Warszawa 1984, p. 211. Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 491. Cf. D.J. Moo, The Epistle to the Romans, p. 493; J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 491. Cf. K. Kertelge, Der Brief an die Römer (Geistliche Schriftlesung 6), Düsseldorf 1970, p. 144.

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years after Chr.) could prevail in accepting this very reading. But he’s the only one such an old testimony. The text adopted by the publisher is supported by other known manuscripts. So there is reason to believe that the shorter variant is the closest to the original. The third version of the passage leaves out Ἰησοῦς after Χριστὸς. The manuscripts that support the different variants of the reading are: – B D 0289. 1739. 1881. M a m syp ; latin translation by Irenaeus and Ambrosiaster; Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς – P46vid ‫ א‬A C F G LΨ 6. 33. 81. 104. 365. 1505 al syh lat bo.

Χριστὸς

We note that the publisher included Ἰησοῦς in square brackets. This shows that there were some doubts that both options were supported by numerous and authoritative manuscripts.55 It seems that a longer reading is more likely, also because Paul often uses such a transposition. However, an interpretation not harmonised with context is better than the one harmonised, as one of the principles of internal text criticism says. Thus the doubt remains. In the fourth variant we have also an addition. Some manuscripts after ἐγερθείς add ἐκ νεκρῶν. These include: ‫ *א‬A C Ψ 0289vid . 33. 81. 104. 1506 pc co. The shorter version is supported by: P27vid P46 ‫א‬2 B D F G 1739. 1881. M latt sy; Irlat . The last of the mentioned is more likely mainly due to the phrase that is less characteristic of Paul. The Apostle often used the phrase ἐγείρω + ἐκ νεκρῶν (see, for example, Rom 4:24, 6:4.9, 7:4, 8:11, 10:9). The fifth variant is marked by the presence or absence of καί between ὃς and ἐστιν. The first reading (with καί) is preferred by the last edition of Nestle–Aland, while the second (without καί) was preferred by the 25th edition of Nestle–Aland. In our search, we follow the opinion of the authors of the last edition. Translation: “Who is to condemn? Christ Jesus is the one who died – more than that, who was raised – who is at the right hand of God, who indeed is interceding for us”. Rom 8:34 is in the unit (8:31–39) ending the second block (5:1–8:39) in the second part of the letter (1:18–15:13). In this block the Apostle writes about the gifts of grace and justification by faith.56 Our text is contained in a series of rhetorical questions that Paul pots to the addressees of his writing, including references and

55 Cf. B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 458. 56 As for Rom 8:31–39 as a separate entity, cf. for example I. Parlier, La folle justice de Dieu: Romains 8:31–39, “Foi et Vie” 91 (1992), no. 5, p. 104. Some even recognise a hymn in this whole fragment: cf. C.-H. Cloutier, Rm 8, 31–39: hymne ou plaidoyer? Étude sur le genre littéraire du passage, “Science et esprit” 45 (1993), no. 3, p. 325.

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quotations from the Old Testament (v. 31–36). Everything ends with a solemn proclamation (v. 37) and a hymn (v. 38–39). In verses 33 to 34, two analogous questions are posed: “Who is to condemn? God?” (v. 33). “Who is to condemn? It is Christ [Jesus] […]” (v. 34). Both with a supposed reference to Isa 50:8–9: “He who vindicates me is near. Who will contend with me? Let us stand up together. Who is my adversary? Let him come near to me. Behold, the Lord God helps me; who will declare me guilty? Behold, all of them will wear out like a garment; the moth will eat them up”.57 Thus the question posed in 8:31b, in the form of intuitively expressed truth (“If God with us, who against us?”), is now confirmed. Everything takes place in an atmosphere of judgement which has an eschatological perspective.58 The analogy between God (θεός; v. 33) and Christ Jesus (Χριστὸς Ἰησοῦς; v. 34) is perfectly visible in this passage. We are dealing with a kind of ‘movement’ from God the Father to Christ Jesus. Neither one nor the other can, because they do not want to make an accusation (τίς ἐγκαλέσει κατὰ,; v. 33) or a condemnation (τίς ὁ κατακρινῶν; v. 34).59 In the previous verse, the negative answer was based on God’s attitude: θεὸς ὁ δικαιῶν (v. 33). This time the author refers to Christ Jesus with a broad reference to the salvific works done by Him: He died (ὁ ἀποθανών), was resurrected (ἐγερθείς), sits at the right hand of God (ἐστιν ἐν δεξιᾷ), and intercedes for us (ἐντυγχάνει). This utterance consists of two participles and two forms of finite verbs. It’s all in conditional sentences. The original profession of faith is probably at the base, although it is already extended in our text. The analogy between ὁ ἀποθανών and ἐγερθείς is important. Then comes the addition of analogous ἐστιν ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ θεοῦ (see Ps 110:1, Eph 1:20, Col 3:1) and ἐντυγχάνει ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν. Neither of these elements can be found in the oldest and short professions of faith, but are the result of the development and clarification, presumably coming from Paul himself.60 We are most interested in the second participle: ἐγερθείς (participium aoristi passivi, nominativus masculinum singularis from ἐγείρω). The question posed in the verse assumes the reign of Christ dead and resurrected (cf. Phil 2:9–11). Thus it is also assumed that he will participate in the final judgement.61 However, the ‘uplifting – resurrection’ of Christ has here a close connection with his exaltation “at the right hand of God” and with “intercession for us”. It’s not just the Spirit who “intercedes for us” (cf. Rom 8:26–27) but also Christ Jesus.62

57 Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani. Testo greco e traduzione. Commento, Italian transl. R. Favero, G. Torti, Brescia 1982, p. 456. 58 Cf. G. Helewa, «Fedele è Dio». Una lettura di Rom 8, 14–39, “Teresianum” 37 (1986), no. 1, p. 36. 59 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 533. 60 Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 456–457. 61 Cf. G. Helewa, “Fedele è Dio”, p. 37. 62 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 533.

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We can see that Paul in Rom 8:31–34 goes one step further in presenting the resurrection of Christ. While the link between this event and death is obvious, the Apostle is equally obvious of His exaltation and intercession – thus the consequences of the ‘resurrection’. 2.1.1.7

Rom 10:9

ὅτι ἐὰν ὁμολογήσῃς ἐν τῷ στόματί σου κύριον Ἰησοῦν καὶ πιστεύσῃς ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ σου ὅτι ὁ θεὸς αὐτὸν ἤγειρεν ἐκ νεκρῶν, σωθήσῃ

This fragment has the following variants: ἐν τῷ στόματί σου κύριον Ἰησοῦν – ‫ א‬D F G Ψ 33. 1739. 1881 M lat sy bo; Irlat ; 2) ἐν τῷ στόματί σου κύριον Ἰησοῦν Χριστον – P46 A t; 3) το ρημα ἐν τῷ στόματί σου οτι κύριος Ἰησοῦς – B (81. l 249) sa; (Cl). Given the internal principles of text criticism (especially the second one, “a shorter redaction is more likely than a long one”), the first option should be considered to be closer to the original. This is also confirmed by external criticism: variant one is supported by a much larger number of manuscripts, although variants two and three are supported by high-value manuscripts. However, it seems that the shorter redaction adopted by the Nestle–Aland edition is closest to the original. Translation: “[…] if you confess with your mouth that Jesus is Lord and believe in your heart that God raised him from the dead, you will be saved”. This text is part of Pericope 10:5–13 and is included in the third block (9:1–11:36) of the second part of the Letter (1:18–15:13). Although between 5:1–8:36 and 9:1–11:36 there is not as close a connection as between 1:18–4:25 and 5:1–8:36, there is a connection between our block and the preceding context.63 In our passage (10:5–13), Paul takes up the subject of Christ’s presence and the truth that everyone who believes in Him can be saved. He shows the ease with which you can bringing about your salvation through faith or the word and the difficulty of achieving the same through the Law.64 Rom 10:9 is one of the oldest homologies65 – acclamations used in the liturgy.66 The influence of the Old Testament is evident here: “But the word is very near you. It is in your mouth and in your heart, so that you can do it.” (Deut 30:14).67 The content of the confession (ἐὰν ὁμολογήσῃς) was rendered in the form of a double

63 Quite extensively on the dual relationship 9:1–11:36 with the preceding context – H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 463–464. 64 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 587. 65 For more on the term ὁμολογέω, cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 508–509. 66 Cf. H. Langkammer, Wprowadzenie do ksiąg Nowego Testamentu [Introduction to the Books of the New Testament], Wrocław 1988, p. 97. 67 Cf. W. Führer, “Herr ist Jesus”. Die Rezeption der urchristlichen Kyrios-Akklamation durch Paulus Römer 10,9, “Kerygma und Dogma” 33 (1987), no. 2, p. 137–139.

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accusative: κύριον Ἰησοῦν. Since the very beginning, Judaism and Christianity have believed that God is the only Lord: “Hear, O Israel! The LORD is our God, the LORD alone!” (Deut 6:4). At the moment of the incarnation of the Son of God, this truth had to be extended to the person of Christ the Lord: “[…] yet for us there is one God, the Father, from whom are all things and for whom we exist, and one Lord, Jesus Christ, (εἷς κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς), through whom are all things and through whom we exist.” (1 Cor 8:6).68 Our text contains an acclamation that stems from 1 Cor 12:3: “no one can say, «Jesus is Lord», except in the holy Spirit” (Κύριος Ἰησοῦς). The echo of this confession is also found in Phil 2:6–11, especially in 2:11: “and every tongue confess that Jesus Christ is LORD (κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς) – to the glory of God the Father”. There is no doubt, therefore, that the term κύριος is fully applicable to Jesus, and it becomes an inalienable title par excellence through his resurrection. This resurrection was once again attributed to God: ὁ θεὸς αὐτὸν ἤγειρεν ἐκ νεκρῶν (Rom 10:9, cf. 4:24). The verb ἤγειρεν is indicativus aoristi activi tertia persona singularis from ἐγείρω. The resurrection is also presented as the nucleus of the Christian faith, the basis of salvation (cf. Rom 4:24, 1 Thess 4:14, 1 Cor 15:14–15, 2 Cor 5:15).69 In the context of our faith (ὁμολογέω) two conclusions seem obvious. First, the resurrection became the basis for establishing Jesus as Lord of the Church and the world. This follows from Rom 10:9b, where the professed faith also includes the belief that God raised Jesus from the dead. Secondly, as the Lord, He also now exercises authority with the word of the Gospel, which follows from Rom 10:6–8.70 Jesus is the Saviour because He was raised from the dead (cf. 1 Thess 1:10). He is also the Lord as a result of this work of God. Undoubtedly, our text points to the close link between these two realities – the resurrection (ἤγειρεν) and Jesus’ reign (κύριον Ἰησοῦν). This conclusion follows from our text, but also from Rom 1:4 and Phil 2:9: Jesus was raised from the dead, and is therefore exalted, and consequently is Lord.71

68 Cf. E.F. Harrison, Romans, p. 112. 69 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 592. Note, moreover, that the formula, related to the work of God the Father, in its full wording (“He rose from the dead”) is found in 1 Thess 1:10, Rom 1:4, 8:11, 10:9). The incomplete formula (“resurrected”) is present in 1 Cor 6:14, 2 Cor 4:14, cf. K.H. Rengstorf, Die Auferstehung Jesu, p. 25. 70 More on the “word of faith we preach” (Rom 10:8) see, for example, H.-J. Eckstein, «Nahe ist dir das Wort». Exegetische Erwägungen zu Röm 10:8, “Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft” 79 (1988), no. 3–4, p. 204–220. 71 Cf. K.H. Rengstorf, Die Auferstehung Jesu, p. 70.

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Epistle to the Romans

2.1.2

The Resurrection of Christ

The noun ἡ ἀνάστασις describing the resurrection of Jesus is quite rare in the letters of St Paul (8 times). As we have seen, the Apostle prefers to use terms from the core of ἐγείρω (41 times). However, in the Epistle to the Romans we find two texts in which the former term was used (1:4 and 6:5). Both talk about the ‘resurrection’ of Jesus. For methodical reasons we are going to discuss them separately, because in the latter we meet a mention of the resurrection that awaits us, similar to His. Consider the first one. 2.1.2.1 3

Rom 1:3–4

[…] περὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ τοῦ γενομένου ἐκ σπέρματος Δαυὶδ κατὰ σάρκα, 4 τοῦ

ὁρισθέντος υἱοῦ θεοῦ ἐν δυνάμει κατὰ πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης ἐξ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν, Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν

The text quoted above has only one variant. In the common Latin tradition (latt) and in the Latin translation of the works of Irenaeus (Irlat ) instead of ὁρισθέντος we have προορισθέντος. It seems that the use of the verb with the prefix προ was dictated by the desire to explain God’s action: He instituted Jesus Christ as master in priorly (ποορίζω).72 Therefore, it would be a later reading, with an explanation, not entirely understandable by the scribe. Additionally, another verb with the same suffix was used at the beginning of verse 2: προεπηγγείλατο (also referred to God action). It would also mean the alignment of the text with the previous context. Given these considerations, we must assume that the shorter version (ὁρισθέντος) is closer to the original. Translation: “3 […] concerning his Son, who was descended from David according to the flesh 4 and was declared to be the Son of God in power according to the Spirit of holiness by his resurrection, Jesus Christ our Lord”. According to Greek epistolography, the introduction to the letter (comprising the passage that we are discussing) should contain information about who is writing to whom and greetings.73 These were usually included in one sentence. However, Paul very often used a slightly different scheme of introduction to the letter. It is a structure of a Judaic official letter, which probably has its origins in the royal offices in Babylonia and Persia. In these the sender was introduced first, then the addressees of the letter, and finally the blessing opening of the letter. The author would also add something to the introduction. In our Epistle, the characteristics of 72 For the meaning of this verb see R. Popowski, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great Greek-Polish Dictionary of the New Testament], Warszawa 1995, p. 525–526. 73 Cf. S. Byrskog, Epistolography, Rhetoric and Letter Prescript: Romans 1.1–7 as a Test Case, “Journal for the Study of the New Testament” 65 (1997), p. 34–35.

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Paul’s Gospel (1:2–4) and his mission (1:5–6) were added to the two titles of the sender (1:1). Only in the 7th verse does he mention the addressees (1:7a) and the initial blessing (1:7b).74 The Christological presentation of the Gospel of Paul (Rom 1:3–4) closes between two phrases: περὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ (v. 3a) and Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν (v. 4b). First, the various stages of Christ’s existence receive a qualification expressed by the participles τοῦ γενομένου (v. 3b) and τοῦ ὁρισθέντος (v. 4a). Then the title Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν is presented as the content of the foretold Gospel.75 In order to turns out that we have the following structure of the whole fragment, in which the middle three elements correspond in an antithetical parallelism: περὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ τοῦ γενομένου

τοῦ ὁρισθέντος

ἐκ σπέρματος Δαυὶδ

ἐξ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν

κατὰ σάρκα κατὰ πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν.76

In this case, however, the phrase υἱοῦ θεοῦ ἐν δυνάμει (1:4b) remains outside the structure. Before we move on to the issue, we need to address the “controversy” that could result from a misinterpretation of τοῦ ὁρισθέντος υἱοῦ θεοῦ ἐν δυνάμει κατὰ πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης ἐξ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν. Was Christ therefore only established as the Son of God through His rising from the dead? As J.A. Fitzmyer aptly notes, the participle ὁρισθέντος expresses a higher dignity for which Jesus was destined by the Father. Some manuscripts interpret this in a special way, replacing this participle with a more elaborate form: προορισθέντος, which means ‘predestined’. This clarification is characteristic of the Western theological tradition.77 It seems that this was not the Apostle’s thought, though. As is evident from the grammatical forms and terminology used in Rom 1:3b–4a, it is a fragment of an early Christian profession of faith or a pre-Pauline liturgical text,78 which was later adapted by the Apostle and modified to some extent. Such is its current reading, which in the second stich breaks the rhythm of the speech:

74 Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 53–55. 75 Cf. S. Byrskog, Epistolography, p. 29. 76 Cf. C. Anderson, Romans 1:1–5 and the Occasion of the Letter: The Solution to the Two-Congregation Problem in Rome, “Trinity Journal” 14 (1993), no. 1, p. 30–31. 77 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 234. 78 Cf. K. Romaniuk, List do Rzymian [The Epistle to the Romans], p. 78–79; cf. also H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 63.

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descended from David according to the flesh and was declared to be the Son of God in power according to the Spirit of holiness by his resurrection, Jesus Christ our Lord.

As Heinrich Schlier rightly points out, the key phrase here is υἱοῦ θεοῦ ἐν δυνάμει, in which ἐν δυνάμει refers to υἱοῦ θεοῦ, not to ὁρισθέντος. The whole phrase reconciles Paul’s Christology with its more ancient form. According to the Gospel of Paul, Jesus is the Son of God, and therefore by rising from the dead he could not be called the Son of God, but “the Son of God in power”. In other places, too, the Apostle writes of Christ as the one who was raised from the dead by God’s attribute which is known as power (1 Cor 6:14); as the Risen One who is experienced in his power and by his power (1 Cor 5:4, 2 Cor 12:9, Phil 3:10), by the Spirit and His works (Rom 15:13, 1 Cor 2:4.5) and by the attribute of the Gospel, which is power (Rom 1:16, 1 Cor 1:18, 1 Thess 1:5) and the word of His power. Christ is the same θεοῦ δύναμις (1 Cor 1:24). In the Parousia His power will take on the final shape (2 Thess 1:7). As the Lord (κυρίος) Jesus is “the Son of God in power”. In pre-Pauline Christology, this phrase did not exist. Paul had to add it because for him Christ is “the Son of God” also before he rose from the dead (cf. 1 Cor 8:6, Phil 2:6). It is this “Son of God,” who does not become such, but always has been, and at the end of time will eventually appear, that he was “established by a resurrection of the Son of God in power”. In this way Paul modifies a pre-existing formula of the confession of faith, which may have been as follows: descended from David according to the flesh and was declared to be the Son of God according to the Spirit of holiness by his resurrection, Jesus Christ our Lord.79

There is still the final phrase Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν to be explained, which seems to be an explanation of the meaning of the previously used noun ἡ ἀνάστασις. Jesus Christ is Lord (ὁ κυρίος) in the fullest sense of the word after his resurrection – rising from the dead.80

79 Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 64–65; cf. also J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 233. 80 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 237. However, L. Scheffczyk’s interpretation of this text is completely different: “It is clearly stated here (in Rom 1:3–4 – my note) that God instituted Jesus as Lord in the resurrection (and should be added: only in the resurrection). This confession is reiterated in the New Testament, for example, also in the Epistle to the Romans, although the reign of Jesus resulting from the resurrection was formulated here more verbally and in the active voice. It reads: “For that is why Christ died and came back to life to rule over the dead as over the living” (Rom 14:9). Likewise,

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2.1.3

Our resurrection

As we see below, death and resurrection Christ is very closely connected with our death and future resurrection. All this was presented by the Apostle in the context of a doctrinal lecture on baptism. 2.1.3.1

Rom 6:5

εἰ γὰρ σύμφυτοι γεγόναμεν τῷ ὁμοιώματι τοῦ θανάτου αὐτοῦ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ἀναστάσεως ἐσόμεθα

In the F and G manuscripts of the 9th century and in the common Latin tradition (latt) in place of the ἀλλὰ (‘but, although, in any case’) we read ἅμα (‘simultaneously, together’). As J.A. Fitzmyer explains this change is a result of misreading the two capital letters ‘lambda’ written too tightly together (ΛΛ) as a capital letter ‘mi’ (M).81 The reading preferred by Nestle–Aland publishers (ἀλλὰ) seems to be closest to the original. Translation: “For if we have been united with him in a death like his, we shall certainly be united with him in a resurrection like his”. We have already reached the sixth chapter of the Letter to the Romans when discussing the verb ἐγείρω occurring in 6:4 (point 1b). Then we assumed that this part of the Epistle (6:1–14) consists of three passages: a thesis (6:1–2), a doctrinal statement (6:3–10) and a presentation of the consequences of Christian life (6:11–14). This is the structure we take after Rudolf Pesch.82 Commenting on this verse, researchers usually focus on explaining the concept of σύμφυτοι and the construction in which it is located.83 And not without reason: for this concept is of paramount importance to clarify the relationship that exists in Baptism between Christ’s death (τοῦ θανάτου αὐτοῦ) and resurrection (τῆς ἀναστάσεως) and our death and resurrection. Originally, σύμφυτος meant ‘innate, natural, similar, grown-up’.84 The New Testament is dominated by the meaning of ‘grown, joined, combined’.85 Thus, in our text, this adjective means union, al-

81 82 83 84 85

statements that Jesus is Lord by virtue of the resurrection are found in Rom 4:24, 1 Cor 6:14, 2 Tim 2:8, Acts 10:42, 26:15”; L. Scheffczyk, Zmartwychwstanie [Resurrection], p. 220–221. Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 436. Cf. R. Pesch, Römerbrief , 56; similarly S. Légasse, Cf. S. Légasse, S., Être baptisé dans la mort du Christ. Étude de Romains 6, 1–14, “Revue Biblique” 98 (1991), no. 4, p. 544–559. Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 329; J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 435; K. Romaniuk, List do Rzymian [The Epistle to the Romans], p. 145. Słownik grecko-polski [The Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 4, p. 176. R. Popowski, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great Greek-Polish Dictionary of New Testament], p. 577.

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Epistle to the Romans

liance with Christ because it is rather difficult to unite ‘through a death like his’ (τῷ ὁμοιώματι τοῦ θανάτου αὐτοῦ).86 The whole subjugated sentence (protasis) εἰ γὰρ σύμφυτοι γεγόναμεν τῷ ὁμοιώματι τοῦ θανάτου αὐτοῦ, aroused much controversy in interpretation. The Fathers of the Church explained the union of believers through the death of Christ as a connection between the death of Christ and dying for sin through baptism (Origen, Tertullian and Hipolit).87 It is the main clause that carries the main interpretative burden (apodosis): ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ἀναστάσεως ἐσόμεθα. Many exegetes think that this sentence is an abbreviated version of the original, full sentence, which Heinrich Schlier reconstructs as ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ ὁμοιώματι τῆς ἀναστάσεως σύμφυτοι ἐσόμεθα. Such a reconstruction would give the following meaning to the whole verse: “If we are united in the image of His death, it follows that we will also be united in the image of His resurrection”. Our author further notes, however, that equally well, in a shorter version, τῆς ἀναστάσεως can be understood as genetivus possessivus, and ἐσόμεθα, is a futurum that evokes an eschatological event. Then our sentence would determine the future participation of the baptized in the resurrection of Christ. This state of affairs is already anticipated by leading a “new life” through the sacrament of baptism referred to in the previous verse (cf. ἡμεῖς ἐν καινότητι ζωῆς περιπατήσωμεν; Rom 6:4).88 In conclusion, let us note that the resurrection – the resurrection of Jesus Christ has consequences not only for his exaltation (as Lord), but also for our exaltation, through a similar resurrection. 2.1.4

Arise

It must not come as a surprise that Paul, in his Epistle to the Romans, uses the verb ἀνίστημι only once, since the derivative noun ἡ ἀνάστασις he used barely twice (1:4 and 6:5) in the same text. It should be noted that he uses this word in a very skilful manner, making an allusion to the resurrection of Christ.

86 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 435. 87 Cf. the interpretation of the teaching of the Fathers of the Church in this matter presented in: R. Schlarb, Röm 6:1–11 in der Auslegung der frühen Kirchenväter, p. 110–111. For the kind of death of Christ with which the believer is united in baptism, see H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, 330–331; see also P. Grelot, Une homélie de saint Paul sur le baptême. EpPtre aux Romains, ch. 6, 1–23, “Esprit et vie” 99 (1989), no. 10, p. 155. 88 Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 331; cf. also V. Tanghe, Die Vorlage in Römer 6, p. 412.

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2.1.4.1

Rom 15:12

καὶ πάλιν Ἠσαΐας λέγει· ἔσται ἡ ῥίζα τοῦ Ἰεσσαὶ καὶ ὁ ἀνιστάμενος ἄρχειν ἐθνῶν, ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ ἔθνη ἐλπιοῦσιν

Translation: “And again Isaiah says, «The root of Jesse will come, even he who arises to rule the Gentiles; in him will the Gentiles hope»”. The text from Isaiah (Isa 11:10 in Rom 15:12) cited by Paul belongs to a larger section (15:7–13)89 which closes the paraenesis contained in Chapters 14 and 15. In this closing unit, the emphasis is put primarily on the mutual acceptance of Jews and Gentiles in the Christian community. The motivation is God’s glory, the model is Christ, and the goal is threefold: to demonstrate God’s faithfulness, confirm the promises given to the patriarchs and bind the Gentiles to God’s mercy.90 In the following verses, Paul quotes after LXX from the Old Testament, which confirm the validity of the instructions given so far. They were introduced with the following formulas respectively: καθὼς γέγραπται (v. 9, Ps 17:50), καὶ πάλιν λέγει (v. 10, Deut 32:43), καὶ πάλιν (v. 11, Ps 117:1). Only the last quotation introduces a direct reference to the author, the prophet Isaiah: καὶ πάλιν Ἠσαΐας λέγει (v. 12, Isa 11:10). As we note, these texts have been arranged to represent the three parts of the Bible books: the Torah, the Prophets and the Writings.91 Focusing on the passage we are interested in (Rom 15:12), we notice not only that it comes from LXX,92 but also that the addition introduced by the translators brings new content to the message of the Isaiah text.93 The Greek text introduces the idea of ‘reign’ (ἄρχειν) over nations that will find their ‘hope’ (ἐλπιοῦσιν) in it.94 These two details already draw our attention to the connection of our passage not so much with v. 8a as with Rom 1:3–4. For our ἄρχειν would correspond to the title ὁ κύριος used in 1:4, and the participle ὁ ἀνιστάμενος corresponds to the phrase ἐξ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν95 used in 1:4. Therefore, the climax of our pericope seems to be the above-mentioned participle ὁ ἀνιστάμενος, which for Paul means not so much the appearance, the birth of the root of Jesse, but rather of the Risen and Elevated One, who has already taken control of the nations and become the hope 89 Although some believe that this section includes Rom 15:1–13, and its unity is not even broken down by the doxologies from 5–6; cf. K. Romaniuk, List do Rzymian [The Epistle to the Romans], p. 269; E.F. Harrison, Romans, p. 153. 90 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 705. 91 Cf. K. Kertelge, Der Brief an die Römer, p. 225. 92 Only the introduction was omitted καὶ ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐκείνῃ. Cf. Septuaginta. Id est Vetus Testamentum graece iuxta LXX interpretes, ed. A. Rahlfs, vol. 2, Stuttgart 1965, p. 581. 93 In LXX, Hebrew ‫ ְל ֵנס‬was changed into Greek ἄρχειν and Hebrew ‫ ִי ְדר ֹשׁוּ‬on gr. ἐλπιοῦσιν. 94 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 707. 95 Cf. G. Sass, Röm 15,7–13 – als Summe des Römerbriefs gelesen, “Evangelische Theologie” 53 (1993), no. 6, p. 525.

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Epistle to the Romans

of the peoples. Christ is the One who fulfilled the expectations of the nations and became the motive for the praise of God also by the Gentiles for showing mercy.96 Used in our text ὁ ἀνιστάμενος (participium praesentis medii, nominativis masculinum singularis from ἀνίστημι) has a literal meaning, but Paul’s use of it makes a clear allusion to the resurrection of Christ, of which he wrote in 1:3–4. 2.1.5

Ascend into heaven

The verb ἀναβαίνω already in classical and Hellenistic Greek had a meaning expressing a movement upwards.97 It also often appears with its antonym: καταβαίνω expressing the idea of descending.98 Paul also uses these two terms in the passage that we discuss (in Rom 10:6–7). But he does so in a rather special way, citing the texts of the Old Testament (cf. Deut 9:4 and 30:11–14). 2.1.5.1

Rom 10:6–7

6

ἡ δὲ ἐκ πίστεως δικαιοσύνη οὕτως λέγει· μὴ εἴπῃς ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ σου· τίς ἀναβήσεται εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν; τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν Χριστὸν καταγαγεῖν· 7 ἤ· τίς καταβήσεται εἰς

τὴν ἄβυσσον; τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν Χριστὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀναγαγεῖν

Translation: “6 But the righteousness based on faith says, «Do not say in your heart, ‘Who will ascend into heaven?’» (that is, to bring Christ down) 7 or «‘Who will descend into the abyss?’» (that is, to bring Christ up from the dead)”. We have already analysed excerpts 10:5–13 when discussing the verb ἐγείρω (point 1g), which was used in Rom 10:9. As we have noticed in 10:5–13, Paul takes up the subject of Christ’s presence and the truth that everyone who believes in Him can be saved. He showed the ease of bringing about salvation through faith–word and the difficulty of achieving it through the Law.99 The explanation of the passage we have analysed should actually begin with Rom 10:5 and an analysis of the quotation from Lev 18:5: ἃ ποιήσας ἄνθρωπος ζήσεται ἐν αὐτοῖς. Then we should move on to the next two quotations from the Old Testament, or rather their combination quoted in Rom 10:6: μὴ εἴπῃς ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ σου (Deut 9:4) and τίς ἀναβήσεται ἡμῖν εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν (Deut 30:12).100

96 Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, 680th Similarly, Sass after E. Käsemann: G. Sass, Röm 15:7–13 – als Summe des Römerbriefs gelesen, p. 525, footnote 31. 97 Cf. Słownik grecko-polski [The Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 1, p. 132. 98 Cf. Słownik grecko-polski [The Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 2, p. 567. 99 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 587. 100 More on quotations from Old Testament in Rom 10:5–8 and Paul’s arguments, cf. M.A. Getty, Paul on the Covenants and the Future of Israel, “Biblical Theology Bulletin” 17 (1987), no. 3, p. 97; J.S. Vos, Die hermeneutische Antinomie bei Paulus (Galater 3.11–12; Römer 10.5–10), “New

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All this is intended to introduce a contrast between Moses’ teaching in the Law and personified justification. However, it is not a question of ascertaining the abolition of the Law. On the contrary, Paul writes in 10:5 about the justification of ἡ δικαιοσύνη ἐκ τοῦ νόμου (“the righteousness that is based on the law”); therefore, it is still valid. However, he states that the new way of justification offered by God is ἡ δὲ ἐκ πίστεως δικαιοσύνη (“the righteousness based on faith”).101 As we have already learned from Rom 10:9 the essence of the Christian creed is to believe in the death and resurrection of Jesus.102 In the analysed fragment, there is one more item – incarnation. This is based on the antithetical use of the terms ἀναβαίνω and καταβαίνω. When in Rom 10:6 he quotes Deut 30:12 (τίς ἀναβήσεται ἡμῖν εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν), he makes allusions to the very incarnation: τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν Χριστὸν καταγαγεῖν. When in Rom 10:7 he modifies Deut 30:13 (τίς καταβήσεται εἰς τὴν ἄβυσσον),103 he suggests the idea of resurrection of Christ: τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν Χριστὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀναγαγεῖν.104 However, no one is required to ascend into heaven (ἀναβήσεται εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν) or descended to the abyss (καταβήσεται εἰς τὴν ἄβυσσον), i.e. the world of the dead.105 In this way Paul wanted to illustrate two things which are absolutely impossible for man, so that the truth about the necessity of believing in God’s saving work and union with Christ incarnate and raised from the dead would sound all the more clear (cf. Rom 10:9).106 2.1.6

Height

Paul does not often describe the realities on the firmament of heaven. There is, however, an exception, although in a broader context there is talk of the love that God has for believers, in Rom 8:39 the Apostle mentions ‘height’ (τὸ ὕψωμα) and ‘depth’ (τὸ βάθος).

101 102 103

104 105 106

Testament Studies” 38 (1992), no. 2, p. 258–260; A.J. Dewey, A Re-Hearing of Romans 10:1–15, “Semeia” 65 (1994), p. 115–116. Cf. K. Kertelge, Der Brief an die Römer, p. 178. We discussed this text in point 1g when analysing the verb ἐγείρω. Paul replaced the phrase πέραν τῆς θαλάσσης to εἰς τὴν ἄβυσσον present in LXX. In LXX, the term ‘abyss’ (ἡ ἄβυσσος) often refers to ‘the depths of the sea’, ‘the chasms of the sea’ as a contrast to heaven or earth (cf. Deut 8:7, Ps 33:7, 77:17); cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 590–591. Cf. E.F. Harrison, Romans, p. 111–112; J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 590. Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 507. Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 590.

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Epistle to the Romans

2.1.6.1 38

Rom 8:38–39

πέπεισμαι γὰρ ὅτι οὔτε θάνατος οὔτε ζωὴ οὔτε ἄγγελοι οὔτε ἀρχαὶ οὔτε ἐνε-

στῶτα οὔτε μέλλοντα οὔτε δυνάμεις 39 οὔτε ὕψωμα οὔτε βάθος οὔτε τις κτίσις ἑτέρα δυνήσεται ἡμᾶς χωρίσαι ἀπὸ τῆς ἀγάπης τοῦ θεοῦ τῆς ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ τῷ κυρίῳ ἡμῶν

The analysed passage has four places where there are discrepancies in the testimonies to the text: three in 8:38 and one in 8:39. The first case is the change of the plural ἄγγελοι (first variant) to the singular ἄγγελος (second variant) in the manuscripts D F G and b and in Ambrosiaster (Ambst). The second option does not seem more likely than the first. Above all, it is supported by a small number of testimonies, whose value is also not as great as that of all the other manuscripts supporting the first option. Therefore, we assume that reading ἄγγελοι, which better corresponds to the context (οὔτε ἄγγελοι οὔτε ἀρχαὶ), is closer to the original. The second case are different variants relating to the term ἀρχαὶ: ἐξουσία οὔτε ἀρχαί ἀρχαὶ οὔτε ἐξουσία

–D – C 81. 104 al syh** bomss

In our opinion, the reading adding the noun ἐξουσία is an attempt to harmonize our text with Eph 1:21, where we read: ὑπεράνω πάσης ἀρχῆς καὶ ἐξουσίας καὶ δυνάμεως. Of the terms used there in Rom 8:38–39, only the noun ἐξουσία was missing. Therefore, the scribe added it in one case before ἀρχαί (first variant), and another corrected the order according to Eph 1:21 and added the noun after ἀρχαί (second variant). However, we assume that a shorter reading is more likely. The third case of different variants is the order of words in the sentence ἐνεστῶτα οὔτε μέλλοντα οὔτε δυνάμεις: ἐνεστῶτα οὔτε μέλλοντα οὔτε δυνάμεις δυνάμεις οὔτε ἐνεστῶτα οὔτε

– P27vid.(46) ‫ א‬A B C D F G 0285. 1505. 1739. 1881 pc vg sa bo; Origen, Eusebius, Ciryl of Aleksandria. – (Ψ) 33 M b syp ; John Chrysostom, Theodoret, (Ambrosiaster).

μέλλοντα

The second variant, placing οὔτε δυνάμεις at the beginning, relates it more directly to οὔτε ἀρχαί (as in 1 Cor 15:24 and Eph 1:21). Thus it would be an agreement with the parallel texts. Besides, it is hard to expect Paul to want to give a systematic lecture on angelic beings in this very place. That is why the second variant would

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simply be an adjustment by the scribe.107 Taking into account also the number and importance of the testimonies supporting the first option, we assume that it is the one closest to the original. The fourth case is leaving out τις in P46 D F G 1505 lat sy. The presence of this pronoun is attested by ‫ א‬A B C Ψ 0285. 33. 1739. 1881 M (t); Clement of Alexandria. Both variants are well documented in ancient manuscripts. It seems, however, that the longer reading is more likely. Paul wanted to point to some invisible creature, or whose existence we do not guess.108 Translation: “38 For I am sure that neither death nor life, nor angels nor rulers, nor things present nor things to come, nor powers, 39 nor height nor depth, nor anything else in all creation, will be able to separate us from the love of God in Christ Jesus our Lord”. Rom 8:38–39 is an ending in the hymn form of a larger unit (8:31–39).109 This whole section is a kind of recapitulation of the issues that have been raised so far: it concerns mainly the love that God has for us. All this has been done with some diatribe elements.110 The passage we are discussing is one of the few in the Epistle to the Romans in which Paul writes about the extent of God’s creative work. He does not do so directly, confirming God’s power over the cosmos (οὔτε ὕψωμα and οὔτε βάθος; v. 39) and over the spirit world (οὔτε ἄγγελοι, οὔτε ἀρχαί and οὔτε δυνάμεις v. 38).111 Paul, in addition to the above mentioned, lists five other forces that could separate the Christian from the love God has for us. ‘Death’ (θάνατος) comes first, not only because of the reference to Ps 44:23, quoted earlier (v. 36), but because it is, according to 1 Cor 15:26, the last enemy and therefore the greatest power. Then follows ‘life’ (ζωή). It can also become a threat to the Christian, especially in its physical dimension. Among the terms relating to the world of demons (‘angels’,

107 Cf. the commentary in: B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 458–459. 108 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 535. 109 The verb ἐγείρω, point 1f was discussed in more detail. Since the beginning of the fifth chapter of the Epistle to the Romans, St Paul has been raising the question of the revelation of God’s justification in and through the Gospel. At the end of the eighth chapter, he gives instructions on God’s love. It is precisely justification and love that Paul sees as two complementary realities and constituting a material unity; cf. K. Kertelge, Der Brief an die Römer, p. 157–158. 110 Diatribe is a rhetorical dissertation in the form of a dialogue with a fictitious opponent; cf. S. Sierotwiński, Słownik terminów literackich [Dictionary of Literary Terms], Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków–Gdańsk–Łódź 1986, p. 55. As for the recognition of certain elements of the diatribe in Rom 8:31–39 see C.-H. Cloutier, Rm 8, 31–39: hymn ou plaidoyer?, p. 336–339; H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 453. 111 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 530. For the last three terms (ἄγγελοι, ἀρχαί and δυνάμεις) and their understanding as concepts describing the world of demons, see G. Helewa, “Fedele è Dio”, p. 43; E.F. Harrison, Romans, p. 99–100; H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 461.

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Epistle to the Romans

‘rulers’ and ‘powers’) we come across two terms ἐνεστῶτα and μέλλοντα. They describe the time understood as δύναμις in its present and future. In the present as the ‘spirit of the times’ and in the future as a tempting utopia.112 Perhaps this is also about the instability of the ‘present time’ in which the Apostle wrote (the Roman Empire) and the uncertainty of the ‘future time’.113 At the end, there is an element which in a certain sense sums up this calculation: οὔτε τις κτίσις ἑτέρα. In the context of the issue we are discussing, special attention is paid to the pair of terms opening verse 39: ὕψωμα and βάθος. Scholars quite unanimously state that these are concepts that describe the cosmos and come from ancient astrology. Everett F. Harrison even quotes the modified translation of Samuel Angus (“neither rising nor setting stars”) and explains that Paul wanted to point out the fatality of astral religions.114 Heinrich Schlier is more accurate and notes that the first term (ὕψωμα) in astrology meant the distance between the position of a star and the zenith; the second term (βάθος) meant the space of the sky beyond the horizon from which the stars emerge. So both terms would describe the space of the universe.115 Joseph A. Fitzmyer adds that in the understanding of ancient astrology, the positions of stars determined the fate of man. It follows from Paul’s words that even astrological forces are not able to separate the Christian from the love that God has for us in Christ Jesus, our Lord.116 2.1.7

Pride

The New Testament authors are not very eager to use the adjective describing human pride. In all books, ὑψηλός occurs 11 times.117 Paul also only uses the term twice in his correspondence. 2.1.7.1

Rom 11:20

καλῶς· τῇ ἀπιστίᾳ ἐξεκλάσθησαν, σὺ δὲ τῇ πίστει ἕστηκας. μὴ ὑψηλὰ φρόνει ἀλλὰ φοβοῦ

In Rom 11:20 we meet two cases of different readings contained in different manuscripts. The first is the replacement of ἐξεκλάσθησαν with ἐκλάσθησαν in the B D* F G codices. This reading is presumably the result of an assumed error. The scribe may have first rewritten ἐξεκλάσθησαν correctly, and then realized that there

112 113 114 115 116 117

Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 461. Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 535. Cf. E.F. Harrison, Romans, p. 100. Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 461. Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 535. Matt 4:8, 17:1, Mark 9:2, Luke 16:15, Acts 13:17, Rom 11:20, 12:16, Heb 1:3, 7:26, Rev 21:10.12.

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is an identical word in the preceding verse and changed it to ἐκλάσθησαν. It should be noted, however, that the verb κλάω, from which ἐκλάσθησαν comes, is always used by Paul in the context of the Eucharist (cf. 1 Cor 11:24, cf. also 1 Cor 10:16). In contrast, the verb ἐξεκλάσθησαν was used by the Apostle only in Rom 11 (v. 17, 19 and 20), in the context of the doctrine of ‘breaking away’ (ἐκκλάω) branches that are members of Israel for the implantation of Gentiles. Thus, the longer reading fits much better the context of the Apostle’s statement. The second case is the replacement of ὑψηλὰ φρόνει (supported by P46 ‫ א‬Avid B 81 pc) with the verb ὑψηλοφρόνει (supported by C D F G Ψ 33. 1739. 1881 M). It would be surprising if Paul had used the verb verb ὑψηλοφρονέω, which is hapax legomenon in NT and occurs only in 1 Tim 6:17. The combination of the adjective ὑψηλός and the verb φρονέω is still found in Rom 12:16. So it seems that the reading separating the two terms (ὑψηλὰ φρόνει) is closer to the original. Translation: “That is true. They were broken off because of their unbelief, but you stand fast through faith. So do not become proud, but fear”. Our text is part of the passage that speaks of the meaning of the fall of Israel (11:11–24). First, the Apostle foretold the theme of the pericope (11:11–12), then he turned to Christians of Gentile origin (11:13–16) to further develop an allegory about the noble olive tree and the shoots of a wild olive implanted in it (11:17–24).118 In Romans 11:17–24, Paul presents an allegory about an olive tree. Using the image of a gardener who implants shoots of wild olive into a noble tree, the Apostle depicts the action of God119 who, because of his lack of faith (ἡ ἀπιστία) breaks off the shoots, and because of his faith (ἡ πίστις) implants them.120 Israelites and Christians of Gentile origin are meant. In faith, however, one must stand (cf. 1 Cor 15:1, Rom 5:2, 2 Cor 1:24), to which ἕστηκας refers, for in faith one can also fall. This is the first threat that Paul shows the Gentile Christians.121 Contrast between μὴ ὑψηλὰ φρόνει and φοβοῦ is very telling. The arrogance that is revealed in the Gentile-Christians in high regard for themselves towards the Jews who stumbled, is due to the fact that they are not ‘afraid of God’, they are not εἰδότες τὸν φόβον τοῦ κυρίου (2 Cor 5:11, cf. Rom 3:18).122

118 Some distinguish 11:17–24 as an independent part; cf. K. Kertelge, Der Brief an die Römer, p. 193; E.F. Harrison, Romans, p. 121. 119 Cf. v. 19: ἐξεκλάσθησαν and ἐγκεντρισθῶ – the passive voice suggests God’s action. 120 Let us also note that dativus (τῇ ἀπιστίᾳ and τῇ πίστει) indicates the reason for breaking branches and implanting pagan-Christians; cf. F. Blass, A. Debrunner, F. Rehkopf, Grammatica del greco del Nuovo Testamento, Italian ed. G. Pisi, Brescia 1997, § 196, pp. 265–266; cf. also F. Mussner, Fehlund Falschübersetzungen von Röm 11 in der »Einheitsübersetzung«, “Theologische Quartalschrift” 170 (1990), no. 2, p. 137–138, footnote 4. 121 Cf. E.F. Harrison, Romans, p. 121. 122 Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 542.

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Epistle to the Romans

It is clear that the meaning of μὴ ὑψηλὰ φρόνει is primarily a warning against elevating oneself above others. So we can say that the adjective ὑψηλός has a primarily moral meaning in our text – ‘proud, conceited’. 2.1.7.2

Rom 12:16

τὸ αὐτὸ εἰς ἀλλήλους φρονοῦντες, μὴ τὰ ὑψηλὰ φρονοῦντες ἀλλὰ τοῖς ταπεινοῖς συναπαγόμενοι. μὴ γίνεσθε φρόνιμοι παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς

In the unaltered P-codex after the first φρονοῦντες we have ἀγαπετοί added. This was probably influenced by the context, as the term appears as early as 12:19. It seems, however, that a shorter reading, also due to the number of manuscripts supporting it, is more likely. Translation: “Live in harmony with one another. Do not be haughty, but associate with the lowly. Never be wise in your own sight”. Already a cursory reading of Rom 12:3–21 shows that Paul now advocate individual incentives. While in 12:3–8 he writes about individual charisms, in 12:9–21 he invites to abide by the principles of Christian life.123 Some additionally divide this passage into three parts: 12:9–13, 12:14–16, 12:17–21.124 Our text would then be part of the middle pericope. The passage under analysis (12:14–16) is Paul’s great call to Christians in Rome not only to abide by the faith, but also to prove “true charity.” For a follower of Christ, true charity is not a curse but a blessing (v. 14),125 and in daily life, compassion with others (v. 15). This solidarity with believers (and non-believers) is true unanimity, without any haughtiness or desire to rule over others (v. 16). Verse 16 of the text we are discussing begins and ends with a reference to the circle of believers (εἰς ἀλλήλους and παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς). Its three incentives are linked by characteristic concepts with the same core: φρονοῦντες (twice) and φρόνιμοι, which is particularly important in the central part.126 The first use (τὸ αὐτὸ εἰς ἀλλήλους φρονοῦντες) means a broad unity in thinking and acting (cf. 2 Cor 13:11, Phil 2:2, 4:2). The second one of interest to us contains a warning: μὴ τὰ ὑψηλὰ φρονοῦντες. It may be about individual ambitions, but it is rather a warning against an attitude of pride that may harm the community as a whole (cf. Rom 11:20,

123 Cf. np. T.C. de Kruijf, The Literary Unity of Rom 12,16–13,8a. A Network of Inclusions, “Bijdragen” 48 (1987), no. 3, p. 320. 124 Cf. np. D.A. Black, The Pauline Love Command: Structure, Style, and Ethics in Romans 12:9–21, “Filologia Neotestamentaria” 2 (1989), no. 1, p. 5–13. 125 The pagan διώκω is to be replaced by the Christian εὐλογέω; cf. K. Romaniuk, List do Rzymian [The Epistle to the Romans], p. 246. 126 Cf. D.A. Black, The Pauline Love Command, p. 10.

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1 Tim 6:17).127 This phrase seems to create a natural pair with ἀλλὰ τοῖς ταπεινοῖς συναπαγόμενοι.128 Though it would be better to write that the last sentence stands in opposition to τὰ ὑψηλά. The meaning of συναπάγομαι first of all ‘let oneself be pulled’, ‘let oneself be carried away’.129 The last, third use of the concept with the core of φρον (μὴ γίνεσθε φρόνιμοι παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς) is a warning against haughtiness not only morally but also intellectually. It concerns knowledge, which the Apostle has not exactly defined here.130 As can be seen, here too, Paul uses the adjective ὑψηλός as a noun and gives it a pejorative meaning: ‘pride, haughtiness’. From our search, it appears that ὑψηλός – not very frequently used –has a homogenous range of meaning. The same construction of the phrases ὑψηλὰ φρόνει (Rom 11:20) and τὰ ὑψηλὰ φρονοῦντες (Rom 12:16) is also important. In both cases, it is about ‘considering yourself superior to others’. 2.1.8

Wake from sleep

The meaning of the word ἐγείρω which is often used in classical Greek and Hellenism, is only encountered once in the Letter to the Romans. In Rom 13:11, the Apostle mentions ‘waking’ from sleep. Here, however, the whole phrase has a figurative meaning. 2.1.8.1

Rom 13:11

Καὶ τοῦτο εἰδότες τὸν καιρόν, ὅτι ὥρα ἤδη ὑμᾶς ἐξ ὕπνου ἐγερθῆναι, νῦν γὰρ ἐγγύτερον ἡμῶν ἡ σωτηρία ἢ ὅτε ἐπιστεύσαμεν

The word ὑμᾶς in some manuscripts is replaced by ἡμᾶς. The former, preferred by the Nestle–Aland edition, is supported by ‫ *א‬A B C P 81. 365. 1881 al bo and by texts by Clement of Alexandria. The latter is supported by the manuscripts P46 vid ‫א‬c D F G Ψ (s 33.) 1739 M latt syp sa. Important and ancient testimonies of the text support both of them, but the change seems to have gone from ὑμᾶς to ἡμᾶς. The scribe made this change probably to make our pronoun agree with the ἡμᾶς used further.131

127 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 656. Such meanings ὑψηλὰ φρόνει we also discovered in Rom 11:20, where it was a matter of the Gentile-Christians’ conceit in relations with Jews and Judeo-Christians. 128 A completely separate issue is whether τοῖς ταπεινοῖς is in the masculine (Romaniuk) or neutral (Fitzmyer, Schlier). It seems, however, that because of the neutral genre of ὑψηλά, our term has the same genre. Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 656. 129 Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 612. 130 Cf. K. Romaniuk, List do Rzymian [The Epistle to the Romans], p. 247. 131 Cf. B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 467.

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Epistle to the Romans

Translation: “Besides this you know the time, that the hour has come for you to wake from sleep. For salvation is nearer to us now than when we first believed”. The section on the practice of charity as the essence of Christian morality (13:8–14) ends with a series of exhortations related to the advent of the eschatological times (v. 11–14). They are important for this part of the letter because they show the relationship between charity as the program of the Christian life and Christ suffering, dead, resurrected and exalted.132 Heinrich Schlier believes that these verses are the conclusion not only of Chapter 13, but also of the entire Rom 12–13 parenetic section. He even believes that they originate from the baptismal hymn.133 According to what Paul wrote in Rom 11:25–26, one can think that the final stage of salvation is still to come. Still, ‘time’ (ὁ καιρός) has already begun. Right now is the time for Christians to come closer together through faith, to work on themselves with true love (cf. 1 Cor 7:29). This eschatological time (ὁ καιρός) is stretched between the resurrection of Christ and his Parousia: every hour brings us closer to the ‘day of the Lord’.134 Christians in Rome are aware of this ‘time’, including the fact that it has already begun and that they live in it.135 What kind of ὁ καιρός it is we find out from the sentence introduced by ὅτι. It is the hour of rising from sleep. This time, instead of ὁ καιρός, the noun ἡ ὥρα is used, but also in an eschatological sense, as in 1 John 2:18 and Rev 3:3.10. However, we still do not know what kind of hour/time it is. The emphasis is on ἐξ ὕπνου ἐγερθῆναι. This phrase also returns in Eph 5:14 and also in a figurative sense. Also, let us note that this is a baptismal acclamation. ‘Awakening’, or rather ‘rising from sleep’, is accomplished through what is written in verse 12b: “So let us reject the deeds of darkness, and put on the armour of light!” This is a fundamental action, which is, of course, tantamount to a move away from ‘this world’ and a renewal of thought, mentioned in 12:2. From the traditional understanding of dreams we can conclude that any conformism, compromise with ‘the world’ is ‘falling asleep’ with the world and ‘dreaming’ with it. And ὥρα, which has now begun, is the hour of rising from that earthly sleep, which according to Eph 5:14 is the sleep of death. However, the eschatological hour of rising from sleep must come again and again. It is true that we have already risen from this sleep through baptism. Yet, you still need to stay awake, or rather ‘rise from sleep’. The eschatological hour for this ‘rising from sleep’ has already arrived, but at the same time it is still arriving. This fact was 132 133 134 135

Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 681–682. Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 635. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 682 disagrees with this opinion. Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 682–683. In this sense ὁ καιρός is still found in 2 Cor 6:2, Eph 5:16, Col 4:5. And ὁ νῦν καιρός in Rom 3:26, 8:18, 11:5, 2 Cor 8:14.

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explained and substantiated in Rom 13:11–12: “For salvation is nearer to us now than when we first believed. The night is far gone; the day is at hand”. The concept we are analysing (ἐγείρω) has a metaphorical meaning in a general sense of ‘to arise’ in only one text by Paul (supplemented by the prepositional construction ἐξ ὕπνου = ‘from sleep’). 2.1.9

Raise up

Paul uses the verb ἐγείρω quite often in his Epistle to the Romans. We have already noticed this in the first point of this chapter. Once he uses this verb with a characteristic prefix: ἐξεγείρω. As we can see, it has quite a special meaning. 2.1.9.1

Rom 9:17

λέγει γὰρ ἡ γραφὴ τῷ Φαραὼ ὅτι εἰς αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἐξήγειρά σε ὅπως ἐνδείξωμαι ἐν σοὶ τὴν δύναμίν μου καὶ ὅπως διαγγελῇ τὸ ὄνομά μου ἐν πάσῃ τῇ γῇ

Translation: “For the Scripture says to Pharaoh, «For this very purpose I have raised you up, that I might show my power in you, and that my name might be proclaimed in all the earth»”. This text is part of the pericope (9:14–18) which is part of a sequence of three units in which Paul points out the sovereignty of God: 9:14–18, 9:19–23, 9:24–29 The structure of the first part can be presented as follows: a) the formulation of the doubt (v. 14a), b) the firm rejection of the doubt (14b), c) the motivation for rejection confirmed by two Scripture quotations (Exod 33:19, v. 15, Exod 9:16, v. 17), d) each time the conclusions derived from the Scriptures (v. 16 and v. 18).136 In verse 17 Pharaoh takes up where Moses leaves off. The word passes from the leader of Israel to the persecutor of the nation. The concept of ἐξήγειρά σε does not so much mean its appearance on the arena of universal history as the action of God’s providence at a particular moment in salvation history.137 Let us return to the Old Testament text cited by Paul, though. It was introduced with the characteristic words λέγει γὰρ ἡ γραφὴ τῷ Φαραώ which mean that God speaks to Pharaoh through Moses. He does not speak for himself because then it would mean that he was in direct contact with the Gentile ruler, which was unthinkable for a Jew, and thus also for Paul. The quotation cites Exod 9:16, but in a form that does not correspond to the Masoretic text: “For this very purpose I have raised you up: that I might show my power in you, and that my name might be proclaimed in all the earth.” Neither does LXX: “But for this purpose I have raised you up (διετηρήθης),

136 Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 481. 137 Cf. E.F. Harrison, Romans, p. 106.

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Summary

to show you my power, so that my name may be proclaimed in all the earth (τὴν ἰσχύν)”. Paul, using ἐξήγειρά σε in place of Greek διετηρήθης (LXX), refers to the absolutely free action of God. This is reinforced by the use of τὴν δύναμίν μου by the Apostle instead of τὴν ἰσχύν μου (LXX).138 In Rom 9:17, God speaks again, this time to Pharaoh. It was He who aroused him ‘out of nothing’ with His word to show his power (ἡ δύναμις). You can see that you can’t put limits to God. He can act out of mercy or make the heart hardened (cf. v. 18). Everything happens with the motive of love for His name, so that it may be made known all over the earth.139 The meaning of ἐξεγείρω in Rom 9:17 has already been given. Let us recall that it has a reference to ‘vocation to existence’, ‘creative act’. This is how the verb is understood in Zech 11:16. It would be an equivalent, even a synonym to the verb ‘create’.

Summary Paul in his Epistle to the Romans uses a rather rich terminology in reference to heights. The vast majority of terms have a metaphorical or rather theological meaning. The verb ἐγείρω, which describes the resurrection of Christ Jesus is prevalent. This is undoubtedly the work of God the Father (Rom 4:24.25, 6:4, 8:11, 10:9). His connection with the death of Jesus is obvious, but it is still repeated after an early Christian creed (Rom 6:9, 8:11). It is also referred to by the Apostle when he points out the close link between the resurrection of Jesus and his exaltation and intercession for the faithful (Rom 8:34). This does not mean that Paul did not know the meaning of ἐγείρω in classical Greek – ‘arise’ from sleep (Rom 13:11) – or the meaning of the complex verb ἐξεγείρω: ‘bring’ to life. In both Pauline texts these verbs have shades of meaning. One refers to the broad metaphor of rising from the sleep of the world of death; the other refers to God’s creative act. In describing Christ’s resurrection, the apostle also used the terms ἡ ἀνάστασις (Rom 1:4) and ἀνίστημι (Rom 15:12).140 In Paul’s teaching this salvific event also has consequences for the future resurrection of the faithful: ἐγείρω (Rom 7:4) and ἡ ἀνάστασις (Rom 6:5). In the Letter to the Romans we also find the well-known classical Greek juxtaposition of ἀναβαίνω/καταβαίνω (Rom 10:6–7). However, Paul’s idea is to ‘ascend’ to heaven.

138 It is worth noting that ἐξεγείρω is used in Zech 11:16 with regard to the creative power of God. 139 Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 483–484. 140 In Rom 15:12 the meaning of the verb is literal (‘arise’ from a dream) but the allusion to Christ’s resurrection is obvious.

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In listing the seven authorities that can stand in the way of God’s love for us, Paul writes about τὸ ὕψωμα as having an astrological dimension: the ‘height’ of celestial bodies over the horizon (Rom 8:39). The qualification is obviously negative. The Apostle’s image of the pride (ὑψηλός) of man is also alien to him, both in relation to his haughtiness towards other people (Rom 11:20) and brethren in the faith (Rom 12:16).

2.2

First Epistle to the Corinthians

Paul’s contacts with the Corinthian community were extremely lively. This applies both to correspondence (the Apostle wrote at least four letters to them) and to messages transmitted orally (Paul refers to such information in 1 Cor 5:1 and 11:18). We will not discuss here all correspondence with the Church of Corinth; we will do so briefly a little further, when discussing the texts of 2 Cor. Here we note that this community was founded by the Apostle himself on his second missionary journey (cf. Acts 18:1–18). After he had left Corinth, his communication with the Christians there was not discontinued. It was also maintained in writing. From 1 Cor 5:9 we learn that Paul wrote a scripture prior to 1 Cor, which, however, has not been preserved to our day.141 It was the result of reports that reached Paul during his first stay in Ephesus. The case concerned primarily “the greedy and robbers or idolaters” (cf. 1 Cor. 5:10–11). However, the situation has not improved; worse still, as reported by “Chloe’s people,” the community had split (cf. 1 Cor 1:11–13). For this reason, a delegation was sent to the Apostle (cf. 1 Cor 16:17), presenting these and other matters for him to judge. The answers to these questions make up 1 Letter to the Corinthians.142 As most scholars believe, it was written in Ephesus, in the final period of Paul’s stay there. Usually a date between 53 and 56 is given.143 In 1 Cor Paul uses only terms with the prefix ἀνα and related: ἀναβαίνω (once), ἀνίστημι (once), ἡ ἀνάστασις (4 times), ἐγείρω (20 times), ἐξεγείρω (once).144 From the very beginning, we must note that, as in no other letter, the entire chapter (1 Cor 15) is dedicated to one issue: bringing back to life Christ and believers. The author does this using three terms (ἐγείρω; ἐξεγείρω; ἡ ἀνάστασις), which are arranged into five thematic groups: 1) raising Jesus from the dead; 2) raising Jesus and us from the dead; 3) ) raising Jesus from the dead and the universal

141 Cf. A. Paciorek, Paweł Apostoł – Pisma. Część pierwsza [Paul the Apostle – Writings. Part one], p. 94–95. 142 Cf. A.M. Buscemi, San Paolo. Vita, opera, messaggio, Jerusalem 1996, p. 162–163. 143 For a detailed discussion of the exact date of 1 Cor, see W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 214–227. 144 Cf. R. Morgenthaler, Statistik des neutestamentlichen Wortschatzes, p. 72.73.74.91.97.

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resurrection; 4) ) raising from believers the dead; 5) resurrection of believers. We will discuss these issues in the first part of the chapter. In the next (second and third) we will deal with such concepts as ἀναβαίνω and ἀνίστημι. 2.2.1

Treaty on the raising from the dead and Resurrection (1 Cor 15:1–58)

Certainly 1 Cor 15 is one of the oldest “lectures” on the raising of Christ from the dead and the resurrection of the faithful. Some even claim that Paul, in composing this chapter, had access to the oral messages that formed the basis of the message of the empty tomb in the Synoptic Gospels.145 We have no reason to believe that the reason for its creation was merely the Apostle’s answers to the questions addressed to him by the representatives of the Corinthian community. In the introduction to 1 Cor 15, we notice the absence of the characteristic περὶ δέ that Paul used before consecutive answers to the questions put to him (cf. 1 Cor 7:1.25, 8:1, 12:1, 16:1.12).146 The Apostle must have been well informed about the situation in Corinth if he asks: “[…] how can some among you say there is no resurrection of the dead?” (15:12). Let us note, moreover, that he makes with its characteristic vocabulary and typical for the introduction of the verb κηρύσσω147 to the preaching of the Gospel. The whole chapter is usually divided into three interrelated units: 15:1–11 – recalling the gospel about the raising of Christ from the dead; 15:12–34 – questions concerning the raising of believers from the dead /resurrection of believers; 15:35–58 – answering questions concerning how and in what body believers will resurrect/be raised from the dead.148 In our study, we have arranged the material in question according to a terminology key. We gave priority (according to the message of the text) to those texts that speak of the raising of Christ from the dead,

145 Cf. J. Moiser, 1 Corinthians 15, “Irish Biblical Studies” 14 (1992), no. 1, p. 10. 146 Cf. C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians. A Literary and Theological Commentary, Macon 2002, p. 121; cf. also J. Moiser, 1 Corinthians 15, p. 11. 147 Cf. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian. Wstęp, przekład z oryginału, komentarz [The Epistles to the Corinthians. Introduction, translation from the original, commentary], Poznań 1965, p. 271; R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi. Nova versione, introduzione e commento, Torino 1999, p. 191–192. 148 Cf. H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian. Tłumaczenie, wstęp i komentarz [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians. Translation, introduction, commentary], Lublin 1998, 81; C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 121. Cf. also the detailed breakdowns of the individual sections, which, however, respect the general division into the three units mentioned above: W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians [in:] The Expositor’s Bible Commentary, vol. 10: Romans-Galatians, ed. F.E. Gaebelein, Grand Rapids, MI 1984, p. 281; G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, Grand Rapids 1987, p. 714; A. Lindemann, Parusie Christi und Herrschaft Gottes. Zur Exegese von 1 Kor 15,23–28, “Wort und Dienst” 19 (1987), p. 381–387.

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then we discussed the convergence that exists between this fact and the return to the life of believers, to discuss the latter at the end. Graphically, the layout of the individual points is as follows: Point

Christ

Believers

Texts

a.

ἐγείρω

–

15:4.14.17.20

b.

ἐγείρω

(ἐξ)εγείρω

15:15 (× 3).16 (× 2); 6:14

c.

ἐγείρω

ἡ ἀνάστασις

15:12.13

d.

–

ἐγείρω

15:29.32.35.42.43 (× 2).44.52

e.

–

ἡ ἀνάστασις

15:21

Given that almost all of the passages (except 6:14) on the raising of Christ from the dead and the resurrection of the dead in our letter are in 1 Cor 15, we will not discuss the immediate context when analysing individual texts. The general context has already been discussed above. 2.2.1.1

Raise Jesus from the dead

In 1 Cor 15, Paul mentions the raising of Christ in four places,149 all in the first two units (15:1–11 and 15:12–34), or actually in the first twenty verses. We take into account those pericopes in which the Apostle uses the verb ἐγείρω to describe Christ’s rising from the dead. We’ll discuss them in order of occurrence. 1 Cor 15:3–5 3

παρέδωκα γὰρ ὑμῖν ἐν πρώτοις, ὃ καὶ παρέλαβον, ὅτι Χριστὸς ἀπέθανεν ὑπὲρ

τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ἡμῶν κατὰ τὰς γραφὰς 4 καὶ ὅτι ἐτάφη καὶ ὅτι ἐγήγερται τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ τρίτῃ κατὰ τὰς γραφὰς 5 καὶ ὅτι ὤφθη Κηφᾷ εἶτα τοῖς δώδεκα

This passage has only one small text variant.150 In some translations (Vetus Latina b; Irlat ) and in that of Ambrosiaster, words ὃ καὶ παρέλαβον have been omitted. Perhaps this omission was prompted by a desire to reconcile the text with 1 Cor 11:23, where immediately after παρέδωκα ὑμῖν there follows a sentence introduced by ὅτι. However, taking into account the multitude of manuscripts supporting the longer reading, it must be assumed that this particular variant is closer to the original. Translation: “3 For I delivered to you as of first importance what I also received: that Christ died for our sins in accordance with the Scriptures, 4 that he was buried,

149 We take into account only those texts which refer to the resurrection of Christ and not to the raising or resurrection of the faithful. We will discuss these texts later. 150 We do not analyse the variants of 15:5, because they are of little significance on the issue we are discussing.

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that he was raised on the third day in accordance with the Scriptures, 5 and that he appeared to Cephas, then to the twelve”. The text we are discussing is part of a larger passage that deals with the raising of Jesus from the dead and the Christophanies (15:1–11). St Paul begins by reminding us of the Gospel (v. 1–2). He then goes on to present the kerygmatic formula and witnesses to a Christophany after the Resurrection (3–7 above). He goes on to write about the personal experience of his meeting the Risen One (v. 8–10) and ends this all with a concise conclusion (v. 11). The kerygmatic formula, which is a specific literary genre, is the essential and central element of this passage (15:3–7).151 Most scholars maintain that 15:3b–5 contains the “credo” of the original church. The remaining verses (15:6–7) represent a slightly later tradition which Paul added to his formula. Their value as a testimony was also emphasized by the Apostle himself, who places himself as the last witness of Christophany (8–10 above).152 The formula of the confession of faith begins with two verbs: παραδίδωμι – παραλαμβάνω. The juxtaposition of two activities concerning the Gospel which is to be first received (παρέλαβον) and then proclaimed – transmitted (παρέδωκα), indicates communication of a traditional character. In this way Paul emphasizes that he passed on the basic and most important things. In this way he also shows a connection with the tradition that precedes him and on which he depends.153 The content of the Gospel is contained in four short sentences introduced by ὅτι (‘that’). This type of construction puts emphasis on the content of each sentence – stich.154 The subject of each of them was given at the very beginning: “Christ died […], was buried […], was raised from the dead […] and appeared”. Thus, Paul quotes two kinds of witnesses to Christ’s resurrection: the Scriptures of the Old Testament and witnesses to the Christophany.155 He does so in a parallel form, where the first sentence corresponds to the third and the second to the fourth:156

151 Cf. M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian. Wstęp, przekład z oryginału, komentarz [The First Epistle to the Corinthians. Introduction, translation from the original, commentary] (NKB NT VII), Częstochowa 2009, p. 471–472. 152 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 722; H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 81–82. 153 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 199. 154 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 723. As mentioned above, the whole formula belongs to the pre-Pauline tradition and it is believed that it was the Apostle himself who enriched it with ὅτι; cf. J. Lambrecht, Line of Thought in 1 Cor 15:1–11, “Gregorianum” 72 (1991), no. 4, p. 661. 155 Cf. W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, p. 282. 156 Although other parallelisms are also possible; see J. Lambrecht, Line of Thought in 1 Cor 15:1–11, p. 657.

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1) ὅτι

Χριστὸς ἀπέθανεν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ἡμῶν κατὰ τὰς γραφὰς

2) καὶ 3) καὶ

ὅτι ἐτάφη ὅτι ἐγήγερται τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ τρίτῃ κατὰ τὰς γραφὰς

4) καὶ

ὅτι ὤφθη Κηφᾷ εἶτα τοῖς δώδεκα.157

In the first and third sentence, the κατὰ τὰς γραφὰς formula (“according to the letter”) draws attention. The first Christians saw the events described in the Gospels as announced and prefigured in the Scriptures (cf. 15:4). So perhaps Paul also thought of Old Testament texts such as Ps 16:10–11 or Isa 53:4–12, which refer to the Servant of JHWH, who dies for the sins of the faithful. If “according to the Scriptures” also includes τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ τρίτῃ, then perhaps Paul was thinking of Hos 6:2 or Jonah 1:17. Perhaps this is a metaphorical expression of the truth that Jesus was raised from the dead before his body decayed (cf. Ps 16:10).158 The formula “he died and was buried” (ἀπέθανεν […] καὶ […] ἐτάφη) corresponds to the narrative scheme of the biblical history, in which many of the characters are described as “dead and buried.” (cf. Judg 8:32, 2 Kings 14:19, 15:7, 16:20).159 However, let us pay special attention to the third phrase, which talks about the raising of Jesus from the dead: καὶ ὅτι ἐγήγερται τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ τρίτῃ κατὰ τὰς γραφὰς (15:4). This sentence was formulated in indicativus perfecti passivi from ἐγείρω.160 In the other three sentences a form of the indicativus aoristii was used. The perfectum tense indicates an activity performed in the past, the effects of which continue to the present day. Christ was raised from the dead and is still alive. In fact, the same form in perfectum was repeated several times in 1 Cor 15 with reference to Christ (v. 12.13.14.16.17.20). The passive voice of the verb refers to God’s action, as stated directly in 1 Cor 15:15: “We are even found to be misrepresenting God, because we testified about God that he raised Christ, whom he did not raise if it is

157 The structure of the fragment is discussed in cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, 725; O. Schwankl, Auf der Suche nach dem Anfang des Evangeliums. Von 1 Kor 15,3–5 zum JohannesProlog, “Biblische Zeitschrift” 40 (1996), no. 1, p. 43. 158 Cf. C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, Cambridge University Press; Cambridge 2005, p. 123. 159 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, 199; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 473. 160 Sometimes ἐγείρω in St Paul’s letters can be reinforced by ἐκ νεκρῶν (cf. Rom 4:24, 8:11, 2 Cor 4:14, Gal 1:1); cf. O. Schwankl, Auf der Suche nach dem Anfang des Evangeliums, p. 44.

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First Epistle to the Corinthians

true that the dead are not raised”.161 It is worth noting that the conviction that Jesus did not return to life by his power alone, but was resurrected by God is absolutely fundamental to Paul (see 15:20–28).162 The whole speech was accompanied by a short chronological commentary: τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ τρίτῃ (“third day”).163 The stereotype reference to the Scriptures – as in the first sentence – ends this phrase. The very general formula of κατὰ τὰς γραφὰς (“according to the Scriptures”) excludes reference to a specific text of the Scriptures. We have, however, parallel texts such as Hos 6:2 and Jonah 1:17.164 In conclusion, let us note that the death and the raising of Jesus from the dead is something completely different from the death and future raising from the dead of the faithful. It is the beginning of God’s special intervention in human history, the culmination of the history of salvation. The absolute centre of the Gospel, the good news of the coming of the kingdom of God, is the message of Jesus’ death and that He was raised from the dead. More to it, the faith in the death and the raising of Jesus from the dead saves believers and gives rise to a community of the Church. In 1 Cor 15:3–5 Paul states that he did not invent the truths he transmitted, but received them from the original church and confesses them with the whole community in Palestine.165 “Christ died, was buried, was raised and appeared” is a parenetic formula taken from early Christian tradition. All actions refer to Christ and point to His way of humbling (“He died and was buried”) and exaltation (“He was raised and appeared”). The model of humiliation and exaltation fits into the incarnation model. Through the incarnation the Son of God became man and took up the death on the cross, so that through the raising from the dead and the ascension he would return to life in heavenly glory.166 The raising of Jesus from the dead (ἐγήγερται) is the first stage of his exaltation – his return to a life of glory.

161 Opinions on the interpretation of ἐγήγερται as passivum divinum (‘was resurrected’ by God) are quite common; cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 726; R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 199; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 473. Some, however, quite consistently defend the active meaning of this phrase (“he rose from the dead”); cf. e.g. J. Christensen, »And that He Rose on the Third Day According to the Scriptures«, “Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament” 4 (1990), no. 2, p. 101. 162 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 726. 163 For more on the formula, cf. T. Dola, Rozwój interpretacji formuły ‘Zmartwychwstać dnia trzeciego’ [Development in the interpretation of the formula ‘Resurrect on the Third Day’], “Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne” 32 (1985), no. 2, p. 51–65. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 726–728, also writes extensively on this subject. 164 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 199; H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, Italian transl. G. Forza, Brescia 1976, p. 263–264. 165 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 264. 166 Cf. M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 479.

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1 Cor 15:14 εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς οὐκ ἐγήγερται, κενὸν ἄρα [καὶ] τὸ κήρυγμα ἡμῶν, κενὴ καὶ ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν

In some of the manuscripts, the conjunction καί was omitted. This longer reading was considered closer to the original in previous editions of Nestle–Aland (e.g. the 25th) and is supported by manuscripts such as P46 ‫א‬2 B Ψ 0243. 1739. 1881 M a b d sy and by the Latin translation of Irenaeus and Ambrosiaster, while the current edition of Nestle–Aland is based on the reading of the manuscripts: ‫ *א‬A D F G K P 33. 81. 326. 1241s al and Epiphanius of Constance. As it seems, there are still doubts as to which of the readings is closer to the original, hence the publishers put καί in square brackets. We have also assigned to it this sign of doubt, although a longer reading (with the conjunction) seems to better match the style of this passage. Another variant of the reading of the text we are discussing concerns the personal pronoun. Instead of ὑμῶν, some manuscripts have ἡμῶν: B D* 0243. 0270*. 6. 33. 81. 1241s . 1739. 1881 al a vgmss samss and Epiphanius of Constance. This reading can be an iotacism from ὑμῶν or simply a mechanical resemblance to the previously used ἡμῶν. In any case, the context seems to indicate “your faith” (ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν) as corresponding to “our proclamation” (τὸ κήρυγμα ἡμῶν). Moreover, in 15:17 there occurs the phrase ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν, well-documented in manuscripts.167 Translation: “And if Christ has not been raised, then our preaching is in vain and your faith is in vain”. The subsequent passages we are analysing (1 Cor 15:14.17) already belong to the central section of the “treatise on raising from the dead and resurrection”. It concerns the problematic issue of raising from the dead/resurrection of believers (15:12–34). The whole section can be divided into three parts, which make up a concentric structure: A. Consequences of the negation of Christ’s resurrection (v. 12–19); B. Christ’s resurrection and ours (v. 20–28); A’. Consequences of the negation of the resurrection of the believers (v. 29–34).168 We are most interested here in the first part, which can be divided into three smaller units: verses 12–13, 14–16, 17–19. For understandable reasons we will deal with the central part, which deals with the hypothetical consequences of the conclusion drawn from the thesis that there is no resurrection – “therefore Christ was not raised either” (v. 13).169 This state of affairs has certain consequences (K1 I K2 ):

167 Cf. B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 501. 168 Cf. M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 483. 169 Marked in the structure of the previous fragment (v. 12–13) as A’.

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First Epistle to the Corinthians

A’. εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς οὐκ ἐγήγερται (v. 14a), K1 . κενὸν ἄρα [καὶ] τὸ κήρυγμα ἡμῶν (v. 14b), κενὴ καὶ ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν (v. 14c). εὑρισκόμεθα δὲ καὶ (v. 15a) K2 . ψευδομάρτυρες τοῦ θεοῦ (v. 15b), ὅτι

A. ἐμαρτυρήσαμεν κατὰ τοῦ θεοῦ ὅτι ἤγειρεν τὸν Χριστόν (v. 15c), A’. ὃν οὐκ ἤγειρεν (v. 15d), B’. εἴπερ ἄρα νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται (v. 15e). B’. εἰ γὰρ νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται (v. 16a), A’. οὐδὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται (v. 16b).170 Paul begins with a hypothetical assumption εἰ δὲ ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν οὐκ ἔστιν (15:13).171 The answer to this question is short and concrete: οὐδὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται.172 Then there follows another conditional sentence: εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς οὐκ ἐγήγερται (1 Cor 15:14). The Apostle develops his argumentation in two directions, using the reductio ad absurdum form of argument.173 He begins with the thesis of the adversaries (v. 13) and immediately presents the consequences of their theses for the content of preaching (τὸ κήρυγμα) and the fruits of faith (ἡ πίστις) of Christians. Above all, the teaching that proclaims that Christ was raised from the dead would be ‘empty’ (κενόν) and, consequently, the faith that relies on it would be ‘vain’ (κενή), not having any effect.174 It is easy to see that in both cases Paul used the same adjective: κενός, which is not always visible in the translations. This term in the New Testament means ‘vain, empty, unfounded, barren, futile, fruitless’.175 Paul often uses this term to refer to apostolic work, which is at risk of being futile or fruitless in the absence of a response from the addressees (cf. 2 Cor 6:1, Gal 2:2, Phil 1:16, 1 Thess 3:5). In any case, it is a question of ineffectiveness, which concerns the final result, both with regard to someone proclaiming the kerygma

170 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 739; Cf. the discussion on the composition of this fragment in “Linguistica Biblica”: M. Bachmann, Noch einmal: 1 Kor 15,12 ff und Logik, “Linguistica Biblica” 59 (1987), p. 100–104; C. Zimmer, Das argumentum resurrectionis 1 Kor 15,12–20, “Linguistica Biblica” 65 (1991), p. 25–36; M. Bachmann, Zum “argumentum resurrectionis” von 1 Kor 15,12ff nach Christoph Zimmer, Augustin und Paulus, “Linguistica Biblica” 67 (1992), p. 29–39. 171 Almost all conditional sentences in this section start with εἰ δέ (v. 13.14.16.17 and 19); cf. W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, p. 283. 172 This text and its terminology will be discussed in more detail later in this section. 173 C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 126. 174 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 202; C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 123. 175 R. Popowski, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great Greek-Polish Dictionary of New Testament], p. 335.

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and with regard to believers who reject it.176 So the warning written by the Apostle in 1 Cor 15:1–2 has indeed become a fact: “Now I am reminding you, brothers, of the gospel I preached to you, which you indeed received and in which you also stand. Through it you are also being saved, if you hold fast to the word I preached to you, unless you believed in vain (εἰκῇ)”. Both realities and the teaching that leads to faith and the faith that is born of the kerygma do not bring any benefit.177 The task of Gospel preachers is burdened with yet another burden, from the moment they are considered false witnesses. For they testify in God’s name that he raised Christ from the dead. However, once accepted, the opponents’ thesis that the dead are not resurrected causes their testimony to be false, because they attribute to God what he has not done (1 Cor 15:15).178 This is the last consequence in our text of rejecting the raising from the dead.179 By confirming that there is no raising from the dead, the Corinthians place Paul among the false prophets. Besides, if Christ was not raised, there is no new life, no liberation from sins, and the faithful still live in the state of sin of the old world. The resurrection of Christ and the liberation from sins are united, but the latter is the result of the former (cf. Rom 6:3–11, 7:5–6, 8:3–4, 8:12–13, Col 2:12–15). Only because Christ was raised from the dead, His death took on a redemptive character (Rom 4:24–25).180 This is the basis of apostolic teaching and the content of the Gospel. This is quite clearly indicated by the characteristic statements ‘our teaching’ (τὸ κήρυγμα ἡμῶν; v. 14). It refers to the teaching presented in 1 Cor 15:3–7, which has no basis if Christ was not resurrected.181 Therefore, ἐγήγερται, referred to Christ, appears to us here as deeply inscribed in the history of salvation. The grammatical form of this verb also proves it. Perfectum passivum, indicating that Jesus was not only raised from the dead but is still alive. This historical fact has an impact on the current reality, which is of great importance to Paul (Gal 2:20).182

176 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 202; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 484. 177 Paul will later develop the issue of the fruitlessness of faith in the terminology relating to its effects in the above 17–19. Now, however, the emphasis rests on vanity, the groundlessness of teaching. Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 741. 178 Thus, those who proclaim this truth can be prosecuted and expected to be convicted, as the Bible has foreseen for “false prophets”. Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 202; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 484. 179 Cf. W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, p. 283; C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 126; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 484. 180 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 272; cf. also L. Scheffczyk, Zmartwychwstanie [Resurrection], Polish transl. P. Pachciarek, Warszawa 1984, p. 18–19. 181 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 742. 182 Cf. W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, p. 283.

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Therefore, ἐγείρω, especially in the perfectum passivum, referring to Christ means restoring him to the state of existence of God.183 1 Cor 15:17–18 17

εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς οὐκ ἐγήγερται, ματαία ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν, ἔτι ἐστὲ ἐν ταῖς ἁμαρτίαις

ὑμῶν, 18 ἄρα καὶ οἱ κοιμηθέντες ἐν Χριστῷ ἀπώλοντο

In few manuscripts do we have ἐστίν following ὑμῶν (B D* and the Latin translation of Irenaeus). Older editions (e.g. Nestle–Aland25 ) follow this reading, but August Merk has a shorter reading supported by P46 ‫ א‬A D2 F G Ψ 048. 0243. 33. 1739. 1881 M. It seems, a shorter reading is more likely not only because of external criticism of the text – more manuscripts support it – but also for reasons of internal criticism. This version should be adopted, since it is, on the one hand, a rarer reading (an adjective without an auxiliary verb) and, on the other hand, it is consistent with the style of this part of the letter (in 14th century the adjective κενή appears also without ἐστίν). Translation: “17 And if Christ has not been raised, your faith is futile and you are still in your sins.18 Then those also who have fallen asleep in Christ have perished”. In 1 Cor 15:17–19, Paul repeats the theoretical effects of Christ being raised from the dead, and further develops the first consequence of this in verse 14, with emphasis ;aid on the ‘futility’ of faith effects: A’.

εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς οὐκ ἐγήγερται (v. 17a),

K1 . ματαία ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν (v. 17b) , K1 (a). ἔτι ἐστὲ ἐν ταῖς ἁμαρτίαις ὑμῶν (v. 17c), ἄρα καὶ

K1 (b). οἱ κοιμηθέντες ἐν Χριστῷ ἀπώλοντο (v. 18). [The conclusion resulting from K1 (b)]: εἰ ἐν τῇ ζωῇ ταύτῃ ἐν Χριστῷ ἠλπικότες ἐσμὲν μόνον, ἐλεεινότεροι πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἐσμέν (v. 19).184

The Apostle once again begins his sentence with εἰ δέ when he draws conclusions from the theoretical assumption that Christ was not raised from the dead. Faith is not only vain and meaningless (κενή; v. 14) but also fruitless (ματαία; v. 17).185 By changing the adjective Paul wants to point out the complete futility of believers’ situations. Philologists propose the following distinction between these adjectives:

183 A separate issue is the reference of this verb to man. We will consider this issue later on in this work. 184 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 739–740. 185 Cf. W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, p. 283.

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κενός would mean above all ‘meaningless, unrealistic’; μάταιος – ‘ineffective, fruit-

less’ (cf. Titus 3:9). Such a meaning harmonizes well with the further part of the verse: ἔτι ἐστὲ ἐν ταῖς ἁμαρτίαις ὑμῶν.186 Vainness of faith affects both the living (continuance in sins) and the dead (perdition). Rejecting Christ’s resurrection therefore has a twofold consequence: 1) the fruitlessness of faith (v. 17) and 2) the perdition of the dead in Christ (v. 18). Faith without accepting the resurrection of Christ makes His death in no way change the situation of believers. They are still in their sins. In other words, what is said in the preaching (τὸ κήρυγμα; v. 14), is that ‘Christ died for our sins’ (v. 3),187 is false and makes no sense at all.188 The living still remain in their sins. If Christ was not raised, there is no way to say, “That is what some of you used to be; but now you have had yourselves washed […]” (1 Cor 6:11). Now the reason why Paul quoted in the beginning of 1 Cor 15 the ‘creed’ of the original church (15:3–5) becomes clear. The denial of the future of believers, in which they were destined for a universal resurrection on the basis of the raising of Christ from the dead, has a consequence also affecting their past, in which they received the forgiveness of sins on the basis of Christ’s death. Christ’s death ‘for us’ brings with it justification and sanctification, inseparable from his resurrection (cf. Rom 4:25, 5:10). To reject one means to reject everything.189 Thus the faith that does not grow out of faith in the resurrection of Christ loses its character of salvific faith. This leads to a weakening of ultimate hope and a weakening of the eschatological perspective of faith. For Paul, the resurrection of Christ is already an eschatological event – the beginning of the final times in the history of salvation. Rejection of this fact leads in consequence to the loss of the eschatological dimension of the Christian faith and Christian life in general. This is indicated by the conclusion drawn by the Apostle: “If for this life only we have hoped in Christ, we are the most pitiable people of all” (1 Cor 15:19). This would mean that there is no individual eschatology, no possibility to complete human life on the other side of the border of life, and thus no absolute sense of life.190

186 Cf. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 276. Cf. also entries: κενός; Słownik grecko-polski [The Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 2, p. 644; μάταιος; Słownik grecko-polski [The Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 3, p. 79. 187 In Paul’s proclamation, the death of Christ is a saving event only because Jesus was raised from the dead (cf. 1 Cor 15:17); cf. K.H. Rengstorf, Die Auferstehung Jesu, p. 26; cf. also A. Lindemann, Paulus und die korinthische Eschatologie. Zur These von einer ‘Entwicklung’ im paulinischen Denken, “New Testament Studies” 37 (1991), no. 3, p. 382. 188 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 202; C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 123; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 484–485. 189 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 743–744. 190 Cf. L. Scheffczyk, Zmartwychwstanie [Resurrection], p. 19; cf. also A. Lindemann, Paulus und die korinthische Eschatologie, p. 382.

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Sins also remain with their tragic consequences for believers ‘who have fallen asleep in Christ’ (v. 18), that is, for those who were believers at the time of death (cf. 1 Cor 11:30). In this way, the Apostle continues the thought taken up in verse 17. He gives the pure result of the reasoning of the Corinthians: the deceased in Christ who, at the time of their death, laid down their hope in Christ ‘are lost’ (ἀπώλοντο). It is the result of constant ‘being in sins’ (v. 17), both for the dead and the living.191 Even if those joined to Christ by faith and baptism will still end up just as those who do not believe and are exposed, because of their perversity, to the condemnation of God (Rom 2:12, 1 Cor 1:18, 2 Cor 2:15, 4:3).192 In conclusion, we note that the raising of Christ is again presented with the verb ἐγείρω in perfectum (ἐγήγερται) in the sense of ‘bringing back to life’. Here, however, it is quite clearly linked to sleep as a synonym for death: εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς οὐκ ἐγήγερται (v. 17) in a way analogous to οἱ κοιμηθέντες ἐν Χριστῷ (v. 18). In the theological sphere we notice that the raising of Christ is God’s response to His work: victory over sin through death. Without God’s approval, all this would be futile and absurd. A new life was made possible only by the raising of Christ from the dead. And those who have fallen asleep in Christ would believe in vain and would not receive faith. Only with the risen Christ is it possible to ‘be in Christ,” the final and definitive salvation.193 Although Paul here does not speak directly about baptism, in which man is born to a life of faith, he certainly refers to its effects.194 1 Cor 15:20 Νυνὶ δὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀπαρχὴ τῶν κεκοιμημένων

At the end of the verse in some manuscripts ἐγένετο was added. This is done so by D2 Ψ M sy, while the text adopted by the Nestle–Aland edition is supported by P46 ‫ א‬A B D* F G P 0243. 6. 33. 81. 365. 630. 1175. 1241s . 1739. 1881. 2464 pc latt co and the Latin translation of Irenaeus. A longer reading is made up of two sentences. In the first – ἐγήγερται is the predicate, in the second – ἐγένετο. It seems, however, that a shorter reading is more likely, as it is well documented by many, important manuscripts. 191 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 744. It is also worth noting the clear contrast between the ‘sleep of death’ (oἱ κοιμηθέντες), which is not annihilation but a different form of existence, and the actual annihilation ἀπώλοντο). The term ἡ ἀπώλεια and the corresponding verb ἀπόλλυμι refer, in Paul’s epistle, to the ultimate perdition resulting from death in sin (cf. 1 Cor 1:18, 8:2, 2 Cor 2:15, 4:3, 2 Thess 2:10); cf. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 276. 192 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 202; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 485. 193 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 272–273. 194 Cf. H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 89.

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Translation: “But in fact Christ has been raised from the dead, the firstfruits of those who have fallen asleep”. The Apostle radically changes the tone of his speech. He goes back to the thought he presented in 15:1–11; however, he still remains in the context of the polemics against the opinion of some Corinthians that there is no raising of the dead (15:12–19).195 After dialectics to this hypothetical opinion, Paul proceeds to the solemn announcement of the raising of Christ in 1 Cor 15:20. This verse opens a whole section which will address the future character of the raising from the dead of believers. Its structure is as follows: Νυνὶ δὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀπαρχὴ τῶν κεκοιμημένων (v. 20).

A. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ δι᾽ ἀνθρώπου θάνατος (v. 21a), B. καὶ δι᾽ ἀνθρώπου ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν (v. 21b), A. ὥσπερ γὰρ ἐν τῷ Ἀδὰμ πάντες ἀποθνῄσκουσιν (v. 22a) B. οὕτως καὶ ἐν τῷ Χριστῷ πάντες ζῳοποιηθήσονται (v. 22b). Ἕκαστος δὲ ἐν τῷ ἰδίῳ τάγματι (v. 23a) ἀπαρχὴ Χριστός (v. 23b), ἔπειτα οἱ τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ αὐτου (v. 23c). εἶτα τὸ τέλος (v. 24a), A. ὅταν παραδιδῷ τὴν βασιλείαν τῷ θεῷ καὶ πατρί (v. 24b), B. ὅταν καταργήσῃ πᾶσαν ἀρχὴν καὶ πᾶσαν ἐξουσίαν καὶ δύναμιν (v. 24c), C. δεῖ γὰρ αὐτὸν βασιλεύειν ἄχρι οὗ θῇ πάντας τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ὑπὸ τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ (v. 25). D. ἔσχατος ἐχθρὸς καταργεῖται ὁ θάνατος (v. 26). C’. πάντα γὰρ ὑπέταξεν ὑπὸ τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ (v. 27a), B’. ὅταν δὲ εἴπῃ ὅτι πάντα ὑποτέτακται, δῆλον ὅτι ἐκτὸς τοῦ ὑποτάξαντος αὐτῷ τὰ πάντα (v. 27b). A’. ὅταν δὲ ὑποταγῇ αὐτῷ τὰ πάντα, τότε [καὶ] αὐτὸς ὁ υἱὸς ὑποταγήσεται τῷ ὑποτάξαντι αὐτῷ τὰ πάντα, ἵνα ᾖ ὁ θεὸς [τὰ] πάντα ἐν πᾶσιν (v. 28).196 We note that the Apostle’s response to the doubts of some Corinthians was presented using the terminology of the apocalyptic scheme of stages of salvation history. The raising of Christ belongs to one stage (cf. v. 20) and the raising of believers in Christ

195 Cf. W. Schmithals, The Pre-Pauline Tradition in 1 Corinthians 15:20–28, “Perspectives in Religious Studies” 20 (1993), no. 4, p. 359. 196 Cf. C.E. Hill, Paul’s Understanding of Christ’s Kingdom in I Corinthians 15:20–28, “Novum Testamentum” 30 (1988), no. 4, p. 300. Moreover, the same author on the same page points to characteristic introductions that testify to the chiastic structure of verses 23–28. However, we do not quote this statement because it does not directly refer to the issue we are discussing or even to the section in which our text is contained.

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First Epistle to the Corinthians

belongs to another (cf. v. 22b–23). Between Christ’s raising and the Parousia is his heavenly existence (cf. v. 25–26). Since death has not yet been finally overcome, the raising of those who have died (cf. v. 15:6) has been postponed until Christ’s final victory. Resurrection is therefore not only the past but also the future.197 As we mentioned above, Paul changes the tone completely, but the theme remains the same: Christ was raised from the dead (see v. 4. 12 and 20). Now the Apostle gives the basic article of the Christian faith in solemn form: Νυνὶ δὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται ἐκ νεκρῶν. The introductory νυνί is more explicit than the ordinary νύν.198 Already this expression strongly emphasizes that the truths now spoken stand in clear opposition to the previously repeated hypothetical sentence εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς οὐκ ἐγήγερται (v. 14 and 17). Especially to the second one, the statements of which are answered in the part discussed by us. If Christ was not raised from the dead, then the logic of accepting such an opinion demands acceptance of the catastrophe of life, both for the living and the dead: the living still remain in their sins and Christ’s death is of no use. In opposition to this, Paul states: Yet Christ was raised from the dead, as the first (ἀπαρχή) of those (already mentioned in v. 18) who died in Christ. The central point is that those who have died in Christ (v. 18) are not lost but destined for the resurrection.199 The key term with which Christ was named in this section is ἀπαρχή. He was not only raised from the dead, but was also raised as the first in the line: ἀπαρχὴ τῶν κεκοιμημένων.200 There is a close, inseparable and dynamic relationship between the raising of Christ and the raising of the dead. This truth is already predicted in the name of Christ ἀπαρχή (‘firstfruits’). By using this notion Paul introduces a very rich, Old Testament image. ‘firstfruits’ meant the first sheaf of grain offered to God (Lev 23:10–11.17.20, Deut 26:2.10). It was a symbolic sacrifice to God of the entire harvest by offering the first part of the harvest.201 It was also a kind of metaphorical guarantee, a guarantee that the rest of the harvest would come.202 So it can function in our context in a similar sense as the ‘Spirit of the first instalment’ (τὸν ἀρραβῶνα τοῦ πνεύματος) from 2 Cor 1:22, 5:5 (cf. Eph 1:14). In both cases it means God’s commitment to the final ‘eschatological harvest’ or payment.203 Christ is therefore 197 Cf. C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 124. 198 The application of such an introduction means that the Apostle wants to strongly emphasize that he intends to give the listeners information of the utmost importance. Cf. the use of νυνὶ δὲ in 13:13, Rom 3:21, 6:22, 7:6, Col 1:22; cf. W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, p. 285. 199 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 748. 200 Cf. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 277. 201 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 203. 202 Cf. W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, p. 285. 203 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 748–749. Cf. also its interpretation as analogous to the first fruits of conversion (cf. 1 Cor 16:15, 2 Thess 2:13) and the first signs of redemption (Rom 8:23). This does not necessarily mean that they are indeed the first converts, or that they give

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called the ‘firstfruits’ of the dead because he was the first, and for the time being the only one to pass through the kingdom of death and return to life. His raising from the dead is the anticipation and guarantee of the resurrection of all others (cf. Col 1:18),204 and the proclamation of his resurrection implies the confession of faith in a universal resurrection. Christ is God’s firstfruits. God Himself undertakes that the ‘harvest’ will be full, formed from those who, like Christ, will be raised from the dead. In a metaphorical form Paul states that the raising of the dead is absolutely inevitable. Which is guaranteed by God himself.205 It is worth noting here how Paul defines those who have died: τῶν κεκοιμημένων. It is a perfectum participle from κοιμάομαι, whose primary meaning is ‘I fall asleep, I sleep’.206 One of the oldest biblical references to the hope of the resurrection (Isa 26:19) sees the rising of the dead at the end of time as an awakening from sleep. The Ethiopian book of Henoch expresses this idea even more clearly: “The Just Rise from Sleep.” In the New Testament this image is also used, as you can see, by Paul when he writes about those who fall asleep (οἱ κοιμωμένων) and who are to rise at the end of time (1 Thess 4:13–17).207 Also the term describing Christ as ἀπαρχὴ τῶν κεκοιμημένων (1 Cor 15:20) indicates that the idea of death as sleep, which is also evident in 15:6.18.51.208 It seems logical, therefore, to see the image of the resurrection as raising (ἐγείρω) from sleep, which in our text is referred to Christ alone. It also seems interesting that the raising of Christ is presented in a sequence of eschatological events whose undeniable beginning is precisely this raising from the dead. However, it is understood in a completely new light compared to Jewish eschatology. It becomes not only the beginning of a new eon, but also the beginning of a universal resurrection – it is its first act.209

204

205 206 207 208 209

the first signs of redemption, but rather that they are the forerunner of a much more abundant future ‘harvest’; cf. C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 127. Cf. K.H. Rengstorf, Die Auferstehung Jesu, p. 92; E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 277; R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 203; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 486. Cf. W. Schmithals, The Pre-Pauline Tradition, p. 359; G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 749; C.E. Hill, Paul’s Understanding of Christ’s Kingdom, p. 303. Cf. R. Popowski, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great Greek-Polish Dictionary of New Testament], p. 341. Cf. L. Scheffczyk, Zmartwychwstanie [Resurrection], p. 145. Cf. K.H. Rengstorf, Die Auferstehung Jesu, p. 128. Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 274.

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First Epistle to the Corinthians

2.2.1.2

Raising Jesus and us from the dead

We will discuss the texts in a slightly different order. We will first go to 1 Cor 15, and then examine 1 Cor 6:14. This text is a kind of prelude to the examination of the entire fifteenth chapter on the raising of Christ and us from the dead, but it is also the beginning of the answer to the denial of the existence of the resurrection, of which the Apostle writes in 15:12. We consider those texts in which the Apostle uses the verb ἐγείρω both for the raising of Christ and for the raising of the dead. 1 Cor 15:15–16 15

εὑρισκόμεθα δὲ καὶ ψευδομάρτυρες τοῦ θεοῦ, ὅτι ἐμαρτυρήσαμεν κατὰ τοῦ

θεοῦ ὅτι ἤγειρεν τὸν Χριστόν, ὃν οὐκ ἤγειρεν εἴπερ ἄρα νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται. 16

εἰ γὰρ νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται, οὐδὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται

The words εἰ γὰρ νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται were abandoned in the following texts: D pc a b r vgmss syp and in the Latin translation of Irenaeus and Ambrosiaster. The reason could have been a simple omission of this phrase in connection with an almost identical sentence from the 16th century: εἰ γὰρ νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται. It could also have been a conscious omission of a passage that to the copyist seemed obvious and not needed in this context. It seems, however, that the longer reading, confirmed by a much larger group of manuscripts, is closer to the original; all the more so as the shorter version destroys the chiastic composition of verses 15d–16b. Translation: “15 We are even found to be misrepresenting God, because we testified about God that he raised Christ, whom he did not raise if it is true that the dead are not raised. 16 For if the dead are not raised, not even Christ has been raised”. We return to the structure discussed earlier;210 here let us only recall its fragment, which includes verses 15–16 with the second consequence of the rejection of the raising of the dead and the chiastic structure: εὑρισκόμεθα δὲ καὶ (v. 15a)

K2 . ψευδομάρτυρες τοῦ θεοῦ (v. 15b), ὅτι

A. ἐμαρτυρήσαμεν κατὰ τοῦ θεοῦ ὅτι ἤγειρεν τὸν Χριστόν (v. 15c), A’. ὃν οὐκ ἤγειρεν (v. 15d), B’. εἴπερ ἄρα νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται (v. 15e). B’. εἰ γὰρ νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται (v. 16a), A’. οὐδὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται (v. 16b).211

210 Cf. above commentary to 1 Cor 15:14. 211 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 739.

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We can easily see that in this section Paul develops the practical implications of denying the raising from the dead (the first two arguments are presented 15:14). The Apostle notes that ‘our’ testimony of Christ’s resurrection is false because we claim that God has done something he has not actually done (v. 15). The whole passage ends up in verse 16, which reiterates the conclusion of verse 13.212 The Apostle opens his statement with a radical statement which is a consequence of the denial of the raising of the dead and therefore also of the denial of the raising of Christ: εὑρισκόμεθα δὲ καὶ ψευδομάρτυρες τοῦ θεοῦ (v. 15). So it turns out that if there is no raising of the dead (v. 12), then Christ was not raised either (v. 13), and consequently not only the teaching and preaching of Paul and the other apostles (v. 11) is futile (v. 14), but they also turn out to be liars. For if the fact itself is a lie, then the testimony to that fact is also a lie. Our text shows that the state is even worse: this lie was introduced in the name of God: ὅτι ἐμαρτυρήσαμεν κατὰ τοῦ θεοῦ ὅτι ἤγειρεν τὸν Χριστόν (v. 15). Such an interpretation is possible under the assumption that in the phrase ψευδομάρτυρες τοῦ θεοῦ the case in which the noun ὁ θεός was used is the genetivus obiectivus: “We are even found to be misrepresenting God”. Another interpretation is permissible: it may be the genetivus possessivus: “we bear false witness in the name of God, as a message from God himself ”. From the context of the final clause that follows (ὅτι ἐμαρτυρήσαμεν κατὰ τοῦ θεοῦ) it follows that it is more about the genetivus obiectivus: “we are false witnesses because we testify against God that he raised Christ (ὅτι ἤγειρεν τὸν Χριστόν)”.213 If this is the case, those who have made themselves witnesses to the resurrection may be faced with the same consequences that were foreseen for ‘false prophets’ in the Old Testament (cf. Deut 18:20).214 By questioning the resurrection of the dead, the Corinthians place Paul among the false prophets. In this situation the Apostle concentrates on giving them an answer, or rather on repeating it. By denying the raising of the faithful, and by the same token denying the raising of Christ, the foundation of the community of the Church and even of the whole Gospel is destroyed. Indeed, the raising of Christ and the raising of the deceased faithful are inseparable (Acts 4:2, John 11:25–26). One collapses without the other.215 The raising of the dead is not only a consequence of Christ’s raising: it is part of his essence and his fruits. The raising of Christ is

212 Cf. W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, p. 283; C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 126. 213 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 742–743. 214 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 202; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 484. 215 This logic was already recognized by Saint Augustine, who expressed it using a simple syllogism: “Si non est resurrectio mortuorum,/neque Christus resurrexit;/Christus autem resurrexit,/est igitur resurrectio mortuorum” (De doctrina christiana, 2:123). Quote after: C. Zimmer, Das argumentum resurrectionis, p. 25.

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not an isolated event, an isolated miracle that has happened to a person. It is the beginning of this great eschatological and universal event, God’s intervention in the work of the One whom He himself has chosen as mediator and the One who will announce the coming of the Kingdom of God (cf. 1 Cor 15:24–26).216 Therefore, the raising of Christ is not only His work, but above all, it is the work of God the Father, in which He confirmed the work of the Son. Consequently, denying the raising of the dead is tantamount to denying the Gospel, and even accusing God of doing something that he did not actually do. This is quite clearly visible in a rather special repetition, a reminder of the content of verse 13 (οὐδὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται) in verse 15 (ὃν οὐκ ἤγειρεν), which is then repeated in identical wording in verse 16 (οὐδὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται). Thus the Apostle, by bringing the discussion back to the opinion of the Corinthians, seems to make it clear that ultimately the false testimony against God is not Paul’s lie or that of the other apostles but of those who reject the resurrection of the dead.217 Finally, let us note some regularities that accompany Paul’s use of the verb ἐγείρω. Perfectum passivi (ἤγειρεν; v. 15 and ἐγήγερται; v. 16), referred to Christ, emphasizes the present reality of a historical fact, which is of particular importance to Paul (cf. Gal 2:20). Using praesentis passivi (ἐγείρονται; v. 15) he writes about the raising of the faithful departed.218 In both cases (passivum) raised, raising from sleep is God’s work. 1 Cor 6:14 ὁ δὲ θεὸς καὶ τὸν κύριον ἤγειρεν καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐξεγερεῖ διὰ τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ

This passage has three variants, each of which concerns the verb ἐξεγείρω: ἐξεγερεῖ (futurum) – P46 c1 ‫ א‬C D2 Ψ 33. 1881 M vg syh co; Latin translation of

Irenaeus (Irlat ), Tertullian (Tert), Methodius (Meth) and Ambrosiaster (Ambst); ἐξήγειρεν (aorist) – P46 c2 B 6. 1739 pc it vgmss ; one Latin translation of Irenaeus (Irlat v.1 ), note on the margin of the 1739 manuscript of Origen (Or1739mg ); ἐξεγείρει (presentis)– P11.46* A D* P 1241s pc. In terms of external criticism of the text, all variants have significant manuscripts in support of each one. The principles of internal criticism of the text allow us to conclude that the form of futurum (ἐξεγερεῖ) is necessary, as it corresponds to the

216 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 272. 217 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 743. 218 Cf. W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, p. 283.

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previously used καταργήσει (6:13). Similarly, the parallel εγερεῖ in 2 Cor 4:14 can be adduced to. The aorist (ἐξήγειρεν) – together with its interpretation of the reality of baptism seems to be a mechanical modelling on the previously used ἤγειρεν (6:14a). It is interesting that the original version of the P46 manuscript has been changed twice.219 However, it seems that the first reading (futurum ἐξεγερεῖ) is closest to the original. Translation: “And God raised the Lord and will also raise us up by his power”. The vast majority of scholars agree that our text belongs to a unit dedicated to the relationship between freedom of custom and true Christian freedom (6:12–20).220 In the first verses, Paul, in the form of a dialogue, takes up the subject of the limits of human freedom, a subject that was contentious both with Gentile philosophers and with Jews (cf. Mark 2:24, 10:2). Verse 14, which we are analysing, is a kind of conclusion to the second issue – the uncontrolled satisfaction of the sensory instincts, which is opposed to the raising of Jesus, which foretells our raising.221 The first verses of the section we are discussing (6:12–14) contain three successive Corinthians’ statements, closed by the Apostle’s evaluation. The first (v. 12a: “Everything is lawful for me”; cf. 10:23) may be the result of an erroneous understanding of Christian freedom (cf. Gal 5:1.13). It certainly opposes Paul’s teaching (Rom 8:3, 13:8–10, Gal 5:22–23, 1 Cor 9). The answer to this is clear: “but not everything is beneficial” (v. 12b). The second claim is actually a repeat of the first: “All things are lawful for me” (v. 12c), But this time the Apostle answers: “but I will not be enslaved by anything” (v. 12d).222 The Corinthians’ third claim was made in two stages. First the moral principle: “Food is meant for the stomach and the stomach for food” (v. 13a); and then its foundation: “and God will destroy both one and the other” (v. 13b). Paul’s answer is also twofold. First the moral principle: “The body is not meant for sexual immorality, but for the Lord, and the Lord for the body” (v. 13c). Then follows its theological foundation: “God raised the Lord and will also raise us up by his power” (v. 14).223

219 Cf. B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 486–487. Cf. also the discussion on the three versions of the manuscript P46 . 220 Cf. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 145; H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 100–106; H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 11; C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 45. Although some extend the range of the unit to the beginning of the fifth chapter, cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 73–89. 221 Cf. H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 40–41. 222 Cf. C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 45–46. 223 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 256; cf. also A. Paciorek, Paweł Apostoł – Pisma. Część pierwsza [Paul the Apostle – Writings. Part one], p. 102.

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There is no doubt that the raising of the dead and the renewal of the body is one of the central themes of the Gospel preached by Paul. However, this reality is forward-looking. This fact of Christ’s raising from the dead, an absolutely central theme of Paul’s teaching (Rom 8:11, 2 Cor 4:14), is presented by him as an eschatological event which at the same time marks the beginning of a new era, an era of universal resurrection.224 It is worth noting that the formula written in 1 Cor 6:14 (ὁ δὲ θεὸς καὶ τὸν κύριον ἤγειρεν καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐξεγερεῖ) is very similar to those known from Rom 8:11 (ὁ ἐγείρας Χριστὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν ζῳοποιήσει καὶ τὰ θνητὰ σώματα ὑμῶν) and 2 Cor 4:14 (ὁ ἐγείρας τὸν κύριον Ἰησοῦν καὶ ἡμᾶς σὺν Ἰησοῦ ἐγερεῖ). Note the difference in the verbs used to describe the rising of Jesus (ἤγειρεν; indicativus aoristi activi 3. singularis from ἐγείρω) and our raising (ἐξεγερεῖ; indicativus futurum activi 3. singularis from ἐξεγείρω). The difference is that we, unlike Christ, will be restored to life from the death of sin.225 Let us also note that our resurrection is a future reality (cf. futurum ἐξεγερεῖ). In both cases the subject of the action is God (cf. 1 Cor 15:15, 2 Cor 4:14, Gal 1:1, Rom 8:11).226 Let us also note the manner in which the Apostle presents the body of the Christian. On the one hand, in the present, it is part of the body of Christ (1 Cor 6:15); in this case Christ and his body are one. On the other hand, in the perspective of the future, the body of the believer is the one to be raised (6:14).227 We can see that the reality of bringing Christ back to life is already done. Its consequence will also be our future raising from the dead. Just as he was “lifted” (ἐγείρω), so will we.228 2.2.1.3

Raising Jesus from the dead and the universal resurrection

The introduction to the second part of the ‘treatise’ on the resurrection is made up of two verses in which Paul uses the verb ἐγείρω to refer to Christ, and the noun ἡ ἀνάστασις to describe the resurrection of the dead.

224 Cf. H. Ridderbos, Paul. An Outline of His Theology, English transl. J.H. de Witt, Grand Rapids, MI 1975, p. 537; cf. also J. Czerski, Pierwszy List św. Pawła do Koryntian. Wstęp, przekład z oryginału [First Letter of Saint Paul to the Corinthians. Introduction, translation from the original], vol. 1: Chapters 1–6, Opole 2006, p. 236; cf. Idem, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], Wrocław 2009, p. 324–325. 225 This is how the verb ἐξεγείρω is interpreted by W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, p. 225. 226 Cf. J. Czerski, Pierwszy List św. Pawła do Koryntian [The First Epistle of St Paul to the Corinthians], p. 238. 227 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 101. 228 1 Cor 6:14 is a kind of anticipation of the wider issue of the relationship between Christ’s resurrection and our resurrection in 1 Cor 15, or rather the response to the denial of this fact in 15:12. Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 256.

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1 Cor 15:12–13 12

Εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς κηρύσσεται ὅτι ἐκ νεκρῶν ἐγήγερται, πῶς λέγουσιν ἐν ὑμῖν τινες ὅτι ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν οὐκ ἔστιν; 13 εἰ δὲ ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν οὐκ ἔστιν, οὐδὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται

The order of the words ὅτι ἐκ νεκρῶν, in some manuscripts (P46 D* F G 0270vid ) is as follows: ἐκ νεκρῶν ὅτι. It could have been a mere reshuffle or change of order for a particular emphasis on the raising from the dead (ἐγήγερται) of Christ. However, given the small number of testifying texts (albeit with one significant and ancient exception – P46 ) it should be considered that reading with the order of the words ὅτι ἐκ νεκρῶν is more likely. Translation: “12 Now if Christ is proclaimed as raised from the dead, how can some of you say that there is no resurrection of the dead? 13 But if there is no resurrection of the dead, then not even Christ has been raised”. To those who questioned the possibility of resurrection of the dead (v. 12) Paul gives a series of conclusions based on their thesis. He begins with a radical statement that in that case Christ was raised either (v. 13). In these two verses we see the chiastic structure of the presentation of the Gospel (A), with the thesis of the Adversaries (B) followed by a hypothetical acceptance of their thesis (B’) and the logical consequence of its acceptance related to Christ (A’): A. Εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς κηρύσσεται ὅτι ἐκ νεκρῶν ἐγήγερται (v. 12a), B. πῶς λέγουσιν ἐν ὑμῖν τινες ὅτι ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν οὐκ ἔστιν (v. 12b), B’. εἰ δὲ ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν οὐκ ἔστιν (v. 13a), A’. οὐδὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται (v. 13b).229 Dangerous opinions about the resurrection of the dead began to appear in the Corinthian community. Paul, therefore, begins his argument on the relationship between the raising of Christ and the resurrection of the dead by recalling the content of the Gospel, which he already mentioned in 15:3–8: εἰ δὲ Χριστὸς κηρύσσεται ὅτι ἐκ νεκρῶν ἐγήγερται (v. 12a).230 He does so in the form of a rhetorical question: πῶς λέγουσιν ἐν ὑμῖν τινες ὅτι ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν οὐκ ἔστιν (v. 12b). Did the Corinthians not believe in the resurrection of the dead? There are many opinions on this subject among exegetes.231 Let us note that the Corinthians certainly accepted

229 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 739. 230 Cf. C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 123. 231 Some refer to groups of Judaism, of which only the Sadducees rejected the possibility of resurrection, and the shape of Judaism, including that in the diaspora, was most influenced by the Pharisees. On this basis they conclude that the thesis preached by the Corinthians had its origins in the pagan world; cf., for example, M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 484. Others go even further, quoting Greek literature and quoting excerpts from the drama of

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the “article of faith” on the resurrection of Christ. In 1 Cor 15:1 Paul writes to them about the Gospel “which you received, in which you stand”. Of course, they also believed that they would themselves rise from the dead, since the Apostle addressed words to them: “Already you have all you want! Already you have become rich! Without us you have become kings! And would that you did reign, so that we might share the rule with you!” (1 Cor 4:8). If that was the case, what must have happened that some Corinthians questioned the resurrection of the faithful? Perhaps it was an attitude similar to that which was stigmatized in 2 Tim 2:17–18: “Among them are Hymenaeus and Philetus, who have swerved from the truth, saying that the resurrection has already happened. They are upsetting the faith of some”. Thus, the Corinthians’ rejection of the future resurrection would be another expression of the so-called realized eschatology or enthusiastic religiousness. The Resurrection has already happened with the gift of the Holy Spirit, and the Corinthians, convinced of this, are already experiencing a resurrected way of life.232 So for the Corinthians, the basic problem is not the theoretical possibility of resurrection but its carnal character. They presumably understood this kind of event as the revival of the body, so that it would continue its bodily existence in its ‘present’ form. The Apostle himself goes to reject this vision (see 15:42–50). Before he does so, he must confirm the reality of the resurrection as such, including the fact of its carnal nature.233 Paul puts two theses against each other, like in a duel. On the one hand, the words of the gospel preachers who claim that Christ was raised. On the other hand, the opinions of some Corinthians that there is no resurrection. The Apostle does not address the adversaries directly but the faithful of the Corinthian community. In this way he makes it clear, above all, that the community of this local church must return to reflect on the events of the Passover, update its meaning and draw the right conclusions from it.234 Further, from the very beginning, he makes it clear

Aeschylus as proof of the convergence of the thoughts of the Greeks in general and the Corinthians in our particular case. The passage quoted is: ἅπαξ θανόντος, οὔτις ἔστ᾽ ἀνάστασις (Aeschylus, Eumenides 647); cf. for example, E. Dabrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 276. Still, others note that the Corinthians may have supported their thesis with the beliefs of the Greeks about the immortality of the soul and, at the same time, having a very unfriendly attitude to the corporeality of man. However, we cannot be certain that there were Greek philosophical trends in Corinth that emphasized, for example, the dualism of the worlds (the spiritual world of ideas and the earthly world of phenomena), which are the foundation of faith in the immortality of the soul; cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 271. 232 Cf. C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 123; H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 271. 233 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 741. 234 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 271.

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that both theses are incompatible. If you accept the raising of Christ from the dead, you must accept the resurrection of the dead.235 In verse 13 Paul goes to show the consequences of accepting the thesis that there is no resurrection. We get the impression that ‘for the sake of principle’ it seems to suggest: “But if there is no resurrection of the dead, then not even Christ has been raised”. Logic dictates that no one, ever could and will be able to rise from the dead, that is, not even Christ was raised. A general rejection of the resurrection makes even a single case impossible. It is supposed that Paul here meant the causal connection between the raising of Christ and the resurrection of the dead. To deny the resurrection of the dead is to deny the raising of Him who has made all resurrections, and each resurrection separately possible. Here the Apostle does not decide to overturn the thesis of the adversaries on the basis of the Gospel recalled in 1 Cor 15:1–11. That is, that on the basis of the raising of Christ, which was proclaimed to you and which you have accepted, there must also be a resurrection of the dead. Paul will take up this issue in 15:20–28. He now chooses rather to show the consequences he will develop till verse 19.236 Let us also note the vocabulary used by the Apostle. When writing about the resurrection of the dead he uses the noun ἡ ἀνάστασις. In his statements about the resurrection of Christ, he always and consistently uses the verb ἐγείρω in the perfectum passivi. In 15:12, as in verses 13 and 15, and in Rom 1:4, we find a phrase without articles: ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν (see also Acts 23:6, 24:21, 26:23). A few verses further on (15:42) we find a phrase with both articles: ἡ ἀνάστασις τῶν νεκρῶν. In the New Testament, this form of phrase is only found in Matt 22:31. Hermann Binder posits that the form with the articles means that resurrection is extended to a larger number of the dead (cf. 15:52). It seems that the form without articles refers more directly to the most important and conclusive eschatological event: the universal resurrection at the end of time.237 Speaking of Christ’s raising from the dead in 1 Cor 15:1–11, Paul does not supplement the verb ἐγείρω with the prepositional phrase ἐκ νεκρῶν (except 15:12.20), although this is in fact a customary phrase he uses when writing about this theme (cf. 1 Thess 1:10, Gal 1:10, Rom 1:4, 4:24, 6:4.9, 8:11 [× 2].34, 10:9, Col 1:18, 2:12, Eph 1:20, 2 Tim 2:8). Paul is also consistent in using the verb ἐγείρω in the passive and in the perfectum. What, as we have already mentioned above, relates to God’s

235 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 201; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 484. 236 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 741. 237 Cf. H. Binder, Zum geschichtlichen Hintergrund von I Kor 15,12, “Theologische Zeitschrift” 46 (1990), no. 3, p. 198–199.

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action in raising Christ (passivum) and to today’s effects of bringing Him back to life (perfectum). 2.2.1.4

Raising believers from the dead

In his treatise on the raising of Christ, Paul comes to the presentation of its most important effect. It is the raising of the faithful from the dead. First, he theoretically questions it (15:29.32). Then he asks: “How are the dead raised? With what kind of body will they come back?” (15:35). Finally, he answers them in two steps in 15:52 and 15:42–44. In the vast majority of cases he uses the verb ἐγείρω, only once he uses the noun ἡ ἀνάστασις. 1 Cor 15:29 Ἐπεὶ τί ποιήσουσιν οἱ βαπτιζόμενοι ὑπὲρ τῶν νεκρῶν; εἰ ὅλως νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται, τί καὶ βαπτίζονται ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν

The personal pronoun αὐτῶν is replaced by τῶν νεκρῶν in D2 M syp boms , clearly influenced by the previous context: the same noun was used in the foregoing sentence. Whereas αὐτῶν τῶν νεκρῶν, occurring in manuscript 69, is a simple attempt to reconcile both variants.238 The shortest reading (αὐτῶν) is supported by many important manuscripts: P46 ‫ א‬A B D* F G K P Ψ 075. 0243. 33. 81. 104. 365. 630. 1175. 1241s . 1505. 1739. 1881. 2464 al latt syh co and by Epiphanius of Constance. From the sheer number of documents we can conclude that this particular reading is the closest to the original. Translation: “Otherwise, what do people mean by being baptized on behalf of the dead? If the dead are not raised at all, why are people baptized on their behalf?” Paul begins the parenesis derived from the raising of the dead (15:29–34). According to many scholars, it is difficult to see any particular connection here with the preceding text about the universal resurrection at the end of time. Rather, Paul wanted to make absurd the arguments of his opponents who preached that there was no resurrection of the dead.239 He does so in a three-stage form (v. 20–28, 29, 30–32) with a final incentive (v. 33–34): the future resurrection is included and results from the understanding of baptism.240 Moreover, the actions of some believers in Corinth (v. 29), not to mention the hardship of the Apostle himself (v. 30–32), become absurd if the dead are not raised. Furthermore, it also affects the daily lives of the faithful. Thus, the Apostle’s encouragement (v. 33–34) indicates a close 238 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 760–761. 239 Cf. H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 280. 240 Usually in this type of argumentation (cf. 14:36–38) Paul keeps asking rhetorical questions, to which he himself gives rhetorical answers in order to return to encouragement again.

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link between this particular issue (resurrection of the dead) with its consequences: misconduct.241 This passage belongs to a much larger unit, the structure of which, determined by the use of personal pronouns ‘they’, ‘I-me’, ‘you’, Gordon D. Fee presented as follows: A.

Ἐπεὶ τί ποιήσουσιν οἱ βαπτιζόμενοι ὑπὲρ τῶν νεκρῶν (v. 29a) εἰ ὅλως νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται (v. 29b) τί καὶ βαπτίζονται ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν (v. 29c).

B.

Τί καὶ ἡμεῖς κινδυνεύομεν πᾶσαν ὥραν (v. 30) καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀποθνῄσκω (v. 31a) νὴ τὴν ὑμετέραν καύχησιν, [ἀδελφοί,] (v. 31b) ἣν ἔχω ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ τῷ κυρίῳ ἡμῶν (v. 31c) εἰ κατὰ ἄνθρωπον ἐθηριομάχησα ἐν Ἐφέσῳ (v. 32a) τί μοι τὸ ὄφελος (v. 32b) εἰ νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται (v. 32c) φάγωμεν καὶ πίωμεν (v. 32d) αὔριον γὰρ ἀποθνῄσκομεν (v. 32e)

C.

μὴ πλανᾶσθε (v. 33a) φθείρουσιν ἤθη χρηστὰ ὁμιλίαι κακαί (v. 33b) ἐκνήψατε δικαίως (v. 34a) καὶ μὴ ἁμαρτάνετε, ἀγνωσίαν γὰρ θεοῦ τινες ἔχουσιν (v. 34b) πρὸς ἐντροπὴν ὑμῖν λαλῶ (v. 34c).242

In 15:29 Paul returns to the argumentation from verses 14ff and adds two further examples. He writes above all about the custom widespread in Corinth of being baptized as a substitute for the dead.243 It seems the Apostle does not wish to judge

241 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 761–762; Cf. also C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 124. 242 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 762. 243 Most commentators and scholars explaining this verse mainly discuss the meaning of the phrase οἱ βαπτιζόμενοι ὑπὲρ τῶν νεκρῶν and its theological expression. Cf. H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 91–92; E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 279–280; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 489–490; W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, p. 287; C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 128; G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 763–767. This also applies to the authors of the articles, which is in a sense already justified since this is the subject of the dissertation. Cf. R.E. DeMaris, Corinthian Religion and Baptism for the Dead (1 Corinthians 15:29): Insights from Archaeology and Anthropology, “Journal of Biblical Literature” 114 (1995), no. 4, p. 661–682; J.D. Reaume, Another Look at 1 Corinthians 15:29, ‘Baptized for the Dead’, “Bibliotheca

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the theological aspect of such an act here, giving a positive or negative opinion. It’s more like using an example. This kind of baptism only matters if there is a resurrection of the dead. Even if baptism for the dead would not be accepted by Paul. If, as some people say in Corinth, there is no resurrection of the dead, then such a baptism for the dead is not only unnecessary, but simply makes no sense at all. Then why do they do it? Those who reject the raising of the dead could answer that they believe in the immortality of the spirit or soul of the dead, and that is why they see sense in accepting baptism for them. However, in accordance with the Apostle’s teaching, the once rejected possibility of raising the dead leads to the total annihilation of the dead (cf. 15:28). This kind of baptism would only make sense if there were the raising of the dead. That is, if baptism were put the deceased on the same level as those who will resurrect as baptized.244 The understanding of the importance of the resurrection, which Paul points out in 15:29, makes it easier for us to understand Rom 6:5: “For if we have been united with him in a death like his, we shall certainly be united with him in a resurrection like his”. In the baptismal practice of the first centuries of Christianity, the body of the catechumen was fully submerged in water in the hope of the resurrection (cf. 1 Pet 1:3). Not only Paul’s kerygma (1 Cor 15:3–7) but also the baptismal liturgy implies a future raising from the dead. In baptism the body is immersed in water (dying and being buried with Christ) in the hope of being united with Christ in the same raising from the dead as his. If there is no raising of the dead, what is the basis of baptismal liturgy? The common Christian experience of baptism demands a future resurrection of the dead. As a conclusion, let us note that our fragment has a phrase expressing a hypothetical possibility: εἰ ὅλως νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται. In comparison with 15:32, it was strengthened by the adverb ὅλως, ‘completely, in general, universally’.245 Our verb (ἐγείρω) here, too, expresses the idea of returning to life, raising ‘from the sleep of death’ of those who have died, ‘fallen asleep’. 1 Cor 15:32 εἰ κατὰ ἄνθρωπον ἐθηριομάχησα ἐν Ἐφέσῳ, τί μοι τὸ ὄφελος; εἰ νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται, φάγωμεν καὶ πίωμεν, αὔριον γὰρ ἀποθνῄσκομεν

Translation: “What do I gain if, humanly speaking, I fought with beasts at Ephesus? If the dead are not raised, «Let us eat and drink, for tomorrow we die»”.

Sacra” 152 (1995), no. 608, p. 457–475; J.R. White, ‘Baptized on account of the Dead’: The Meaning of 1 Corinthians 15:29 in its Context, “Journal of Biblical Literature” 116 (1997), no. 3, p. 487–499. 244 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 205; cf. also H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 281. 245 R. Popowski, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great Greek-Polish Dictionary of New Testament], p. 426.

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Verses 30–32 are, on the one hand, the last element of the three-stage answer (v. 20–28, 29, 30–32) that Paul gives his opponents in Corinth. On the other hand, they are very closely related to the following encouragement (v. 33–34).246 This connection to the following context is indicated by the structure we presented in the previous section. For Paul and for the other apostles, the conviction of the raising the dead was an incentive to endure constant difficulties in their mission. The Apostle refers to the example of the fight against animals in Ephesus,247 indicating that it would be of no use if there were no raising of the dead. In his dialogue with the people of Corinth, Paul wants above all to make them see the sense of his apostolic efforts, which require everyday struggle, even to the point of being exposed to the danger of death. If he had done it for purely human reasons (κατὰ ἄνθρωπον), what use would he have had from it? Who could have enforced it on him? These questions, even on a purely lexical level (τί μοι τὸ ὄφελος), reflect the opinion of stoic thinkers and writers, for whom ethical and spiritual commitment was justified only by the expectation of immortal life.248 The denial of the resurrection of the dead would have to entail the abandonment of any noble aspirations and efforts for spiritual goods. Only using life would make sense, under this assumption: εἰ νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται, φάγωμεν καὶ πίωμεν, αὔριον γὰρ ἀποθνῄσκομεν (v. 32).249 Paul quotes a proverb from Isa 22:13.250 In this way he shows the only possible alternative: to believe in the raising of the dead or to throw oneself into a purely natural life, but then death would be the absolute end. The Corinthians must understand that the latter possibility is a consequence of the ultimate denial of the raising of the dead. They said so themselves: “Food

246 Cf. C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 125. 247 Particular scholars devote much space to this issue in their commentaries. Cf. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 280–281; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 490–491; R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 206; H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, 281–p. 282; W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, p. 288; C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 128–129; G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 770–771. 248 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 206; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 491. 249 Cf. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 281. However, inappropriate food and drink is construed with regard to the contexts of 1 Corinthians (cf. 10:7, 11:22.27!). C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 129. 250 In the prophet’s words, it refers to the inhabitants of Jerusalem who neglect the practice of penance (Isa 22:12) and will be judged (Isa 22:14, cf. Sir 14:16). This is the same behaviour that characterizes the wicked, mentioned by the author of the Book of Wisdom (2:5–9). They consider themselves safe because they have made a close pact with death (Wis 1:16). Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 206; C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 129; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 491.

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is meant for the stomach and the stomach for food” (6:13). Some of them also desecrated the Eucharistic celebrations by participating in pagan cult offerings. ‘By drinking and eating’, they entered the community with idols and practically rejected the confession “Jesus is Lord” (cf. 11:21, 10:19–22.28).251 Also note that Paul’s phrase φάγωμεν καὶ πίωμεν, αὔριον γὰρ ἀποθνῄσκομεν is ambivalent. On the one hand, as mentioned above, it is a literal quotation from Is 22:13 and is a logical alternative to Paul’s ‘daily dying’ (v. 31). If there is no raising of the dead, there is no benefit in exposing oneself and putting oneself in danger of death. If there is no raising of the dead, you can fall into desperation, and “eat and drink, for tomorrow we die” (v. 32). Living without hope of resurrection is like a constantly tightening circle of nothingness. On the other hand, Isa 22:13 reflects anti-Epicurean beliefs. For Plutarch, for example, the phrase ‘to eat and drink’ was a formula for the wrong life.252 If Paul, immediately after these words, places a series of four commandments in which he warns the Corinthians against errors and calls for a ‘sober’ life in Christ, then these words introduce a reprimand reflected by the maxim taken from Menander: “Bad company ruins good morals”.253 The word ἐγείρονται (indicativus praesentis pass from ἐγείρω), which is of interest to us, means, as in previous texts, ‘raising from the dead, awakening’ of the dead to life. This time it occurs in a hypothetical sentence introduced by εἰ. 1 Cor 15:35 Ἀλλὰ ἐρεῖ τις· πῶς ἐγείρονται οἱ νεκροί; ποίῳ δὲ σώματι ἔρχονται

Translation: But someone will ask, «How are the dead raised? With what kind of body do they come?» From the terminology used in our verse, there is quite a clear connection to what has been said so far (ἐγείρω; οἱ νεκροί) and to what will be said below (τὸ σῶμα). The structure of the entire last passage in 1 Cor 15 is quite clear. It has a concentric character, preceded by an introduction in the form of two questions: Questions about ‘how’ and ‘with what kind of body’ the dead will be raised (v. 35) A. Transformation (v. 36–44a); B. Typology: Christ – Adam (v. 44b–49); A’. Transformation (v. 50–53).254

251 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 282. 252 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 772; Cf. also R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 206; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 491. 253 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 282; G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 772. 254 Cf. M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 495–496.

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An interesting phenomenon, concerning the question (v. 35) and the first section (v. 36–44a) was noted by Normand Bonneau. He is convinced that the structure of this fragment results from the arguments by analogy used by rabbinical schools. Using Rodolphe Morissette’s proposal,255 he notes that the application ends much earlier256 and proposes the following structure of our fragment: A. Question of objection (v. 35) B. Answer: Example taken from everyday life (v. 36–41) C. Application (ww.42–44a).257 So far, the Apostle has been writing about the ‘fact’ of raising the dead. Now he is coming to the question of how. In this context, questions are raised which may have been motivating for those of the Corinthians who denied the raising of the dead.258 The reference to an imaginary interlocutor (‘some say’: ἐρεῖ τις) is characteristic of diatribe.259 It is not excluded, however, that Paul had first-hand news that some Corinthians in fact raised such or similar questions.260 These questions, although they concern separate issues, are very closely linked. The first concerns the question of ‘how’ (πῶς) the dead will be raised. The second clarifies the issue: ‘with what kind’ (ποίῳ) of body. They both have the same subject: ‘the dead’ (οἱ νεκροί), and thus the corresponding predicates (‘are raised’; ἐγείρονται and ‘come’; ἔρχονται) should be considered in parallel.261 With mentioned above broader picture, we note that the Apostle answers both questions later in the letter. Paul has already argued for the raising of the dead with extraordinary eloquence and rhetorical skill (15:12–34). This is indicated by the use 255 According to this author, the composition of our fragment is based on rabbinical argumentation by analogy, in which first the question is asked (A. v. 35), and then the answer is given in two degrees: B. Example taken from everyday life (v. 36–41) and C. Application (v. 42–49); see R. Morissette, La condition de ressuscité, 1 Cor 15.35–49: Structure littèraire de la pèricope, “Biblica” 53 (1972), p. 208–228. 256 This is in line with the opinion of M. Rosik, who believes that verses 44b–49 is a typology: ChristAdam; cf. M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 496. 257 Cf. N. Bonneau, The Logic of Paul’s Argument on the Resurrection Body in 1 Cor 15:35–44a, “Science et esprit” 45 (1993), no. 1, p. 79–81. 258 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 284. 259 “A term derived from the Greek word for attending school, then it meant a school rhetorical dissertation in the form of a dialogue with a fictional opponent”; S. Sierotwiński, Słownik terminów literackich [Dictionary of Literary Terms], Wrocław – Warszawa – Kraków – Gdańsk – Łódź 1986, entry: “diatryba”, p. 55. 260 This is the opinion expressed by G.D. Fee, but not without ignoring the use of the diatribe, from verse 29; cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 779. 261 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 207; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 496.

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of the strong particle ἀλλὰ which “expresses in order of thought opposition ‘but, but then, only’, and in order of will reinforcement, ‘but, only, after all’”.262 However, there is still a philosophical question to be resolved, which must have been behind the doubts expressed by some Corinthians and consequently led to the rejection of the raising of the dead by some of them.263 Now, as we mentioned, Paul goes from presenting the fact of the raising from the dead to presenting how it will happen. And so the question “How are the dead raised?” (v. 35a) he answers in 15:50–53, and the question “With what kind of body will they come back?” he answers in 15:36–49.264 Scepticism is inherent in the first question: “How is it even possible for the dead to be raised?” It will be further reinforced by the lack of faith expressed in the second question.265 On the one hand, it would be a kind of rhetorical question. Paul answers that it is no less possible for the dead to be raised than for the living to be transformed. Both realities are absolutely necessary because “flesh and blood,” that is to say, those who will be alive in the midst of the Parousia, cannot inherit the kingdom of God, nor can the corruptible (a body in a state of decay) inherit the incorruptible (cf. v. 50). On the other hand, however, this question can be understood as a simple “How will this happen?” The Apostle presents the answer as “the announcement of the mystery.” (v. 51, cf. Rom 16:25–26, Eph 3:4–5.9–10, Col 1:26–27, Rev 10:7), which is similar to 1 Thess 4:15–17: “Not all of us shall die, but all of us shall be changed.” (v. 51).266 Note that the Apostle’s term ἐγείρονται (indicativus praesentis activi from ἐγείρω) expresses a concept based on a sequence of events: ‘body’ (τὸ σῶμα) – ‘death’ (οἱ νεκροί) – ‘raising’ (ἐγείρονται). Paul categorically states that the return of the dead to life is not only possible, but even guaranteed, as is the transformation of the body of the living: “But our citizenship is in heaven, and from it we await a Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ, who will transform our lowly body to be like his glorious body, by the power that enables him even to subject all things to himself ” (Phil 3:20–21).267

262 R. Popowski, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great Greek-Polish Dictionary of New Testament], p. 23. 263 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 779. 264 Cf. C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 125. We note that the answer is given in the reverse order than the question was asked. Paul answers the second, then the first question. We, in discussing the use of the terms of exaltation, will also follow this key and discuss first 15:52, and only then 15:42–44. As we note below, there is another reason. In the second text there is ἡ ἀνάστασις, absent in 15:52. 265 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 779. 266 Cf. C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 126–127. 267 Cf. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 281–282.

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1 Cor 15:52 ἐν ἀτόμῳ, ἐν ῥιπῇ ὀφθαλμοῦ, ἐν τῇ ἐσχάτῃ σάλπιγγι· σαλπίσει γὰρ καὶ οἱ νεκροὶ ἐγερθήσονται ἄφθαρτοι καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀλλαγησόμεθα

Instead of ῥιπῇ, P46 D* F G 0243. 6. 1739 pc we have ῥοπῇ. The first variant is supported by ‫ א‬A B C D2 Ψ (33). 1881 M. The meaning of the first term, otherwise hapax legomenon in the Bible, in relation to violent movement is: ‘fluttering, flickering’.268 The second term appears only in LXX (see Josh 13:22, Isa 40:15, Sir 1:22, Wis 11:22, 18:12, Prov 16:11). In classical Greek, it had meaning: ‘slope, weight, burden’, but also ‘decisive moment, moment’.269 So we can see that it is not easy to judge which reading is closer to the original. It seems, however, that ῥιπῇ is much less possible due to LXX even if ῥοπῇ occurs in the eminent and ancient manuscript like P46 (about 200 after Chr.). However, it must also be taken into account that ῥιπῇ also occurs in important codex’s from the IV (‫ א‬B) and V (A C) centuries after Chr. We therefore consider, as publishers of Nestle–Aland, that ῥιπῇ is closer to the original. In some manuscripts instead of ἐγερθήσονται we read ἀναστέσονται. This is how they have A D F F G P pc, while the form from the verb ἐγείρω has P46 ‫ א‬A B C Ψ 075. 0121. 0243. 33. 1739. 1881 M. Already the number of witnesses supporting this last reading indicates that it is the original one. This is also indicated by the vocabulary Paul uses in 1 Cor 15. He usually uses the verb ἐγείρω when he talks about the ‘actions’ of the resurrection, and never uses the word ἀνίστημι. He uses the noun ἡ ἀνάστασις, precisely for the resurrection of the dead (15:12.13.21.42). So it seems that the scribe using the verb ἀναστέσονται did it under the influence of the context in which the noun ἡ ἀνάστασις occurred. Note also that this may have been influenced by the text 1 Thess 4:16, where the verb ἀνίστημι occurs. So it seems that the reading of ἐγερθήσονται is original and closer to the original. Translation: “[…] in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last trumpet. For the trumpet will sound, and the dead will be raised imperishable, and we shall be changed”. After presenting the nature of the raised body (15:35–44a) and showing the typology of Christ-Adam (15:44b–49), St Paul now returns to the first point, emphasizing the absolute necessity of transformation (v. 50,53); for in fact the living and the dead must also be transformed (v. 50–51); and the transformation of the living and the raising of the dead will take place at the time of the Parousia (v. 52).270 The whole passage (15:50–53) is the answer to the question “How are the dead raised?” (v. 35a). 268 Słownik grecko-polski [The Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 4, p. 18. 269 Cf. ibid. p. 23. 270 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 797; cf. also M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 496.

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With three prepositional constructions, using ἐν + dativus, Paul points out the nature and time of transformation. Considering 1 Thess 4:16, it is clear that this is a time of Parousia, the second coming of Christ. Emphasis rests not on the coming of the Lord but on the transformation and its immediate character: “in an instant, in the blink of an eye […] the dead will be raised and we shall be changed”.271 The Apostle then refers to apocalyptic terminology. He writes about the mystery (μυστήριον; v. 51), as if he wanted to show the Corinthians that there are things that concern the raised body,272 that they cannot comprehend and that he wants to explain to them. What he wants to let the Corinthians know was said in the sentence: “We shall not all sleep, but we shall all be changed” (v. 51). This is the content of the mystery, that is, God’s action, the hidden time but now revealed. In other words, this transformation of everyone is not only a postulate of biblical eschatology but is an essential element of the Christian faith in the resurrection of Jesus Christ. He is expected as the Lord and Saviour, who has the power to transform the mortal bodies of believers to conform them to his glorified body (Phil 3:21).273 What heralds the Parousia is the sound of the ‘last trumpet’ (ἐν τῇ ἐσχάτῃ σάλπιγγι). This expression belongs to the eschatological vocabulary. We also come across it, as we mentioned, in 1Tes: “For the Lord himself will descend from heaven with a cry of command, with the voice of an archangel, and with the sound of the trumpet of God. And the dead in Christ will rise first. Then we who are alive, who are left, will be caught up together with them in the clouds” (1 Thess 4:16–17, cf. also Matt 24:31, Rev 8:2).274 What will be done ‘with the sound of the last trumpet’ is included in two events: “the dead will be raised (ἐγερθήσονται) as incorruptible beings, and we will be changed (ἀλλαγησόμεθα)”. It is worth noting the two-line approach to the topic of transformation. All Christians will receive changed bodies when Christ returns and gathers his people at the sound of the trumpet (cf. Rev 11:15, 1 Thess 4:13–17). The transformation will be immediate and complete for all, the living and the dead. It will be made from one kind of body to another.275 This change must be in accordance with the statement contained in verse 50: “flesh and

271 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 801. For the use of the noun ἡ ῥιπή see E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 286. 272 For the nature of the resurrected body see, for example, K.H. Rengstorf, Die Auferstehung Jesu, p. 81. 273 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 210–211; cf. also W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, p. 291. 274 Cf. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 286. 275 Cf. W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, p. 291.

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blood (σὰρξ καὶ αἷμα)276 cannot become heirs of the Kingdom of God”. The bodies of living people with assume the qualities of raised bodies. For there is no direct relationship between earthly and eternal life, let alone a similarity. This idea also applies to people who will live at the end of time (cf. 1 Thess 4:15). For them, raising from the dead will be replaced with a change. It seems, therefore, that this is the most important idea carried by the verb ἐγείρω used in our text: the bringing back to life, but not in the sense of a purely physical return to existence in the mortal body that we now possess. Rather, it is about a body that is completely changed and adored.277 1 Cor 15:42–44 42

οὕτως καὶ ἡ ἀνάστασις τῶν νεκρῶν. σπείρεται ἐν φθορᾷ, ἐγείρεται ἐν

ἀφθαρσίᾳ·43 σπείρεται ἐν ἀτιμίᾳ, ἐγείρεται ἐν δόξῃ· σπείρεται ἐν ἀσθενείᾳ, ἐγείρεται ἐν δυνάμει 44 σπείρεται σῶμα ψυχικόν, ἐγείρεται σῶμα πνευματικόν. Εἰ ἔστιν σῶμα ψυχικόν, ἔστιν καὶ πνευματικόν

Translation: “42 So is it with the resurrection of the dead. What is sown is perishable; what is raised is imperishable. 43 It is sown in dishonour; it is raised in glory. It is sown in weakness; it is raised in power. 44 It is sown a natural body; it is raised a spiritual body. If there is a natural body, there is also a spiritual body”. In 15:36–49 the Apostle answers the second question put at the beginning of the entire section (15:35–53): “With what kind of body will they come back?” (v. 35b). Paul uses four antitheses arranged in such a way as to show the difference between ‘the sensual body’ and ‘the spiritual body’ on the one hand; and on the other hand, to lead to an argument taken from Scripture (Gen 2:7) to prove that there is a spiritual element in man. It is through Christ that he will turn ‘the sensual man’ into ‘the spiritual man’.278 The whole passage is based on two verbs expressing opposite actions: σπείρεται (indicativus praesentis passivi from σπείρω) and ἐγείρεται (indicativus praesentis passivi from ἐγείρω). In the first three antitheses (42b–43 above), the Apostle develops an analogy of sowing, which was recalled in 15:36–38. In the fourth (v. 44) he refers to the analogy of the different kinds of bodies that he wrote about in

276 For the phrase σὰρξ καὶ αἷμα, see for example. A.C. Perriman, Paul and the Parousia: 1 Corinthians 15.50–57 and 2 Corinthians 5.1–5, “New Testament Studies” 35 (1989), no. 4, p. 513–514; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 500. 277 Cf. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 287; H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 293–294. 278 Cf. H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 94; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 495.

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15:39–41.279 In this way, by using the first verb (σπείρω), the sowing metaphor is maintained and at the same time the theme of resurrection/raising from the dead is introduced by using the second verb (ἐγείρω).280 Let us note, moreover, that the terms ἐγείρω and ἡ ἀνάστασις occur in the text that we are discussing, which introduces another paragraph on the resurrection of the faithful. Paul again refers to the rhetoric using, as we mentioned, four antitheses, in which the verb σπείρω is contrasted with another verb: ἐγείρω.281 Both were used in the passive voice, which indicates the action of God himself.282 It all starts with the sentence: οὕτως καὶ ἡ ἀνάστασις τῶν νεκρῶν (v. 42a). Paul returns to the phrase already used (ἡ ἀνάστασις τῶν νεκρῶν; 15:12.13.21) for the resurrection of the dead at the end of time. He then goes on to three antitheses that develop the sowing analogy. They reveal the vocabulary typical of Paul: 1) ἡ φθορά/ἡ ἀφθαρσία (Rom 8:21, 2:7); 2) ἡ ἀτιμία/ἡ δόξα (2 Cor 6:8); 3) ἡ ἀσθένεια/ἡ δύναμις (2 Cor 13:3–4, 12:9).283 In Rom 8:21, ‘corruption’ (ἡ φθορά) is a term for the condition in which the whole world finds itself before the ‘glory’ (ἡ δόξα) of the children of God. In Rom 2:7, ‘immortality, indestructibility’ (ἡ ἀφθαρσία) is connected with the ‘glory’ (ἡ δόξα) of eternal life.284 In the first antithesis (v. 42b) it is primarily about presenting the contrast between the present body and its future form. This is despite the use of the verb σπείρω, which suggests that it would be a body in a state of death and decay. It is true that the human body is subject to decay (σπείρεται ἐν φθορᾷ), hence the very dramatic opinion of the Corinthians: “Food is meant for the stomach and the stomach for food” (1 Cor 6:13). What they were wrong about in their opinion is the transformation that God will make: ἐγείρεται ἐν ἀφθαρσίᾳ.285 ‘Raised in glory’ (ἐγείρεται ἐν δόξῃ) reflects the glory of heavenly bodies (cf. 15:40–41, cf. 2:7). This in turn reflects the glory of God Himself (2 Cor 3:7–18, 4:4–6). All this is in contrast to the current ‘humiliation’ (ἡ ἀτιμία), which the Apostle presented in the form of a very personal confession (2 Cor 6:8). In the second antithesis, therefore, Paul returns to the topic of glory (cf. v. 40–41). This time there’s no question of ‘glamour’. Rather, he refers to the Jewish eschatological

279 C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 126, writes extensively on the different types of bodies in the Greek world. 280 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 784. 281 So it would be a series of antitheses arranged in the form of anaphor. C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 131. 282 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 208; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 497. 283 Cf. K.H. Rengstorf, Die Auferstehung Jesu, p. 82. 284 Cf. M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 497. 285 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 784–785.

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vocabulary to show the past condition of the justified. The Apostle already used this term in reference to the personal reign of Christ (1 Thess 2:12). In Phil 3:21 he used it to describe the raised body of Christ. Its antonym is ἡ ἀτιμία often translated as ‘disrespect, disgrace, humiliation, shame’.286 For Paul, however, this is not a pejorative concept, but rather a reflection of the present ‘weak’ state of the body as opposed to its future existence in ‘glory’.287 The antithesis ‘weak’ (ἡ ἀσθένεια) – ‘strong’ (ἡ δύναμις) recurs in 2 Cor 13:4, where the death and raising of Christ are mentioned. Throughout section 2 Cor 10–13, which deals with ‘weakness’, reference is made not only to the body but to Paul’s entire present existence. Its antonym in this case is the ‘power’ which does not so much describe the permanent, heavenly state of the body as its ‘nature’ of being raised.288 Paul’s interest focuses on the fourth antithesis, in which the ‘sensual body’ (σῶμα ψυχικόν) was contrasted with the ‘spiritual body’ (σῶμα πνευματικόν). This touches the core of the question posed at the beginning: “With what kind of body do they come?” (v. 35b).289 Paul also gives the first answer, which summarizes previous analogies: “If there is a natural body, there is also a spiritual body” (v. 44b).290 In this double name, Paul brings the antithesis to a climax. As in 1 Cor 2:14 the earthly man was called ψυχικός and was opposed to the ‘spirit’ (πνευματικῶς), so here the ‘sensual (= natural) body’ is opposed to the ‘spiritual’, that is, the body raised from the dead. Since the ‘sensual man’ does not understand the Spirit of God, while the ‘spiritual man’ allows himself to be inspired and guided by Him, the ‘spiritual body’ remains in relation to the Spirit and is defined by him. The Spirit of God is, of course, in opposition to the carnality of the earth. Not to carnality as such, though. For there is a spiritual, heavenly carnality, the carnality of eternal life, which the Apostle rendered as ‘spiritual body’ (σῶμα πνευματικόν). The earthly body must die for the spiritual body to be raised. The fact that it is raised is a miracle performed by God, who himself bestows the resurrection.291 The body, however, is ‘spiritual’ not because it is ‘immaterial’, but rather because it is ‘supernatural’, because it will be re-created by Christ, who himself, through his resurrection, became a ‘life-giving

286 R. Popowski, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great Greek-Polish Dictionary of New Testament], p. 81. 287 Cf. C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 131; G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 785. 288 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, 785; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 497. 289 We will not discuss in detail the meaning of these phrases. He writes extensively on this subject, among other things: N.D. O’Donoghue, The Awakening of the Dead, “Irish Theological Quarterly” 56 (1990), no. 1, p. 51–54. 290 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 208. 291 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 288; R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 208–209.

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spirit’ (1 Cor 15:45). The transformed body does not consist only of the spirit292 but is ‘adapted’ to eschatological existence. For the Apostle to be fully πνευματικόν is to bear the likeness of Christ (v. 49) in the transformed body of the new era.293 For Paul, therefore, the presentation of a series of antitheses was not only intended to convince the Corinthians of the reality of the raising of the human body, based on the raising of Christ. He also wanted to indicate the nature of the raised body. This body is a completely different from its sensual counterpart. Its properties are ‘incorruptibility’ (ἡ ἀφθαρσία), ‘glory’ (ἡ δόξα), ‘power’ (ἡ δύναμις) and ‘spirituality’ (πνευματικόν).294 2.2.1.5

The resurrection of believers

When writing about the resurrection of believers, Paul only once (15:21) uses the noun ἡ ἀνάστασις without the verb ἐγείρω, although an allusion to this very action of God is in the next verse: “shall all be made alive (ζῳοποιηθήσονται)” (15:22). 1 Cor 15:21 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ δι᾽ ἀνθρώπου θάνατος, καὶ δι᾽ ἀνθρώπου ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν

Translation: “For as by a man came death, by a man has come also the resurrection of the dead”. In the passage dedicated to the raising/resurrection of believers (15:12–34) we can distinguish three parts arranged in a concentric structure: A. The consequences of the negation of Christ’s resurrection (15:12–19); B. Christ’s resurrection and ours (15:20–28); A’. The consequences of negating the resurrection of believers (15:29–34). For obvious reasons our interest is focused on the central section, in which two members can be distinguished (15:20–22 and 15:23–28), each consisting of the Apostle’s thesis (v. 20 and 23a) and explanation (v. 21–22 and 23b–28).295 It is therefore easy to reveal the composition of the smallest unit (v. 20–22) containing the noun of interest. The explanation of this thesis is expressed in two sentences: The thesis (explaining how Christ’s ‘being the firstfruit’ made the resurrection of believers inevitable):

292 The endings of adjectives –ikos indicate origin from the senses (ψυχικός) and spirit (πνευματικόν) respectively. Cf. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 283; C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 132. 293 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 786. 294 L. Scheffczyk, Zmartwychwstanie [Resurrection], p. 142–143. 295 Cf. M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 483.

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Νυνὶ δὲ Χριστὸς ἐγήγερται ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀπαρχὴ τῶν κεκοιμημένων (v. 20).

A. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ δι᾽ ἀνθρώπου θάνατος (v. 21a), B. καὶ δι᾽ ἀνθρώπου ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν (v. 21b) A. ὥσπερ γὰρ ἐν τῷ Ἀδὰμ πάντες ἀποθνῄσκουσιν (v. 22a) B. οὕτως καὶ ἐν τῷ Χριστῷ πάντες ζῳοποιηθήσονται (v. 22b).296 The fragment contains two characteristic nouns: ἡ ἀνάστασις and νεκροί. The formula created from a combination of both (ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν) was used by Paul four times (15:12.13.21.42). In our context it occurs in opposition to death: δι᾽ ἀνθρώπου θάνατος (v. 21) and πάντες ἀποθνῄσκουσιν (v. 22). It is also parallel to πάντες ζῳοποιηθήσονται (v. 22). We must consider parallel sentences in which many elements are parallel or opposite to each other. The first (v. 21) explains, by analogy, how God, having raised Christ from the dead as the ‘firstfruits’ of those who died, made the resurrection of the dead an inevitable participation in His resurrection. The second (v. 22) develops, specifies the first also based on the analogy Adam-Christ.297 It is not difficult to see analogies between δι᾽ ἀνθρώπου θάνατος and δι᾽ ἀνθρώπου ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν (v. 21). It is striking to see the double reference to the ‘human’ nature of the one through whom death has come and through whom the resurrection is to be performed. While this is understandable in the case of the first Adam, it is strange that it is this very nature that Paul draws our attention to in relation to Jesus. It was certainly a matter of pointing to ‘human’ mediation both in death and in life. This allowed the Apostle to link so closely not only the death and the raising of Christ, but also the raising of Christ (“as the first of those who died”; v. 20) and the resurrection of the faithful (“through man also came the resurrection”; v. 21).298 The second analogy (and sentence) contrasts Adam and Christ: ὥσπερ γὰρ ἐν τῷ Ἀδὰμ πάντες ἀποθνῄσκουσιν, οὕτως καὶ ἐν τῷ Χριστῷ πάντες ζῳοποιηθήσονται

(v. 22).299 We note that the Apostle refers to the theology of history. Adam is the representative of the old mankind because sin and death came because of him (cf. Rom 5:12). Christ, on the other hand, represents the new humanity because He gives

296 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 749; C.E. Hill, Paul’s Understanding of Christ’s Kingdom, p. 300. 297 Cf. M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 483; G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 749. 298 Cf. W. Schmithals, The Pre-Pauline Tradition, p. 360. 299 To this analogy, though in a slightly modified form, Paul returns in 15:45–49 and Romans 5:12–21. Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 203; G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 750; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 486.

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rise to the resurrection and life.300 Given previous reflections on the relationship between the raising of Christ and the resurrection of believers, we note a reference to the stages of salvation history. The raising of Christ belongs to one stage (“Christ has been raised from the dead, the firstfruits of those who have fallen asleep”; v. 20) and the resurrection of believers to the next stage (“[…] in Christ shall all be made alive”; v. 22).301 In the latter statement, note the use of the verb ζῳοποιέω in futurum. Indeed, the resurrection of the dead is an event that is still awaited, and it is for those “who belong to Christ” (see v. 23). For in Paul’s terminology this verb is not only reserved for God, but also means the action of the raised Christ, who gives life through the action of the Holy Spirit (cf. 15:45, Rom 8:11, 2 Cor 3:6).302 Thus the inevitable process of death initiated in Adam will be reversed by the equally inevitable process of ‘giving life’ initiated in Christ. Our noun (ἡ ἀνάστασις) is therefore not only derived from the verb ἀνίστημι303 but also expresses the truth about the opposite of death. 2.2.2

Entering (the heart)

Only in one passage does the verb ἀναβαίνω appear. It occurs in the idiomatic expression ἐπὶ καρδίαν ἀναβαίνειν (1 Cor 2:9). 2.2.2.1

1 Cor 2:9

ἀλλὰ καθὼς γέγραπται· ἃ ὀφθαλμὸς οὐκ εἶδεν καὶ οὖς οὐκ ἤκουσεν καὶ ἐπὶ καρδίαν ἀνθρώπου οὐκ ἀνέβη, ἃ ἡτοίμασεν ὁ θεὸς τοῖς ἀγαπῶσιν αὐτόν

Instead of the second ἃ some manuscripts have another relative pronoun ὅσα. The shorter version (ἃ) is supported by P46 ‫ א‬D F G Ψ 33. 1739. 1881 M and Clement of Alexandria. The longer version (ὅσα) occurs in P11 vid A B Cvid pc and Didymus the Blind. Two considerations make a shorter reading more likely. First of all, Paul uses this pronoun in his epistles, but we do not come across it even once in his letters to the Corinthians. It seems, therefore, that he did not use it here either, and its occurrence in some manuscripts is an attempt to make them conform to parallel texts (cf. Rom 8:14–28). Secondly, it seems that much older manuscripts support

300 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 275. 301 Cf. C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 124. 302 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 203; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 487. 303 Which means, in the transitive form, ‘to bear, to resurrect’ and, in the intransitive form, ‘to insert, to bear oneself ’. Cf. R. Popowski, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great GreekPolish Dictionary of New Testament], p. 45–46. Cf. also Słownik grecko-polski [The Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 1, p. 192.

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the shorter reading. It is enough to compare P46 (about 200) with P11 (7th century), with the latter being not very clear. We think the original reading is ἃ. Translation: “But, as it is written, «What no eye has seen, nor ear heard, nor the heart of man imagined, what God has prepared for those who love him»”. The syntax indicates that the current section can be divided into two parts. Numerous participles allow us to see the first one in verses 6–9 and the second one in verses 10–16, where we meet numerous short sentences. The following titles may be assigned to them: A. Preached wisdom (2:6–9), B. The action of the Holy Spirit (2:10–16).304 As far as verse 9 is concerned, the difficulty of interpretation is not only due to the fact that it is a quotation taken from an unknown text,305 but above all because it is a composition of two quotations in the form resembling an anacoluthon. It is arranged in the following stichs (with a short introduction): ἀλλὰ καθὼς γέγραπται:

1. 2. 3. 4.

ἃ ὀφθαλμὸς οὐκ εἶδεν καὶ οὖς οὐκ ἤκουσεν καὶ ἐπὶ καρδίαν ἀνθρώπου οὐκ ἀνέβη ἃ ἡτοίμασεν ὁ θεὸς τοῖς ἀγαπῶσιν αὐτόν.306

The first quotation contains three negative sentences. The eye (ὀφθαλμὸς) and the ear (οὖς) indicate a visual and acoustic experience. In the biblical context, the heart (καρδίαν) is a metaphor for mind, thought and reflection. In this way, the whole experience and inner life of a person is covered.307 In this way Paul shows the inability of a human being to learn about the saving gifts of God given to believers in an absolutely free manner. People cannot comprehend and understand God’s plan of wisdom (2:9) unless it is revealed to them by the Spirit (2:10), who knows

304 Cf. M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 153. Cf. the same division adopted by R.B. Gaffin, Some Epistemological Reflections on 1 Cor 2:6–16, “Westminster Theological Journal” 57 (1995), no. 1, p. 109–116. Yet, G.D. Fee proposes another division: v. 6–10a, v. 10b–13, v. 14–16; cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 99. 305 For the origin of this quote, see for example: E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 16; R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 51; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 155; H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 62. 306 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, 107. 307 Cf. J. Czerski, Pierwszy List św. Pawła do Koryntian [The First Epistle of St Paul to the Corinthians], p. 142.

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everything, even the depths of God himself (2:11, cf. 2:16).308 We see that the first three stiches refer to verses 6b and 8 – the inability to know what God has done in Christ. The fourth stich and at the same time the second quotation indicates what is being ignored by the Apostle’s adversaries. It is about the salvation that God “prepared for those who love him”. This refers to verse 7 and will be continued in the second part, of verse 10.309 The phrase we are interested in (ἐπὶ καρδίαν ἀναβαίνειν) it is also found in the Old Testament (cf. for example, in LXX: Judg 19:3, Ruth 2:13, 2 Sam 13:33, 2 Kings 12:5, 1 Chron 28:2, 2 Chron 6:7). It seems to be a matter of ‘entering the heart’, i.e. taking a very firm thought.310 2.2.3

To rise up

This notion in 1 Cor is reflected by the verb ἀνίστημι, which occurs once in this letter. It its intransitive form it has the meaning of ‘raise’ while in its transitive form it means ‘rise’. In our text it occurs in the latter form and in the aorist.311 2.2.3.1

1 Cor 10:7

μηδὲ εἰδωλολάτραι γίνεσθε καθώς τινες αὐτῶν, ὥσπερ γέγραπται· ἐκάθισεν ὁ λαὸς φαγεῖν καὶ πεῖν καὶ ἀνέστησαν παίζειν

Translation: “Do not be idolaters as some of them were; as it is written, «The people sat down to eat and drink and rose up to play»”. Our passage belongs to a larger unit (10:1–13), the subject of which is idolatry, which is presented based on an example taken from the history of Israel. The structure of this whole unit is as follows:

308 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 51; C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 38; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 155. 309 Cf. G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 107. 310 Cf. meaning I. 9 in: Słownik grecko-polski [The Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 1, p. 132. 311 This verb has two forms of aorist: ἀωέστησα (1) or ἀνέστην (2). Cf. R. Popowski, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great Greek-Polish Dictionary of New Testament], p. 45–46.

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1. The experience of the fathers (10:1–5): a. Five encounters in the desert (v. 1–4), b. Conclusion (v. 5). 2. Warning to Corinthians (10:6–11): a. Five negative encounters of the fathers (v. 6–10), b. Conclusion (v. 11). 3. The question of temptation (10:12–13): a. Warning (v. 12), b. God’s help in temptation (v. 13).312 It is worth noting, moreover, that the central part (10:6–11) forms a clearly visible chiastic structure, based partly on a segmental parallelism, but even more so on a parallelism of four verbs preceded by corresponding introductory formulas. A and A’ are joined by the introductory formula, B and B’ – by using the denied imperative mode in the second person plural, whereas C and C’ by using the negative cohortative in the first person plural. Graphically, this can be presented as follows: A. (v. 6) B. (v. 7) C. (v. 8)

ταῦτα δὲ τύποι

τυπικῶς

γίνεσθε

γογγύζετε

πορνεύωμεν

ἐκπειράζωμεν

(v. 11) A’. (v. 10) B’. (v. 9) C’.

It’s easy to see that verse 7 corresponds in structure to verse 10: B. μηδὲ εἰδωλολάτραι γίνεσθε μηδὲ γογγύζετε (v. 7) καθώς τινες αὐτῶν

καθάπερ τινὲς αὐτῶν

B’. (v. 10)

ἐγόγγυσαν ὥσπερ γέγραπται

καὶ ἀπώλοντο ὑπὸ τοῦ

ἐκάθισεν ὁ λαὸς φαγεῖν καὶ ὀλοθρευτοῦ πεῖν καὶ ἀνέστησαν παίζειν

The third element in verse 7 is somewhat puzzling, which, by including a quotation, does not entirely correspond to the end of verse 10. It seems, however, that in the central units of the chiasmus (B–C–C’–B’), the ‘third elements’ not only have a connection to punishment, but are a kind of climax that reinforces each time the statement: the cause of the fall of the Israelites (B; v. 7), the fall itself (C; v. 8), the

312 Cf. M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 310–311.

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Summary

destruction by the serpents (C’; v. 9) and finally the destruction by the hand of the angel of doom (B’; v. 10).313 After these extensive reflections on the composition of the text, it is much easier for us to discern the issue that needs more attention. These are words of Exod 32:6 quoted by Paul after LXX: ἐκάθισεν ὁ λαὸς φαγεῖν καὶ πιεῖν καὶ ἀνέστησαν παίζειν. The Apostle again refers to the Scriptures to describe the sins of the people and the punishment that follows immediately. These are the same sins that the Corinthians are accused of. Among others, idolatry (v. 7, cf. v. 14).314 The juxtaposition of two verbs (φαγεῖν καὶ πιεῖν) seems to play a particularly important role in this context (9:4, 10:3–4, 11:22.26–29).315 It is easy to see a reference to the situation in which the people of Corinth found themselves. This is the temptation to participate in pagan feasts, or to consume food offered to idols. Idolatry would therefore consist in eating food offered to idols.316 This action was linked to the verb ἐκάθισεν. The next action (παίζειν) follows the ‘rising’ (ἀνέστησαν) of the people. One action is a consequence of another: “they rose up to play.” It’s probably about some kind of action that refers to previous idolatry. In LXX it is very often referred to a cult dance (cf. 1 Sam 18:7, 2 Sam 6:5–21, 1 Chron 13:8, 15:29). In the Book of Exodus, in a further context, it means ‘to raise the cry of war’. (Exod 32:17), “sing” (32:18), “dance” (32:19). It would therefore be a “rising” (ἀνέστησαν) in order to indulge in some kind of cult dance317 with even sex overtones.318 So we note for the first time that the term describing exaltation (ἀνίστημι) has a pejorative meaning: ‘to rise to worship idols’.

Summary In the letter we are discussing, the Apostle writes extensively about the raising of Christ and those who believe in Him. We note that he uses the terms ἐγείρω, ἐξεγείρω and ἡ ἀνάστασις. With the exception of 1 Cor 6:14, he writes on this subject in the ‘raising and resurrection’ treaty (1 Cor 15:1–58). We have observed that Paul, in relation to Christ, quite consistently uses the perfectum tense

313 Cf. G.D. Collier, ‘That we Might not Crave Evil’. The Structure and Argument of 1 Corinthians 10.1–13, “Journal for the Study of the New Testament” 55 (1994), p. 60–62. 314 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 153. 315 C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 86. 316 Cf. R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 132; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 313. 317 This is how the verb παίζω is interpreted by W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, 249; R. Fabris, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi, p. 132; M. Rosik, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 313. 318 Thus G.D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 454–455.

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(15:4.12.13.14.15.16.17.20), which means the lasting effects of the resurrection. You could say that Christ was raised and dies no more, he is still alive. Although he also uses the aorist (15:15). This work was done by God the Father, so again Paul consistently uses sentences of which God is the subject (6:14, 15:15) or uses the passive voice (15:4.12.13.14.15.16.17.20). This does not mean that Christ could not rise from the dead with his own power. It is only a matter of pointing out the action of God the Father in the most important moments of salvation history. The same also applies to all people whose future raising is the work of God the Father, as evidenced by the passive voice of the verb (15:15.16.29.32.35.42.43.44.52) or the sentence in which God is the subject of action (6:14). It is worth noting here how the raising of Jesus Christ is presented: ἀπαρχὴ τῶν κεκοιμημένων (15:20, cf. 15:29). He is ‘the firstfruits of those who fell asleep’. So we see here Paul’s clear reference to the original meaning of the verb ἐγείρω: ‘rise, wake up’. In his writings, however, it gains technical significance of ‘raising from the dead’. Let us also note that whenever Paul uses the noun ἡ ἀνάστασις, he always refers it to people. He usually uses the phrase without articles ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν (15:12.13.21), with one exception, when he wants to put the question of “resurrection of the dead” and then uses the phrase with the articles ἡ ἀνάστασις τῶν νεκρῶν (15:42). In both cases, it is about the eschatological resurrection that is meant. We have to note that the resurrection of the dead is not just one of many alternatives for man. It is absolutely necessary and guaranteed by God Himself (15:35). For Christ was resurrected as the firstfruits of those who fell asleep (15:20). It will not be a simple return to the life of the body that died, but will be done in a completely changed, glorified body (15:42–44). Paul also uses other terms that in some way refer to the category of height that we discuss in our work. Here, he first uses the verb ἀναβαίνω, with which reaches to the meaning known from LXX that can be rendered as ‘to make a very firm decision’ (2:9). He then uses another verb – ἀνίστημι – which from a formal point of view has the literal meaning ‘to arise, to rise’ (10:7). However, the context indicates a pejorative meaning: ‘to rise to worship idols’.

2.3

Second Epistle to the Corinthians

As we mentioned above, Paul was in constant contact with the community in Corinth. This includes his personal visits to Corinth, letters and messages from messengers. Let us only consider the Apostle’s correspondence with the Corinthians. Although only two letters are called Letters to the Corinthians, Paul wrote much more letters to them. However, it is still difficult to get consensus among scholars about their numbers. No doubt another letter was written before 1 Cor (cf. 1 Cor 5:9). The whole difficulty concerns further correspondence. The opinions of

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researchers on this issue can be divided into three groups: 1) 2 Cor is complete319 and therefore there were no other letters; 2) 2 Cor contains the so-called “Letter in Tears” (cf. 2 Cor 2:4),320 3) 2 Cor contains three letters, or at least large parts of them.321 Leaving the issues of the final settlement apart, which is not, by the way, the subject of our analysis, let us note that all these attempts were aimed at explaining the rather chaotic layout of this letter. Quite commonly a three-part division of 2 Cor is assumed: 1–7, 8 and 9 and 10–13.322 This division seems to be correct although it requires some explanation. In 2 Cor 1–7 there are both statements of reconciliation (1:1–2:13 and 7:5–15) but also much stronger words of an apologetic nature (2:14–7:4). The description of the expedition to Macedonia from 2:12–13 is continued only in 7:5. As for chapters 8 and 9, it seems that we are dealing here with two versions of information concerning the collection for the Church in Jerusalem. As far as the last part (2 Cor 10–13) is concerned, it deviates in form from the previous chapters, although there is no lack of reference to the topics addressed earlier.323 It seems that the Second Letter to the Corinthians was written in Macedonia, probably around 55.324 In 2 Cor Paul does not use too often the vocabulary to describe exaltation. It uses mainly the verbs ἐγείρω (4 times), ἐπαίρω (twice) and ὑψόω (once). However, 319 It is thus interpreted by: E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 388–390; K. Romaniuk, Zagadnienie jedności literackiej 2 Cor [The Issue of Literary Unity of 2 Cor], “Studia Theologica Varsaviensia” 12 (1974), no. 2, p. 3–13; J.W. Rosłon, R. Rubinkiewicz, Święty Paweł [St Paul], [in:] Wstęp do Nowego Testamentu [Introduction to the New Testament], ed. R. Rubinkiewicz, Poznań 1996, p. 344. Cf. also discussion on this subject in: W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 229. 320 Such an opinion developed primarily in English-speaking countries; cf. J.M. Gilchrist, Paul and the Corinthians – The Sequence of Letters and Visits, “Journal for the Study of the New Testament” 34 (1988), p. 47–69; J. Murphy O’Connor, Co-Authorship in the Corinthian Correspondence, “Revue Biblique” 100 (1993), no. 4, p. 562–579. Cf. also an extensive discussion on this subject in: W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 227–230. 321 It would be a ‘Letter in defence of apostolic dignity’ (2 Cor 2:14–7:4), ‘A letter in tears’ (2 Cor 10–13) and ‘Letter of Conciliation’ (2 Cor 1:1–2:13, 7:5–15); cf. H. Langkammer, Wprowadzenie do ksiąg Nowego Testamentu [Introduction to the Books of New Testament], p. 154–155. Cf. also discussion of this topic in: W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 228. 322 Cf. J.W. Rosłon, R. Rubinkiewicz, Święty Paweł [St Paul], p. 339–340. However, E. Dąbrowski, for example, proposes a division into two parts (1–8 and 10–13), discussing at the same time whether 2 Cor 9 and 2 Cor 6:14–7:1 belong to the scripture; cf. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 384–391. 323 Cf. H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 109. 324 Cf. W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 270.

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there is also the noun τὸ ὕψωμα (once). We note, moreover, that these terms are used in a positive sense – ‘to raise’ Christ (4:14, 5:15) and the faithful (1:9, 4:14) and ‘to exalt’ (11:7); but also in a pejorative sense, ‘haughtiness’ (10:5) and ‘rise up against’ (10:5, 11:20). 2.3.1

Raising Christ and the faithful

We note that Paul, when writing about the return to the life of Christ and the faithful, prefers to use the verb ἐγείρω. This also applies to the letter now being discussed. The order in which we will discuss the texts is not dictated by the canonical system but by the logical order. First, we will analyse those relating to the raising of Christ and then those relating to the raising of the faithful. 2.3.1.1

2 Cor 5:15

καὶ ὑπὲρ πάντων ἀπέθανεν, ἵνα οἱ ζῶντες μηκέτι ἑαυτοῖς ζῶσιν ἀλλὰ τῷ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀποθανόντι καὶ ἐγερθέντι

Translation: “[…] and he died for all, that those who live might no longer live for themselves but for him who for their sake died and was raised”. The initial καὶ indicates a close link with the preceding context. This conjunction is followed by a repetition (with identical wording) of the words from verse 14: ‘he died for all’ (ὑπὲρ πάντων ἀπέθανεν). The reason for this substitute death of Christ is given further: “that those who live might no longer live for themselves but for him who for their sake died and was raised” (v. 15). This is the positive side of the earlier ‘all died’ (πάντες ἀπέθανον).325 In the verse we are discussing, we find a three-stage structure, which refers to certain elements of the preceding section. The first sentence (A) repeats the middle part of verse 14, which is followed by two clauses of purpose about ‘those who have died’. The first (B) in the negative sense (‘they did not live any longer’) and the second (C) in the positive sense (‘but for this’). The whole structure Paul Barnett presents as follows:

325 Cf. E.J. Jezierska, “Żyjemy dla Pana, umieramy dla Pana…”. Św. Paweł o proegzystencji chrześcijanina w 2 Kor 5,15 i Rz 14,7–8 [“We live for the Lord, we die for the Lord…”. St Paul on the pro-existence of the Christian in 2 Cor 5:15 and Rom 14:7–8], “Collectanea Theologica” 59 (1989), no. 3, p. 28–29; cf. also P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, Grand Rapids 1997, p. 291.

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A. καὶ ὑπὲρ πάντων ἀπέθανεν B.

ἵνα οἱ ζῶντες

ἑαυτοῖς ζῶσιν

μηκέτι

C.

ἀλλὰ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν

ἀποθανόντι

καὶ

ἐγερθέντι.326

τῷ

As it is clear from what is said in verse 14, Paul’s apostolic service came from the love of Christ. Now Paul justifies it theologically. Since Christ died ‘for all’ (ὑπὲρ πάντων; v. 14. 15) and all through his death became a ‘new creation’ (καινὴ κτίσις; v. 17), it is not allowed to ignore and waste God’s saving actions. The love shown on the cross requires total dedication.327 To one reference to the saving death of Jesus in verse 14 (ὑπὲρ πάντων ἀπέθανεν), two more have been added here. The first one, as mentioned above, is identical to the former (ὑπὲρ πάντων ἀπέθανεν), while in the second one, besides the replacement death, there also occurs resurrection (ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀποθανόντι καὶ ἐγερθέντι). Note that in these fragments, death is considered in two ways. On the one hand, it is an unavoidable necessity: ‘all died’ (πάντες ἀπέθανον; v. 14). On the other hand, however, it is purposeful: “that those who live might no longer live for themselves but for him who for their sake died and was raised” (ἵνα οἱ ζῶντες μηκέτι ἑαυτοῖς ζῶσιν ἀλλὰ τῷ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀποθανόντι καὶ ἐγερθέντι; v. 15, cf. Rom 5:15–19, 6:10–11, 14:7–9).328 It seems that Paul is moving away from presenting the fact of Christ’s resurrection, through which all will return to life,329 and he turns to another consequence of Christ’s resurrection – a new life, a life for the Lord. From that moment on, the Christian remains wholly at the service of the raised Jesus (cf. Rom 14:8). Therefore, Paul was also freed from selfishness and can say that the love of Christ reigns in us, urges and leads us.330 After meeting the Risen One at Damascus, Paul personally experienced how carnal his life was, even in the context of the zeal expressed in the persecution of the followers of Christ. Now he died with Christ and lives no longer for himself but for him who died for all and was raised. Now he is ready to give his life so that only the Gospel of Christ may spread (cf. 2 Cor 2:14–16, 4:15), because sharing in the sufferings of the cross leads to being raised from the dead with Jesus (4:7–14).

326 Cf. P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 292. 327 Cf. H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 139–140. 328 Cf. C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 198. Similarly C.J. Roetzel, “As Dying, and Behold We Live.” Death and Resurrection in Paul’s Theology, “Interpretation” 46 (1992), no. 1, p. 16. 329 This is how he presented it in Rom 6:4–6 and 1 Cor 15:22. 330 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 374; M.J. Harris, 2 Corinthians, [in:] The Expositor’s Bible Commentary, vol. 10: Romans-Galatians, ed. F.E. Gaebelein, Grand Rapids, MI 1984, p. 352.

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For dying and being raised with Christ (2 Cor 5:14–15) strengthens the identity of all who remain ‘in him’ (5:17), which cannot be shown externally (5:12.16) but is accomplished by a new creation (5:17).331 We note that in the text we are discussing, Paul reaches into the deep layers of theology, or even universalistic and eschatological Christology. Universalistic, because Christ died ‘for all’ (ὑπὲρ πάντων), and eschatological, because the purpose of His death was that they “live no longer for themselves but for him” from that moment on (μηκέτι ἑαυτοῖς ζῶσιν ἀλλὰ τῷ […]).332 Our verb is no longer a ‘mere’ term for the lifting-raising of Christ, but takes on an even deeper theological meaning. Note, moreover, that this time too, it was used in the passive voice, which suggests God’s action, and in the perfectum, which indicates the effects of the action until the present moment – Christ is still resurrected – living. 2.3.1.2 13

2 Cor 4:13–14

Ἔχοντες δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ πνεῦμα τῆς πίστεως κατὰ τὸ γεγραμμένον· ἐπίστευσα, διὸ

ἐλάλησα, καὶ ἡμεῖς πιστεύομεν, διὸ καὶ λαλοῦμεν, 14 εἰδότες ὅτι ὁ ἐγείρας τὸν κύριον Ἰησοῦν καὶ ἡμᾶς σὺν Ἰησοῦ ἐγερεῖ καὶ παραστήσει σὺν ὑμῖν

In some versions of the text after the first διό in verse 13 we read καί (‫ א‬F G 0186. 1175 sy). The shorter reading is supported by the following manuscripts: P46 B Cvid D Ψ 33. 1739. 1881 M latt. It seems that external criticism of the text makes shorter reading more likely. It is supported by a larger number of very important manuscripts. It is also supported by the text of LXX (Ps 115:1), part of which is included in verse 13 as a quote. The longer version would be an attempt at reconciling with the context directly following the same verse where we have διὸ καί. In verse 14 the title κύριον was omitted in P46 B (0243. 33). 629. (630). 1175*. (1739) pc r vg sa boms and by Tertullian. The longer variant is supported by ‫ א‬C D E F G Ψ 1881 M a b sy bo. The shorter reading seems to be an assimilation to Rom 8:11.333 Thus, the longer reading is closer to the original. Also verse 14 has another variant. In place of the first σύν in ‫א‬2 D1 Ψ M sy we read διά. The version with σύν is supported by P46 ‫ *א‬B C D* F G P 0243. 6. 33. 81. 104. 365. 1175. 1739. 1881. 2464 pc latt co and Tertullian. Already judging by the number of manuscripts supporting this last reading we can conclude that this version is more probable. In addition, there is the question of reconciling our 331 C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 184; C.J. Roetzel, “As Dying, and Behold We Live”, p. 16. 332 Cf. P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 292. The theological interpretation of the juxtaposition of the verbs ἀποθνῄσκω and ἐγείρω is emphasized by E.J. Jezierska, ‘Żyjemy dla Pana, umieramy dla Pana…’ [“We live for the Lord, we die for the Lord…”], p. 30. 333 Cf. B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 510–511.

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passage with 1 Cor 6:14, where the preposition διά is present. So it seems that the original reading σὺν Ἰησοῦ ἐγερεῖ is closer to the original is. Translation: “13 Since we have the same spirit of faith according to what has been written, “I believed, and so I spoke,” we also believe, and so we also speak,14 knowing that he who raised the Lord Jesus will raise us also with Jesus and bring us with you into his presence”. Our verses are part of a fairly visible passage 4:13–15, determined by the use of δὲ (v. 13), ὅτι (v. 14) and δι᾽ (v. 15). Such an arrangement indicates a new starting point (“we have […] we also believe”; v. 13), its content (“knowing that”; v. 14) and the conclusion (“for it is all for your […]”; v. 15), to which the author leads us. The structure in v. 14, containing the verb (ἐγείρω) we are interested in, was presented by Paul Barnett as follows: εἰδότες

(A),

ὅτι ὁ

ἐγείρας τὸν κύριον Ἰησοῦν

καὶ

ἡμᾶς σὺν Ἰησοῦ ἐγερεῖ

καὶ

παραστήσει σὺν ὑμῖν

(B), (C).334

By taking up the new issue signalled by δὲ, Paul directs his thought towards presenting its content. It is about faith in the raising of Christ and the universal resurrection. Paul’s faith in resurrection became for him a certainty (2 Cor 4:14) from the moment the Apostle ‘saw’ the raised Christ near Damascus (1 Cor 15:8). In our text, Paul appears not only as a witness, but probably above all as an apostle who draws conclusions for our resurrection from the truth of Jesus being raised.335 Short, introductory εἰδότες ὅτι (‘knowing that’) gives rise to earlier πιστεύομεν, διὸ καὶ λαλοῦμεν (v. 13). This is because what Paul ‘knows’ (εἰδότες), he ‘believes’ in (πιστεύομεν) and it “speaks” (λαλοῦμεν). The verse we are discussing provides an eschatological reason for Paul’s use of the word.336 What does Paul believe in? In the sentence of verse 14, the Apostle gives the content of the article of faith: “[…] he who raised the Lord Jesus will raise us also with Jesus […]” (ὁ ἐγείρας τὸν κύριον Ἰησοῦν καὶ ἡμᾶς σὺν Ἰησοῦ ἐγερεῖ). God, who brought Jesus back to life, will also bring Paul and other believers back to life. As Paul has already pointed out, God is the One ‘who raises the dead’ (2 Cor 1:9). Thus, the Apostle’s object of faith is the future resurrection of the dead (cf. 2 Cor 4:13–14, Rom 10:9–10, Col 2:12, 1 Thess 4:14, 1 Pet 1:21). This conviction is

334 Cf. P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 243. 335 Cf. H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 134; cf. also C.J. Roetzel, “As Dying, and Behold We Live”, p. 13. 336 Cf. P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 242.

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fully in line with what is presented in 1 Cor 15.337 Sharing the resurrected life with Christ is a reality both in internal experience (cf. 2 Cor 4:10–11.16) and in future eschatological expectation (cf. 2 Cor 4:14, 5:1–4). The formula ‘with Jesus’ (σὺν Ἰησοῦ) points out the communion with Jesus in the eschatological fulfilment of this expectation (2 Cor 13:4, Rom 8:32, Phil 1:32, Col 1:23, 3:3–4, 1 Thess 4:14.17, 5:9–10).338 As in the First Corinthians (cf. 6:14, 15:15–16), also in 2 Cor 4:13–14 the raising of Christ and the faithful are inseparably linked (cf. also Rom 8:11, 1 Thess 4:14).339 In our text it is expressed by the verb ἐγείρω used twice. Let’s go back to the previously presented structure of the verse. In the first part (A) Paul uses the form of the participle in the aorist (ἐγείρας), which indicates a complete act.340 In the second (B), the Apostle uses the same verb but in the futurum (ἐγερεῖ), thus indicating the future character of the raising from the dead. However, both realities are eschatological events.341 However, the question arises: How is it possible for the faithful to be raised together with Jesus (σὺν Ἰησοῦ) when the latter has already happened and the former is yet to happen? First of all, God causes both. Secondly, the raising of Jesus is the prefiguration of our raising: “He […] is the firstborn from the dead.” (cf. Col 1:18, 1 Cor 15:23).342 Thirdly, this combination of the raising of Jesus and the faithful is corresponds to Paul’s teaching in 1 Cor 15:1–58, in which he saw both realities as belonging to an eschatological event (harvest).343 The breakthrough moment for the message of this verse is its third part (C): καὶ παραστήσει σὺν ὑμῖν (“[…] and will bet with you”). So, the raising will be accompanied by a ‘putting up’ (παραστήσει). It is a form derived from the verb παρίστημι. In an eschatological sense (as in Rom 14:10, Eph 5:27, Col 1:22.28) it means that it is God who will present believers to Christ (cf. 2 Cor 11:2). That suggests that this is about judgement: “For we must all appear before the judgment seat of Christ, so that each one may receive what is due for what he has done in the body, whether good or evil” (2 Cor 5:10).344 The Resurrection (here described by the verb ἐγείρω) would be a kind of introduction to standing (here described by the verb παρίστημι) before the tribunal of Christ. However, its purpose is not to 337 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 353–354; P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 241. 338 C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 175; H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 354. 339 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 354; C.H. Talbert, Reading Corinthians, p. 190. 340 This verb, in relation to Jesus, often occurs in perfectum (see 1 Cor 15:4.12.13.14.16.17.20). This seems understandable because of the ongoing effects of God’s action – Jesus is still alive. 341 Cf. P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 242. 342 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 354; M.J. Harris, 2 Corinthians, p. 343. 343 Cf. P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 242–243; Cf. also M.J. Harris, 2 Corinthians, p. 342–343. 344 Cf. P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 243.

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condemn but to ‘stand’ in glory (cf. Col 1:22, Eph 5:27).345 In this way God’s action of ‘raising from the dead’ is integrated into other works of salvation, which will be the judgment and future glory of believers with Christ. All of these realities function in the context of raising (ἐγείρω) and putting up (παρίστημι) and therefore a kind of ‘uplifting movement’. 2.3.1.3

2 Cor 1:9

ἀλλὰ αὐτοὶ ἐν ἑαυτοῖς τὸ ἀπόκριμα τοῦ θανάτου ἐσχήκαμεν, ἵνα μὴ πεποιθότες ὦμεν ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ θεῷ τῷ ἐγείροντι τοὺς νεκρούς

Most manuscripts have ἐγείροντι (participium praesentis activi from ἐγείρω), but P46 326. 365. 614. 1881 pc vgms boms have ἐγείραντι (participium aoristi activi from ἐγείρω). It seems that the formula in the present tense, or rather the title of God, corresponds better to what was said about him in Rom 4:17: θεοῦ τοῦ ζῳοποιοῦντος (participium praesentis activi from ζῳοποιέω) τοὺς νεκροὺς. Besides, this tense (praesentis) also indicates a permanent feature of God, not just an event that could have happened once. So we think that ἐγείροντι is closer to the original, even though ἐγείραντι is supported by such an outstanding manuscript as P46 , dating from about 200 years after Chr. Translation: “Indeed, we felt that we had received the sentence of death. But that was to make us rely not on ourselves but on God who raises the dead”. The verse we are discussing is undoubtedly part of the thanksgiving for saving from the danger of death (1:8–11), preceded by a hymn to the merciful God (1:3–7).346 We can easily see that the form of this thanksgiving is different from 1 Cor 1:4–9; for there is no question of the abundance of grace that the community has received, but of the Apostle’s personal experiences. They led Paul to doubt the hope of saving his life (v. 8), but they made him stop trusting himself when he accepted the death sentence, and trusted him ‘who raises the dead’ (v. 9). This experience makes the Apostle hopeful that God will come to his aid in the future, with the help of the participation of the addresses of the letter (v. 10–11). This fragment is a reference to the autobiographical information about Paul’s contact with death in Asia Minor and the suffering so great that it almost took his life. All this has become a motive for referring to the image of God who raises the dead (1:9, cf. Rom 4:17). The Bible knows the terms “saving from the danger of death,” which compares to the raising from the dead (cf. Psalm 30:2, 40:2, 56:13–14,

345 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 354. 346 At least, that is the opinion of H. Langkammer: cf. Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 113.

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88:11–13, 119:25).347 We also find these motifs in our text. Behold, Paul explains that the intensity of his suffering was caused by God’s intent. He does it negatively first, and then positively: N.

ἵνα μὴ πεποιθότες

ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς

ὦμεν

P.

ἀλλ᾽

ἐπὶ τῷ θεῷ τῷ ἐγείροντι τοὺς νεκρούς

The death sentence, which has permanently burdened the Apostle (“we had received348 the sentence of death”), now corresponds to an equally permanent attitude of trust (“that was to make us rely not on349 ourselves but on God”).350 The experience of danger, which could be seen as equivalent to death, will be followed by a future experience of being raised from the dead. Only God’s intervention could bring one back from the gateway of death and bring back to life.351 It is interesting that Paul calls God, about whom he writes so much especially in this chapter of his epistle, “He who raises the dead” (τῷ θεῷ τῷ ἐγείροντι τοὺς νεκρούς). The power to raise the dead was and is the greatest demonstration of God’s power (cf. Heb 11:19, Deut 32:39). It is not by chance that Paul uses the present tense here (‘raises’; gr. ἐγείροντι). God showed invincible power when he raised Jesus (cf. 2 Cor 4:14), and now he continues to show this power by saving his servant Paul from danger (cf. 2 Cor 4:8–9, 1:10), to finally reveal his power at the end of time in the raising of the dead (cf. 2 Cor 4:14, 5:1–10). The raising of the dead is therefore not some abstract attribute of God, but what is typical of him and his action (cf. 2 Cor 4:14, Rom 4:17, 2 Kings 5:7). Summarizing our search at this point, let us note how Paul, in a synthetic form, presented, or rather reminded the Corinthians of the truth about the relationship between Jesus being raised from the dead and their rising to life at the end of time. He did not do it in such a systematic form as the first letter. Now he only refers to the truth about the one who ‘died for all and was raised’ (5:15), and if so, “he who raised the Lord Jesus will raise us also with Jesus and bring us with you into his presence” (4:14), for he is ‘he who raises the dead’ (1:9).

347 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 315; C.J. Roetzel, “As Dying, and Behold We Live”, p. 10; H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 119; C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 158. 348 Gr. ἐσχήκαμεν is the perfectum form of ἔχω. 349 Gr. πεποιθότες ὦμεν, this periphrasis was also expressed in perfectum from πείθω. 350 Cf. P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 86. 351 Cf. M.J. Harris, 2 Corinthians, p. 322.

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Second Epistle to the Corinthians

2.3.2

To exalt

The theme of ‘humiliation and exaltation’ was quite widely known in both the Judaic and Greek worlds, and consequently appeared in both the Old and New Testaments. Paul only uses it in one place. 2.3.2.1

2 Cor 11:7

Ἢ ἁμαρτίαν ἐποίησα ἐμαυτὸν ταπεινῶν ἵνα ὑμεῖς ὑψωθῆτε, ὅτι δωρεὰν τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ εὐαγγέλιον εὐηγγελισάμην ὑμῖν

Some manuscripts have ἑαυτὸν instead of ἐμαυτὸν. The first reading is supported by P36.46 ‫ א‬B Ψ 0121. 0278. 33. 1739. 1881 M sy. The second is in the following texts: D F G K* L P 365 pc. Taking into account the principles of external criticism of the text, the second reading occurs in older and more valuable manuscripts. In terms of the principles of internal criticism of the text, the reading of ἐμαυτὸν seems less harmonized with the NT context, because it is much rarer than ἑαυτὸν. We believe that ἐμαυτὸν is closer to the original. Translation: “Or did I commit a sin in humbling myself so that you might be exalted, because I preached God’s gospel to you free of charge?” Verse 7 opens Paul’s argument about free apostolic service (11:7–11). Paul Barnett notes that despite the uneven length of the two parts, verse 7 was arranged symmetrically based on the antonyms ‘humiliate’ (ταπειόω) and ‘exalt’ (ὑψόω): Ἢ ἁμαρτίαν ἐποίησα ἐμαυτὸν ἵνα ὑμεῖς

ταπεινῶν ὑψωθῆτε

ὅτι δωρεὰν τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ εὐαγγέλιον εὐηγγελισάμην ὑμῖν.352

The juxtaposition of the antonyms concerning ‘humiliation’ (ταπεινῶν) and ‘exaltation’ (ὑψωθῆτε) does not come from Paul. Such images are already known from the Old Testament (1 Sam 2:7, Job 5:11, Ezek 17:24, 21:26) and the Synoptic Gospels (Matt 23:12, Luke 1:52, 14:11, 18:14). We can consider them, equally in 2 Cor 11:7, in the moral aspect. Paul’s action means his humbleness (cf. Phil 4:12), which has contributed to the exaltation of the community, precisely because Paul continues to preach the Gospel of God to them (2 Cor 11:7). It is not a sin; the exaltation of oneself and the humiliation of others is. In making his own living, Paul took on

352 Cf. P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 513.

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this burden, which should be shared by the community to which he preached the Gospel.353 Let us note that this ‘humbling’ of the Apostle is not a one-off event: ταπεινῶν, it is a participle of the present time from ταπεινόω. So this is the process that began when Paul first came to Corinth, living off the work of his own hands (cf. 1 Thess 2:9, 2 Thess 3:7–8, 1 Cor 4:12, 9:18, 2 Cor 6:5, 11:23.27, Acts 20:34–35). This humiliation continues because the Apostle suffers at the hands of his adversaries (cf. 2 Cor 11:3–4).354 What is the connection between Paul’s humility and the exaltation of the community in Corinth? The second part of the verse we are discussing clearly indicates why this was done: “because I preached God’s Gospel to you”. This in turn led to the union of the faithful with Christ (v. 3), in view of their ultimate exaltation in the heavenly “marriage with their only husband” (v. 2) at the time of his eschatological arrival. We can therefore conclude that the ‘exaltation’ of the Corinthians was directly caused by the ‘poverty of Christ’ first (cf. 8:9) and then the ‘humbling’ of His servant Paul (cf. 11:7). Thus Paul’s ‘humbling’ in suffering was a continuation of Christ’s ‘poverty’ in His incarnation and death.355 In this way, the ‘humility-exaltation’ expressed in our text is part of salvation history. 2.3.3

Every lofty opinion raised against

The reality was described by the Apostle with the noun τὸ ὕψωμα and the verb ἐπαίρω. 2.3.3.1 3

2 Cor 10:3–5

Ἐν σαρκὶ γὰρ περιπατοῦντες οὐ κατὰ σάρκα στρατευόμεθα, 4 τὰ γὰρ ὅπλα τῆς

στρατείας ἡμῶν οὐ σαρκικὰ ἀλλὰ δυνατὰ τῷ θεῷ πρὸς καθαίρεσιν ὀχυρωμάτων, λογισμοὺς καθαιροῦντες 5 καὶ πᾶν ὕψωμα ἐπαιρόμενον κατὰ τῆς γνώσεως τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ αἰχμαλωτίζοντες πᾶν νόημα εἰς τὴν ὑπακοὴν τοῦ Χριστοῦ

Our text has one small variation. Instead of στρατείας (v. 4) w D2 K L 1175. 1241. 1881 al we have στρατεῖς. The first reading is supported by B2 Ψ 33. 81. 104. 365. 630. 1505. 1739 pm. We will not deal with this issue in detail, primarily because it

353 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 434. 354 Cf. P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 514; Cf. also M.J. Harris, 2 Corinthians, p. 387. 355 Cf. P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 514–515. H. Langkammer puts it a little differently: “The fundamental motive of Paul’s kenosis was religious. He wanted only one thing: that the Corinthians should be united with the exalted Paul in the ecclesial body. It is probably Paul who bears in mind when he writes about the “exaltation” of the Corinthians. H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 169.

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Second Epistle to the Corinthians

does not directly concern the words we are discussing: πᾶν ὕψωμα ἐπαιρόμενον (v. 5). Translation: “3 For though we walk in the flesh, we are not waging war according to the flesh. 4 For the weapons of our warfare are not of the flesh but have divine power to destroy strongholds. 5 We destroy arguments and every lofty opinion raised against the knowledge of God, and take every thought captive to obey Christ”. We have already mentioned that 2 Cor 10–13 deviates in form from the previous chapters, although there is no lack of reference here to the topics undertaken earlier. Often this block is called the defence of apostolic dignity by Paul.356 Our passage (10:3–5) is part of Paul’s response to the accusations made against him by his opponents (10:1–18). In the face of the hostile attitudes of at least some of the members of the Corinthian community, Paul announces a clear position (10:1–6), then he goes on to justify his authority (10:7–11), to indicate his apostolic competence (10:12–18).357 In the text we are discussing, the Apostle refers to military images. This is not the first time he has done so in correspondence with the Corinthians (2:14, 6:7, 1 Cor 9:7). Also in other letters we find this metaphor (Rom 13:12, 1 Thess 5:8, Eph 6:10–20, cf. Phil 2:25, Phlm 2, 1 Tim 1:18).358 Because ‘every lofty opinion’ (πᾶν ὕψωμα) that opposes (ἐπαιρόμενον) ‘the knowledge of God’ (κατὰ τῆς γνώσεως τοῦ θεοῦ), which is why Paul shows the proclamation of the Gospel (cf. 4:6) as a triumphant (military) march of God (cf. 2:14).359 The goal of this fight is to destroy just this, “lofty opinion raised against the knowledge of God”. It reminds us of the letter to the Romans: “For what can be known about God is plain to them, (γνωστὸν τοῦ θεοῦ) because God has shown it to them” (Rom 1:19). This is like the words from the Book of Wisdom: “it was not enough for them to err in their knowledge of God (τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ γνῶσιν), but even though they live in a great war resulting from ignorance, they call such evils peace” (Wis 14:22).360 This “lofty opinion raised against the knowledge of God” is in clear opposition to the meekness of Christ (cf. 10:1), which resulted in hostility to his apostle Paul.361 356 Cf. A.M. Buscemi, San Paolo. Vita, opera, messaggio, Jerusalem 1996, p. 186–187; H. Langkammer, Wprowadzenie do ksiąg Nowego Testamentu [Introduction to the Books of New Testament], p. 165–166. 357 Cf. H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 161. 358 Cf. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 453–454; Cf. also H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 162; J. Lambrecht, Paul’s Appeal and the Obedience to Christ: The Line of Thought in 2 Corinthians 10,1–6, “Biblica” 77 (1996), no. 3, p. 402. 359 C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 217. 360 Cf. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 455. 361 C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 217.

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However, let us try to define more closely what these fortified strongholds were, which crumbled against the arms of the spirit. Perhaps it was about a predilection for human sophism or purely intellectual considerations, what Paul had previously called ‘the wisdom of this world’ (ἡ σοφία τοῦ κόσμου τούτου) (1 Cor 3:19). The phrase πᾶν ὕψωμα, translated as ‘every loftiness’, refers to any human action or attitude that becomes an obstacle to the knowledge of God, contained in the Gospel of Christ crucified, and thus keeps man in slavery to sin. It is, therefore, about the lofty attitude of man, who thus stands up against the knowledge of God.362 2.3.3.2

2 Cor 11:20

ἀνέχεσθε γὰρ εἴ τις ὑμᾶς καταδουλοῖ, εἴ τις κατεσθίει, εἴ τις λαμβάνει, εἴ τις ἐπαίρεται, εἴ τις εἰς πρόσωπον ὑμᾶς δέρει

Translation: “For you bear it if someone makes slaves of you, or devours you, or takes advantage of you, or puts on airs, or strikes you in the face”. In 2 Cor 11:16–12:13 – which has received different names – Paul adopts the attitude of a jester to show that he is also able to defend his apostle’s attitude by using the way the adversaries argue. He begins with an introduction (11:16–21a), then presents the apostolic work (11:21b–29). The following sections are biographical in nature and deal with the adventure in Damascus (11:30–33), the visions and revelations (12:1–7a), and the ‘thorn’ that was given him to keep him from becoming conceited (12:7b–10). The short ending serves to explain why he took this tone in his speech to the Corinthians.363 Our text (11:20) is part of the introduction and deals with the insults the Corinthians suffer. This was caused not by persecution but by the naivety of the Corinthians, who voluntarily passed from the truth of the Gospel to the teaching of false prophets. From the behaviour of the Corinthians towards them, one can deduce what their prudence is worth, since they were not able to recognize their pride properly and accepted their teaching, not rejecting the unworthy treatment and allowed themselves to be guided, tolerating their arrogance and, in addition, providing for them (cf. 11:7–9).364 Once again, Paul using γὰρ, introduces the climax in verses 16–21a. Once again, he also uses the keyword (ἀνέχω) to indicate the actions taken by the Corinthians. In the five enumerated acts of the false apostles they were the subject of their action. Paul repeatedly pointed to pseudo-apostles, both in the plural (10:12, 11:5.12.13.15.18) and the singular in impersonal form (10:6.18, 11:4). Now, he 362 Cf. G. Bertram, G., Hypsos ktl., TWNT VIII, Stuttgart 1969, p. 312; cf. M.J. Harris, 2 Corinthians, p. 380. 363 Cf. H. Langkammer, Pierwszy i Drugi List do Koryntian [The First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians], p. 171–172. 364 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 438.

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Summary

introduces each action with a rhetorical εἴ τις. Each of them in some way relates to the system of slavery and each reflects the master’s negative behaviour towards the slave.365 The first two verbs were strengthened with the κατα prefix, which strengthens their range of meaning. The first case (καταδουλόω) is about bringing someone into a state of slavery in its deepest and shameful form. The second case (κατεσθίω), also stigmatized by the Evangelists (Mark 12:40, Luke 20:47), is about using the seized fruits of someone else’s work (cf. Ps 13:4). The next word (λαμβάνω) literally means ‘take, grasp, seize’.366 In our translation we proposed the translation ‘exploits’, although in reality it is about catching the naive, just like you catch birds in a snare.367 Another verb is ἐπαίρω. It has pejorative overtones and refers to the attitude of ‘being conceited’.368 The final action (εἰς πρόσωπον ὑμᾶς δέρει) is intended to make the powerlessness and helplessness of the Corinthians in the face of the violence imposed on them by the false Apostles. “The verb δέρειν (basically meaning «peeling») as «beating» is a colloquial and almost vulgar word. As far as we know, it was never accepted by the literary Hellenistic language. This «vulgar» character of the verb obviously increases the overemphasis of our phrase”.369 In addition to the literal meaning of these five actions, it is worth noting that they represent an attitude opposite to the good servant of the new covenant, shaped on the model of “the meekness and gentleness of Christ” (2 Cor 10:1). Such a servant gives himself to the people and sacrifices himself for the people in the spirit of self-sacrifice, just as Christ did. The contrast is all the more emphasized because Paul immediately goes on to present how he fulfilled this ministry himself (2 Cor 11:21b–12:13).370 So, taking this into account, we notice that once again the verb (ἐπαίρω) we are interested in stands in opposition to Christ’s meek and gentle attitude, and thus means ‘looking down on others’.

Summary Much less extensive are the Apostle’s statements concerning exaltation in the Scriptures that we study. We believe that the individual passages containing our terminology are divided into two parts of the letter. “A letter in defence of apostolic dignity” (2 Cor 2:14–7:4) contains positive terms (ἐγείρω; 1:9, 4:14, 5:15 and ὑψόω;

365 366 367 368 369 370

Cf. P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 532. Słownik grecko-polski [The Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 3, p. 10–11. Cf. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 463. A verb we already met in 2 Cor 10:5; cf. P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 533. E. Dąbrowski, Listy do Koryntian [The Epistles to the Corinthians], p. 463. Cf. P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 533.

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11:7). In “the letter in tears” (2 Cor 2:14–7:4) pejorative terminology dominates (τὸ ὕψωμα and ἐπαίρω; 10:4–5 and ἐπαίρω; 11:20). In 2 Cor Paul departs from the representation of the resurrection (ἐγερθέντι; 5:15) of Christ as a return to life in a glorified body. He aims more at showing its consequences – the new life of its followers. He further indicates the close connection between the raising of the dead and the raising of Christ. In both texts on this subject, the verb (ἐγείρω) occurs in the formula that is the title of God: “He who raised the Lord Jesus” (ὁ ἐγείρας τὸν κύριον Ἰησοῦν; 4:14) and “He who raises the dead” (τῷ θεῷ τῷ ἐγείροντι τοὺς νεκρούς; 1:9). The first phrase indicates a raising as a kind of prelude to standing before the tribunal of Christ in order to achieve a glorious life. The second, and especially the present participle ἐγείροντι, allows us to believe that the power revealed by God in the raising of Christ (2 Cor 4:14), is now continued in saving the Apostle from oppression (2 Cor 4:8–9, 1:10), and will ultimately be revealed in the future raising of the dead (2 Cor 5:1–10). In this writing, Paul uses the antinomic terms known from the Old Testament and the Synoptic Gospels: ὑψόω and ταπεινόω. In 2 Cor 11:7 they have a moral aspect. Through Paul’s humility (ταπεινῶν) the community is to be exalted (ὑψωθῆτε). This is an ongoing activity in the life of the Apostle. This is indicated by the present participle. In the next part of 2 Cor we come across pejorative terms. First, at 2 Cor 10:4–5, we have πᾶν ὕψωμα ἐπαιρόμενον. It is about every human action or attitude that arises against God, that is to say, it stands in the way of knowing God, which causes man to remain in sin. Then we have ἐπαίρεται in 2 Cor 11:20, which means ‘looking down on’ others, in opposition to Christ’s meekness and gentleness.

2.4

Epistle to the Galatians

The letter has an address slightly different from the ones discussed so far. While Paul’s letters were addressed to specific Christian communities (Romans, Corinthians, etc.), the Letter to the Galatians is addressed “to the Churches in Galatia” (Gal 1:2). It is therefore very likely that a certain group of Christian communities was the recipient. This fact has caused considerable difficulties for the researchers of this letter. In the history of the research, two hypotheses were essentially put forward concerning the addressees of the letter, who might have been the inhabitants of ethnic Galatia proper (northern hypothesis) and administrative Galatia, or the Roman

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Epistle to the Galatians

province (southern hypothesis). It seems that the first hypothesis is more likely.371 The determination of the place and date of writing of the letter is conditional on whether one or the other hypothesis is accepted. Hugolin Langkammer points out that the adoption of the northern hypothesis allows for the letter to be dated at 57372 and, while the southern hypothesis would mean 49/50.373 Although there is still a discussion on the exact date, we can, with a certain degree of probability, conclude after Waldemar Rakocy that “on the basis of the earlier premises, we assume that the Letter to Galatians was created in Ephesus. […] It must be said that the Letter to Galatians could be written by the Apostle at any time during his first two years spent in Ephesus. According to the course of events established so far, the stay extended from the summer 52 to the spring 54. It is highly hypothetical to define the date more closely”.374 In the Letter to the Galatians, Paul uses only terms that are prefixed ἀνα and related: ἀναβαίνω (twice), ἄνωθεν (once), ἄνω (once) and ἐγείρω (once). We arranged them in order of literal and metaphorical meaning. 2.4.1

Going up, ascending

In this letter, Paul uses the verb ἀναβαίνω twice, which refers to the upward movement. Both occurrences can be found in the description of the trip that Paul and Barnabas took to Jerusalem. 2.4.1.1 1

Gal 2:1–2

Ἔπειτα διὰ δεκατεσσάρων ἐτῶν πάλιν ἀνέβην εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα μετὰ Βαρναβᾶ

συμπαραλαβὼν καὶ Τίτον 2 ἀνέβην δὲ κατὰ ἀποκάλυψιν· καὶ ἀνεθέμην αὐτοῖς τὸ εὐαγγέλιον ὃ κηρύσσω ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν, κατ᾽ ἰδίαν δὲ τοῖς δοκοῦσιν, μή πως εἰς κενὸν τρέχω ἢ ἔδραμον

This fragment has several text readings. The first concerns the number. In the manuscript 1241s [Grotius cj] we have τεσσάρων. This would seem to be in line

371 W. Rakocy writes extensively on this subject in Polish, giving all the arguments for this hypothesis; see W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 172–179. 372 This thesis is also supported by A. Paciorek, Paweł Apostoł – Pisma. Część pierwsza [Paul the Apostle – Writings. Part one], p. 138. 373 Cf. H. Langkammer, Wprowadzenie do ksiąg Nowego Testamentu [Introduction to the Books of New Testament], p. 151. 374 W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 179. This opinion is also shared by T. Jelonek, Wprowadzenie do listów świętego Pawła [Introduction to the Epistles of St Paul], Kraków 1998, p. 35–36.

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with the information contained in Gal 1:18, where three (τρία) years are mentioned. Perhaps it was just a simple writing mistake. So we think that reading δεκατεσσάρων is closer to the original. The second case concerns the order of the words πάλιν ἀνέβην. This variant (1) is supported by most manuscripts (P46 ‫ א‬A B K P Ψ 81 614 1739 vg syr(p), h copsa arm). But ἀνέβην πάλιν (2) occurs in D F G a b. while πάλιν ἀνῆλθον (3) occurs in C. The ἀνέβην (4) occurs in vgms bo, Marion according to Tertullian, the Latin translation by of Irenaeus and Ambrosiaster. The second and fourth variants seem to be caused by the context of Gal 2:2, where ἀνέβην occurs at the beginning of the sentence. The third variant, on the other hand, is a reconciliation of the passage with the context of Gal 1:18, where the verb ἀνῆλθον appears.375 Given these arguments, it must be concluded that πάλιν ἀνέβην is a reading closer to the original. Translation: “1 Then after fourteen years I went up again to Jerusalem with Barnabas, taking Titus along with me. 2 I went up because of a revelation and set before them (though privately before those who seemed influential) the gospel that I proclaim among the Gentiles, in order to make sure I was not running or had not run in vain”. Many scholars believe that the events described in Gal 2:1–10 are about the so-called Council of Jerusalem.376 Even if this is not entirely certain,377 we can clearly divide this text into two parts: a) the trip to Jerusalem and the presentation of the Gospel to those who enjoy high regard (2:1–5); b) the acknowledgement of the apostolate of Paul and his Gospel by competent authorities (2:6–10). At the face of it, Paul gives a simple information about his journey from one city to another: he set off together with his faithful colleague Barnabas, and as a witness of their activity they took a Christian of pagan origin, Titus.378 There seems 375 Cf. B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 522. 376 Cf. for example: A. Schmidt, Das historische Datum des Apostelkonzils, “Zeitschrift für die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft” 81 (1990), no. 1–2, p. 122–131; A. Suhl, Ein Konfliktlösungsmodell der Urkirche und seine Geschichte, “Bibel und Kirche” 45 (1990), no. 2, p. 80–86. It is not obvious to all scholars though. 377 For example, W. Rakocy connects the events described in Gal 2:1–10 with Acts 18:22; see W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 162–166. In fact, the author of Acts 15:1–3 does not give information about God’s revelation as the reason behind Paul and Barnabas’ journey to Jerusalem; see W.O. Walker, Why Paul Went to Jerusalem: The Interpretation of Galatians 2:1–5, “The Catholic Biblical Quarterly” 54 (1992), no. 3, p. 507. 378 This is to be found in the commentaries by: H.W. Beyer, Le Lettere Minori di Paolo, Italian transl. G. Forza, Brescia 1980, p. 37; H. Langkammer, List do Galatów [The Epistle to the Galatians], [in:] H. Langkammer, Komentarz teologiczno-pastoralny wszystkich listów św. Pawła Apostoła z okazji Roku świętego Pawła [Theological and Pastoral Commentary on all the Epistles of St Paul the Apostle on the Occasion of the Year of St Paul], vol. 1: Wielkie listy św. Pawła [Great Epistles of St Paul], Legnica 2009, p. 367–368.

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Epistle to the Galatians

to be a difference between the ἀνῆλθον (from ἀνέρχομαι) used in 1:18 and the ἀνέβην (from ἀναβαίνω) used twice in our text. It would not just be a matter of opposing ascent (ἀναβάς) to Caesarea and descent (κατέβη) to Antioch on the way to Jerusalem, about which we read in the parallel text (Acts 18:22).379 It is also about the technical nature of the verb ἀναβαίνω which means upward movement. It would not necessarily be about some theological significance of ‘ascending’ to Jerusalem, the capital of Christianity of that time. Rather, the location of Jerusalem prompted the use of this verb. This verb, then, means, as in the writings of other Greek authors in the classical tenses, an upward movement, towards a hill, a summit. 2.4.2

Elementary principles

This issue was conveyed by the adverb ἄνωθεν, which occurs once in the letter we are discussing, but in a very interesting context. 2.4.2.1

Gal 4:9

νῦν δὲ γνόντες θεόν, μᾶλλον δὲ γνωσθέντες ὑπὸ θεοῦ, πῶς ἐπιστρέφετε πάλιν ἐπὶ τὰ ἀσθενῆ καὶ πτωχὰ στοιχεῖα οἷς πάλιν ἄνωθεν δουλεύειν θέλετε

Codices ‫ א‬B have δουλεύσαι instead of δουλεύειν. The praesentis tense was replaced by the aorist. Such reading was also supported by the former editions of Nestle–Aland. Perhaps this choice was justified by the fact that the use of form in the aorist accentuates the activity as such. It seems that the number of manuscripts supporting the reading of the δουλεύειν (P46 A C D F G Ψ 0278. 33. 1739. 1881 M) has inclined also us to consider it to be closer to the original. Translation: “But now that you have come to know God, or rather to be known by God, how can you turn back again to the weak and worthless elementary principles of the world, whose slaves you want to be once more?” The passage we are discussing is part of a larger unit dedicated to the origin of the Christian sonship of God. At first Paul presents the situation of the heirs before Jesus Christ (4:1–3). He then goes on to briefly present the act of redemption (4:4–5) and the sending of the Holy Spirit (4:6–7). Further on, we read about the warnings against returning to slavery (4:8–11) to finally move on to the encouragement of obedience (4:12–20). The text we are discussing (4:9) seems to have some rhetorical characteristics, with the question playing a key role. Here, however, this question does not focus on the content but on its recipients.380 379 Cf. opinions on the similarities between Gal 2:1–2 and Acts 18:22 in: W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 162. 380 Cf. J. van der Cronjé, The Stratagem of the Rhetorical Question in Galatians 4:9–10 as a Means Towards Persuasion, “Neotestamentica” 26 (1992), no. 2, p. 423–424.

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The Apostle’s statement is centred around two phrases: στοιχεῖα (‘elements’)381 and δουλεύειν (‘serve’). All this is about getting to know God beforehand, or rather being known by Him. The Apostle has at least three reasons to be surprised at the attitude of the Galatians. Firstly, that the addressees of the letter return to the state they had been in before. It is because of the old rather than some new mistake. Secondly, that they turn from what is real to what is not real: “Formerly, when you did not know God, you were enslaved to those that by nature are not gods” (4:8). Thirdly, that they do so after they had been known by God.382 It is in this context that the concept of δουλεύειν, which means ‘to serve’ but in the sense of slave service, re-occurs. It indicates above all the pre-Christian time of the Galatians, which may have been characterized by great fear that the soul might not be pure enough to penetrate these ‘principles of the world’ (τὰ στοιχεῖα τοῦ κόσμου) after death. In this situation any kind of ascetic practice could be important, and the acceptance of the multitude of Judaic commandments could indeed become a return to old life and bondage.383 This submission keeping the Judaist commandments and celebrating “days and months and seasons and years” (4:10) does not lead to a higher level of Christianity, but to falling into a state even worse than that of a heathen. For if one makes salvation dependent on the rigorous observance of these laws, one loses the freedom of the children of God and turns again to the forces of nature, worshipped by the Gentiles; to those ‘principles’ which are “powerless and wretched” in comparison with God384 This term has been incorporated into the address of the freedom of the children of God. For they return to worshiping the ‘elements’, they return again (ἄνωθεν) not to the original faith, but to an even worse state, to slavery to the heathen faith. 2.4.3

Above

Paul did not use the adverb ἄνω very often (see Phil 3:14, Col 3:1). In the letter under discussion now, it occurs once.

381 More on this concept, and the preceding τὰ στοιχεῖα τοῦ κόσμου (4:3) and the analogous τῶν στοιχείων τοῦ κόσμου (Col 2:20) was written, among others, by: C.E. Arnold, Returning to the Domain of the Powers: Stoicheia as Evil Spirits in Galatians 4:3,9, “Novum Testamentum” 38 (1996), no. 1, p. 55–76; D. Rusam, Neue Belege zu den stoicheia tou kosmou (Gal 4,3.9; Kol 2,8.20), “Zeitschrift für die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft” 83 (1992), no. 1–2, p. 119–125; E. Schweizer, Slaves of the Elements and Worshipers of Angels: Gal 4:3, 9 and Col 2:8, 18, 20, “Journal of Biblical Literature” 107 (1988), no. 3, p. 456–464. Usually the commentators focused on these issues. 382 Cf. J.M. Boice, J.M., Galatians, [in:] The Expositor’s Bible Commentary, vol. 10: Romans-Galatians, ed. F.E. Gaebelein, Grand Rapids, MI 1984, p. 475–476. 383 Cf. E. Schweizer, Slaves of the Elements, p. 466. 384 Cf. H.W. Beyer, La Lettera ai Galati, p. 72–73.

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Epistle to the Galatians

2.4.3.1

Gal 4:26

ἡ δὲ ἄνω Ἰερουσαλὴμ ἐλευθέρα ἐστίν, ἥτις ἐστὶν μήτηρ ἡμῶν

In some manuscripts πάνθων was added before ἡμῶν. The longer variant is supported by ‫א‬2 A C3 0261vid , 0278 M a b t vgmss syh ; Latin translation of Irenaeus, while the shorter variant is supported by P46 ‫ *א‬B C* D F G Ψ 6. 33. 1241s . 1505. 1739. 1881. 2464 pc lat syp.hmg co; Martion according to Tertullian, Armenian translation of Irenaeus, Origen and Ambrosiaster. A longer reading matches our passage with Rom 4:16, where Abraham is said to be the father of us all (πάνθων ἡμῶν). It seems, however, that this extension of the pastoral character obscures Paul’s intention to oppose the son of promise to the son of Hagar.385 A shorter reading seems to be closer to the original. Translation: “But the Jerusalem above is free, and she is our mother”. This verse is part of an allegory about the two sons of Abraham (4:21–31).386 One was born of Hagar’s slave, the other of Sarah’s free woman. The full analogy presents itself as follows: Slave Hagar and her ‘natural’ child – Ishmael = old covenant of law, = earthly Jerusalem, = Judaism and slavery under the law.

Free Sara and her child of promise – Isaac = new covenant of faith, = Upper Jerusalem, = Christianity and freedom from the law.387

Isaac, the son of a free woman, is the child of promise (cf. 3:16.18.29) and spirit, while Ishmael, the son of a slave, was born ‘according to the flesh’ (κατὰ σάρκα; 4:23). The Apostle in 4:25–26 juxtaposes ‘present Jerusalem’ (νῦν Ἰερουσαλήμ; v. 25) with ‘the Jerusalem above’. (ἄνω Ἰερουσαλὴμ; v. 26), which indicates a confusion of two metaphors. From the formal point of view, the ‘present’ should correspond to

385 Cf. B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 528. 386 This passage was interpreted in various ways by scholars. Some find similarities and differences in the interpretation of Hagar’s attitude in Genesis 16 and in Paul’s letters; see J.G. Janzen, Hagar in Paul’s Eyes and in the Eyes of Yahweh (Genesis 16): A Study in Horizons, “Horizons in Biblical Theology” 13 (1991), no. 1, p. 1–22. Others point to a rhetorical construction in the argumentation contained in the Letter to the Galatians, based on the antithesis of ‘slavery/freedom’; see J.A. Loubser, The contrast slavery/freedom as persuasive device in Galatians, “Neotestamentica” 28 (1994), no. 1, p. 163–176. Others point to the targumic tradition present in Gal 4:21–31; see M.G. Steinhauser, Gal 4,25a: Evidence of Targumic Tradition in Gal 4,21–31?, “Biblica” 70 (1989), no. 2, p. 234–240. 387 Cf. J.M. Boice, Galatians, p. 483; H.W. Beyer, La Lettera ai Galati, p. 79; C.H. Cosgrove, The Law has given Sarah No Children (Gal. 4:21–30), “Novum Testamentum” 29 (1987), no. 3, p. 225.

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the ‘future’, whereas the ‘above’, i.e. heavenly should correspond to the ‘earthly’.388 The ‘future’ and ‘earthly’ were abandoned here. Furthermore, this antithesis was extended by the verbs τῇ νῦν Ἰερουσαλήμ, δουλεύει (v. 25) in contrast to ἡ δὲ ἄνω Ἰερουσαλὴμ ἐλευθέρα ἐστίν (v. 26). The current Jerusalem is still in captivity, while what s above is free.389 Ancient Judaic tradition claimed that the earthly Jerusalem, exposed to so much destruction, was merely a pale reflection of the heavenly city, the upper city, which would appear at the beginning of the new heaven and new earth. This heavenly – upper – Jerusalem is already present, according to Paul, in the community redeemed by Christ.390 Just as Hagar, a slave, corresponds to the old covenant related to Sinai, and her son, Ishmael, corresponds to Judaism with its centre, which is the earthly Jerusalem; so Sarah, a free woman, corresponds to the new covenant related to Calvary through the blood of Jesus Christ, and her son, Isaac, corresponds to all who have a share in the Church, in Upper Jerusalem, through faith in the sacrifice of Jesus Christ. It doesn’t matter who our father is, for Abraham is the father as much to Judaism as to Christianity. It matters who our mother is. If it is Hagar, we were born only naturally and are still slaves. If it is Sarah, we were born of promise and we are truly free people.391 Summarizing these considerations, we can easily state that the adverb (ἄνω) has a metaphorical meaning in the discussed text, and additionally it is a component of an allegory. ‘Above’ is no less than ‘heavenly’, as opposed to ‘earthly’. It illustrates the reality of members of the Church saved by the blood of Christ. The multitude of these ‘citizens of Jerusalem above’ is illustrated by a quote from Isa 54:1 (Gal 4:27), which refers to the main sentence of Gal 4:26: “the Jerusalem above is free” (ἡ δὲ ἄνω Ἰερουσαλὴμ ἐλευθέρα ἐστίν).392 2.4.4

To raise Jesus from the dead

Paul wrote extensively about the raising from the dead (ἐγείρω) of Jesus in the Epistle to the Romans and the First Letter to the Corinthians. In the letter under discussion now, this fact is already accepted as the truth not requiring a longer lecture, therefore he places this information only once, in the address of the letter.

388 389 390 391 392

Cf. J.M. Boice, Galatians, p. 484. Cf. C.H. Cosgrove, The Law has given Sarah, p. 228. Cf. H.W. Beyer, La Lettera ai Galati, p. 79. Cf. J.M. Boice, Galatians, p. 484. Cf. H.W. Beyer, La Lettera ai Galati, p. 79; C.H. Cosgrove, The Law has given Sarah, p. 226.

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Epistle to the Galatians

2.4.4.1

Gal 1:1

Παῦλος ἀπόστολος οὐκ ἀπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων οὐδὲ δι᾽ ἀνθρώπου ἀλλὰ διὰ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ θεοῦ πατρὸς τοῦ ἐγείραντος αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν

In a text by Martion (2nd century after Chr.), quoted by Jerome (died in 420 after Chr.), the words καὶ θεοῦ πατρὸς […] αὐτὸν were omitted, which would suggest that the raising is the work of Jesus. This variant is strongly to be discarded in terms of external criticism: only one manuscript supports it. Also in terms of internal criticism it is unacceptable: the phrase “He who raised Jesus from the dead” (ὁ ἐγείρας τὸν κύριον Ἰησοῦν) is an honorary title of God (Rom 8:11, 2 Cor 4:14, Gal 1:1, Eph 1:20, Col 2:12).393 So the longer reading is closer to the original. Translation: “Paul, an apostle – not from men nor through man, but through Jesus Christ and God the Father, who raised him from the dead”. Paul usually started his letters with an introduction, which consists of four characteristic elements. The same applies to the Letter to the Galatians: a) sender (v. 1–2b), b) addressees (v. 2b), c) greetings (v. 3–4), d) thanksgiving (v. 5). These elements make up the structure of our fragment. Often one or more elements receive theological substantiation. In our case, the sender and greetings were extended. We are particularly interested in the first element, because this is where we meet the verb that interests us. After mentioning his name, Paul goes straight to presenting his vocation as an apostle. He strongly notes that it does not derive in any way from human ruling. From Acts 1:21–26 we learn that there are two most important conditions for being an apostle: a) being an eyewitness of the life of Jesus Christ from the moment of His baptism in the Jordan, through the resurrection to His ascension; b) being chosen to serve the Lord.394 This applied until Paul, for whom the Lord had chosen a different path: Christophany at Damascus and the appointment as an apostle by the raised Lord.395 We have already mentioned that the phrase θεοῦ πατρὸς τοῦ ἐγείραντος αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν is an honorary title of God. The question remains: Why did Paul refer to it here? Surely, the raising of Jesus is at the centre of God’s plan of salvation, which aims at the perfect fulfilment of life.396 So it seems that Paul, while experiencing the Risen Christ near Damascus, also experienced God the Father, who called his Son, Jesus Christ, to a glorious life. God is the Father above all of Jesus, but also of Paul and all those who have been made famous by Jesus Christ.397 Thus, Paul’s 393 394 395 396 397

Cf. K.H. Rengstorf, Die Auferstehung Jesu, p. 28. Cf. J.M. Boice, Galatians, p. 424. Cf. H. Langkammer, List do Galatów [The Epistle to the Galatians], p. 353–354. L. Scheffczyk, Zmartwychwstanie [Resurrection], p. 208–209. Cf. H. Langkammer, List do Galatów [The Epistle to the Galatians], p. 354.

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appointment as an Apostle was accomplished both by Jesus Christ and by God the Father, who accomplished the most important work in the history of salvation: He raised His Son from the dead. Paul, mentioning God the Father after Jesus Christ, wanted to make it clear that God in his omnipotence is also the cause of his apostolic calling. From this concise mention of the resurrection of Jesus Christ we can see how deeply this truth was rooted in Paul’s theology. It is impossible to understand the verb ἐγείρω differently than in the theological sense. It is no longer just the physical elevation of a person or object, but the ‘elevation’ or even ‘exaltation’ of the person of Jesus Christ to live in glory. This reality bears much fruit for the Christian. In the case of Paul (Gal 1:1) it brought about an apostolic calling.

Summary The Apostle in this letter makes use of two terms already applied and two not used before. We think they constitute a kind of bracket, which also illustrates well the intention of the author. In the beginning we come across ἀναβαίνω (Gal 2:1.2) in a literal sense (‘ascend’ upwards), dictated by the upward movement towards Jerusalem. This meaning was often used in classical and Hellenistic Greek. Later in the letter, or more precisely in Gal 4 we came across two adverbs: ἄνωθεν (4:9) and ἄνω (4:26). The former is a metaphor which means a return to the ‘old’ Galatians’ actions. Although not yet used by Paul before, the term is widely documented in Greek and Hellenistic literature. The latter adverb has a much more elaborate meaning, or rather the allegory in which it functions imposes this meaning. It’s about the Jerusalem ‘above’. However, this is not simply an indication of physical space. It is rather a metaphorical representation of God’s ‘living space’. Participation in it was ensured by the saving work of Jesus Christ. It finds its reflection in the ‘Jerusalem above’ (ἄνω Ἰερουσαλήμ). This is what Paul refers to in the address of his letter, in which he uses the honorary title of God: θεοῦ πατρὸς τοῦ ἐγείραντος αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν (Gal 1:1). In earlier writings (Romans, 1–2 Corinthians), Paul spoke at length about the resurrection of Jesus Christ, which he considered the work of God the Father. Now this title and fact is taken for granted, and even the basic reason for his apostolic ministry.

2.5

Epistle to the Ephesians

From the second century on, all the manuscripts of the letter are entitled “Τo the Ephesians”, and moreover, most of the manuscripts from the fourth century onwards contain the notation “To the saints who are in Ephesus, and are faithful

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Epistle to the Ephesians

in Christ Jesus”.398 However, doubts about the addressees of the letter date back to the 2nd century after Chr. Martion, who died around 150, claimed that the addressees were Laodiceans. This opinion may have resulted from the mention about the “Letter from Laodicea” in Col 4:16. Therefore, in the history of research on this letter, several opinions appeared regarding the addressees. Let us list the three most important: a) a letter to the Laodiceans (Martion);399 b) a circular letter, addressed to many communities, and their addresses would be written each time on the outside of the scroll;400 c) a letter to the Ephesians, in which the address “to the Ephesians” is authentic and was later abandoned by some copyists because they wanted it to be addressed to all the “faithful in Christ Jesus”.401 Summarizing these considerations, it should be noted that the letter to the Ephesians is a letter addressed to a community (or communities) of Christians converted from paganism (probably knowing Paul), to whom it was necessary to remind that Judeo-Christians also belong to the Church.402 The address of the letter to the Ephesians mentions Paul as the author (1:1). Nowadays his direct authorship is untenable, though.403 “In fact, in Ephesians there is probably someone other than the Apostle of the Nations who speaks. The vocabulary, style and language are different from what we find in Paul’s earlier letters. The factual and restrained tone of the Scriptures is strange, as we remember how long the Apostle was in Ephesus. It is also for this reason that the lack of final greetings addressed to individual members of the community in Ephesus must be surprising. There is also no reference to any local event. One could also add that Paul’s writing gives the impression of being authored by someone who enjoys unquestionable authority and is surrounded by true reverence (cf. 3:4–5.7–9.13)”.404 Given these

398 Cf. H. Langkammer, Wprowadzenie do ksiąg Nowego Testamentu [Introduction to the Books of New Testament], p. 186. 399 This opinion would be acceptable provided that the Apostle addressed it not only to this community; see A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], [in:] A. Jankowski, Listy Więzienne świętego Pawła. Do Filipian, do Kolosa, do Filomena, do Efezjan. Wstęp, przekład z oryginału, komentarz [St Paul’s Prison Letters. To the Philippians, to the Colossians, to Philemon, to the Ephesians. Introduction, translation from the original, commentary], Poznań 1962, p. 341. 400 Cf. T. Jelonek, Wprowadzenie do listów świętego Pawła [Introduction to St Paul’s Epistles], p. 80. 401 Cf. A. Paciorek, Paweł Apostoł – Pisma [Paul the Apostle – Writings], Part 2, Tarnów 1996, p. 26. 402 Cf. H. Langkammer, Wprowadzenie do ksiąg Nowego Testamentu [Introduction to the Books of New Testament], p. 192. 403 However, the authorship of Paul is supported by A. Jankowski and T. Jelonek; see A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 342–343; T. Jelonek, Wprowadzenie do listów świętego Pawła [Introduction to St Paul’s Epistles], p. 80–81. 404 A. Paciorek, Paweł Apostoł – Pisma [Paul the Apostle – Writings], part 2, p. 27.

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figures, we can assume that this letter was written in one of the communities of Asia Minor between 80 and 110 after Chr.405 In his Letter to Ephesus, Paul uses terms that are prefixed with ἀνα and related: ἀναβαίνω (3 times), ἐγείρω (twice), συνεγείρω (once) and ἀνίστημι (once) and ἀναλαμβάνω (twice). From the group of terms with the ὑψο stem, we only meet the noun τὸ ὕψος (twice). We arranged them in an order dictated by literal and metaphorical meaning. 2.5.1

Height

The apostle uses the noun τὸ ὕψος twice with which he refers to height. In the first text, it is juxtaposed with the other three ‘dimensions’ (Eph 3:18), the second indicates the direction of movement: ἀναβαίνω (Eph 4:8). That is why we will deal with them in two separate paragraphs. 2.5.1.1

Eph 3:18

[…] ἵνα ἐξισχύσητε καταλαβέσθαι σὺν πᾶσιν τοῖς ἁγίοις τί τὸ πλάτος καὶ μῆκος καὶ ὕψος καὶ βάθος […]

In many manuscripts the order of adjectives ὕψος καὶ βάθος was changed to βάθος καὶ ὕψος. First reading is supported by P46 B C D F G I P 0278. 0285. 33. 81.

(326). 365. 1175 pc lat co; note on the margin of Origen’s 1739 manuscript. The second is supported by: ‫ א‬A Ψ (1505). 1739. 1881 M syh ; (Origen) Jeromept . The importance of the manuscripts seems to suggest that the right order was ὕψος καὶ βάθος. This is the reading that we consider closer to the original. Translation: “[…] may have strength to comprehend with all the saints what is the breadth and length and height and depth […]”. The fragment we are discussing belongs to the dogmatic part. And 3:14–19, which is one long sentence, refers to the thought interrupted in 3:1: “For this reason I, Paul, a prisoner for Christ Jesus on behalf of you Gentiles […]”. The entire thematic unit 3:14–21 is a prayer for the unity of the faithful in Christ. The scholars who undertake to comment on this verse often focus on explaining some important concepts. They usually direct their attention to σὺν πᾶσιν τοῖς ἁγίοις. It could mean ‘all the faithful’,406 but in this context it rather defines ‘apostles’ (cf. 3:5).407 405 Cf. for example, H. Langkammer, Wprowadzenie do ksiąg Nowego Testamentu [Introduction to the Books of New Testament], p. 193; A. Paciorek, Paweł Apostoł – Pisma [Paul the Apostle – Writings], part 2, p. 28. 406 Cf. for example: H. Schlier, Der Brief an die Epheser, Düsseldorf 1958, p. 170–171. 407 Cf. for example: A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 434.

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Epistle to the Ephesians

Then the ‘mysterious’ four dimensions are discussed: τὸ πλάτος καὶ μῆκος καὶ ὕψος καὶ βάθος.408 It was certainly a formula409 known not only to the writer but

also to the addressees. What did it mean? It rather did not mean the universe. This would have been acceptable for Gnostics but not for Christians. Surely, the explanation of its meaning is not easy. Augustyn Jankowski enumerates four possible interpretations: a) traits of wisdom from the Old Testament, b) cosmic formula of Stoic philosophy, c) Judaic speculations about salvation, d) cross as a tool of redemption.410 It is difficult to decide unambiguously which of these concepts is closer to the truth and intentions of the author. Especially since each of them has its own advocates. It seems, however, that Max Zerwick was right when he noticed that it was not the strictly physical dimensions of the universe that were meant, but rather the immensity of Christ’s love, which reached its fullness in His mystery.411 This love was most fully manifested on the cross. This is the oldest and probably most likely interpretation. It would imply the four ‘dimensions’ of the cross as an instrument of the accomplished mystery of redemption, reconciliation, and union according to 2:14–16: “For he himself is our peace, who has made us both one and has broken down in his flesh the dividing wall of hostility by abolishing the law of commandments expressed in ordinances, that he might create in himself one new man in place of the two, so making peace, and might reconcile us both to God in one body through the cross, thereby killing the hostility”. The cross would thus be a symbol of the expanding fruits of redemption to the whole cosmos (Irenaeus, Origen, Jerome, Gregory of Nyssa, Augustine).412 In the detailed sense, ‘height’ (τὸ ὕψος) means a reality prepared for all believers where Christ is seated “far above all rule and authority and power and dominion” (1:21). It is therefore understandable that it was Christ’s love that was most fully manifested and completed on the cross, when Christ “gave himself up for us, a fragrant offering and sacrifice to God” (5:2, cf. 5:25).413 The noun τὸ ὕψος, in this context, formally means ‘height’. However, it is closely linked to the soteriology

408 More on the biblical and extrabiblical context: H. Schlier, Der Brief an die Epheser, p. 170–173; Cf. also N.A. Dahl, Cosmic Dimensions and Religious Knowledge (Eph 3:18), [in:] Jesus und Paulus. Festschrift für Werner Georg Kümmel zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. E.E. Ellis, E. Grässer, Göttingen 1975, p. 57–75. 409 This is evidenced by the use of only one article for all four terms, which indicates that they were treated as one. 410 These hypotheses are analysed in detail in “The meaning of ‘four dimensions’”; cf. A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 551–555. 411 Cf. M. Zerwick, Der Brief an die Epheser (Geistliche Schriftlesung 10), Düsseldorf 1961, p. 107. 412 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 435; cf. also H. Schlier, Der Brief an die Epheser, p. 173. 413 Cf. M. Zerwick, The Letter to the Ephesians, p. 107.

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of the New Testament and expresses a reality in which Christ already has a share through passion, death and resurrection, a reality that is prepared for. 2.5.2

Ascend on high

The use of two terms (ἀναβαίνω i τὸ ὕψος) was put together in a single pericope of the letter under discussion (4:8–10). In this passage, these terms are so connected in terms of meaning that they should not be separated for purely interpretative purposes. Anyway, even if we did, it would be purely academic. 2.5.2.1 8

Eph 4:8–10

διὸ λέγει· ἀναβὰς εἰς ὕψος ᾐχμαλώτευσεν αἰχμαλωσίαν, ἔδωκεν δόματα τοῖς ἀν-

θρώποις. 9 τὸ δὲ ἀνέβη τί ἐστιν, εἰ μὴ ὅτι καὶ κατέβη εἰς τὰ κατώτερα [μέρη] τῆς γῆς; 10 ὁ καταβὰς αὐτός ἐστιν καὶ ὁ ἀναβὰς ὑπεράνω πάντων τῶν οὐρανῶν, ἵνα πληρώσῃ τὰ πάντα

In verse 8 in some manuscripts we read καί before ἔδωκεν. The longer reading is supported by ‫א‬2 B C*.3 D2 Ψ 1739. 1881. M sy; Marius Victorinus. The shorter one is supported by P46 ‫ *א‬A C2 D* F G 33. 1241s . 2464 pc latt; Latin translation of Irenaeus. In terms of internal criticism of the text, the addition of the conjunction introduces equivalence of actions expressed by the verbs ἀναβὰς and ἔδωκεν. However, in this case it seems to be a secondary syntax version, although more correct.414 The secondary importance of the longer reading is also confirmed by external criticism of the text. It is documented by fewer manuscripts, whereas those supporting the shorter reading are not only more numerous but also more important. We assume that reading without καί is closer to the original. In verse 8 we have ἐν instead of an article before ἀνθρώποις in F G 614. 630. 2464 pc vgms ; Jeromept . The reading containing the preposition ἐν seems to be reconciled with the quotation from LXX, where it occurs. Considering the internal criticism of the text, it seems that reading with the article τοῖς is closer to the original. In verse 9 we have πρῶτον after κατέβη in B C3 Ψ M f mc vg sy samss ; Eusebius of Caesarea. The shorter reading is supported by P46 ‫ *א‬A C* D F G Ivid 082. 6. 33. 81. 1241s . 1739. 1881 pc it vg mss sams bo; Latin translation of Irenaeus, Clement in Ex Theodoto and Ambrosiaster. The longer reading seems to explain the sequence of events: first (πρῶτον) Christ ‘descended’ and then ‘ascended’. If this particular reading (from πρῶτον) was original, it would be difficult to explain why it was

414 Cf. B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 536.

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abandoned in some manuscripts.415 We think that the shorter reading is closer to the original also because adding πρῶτον seems to be a natural attempt to clarify the text by the copyist.416 Also in verse 9, μέρη was left out in P46 D* F G it; Latin translation of Irenaeus, Clement in Ex Theodoto and Ambrosiaster. The longer reading is supported by ‫ א‬A B C D2 I Ψ 33. 1739. 1881 M f vg. As we notice many important manuscripts feature the shorter version. Given the context, the longer reading would explain the incomprehensible text τὰ κατώτερα τῆς γῆς.417 As far as the witnesses to the text are concerned, it would seem that the longer reading would be characteristic of Western tradition. However, the Alexandria papyrus P46 (from about 200 after Chr.), which also contains a longer reading, contradicts this hypothesis.418 Thus, taking into account both the considerable number of witnesses to the shorter reading and the importance of the ancient papyrus P46 , we believe that the longer reading is closer to the original. We mark our doubts concerning the inclusion of μέρη in square brackets.419 Translation: “8 Therefore it says, «When he ascended on high he led a host of captives, and he gave gifts to men». 9 (In saying, «He ascended», what does it mean but that he had also descended into the lower regions, the earth? 10 He who descended is the one who also ascended far above all the heavens, that he might fill all things)”. This text is a fragment of a larger entity that speaks of the variety of spiritual gifts in one Body (4:7–16). First, the author makes a thesis (v. 7), which is later confirmed by a quote from Ps 67[68]:19 (v. 8); the quote itself was later interpreted (v. 9–10). For it is necessary to first comprehend the intention of Christ, who established his church (4:7–12), to grow to full maturity (4:13–15), for He is the principle of life and growth (4:16).420 The whole argument in support of the thesis contained in verse 7 is opened by the introductory διὸ λέγει (4:8) with the inferred ἡ γραφὴ (see Rom 4:3). A similar formula is known from Eph 5:14, Rom 15:10, 2 Cor 6:2, Gal 3:16. The quotation itself is different from the source. In TM and LXX we have the second person singular (ᾐχμαλώτευσας), while in Eph we have the third person singular (ᾐχμαλώτευσεν).

415 Cf. W. Hall Harris III, The Ascent and Descent of Christ in Ephesians 4:9–10, “Bibliotheca Sacra” 151 (1994), no. 2, p. 201–202. 416 Cf. B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 536. 417 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 445. 418 Cf. W. Hall Harris III, The Ascent and Descent, p. 203. 419 The publishers of Novum Testamentum Graece (Nestle–Aland) also had the same doubts, because they also placed μέρη in square brackets. Cf. also a commentary in: B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 537. 420 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 359.

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Besides, MT and LXX we have: ‘took the gifts’ (ἔλαβες δόματα), while in Eph we have the opposite: ‘gave gifts’ (ἔδωκεν δόματα). Numerous hypotheses have emerged in the history of research on this issue. One seems most probable. Already in the rabbinical tradition, Ps 68:19 was referred to Moses, with the change from ‘you received’ to ‘you took’ – namely the Torah. The author of Ef is thought to have been referring to such a text.421 This thesis is also confirmed by the Aramaic targumim and the translation of Peshitta, which have the same change in the quotation of Ps 68:19. We can conclude that they just reflect an oral rabbinical tradition, while Eph 4:8 already has its written form.422 The following verses (4:9–10) are a kind of midrash to the quoted Psalm 68:19, based on three terms: ἀναβαίνω, καταβαίνω and τὰ δόματα. Everything is arranged in a chiasm: ἀνέβη (v. 9a), κατέβη (v. 9b), ὁ καταβὰς (v. 10a), ὁ ἀναβὰς (v. 10b).423 Without doubt, in the first case, the ἀναβαίνω, used in the aorist (v. 9a), is closely related to the εἰς ὕψος (v. 8) and means ascending ‘above all the heavens’ (cf. v. 10). It would be a movement that Christ made after the previous κατέβη (v. 9b).424 With some generalization, we can say that this is about Ascension. In the second case (ὁ ἀναβὰς; v. 10b) it is not so much a matter of establishing a certain chronology of Christ’s actions as to identify the ‘one who has descended’ (ὁ καταβὰς) with ‘the one who ascended’ (ὁ ἀναβὰς).425 Here, too, it’s about the Ascension ‘beyond all the heavens’ (v. 10). The phrase ὑπεράνω πάντων τῶν οὐρανῶν refers to OT phrases (Deut 10:14, 1 Kings 8:27, 2 Chron 2:6, Ps 68:34, 148:4, Sir 16:18) and to the Judaic concept of the division of heaven (cf. 2 Cor 12:2). The author of Eph 4:8–10 thus emphasized Christ’s absolute authority over everything (cf. 1:8–10.20–23, 2:2).426

421 Cf. H. Schlier, Der Brief an die Epheser, 191–195; A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 444; H. Conzelmann, Der Brief an die Epheser, [in:] Die kleineren Briefe des Apostels Paulus, ed. H.W. Beyer, P. Althaus, H. Conzelmann, G. Friedrich, A. Oepke, Göttingen 1968, p. 76. 422 Cf. R. Dormandy, The Ascended Christ and His Gifts, “The Expository Times” 109 (1998), no. 7, p. 206–207. More on the issue of changes in quoting the Psalm in: R.A. Taylor, The Use of Psalm 68:18 in Ephesians 4:8 in Light of the Ancient Versions, “Bibliotheca Sacra” 148 (1991), no. 591, p. 324–335. 423 Cf. W. Hall Harris III, The Ascent and Descent, p. 206. 424 We do not discuss here the meaning of the verb καταβαίνω, which in this context may mean both descending to the abyss (cf. for example, A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 445), and incarnation, that is, descending to earth (cf. for example, H. Schlier, Der Brief an die Epheser, p. 191–195). 425 Cf. W. Hall Harris III, The Ascent and Descent, p. 206. 426 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 446.

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2.5.3

To raise Jesus and the faithful from the dead

Many times, Paul referred to God’s action in relation to Christ, which consisted in raising him from the dead. Also in Eph we find one such reference making use of the verb ἐγείρω. Here, however, we also find the compound verb συνεγείρω, which describes the raising of the addressees of the letter.427 2.5.3.1

Eph 1:20

Ἣν ἐνήργησεν ἐν τῷ Χριστῷ ἐγείρας αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν καὶ καθίσας ἐν δεξιᾷ αὐτοῦ ἐν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις

Instead of ἐνήργησεν we have ἐνήργηκεν. The first reading is supported by ‫ א‬D F G Ψ 0278. 33. 1739. 1881 M. The second is documented in A B 81 pc. The change from aorist (ἐνήργησεν) to perfectum (ἐνήργηκεν) seems to have been designed to indicate a lasting effect of the action. Therefore, we believe that not only external criticism (the multiplicity of documents) but also internal criticism (the reasons for the change made) support the reading of ἐνήργησεν as original. We have ἐκαθίσεν in place of καθίσας in D F G M b r Ambrosiaster, whereas Ψ has ἐκαθίσεν αὐτόν. In some manuscripts we read καθίσας αὐτόν (‫ א‬A 33. 81. 2464. l 249 pc g vgmss ; Martion according to Tertullian, Eusebius of Caesarea and Marius Victorinus). Καθίσας is supported by P92vid B 0278. 104. 365. 1175. 1505. 1739. 1881 pc a f t vg. The participle καθίσας seems more difficult and therefore more likely. If the author had used the aorist tense, then it would have been harmonized with the first verb form, also expressed in the aorist tense (ἐνήργησεν). It seems, however, that καθίσας matches ἐγείρας, and both participles refer to God’s action in Christ (ἐνήργησεν ἐν τῷ Χριστῷ). An addition in the form of the personal pronoun αὐτόν (in various variants), seems to harmonize this part of the passage with the phrase ἐγείρας αὐτὸν. We believe, therefore, that the reading καθίσας is closer to the original. In some manuscripts, instead of ἐπουρανίοις we read οὐρανίοις. This reading is found in B 365. 629 pc syph ; Marius Victorinus. The reading without the prefix seems to be harmonised with the preceding context. In 1:10 the noun τοῖς οὐρανίοις was used, while the adjective οὐρανίοις in Eph does not appear at all. We believe that the reading with the prefix is closer to the original. Translation: “[…] that he worked in Christ when he raised him from the dead and seated him at his right hand in the heavenly places”.

427 This material has been partially developed and published earlier; see S. Stasiak, Zmartwychwstanie Chrystusa w hymnach chrystologicznych św. Pawła [Resurrection of Christ in the Christological Hymns of St Paul], “Verbum Vitae” 15 (2009), no. 1, p. 234–236.

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Not everyone considers the text we are discussing as a Christological hymn.428 It seems, however, that Eph 1:17–23 is a hymn that meets all the conditions of this literary genre; also given by H. Langammer: 1) conciseness of speech, 2) hymnodic character and 3) third person singular.429 With these criteria in mind, we can safely say that our passage meets them and is a hymn, though not really Christological, for ‘He’ in Eph 1:17–23 is God the Father, who takes a number of steps to exalt Jesus Christ.430 The author in verse 20, continuing the prayer, actually begins a new hymn about the exaltation of Christ.431 The first words of the hymn are based on the relationship that exists between ‘power’ (ἡ δύναμις) and its visible signs in the work of redemption (cf. Rom 1:16, 1 Cor 1:18.24). This includes ‘raising from the dead’ (See Acts 2:24, Rom 1:4, 1 Cor 6:14, 2 Cor 13:4, Phil 3:10). In our text, these lasting effects of God’s action were highlighted in the first words: “that [power and might] he worked in Christ when he raised him from the dead (ἐγείρας αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν)”. This sentence has been repeated many times in the New Testament (Acts 3:15, 4:10, 5:30, 10:40, 13:37, 1 Thess 1:10, 1 Cor 6:14, 15:15, 2 Cor 4:14, Gal 1:1, Rom 4:24, 8:11, 10:9, Col 2:12, 1 Pet 1:21) and is the most basic formula of the original Church’s faith.432 Further elements are the consequences of the ‘raising’ of Christ: a fundamental event in the whole divine plan of salvation of the event. Here it is only a prelude to the exaltation of Christ: “seated him at his right hand in the heavenly places”.433 The resurrection – the resurrection of Christ – is the first and foremost level of exaltation. Almost always (because 26 times) Paul, describing this reality, uses the verb ἐγείρω (‘raise from the dead’). The exceptions are Rom 1:4, Phil 3:10, 1 Thess 4:14 (cf. also Rom 6:5), where we have the verb ἀνίστημι (‘rise from the dead’) or the noun ἡ ἀνάστασις (‘resurrection’). The word ἐγείρω (‘raise from the dead’), especially used in the active voice, has always God for the subject. As in our text, the raising from the dead is also the work of God’s power (cf. Rom 1:4, 1 Cor 6:14, 2 Cor 13:4, Phil 3:10). The raising of Christ, as a guarantee of the rising from the 428 Cf. for example, the list of the New Testament Christological hymns, which is included in the H. Langkammer, Teologia Nowego Testamentu. Część druga: Paweł, List do Hebrajczyków [The Theology of New Testament. Part Two: Paul, The Epistle to the Hebrews], Wrocław 1984, p. 35. 429 Cf. Ibid, 33. 430 This is also how A. Jankowski classifies it: “The longest, preliminary hymn, classified in terms of literary genre as eulogy, praises the saving plan of God. Although it is directed to God the Father, in its content it is all about Christ as a mediator of salvation. A. Jankowski, Rozwój chrystologii Nowego Testamentu [The Development of the Christology in New Testament], Kraków 2005, p. 84. 431 Cf. H. Conzelmann, Der Brief an die Epheser, p. 63. 432 Cf. H. Schlier, Der Brief an die Epheser, Düsseldorf 1958, p. 87. 433 Cf. W. Hall Harris III, “The Heavenlies” Reconsidered: Ouranos and Epouranios in Ephesians, “Bibliotheca Sacra” 148 (1991), no. 589, p. 76–77.

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death of sin through baptism, is found in Col 2:12: “[…] having been buried with him in baptism, in which you were also raised with him (συνηγέρθητε) through faith in the powerful working of God, who raised him from the dead (ἐγείραντος). As a guarantee of universal resurrection, we see in 2 Cor 4:14: “[…] knowing that he who raised (ἐγείρας) the Lord Jesus will raise us also with Jesus and bring (ἐγερεῖ) us with you into his presence. And let’s also note that ‘power’ (ἡ δύναμις; v. 19), which is mentioned here, may concern both the resurrection of Christ and the universal raising from the dead.434 2.5.3.2

Eph 2:6

καὶ συνήγειρεν καὶ συνεκάθισεν ἐν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ

Translation: “[…] and raised us up with him and seated us with him in the heavenly places in Christ Jesus”. In 2:4–10 the author presents a picture of God’s mercy shown in the work of redemption. The individual phases of this redemption are expressed by ἐν Χριστῷ (2:6.7.10). Verses 5 and 6 are a kind of central section in which we find verbs with the prefix συν: συζωοποιέω (2:5), συνεγείρω and συγκαθίζω (2:6).435 Heinrich Schlier correctly notes that this threefold use of the verbs with the prefix συν expresses a share in the saving work of Christ through baptism. Every believer through this sacrament dies, unites with Christ, returns to life (συνεζωοποίησεν; v. 5), is raised with him (συνήγειρεν; v. 6), and even planted (συνεκάθισεν; v. 6) in the heavenly places. The key to understanding their meaning is the final ἐν Χριστῷ (v. 10), which indicates, in the classic formula characteristic of Paul’s letters, the One through whom this is done.436 The word συνεγείρω occurs as a central verb. It refers to the solidarity with Christ in His being raised, as mentioned in 1:20. Here it refers to the bodily raising of Christ, who is ‘the firstborn from the dead’ (Col 1:18).437 The aorist used here may be surprising because Paul, on such occasions, usually used a future tense (cf. for example, 1 Cor 15:52, 2 Cor 4:14). “The aorist states a past fact as a fact of redemption, involving both a concrete application to individual believers at the time of their baptism and the eschatological perspective contained in it in nuce,

434 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 384–385. 435 Such a regularity was indicated in our passage by J. Pfammatter, Epheserbrief , [in:] J. Pfammatter, Epheserbrief. Kolosserbrief , Stuttgart 1990, p. 20. 436 Cf. H. Schlier, Der Brief an die Epheser, 110–112. Similarly, L. Scheffczyk writes about this reality, and calls it a participation in God’s salvation and life; cf. L. Scheffczyk, Zmartwychwstanie [Resurrection], p. 238–239. 437 Cf. S. Stasiak, Zmartwychwstanie Chrystusa [The Resurrection of Christ], p. 236–238, for the meaning of this phrase as synonymous with the resurrection of Christ.

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which is even more evident in the example of the second act: «and together he planted in the heavenly heights – in Christ Jesus – the correlate of the planting of Christ at the right hand of the Father from 1:20»”.438 We may therefore think that the author thus wanted to point out an aspect of the already accomplished work of salvation by using the metaphor of the raising from the dead (Eph 2:6, cf. Col 2:12, 3:1) and assumption (Eph 2:6, cf. Col 1:13).439 So let us note that the verbs we analyse (ἐγείρω and συνεγείρω) mean raising from the dead. A metaphor for baptism is clear, a baptism that carries the fruits of the saving passion, death, resurrection and ascension of Christ Jesus. 2.5.4

Awake and arise from the dead

According to the teaching of 1 Cor 15, among other things, the raising of the faithful is the consequence of bringing Christ back to life. This reference is also found once in Eph expressed by the verbs ἐγείρω and ἀνίστημι.440 2.5.4.1

Eph 5:14

πᾶν γὰρ τὸ φανερούμενον φῶς ἐστιν. διὸ λέγει· ἔγειρε, ὁ καθεύδων, καὶ ἀνάστα ἐκ τῶν νεκρῶν, καὶ ἐπιφαύσει σοι ὁ Χριστός

In several manuscripts instead of ἐπιφαύσει σοι ὁ Χριστός we read ἐπιψαύσεις τοῦ Χριστοῦ. This last reading is supported by D* b; Marius Victorinus, Ambrosi-

aster and some manuscripts of John Chrysostom. It seems that a small number of documents makes the reading of ἐπιφαύσει σοι ὁ Χριστός more likely and therefore closer to the original. In addition, we can see that the reading of ἐπιψαύσεις (‘you will touch’) is based on the legend that the cross of Christ was put up in the place of Adam’s tomb, the first man to rise from the dead when Christ’s blood touched his bones.441 We therefore believe that reading ἐπιφαύσει σοι ὁ Χριστός is closer to the original.

438 A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 395. 439 G.F. Wessels notes that in the proto-Pauline letters the metaphor of Christ’s death and cross is used to describe the accomplished aspect of salvation, and the resurrection was reserved for the future eschatological aspect of salvation. The believers died with Christ and were freed from sin by death (Rom 6:7). They have already been justified, but will only be saved when He comes again. Paul only uses the verb σῴζω in the past tense once, but he immediately identifies this state by adding ‘in hope’ (Rom 8:24). In Eph and Col not only the metaphor of the cross was used to describe the realized aspect of salvation, but also the metaphor of resurrection and the ascension. Cf. G.F. Wessels, The Eschatology of Colossians and Ephesians, “Neotestamentica” 21 (1987), no. 2, p. 185–186. 440 This material has been partially developed and published earlier; see S. Stasiak, Zmartwychwstanie Chrystusa [The Resurrection of Christ], p. 243–244. 441 Cf. B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 540.

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Translation: “[…] for anything that becomes visible is light. Therefore it says, «Awake, O sleeper, and arise from the dead, and Christ will shine on you»”. The text we are discussing is a kind of conclusion of the entire section (5:8–14), in which the Apostle presents the application of the precepts of Christian morality based upon the contrast between light and darkness. Scientists are actually agree that we are dealing here with an old Christian song that was used in baptismal liturgy.442 This hymn was introduced with the characteristic ‘therefore it says’ (διὸ λέγει) which links the hymn to what was said earlier.443 In this verse there are two verbs that are related to the resurrection: ἐγείρω and ἀνίστημι. This time they concern believers and not Christ himself. Let us stop a little bit over the content that this early Christian hymn conveys to us. The meaning of the first call (‘awake’) was known to authors of Greek classical literature.444 The meaning is quite obvious: ‘to rise from sleep, to wake up’. However, the context, at least of some Greek classic texts,445 indicates the mysterious nature of this call. Perhaps this is a testimony to the awareness of the author of the hymn as to the initiation character of the sacrament of baptism.446 Already this phrase introduces us to the mystery of the believer’s participation in the resurrection of Christ. This is much more clearly stated in the following words: ‘and rise from the dead’. The theoretical possibility of returning to life – the resurrection of man was known to classical authors.447 Here, however, it takes on a metaphorical meaning precisely in the context of baptismal liturgy (cf. Eph 2:1.5–6, Col 2:13). Thus, participation in the resurrection of Christ is possible through the sacrament of baptism, which not only frees us from original sin but also gives us a share in His grace.448 2.5.5

Taking up (the armour)

This action is described by the verb ἀναλαμβάνω. This verb was used by the author of Eph twice in a similar context and in the same pericope (6:10–20).

442 Cf. H. Conzelmann, Der Brief an die Epheser, p. 85. 443 Cf. the meaning of this conjunction is given in: R. Popowski, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great Greek-Polish Dictionary of New Testament], p. 139. 444 Cf. Homer, Iliad 10.159; Odyssey 15.46; 23.5; Hesiod, Works and Days 573; Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica 1.1105; 2.16; 2.884; 3.294; 3.752; 4.671. More on the occurrence of egeiro in this sense in Greek classical literature is discussed by H. Schlier, Der Brief an die Epheser, p. 240–242. 445 Cf., for example, Aristophanes, The Frogs 340. 446 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 476. 447 Cf. Homer, Iliad 21.56; 24.551. 756; Herodotus, The Histories 3.62.4. 448 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 476.

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2.5.5.1

Eph 6:13

διὰ τοῦτο ἀναλάβετε τὴν πανοπλίαν τοῦ θεοῦ, ἵνα δυνηθῆτε ἀντιστῆναι ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ πονηρᾷ καὶ ἅπαντα κατεργασάμενοι στῆναι

Translation: “Therefore take up the whole armour of God, that you may be able to withstand in the evil day, and having done all, to stand firm”. The authors of the studies have different views of the context of our verse. Verses 6:10–20 are usually seen as unit which contains an encouragement for spiritual warfare.449 The aforementioned ‘strength of God’s might’ (v. 10), the most important factor in spiritual combat, is not everything. Now God provides the faithful with means of defence, so that “you may be able to stand against the schemes of the devil” (v. 11). The author of Eph, metaphorically describes these measures as ‘whole armour of God’ (v. 11 and 13). After showing the right enemy and his spiritual power, the author returns to the call: “Take up the whole armour of God” (ἀναλάβετε τὴν πανοπλίαν τοῦ θεοῦ), as in 6:11. Here we see two differences. First of all, it is about a new point of view or a new motivation. It is about a preparation for an ‘evil day’ (ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ πονηρᾷ). Taking into account the previous context (v. 11), this would imply a more or less eschatological time of intensified attacks by evil powers.450 In our verse, a verb different from 6:11 is used.451 The term ἀναλαμβάνω usually appears in texts that deal with combat tools.452 It’s about ‘putting on’ a fighting tool. In our context, this is about ‘whole armour of God’ (τὴν πανοπλίαν τοῦ θεοῦ). This is the hope of victory in this battle. For Christ is God’s true armour, which in the individual elements is called: armour (ὁ θώραξ, v. 14), shield (ὁ θυρεός; v. 16), helmet (ἡ περικεφαλαία; v. 17) and sword (ἡ μάχαιρα; v. 17). God’s armour is ready, but it must be put on so that it “may be able to withstand in the evil day, and having done all, to stand firm” (6:13).453 This is evidenced by the command mode used by the author, ἀναλάβετε (‘take up!’). It seems, therefore, that the verb analysed here is used in Eph 6:13 in a fairly common classical Greek and Hellenistic sense: ‘take up’ the fighting tool.

449 Cf. for example, H. Conzelmann, Der Brief an die Epheser, p. 89; A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 360. An interesting interpretation is given by A.T. Lincoln, who analyses this unit from a rhetorical perspective: see A.T. Lincoln, “Stand, Therefore…”: Ephesians 6:10–20 as Peroratio, “Biblical Interpretation” 3 (1995), no. 1, p. 99–114. 450 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 499. 451 In 6:11 we meet ἐνδύω, which means literally ‘he dressed, he put on’; cf. R. Popowski, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great Greek-Polish Dictionary of New Testament], p. 199. 452 Cf. Herodotus, The Histories 3.78.2; Deut 1:41, Jdt 6:12, 7:5, 14:3, 2 Macc 10:27, Jer 26:3. Cf. H. Schlier, Der Brief an die Epheser, p. 292. 453 Cf. M. Zerwick, Der Brief an die Epheser, p. 179–180.

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Epistle to the Ephesians

2.5.5.2

Eph 6:16

ἐν πᾶσιν ἀναλαβόντες τὸν θυρεὸν τῆς πίστεως, ἐν ᾧ δυνήσεσθε πάντα τὰ βέλη τοῦ πονηροῦ [τὰ] πεπυρωμένα σβέσαι […]

In some manuscripts, in place of the first ἐν we read ἐπί (A D F G Ψ M; Ambrosiaster and Jerome), while the first reading is supported by P46 ‫ א‬B P 0278. 33. 104. 1175. 1739. 1881. 2464 pc latt; Methodius of Olympus. Given the internal criticism of the text, the reading with the preposition ἐν is a more difficult and therefore more likely. This reading is also supported by external criticism of the text; it is supported by manuscripts much older and heavier. We therefore believe that it is this reading (ἐν + dativus) that is closer to the original. Later in the same verse, the article before the πεπυρωμένα was left out in P46 B D* F G, while it is preserved in ‫ א‬A D2 Ψ 0278. 33. 1739. 1881 M. It is extremely difficult to decide which variant is more likely. Both are supported by significant manuscripts. Both would be justified in terms of internal criticism of the text. It seems that the variant with the article is grammatically more correct, hence we prefer this one, but because of the strong support in many manuscripts of the variant without the article, we put it in square brackets. Translation: “In all circumstances take up the shield of faith, with which you can extinguish all the flaming darts of the evil one […]”. As mentioned above, our text is part of Unit 6:10–20, which contains an encouragement for spiritual combat. It seems, however, that a closer context is provided by verses 14–17, in which particular elements of armament are listed: belt, armour, shoes, shield, helmet and sword, to which they correspond: ‘truth’ (ἡ ἀλήθεια; v. 14a), ‘justice’ (ἡ δικαιοσύνη; v. 14b), ‘peace’ (ἡ εἰρήνη; v. 15), ‘faith’ (ἡ πίστις; v. 16), ‘salvation’ (τὸ σωτήριον; v. 17a) and ‘God’s Word’ (τὸ ῥῆμα θεοῦ; v. 17b). We do not want to focus on discussing a whole verse or even a section. We rather mean to emphasize the meaning of the verb ἀναλαμβάνω used here. Before the author used this word, he introduced the whole sentence with the phrase ἐν πᾶσιν. It certainly refers to what is following.454 It can have at least two meanings and therefore two translations: ‘in any situation’ or ‘for anything’. In the former case it would be about the necessity of faith, in the latter case it would be about the completion of full armament. The first significance is indicated by the fact that not all the elements of armament have already been mentioned. Moreover, the leading and indispensable role of faith in relation to truth, justice and peace, as referred to in verses 14–15, seems to have been thus demonstrated.455

454 Cf. H. Schlier, Der Brief an die Epheser, p. 296. 455 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 502.

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The author encourages you to ‘take up’ (ἀναλαμβάνω) faith as a shield. Not insignificant is the term ὁ θυρεός, which means a large shield that screened the entire warrior, as opposed to a small round shield.456 In comparison with the previous phrase, this means the function of faith in the face of “evil” attacks – it is to protect against bullets.457 Thus, being clothed in (ἀναλαμβάνω) faith becomes a condition not only for truth, justice and peace, but also for the effectiveness of salvation and the work of God’s Word. This is the metaphorical meaning of this verb. Literally, however, in our context, it refers to the reality of putting on a warrior’s outfit, specifically a shield.

Summary The letter to the Ephesians is dominated by terms that assume theological meaning. So first we meet τὸ ὕψος (Eph 3:18), which from a formal point of view is a dimension: ‘height’. The direct meaning is literal, but together with the other dimensions it functions in the metaphor of the immensity of God’s love, which is most fully revealed in the cross. Height itself is a share in this reality, which Jesus Christ entered through the cross. This is indicated by another text in which we meet the same noun – Eph 4:8. This is a metaphor for ‘the highest heavens’. This meaning is confirmed by the use of a pair of terms well known in classical and Hellenistic Greek: ἀναβαίνω/καταβαίνω (Eph 4:8–10). In the first (ἀναβὰς; v. 8) and the second (ἀνέβη; v. 9) case, we can say – with some generalization – that it is a movement towards the Mount of Christ, or Ascension. In the third case (v. 10), it is a matter of identifying the ‘One who has descended’ (ὁ καταβὰς) with him ‘who ascended’ (ὁ ἀναβὰς). Of course, also in relation to Christ. In many places, Paul wrote in many letters about the raising of Jesus Christ and the role of this event in the future raising of the dead. It is no different in the letter we are discussing. First of all, we talk about the salvific work of God, who showed his power in Christ by “raising him from the dead (ἐγείρας αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν) and seating him at his right hand in the heavenly places” (Eph 1:20). We continue to read about the participation of the dead in this raising: “[…] and raised us up with him (συνήγειρεν) and seated us with him in the heavenly places in Christ Jesus” (Eph 2:6). This was repeated in the baptismal formula in Eph 5:14.

456 Cf. M. Zerwick, Der Brief an die Epheser, p. 183; A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 502. 457 However, the verb σβέσαι (from σβέννυμι) is still used, which means ‘to extinguish’. In this way, the author pointed to another function of faith, which is also supposed to annihilate the harmfulness of ‘evil’ missiles. Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 502.

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Epistle to the Philippians

In the letter to the Ephesians we come across yet another verb referring to the height category. It is ἀναλαμβάνω. Regardless of the metaphorical context of both applications (6:13.16), the meaning of the verb itself is literal: ‘take up’.

2.6

Epistle to the Philippians

The traditional view is that the letter to the Philippians, together with letters to the Ephesians, Colossians and Philomena, belongs to a group called Prison letters. However, internal analysis of this document shows some differences, which have led a large group of exegeses to the conclusion that the Prison letters were written at different times, and more precisely that it was the letter to the Philippians that was written not in Rome between 60 and 62 after Chr. but in Ephesus between 54 and 57.458 The researchers also observed unexpected changes in the mood and subject matter in the letter in 3:1/3:2, 4:1/4:2, 4:9/4:10, 4:20/4:21. This has led to the hypothesis of the compilation character of current canonical writing. In addition, this would confirm the testimony of St Polycarp, in which he recalls the epistles that Paul wrote to their fathers (Phil 3:2). Many scholars believe that the present letter contains two459 or three460 of the Apostle’s writings, which have been joined together by a later editor.461

458 This opinion is shared by the vast majority of contemporary exegetes. Cf., for example, A.M. Buscemi, San Paolo. Vita, opera, messaggio, Jerusalem 1996, p. 179–180; A. Paciorek, A., Paweł Apostoł – Pisma [Paul the Apostle – Writings], part 1, p. 164–165; W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 186–203. However, there are still discrepancies as to the exact date of origin. H. Langakammer gives the date 55–57. (cf. H. Langkammer, Wprowadzenie do ksiąg Nowego Testamentu [Introduction to the Books of New Testament], p. 168). A. Paciorek insists it was at the turn of 56 and 57. (cf. A. Paciorek, Paweł Apostoł – Pisma [Paul the Apostle – Writings], part 1, p. 165). The most accurate date is W. Rakocy: “[…] at the beginning of the second half of the penultimate calendar year in Ephesus, that is in summer of the year 54.” (W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 203). 459 H. Langkammer is of the opinion that: letter A (1:1–3:1, 4:2–7.10–23), called the prison letter, and letter B (3:2–4:1.8n), called the letter of fight, written after leaving prison. Cf. H. Langkammer, Wprowadzenie do ksiąg Nowego Testamentu [Introduction to the Books of New Testament], p. 168. 460 This is the opinion of A. Paciorek: letter A (4:10–20), called a short letter of thanksgiving, letter B (1:1–3:1, 4:2–9), called a letter from prison, and letter C (3:2–4:1), called a polemical letter, written after release from prison. Cf. A. Paciorek, Paweł Apostoł – Pisma [Paul the Apostle – Writings], Part 1, p. 163. Cf. also a discussion on this subject in: L. Alexander, Hellenistic Letter-Forms and the Structure of Philippians, “Journal for the Study of the New Testament” 37 (1989), p. 96–98. 461 Some, however, accept this hypothesis and approach the letter as a whole (see, for example, T. Jelonek, Wprowadzenie do listów świętego Pawła [Introduction to St Paul’s Epistles], p. 52). Others, presenting this hypothesis, reject it and accept this piece of writing is uniform (see, for exam-

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It is certain that Philippi was the first Christian community founded by Paul in Europe during his second missionary journey. It was a small community of former pagans, extremely dear and devoted to the Apostle. It was from there that he accepted material aid (2 Cor 11:7–9), although he generally avoided such aid (1 Thess 2:9, 2 Thess 3:7–9, 1 Cor 4:12.15).462 This letter therefore appears to us as a special kind of scripture in which the Apostle does not pass on so much doctrine as the most sublime feelings of friendship and love in Christ (cf. Phil 1:1–11).463 In the letter we discussed, Paul uses terms that are prefixed with ἀνα and related prefixes: ἡ ἀνάστασις (once), ἡ ἐξανάστασις (once) ἐγείρω (once) and ἄνω (once). From the group of terms about the ὑψο stem, we only come across the verb with the prefix ὑπερυψόω (once). We put them in the order dictated by reference to Christ and man. 2.6.1

To exalt Christ above all things464

Paul does not use the verb ὑψόω at all (2 Cor 11:7). In the letter we are discussing, he uses it with a prefix (ὑπερυψόω) for the exaltation of Christ. 2.6.1.1 9

Phil 2:9–10

διὸ καὶ ὁ θεὸς αὐτὸν ὑπερύψωσεν καὶ ἐχαρίσατο αὐτῷ τὸ ὄνομα τὸ ὑπὲρ πᾶν

ὄνομα, 10 ἵνα ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ πᾶν γόνυ κάμψῃ ἐπουρανίων καὶ ἐπιγείων καὶ καταχθονίων

In some manuscripts, there is no article preceding ὄνομα. These include D F G Ψ 0278. 1881 M; Clement of Alexandriaex Thd . Longer reading is supported by P46 ‫ א‬A B C 33. 629. 1175. 1739 pc. Leaving the article out makes the name that Jesus receives a more indeterminate name, which is later described as τὸ ὑπὲρ πᾶν ὄνομα. Next, the form with the article seems to be more common. Perhaps also the last syllable of ἐχαρίσατο made a copyist to leave the article.465 Taking into account these opinions and the multitude of important text witnesses, we believe that a longer reading is closer to the original.

462 463

464 465

ple, W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 185). Cf. A. Paciorek, Paweł Apostoł – Pisma [Paul the Apostle – Writings], part 1, p. 161. At this point it is worth noting the very rich literature on this epistle. It was developed in detail by E.A.C. Pretorius, A key to the literature on Philippians, “Neotestamentica” 23 (1989) no. 1, p. 125–153. This material has been partially developed and published earlier; see S. Stasiak, Zmartwychwstanie Chrystusa [The Resurrection of Christ], p. 239–241. Cf. B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, 546.

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Epistle to the Philippians

Translation: “9 Therefore God has highly exalted him and bestowed on him the name that is above every name, 10 so that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow, in heaven and on earth and under the earth”. The truth about the exaltation of Jesus by God the Father is expressed directly in 2:6–11.466 Traditionally this song is divided into two parts: on humbling (2:6–8) and on exaltation (2:9–11). In the first, Jesus Christ Himself is subject who “humbles Himself ”. In the second, the initiative is taken by God the Father, who “exalts his Son”.467 We will be more interested in the opening of the second part, in which we read: “Therefore God has highly exalted him (ὁ θεὸς αὐτὸν ὑπερύψωσεν) and bestowed on him the name that is above every name” (Phil 2:9). It is worth noting first of all the characteristic phrase with which this verse begins: διὸ καὶ (cf. Rom 4:22, 15:22, 2 Cor 1:20, 4:13, 5:9). This is the causal conjunction that binds what has been written about Christ to what will now be spoken. Note, moreover, that διὸ or διὸ καὶ is characteristic of the biblical scheme of humility and exaltation (cf. LXX Isa 53:12, Wis 4:14, cf. also Ezek 21:31, Luke 14:11, 18:14, Matt 23:12, Jas 4:6.10).468 In this way God’s reaction and response to humbling, that is, the acceptance of the human body by Jesus Christ, was expressed. The initiative is taken by God the Father. This one is aimed at the one who ‘showed’ obedience. The basic religious experience of the Bible is that God humbles and exalts the righteous one (Ps 34:20, cf. Ps 7:10). This figure is of course present in our hymn but seen in a very special way. It is not about some moral confirmation that God is the culprit of humiliation. Rather, a certain consequence of the manifestation of obedience which only He, Jesus Christ, showed in an absolutely free way. This way of humiliation,

466 In numerous studies of this hymn the scholars also mentioned the possibility it started in verse 5; cf. F. Rousseau, Une disposition des versets de Philippiens 2,5–11, “Studies in Religion/Science religieuse” 17 (1988), no. 2, p. 191–198; G.D. Fee, Philippians 2:5–11: Hymn or Exalted Pauline Prose?, “Bulletin for Biblical Research” 2 (1992), p. 29–46. However, it is commonly believed that this is text 2:6–11; cf. S. Briggs, Can an Enslaved God Liberate? Hermeneutical Reflections on Philippians 2:6–11, “Semeia” 47 (1989), p. 137–153; J.A. Fitzmyer, The Aramaic Background of Philippians 2:6–11, “The Catholic Biblical Quarterly” 50 (1988), no. 3, p. 470–483; S.J. Kraftchick, A Necessary Detour: Paul’s Metaphorical Understanding of the Philippian Hymn, “Horizons Biblical Theology” 15 (1993), no. 1, p. 1–37. 467 Cf. H. Langkammer, Teologia Nowego Testamentu. Część druga [The Theology of New Testament. Part Two], p. 38–39; Cf. also T. Söding, Erniedrigung und Erhöhung. Erwägungen zum Verhältnis von Christologie und Mythos am Beispiel des Philipperhymnus (Phil 2,6–11), “Theologie und Philosophie” 67 (1992), no. 1, p. 14–15. 468 Cf. J. Gnilka, Der Philipperbrief (Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament 10/ 3), Freiburg–Basel–Wien 1968, p. 125. H. Langkammer adds here that the conjunction ὅτι has a similar function; cf. H. Langkammer, Hymny chrystologiczne Nowego Testamentu. Najstarszy obraz Chrystusa [The Christological Hymns in New Testament. The Oldest Picture of Christ], Poznań 1976, p. 97.

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which He chose, corresponds to the one and only action of God: “Therefore God has highly exalted him (ὁ θεὸς αὐτὸν ὑπερύψωσεν)”.469 The verb ὑπερυψόω used by the author is unknown in classical and Hellenistic Greek. However, it occurs in LXX (cf. Ps 36[37]:35, 96[97]:9, Dan 3:52–88). There it is always related to God.470 In our text, the prefix ὑπερ- means to elevate to the highest possible glory, and therefore to the divine, as the context of the following verses shows. This ‘exaltation’ of Christ ‘above all things’ includes the resurrection, ascension, and taking place at the right hand of God the Father (cf. Acts 2:33, 5:31, Rom 1:3–4, Eph 4:9–10, Col 3:1).471 So God ‘exalted’ (ὑπερύψωσεν) the One who ‘humbled himself in death’. We are rather accustomed to the slightly different words with which the truth of Christ’s resurrection was proclaimed. Usually the following words are used: Christ was raised on the third day (1 Cor 15:4, Matt 16:21, 17:23, 20:19, Luke 9:22), rose from the dead (Matt 17:9, Mark 8:31, 9:9, 10:34, Luke 18:33, 24:46, 1 Thess 4:14), appeared to Cephas (1 Cor 15:5, cf. Luke 24:34), and the like. It is clear from these words that Jesus Christ returned to life, thanks to God’s intervention. This fact has another consequence: the position that Jesus Christ gained in the world and in space. In our text, this is emphasized by “bestow[ing] on him the name that is above every name”.472 The action of God in this regard is described by the verb χαρίζομαι, which implies the action of the grace that Christ experiences from God. The name that is the fruit of God’s grace is ‘over’ (ὑπερ) any other name. “The preposition above, which served the author to emphasize the divine state of Christ, which is his exaltation, was once again used to emphasize the extraordinariness of the name Christ receives. The name defines the essence of the one who wears it. Since the state of exaltation is divine, it must also be assumed that the new name of Christ is divine.473 The only God’s name in the Old Testament was JHWH (cf. Exod 3:14–15), which the translators of the LXX rendered as κύριος. In our text, the name given to Christ is

469 Cf. J. Gnilka, Lettera ai Filippesi, Italian transl. F. Frezza, Rome 1986, p. 40. 470 As regards Ps 96[97]:9, E. Schweitzer claims that this is where the term used in Phil 2:9 was taken from; see E. Schweizer, Erniedrigung und Erhöhung bei Jesus und seinen Nachfolgern, Zürich 1955, p. 66; cf. also J. Gnilka, Der Philipperbrief , p. 125. 471 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Filipian. Wstęp, przekład, komentarz [The Epistle to the Philippians. Introduction, translation, commentary], [in:] A. Jankowski, Listy Więzienne świętego Pawła. Do Filipian. Do Kolosan. Do Filemona. Do Efezajan [St Paul’s Prison Letters. To the Philippians. To the Colossians. To Philemon. To the Ephesians], Poznań 1962, p. 118. 472 Cf. J. Gnilka, Lettera ai Filippesi, p. 40. 473 H. Langkammer, Hymny chrystologiczne [Christological Hymns], p. 97.

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Epistle to the Philippians

the name par excellence (notice the article τὸ before ὄνομα) It is definitely about the name κύριος, the same as the Old Testament’s JHWH.474 From this search it appears that the verb we are analysing is literally a movement upwards, above everything. This is especially emphasized by the prefix ὑπερ. In the theological sense, it reflects the resurrection, the ascension and the taking place at the right hand of God the Father. 2.6.2

The resurrection of Christ and Paul

If Paul wrote about the resurrection and used a noun, it was ἡ ἀνάστασις. He did so in Rom 1:4, 6:5 and 1 Cor 15:12.13.21.42. A similar term is found in Philippians. Here, however, there is also a term with the prefix (ἡ ἐξανάστασις) for the resurrection of the Apostle himself. 2.6.2.1 8

Phil 3:8b–11

δι᾽ ὃν τὰ πάντα ἐζημιώθην, καὶ ἡγοῦμαι σκύβαλα, ἵνα Χριστὸν κερδήσω 9 καὶ

εὑρεθῶ ἐν αὐτῷ, μὴ ἔχων ἐμὴν δικαιοσύνην τὴν ἐκ νόμου ἀλλὰ τὴν διὰ πίστεως Χριστοῦ, τὴν ἐκ θεοῦ δικαιοσύνην ἐπὶ τῇ πίστει, 10 τοῦ γνῶναι αὐτὸν καὶ τὴν δύναμιν τῆς ἀναστάσεως αὐτοῦ καὶ [τὴν] κοινωνίαν [τῶν] παθημάτων αὐτοῦ, συμμορφιζόμενος τῷ θανάτῳ αὐτοῦ, 11 εἴ πως καταντήσω εἰς τὴν ἐξανάστασιν τὴν ἐκ νεκρῶν

In our search we will only analyse verses 10 and 11 as this part is of interest to us because of the nouns ἡ ἀνάστασις and ἡ ἐξανάστασις.475 In older editions of Nestle–Aland, the proper reading of verse 10 was that in which the article τήν before κοινωνίαν was omitted. The longer reading is supported by ‫א‬2 D F G Ψ 075. 33. 1739. 1881 M, while the shorter one is found in P46 ‫ *א‬A B 1241s . 2464 pc. A similar situation can be found in the case of the article τῶν before παθημάτων. The longer readings occur in ‫א‬2 D F G Ψ 075. 33. 1739. 1881 M; while shorter one occurs in P46 ‫ *א‬B. The principles of external criticism of the text are of little help to us, as both variants are supported by ancient and important manuscripts. It seems that internal criticism would favour the longer reading (with the article) in both cases. This is, therefore, the reading that we take in our research. However, due to the importance of manuscripts containing the text without the article, we placed them in square brackets.

474 Cf. U.B. Müller, Der Christushymnus Phil 2:6–11, “Zeitschrift für die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft” 79 (1988), no. 1–2, p. 38; cf. also H. Langkammer, Hymny chrystologiczne [Christological Hymns], p. 97–98. 475 However, we quoted the entire passage above (Phil 3:8b–11) to analyse the syntactical structure.

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In verse 11, we have τῶν instead of τὴν ἐκ before νεκρῶν in 075. 1739*. 1881 M bo; Jerome and Augustine, whereas τῶν ἐκ occurs in F G. the version with τὴν ἐκ is supported by P46 ‫ א‬A B D P Ψ 33. 81. 104. 365. 1175. 1505. 1739c pc lat sa; Latin translation of Irenaeus and Tertullian. The principles of external criticism of the text tell us that the τὴν ἐκ variant is more likely. The principles of internal criticism would also rather favour this reading. Although the reading of τὴν ἐξανάστασιν τῶν νεκρῶν has its parallel in Paul’s writing (see 1 Cor 15:12–13.21.42476 ). In this context, the reading τὴν ἐξανάστασιν τῶν ἐκ νεκρῶν seems to be derived from the previous variant. It is likely that another parallel, this time from the Gospel of Luke, is more appropriate here: ἡ ἀνάστασις ἡ ἐκ νεκρῶν (Luke 20:35). We therefore believe that the reading τὴν ἐξανάστασιν τὴν ἐκ νεκρῶν is closer to the original. Translation: “8 For his sake I have suffered the loss of all things and count them as rubbish, in order that I may gain Christ 9 and be found in him, not having a righteousness of my own that comes from the law, but that which comes through faith in Christ, the righteousness from God that depends on faith– 10 that I may know him and the power of his resurrection, and may share his sufferings, becoming like him in his death,11 that by any means possible I may attain the resurrection”. Analysing the order of the information that the author contained in 3:10–11, it is surprising that it is reversed as compared to the real events in Jesus’ life. First, we read about the resurrection (v. 10a), then of sharing in Jesus’ sufferings (v. 10b). This is matched by further information arranged in exactly the reversed order: becoming like Jesus in death (v. 10c) and the attaining the resurrection (v. 11). This gives us a chiastic structure of the fragment, but it seems that the figure points more to subordination than to a simple inversion: A. The power of His resurrection (v. 10a), B. share in His sufferings (v. 10b), B’. becoming like him in death (v. 10c), A’. That by any means possible I may attain the resurrection (v. 11).477 We have already pointed out the reverse order of events in the life of Jesus to which this text refers. The question is: Why did this happen? Also, the above-mentioned chiastic construction was to serve a purpose. Undoubtedly, the search should begin with two concepts that are of interest to us, and at the same time key words to understanding this passage. At the beginning (ἡ ἀνάστασις; v. 10a) and at the end (ἡ ἐξανάστασις; v. 11) there is talk of the resurrection, but it is not the same reality. The first is Christ’s rising from the dead, and the second is closer to Paul and 476 Of course, there is no noun with a prefix in these texts but only ἡ ἀνάστασις. 477 Cf. J. Gnilka, Der Philipperbrief , p. 95; Cf. also A. Perriman, The Pattern of Christ’s Sufferings: Colossians 1:24 and Philippians 3:10–11, “Tyndale Bulletin” 42 (1991), no. 1, p. 69–73.

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Epistle to the Philippians

further to every Christian. After all, Paul first experienced the meeting with the Resurrected near Damascus (Acts 9:3–5, 1 Cor 9:1, 15:8), and only then did he learn how much he would have to suffer on the new way of life (Acts 9:16). The Christian, on the other hand, remains in communion with Christ in suffering and glory (Rom 8:17), but is only capable of self-denial and suffering in the name of Christ if he believes in his resurrection, which is the foundation of his resurrection (1 Cor 15:14.17.19.31–34).478 The use of τὴν δύναμιν τῆς ἀναστάσεως in the first case is also of interest. Given Paul’s teaching on the resurrection of Christ, we note first of all that it is a source of strength because it is the foundation of the resurrection of every believer. We further note that He, rising from the dead, ‘regained’ His status and power, for “God has exalted Him above every name” (cf. Phil 2:9). This way, He can already sanctify people and save them on the day of Parousia.479 This saving action of Christ, in Paul’s teaching, is inseparable from Spirit and power. It is an action of the One raised by the Spirit.480 The text we are discussing ends with εἰς τὴν ἐξανάστασιν τὴν ἐκ νεκρῶν. The noun used here (ἡ ἐξανάστασις) is a hapax legomenon. It is not easy to capture the nuance that the author meant by using the noun once without a prefix and once with the ἐξ prefix. In the history of this text, different opinions and hypotheses have been put forward, but the most classical one seems most likely: “The resurrection of the saved only (cf. Luke 20:35, Acts 4:2 with the same emphasis using the repetition of the article ἡ) – this traditional explanation, accepted by most commentators, is imposed as the only right one”.481 Our research shows that both analysed nouns mean rising, rising from the dead. The first is related to Christ and the second to Paul. 2.6.3

Upward for the prize

The adverb ἄνω is not Paul’s favourite. He uses it very rarely (apart from Phil, only in Gal 4:26 and Col 3:1), but its meaning, as we will see, is rather clear. We come across it once in this letter.

478 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Filipian [The Epistle to the Philippians], p. 151. Thus also J. Gnilka, Der Philipperbrief, p. 196; A. Perriman, The Pattern of Christ’s Sufferings, p. 70–71. 479 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Filipian [The Epistle to the Philippians], p. 152. 480 Cf. J. Gnilka, Der Philipperbrief , p. 196. 481 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Filipian [The Epistle to the Philippians], p. 153–154. There, see the hypotheses concerning the understanding of this noun.

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2.6.3.1 13

Phil 3:13–14

ἀδελφοί, ἐγὼ ἐμαυτὸν οὐ λογίζομαι κατειληφέναι· ἓν δέ, τὰ μὲν ὀπίσω ἐπιλαν-

θανόμενος τοῖς δὲ ἔμπροσθεν ἐπεκτεινόμενος, 14 κατὰ σκοπὸν διώκω εἰς τὸ βραβεῖον τῆς ἄνω κλήσεως τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ

In verse 14 we read διώκων instead of διώκω in I Ψ pc. This variant is probably a repetition of the same letter as the previous one. Therefore, the διώκω variant is original. Instead of the preposition εἰς we have ἐπί in D F G 075 M, while the first variant is supported by P16.46 ‫ א‬A B I Ψ 33. 81. 365. 1175. 1241s . 1505. 1739. 1881. 2464 pc; Clement of Alexandria and a note on the margin of Origen’s 1739 manuscript. The principles of external criticism of the text already indicate that εἰς is a more likely reading. In addition, the parallel text (1 Cor 9:24) also contains the same preposition. We therefore believe that the reading with εἰς is closer to the original. In place of ἄνω κλήσεως in some manuscripts we read ἀνεγκλησίας. That’s what we have in 1739v.l. ; Tertullian i Origenmss sec 1739mg . Given the small number of documents supporting this option, we believe that ἄνω κλήσεως is the original reading. The next passage has a bit more variants of reading: 1) τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ occurs in P61vid ‫ א‬A B D1 I Ψ 075. 33. 1739. 1881 M lat sy(p) co; Origen; 2) τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν Ἰησοῦ Χριστῷ occurs in P16 ; 3) θεοῦ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ occurs in P46 ; Ambrosiaster; 4) ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ occurs in Clement of Alexandria; 5) ἐν κθριῷ Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ occurs in: F G; 6) τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν κθριῷ Ἰησοῦ Χριστῷ occurs in D*. From this multitude of variants, it is easy to guess that it was a reading that, in the opinion of the copyists, needed to be explained. The number of manuscripts supporting the first variant indicates that it is closer to the original. Others seem to explain this slightly more difficult reading. To one copyist it seemed incomprehensible that Paul was called by God and not by Christ directly, for it was with him that the Apostle met near Damascus. The addition of the κύριος title seems to be an explanation. Also, the apposition of ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ is characteristic of Paul’s style. We believe therefore that the reading with τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ is closest to the original. Translation: “13 Brothers, I do not consider that I have made it my own. But one thing I do: forgetting what lies behind and straining forward to what lies ahead, 14 I press on toward the goal for the prize of the upward call of God in Christ Jesus”. The statement in verse 12, that the end of the road has not yet been reached, makes Paul speak to the addressees directly in order to explain to them what effort God requires of him and them (v. 13–14). A further consequence is the encouragement addressed to the ‘perfect’ (v. 15–16). Verse 14 is a natural extension of the last sentence in. 13: I am ‘straining forward to what lies ahead’ (τοῖς δὲ ἔμπροσθεν ἐπεκτεινόμενος). What was previously presented in the allusion (“forgetting what lies behind and straining forward to

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Epistle to the Philippians

what lies ahead”; v. 13) to the running race, is now clearly articulated. The metaphor taken from sports competitions is quite clear here (cf. 2:16, 1 Cor 9:24.26, Gal 2:2, 2 Tim 4:7–8).482 The term ‘target’ used here (ὁ σκοπός) does not focus on the end of the effort, but rather on the intended goal that the runner or apostle is looking fixedly at.483 Further, the metaphor of the goal is developed on two planes, in fact in two stages: the image and what is hidden behind it. Τὸ βραβεῖον (‘prize’) is the image, with its content being reflected by the complex complement τῆς ἄνω κλήσεως τοῦ θεοῦ. The noun τὸ βραβεῖον belongs to a technical sporting or even mystery vocabulary. However, the thought of another prize, not only the victorious laurels in sports competitions, appears in a similar context in 2 Tim 4:8. Behold, the Apostle expects a ‘crown of righteousness’ (ὁ τῆς δικαιοσύνης στέφανος), which will be a reward for his service. It will be participation in the glory of Christ (cf. 1 Pet 5:4, cf. also Rom 8:17, 2 Tim 2:10).484 But what is the “content, essence” of this award? This presents us, as we have already mentioned, with a reality that already exceeds the very image of the prize: τῆς ἄνω κλήσεως τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ. As Augustyn Jankowski rightly points out, the ἄνω adverb is more directional (as in John 11:41) than static (as in Gal 4:26, Col 3:1–2). This was caused by the context in which movement, motion is referred to.485 Let us take a closer look at this notion. Andrew Perriman believes that the prize God calls for is the prize of the resurrection.486 He further notes that this is literally a calling ‘upwards’, a call to rise, as documented in 1 Thess 4:16: “[…] with a cry of command, with the voice of an archangel, and with the sound of the trumpet of God. And the dead in Christ will rise first”.487 So our adverb would be synonymous with resurrection. It is certainly about a much broader reality. It’s about a call to life that is not just ‘up’ (ἄνω) (cf. Col 3:1–2, Gal 4:26), but also originates from there (Phil 3:14).488 God is always the caller according to Paul, and the possibility of this call was given in Christ Jesus (ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ). Christian life is realized by a vocation from God (κλήσεως τοῦ θεοῦ). Christ Jesus made its completion possible. The trial of life verifies the suitability for the final reward and

482 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Filipian [The Epistle to the Philippians], p. 157. 483 Cf. J. Gnilka, Der Philipperbrief , p. 200. 484 Cf. S. Stasiak, Eschatologia w Listach Pasterskich [Eschatology in the Pastoral Letters], Legnica 1999, p. 146–148. 485 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Filipian [The Epistle to the Philippians], p. 157. 486 This was mentioned several verses earlier when Paul expressed a desire to know the power of the resurrection (ἡ ἀνάστασις; 3:10) of Christ, so that the resurrection could be achieved (ἡ ἐξανάστασις; 3:11). 487 Cf. A. Perriman, The Pattern of Christ’s Sufferings, p. 77. 488 Cf. J. Gnilka, Der Philipperbrief , p. 200.

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fulfilment of the vocation ‘upwards’ (ἄνω), a call to be close to God, to be with Him.489 Our adverb in this context reflects a very broad reality. On the one hand, it is synonymous with the resurrection, an uprising to the glory of God, but on the other hand it expresses the reality of God’s existence, of God’s being, which is shared with man as a result of his interaction with the fruits of the saving work of Jesus Christ. 2.6.4

Pick up, add

In his epistles Paul very often uses the verb ἐγείρω, but he usually describes the ‘raising’ from the dead, both of Jesus and believers. We come across this verb in its literal sense, in the letter to the Philippians. 2.6.4.1

Phil 1:17

οἱ δὲ ἐξ ἐριθείας τὸν Χριστὸν καταγγέλλουσιν, οὐχ ἁγνῶς, οἰόμενοι θλῖψιν ἐγείρειν τοῖς δεσμοῖς μου

The article (τὸν) before Χριστὸν does not occur in ‫א‬1 B F G Ψ 0278. 1739. 1881 pc. The presence of the article seems to be is closer to the original. Instead of ἐγείρειν we read ἐπεγείρεν in D2 P; and ἐπιφερείν in D1 Ψ 075. 0278 M sy. Certainly Paul’s use of the verb ἐγείρω in this sense is unusual, but this is not yet a reason to replace it with others to make reading easier. We believe that the reading with ἐγείρειν is original or at least closer to the manuscript. Translation: “The former proclaim Christ out of rivalry, not sincerely but thinking to afflict me in my imprisonment”. In 1:12–18 Paul elaborates on the importance of his sufferings for those he is mingling with. First of all, he shows how much his imprisonment has served the Gospel (v. 12–13), because the brethren have even more courageous to preach the Word (v. 14). The following verses antithetically present the reasons why some proclaim Christ for evil reasons (v. 15a and 17) and others for good reasons (v. 15b and 16). That gives us the chiastic structure once again: A. Some indeed preach Christ from envy and rivalry (v. 15a), B. but others from good will (v. 15b). B’. The latter do it out of love, knowing that I am put here for the defence of the gospel (v. 16), A’. The former proclaim Christ out of rivalry, not sincerely but thinking to afflict me in my imprisonment (v. 17a).

489 Cf. J. Gnilka, Lettera ai Filippesi, p. 60.

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Summary

We can see that in the context of the ‘suffering’ mentioned in verse 17. (ἡ θλῖψις) there are two phrases in antithetical parallelism: εἰδότες ὅτι εἰς ἀπολογίαν τοῦ εὐαγγελίου κεῖμαι (v. 16) and οἰόμενοι θλῖψιν ἐγείρειν (v. 17).490 When asked how the tribulations of Paul’s ties could be intensified, scholars answered in various ways.491 It seems that the Apostle wanted to point out that his adversaries see only his shackles and suffering, and that the brethren are paying attention to the purpose of these events: “I want you to know, brothers, that what has happened to me has really served to advance the gospel” (1:12). In this context, there appears quite a special meaning of the verb ἐγείρω wellknown to Paul. We have already noted above that usually in the Apostle’s correspondence the verb meant the raising from the dead of Christ or the faithful. Then God was and will be the subject of action. Here its sense refers to human action: ‘call, raise’.492 It would, therefore, mean to ‘cause, intensify’ the Apostle’s suffering. There is no question of metaphorical meaning; rather, of a similarity to the one we know from the classical language: ‘rise’.493

Summary A somewhat unusual terminology regarding the height is found in this letter. Its atypicality lies not only in the rarity of its occurrence, but also in the meaning that the author attributes to particular terms. We have found out that the verb ὑπερυψόω (hapax legomenon in NT) was completely unknown in classical and Hellenistic Greek. It occurs in the LXX, where it was related to God. For he exalts, or raises as high as possible, as close to himself as possible. In Phil 2:9 it is synonymous with the resurrection, ascension and of Jesus being seated at the right hand of the Father. The theme of Christ’s resurrection also returns elsewhere in the letter to the Philippians. This time the Apostle uses the noun ἡ ἀνάστασις, which is rather rare in Paul’s letters. Our participation in it, and especially Paul’s, was rendered by the noun ἡ ἐξανάστασις. Both in the formal sense mean uplifting, resurrection, although in the theological sense they have a different subject: in the first case Jesus Christ, in the second Paul (cf. Phil 3:8–11).

490 Cf. J. Gnilka, Der Philipperbrief , p. 62. 491 Cf. Τhe hypotheses given by A. Jankowski, List do Filipian [The Epistle to the Philippians], p. 90–91. 492 The meaning of 1.e.γ [in:] R. Popowski, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great Greek-Polish Dictionary of New Testament], p. 152. 493 The meaning of I.3 in: Słowni grecko-polski [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 2, p. 9.

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By using the adverb ἄνω Paul once again referred to the reality above the human world – a life that is not only ‘up’ (ἄνω) (cf. Col 3:1–2, Gal 4:26) but also comes from there (cf. Phil 3:14). We come across a very rare meaning of the verb ἐγείρω which Paul applies in Phil 1:17. This time it is not about resurrection, as we have seen so far, but about the literal sense: ‘kindle, intensify’.

2.7

Epistle to the Colossians

Traditionally it is assumed that the letter to the Colossians is a prison letter. It shows too much similarity in content with the letter to Philemon. The authenticity of the latter was in principle not questioned. However, the first attempts to question Paul’s authorship of the letter to the Colossians date back to the 19th century.494 Literary issues, such as language and style, and theology, are the main points of dispute.495 In general, the positions of contemporary researchers can be divided into three groups. The first are those who consider Col to be a pseudonymous letter496 and therefore not authentic. They base their conclusions on these literary and theological differences. The second group is made up of scientists who have a wait-and-see attitude. They stop at showing and evaluating arguments for and against or say a conditional ‘yes’ to one or another hypothesis. The third group are those who maintain the authenticity of the letter, even if they point to some differences in style or content compared to letters generally considered to have been written by Paul. However, they conclude that there is insufficient evidence to reject its authorship.497 We take the traditional view that the author of the epistle to the Colossians is Paul, and that it was written during the time of his imprisonment in Rome, that is, between 59–61.498 In his letter to the Colossians, Paul uses only three terms that are of interest to us: ἐγείρω (once) συνἐγείρω (twice), ἄνω (twice). We have arranged them in canonical

494 Cf. W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 306. 495 Cf. H. Langkammer, Wprowadzenie do ksiąg Nowego Testamentu [Introduction to the Books of New Testament], p. 82–183. These issues are also widely discussed by W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 306–310 (literary differences); p. 311–315 (theological differences). 496 Sometimes also called pseudepigraphy, although pseudonymia seem to be a more precise concept. 497 Cf. A.M. Buschemi, San Paolo, p. 245. 498 Cf. W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 328.

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Epistle to the Colossians

order, which at the same time expresses a certain logical order: the resurrection of Christ – the resurrection of the faithful – going upwards. 2.7.1

Raising Christ and the faithful from the dead

Paul, when writing about the raising of Jesus, usually used the verb ἐγείρω, and this is no different in the case of the letter to the Colossians. Here, however, we also come across the compound verb συνἐγείρω. The former one describes the raising of Jesus, the latter refers directly to the recipients of the letter. 2.7.1.1 11

Col 2:11–12

Ἐν ᾧ καὶ περιετμήθητε περιτομῇ ἀχειροποιήτῳ ἐν τῇ ἀπεκδύσει τοῦ σώματος

τῆς σαρκός, ἐν τῇ περιτομῇ τοῦ Χριστοῦ, 12 συνταφέντες αὐτῷ ἐν τῷ βαπτισμῷ, ἐν ᾧ καὶ συνηγέρθητε διὰ τῆς πίστεως τῆς ἐνεργείας τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ἐγείραντος αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν

In our research, we focus on verse 12 because that’s where we find the terminology that is of interest to us. It is in this verse that the βαπτίσματι variant was adopted instead of βαπτισμῷ occurring in older Nestle–Aland editions. The first reading is supported by P46 ‫א‬2 B D* F G 075. 0278. 6. 365. 1739. 1881 pc latt. The second is documented in ‫ *א‬A C D2 Ψ 33 M; Tertullian. In the other two places in Paul’s letters, where there is a noun for baptism (Rom 6:4, Eph 4:5), we find τὸ βάπτισμα (Dat.: τῷ βαπτίσματι). This is the reading that would be preferred, while the noun ὁ βαπτισμός (Dat.: τῷ βαπτισμῷ) is rather preferred by the Hebrews (6:2, 9:10). It seems that the more difficult reading in Col 2:12 is βαπτισμῷ. Taking into account the number and the importance of text witnesses and the principle that the better reading is more difficult, we believe that βαπτισμῷ is closer to the original. Some manuscripts have a kind of τῶν preceding νεκρῶν. The longer reading is supported by B D F G 0278. 6. 33. 323. 326. 629 pm; the shorter by P46 ‫ א‬A C K L P Ψ 075. 81. 104. 365. 630. 1175. 1241s . 1505. 1739. 1881. 2464 pm. The reading with the article seems to be harmonised with Col 1:18. This is also confirmed by the number of texts supporting the option without the article. We believe therefore that this particular reading is closer to the original. Translation: “11 In him also you were circumcised with a circumcision made without hands, by putting off the body of the flesh, by the circumcision of Christ, 12 having been buried with him in baptism, in which you were also raised with him through faith in the powerful working of God, who raised him from the dead”. The analysed passage is part of the unit dedicated to participation in the death and raising of Christ, who triumphs over forces opposed to salvation (2:9–15). The whole fragment is divided into parallel sections, in which the believers (2:9–10a; 2:11–13) and the forces opposing their salvation (2:10b; 2:14–15) are respectively

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subject to God’s action. In such a situation, the structure of the whole unit would be as follows: A. The glorious participation of believers in the fullness of Christ (2:9–10a), B. Christ’s power over all worldly powers (2:10b), A’. Including believers in the death and resurrection of Christ (2:11–13) B’. Destruction of external forces hostile to salvation (2:14–15).499 The text we are discussing has many similarities to Rom 6:4. The basic one is the theme. There Paul referred to a traditional article of faith: “Christ was raised from the dead”. Baptism is for the believer an update of this one and only salvation event. In him ‘with Christ’ we died and ‘with him’ we will be raised from the dead.500 In Colossians 2:12 we meet Paul’s characteristic substantiation for the effectiveness of baptism by indicating the participation of the baptized in the atoning death and raising of Christ.501 This participation was expressed in the prefix συν in the verbs συνθάπτω (‘buried together’) and συνεγείρω (‘resurrected together’).502 Although this last verb is only found in the prison epistles (Col 3:1, Eph 2:6), the idea of linking Christ’s being raised from the dead to the raising of believers in baptism is much earlier (cf. Rom 6:5.8, 8:11, 1 Cor 6:12, 2 Cor 4:14). The second aspect of the effect of baptism – raising to spiritual life – corresponds to the close relationship between death and raising of Christ, which is so often emphasized by Paul (Rom 4:25, 6:1–14, 8:34, 14:9, 2 Cor 5:15, Phil 3:10, 1 Thess 4:14).503 Note that the motive for including the believers in the death and raising of Christ was developed and refined in Col

499 Such a structure is given by B. Adamczewski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], [in:] B. Adamczewski, List do Filomena. List do Kolosan. Wstęp, przekład z oryginału, komentarz [The Epistle to Philemon. The Epistle to the Colossians. Introduction, translation from the original, commentary] (NKB NT XII), Częstochowa 2005, p. 256. Although some people extend the whole section and believe that it starts from 2:6; cf. A. Jankowski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], [in:] A. Jankowski, Listy Więzienne świętego Pawła. Do Filipian. Do Kolosan. Do Filemona. Do Efezajan [St Paul’s Prison Letters. To the Philippians. To the Colossians. To Philemon. To the Ephesians], Poznań 1962, p. 257. 500 Cf. H. Conzelmann, Der Brief an die Kolosser, [in:] Die kleineren Briefe des Apostels Paulus, ed. H.W. Beyer, P. Althaus, H. Conzelmann, G. Friedrich, A. Oepke, Göttingen 1968, p. 144. It is worth noting the future tense, which is used in Rom 6:4–8 (ἐσόμεθα; v. 5), while in Col 2:12 we have the past tense (συνηγέρθε). However, we will consider this issue later in our deliberations. 501 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], p. 264. Cf. also J. Pfammatter, Kolosserbrief, [in:] J. Pfammatter, Epheserbrief . Kolosserbrief , Stuttgart 1990, p. 73. 502 It is worth noting here that the phrase ἐν ᾧ does not refer to Christ, but to the baptism in which the believer is resurrected with Christ; cf. A. Jankowski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], p. 264; B. Adamczewski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], p. 264. 503 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], p. 265.

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Epistle to the Colossians

2:12.504 The compound verb συνεγείρω was added to the word ἐγείρω (1 Thess 1:10, Gal 1:1, Rom 4:24, 6:4, 8:11, 10:9, 1 Cor 6:14, 15:1–52, 2 Cor 1:9, 4:14, 5:15) so often used by Paul.505 It is puzzling that the author uses the past tense συνηγέρθητε, while usually in this context of an eschatological nature in Paul’s letters it was the past tense that prevailed: ἐγερθήσονται (1 Cor 15:52), or ἐγερεῖ (2 Cor 4:14).506 This does not mean that the raising of the faithful has already taken place in a literal sense. Rather, it is a participation by faith in the triumph of Christ, although the full, carnal raising from the dead still remains in the sphere of expectation and eschatological fulfilment.507 At the end of the verse the Apostle returns to the creed article he began with. This statement opens with a statement about faith in the work of God: πίστεως τῆς ἐνεργείας τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ἐγείραντος αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν. The motive of believing in God, who has raised Christ from the dead, was repeated many times by the Apostle (1 Thess 1:10, Rom 4:24, 6:4, 8:11, 10:9, 1 Cor 6:14, 15:15, 2 Cor 4:14, Gal 1:1, cf. Eph 1:20). Faith in the raising of Christ is a condition of salvation (cf. Rom 10:9). It is not faith itself that does this: God does it in baptism. This divine action is highlighted in the passivum theologicum of the entire section.508 The verbs we analyse fit in with Paul’s entire teaching on the raising of Christ, which is the foundation of the raising of the faithful. The only novelty is the use of the compound verb συνεγείρω instead of the ordinary ἐγείρω. Although, as we can see, both were used in Col 2:12.

504 Cf. S. Légasse, Être baptisé dans la mort du Christ. Étude de Romains 6, 1–14, p. 557–559. 505 Cf. B. Adamczewski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], p. 264. 506 This led some to the conclusion that we are dealing here with a later correction of Paul’s text. Thus, for example, what H. Conzelmann, Der Brief an die Kolosser, p. 145. A. Jankowski, however, is of a different opinion, noting: “This novelty is relative and does not give rise to any supposition that this is a correction made by the alleged author of the Letter to the Ephesians, different from Paul. For ‘already’ with ‘not yet’ in the participation of the faithful in the mysteries of Christ’s life, the anticipation of salvation, is an indisputable fact (cf. Rom 8:24, 1 Cor 6:12–20, 2 Cor 3:7–18, 5:1–19, Gal 3:27)”; A. Jankowski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], p. 265. 507 Cf. B. Adamczewski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], p. 265. It is worth noting here the conclusion of G.F. Wessels that the prison letters not only use the metaphor of the cross to render the already present salvation, as we see in the letters doubtlessly considered to come from Paul, but also use the metaphor of the resurrection (Col 2:13, Eph 2:5.8) and even the Ascension (Eph 2:6, Col 2:13); G.F. Wessels, The Eschatology of Colossians and Ephesians, p. 186. 508 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], p. 265.

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2.7.2

Above at the right hand of God

Paul returns to the theme of the raising of the baptized from the dead with Christ. He does this using the verb συνεγείρω. He does not stop there, though. Using the adverb ἄνω, he calls for life to be directed towards what is ‘above’. 2.7.2.1 1

Col 3:1–2

Εἰ οὖν συνηγέρθητε τῷ Χριστῷ, τὰ ἄνω ζητεῖτε, οὗ ὁ Χριστός ἐστιν ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ

θεοῦ καθήμενος· 2 τὰ ἄνω φρονεῖτε, μὴ τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς

Translation: “1 If then you have been raised with Christ, seek the things that are above, where Christ is, seated at the right hand of God. 2 Set your minds on things that are above, not on things that are on earth”. Scholars generally agree that the part containing our text is 3:1–4.509 John R. Levison points out an interesting phenomenon that occurs in this unit. It is the relationship between τὰ ἄνω (3:1–2) and ἡ ζωὴ ὑμῶν (κέκρυπται) (3:3–4).510 Adding to this the mention of συνηγέρθητε (3:1), which is analogical to the final σὺν αὐτῷ (‘together with Him’)511 appearing in glory (3:4), we can discover the following structure of our passage: A. If then you have been raised with Christ (v. 1a) B. seek the things that are above, where Christ is, seated at the right hand of God (v. 1b). C. Set your minds on things that are above, not on things that are on earth (v. 2). C’. For you have died, and your life is hidden with Christ in God (v. 3) B’. When Christ who is your life appears (v. 4a), A’. then you also will appear with him in glory (v. 4b). “Have been raised with Christ” (συνηγέρθητε τῷ Χριστῷ) is a positive representation of the principle of Christian life. There is no doubt that this is a reference

509 This is usually thought to be the introduction of a new, parenthetical section (3:1–4:6); thus: A. Jankowski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], p. 279; H. Conzelmann, Der Brief an die Kolosser, p. 149; J. Pfammatter, Kolosserbrief, p. 76. However, B. Adamczewski takes a different view, treating 3:1–4 as the logical conclusion of the dogmatic section (2:6–3:4); cf. B. Adamczewski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], p. 294–296. 510 Cf. J.R. Levison, 2 Apoc. Bar. 48:42–52:7 and the Apocalyptic Dimension of Colossians 3:1–6, “Journal of Biblical Literature” 108 (1989), no. 1, p. 95. 511 On the three-fold ‘with Christ’ (1.3.4 above), as a development of the principle of union with Christ from the previous passage, J. Pfammatter, Kolosserbrief , p. 76.

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Epistle to the Colossians

to 2:12. In both places it is the raising from the dead that is meant, which is a positive result of baptism. Here, however, the reverse order is maintained: first the raising and then the consequences.512 The seemingly paradoxical use of the past tense συνηγέρθητε (indicativus aoristi passivi from συνεγείρω) does not indicate an already accomplished raising of the faithful. For the aorist tense points more to the activity as such than to its past character.513 It would be a matter of showing the effectiveness of the work of salvation, which becomes the participation of the faithful in baptism. “The guarantee of this effectiveness is the power of God, revealed fully by the resurrection of Christ from the dead (2:12). In Colossians 3:1a the motif of the resurrection of Christ is no longer explicitly repeated, but it is recalled both by the verb συνεγείρω (‘to co-raise’) and by its grammatical passive (passivum divinum)”.514 The solidarity of life and death that occurs between Christ and the faithful makes them think and act in search of ‘what is above’. (τὰ ἄνω). Although the Apostle twice repeats the injunction to seek what is above (v. 2), he brings the meaning of what is above closer to the Kingdom of God (v. 1), contrasts what is above with what is on earth (v. 2), gives motivation (v. 3) and identifies what is above with the state of eschatological existence (v. 3), he does not explain what is the essence of what is above.515 It seems impossible to interpret τὰ ἄνω in cosmic-spatial terms, as if the baptized were already taken to heaven and already standing around the throne of God and Christ, even if it were only about a vision of heaven and the highest throne.516 It is more about a much more balanced eschatology. Surely, the faithful no longer belong to this world (2:20), their reward is prepared in heaven (1:5), as is their life (3:3), but they themselves still remain in the world. Hence the injunction to always keep looking for what is above. This continuity and perseverance is indicated by the Imperativus praesentis used twice (ζητεῖτε; v. 1; φρονεῖτε; v. 2). It is about ‘seeking’ in all dimensions of Christian existence the fruits of the work of salvation accomplished in Christ with all life and ‘thinking’ only about that very reality (cf. Phil 2:21, 1 Cor 14:12, Rom 2:7).517 By means of this laconic τὰ ἄνω the Apostle makes an allusion to paradise and angelic reality, which will be finally revealed in

512 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], p. 279. 513 Cf. E. Delebecque, Sur un problème de temps chez Saint Paul (Col 3,1–4), “Biblica” 70 (1989), no. 3, p. 389–390. 514 B. Adamczewski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], p. 296. 515 Cf. J.R. Levison, 2 Apoc. Bar. 48:42–52:7, p. 95. 516 Cf. E. Gräßer, Kol 3,1–4 als Beispiel einer Interpretation secundum homines recipientes, “Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirsche” 64 (1967), p. 150–159. 517 Cf. B. Adamczewski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], p. 297.

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the future eschatological raising of the dead. At the centre of this heavenly space remains the throne of God, “where Christ sits at the right hand of God”.518

Summary The theme of the participation in the resurrection of Jesus Christ, known from the letters discussed so far, also returns in Colossians 2:11–12. First, the ‘uplifting, raising’ of Jesus was described by the classical verb ἐγείρω. Our share in this work of salvation was rendered by the double use of συνεγείρω (Col 2:12, 3:1). Our search has shown that both the verb συνεγείρω and the adverb as a noun τὰ ἄνω (used twice in Col 3:1.2) describe God’s reality. The first in the sense of reaching it dynamically through Christ; the second as the ‘space’ of Christ’s being ‘at the right hand of God’, to which every believer is to direct all his efforts.

2.8

Epistles to Thessalonians

Traditional opinion is that during his second missionary journey, Paul sent two letters from Corinth to the Church community in Thessalonica. While the authenticity of 1 Thess is not currently in doubt, other issues such as the problem of literary unity or the place and time of its creation are still under discussion.519 To some extent, we can see that this is the earliest letter written by Paul. As far as the place of origin is concerned, opinions are much more divergent. A traditional opinion, based on the juxtaposition of Acts 18:5 with 1 Thess 3:6, states that this letter was written in Corinth after the return of Timothy (and Silas).520 Waldemar Rakocy is of a different opinion. On the basis of detailed research,521 he claims that the place of writing the letter is Athens. The time when the letter was written is thus made conditional on the acceptance of previously submitted inferences. If it was created in Corinth, it could have been the year 50, 52 at the latest, because this year the 518 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], p. 279; J.R. Levison, 2 Apoc. Bar. 48:42–52:7, p. 100; B. Adamczewski, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], p. 297. 519 Cf. the extensive discussion of these topics by W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 118–135. 520 Cf. for example J. Stępień, Listy do Tesaloniczan [The Epistles to the Thessalonians], [in:] J. Stępień, Listy do Tesaloniczan i Pasterskie. Wstęp, przekład z oryginału, komentarz [The Letters to the Thessalonians and Pastoral Letters. Introduction, translation from the original, commentary], Poznań–Warszawa 1979, p. 56; J. Gnilka, Paweł z Tarsu. Apostoł i świadek [Paul of Tarsus. Apostle and Witness], Polish transl. W. Szymona, Kraków 2001, p. 121–122. 521 Cf. W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 126–134.

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Epistles to Thessalonians

proconsul of Achaia was Galio (cf. Acts 18:12).522 If it originated in Athens, the letter must have been written between autumn 49 and spring 51.523 The case with 2 Thess is even more complex. From the first words (1:1) and the ending (3:17) it would appear that this epistle was authored by Paul. It also has many similarities with 1 Thess, so everything would lead to the conclusion that Paul also wrote this letter, shortly after the first one. However, a number of doubts of a literary nature (style and subject matter) have emerged. Critics note that one gets the impression that the author of 2 Thess wants to correct and present the theses of 1 Thess in a different way. That is why many contemporary authors believe that this is a letter edited by Paul’s disciple, which may have been even twenty years later than 1 Thess.524 This is not an overriding opinion, and Paul’s authorship with regard to 2 Thess has equally solid foundations.525 In fact, there is no definite contradiction between the eschatology of the first and second letters to Thessalonians. Also, the chronology of both letters is questionable: some believe that Paul first wrote 2 Thess, because in it the doctrine of parallelization is barely sketched, while in 1 Thess it is more developed. The reverse order is also possible: 2 Thess does not aim at explaining the whole doctrine of Parousia, but only strives to explain one aspect of it.526 We believe that 2 Thess is also a letter written by Paul, probably in Corinth, shortly after the first letter, that is about 50, or at the latest in 52. In his letters to Thessalonians, Paul uses three terms that are of interest to us: ἐγείρω (once), ἀνίστημι (twice) and ἀναιρέω (once). We have arranged them in canonical order, which at the same time expresses a certain logical order: the raising/ resurrection of Christ – the resurrection of the faithful – the killing of the wicked one by Christ at the time of His coming at the end of time. 2.8.1

Raising, resurrecting (Christ)

Despite the fact that the verbs used to describe the restoration of Jesus to life in the first letter to Thessalonians are not often resorted to, Paul uses both: ἐγείρω and ἀνίστημι. 522 Cf. H. Langkammer, Wprowadzenie do ksiąg Nowego Testamentu [Introduction to the Books of New Testament], p. 145; T. Jelonek, Wprowadzenie do listów świętego Pawła [Introduction to St Paul’s Epistles], p. 26. 523 Cf. W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 135. 524 This opinion is held by: H. Langkammer, Wprowadzenie do ksiąg Nowego Testamentu [Introduction to the Books of New Testament], p. 148. 525 Cf. A. Paciorek, Paweł Apostoł – Pisma [Paul the Apostle – Writings], part 2, p. 43–44; T. Jelonek, Wprowadzenie do listów świętego Pawła [Introduction to St Paul’s Epistles], p. 28–29. 526 Cf. A.M. Buschemi, San Paolo, p. 146; W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], p. 124–126.

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2.8.1.1 9

1 Thess 1:9–10

αὐτοὶ γὰρ περὶ ἡμῶν ἀπαγγέλλουσιν ὁποίαν εἴσοδον ἔσχομεν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, καὶ πῶς

ἐπεστρέψατε πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἀπὸ τῶν εἰδώλων δουλεύειν θεῷ ζῶντι καὶ ἀληθινῷ 10

καὶ ἀναμένειν τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν, ὃν ἤγειρεν ἐκ [τῶν] νεκρῶν,

Ἰησοῦν τὸν ῥυόμενον ἡμᾶς ἐκ τῆς ὀργῆς τῆς ἐρχομένης

We only analyse text variants for verse 10 because it is only here that we come across the term of interest to us. Instead of ἀναμένειν we read ὑπομένειν in P46vid . Despite the antiquity of the P46 (2nd century) manuscript, its reading does not seem to be preferred. We believe that ἀναμένειν is original, even though it is a hapax legomenon, or maybe precisely because of it. The article τῶν preceding νεκρῶν is omitted in P46vid A C K 232. 629. 495. 1881*. 2464 al; Eusebius of Caesarea. Longer readings are supported by ‫ א‬B D F G I Ψ 0278. 33. 1739. 1881c M. Both readings are supported by many, very important manuscripts. Although the shorter reading seems to be more frequent (Rom 4:24, 6:4.9, 7:4, 8:11, 1 Cor 15:20), the longer reading is also found (Eph 5:14, Col 1:18). Therefore, we accept the reading with the article although we place it in square brackets because of doubts. In the prepositional construction ἐκ τῆς ὀργῆς, we have ἀπό in place of ἐκ in C D F G Ψ M latt, while the first reading can be found in ‫ א‬A B P 0278. 33. 81. 1505. 1739. 1881. 2464 pc. It seems that the reading with ἀπό is harmonized with parallel texts of Rom 5:9 and Rev 6:16. Hence, it seems that precisely because we do not have such a construction with ἐκ anywhere else, this reading is to be preferred. This is also confirmed by numerous and important manuscripts.527 Translation: “9 For they themselves report concerning us the kind of reception we had among you, and how you turned to God from idols to serve the living and true God, 10 and to wait for his Son from heaven, whom he raised from the dead, Jesus who delivers us from the wrath to come”. The text we are discussing is part of a unit (1:8–10), in which the author supplements the statement with the information that the addressees of the letter have become the model. The whole thing was arranged in two long sentences (v. 8 and

527 However, the discussion is not yet complete, as evidenced by the in-depth analysis of options carried out by D.B. Wallace, A Textual Problem in 1 Thessalonians 1:10: Ek tēs Orgēs vs. Apo tēs Orgēs, “Bibliotheca Sacra” 147 (1990), no. 588, p. 470–479.

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Epistles to Thessalonians

above 9–10).528 According to many scholars, 1 Thess 1:9–10 contains a typical formula of faith of the early Church – first written.529 This is the first eschatological statement in the letter we are analysing. And at the same time the oldest confirmation of the Christian faith in the second coming of Christ. In this context, besides mentioning the coming of Jesus from heaven, the letter gives information about His raising from the dead. He does this using the characteristic verb ἐγείρω (‘raised’). Both in the passive voice (Rom 6:4.9, 8:34, 1 Cor 15:21) and in the active voice (1 Thess 1:10, Rom 4:24, 8:11, 10:9), the author indicates that God Himself is the author of Jesus’ return to life.530 The presentation of God as one who raises Jesus is not intended to affirm the divine sonship of the latter, but rather to show Jesus who will come at the end of the times ‘from heaven’ (ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν), ‘raised from the dead’ (ἤγειρεν ἐκ [τῶν] νεκρῶν) by the Father, as the One who ‘saves us’ (ῥυόμενον ἡμᾶς) from incoming wrath.531 It is therefore a matter of pointing out the role that Jesus will play in the time of the Parousia, His salvific action. “Here the Apostle touches upon the basic truth of the Christian message; he speaks it in the form and manner in which it lived and was repeated by early Christianity”.532 Thus, the verb ἐγείρω used chronologically for the first time in Paul’s epistolography, sets the direction for its further use by the Apostle of the Nations. It is already here, and in further writings it will be developed even more strongly as a technical term to describe God’s action to bring His Son, Jesus Christ, back to life. 2.8.1.2

1 Thess 4:14

εἰ γὰρ πιστεύομεν ὅτι Ἰησοῦς ἀπέθανεν καὶ ἀνέστη, οὕτως καὶ ὁ θεὸς τοὺς κοιμηθέντας διὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ ἄξει σὺν αὐτῷ

The verse we are analysing has only one variant. In B and 1739 and pc the word order was changed from καὶ ὁ θεὸς to ὁ θεὸς καί. This change was probably due to the desire to emphasise the parallelism between Jesus and those who ‘have fallen asleep’.533 We think therefore that the reading with καὶ ὁ θεὸς is original.

528 Cf. M. Bednarz, 1–2 List do Tesaloniczan. Przekład z oryginału, komentarz [1–2 Epistles to Thessalonians. Translation from the original, commentary] (NKB NT XIII), Częstochowa 2005, p. 122. 529 Cf. J. Stępień, Listy do Tesaloniczan [The Epistles to the Thessalonians], p. 134. Although the discussion on its possible origin from an earlier period than that of Paul has not been settled; see M. Bednarz, 1–2 Listy do Tesaloniczan [1 and 2 Epistle to the Thessalonians], p. 122–123. 530 Cf. M. Bednarz, 1–2 List do Tesaloniczan [1–2 Epistles to Thessalonians], p. 130. 531 Cf. F. Laub, 1. und 2. Thessalonicherbrief , Stuttgart 1988, p. 18. 532 J. Stępień, Listy do Tesaloniczan [The Epistles to the Thessalonians], p. 133. 533 Cf. M. Bednarz, 1–2 List do Tesaloniczan [1–2 Epistles to Thessalonians], p. 329.

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Translation: “For since we believe that Jesus died and rose again, even so, through Jesus, God will bring with him those who have fallen asleep”. When discussing the context of our verse, it is difficult not to stop at the whole section 4:13–18, which deals with the Second Coming of Christ.534 This is also related to the next passage that will talk about the resurrection of the faithful (4:16). This context is broadly discussed by Michał Bednarz, presenting the structure of the whole unit in the following way: A. Introduction: do not be sad (v. 13); B. Kerygma and its implications (v. 14): a. Kerygma: Jesus died and rose again (v. 14a); b. The dead in Jesus will also rise from the dead (v. 14b); B’. The word of the Lord and its implications (v. 15–17): a. The word of the Lord (v. 15–17a); b. The living and the dead will be with the Lord (v. 17b); C. Conclusion: comfort each other (v. 18).535 As a basis for his argumentation in 1 Thess 4:14, the Apostle puts forward a stereotype formula of faith, which speaks of the death and resurrection of Jesus: Ἰησοῦς ἀπέθανεν καὶ ἀνέστη. As in the passage discussed above, the accomplished salvific work guarantees the future eschatological event of the Parousia (cf. 1 Thess 1:10).536 Surely, Paul used a pre-existing formula here, as evidenced by traces of a vocabulary that is different from that used by the Apostle: Ἰησοῦς instead of the more frequent Χριστός in his epistolography (cf. for example 1 Cor 15:3–5.14.17–18.20); ἀνίστημι instead of ἐγείρω, which was almost always537 used by the Apostle in the context of the raising of Jesus Christ.538 Presumably the whole formula of faith was ἀπέθανεν καὶ ἀνέστη ἐκ νεκρῶν (cf. Matt 10:9, Mark 9:9.10, 12:25, Luke 24:46, John 20:9, Acts 10:41, 17:3).539

534 More on this text as parallel to 2 Thess 2:1–12 in J.-M. Sordet, La venue du Seigneur. Deux discours d’espérance à la lumière de deux hypothèses: 1 Thessaloniciens 4,13–18 et 2 Thessaloniciens 2,1–12, “Hokhma” 35 (1987), p. 35–57. 535 Cf. M. Bednarz, 1–2 List do Tesaloniczan [1–2 Epistles to Thessalonians], p. 322. 536 In a special way, this participation of the faithful in the Parousia is reflected in the final phrase: διὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ ἄξει σὺν αὐτῷ. Cf. F. Laub, 1. and 2. Thessalonicherbrief , p. 29. H. Merklein observes that this is not only about the resurrection but also about a special event – the communion of the dead with Jesus in His second coming, about sharing in the Parousia. Cf. H. Merklein, H., Der Theologe als Prophet: zur Funktion prophetischen Redens im theologischen Diskurs des Paulus, “New Testament Studies” 38 (1992), no. 3, p. 405. 537 Except for Eph 1:20, if we consider the letter to the Ephesians as Paul’s authentic letter. 538 Cf. J. Stępień, Listy do Tesaloniczan [The Epistles to the Thessalonians], p. 189. 539 Cf. M. Bednarz, 1–2 List do Tesaloniczan [1–2 Epistles to Thessalonians], p. 329.

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Epistles to Thessalonians

From this truth Paul concludes: If it is certain that Jesus passed through death and rose from the dead, it is certain that “those who fell asleep with Jesus” (κοιμηθέντας διὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ) will also rise from the dead.540 This transition from the resurrection of Christ to the guidance (ἄξει) of the faithful541 may come as a little surprise, for usually in this context Paul referred directly to the resurrection of the dead (cf. for example, 1 Cor 15:15–16). In a sense, it is explained in the further context in which the truth about the resurrection of those who died in Christ will be explicitly articulated (οἱ νεκροὶ ἐν Χριστῷ ἀναστήσονται; 1 Thess 4:16). “Paul has in mind Christians who believed in Jesus, lived in connection with Him, through Him, and died in Him. These are the people God will bring with Jesus to give them a share in His glory. The Apostle is therefore only interested in death and the future resurrection of those who are in communion with Christ”.542 The verb (ἀνίστημι) we are discussing in our context means the rising, the resurrection of Jesus, the work done by Him as God. Though, to tell you the truth ἀνέστη neither excludes nor confirms the Father’s action.543 2.8.2

Resurrecting (the faithful)

According to Paul’s logic, as he once used the verb ἀνίστημι to describe Jesus’ resurrection, he now refers it to believers (1 Thess 4:16). 2.8.2.1

1 Thess 4:16

[…] ὅτι αὐτὸς ὁ κύριος ἐν κελεύσματι, ἐν φωνῇ ἀρχαγγέλου καὶ ἐν σάλπιγγι θεοῦ, καταβήσεται ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ καὶ οἱ νεκροὶ ἐν Χριστῷ ἀναστήσονται πρῶτον

Instead of πρῶτον we read πρῶτοι in D* F G latt; Tertullian, Eusebius of Caesarea. It seems that the adjective form reconciles the more difficult reading with the noun οἱ νεκροί. We think that the reading with πρῶτον as more difficult and supported by more manuscripts is closer to the original.

540 The issue of “those who have fallen asleep in Christ” is widely discussed by A. Lindemann, Paulus und die korinthische Eschatologie, p. 378–380; whereas the resurrection of the faithful is more elaborate in 1 Cor 15:1–58; so it seems that in 1 Thess 4:13–18 we find in its initial form the truth about Jesus’ resurrection as the foundation of our resurrection. This is also the view of H. Merklein, who juxtaposes these two texts in a synoptic form; see H. Merklein, Der Theologe als Prophet, p. 414–415. 541 This issue is widely discussed by R.L. Omanson, Comings and Goings in the Bible, “The Bible Translator” 46 (1995), no. 1, p. 114–118. 542 M. Bednarz, 1–2 List do Tesaloniczan [1–2 Epistles to Thessalonians], p. 335. 543 Cf. F. Laub, 1. and 2. Thessalonicherbrief , p. 29; M. Bednarz, 1–2 List do Tesaloniczan [1–2 Epistles to Thessalonians], p. 330.

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Translation: “For the Lord himself will descend from heaven with a cry of command, with the voice of an archangel, and with the sound of the trumpet of God. And the dead in Christ will rise first”. Verses 15–17, beginning with the particle γὰρ, leaves no doubt that they are an explanation of the theme given in verse 14. Reference to the ‘word of the Lord’ (v. 15), stresses that Paul’s proposed teaching is linked to the kerygma. Additionally, it was supported by a very personal one: ‘this we declare to you’ (v. 15). Further (v. 16–17) he specifies the general statements of verse 15. This is indicated by the use of ὅτι (recitativum).544 The eschatological images contained in verses 16–17 are of Judaic or early Christian origin. They are initiated by God himself.545 It will take place in three stages: a) the Lord’s descent from heaven; b) the resurrection of the dead; c) the believers will be taken to meet with the Lord.546 God’s ‘calling’ (ἐν κελεύσματι) will be taken up and continued by the ‘voice of the archangel’ (ἐν φωνῇ ἀρχαγγέλου) and by the ‘trumpet of God’ (ἐν σάλπιγγι θεοῦ) (cf. 1 Cor 15:52,547 Matt 24:31).548 With this eschatological image of the son of man, or Kyrios, who by coming at the end of time will lead to their full salvation, Paul links the resurrection of the dead. The οἱ νεκροὶ ἐν Χριστῷ ἀναστήσονται phrase used here is very controversial because it would testify that only those who believe in Christ will rise from the dead. The scholars’ opinion on this issue is rather unanimous. It is not that only the faithful will rise from the dead. The difference, however, is how this will be done. Some believe that

544 Cf. M. Bednarz, 1–2 List do Tesaloniczan [1–2 Epistles to Thessalonians], p. 322 and p. 346. 545 Cf. J.-M. Sordet, La venue du Seigneur, p. 44; F. Laub, 1. and 2. Thessalonicherbrief , p. 29. 546 Cf. M. Bednarz, 1–2 List do Tesaloniczan [1–2 Epistles to Thessalonians], p. 346. On the picture of the Parousia in 1 Thess 4:13–18 in connection with the universal resurrection, see S. J. Stasiak, Eschatologia w listach Pawła Apostoła [Eschatology in the Apostle Paul’s Letters], [in:] “Dla mnie żyć to Chrystus” [“For me to live is Christ!”], ed. J. Pietrzyk, M. Szmajdziński, Skierniewice 2009, p. 117–119. 547 H. Merklein pointed to an interesting juxtaposition of these three prepositional phrases with similar ones taken from 1 Cor and other elements of this description (cf. H. Merklein, Der Theologe als Prophet, p. 415): 1 Thess 4:16 1 Cor 15:52 ὅτι αὐτὸς ὁ κύριος ἐν κελεύσματι

ἐν ἀτόμῳ

ἐν φωνῇ ἀρχαγγέλου

ἐν ῥιπῇ ὀφθαλμοῦ

ἐν σάλπιγγι θεοῦ

ἐν τῇ ἐσχάτῃ σάλπιγγι

καταβήσεται ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ

(σαλπίσει γὰρ)

καὶ οἱ νεκροὶ ἐν Χριστῷ

καὶ οἱ νεκροὶ

ἀναστήσονται πρῶτον ἐγερθήσονται ἄφθαρτοι. 548 Cf. F. Laub, 1. and 2. Thessalonicherbrief , p. 29; J. Stępień, Listy do Tesaloniczan [The Epistles to the Thessalonians], p. 190.

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Epistles to Thessalonians

all will resurrect, and the expression ἐν Χριστῷ means that this universal resurrection will take place ‘in Christ’.549 Others think that Paul here speaks of the dead ‘in Christ’ and not of all the dead. “The fate of others does not occupy him at the moment. He answers the specific questions of the addressees and seeks to show that the brothers who have left this world will in no way be overlooked on the day of the Parousia”.550 There’s also this πρῶτον adverb that would suggest some kind of time sequence of events. Rather, it would be a kind of logical consequence of events.551 “Christ has been raised from the dead, the firstfruits of those who have fallen asleep” (1 Cor 15:20). The universal resurrection has already begun with the resurrection of Jesus. Not only that: The Resurrected is the cause of our resurrection. All those who ‘died in Christ’ (1 Thess 4:16) shall be revived in Christ: “Christ the firstfruits, then at his coming those who belong to Christ” (1 Cor 15:22–23). Christ is therefore the one in whom and through whom our resurrection will be accomplished.552 Our research shows that Paul here directly referred to the resurrection of Christ (4:14), which becomes the guarantee of a universal resurrection (4:16). Usually, the Apostle used the verb ἐγείρω; this time we meet the less common ἀνίστημι, which means ‘arose’. 2.8.3

Kill (the lawless)

Paul uses ἀναιρέω only once. This use, which we find in 2 Thess 2:8, retains the meaning of this word commonly used by other New Testament authors. 2.8.3.1 7

2 Thess 2:7–8

τὸ γὰρ μυστήριον ἤδη ἐνεργεῖται τῆς ἀνομίας· μόνον ὁ κατέχων ἄρτι ἕως ἐκ

μέσου γένηται. 8 καὶ τότε ἀποκαλυφθήσεται ὁ ἄνομος, ὃν ὁ κύριος [Ἰησοῦς] ἀνελεῖ τῷ πνεύματι τοῦ στόματος αὐτοῦ καὶ καταργήσει τῇ ἐπιφανείᾳ τῆς παρουσίας αὐτου

The name Ἰησοῦς was left out in B D2 1739. 1881. M boms ; Irenaeus. The longer reading occurs ‫ א‬A D* F G Lc P Ψ 0278. 33. 81. 104. 365. 1241. 2464 pc latt sy co; Latin translation of Irenaeus, Origen, Didymus the Blind. It is difficult to decide

549 Cf., for example, A. Lindemann, Paulus und die korinthische Eschatologie, p. 379. 550 J. Stępień, Listy do Tesaloniczan [The Epistles to the Thessalonians], p. 190. Similarly, F. Laub, 1 and 2. Thessalonicherbrief , p. 30. 551 This is the opinion of: J. Jankowski, Eschatologia biblijna Nowego Testamentu [Biblical Eschatology of New Testament], Kraków 1987, p. 52–53; H. Merklein, Der Theologe als Prophet, p. 406–407; M. Bednarz, 1–2 List do Tesaloniczan [1–2 Epistles to Thessalonians], p. 350. 552 Cf. H. Schürmann, Der erste Brief an die Thessalonicher (Geistliche Schriftlesung 13), Düsseldorf 1962, p. 81.

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whether the pious copyist added a name (in several manuscripts of the Vulgate we have Ἰησοῦς Χριστός) or whether it was accidentally or intentionally omitted to make the quote closer to Isa 11:4.553 We notice that the longer reading, as supported by most of the manuscripts, is closer to the original, but doubts remain, which is why we put Ἰησοῦς in square brackets. Translation: “7 For the mystery of lawlessness is already at work. Only he who now restrains it will do so until he is out of the way. 8 And then the lawless one will be revealed, whom the Lord Jesus will kill with the breath of his mouth and bring to nothing by the appearance of his coming”. The beginning of the second chapter 2 Tes, is the presentation of the issues related to the Second Coming of Jesus (2 Thess 2:1–5). In this way Paul sets forth his position on the news spread in Thessalonica that he was to write some kind of letter in which he stated that “the day of the Lord has come” (2 Thess 2:2).554 The remainder of the chapter is a kind of lecture and a clarification on these doubts. Michał Bednarz, drawing on Simon Légasse, gives the following structure of unit 2:3b–12, of which our passage is a part: A. Apostasy (v. 3b); B. The apparition of the lawless one, the son of perdition (v. 3c–4); C. Operation of the deterrent force (v. 5–7); B’. The apparition of the lawless one (v. 8); A’. his destruction (v. 9–12).555 In the verse we are analysing, Paul goes back to the thought begun in verses 3c–4: the apparition of the lawless one (ὁ ἄνομος). This time, however, his aim is to present an image of his encounter with Jesus Christ coming in glory. This is also indicated by the first words in verse 8 καὶ τότε which can be translated as ‘so then’ or ‘thus then’. This encounter will be by no means a battle or fight. The Lord Jesus (ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς) will not have to take it, he will simply kill him (ἀνελεῖ) with the breath of his mouth.556 At this point, the Apostle reaches for a quotation from the Book of Isaiah: “and he shall strike the earth with the rod of his mouth, and with the breath of his lips he shall kill (ἀνελεῖ) the wicked” (Isa 11:4b). In a strong tone, Paul reinterprets Isaiah’s description of the Lord’s revelation. Only through this event will the lawless

553 Cf. B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 568. 554 More on this issue: M.J.J. Menken, Paradise Regained or Still Lost? Eschatology and Disorderly Behaviour in 2 Thessalonians, “New Testament Studies” 38 (1992), no. 2, p. 280–285. 555 Cf. M. Bednarz, 1–2 List do Tesaloniczan [1–2 Epistles to Thessalonians], p. 492. 556 Cf. J. Stępień, Listy do Tesaloniczan [The Epistles to the Thessalonians], p. 226.

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Summary

one be annihilated.557 This picture is also known from other places in the Old Testament (cf. Job 4:9, Wis 11:9–10, cf. also Rev 19:15.20) Paul enriches with another synonymous sentence: καταργήσει τῇ ἐπιφανείᾳ τῆς παρουσίας αὐτου. The first verb (ἀνελεῖ; from ἀναιρέω), very rare in New Testament epistolography,558 is characteristic of the work of Luke (Luke and Acts).559 It means ‘remove, lose, destroy’ or even ‘kill, slay’.560 The second verb (καταργήσει, from καταργέω) in the New Testament is characteristic, almost exclusively for Paul’s writing.561 It usually means ‘annihilate, deprive of power, overthrow, destroy’.562 Both are almost synonymous, as are the sentences in which they are used as predicates. “In both parts of verse 8 we have parallel statements obtained with different images. Both emphasize the extraordinary power of Christ, which will be the source of defeat for the wicked one”.563 We note that this verb, which is not very common in Paul’s epistolography, has a special meaning: ‘kill’. It was known in classical Greek, although it was not its primary semantic field.564

Summary Not very rich terminology, however, translates into quite a rich content. For the first time in Paul’s epistolography we meet two formulas of faith that could have been known even earlier. The first one talks about ‘raising’ (ἤγειρεν) of Christ by God the Father (1 Thess 1:10). It is also deals with the second coming of Christ. The second concerns the death and ‘resurrection’ (ἀνέστη) of Christ (1 Thess 4:14).

557 Cf. H.-A. Egenolf, Der zweite Brief an die Thessalonicher (Geistliche Schriftlesung 14), Düsseldorf 1965, p. 50–51. For more on the use of the quotation from Isaiah see M. Bednarz, 1–2 List do Tesaloniczan [1–2 Epistles to Thessalonians], p. 523. 558 Beside this place, we meet it in Heb 10:9. 559 Except for Lukan Work (Luke 22:2, 23:32, Acts 2:23, 5:33.36, 7:21.28, 9:23.24. 29, 10:39, 12:2, 13:28, 16:27, 22:20, 23:15.21.27, 25:3, 26:10) we meet it only in Matt 2:16. 560 Cf. R. Popowski, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great Greek-Polish Dictionary of New Testament], p. 34–35. 561 In the Apostle’s epistolography, beside this fragment, we can find it in: Rom 3:3.31, 4:14, 6:6, 7:2.6, 1 Cor 1:28, 2:6, 6:13, 13:8.10.11, 15:24.26, 2 Cor 3:7.11.13.14, Gal 3:17, 5:11, Eph 2:5, 1 Tim 1:10. Outside of this group of writings, in the New Testament we meet him only in Luke 13:7 and Heb 2:14. 562 Cf. J. Stępień, Listy do Tesaloniczan [The Epistles to the Thessalonians], p. 226. 563 M. Bednarz, 1–2 List do Tesaloniczan [1–2 Epistles to Thessalonians], p. 523. 564 Z. Abramowiczówna gives the basic meaning: “to take, carry, bear, take away.” But as the second meaning she gave: ‘to destroy, kill, annihilate’. Cf. Słownik grecko-polski [The Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Z. Abramowiczówna, vol. 1, p. 142.

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This last passage also introduces the subject of bringing the dead to life. This is clearly stated in 4:16: “the dead in Christ will rise (ἀναστήσονται) first”. We can see that both verbs (ἐγείρω and ἀνίστημι) have a theological, even technical meaning from Paul’s earliest writings: ‘to raise’ and ‘to rise again’. In the letters we are discussing, there is also a verb ἀναιρέω which is not found anywhere else in Paul. It fits into the semantic field well known in classical Greek, even if its meaning is not primary: ‘kill, slay’ (2 Thess 2:8).

2.9

Epistles to Timothy

Two letters to Timothy and a letter to Titus since the eighteenth century are called Pastoral Letters. Next to the letter to Philemon, these are the only letters addressed to individual addressees. Still, Pastoral Letters are not private writings. The lectures they contain are addressed not only to the pastors, but also to the churches they headed. These are official letters.565 Although Paul is presented in all three letters (1–2 Tim and Titus) as their author, a cursory reading of them proves how different they are from Paul’s other letters. Heinrich Julius Holtzmann summarised the scientific and critical discussion of this subject in 1880.566 Over time, researchers have adopted a more balanced position “On the one hand, it is unavoidable that these letters belong to the group of New Testament pseudo-epigraphic epistles. This is indicated by the content and form, as well as the editing technique similar to the apocryphal acts of the Apostles. On the other hand, there are clear coincidences between the pastoral and Paul’s letters. Although they may concern not only the literary aspect, but also the author’s life knowledge of the Pauline tradition, which he not only passed on but also developed in many places. True, we are not able to give the final author of the pastoral letters, we can conclude that he belonged to Paul’s “school” It could be his personal secretary or other author, maybe one of the superiors of the municipalities to which these letters are addressed”.567 The questionable authorship of the letters is connected with the problem of time and place of their writing. There are scholars who, defending Paul’s authorship, put the time after 65, but still within the Apostle’s lifetime. The place would be the Troad

565 Cf. J. Stępień, Problem autorstwa Listów Pasterskich [The Problem of Authorship of the Pastoral Letters], “Studia Theologica Varsaviensia” 6 (1968), no. 2, p. 157. 566 He did so by publishing in his commentary almost all arguments against Paul’s authorship; see H.J. Holtzmann, Die Pastoralbriefe, kritisch und exegetisch behandelt, Leipzig 1880. 567 S. Stasiak, Eschatologia w Listach Pasterskich [Eschatology in the Pastoral Letters], p. 22–23. There (pp. 17–23 = Problemy krytyczno-literackie Listów Pasterskich [Critical and literary problems of Pastoral Letters], “Perspectiva” 2/5(2004), p. 53–59) can be found an extensive discussion on the authorship of the Pastoral Letters.

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Epistles to Timothy

(for 1 Tim and Titus) and Rome (for 2 Tim).568 This does not seem possible, however, due to overwhelming arguments against Paul’s authorship. The vast majority of contemporary exegetes are of this opinion.569 Therefore, a conclusion is drawn that we are not able to determine the exact time and place of the pastoral letters. Surely these writings remain within the circle of Paul’s teaching. The time of their creation can be roughly defined as the end of the first or beginning of the second century.570 In pastoral letters, only letters to Timothy contain the terminology that interests us. The terms with ἀνα and related prefixes and these include: ἀναλαμβάνω (twice), ἡ ἀνάστασις (once) ἐγείρω (once) and ἐπαίρω (once). We have arranged them in the order of their reference to Christ, to the community and finally to the individual. 2.9.1

Raise from the dead (about Christ)

As in Paul’s authentic letters, the author uses the verb ἐγείρω to describe the bringing of Christ to life. 2.9.1.1

2 Tim 2:8

Μνημόνευε Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν ἐγηγερμένον ἐκ νεκρῶν, ἐκ σπέρματος Δαυίδ, κατὰ τὸ εὐαγγέλιόν μου […]

Translation: “Remember Jesus Christ, risen from the dead, the offspring of David, as preached in my gospel […]”. The short composition of 2 Tim 2:8–13 juxtaposes some fragments of the original Church’s denomination of faith and Christian catechesis to form the basis for the faithfulness of the apostle of Jesus Christ, and, following his example, the faithfulness of the disciple and the shepherd. The author does it in two versions. He first recalls the Gospel of Paul about “Jesus Christ, risen from the dead, the offspring of David, as preached in my gospel” (2 Tim 2:8). He then quotes a hymn that echoes the baptismal catechesis, which is a call to solidarity with Christ that is dead and raised from the dead (2 Tim 2:9–13).571 What the author of our epistle calls ‘my Gospel’, undoubtedly referring to Paul, is an echo of the traditional formula known from Rom 1:3–4. Here we have a confirmation of the messianic nature of Jesus Christ, according to the promises

568 C.C. Spicq, Les Epitrês Pastorales (Etudes Bibliques), Paris 1969, p. LXXXIII–LXXXVIII. For more on these hypotheses see S. Stasiak, Eschatologia w Listach Pasterskich [Eschatology in the Pastoral Letters], p. 23–24. 569 Cf. W. Rakocy, Paweł Apostoł. Chronologia życia i pism [Paul the Apostle. Chronology of Life and Writings], for a broad argumentation of the pros and cons, with an inclination to ‘against’, p. 344–361. 570 Cf. S. Stasiak, Eschatologia w Listach Pasterskich [Eschatology in the Pastoral Letters], p. 24–25. 571 Cf. R. Fabris, Le Lettere Pastorali, Brescia 1986, p. 93–94.

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given by God to the generation of David. He then mentions His being raised from the dead, which is the guarantee of salvation for those who believe in Him.572 The whole speech starts with the characteristic call of μνημόνευε. It seems that it is not just a simple call not to forget something. It is more of an incentive to celebrate a memory. This is indicated by the elements referring to the person of Jesus Christ mentioned above: a) raised from the dead (v. 8a), b) born of the offspring of David (v. 8b), c) recalling the hymn (v. 11–13), an expression of the celebration of the paschal mystery. All this is illustrated by the object of this ‘remembering’, which is at the same time the content of tradition (ἡ παράδοσις; see 2 Thess 2:15, 3:6) and of the message (ἡ παραθήκη; see 2 Tim 1:12.14), which is accomplished as the ‘Gospel of Paul’ is received.573 The truth that Jesus Christ ‘risen from the dead’ belongs to the content of the Gospel. As mentioned above, the phrase ἐγηγερμένον ἐκ νεκρῶν is probably part of an early Christian creed or catechetical formula (cf. 1 Thess 1:10, 1 Cor 15:12.13.14.15.16.17.20, Gal 1:1, Eph 1:20, Col 2:12). All the more so because everything seems to indicate that this is where (in 8a) begins a fragment of the Christological hymn, interrupted by autobiographical information (the above-mentioned 8b–11a), and taken up again in verses 11b–13.574 The use of the participle in the passive perfectum (ἐγηγερμένον) indicates the resurrection as a permanent event with lasting effects. Timothy is to celebrate the memory of Jesus Christ, who was raised and as such, still alive, acts in his Church.575 The raising of Jesus is also at the centre of the creed in 1 Cor 15:3–5. The allusion in our passage to this very text seems obvious if we assume that the ἐγήγερται (indicativus perfecti passivi from ἐγείρω; 1 Cor 15:4) used there was the inspiration for the ἐγηγερμένον (paticipium perfecti passivi from ἐγείρω; 2 Tim 2:8).576 It seems obvious that the author wants to point out the fact of God’s action in the raising of Jesus Christ: this is what the passive voice informs us about. In turn, the perfectum tense shows the permanence

572 Cf. L. Oberlinner, Die Pastoralbriefe. Kommentar zum zweiten Timotheusbrief (Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament 11/2), Freiburg–Basel–Wien 1995, p. 75–76; cf. also R. Fabris, Le Lettere Pastorali, p. 94; H. Langkammer, Listy Pasterskie. Wstęp, tłumaczenie i komentarz [The Pastoral Letters. Introduction, translation and commentary], Lublin 2006, p. 106. 573 C. Marcheselli-Casale, Le Lettere Pastorali, Bologna 1995, p. 698–699. 574 Cf. J. Stępień, Listy Pasterskie [The Pastoral Letters], [in:] J. Stępień, Listy do Tesaloniczan i Pasterskie. Wstęp, przekład z oryginału, komentarz [The Letters to the Thessalonians and Pastoral Letters. Introduction, translation from the original, commentary], Poznan–Warszawa 1979, p. 421; C. Marcheselli-Casale, Le Lettere Pastorali, p. 699. 575 Cf. J. Stępień, Listy Pasterskie [The Pastoral Letters], p. 421; cf. also K.H. Rengstorf, Die Auferstehung Jesu, p. 54–55. 576 C. Marcheselli-Casale, Le Lettere Pastorali, p. 699.

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Epistles to Timothy

of this action. This is not primarily about the author’s interest in the raising itself, but rather about the attribute of Jesus Christ. He is the Risen Messiah.577 The verb under discussion takes on a special meaning. It no longer points only to God’s action,578 but also to the attribute of Jesus Christ as the Second Person of God. 2.9.2

Take up in glory (about Christ)

The author of pastoral letters uses the verb ἀναλαμβάνω twice, but each time it has a different meaning. At this point we want to analyse this passage, where the verb occurs in a metaphorical sense in relation to Christ. 2.9.2.1

1 Tim 3:16

καὶ ὁμολογουμένως μέγα ἐστὶν τὸ τῆς εὐσεβείας μυστήριον· ὃς ἐφανερώθη ἐν σαρκί, ἐδικαιώθη ἐν πνεύματι, ὤφθη ἀγγέλοις, ἐκηρύχθη ἐν ἔθνεσιν, ἐπιστεύθη ἐν κόσμῳ, ἀνελήμφθη ἐν δόξῃ

Instead of ὁμολογουμένως we read ὁμολογοῦμεν ὡς in D* 1175 pc. It seems that the scarce number of manuscripts supporting the second variant proves that the reading with ὁμολογουμένως is closer to the original. In another place we have the personal pronoun ὅς. This reading is supported by ‫ *א‬A* C* F G 33. 365 pc; Didymus the Blind, Epiphanius of Salamis. The version with ὅ is supported by D* lat, whereas the one w θεός is documented in: ‫א‬c Ac Cc Dc Ψ 1739. 1881 M vgms . The last has a small addition of an ὁ in 88 pc. Based on external testimonies and transcriptional probabilities, the reading with ὅς opens the hymn better than others. The reading with θεός is to be rejected. This is what we have in Codex Ψ, dating back to no earlier than 8/9th century. All older testimonies, however, have the reading with ὅς or ὅ and no patristic writer before the 4th century confirms this reading. It may have resulted either from an erroneous reading of the abbreviations contained in the text, or from intentionally completing the subject for the following verbs, in order to achieve greater dogmatic precision. Also, the testimonies that have ὅ also assume an earlier reading with ὅς because the relative pronoun ὅ was agreed grammatically with the noun τὸ μυστήριον.579 Translation: “Great indeed, we confess, is the mystery of godliness: He was manifested in the flesh, vindicated by the Spirit, seen by angels, proclaimed among the nations, believed on in the world, taken up in glory”. 577 Cf. J. Stępień, Listy Pasterskie [The Pastoral Letters], p. 421. 578 Some, referring to 1 Cor 15:45, will also see the workings of the Holy Ghost here; see L. Scheffczyk, Zmartwychwstanie [Resurrection], p. 211; C. Marcheselli-Casale, Le Lettere Pastorali, p. 699. 579 Cf. B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 573–574.

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“This hymn ends the last section (3:14–16) of the second part of the letter (2:1–3:16). After a personal mention of his arrival to Timothy (v. 14), the author presents the delay of this arrival as the reason why he wrote the indications concerning the life of the community (v. 15). Their basis is Christ Himself and His work, which was presented by the author in the final hymn (v. 16)”.580 It is a song581 that “draws the way of Christ from His coming into the world until His exaltation and glorification in the company of angels”.582 It is undoubtedly a reflection of very early Christology.583 It is not the subject of this study to make a detailed analysis of that hymn. We will only stop at his last words containing the concepts we are interested in. The term ἡ δόξα means, here in the spatial dimension, the glory and grandeur of God (cf. 1 Cor 2:8, 2 Cor 3:18, Rom 1:23) in which Jesus was taken away (cf. Heb 2:7).584 It doesn’t necessarily mean the fact and atmosphere that accompanied the ascension. It may also refer to what this fact begins, to events that are to occur later. The words ἐν δόξῃ would also mean ‘in heaven’, ‘in the way God lives’.585 Undoubtedly, as we have already mentioned above, this hymn is of an outstandingly Christological character. The expression ἀνελήμφθη ἐν δόξῃ can be understood as the end of a certain stage in salvation history, which is the basis for the next stage, which will be the second epiphany of Christ at the end of time. Thus, ‘exaltation – taking up’ can be identified with the resurrection and ascension of Christ. It is quite clear from our search that we cannot speak of any particular place of Christ’s exaltation. 1 Tim 3:16 rather points to the theological meaning of the term ‘take up in glory’ (ἀναλαμβάνω). In both cases the subject of action is God the Father, who leads to the exaltation of his Son through the resurrection and ascension.

580 S. Stasiak, Eschatologia w Listach Pasterskich [Eschatology in the Pastoral Letters], p. 106. 581 This part of the material has already been developed and published in: S. Stasiak, Zmartwychwstanie Chrystusa [The Resurrection of Christ], p. 241–243. 582 Cf. H. Langkammer, Teologia Nowego Testamentu. Część druga: Paweł, List do Hebrajczyków [The Theology of New Testament. Part Two: Paul, The Epistle to the Hebrews], Wrocław 1984, p. 40. 583 Cf. N. Brox, Die Pastoralbriefe (RNT 7), Regensburg 1969, p. 161: “Die Kürze, Abstraktion und inhaltliche Version des Liedes spiegeln eine sehr alte Christologie”. 584 Cf. J. Roloff, Der erste Brief an Timotheus (Evangelisch-Katolischer Kommentar zum NT 15), Neukirchen–Vluyn 1988, p. 209. 585 Cf. G. Holtz, Die Pastoralbriefe, Evangelische Verlagsanstalt; Berlin 1964, p. 92. Cf. also the translation of this phrase by H. Langkammer: “taken up in glory” (H. Langkammer, Teologia Nowego Testamentu. Część druga [The Theology of New Testament. Part Two], p. 40), which suggests that this is not a closed moment of time, but a certain state and purpose of this ‘taking’.

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Epistles to Timothy

2.9.3

The resurrection of the dead

Paul always linked the resurrection of believers to the raising of Jesus (see 1 Cor 15:12–13, for example). The author of pastoral letters also places these two realities in immediate proximity. He writes about the raising of Jesus Christ in 2 Tim 2:8, and about the resurrection of the faithful (in negative form) in 2 Tim 2:18. 2.9.3.1

2 Tim 2:17–18

17

[…] ὧν ἐστιν Ὑμέναιος καὶ Φίλητος, 18 οἵτινες περὶ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἠστόχησαν, λέγοντες [τὴν] ἀνάστασιν ἤδη γεγονέναι, καὶ ἀνατρέπουσιν τήν τινων πίστιν The article (τήν) before ἀνάστασιν was omitted in ‫ א‬F G 048. 33 pc. The longer reading, with the article, is supported by A C D Ψ 1739. 1881 M. It is extremely difficult to decide which reading is primary. The problem cannot be solved by the manuscripts containing our fragment because both readings are well documented. Also, the context may indicate both the need to use the article and the need to leave it out.586 It seems, however, that the need for its application prevails, as it is the reality of the Resurrection known to the addressees, but the multitude of documents supporting the shorter reading decided that we placed it in square brackets. Translation: “17 […] who have swerved from the truth, saying that the resurrection has already happened. They are upsetting the faith of some”. The second part of the letter (2:14–4:8) begins with the section (2:14–21), in which the author calls for a combat against the spreading heresy. He admonishes Timothy to avoid “irreverent babble” (v. 16). For the doctrine preached by those who use it is close to godlessness. One of the elements of their teaching was to announce that the resurrection had already happened (v. 18). The names of those who taught in this way are mentioned by the author in verse 17. The following verses (19–21) contain a call to renounce iniquity in order to become “a vessel for honourable use, useful to the master of the house, for every good work” (v. 21). Stigmatizing the wrong teaching, the author of the letter gives the names of two of its advocates: Philetus and the already mentioned (1 Tim 1:20) Hymenaeus. The main thesis of their teaching was that the resurrection (ἡ ἀνάστασις) had already happened.587 Paul’s teaching on the resurrection was always concrete and related to the raising of Jesus. He presented it as the renewal and exaltation of both body and soul in the reality of an enduring existence (cf. 1 Cor 15:20–23). In the context of baptism, on the other hand, he wrote about the beginning of 586 Cf. B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 579–580. 587 The teaching of Hillel is similar; he claimed that the Israelites had already received the Messiah: cf. H.L. Strack, P. Billerbeck, Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch, vol. 3: Die Briefe des Neuen Testaments und die Offenbarung Johannis, München 1926, p. 658.

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this existence (cf. Rom 6:1–5), which will eventually be completed in the future by participation in the kingdom of God (cf. 2 Tim 2:11–13).588 The teaching of the above-mentioned Philetus and Hymenaeus bears the hallmarks of an individual understanding of the resurrection as a spiritual reality. Perhaps it is a reflection of the gnosis that represents a gnostic as a man living in the resurrection, without specifying this concept.589 It is not excluded that there are also elements of Greek philosophy presenting the resurrection as exaltation, purification of the soul by enlightenment. This new life and immortality of the soul would happen at the moment of baptism.590 Whichever of these hypotheses we take, the author was certainly concerned with rejecting a misguided teaching that ignores the universal resurrection at the end of time and the eschatological, ultimate transformation of man.591 It is not the only reason to reject it. The doctrinal consequences go hand in hand with the threat to the faith: “They are upsetting the faith of some” (ἀνατρέπουσιν τήν τινων πίστιν). This situation cannot and is not indifferent to the author of the letter. In our text, the noun ἡ ἀνάστασις does not directly define the resurrection of Christ. Although in the negative sense, it remains in the context of Paul’s teaching on the universal resurrection (cf. Rom 6:2, 1 Cor 15:12–13.21.42, Phil 3:10). It refers us to a reality that is the object of eschatological hope. It means directly rising from sleep, resurrection of the dead.592 2.9.4

Lifting (hands in prayer)

The verb (ἐπαίρω), which we want to analyse here, only appears in 1 Cor 10:5, 11:20. It appears there in a metaphorical sense, while in 1 Tim 2:8 it seems to have a literal sense. 2.9.4.1

1 Tim 2:8

Βούλομαι οὖν προσεύχεσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ ἐπαίροντας ὁσίους χεῖρας χωρὶς ὀργῆς καὶ διαλογισμοῦ

In one group of textual witnesses the single number διαλογισμοῦ occurs in ‫*א‬ A D Ψ M lat. In another group, we have the plural διαλογισμῶν in ‫א‬2 F G H 33.

588 Cf. J. Freundorfer, Die Pastoralbriefe, [in:] K. Staab, J. Freundorfer, Thessalonichbriefe. Die Gefangenschaftsbriefe. Die Pastoralbriefe (RNT 7), Regensburg 1965, p. 273. 589 Cf. G. Holtz, Die Pastoralbriefe, p. 172; cf. also C. Marcheselli-Casale, Le Lettere Pastorali, p. 719–720. 590 Cf. J. Freundorfer, Die Pastoralbriefe, p. 273–274. 591 Cf. J. Stępień, Listy Pasterskie [The Pastoral Letters], p. 427. 592 I wrote more about it in: S. Stasiak, Eschatologia w Listach Pasterskich [Eschatology in the Pastoral Letters], p. 143–145.

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Epistles to Timothy

81. 104. 630. 1505. 1739. 1881 al sy. The plural is much better documented, but the context seems to indicate rather the singular because ὀργῆς is in the singular. Additionally, the plural seems to be harmonized with Phil 2:14, where we have γογγυσμῶν καὶ διαλογισμῶν. We therefore believe that the reading in the singular is original. Translation: “I desire then that in every place the men should pray, lifting holy hands without anger or quarrelling”. Our passage devoted to the behaviour of men in prayer is part of the first thematic unit dedicated to order in the Church community (1 Tim 2:1–15). Its structure can be presented as follows: a) general instructions for prayer (2:1–2) and their theological motivation (2:3–7); b) instructions on how to behave in the prayer of men (2:8) and women (2:9–10); c) instructions and guidelines on the role of women in the Church with biblical-theological motivation (2:11–15).593 After general indications the author speaks to men first. It starts with a polite but decisive βούλομαι, with which in Hellenistic Judaism an authoritative order was expressed.594 Prayer is to be said by men ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ that is, wherever the gospel was preached. This expression already takes on this technical character in Paul’s letters (cf. 1 Cor 1:2, 2 Cor 2:14, 1 Thess 1:8). It is probably about praying in a liturgical assembly.595 The prayer of men had to meet certain conditions. Their hands were supposed to be χωρὶς ὀργῆς καὶ διαλογισμοῦ. The expression ‘clean hands’ (gr. ὁσίους χεῖρας; literally “holy hands”) was already known in Greek classical literature. Because hands are the main tool of human action and deeds, the phrase we are discussing is a metaphorical expression of the right moral attitude. This meaning is also indicated by the final phrases that speak of hands ‘without anger or quarrel’.596 These hands are to be raised (ἐπαίροντας; participium praesentis activi from ἐπαίρω). The world of Judaism and Christianity knew about the raised hands in prayer. Open hands are a gesture characteristic of a person praying in a standing or kneeling position. This is how Solomon prayed (1 Kings 8:54), and in his raised, open hands the rabbis saw the gesture of the king praying on his knees to show to all 593 Cf. R. Fabris, Le Lettere Pastorali, 48; Cf. also A.-L. Danet, I Timothée 2,8–15 et le ministère pastoral féminin, “Hokhma” 44 (1990), p. 30. 594 Cf. J.N.D. Kelly, A Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles (Black’s N.T. Commentaries), London 1972, p. 65; C. Marcheselli-Casale, Le Lettere Pastorali, p. 168–169; H. Langkammer, Listy Pasterskie [The Pastoral Letters], p. 36. 595 So J. Stępień, Listy Pasterskie [The Pastoral Letters], p. 337; J.N.D. Kelly, A Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles, p. 65. Whereas H. Langkammer is of a different opinion: “However, there is no limit here to liturgical prayer alone, in other words: in official places of common meetings and services. One can and must also pray “privately”; H. Langkammer, Listy Pasterskie [The Pastoral Letters], p. 36; cf. also A.-L. Danet, I Timothée 2:8–15, p. 31. 596 Cf. J. Stępień, Listy Pasterskie [The Pastoral Letters], p. 337.

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those looking at him that his hands are empty, and that he faces JHWH in an attitude of total poverty.597 The raised hands are primarily a priestly gesture, well known to us from drawings in the Roman catacombs.598 It is exactly the same gesture that Jesus Christ, exalted on the cross, ‘made’ in this first moment of exercising the paschal mystery, which was completed by his being raised from the dead. For Christianity, prayer with raised hands takes on a completely new meaning. This attitude of prayer expresses what is celebrated in the congregation and is reflected in the Christological hymns in 1 Tim 3:16 and Tit 2:11–15.599 2.9.5

Bring (with you)

Unlike the previously discussed text, in which we have the verb ἀναλαμβάνω (1 Tim 3:16), we now observe its literal meaning. 2.9.5.1

2 Tim 4:11

Λουκᾶς ἐστιν μόνος μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ. Μᾶρκον ἀναλαβὼν ἄγε μετὰ σεαυτοῦ, ἔστιν γάρ μοι εὔχρηστος εἰς διακονίαν

We have ἄγαγε instead of ἄγε in A 104. 365. (1881*) pc. The principles of external criticism of the text seem to support the shorter reading. This is also confirmed by the principles of internal criticism. It seems that the reading with ἄγαγε is a consequence of a writing error, as a result of which instead of rewriting the syllable αγ once, the copyist repeated it a second time. We believe therefore that the reading with ἄγε is closer to the original. Translation: “Luke alone is with me. Get Mark and bring him with you, for he is very useful to me for ministry”. Just before the final greetings (4:19–22), the author of 2 Tim first gives information about Paul’s associates (4:9–12), then he gives Timothy a task (4:13). He continues to warn the addressee against the blacksmith Alexander (4:14–15). Finally, he describes Paul’s plight as a prisoner (4:16–18), putting him in the role of the author of the letter. Demas, Crescens, Titus, Luke, Mark, Tychicus are mentioned among Paul’s partners. Almost all these names are also mentioned in Col 4:7–14. Of the Apostle’s closest associates, only Luke, his most faithful friend, remained with him (cf. Phlm 24).600 In this state of solitude he wants to have other, faithful disciples with him. 597 598 599 600

C. Marcheselli-Casale, Le Lettere Pastorali, p. 172. Cf. J.N.D. Kelly, A Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles, p. 66. C. Marcheselli-Casale, Le Lettere Pastorali, p. 172–173. Cf. J. Stępień, Listy Pasterskie [The Pastoral Letters], p. 447; J.N.D. Kelly, A Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles, p. 213–214.

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Summary

Therefore, he asks Timothy to come “soon” (4:9). He wants him to take (ἀναλαβὼν) with him, bring (ἄγε) Mark. It is certainly the person who often appears in the Acts of the Apostles under a double name of John (Acts 13:5.13); John, called Mark (Acts 12:12.25, 15:37), Mark (Acts 15:39). As Mark he appears in Col 4:10, Phlm 24, 2 Tim 4:11. What reassures us that it is the same person is the fact of the double name of John Mark. The former is of Hebrew origin, the latter is of Greek-Latin origin. Such a situation was quite common in that era. Cesare Marcheselli-Casale wants to see in participium aoristi (ἀναλαβὼν; from ἀναλαμβάνω) some of Timothy’s actions aimed at convincing Mark. They would be a consequence of what was said earlier in Acts 13:13 and 15:37–39 about the controversy between Paul and Mark.601 These differences now seem to have been solved because Mark together with Luke stayed faithfully with Paul during his first imprisonment (cf. Col 4:10, Phlm 23). Now the Apostle has full confidence in him. In this context, the rationale is significant: “I’m very much needed to serve” (ἔστιν γάρ μοι εὔχρηστος εἰς διακονίαν). The noun ἡ διακονία may indicate: a) missionary work; b) the function of a ‘secretary’ who would write down the message preached by the Apostle; c) direct and very personal assistance to the imprisoned Paul. Although the views of the scholars are divided, the majority believe that it is a matter of ‘helping’ the Apostle in current works of evangelization. He could not do that because of his imprisonment.602 It is quite clear from this search that the meaning of the verb in our text is quite precise: it is about Timothy’s ‘bringing’ Mark.

Summary Given that pastoral letters are considered to be the writings from Paul’s teaching circle, it is not surprising that a similar terminology, in a similar sense, also appears in them. In 2 Tim 2:8 we meet an echo of the formula known from Rom 1:3–4 and other letters of Paul: Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν ἐγηγερμένον ἐκ νεκρῶν. This time, however, the truth about the raising of Jesus Christ gains the rank of ‘my’ – Paul’s – ‘Gospel’. The resurrection of the dead, in Paul’s letters, was always connected directly with the raising of Christ. The teaching in 2 Tim 2:18 has the same overtones. This time

601 Cf. C. Marcheselli-Casale, Le Lettere Pastorali, p. 803; J.N.D. Kelly, A Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles, p. 214; H. Langkammer, Listy Pasterskie [The Pastoral Letters], p. 132–133. 602 This opinion is held by J. Stępień, Listy Pasterskie [The Pastoral Letters], p. 448; H. Langkammer, Listy Pasterskie [The Pastoral Letters], p. 133. Of different opinion is J.N.D. Kelly: “A literal translation would give, ‘for he is useful to me for ministry’ (gr. diakonian), where the last word means either personal service to Paul or public ministering. Either interpretation is possible, but the tone of the passage favours the former”; J.N.D. Kelly, A Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles, p. 214.

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it is not the formulation of a ‘new’ doctrine, but the defence of the ‘old’ one which is and well known to the recipients of the letters and their communities. From a formal point of view, the verb ἀναλαμβάνω, known only from Eph 6:13.16, means ‘take’. Evidently, this is the meaning of 2 Tim 4:11. The context of 1 Tim 3:16, however, indicates theological significance. This verb here is synonymous with the resurrection and ascension: ‘take in glory’. 1 Tim 2:8 brings us a very interesting meaning of the verb ἐπαίρω. Again, it formally means ‘to erect’. However, the context of ‘hands raised in prayer’ refers to the attitude of the hands of Jesus Christ on the cross.

Conclusions In Paul’s letters, among the terms referring to exaltation, the terminology concerning the raising from the dead and resurrection is definitely dominant. Out of eightynine uses of the terms we are interested in, sixty-one relate to these realities: ἐγείρω, ἐξεγείρω, συνεγείρω (46 occurrences) and ἀνίστημι, ἡ ἀνάστασις, ἡ ἐξανάστασις (15 occurrences). Usually, using the terms of the first group, the Apostle describes the raising of Christ, but also of the faithful. With the help of those of the second group, the resurrection of the dead is meant, less often that of Christ. We note, moreover, that Paul is familiar with the most basic meaning of these terms. In Rom 13:11 ἐγείρω means to ‘arise’ from sleep, and in Phil 1:17 it describes the ‘intensification, strengthening’ of the oppression of the Apostle’s constraining bonds. In Rom 9:17, ἐξεγείρω means the ‘awakening, calling’ to the life of the Pharaoh by God. Also the meaning of ἀνίστημι can be literal: ‘arise’ to worship deities (1 Cor 10:7). One of the most famous juxtapositions of terms in the Bible, which we also find in Paul’s letters, are: ἀναβαίνω/καταβαίνω. They mean ‘to ascend/descend’, even if in some cases it may become theologically significant in the context of the heaven you ascend or descend from (Rom 10:6–7, Eph 4:8–10). In Gal 2:1.2, only the verb ἀναβαίνω is used, in the literal sense of ‘ascend’. One of the most classic verbs describing the reality of exaltation is ὑψόω. In Paul’s letters, it appears only in 2 Cor 11:7, together with ταπεινόω. Everything was used in a moral context: Paul humbles himself so that the community can be exalted. In Phil 2:9 we have the compound verb ὑπερυψόω with which the extraordinary exaltation (resurrection and ascension) of Jesus Christ was rendered. In this context we also find the adverb ἄνω, with which God’s space is rendered (Phil 3:14, Col 3:1.2), ‘upper’ Jerusalem (Gal 4:26). Among the adverbs, we only have ἄνωθεν, and in idiomatic meaning: ‘again’ (Gal 4:9). The verb ἀναλαμβάνω (‘put’ on yourself – Eph 6:13.16, ‘take’ with you – 2 Tim 4:11), has in Paul’s use the literal meaning similar to classical Greek, though in one

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Conclusions

case it functions in the context of a broader statement about ‘taking’ in the glory of Jesus Christ (1 Tim 3:16). The word ἀναιρέω has a literal meaning, known also from the classical language. It’s about ‘killing, slaying’ (2 Thess 2:8). Among the rare concepts to which Paul gives pejorative meaning we find three: τὸ ὕψωμα, ἐπαίρω and ὑψηλός. The first one is used to describe the haughtiness acting against the knowledge of God (2 Cor 10:4–5), or the concept of astrological height (Rom 8:39). The verb ἐπαίρω usually has a pejorative meaning in Paul’s epistles (‘to be haughty’; 2 Cor 10:5, 11:20), but it also simply means to ‘lift, raise’ (1 Tim 2:8). Another adjective ὑψηλός, which means ‘high’ self-esteem, gains a definitely negative qualification in the (Rom 11:20, 12:16).

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291

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3.

Exaltation – similarities and divergences

In the Greek world, various terminology was used in reference to height or exaltation, both in a positive and negative sense. Rich vocabulary in this category was also found in Paul’s epistles. A detailed analysis of the texts revealed that the meaning of particular terms differs between one group of epistles and another. In this chapter a comparison will be drawn, showing similarities and divergences. First, we will list the terms that appear both in the works of classical Greek authors and in St Paul’s epistles under investigation. Next, we will provide the fragments from Paul’s epistles where the terms can be found. The subsequent points will be an attempt at arranging the terms taken from classical literature and the epistles of the Apostle of the Nations in thematic order. Each point will have a similar structure. At first, we will show the range of meanings of all the terms in a given theme in classical literature, then we will juxtapose it with how, if at all, St Paul used them. With reference to the writings of the Apostle of the Nations, we also provide brief explanations on the theology behind specific concepts.

3.1

Comparative data

The comparison of the terminology used by Classical Greek authors and by Paul of Tarsus reveals that the terms mostly overlap. However, the frequency of their use is not identical. The table below presents the relevant numbers: No.

Terms

Greek authors

Paul

1.

τὸ ὕψος

23

2

2.

τὸ ὕψωμα

–

2

3.

ὑψηλός

221

2

4.

ὕψιστος

13

–

5.

ὑψοῦ

4

–

6.

ὑψόθεν

36

–

7.

ὑψόω

13

1

8.

ὑπερυψόω

–

1

9.

ἀναβαίνω

387

7

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294

Exaltation – similarities and divergences

No.

Terms

Greek authors

Paul

10.

ἀναιρέω

482

1

11.

ἀναλαμβάνω

292

4

12.

ἀνίστημι

483

5

13.

ἡ ἀνάστασις

15

9

14.

ἡ ἐξανάστασις

–

1

15.

ἐγείρω

215

41

16.

ἐξεγείρω

–

2

17.

συνεγείρω

–

3

18.

ἡ ἔγερσις

2

–

19.

ἄνω

395

4

20.

ἄνωθεν

118

1

21.

ἐπαίρω

157

3

As we note, classical authors never use the complex terms we find in Paul: ὑπερυψόω, ἡ ἐξανάστασις, ἐξεγείρω and συνεγείρω. Their writings lack the expressions

characteristic of the Canaanite cult for highlands: τὸ ὕψωμα. In Paul’s epistles, on the other hand, there are no such terms as: ὕψιστος, ὑψοῦ, ὑψόθεν and ἡ ἔγερσις. In Paul’s epistles, the terms are not distributed evenly either. Consider in what writings we find the following terms: 1. τὸ ὕψος – Rom 8:39, Eph 3:18; 2. τὸ ὕψωμα – Rom 8:39, 2 Cor 10:5; 3. ὑψηλός – Rom 11:20, 12:16; 4. ὑψόω – 2 Cor 11:7 5. ὑπερυψόω – Phil 2:9; 6. ἀναβαίνω – Rom 10:6, 1 Cor 2:9, Gal 2:1.2, Eph 4:8.9.10; 7. ἀναιρέω – 2 Thess 2:8; 8. ἀναλαμβάνω – Eph 6:13.16, 1 Tim 3:16, 2 Tim 4:11; 9. ἀνίστημι – Rom 15:12, 1 Cor 10:7, Eph 5:14, 1 Thess 4:14.16; 10. ἡ ἀνάστασις – Rom 1:4, 6:5, 1 Cor 15:12.13.21.42, Phil 3:10, 2 Tim 2:18; 11. ἡ ἐξανάστασις – Phil 3:10; 12. ἐγείρω – Rom 4:24.25, 6:4.9, 7:4, 8:11 (× 2), 8:34, 10:9, 13:11, 1 Cor 6:14, 15:4.12.13.14.15 (× 3). 16 (× 2). 17.20.29.32.35.42.43 (× 2). 44.52, 2 Cor 1:9, 4:14 (× 2), 5:15, Gal 1:1, Eph 1:20, 5:14, Phil 1:17, Col 2:12, 1 Thess 1:10, 2 Tim 2:8; 13. ἐξεγείρω – Rom 9:17, 1 Cor 6:14; 14. συνεγείρω – Eph 2:6, Col 2:12, 3:1; 15. ἄνω – Gal 4:26, Phil 3:14, Col 3:1.2; 16. ἄνωθεν – Gal 4:9; 17. ἐπαίρω – 2 Cor 10:5, 11:20, 1 Tim 2:8.

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God most high

The statistics is not sufficient. There is a need for a deeper look at the concept used by classical Greek authors. The questions that come to mind include: Which terms were favourite for particular authors? In what context were they used? Which shades of meaning were given special emphasis? Did Paul know these nuances of meaning? If so, did he apply them in his epistles? In the following part of this chapter we will point out these dependencies or the lack thereof.

3.2

God most high

The attribute showing the first position among deities and superiority to humans, rendered by an adjective in the superlative (ὕψιστος), could only be assigned to one god of the Greek world – Zeus. With this attribute Zeus was praised by the great lyric poets: Pindar (N.1.60; 11.2) and Theocritus (Idyll 25: Heracles the Lion Slayer 159). This motif was also taken up by playwrights. This is how Zeus was called by Aeschylus (The Eumenides 28), while the fear of him was supreme (Aeschylus, The Suppliants 479). Sophocles, on the other hand, wrote about the highest glory of Zeus (Sophocles, Philoctetes 1289).the place of his cult has the same attribute – ‘the highest’ (Sophocles, The Trachiniae 1191).1 Interestingly, in no place did Paul assign this attribute to God. It seems there was no need for it. When teaching, the Apostle took the position that “God is one (ὁ δὲ θεὸς εἷς ἐστιν)” (Gal 3:20), the only one. “Therefore, as to the eating of food offered to idols, we know that ‘an idol has no real existence,’ and that ‘there is no God but one’ (οὐδεὶς θεὸς εἰ μὴ εἷς)” (1 Cor 8:4, cf. 1 Tim 6:15.16). The attribute of God in Paul’s theology then is his oneness and not the highest position among other deities.

3.3

The Gods’ dwelling Place

Greek authors developed the subject extensively using rich adverbial terminology. According to them it is ‘on high’ (ὑψοῦ) where Zeus dwells (Homer, Iliad 13.22). ‘From on high’ (ὑψόθεν) he takes his divine action (Homer, Iliad 20.57; Odyssey 2.147; 20.104). Other gods do so as well (Homer, Odyssey 22.298; Hymn to Ares (7).10). This idea of space reserved for gods and their actions is also taken up by Greek playwrights. Zeus looks, watches (Aeschylus, The Suppliants 381) and listens

1 More on Zeus Most High cf. A.D. Nock, The Gild of Zeus Hypsistos, “Harvard Theological Review” 29 (1936), p. 39–88; A.D. Nock, The Gild of Zeus Hypsistos, [in:] Essays on religion and the Ancient World, ed. Z. Stewart, vol. 1, Oxford 1972, p. 414–443.

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(Aeschylus, The Suppliants 175) ‘from on high’ (ὑψόθεν). Xenophon described similar events in Memorabilia (4.3.14) and Symposium (6.7). Another adverb expresses the idea of the deities dwelling ‘on high, aloft’ (ἄνωθεν) even more extensively. This term is only used by playwrights Aeschylus, The Suppliants 597; Agamemnon 1579 and Aristophanes, Peace 821; The Birds 1522; 1526. It was also the playwrights who started using ἄνω in relation to the scope of the gods’ activities. They denoted ‘all space’ by means of ἄνω καὶ κάτω (Aeschylus, The Eumenides 650; The Libation Bearers 124). The adverb ἄνω on its own referred to the spheres from which the deities act (Aeschylus, The Libation Bearers 147; Sophocles, Antigone 1072, Philoctetes 814 and 815; Euripides, Hecuba 791; Aristophanes, The Birds 727; 843; 1507; The Clouds 231; Peace 854). Among the rhetors this meaning is only made use of by Lysias (II. Funeral Oration 7), while in Plato’s works it can be found extensively (Cratylus 396b; 408c; Laws 9.880e; 11.927b; Phaedrus 246d; Republic 10.614c). It was also used by historiographers: Xenophon (Oeconomicus 20.11) and Herodotus (The Histories 4.94.5; 5.105.2). In view of this rich terminology and the fact the classical authors so frequently referred to the sphere reserved to the gods, it may come as a surprise that in Paul’s epistles this meaning of the adverb only occurs in two places. First, in a metaphor, it refers to ‘upper’ (ἄνω) Jerusalem, which is free and is our mother (Gal 4:26). Further, he explains what is ‘above’ (ἄνω), where Christ is seated at the right hand of God, and calls to set minds on things ‘above’ (ἄνω), rather than on earthly things (Col 3:1.2). Paul seems to have known well the classic meaning of this adverb. Yet, in his theological explanations he hardly focused on indicating the space absolutely reserved for God alone because the entrance to it was opened by the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.

3.4

Establishing contact with God

According to the texts of the Greek classical writers, man could come into contact with the deity in various ways. Mount Olympus was the dwelling place of the gods, so the ascent (ἀναβαίνω) to this mountain was tantamount to coming into contact with the gods. The contact with the divine world was also possible through erecting (ἀνίστημι) an altar and offering and lifting a sacrifice (ἀναιρέω, ἐπαίρω). Another way was to ask (ἀναιρέω) the oracle about gods’ will. A completely different way, and in Plato’s opinion even more effective, was to practice philosophy. This allowed the soul to rise to the otherworldly heights (ἄνω, ἄνωθεν).

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Establishing contact with God

3.4.1

Ascending Olympus or the heaven

Homer was among the early Greek authors to write about Olympus as a kind of dwelling place of the gods and thus only available to them. It is the gods who ascend (ἀναβαίνω) it (Homer, Iliad 1.497; 1.611). The lyric poets introduced another possibility. Heroes like Heracles can enter the dwelling space of the deities (Theocritus, Idyll 24: The Infant Heracles 82). Demosthenes, on the other hand, was convinced that man could only climb the sphere of worship and prayer (Acropolis), which put him in a proper relationship with the deity (Demosthenes, Against Aristogeiton I (25).99). Thus, this verb no longer merely denotes ‘climbing’ Olympus, but begins to function in the religious and moral category. Man must find himself in the right place for prayer so that it may reach the deity. In a similar sense, we meet ἀναβαίνω in the works of philosophers. People can come into contact with a deity by ‘ascending’ the sacrificial altar (Aristotle, The Constitution of the Athenians 55.5). They can also ‘ascend’, but no longer Olympus, but directly heaven (Plato, Alcibiades I, 117b; The Republic 10.615e; 10.616a). In the works of historiographers there is only a reference to the place where sacrifices are made (Herodotus, The Histories 1.131.2; cf. Polybius, The Histories 7.12.1) or oaths taken (Thucydides, Peloponnesian War 5.50.1). Paul, as it were, knew well the meaning of ἀναβαίνω as a verb expressing an upward movement (the literal meaning of this verb dominates in Gal 2:1–2), and the entry of man into the space of God. He emphasised this meaning in Rom 10:6–7, quoting a slightly modified fragment from Deut 30:13: “Who will ascend (ἀναβήσεται) into heaven? (that is, to bring Christ down) or Who will descend (καταβήσεται) into the deep? (that is, to bring Christ up from the dead)”. In this way, the Apostle wanted to express metaphorically the things that are impossible for man, and at the same time to highlight even more clearly the need to believe in God’s saving work and to be united with Christ incarnate and resurrected from the dead.2 The passage from Eph 4:8–10 appears in Paul’s epistles of particular importance. The verb (ἀναβὰς, v. 8; ἀνέβη, v. 9; ὁ ἀναβὰς, v. 10) was used three times to relate to the Ascension: “He who descended is the very one who ascended higher than all the heavens, in order to fill the whole universe” (4:10).3 3.4.2

Erecting the altar and offering sacrifices

In the view of the classical authors, man can come into contact with a deity by making a sacrifice. This, however, requires a prior erection (ἀνίστημι) of an altar

2 Cf. J.A. Fitzmyer, Romans, p. 590. 3 Cf. W. Hall Harris III, The Ascent and Descent, p. 206.

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(Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica 2.689). This motif is also taken up by Callimachus in the hymn to Artemis (3).199. It is, however, of particular importance that the sacrifice itself should be offered with an appropriate sacrificial gesture: by raising, lifting it (ἀναιρέω), (Homer, Iliad 1.449; 2.410; Odyssey 3.453; cf. also Hesiod, Birth of the Gods 553; Works and Days 748). Also the playwrights describe a similar ‘raising’ activity (ἐπαίρω; Sophocles, Electra 634) of placing the sacrifice ‘on, above’ (ἄνω; Sophocles, The Trachiniae 1192). In Paul’s epistles no reference to these meanings of the terms ἀνίστημι, ἐπαίρω and ἄνω can be found. 3.4.3

The oracles

In antiquity, man very often turned to oracles for gods’ benevolence and answers about the fate. Classical Greek authors described both the question to the oracle and the answer by using the verb ἀναιρέω. Euripides, when writing about the questions addressed to the deity, implied that the answer would come through the soothsayer (Euripides, Iphigenia in Aulis 90). This idea is also present in the texts of the orators. Aeschines wrote about it in general terms (III. Against Ctesiphon 108). Other texts also mention the oracles of specific deities: Apollo’s (Isocrates, IV. Panegyricus 31; VI. Archidamus 17; 24; 31), Apollo’s in Delphi (Demosthenes, Against Meidias (21).51) and Zeus’ in Dodona (Demosthenes, Letter 1.16). The philosophers also wrote extensively about the deities’ answers (Plato, The Apology of Socrates 21a; Aristotle, The Constitution of the Athenians 21.6), especially about the choice that god was to make (Plato, Laws 1.642e; 9.865d; 11.914a). Sometimes this answer was given by god without intermediaries (Aristotle, Poetics 1455b). In view of the turbulent times described by historians, it is not surprising that their protagonists often turned to the deities for help. The oracles were located on the highest (ὑψηλοτάτων) mountains (Herodotus, The Histories 7.111.2). The gods answered the questions directly (Xenophon, Anabasis 3.1.6; 3.1.8) or through oracles: a) in Delphi (Herodotus, The Histories 1.13.1; 1.13.2; 6.34.2; 6.52.5; 7.148.3; 9.33.2; Thucydides, Peloponnesian War 1.25.1; 1.118.3; 2.54.4; Xenophon, Memorabilia 1.3.1; The Apology of Socrates 1.14); (b) in Dodona (Herodotus, The Histories 2.52.4); (c) in Ethiopia (Herodotus, The Histories 2.139.3); (d) in unspecified oracles (Thucydides, Peloponnesian War 1.126.4; Xenophon, Anabasis 5.3.7; 7.6.44; Polity of Lacedaemonians 8.5). These answers could also be given by the soothsayers (Herodotus, The Histories 6.69.3). Paul never used ἀναιρέω in that sense. His attitude is not surprising because he was convinced that the Lord’s plan could be known in a completely different way than by the uncertain knowledge of the oracle or the peasants: “The spiritual person judges all things, but is himself to be judged by no one. «For who has understood

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Humiliate and exalt

the mind of the Lord so as to instruct him?» But we have the mind of Christ” (1 Cor 2:15–16). 3.4.4

Philosophical knowledge

In Greek literature, only philosophers saw the possibility of achieving a supernatural existence of the soul. This privilege could be obtained by embracing philosophy. This state of soul was rendered by Plato with the adverb ἄνω (Plato, The Republic 7.517a; 7.517b; 7.517c; 7.525d; 7.527b; 7.529a; 7.529b–529c; 7.533d; 9.586a; 10.621c; Phaedrus 248a; 249d). Philosophising enables beholding the life from above (ὑψόθεν, Plato, Sophist 216c). At this point it is worth reminding that until then only the gods had such a view of the world, and only while staying on Olympus. Paul believed the possibility of knowing God cannot be found in philosophising: “Indeed, I count everything as loss because of the surpassing worth of knowing Christ Jesus my Lord. For his sake I have suffered the loss of all things and count them as rubbish, in order that I may gain Christ and be found in him, not having a righteousness of my own that comes from the law, but that which comes through faith in Christ, the righteousness from God that depends on faith – that I may know him and the power of his resurrection, and may share his sufferings, becoming like him in his death, that by any means possible I may attain the resurrection from the dead” (Phil 3:8–11).

3.5

Humiliate and exalt

According to the classical Greek authors, man can be both humiliated and exalted. Every act can be elevated high (ὑψηλός), as we see on the example of Demophon (Euripides, Heracleidae 322). And man can be exalted (ἐπαίρω) by his actions (Euripides, Andromache 705). This elevation ‘upwards’ (ἄνω) can be done by the action of the gods (Euripides, The Trojan Women 1243). In the works of historiographers there appears the antithesis of humiliation and exaltation, which we know well from the Old Testament (cf. e.g. Ezek 21:31). Xenophon uses a pair of the verbs ταπεινόω – ἐπαίρω (Xenophon, Memorabilia 3.5.4), while Polybius uses ὑψόω – ταπεινόω (Polybius, The Histories 5.26.12). In both cases the passive voice is puzzling; it may indicate an act of a deity. Paul rarely used this terminology. In 2 Cor 11:7, in the moral sense, he mentioned humiliation (ταπεινῶν) referring to himself, whereas exaltation (ὑψωθῆτε) to the recipients of the letter. We have already noticed that Paul’s humiliation was a

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continuation of the poverty of Christ in his incarnation and death.4 Christ’s saving work did not end in humiliation: “Therefore God has highly exalted him (ὑπερύψωσεν) and bestowed on him the name that is above every name, so that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow, in heaven and on earth and under the earth” (Phil 2:9–10). In this way, the Apostle, using the complex verb ὑπερυψόω in the passive voice, pointed out God’s action towards the Son. In this way he emphasised the theological meaning of the term which functions as a synonym for Christ’s resurrection, ascension and sitting at the right hand of the Father.5

3.6

Raising from the dead/Resurrection

Greek authors knew well the idea of resurrection. They rendered it by means of the verb ἀνίστημι and the noun ἡ ἀνάστασις. The terms that allude to the return to life include ἄνω and ἀναλαμβάνω. 3.6.1

The possibility of resurrection

The certainty of resurrection appears as early as in Homer’s works. Using ἀνίστημι the author mentioned the Trojans (Iliad 21.56), Hector (Iliad 24.551) and Patroclus (Iliad 24.756) returning to life. The playwrights, on the other hand, clearly doubt the possibility of resurrection (Aeschylus, Agamemnon 569; Sophocles, Electra 137–139) or raising anybody from the dead (Aeschylus, Agamemnon 1361). A similar doubt is also expressed by historiographer Herodotus (The Histories 3.62.4). This was only possible thanks to the intervention of the deity, who “resurrects, brings back to life”. The noun ἡ ἀνάστασις also occurred in statements expressing doubts about the possibility of resurrection (Aeschylus, The Eumenides 647). The truth about resurrection was presented differently when the adverb ἄνω was used. In Aeschylus’ The Persians, the choir summons the earth and the ruler of the underworld to let Darius ‘go up’ (πέμπετε δ’ ἄνω), and thus allow him to return to life (Aeschylus, The Persians 645). The situation is different in Alcestis. First, Heracles expresses the theoretical possibility of bringing the main character back to life, literally ‘bringing up’ (ἄξειν ἄνω Ἄλκηστιν) (Euripides, Alcestis 853). In the subsequent part, the Choir doubts this possibility of literally ‘bringing up’ (ἀνάγω ἄνω) the same person (Euripides, Alcestis 986). Orestes (Euripides, Orestes 292), in turn, regrets the inability to ‘restore light’ (ἀναλαβεῖν ἔμελλε φῶς), or the

4 Cf. P. Barnett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, p. 514–515. 5 Cf. J. Gnilka, Lettera ai Filippesi, p. 40.

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Raising from the dead/Resurrection

returning to life of Agamemnon, his father. This time the verb ἀναλαμβάνω was used. 3.6.2

The power to raise the dead is the domain of the deity

We have mentioned above that a man cannot return to life by his own power. This is only possible with the help of a deity or a hero. In Greek literature, only two characters are represented as having such power, expressed by the verb ἀνίστημι. According to Euripides, it was Heracles who had the power to raise the dead (Euripides, Alcestis 126; 1008nn; Heracles 719). Similar power was assigned to Asclepius. Only in one place was this information given directly: “Asclepius won yet, greater preferment – to raise the dead (ἀνιστάναι τεθνεῶτας), to heal the sick; and for these things he has everlasting fame as a god among men” (Xenophon, On Hunting 1.6). Undoubtedly, the ancient world knew not only the idea of the soul’s life after the death of the body,6 but also the idea of being raised from the dead and resurrection. Return to life was only possible through the action of a deity or a hero. Heracles and Asclepius were the only characters with such power. 3.6.3

The resurrection of Christ and the raising from the dead

Paul very often refers to the resurrection of Jesus Christ and the dead. He does this using primarily the verb ἐγείρω (41 times) and cognates ἐξεγείρω (2 times) and συνεγείρω (3 times). He also uses the verb ἀνίστημι (5 times) and the nouns ἡ ἀνάστασις (9 times) and ἡ ἐξανάστασις (1 time). The resurrection, both of Jesus Christ and the other dead, is presented as a work of God. In some places it even begins to function as part of an honourable title of God, or even a formula of faith. It is also presented as the foundation of baptismal liturgy. 3.6.3.1

The resurrection of Jesus Christ as a work of God

When Paul writes about the resurrection of Jesus Christ, the sentences are in the active voice, in which God the Father is the subject (Rom 4:24, 8:11, 10:9, 1 Cor 6:14, 15:15, 2 Cor 4:14, Gal 1:1, Eph 1:20, Col 2:12, 1 Thess 1:10). He also uses the passive voice (Rom 4:25, 6:4, 1 Cor 15:4.12.13.14.15.16.17.20, 2 Cor 5:15, 2 Tim 2:8). Both forms testify that the resurrection of Jesus Christ is God’s work. The former clearly points to the subject of the action, while the latter is the so-called passivum

6 C.S. Keener, 1–2 Corinthians, p. 122–123.

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divinum.7 This does not mean that Christ cannot resurrect by his own power. It is implied by such terms as ἀνίστημι (1 Thess 4:14, cf. Rom 15:12) and ἡ ἀνάστασις (Rom 1:4, Phil 3:10). If the verb ἐγείρω dominates in Paul’s epistles, it is because he wanted to point out the action of God the Father at the most important moments in the history of salvation. 3.6.3.2

God’s honourable title

In the works of Classical Greek authors, we have observed the belief that restoring the dead to life could only be the work of a god. Yet, it seems that it was not the reason why Paul consistently presented God as the author of the resurrection of Jesus Christ. It was rather a matter of pointing out His action at the most important moments in the history of salvation. Hence the statement “He who resurrected Christ from the dead” (ἐγείρας Χριστὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν) began to function as an honourable title of God from Paul’s earliest writings. It first appears in Rom 2:24, 8:11 and 2 Cor 4:14. Later, it becomes an obvious fact and a title that becomes the basis of Paul’s apostolic ministry (Gal 1:1, cf. Eph 1:20, Col 2:12). 3.6.3.3

The resurrection of Jesus Christ as an article of faith

The formula for the resurrection of Jesus Christ concerns not only God the Father. With regard to the Son, we meet at least two other formulas. The first contains simple information expressed very often in the perfectum: ὅτι ἐγήγερται τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ τρίτῃ (1 Cor 15:4, cf. Rom 1:3–4, 1 Cor 15:12.13.14.15.16.17.20). It was certainly an article of faith not invented by Paul, but taken over by him from the early Church; he confessed it with the whole community in Palestine (1 Cor 15:3–5).8 With time it earned the rank of ‘My Gospel’, or ‘Paul’s Gospel’, as evidenced by the admonition: “Remember Jesus Christ, risen from the dead, the offspring of David, as preached in my gospel […]” (2 Tim 2:8). The second formula of faith indicates an obvious link between Jesus’ death and His resurrection/rising from the dead. The relationship is obvious, but it was mentioned by Paul in the first letters: “For since we believe that Jesus died and rose again (ἀπέθανεν καὶ ἀνέστη), even so, through Jesus, God will bring with him those who have fallen asleep” (1 Thess 4:14). In subsequent writings, this truth was quoted in a similar wording: ὁ ἀποθανών, μᾶλλον δὲ ἐγερθείς (Rom 8:34); ὅτι Χριστὸς ἀπέθανεν […] καὶ ὅτι ἐγήγερται (1 Cor 15:3–4); καὶ ὑπὲρ πάντων ἀπέθανεν […] καὶ ἐγερθέντι (2 Cor 5:15, cf. Rom 6:9, 8:11, 1 Cor 15:20).

7 Cf. e.g. W.H. Mare, 1 Corinthians, p. 283. 8 Cf. H.-D. Wendland, Le Lettere ai Corinzi, p. 264.

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Raising from the dead/Resurrection

3.6.3.4

Relationship between the resurrection of Christ and baptism

Paul in many places clearly points out the connection that exists between the resurrection/rising of Jesus Christ and bringing the dead back to life. In a special way this similarity is realized in baptism. It is in baptism that we see how we became united with Christ in his death and resurrection (cf. Rom 6:4–5). In the letter to the Colossians Paul stated: “[…] having been buried with him in baptism, in which you were also raised with him (συνηγέρθητε) through faith in the powerful working of God, who raised him from the dead” (Col 2:12). The present time συνηγέρθητε indicates the already present participation in Christ’s victory by baptism, while the future bodily resurrection still remains in the sphere of expectation and eschatological fulfilment.9 In his letter to the Ephesians, he referred to the baptismal liturgy, quoting the invocation: “[…] for anything that becomes visible is light. Therefore it says, «Awake, O sleeper, and arise from the dead (ἀνάστα), and Christ will shine on you»” (Eph 5:14). In this way Paul not only implies the possibility of the resurrection, but also that participation in it is made achievable by the sacrament of baptism, which frees us from original sin and moreover gives us a share in his grace.10 3.6.3.5

Resurrection/raising from the dead

There is a very close relationship between the resurrection of Christ and the bringing the dead back to life. This truth was first written down by Paul in his Second Letter to Thessalonians: “And the dead in Christ will rise (ἀναστήσονται) first” (1 Thess 4:16). The consequences of Christ’s resurrection for the future fate of the deceased are reflected in the Letter to the Romans by means of the terms ἐγείρω (Rom 7:4) and ἡ ἀνάστασις (Rom 6:5). Paul wrote most extensively on this subject in his First Letter to the Corinthians. Just as Christ’s resurrection was the work of God the Father, so the resurrection of the dead would be His work. The resurrection of the dead is closely related to Christ’s resurrection, for he is the first among the dead (ἀπαρχὴ τῶν κεκοιμημένων) to return to life (1 Cor 15:20). Paul, whenever he used the noun ἡ ἀνάστασις, wrote about the future fate of the dead (1 Cor 15:12.13.21.42). Consider that the resurrection of the dead is guaranteed by God Himself (1 Cor 15:35). For Christ was raised as the first among the dead (1 Cor 15:20). “The Resurrection of Jesus is not only one of the essential elements of His image, but it affects the present and eschatological life of the faithful. It gives meaning to the whole religious life and apostolic activity. It is the basis of preaching

9 Cf. B. Adamczewski, List do Kolosan [Epistle to the Colossians], p. 265. 10 Cf. A. Jankowski, List do Efezjan [Epistle to the Ephesians], p. 476.

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in the Church (1 Cor 15:12), it justifies the sense of the Christian faith and parenesis (1 Cor 15:15.30–32.58)”.11

3.7

Becoming arrogant and conceited

In various ways and by means of rich terminology, Greek authors described the negative aspect of exaltation: becoming arrogant and conceited. The lyric poets used the adverb ὑψοῦ to refer to pride and arrogance (Pindar, O.1.115). The playwrights also added the adjective ὑψηλός. For every man must beware lest his actions result in arrogance (Sophocles, Ajax 1230). This meaning was also taken up by Plato, in the sense of excessive self-assurance and confidence (Plato, Epistle 7.341e; The Republic 6.494d). The same author used the noun τὸ ὕψος in a similar sense (Plato, Epistle 7.351d–351e). Euripides expressed the danger of arrogance and excessive human pride with the adverb ἄνω (Euripides, Iphigenia in Aulis 378). The most commonly used verbal synonym for conceit is ἐπαίρω. Among the Greek playwrights, it is found in Aristophanes’ works (The Frogs 777). The orators also knew the term. They warned against taking such an attitude (Lysias, II. Funeral Oration 10) and condemned it (Aeschines, III. Against Ctesiphon 235). It was also familiar to Plato. It was he who showed conceit as opposed to the truth (Plato, The Republic 4.434b). In a similar sense, the verb was used by historiographers. In their works, the antithesis to being exalted by others (Xenophon, Memorabilia 3.6.2) was to become conceited (Thucydides, Peloponnesian War 1.25.4; 1.120.5; 4.121.1; Xenophon, Cyropaedia 8.5.24; Polybius, The Histories 1.20.1; 1.29.4; 1.40.4; 1.82.11; 3.72.2; 4.48.11; 5.46.8; 5.55.1; 5.73.8; 11.15.6). Paul knew well and used two of the above-mentioned terms. Using the verb ἐπαίρω, he reproached the Corinthians for allowing others to take advantage (ἐπαίρεται) of them (2 Cor 11:20).12 In another place, using the adjective ὑψηλός, he warns the addressees of his letter – this time the Romans – against thinking too ‘high’ about themselves: μὴ ὑψηλὰ φρόνει (Rom 11:20); μὴ τὰ ὑψηλὰ φρονοῦντες (Rom 12:16). The Apostle used another term which the ancient world did not know: τὸ ὕψωμα. There was no consensus among scholars on the meaning of this concept in Rom 8:39.We might conclude that it is one of the concepts describing the cosmos and it should be construed in the context of ancient astrology. Thus, ὕψωμα meant the 11 J. Czerski, Pierwszy List św. Pawła do Koryntian. Wstęp, przekład z oryginału [First Epistle of St Paul to the Corinthians. Introduction, translation from the original], vol. 1: Chapters 1–6, Opole 2006, p. 80. 12 The same verb can still be found in 1 Tim 2:8, but in a literal sense: ‘raise’ hands to pray.

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Conclusions

distance between the position of a star and the zenith, and βάθος described the space of the sky beyond the horizon from which the stars rise. Both terms would describe the space of the universe.13 In the second case (2 Cor 10:4–5), the meaning of τὸ ὕψωμα is metaphorical. The phrase πᾶν ὕψωμα indicates any human action or attitude that may become an obstacle to the knowledge of God, which is available in the Gospel of Christ, and thus makes man remain in bondage to sin. Paul warned thus against an attitude of haughtiness that makes man stand up against God.14

Conclusions In both groups of writings, we have noticed a rich terminology referring to height and exaltation. We have noted that the Classical Greek authors focus primarily on presenting a kind of hierarchy of the rulers of Olympus. Zeus is the supreme (ὕψιστος) god. The space of their dwelling has an extraordinary significance for these authors. They describe it with three adverbs: ὑψοῦ, ὑψόθεν and ἄνωθεν. It was also of paramount importance for them to come into contact with the deities, so they mention this possibility in many places. The ascent (ἀναβαίνω) to Olympus is an entrance into the space in which the gods dwell. The erection of the altar (ἀνίστημι) and the making (ἀναιρέω, ἐπαίρω, ἄνω) of sacrifices on it ensures the contact with the deity. The answer (ἀναιρέω) from the deities can be obtained by inquiries directed to oracles. Beholding the world from above (ἄνω, ὑψόθεν) comes from philosophical cognition. In this respect, Paul remains very reserved. Only in three places did he make an allusion to God’s space (Gal 4:26, Col 3:1.2). The ascension is referred to in another three texts (Gal 2:1–2, Rom 10:6–7, Eph 4:8–10). The Apostle is not at all interested in sacrifices, oracles and philosophical view of the world. A kind of ‘common ground’ for Greek authors and Paul is the idea of humiliation and exaltation (ὑψηλός, ἄνω, ἐπαίρω and ὑψόω). Though not very often, it occurs both in the writings of classical authors and those of Paul (2 Cor 11:7, Phil 2:9–10). Another ‘common point’ is the pejorative understanding of exaltation as ‘conceit, arrogance’ (τὸ ὕψος, ὑψηλός, ὑψοῦ, ἄνω and ἐπαίρω). It is known to both the classical writers and Paul (Rom 11:20, 12:16, 2 Cor 11:20), but Paul adds another term: τὸ ὕψωμα. Greek authors do not exclude the fact of resurrection or raising (ἀνίστημι, ἡ ἀνάστασις, ἄνω and ἀναλαμβάνω) from the dead, but they sincerely doubt this possi-

13 Cf. H. Schlier, La lettera ai Romani, p. 461. 14 Cf. G. Bertram, G., Hypsos ktl., TWNT VIII, Stuttgart 1969, p. 312; cf. M.J. Harris, 2 Corinthians, p. 380.

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bility. Paul extends the terminology with ἐγείρω, ἐξεγείρω, συνεγείρω and ἡ ἐξανάστασις. He treats the resurrection of Jesus Christ as an absolute and unchallengeable

foundation for the resurrection of the dead. This is evidenced by the fact that in 1 Cor 15:1–58 he made a kind of treatise on Christ’s resurrection and the resurrection of the dead.

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General conclusions

St Paul’s epistles, although written several hundred years after the greatest works of Greek literature, show a number of conceptual and terminological similarities with the texts of Greek classical authors. There are also significant differences. Preliminary analysis allowed us to indicate the range of meaning of particular terms in various genres of Greek literature: epic, lyric, drama, rhetoric, philosophy and historiography. Some of the most frequently used include ἀνίστημι (483 times), ἀναιρέω (482 times), ἄνω (395 times), ἀναβαίνω (387 times), ἀναλαμβάνω (292 times), ὑψηλός (221 times) and ἐγείρω (215 times). On closer examination, it turned out that the most extensive terminology related to exaltation, in religious and moral terms, was used by playwrights Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides and Aristophanes. Almost as rich terminology can be found in the works of historiographers Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon and Polybius. They dedicated most of the space to Zeus, the highest ruler of Olympus and to the dwelling space of the gods. The possibility of entering the sphere of the dwelling of the gods was very important for the ancient Greeks. At first this place was constrained to Olympus; with time it assumed a more abstract concept: that of the heaven. Equally important was to establish contact with the deities by offering them a sacrifice or consulting them through an oracle. A special way of beholding the earthly reality, tantamount to being on Olympus, was philosophical cognition. Among different terms, the verb ἀνίστημι, describing the power of raising (Heracles) from the dead (Euripides, Alcestis 126; 1008nn; Heracles 719) and Asclepius (Xenophon, On Hunting 1.6), deserves special attention. A detailed exegesis of St Paul’s epistles allowed us to analyse systematically those texts in which the terminology in some way refers to height and exaltation. We tried to apply the methodology of working with the biblical text in a very rigorous way: quoting the original text, conducting a critical analysis of the text, proposing a translation, showing the context of the analysed passage, and finally providing a commentary with particular attention to the terms in question. These investigations led us to the following conclusions. Firstly, the Apostle presumably knew some of the terms used by Greek authors but seems not to have been interested in them. In his writings, nowhere do we find the terms ὕψιστος, ὑψοῦ, ὑψόθεν and ἡ ἔγερσις. This was probably due to the discrepancies in the message he wanted to convey to the members of the communities – recipients of his letters – and the convictions of the ancient Greeks.

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Secondly, Paul knew most of the terms used by the Greek classical authors. He frequently used ἐγείρω (41 times1 ), ἡ ἀνάστασις (9 times2 ), ἀναβαίνω (7 times), ἀνίστημι (5 times) and ἀναλαμβάνω and ἄνω (4 times). His knowledge is evidenced in particular when he described ‘Jerusalem that is above’ (Gal 4:26) and ‘things above’ (Col 3:1–2), by means of the adverb ἄνω, referring to the world of the Greek gods dwelling above. This knowledge of Greek terminology is also attested by the use of ἀναβαίνω (cf. Rom 10:6–7, Eph 4:8–10). A special case is the antithesis of ‘humiliation and exaltation’, known both from the Old Testament (Ezek 21:31, cf. Isa 40:4) and the Greek classical language (Xenophon, Memorabilia 3.5.4; Polybius, The Histories 5.26.12). In 2 Cor 11:7 Paul uses the same pair of opposing verbs (ὑψόω/ταπεινόω) as Polybius. Another important element shared in the letters of Paul and the writings of the classical authors is the negative aspect of exaltation, that is arrogance and conceit. Not all terms were shared with the Greek writers. While they used mainly ὑψοῦ, ὑψηλός, τὸ ὕψος, ἄνω and ἐπαίρω, only ὑψηλός (Rom 11:20, 12:16) and ἐπαίρω (2 Cor 11:20) can be found in Paul’s writings. He added another noun, unknown to the classical authors: τὸ ὕψωμα (Rom 8:39, 2 Cor 10:4–5). Thirdly, the Apostle made use of some of the terms known in the Greek world but in a less common sense; these include: ἐγείρω, ἀνίστημι and ἡ ἀνάστασις. On the one hand, in Rom 13:11 ἐγείρω has the literal meaning ‘to rise from sleep, to wake up’, and in Phil 1:17, it is about ‘stirring up’ trouble for Paul in chains. The complex verb ἐξεγείρω in Rom 9:17 denotes ‘raising Pharaoh up’ for a purpose. When it comes to ἀνίστημι, in 1 Cor 10:7 it simply means ‘get up, rise’. For the Apostle, however, the dominant meaning of both verbs is ‘to raise form the dead’ (ἐγείρω) and ‘to resurrect’ (ἀνίστημι). Using these terms, Paul built a treatise on Christ’s resurrection and the raising of the dead. It is important to note that to describe the salvific act that was accomplished through God the Father, namely bringing Jesus Christ back to life, Paul used above all the verb ἐγείρω (see Rom 4:24, 8:11, 10:9, 1 Cor 6:14, 15:15, 2 Cor 4:14, Gal 1:1, Eph 1:20, Col 2:12, 1 Thess 1:10). The Apostle was also familiar with the use of the verb ἀνίστημι (cf. 1 Thess 4:14). Both these words are enriched by the noun ἡ ἀνάστασις, which always means the resurrection first of all of the dead (1 Cor 15:12.13.21.42), but also of Jesus Christ (Rom 1:4). We can see, then, that the epistolography of the Apostle of the Nations, in terms of language, is firmly anchored in the rich literature of the Greece of the Classical period. We must also note that Paul often referred to the concepts of the Greek world only superficially, preferring to give them a specific meaning, appropriate to the Gospel he preached.

1 If we add the compound verbs ἐξεγείρω (2 times) and συνεγείρω (3 times), it totals 46 times. 2 By adding the compound noun ἡ ἐξανάστασις (once), we have a total of 10 occurrences of this noun.

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General conclusions

In our opinion, this study does not exhaust the subject of exaltation because it shows the linguistic background only on the basis of Greek literature. This is fully justified for St Paul’s epistles. It would be extremely useful for the full picture of the concept of exaltation to carry out similar research in the field of Semitic literature, as a linguistic and conceptual background, especially for the synoptic gospels and writings of John.

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Bible Commentaries

Mała encyklopedia kultury antycznej [Pocket Encyclopedia of Ancient Culture], ed. Zdzisław Piszczek, Warszawa 1988 Morgenthaler, Robert, Statistik des neutestamentlichen Wortschatzes, Zürich–Frankfurt a. M. 1958. Podlawska, Daniela, Płóciennik, Iwona, Leksykon nauki o języku [The Lexicon if Linguistics], Bielsko-Biała 2002. Popowski, Remigiusz, Wielki słownik grecko-polski Nowego Testamentu [Great Greek-Polish Dictionary of New Testament], Warszawa 1995. Sierotwiński Stanisław, Słownik terminów literackich [The Dictionary of Literary Terms], Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków–Gdańsk–Łódź 1986. Słownik grecko-polski [Greek-Polish Dictionary], ed. Zofia Abramowiczówna, vol. 1–4, Warszawa 1958–1965. Słownik pisarzy antycznych [Dictionary of Ancient Writers], ed. Anna Świderkówna, Warszawa 1990. Wstęp do Nowego Testamentu [An Introduction to New Testament], ed. Ryszard Rubinkiewicz, Poznań 1996.

Bible Commentaries Adamczewski Bartosz, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], [in:] Bartosz Adamczewski, List do Filemona. List do Kolosan. Wstęp, przekład z oryginału, komentarz [The Epistle to the Philemon. The Epistle to the Colossians. Introduction, translation from the original language, commentary] (NKB NT XII), Częstochowa 2005. Barnett, Paul, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians, Grand Rapids 1997. Bednarz, Michał, 1–2 List do Tesaloniczan. Przekład z oryginału, komentarz [1 and 2 Epistle to Thessalonians. Translation from the original language, commentary] (NKB NT XIII), Częstochowa 2005. Beyer, Hermann Wolfgang, La Lettera ai Galati, [in:] Le Lettere Minori di Paolo, Italian transl. Gianfranco Forza, Brescia 1980. Boice, James Montgomery, Galatians, [in:] The Expositor’s Bible Commentary, vol. 10: Romans–Galatians, Grand Rapids, MI 1984. Brox, Norbert, Die Pastoralbriefe (RNT 7), Regensburg 1969. Conzelmann Hans, Der Brief an die Epheser, [in:] Die kleineren Briefe des Apostels Paulus, ed. Hermann Wolfgang Beyer, Paul Althaus, Hans Conzelmann, et al., Göttingen 1968, p. 56–91. Conzelmann Hans, Der Brief an die Kolosser, [in:] Die kleineren Briefe des Apostels Paulus, ed. Hermann Wolfgang Beyer, Paul Althaus, Hans Conzelmann, et al., Göttingen 1968, p. 131–156. Czerski, Janusz, Pierwszy List do Koryntian [The First Epistle to the Corinthians], Wrocław 2009.

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Czerski, Janusz, Pierwszy List św. Pawła do Koryntian. Wstęp, przekład z oryginału [The First Epistle to the Corinthians. Introduction, translation from the original language], vol. 1: Rozdziały [Chapters] 1–6, Opole 2006. Dąbrowski, Eugeniusz, Listy do Koryntian. Wstęp, przekład z oryginału, komentarz [The Epistles to the Corinthians. Introduction, translation from the original language, commentary], Poznań 1965. Egenolf, Hans-Andreas, Der zweite Brief an die Thessalonicher (Geistliche Schriftlesung 14), Düsseldorf 1965. Fabris, Rinaldo, Le Lettere Pastorali, Brescia 1986. Fabris, Rinaldo, Prima Lettera ai Corinzi. Nova versione, introduzione e commento, Torino 1999. Fee, Gordon D., The First Epistle to the Corinthians, Grand Rapids 1987. Fitzmyer Joseph A., Romans. A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (Anchor Bible 33), New York–London 1993. Freundorfer, Josef, Die Pastoralbriefe, [in:] Karl Staab, Josef Freundorfer, Thessalonichbriefe. Die Gefangenschaftsbriefe. Die Pastoralbriefe (RNT 7), Regensburg 1965. Gnilka, Joachim, Der Philipperbrief (Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament 10/3), Freiburg–Basel–Wien 1986. Gnilka, Joachim, Lettera ai Filippesi. Commenti Spirituali del Nuovo Testamento, Italian transl. F. Frezza, Roma 1970. Harris, Murray J., 2 Corinthians, [in:] The Expositor’s Bible Commentary, vol. 10: Romans–Galatians, ed. Frank E. Gaebelein, Grand Rapids, MI 1984. Harrison, Everett F., Romans, [in:] The Expositor’s Bible Commentary, vol. 10: Romans–Galatians, ed. Frank E. Gaebelein, Grand Rapids, MI 1984, p. 3–171. Holtz, Gittfried, Die Pastoralbriefe, Berlin 1964. Holtzmann, Heinrich Julius, Die Pastoralbriefe, kritisch und exegetisch behandelt, Leipzig 1880. Jankowski, Augustyn, List do Efezjan [The Epistle to the Ephesians], [in:] Augustyn Jankowski, Listy Więzienne świętego Pawła. Do Filipian, do Kolosan, do Filomena, do Efezjan. Wstęp, przekład z oryginału, komentarz [St Paul’s Prison Epistles. To the Pilippians, to the Colossians, to Philemon, to the Ephesians. Introduction, translation from the original language, commentary], Poznań 1962, p. 333–507. Jankowski, Augustyn, List do Filipian [The Epistle to the Philippians], [in:] Augustyn Jankowski, Listy Więzienne świętego Pawła. Do Filipian, do Kolosan, do Filomena, do Efezjan. Wstęp, przekład z oryginału, komentarz [St Paul’s Prison Epistles. To the Pilippians, to the Colossians, to Philemon, to the Ephesians. Introduction, translation from the original language, commentary], Poznań 1962, p. 33–183. Jankowski, Augustyn, List do Kolosan [The Epistle to the Colossians], [in:] Augustyn Jankowski, Listy Więzienne świętego Pawła. Do Filipian, do Kolosan, do Filomena, do Efezjan. Wstęp, przekład z oryginału, komentarz [St Paul’s Prison Epistles. To the Pilippians, to the Colos-

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Bible Commentaries

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Studies

Vos, Johan S., Die hermeneutische Antinomie bei Paulus (Galater 3.11–12; Römer 10.5–10), “New Testament Studies” 38 (1992), no. 2, p. 254–270. Walker, William O., Why Paul Went to Jerusalem: The Interpretation of Galatians 2:1–5, “The Catholic Biblical Quarterly” 54 (1992), no. 3, p. 503–510. Wallace, Daniel B., A Textual Problem in 1 Thessalonians 1:10: Ek tēs Orgēs vs. Apo tēs Orgēs, “Bibliotheca Sacra” 147 (1990), no. 588, p. 470–479. Wessels, G. Francois, The Eschatology of Colossians and Ephesians, “Neotestamentica” 21 (1987), no. 2, p. 183–202. White, Joel R., ‘Baptized on account of the Dead’: The Meaning of 1 Corinthians 15:29 in its Context, “Journal of Biblical Literature” 116 (1997), no. 3, p. 487–499. Zimmer, Christoph, Das argumentum resurrectionis 1 Kor 15,12–20, “Linguistica Biblica” 65 (1991), p. 25–36. Zwolski, Edward, Asklepios, [in:] Encyklopedia Katolicka [The Catholic Encyclopaedia], vol. 1, ed. Feliks Gryglewicz, Romuald Łukaszczyk, Zygmunt Sułowski, Lublin 1985, col. 999–1000.

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325

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Index of modern authors

A Abramowiczówna, Zofia 16, 17, 41, 44, 48, 49, 54, 55, 61, 78, 81, 92, 93, 95, 109, 111, 113, 131–133, 160, 163, 184, 204, 211, 213, 229, 263, 279, 315, 318 Adamczewski, Bartosz 266–270, 303, 315 Ahrens, Ernst Anton Julius 40, 46, 311, 314 Ahrens, Henricus Ludolfus 36, 312 Aland, Barbara 9, 141, 145, 146, 150–153, 155, 160, 170, 180, 183, 185, 204, 233, 243, 257, 265, 311 Aland, Kurt 9, 141, 145, 146, 150–153, 155, 160, 170, 180, 183, 185, 204, 233, 243, 257, 265, 311 Alexander, Loveday 253, 318 Althaus, Paul 244, 266, 315 Anderson, Chip 158, 318 Angus, Samuel 167 Appel, Włodzimierz 16 Arnold, Clinton E. 234, 319 B Bachmann, Michael 181, 319 Barbaglio, Giuseppe 311 Barnett, Paul 218–222, 224–226, 229, 300, 315 Bednarz, Michał 273–279, 315 Benloew, Louis 46, 314 Bertram, Georg 12, 228, 305, 319 Beyer, Hermann Wolfgang 232, 234–236, 244, 266, 315 Billerbeck, Paul 285, 318 Binder, Hermann 196, 319 Black, David Alan 169, 319 Blass, Friedrich 73, 79, 168, 311, 313, 314

Boeckhius, August 30, 313 Boice, James Montgomery 234–237, 315 Bonneau, Normand 202, 319 Briggs, Sheila 255, 319 Bromiley, Geoffrey W. 317 Brownson, Carleton L. 121, 314 Brox, Norbert 284, 315 Burnet, John 90, 91, 313 Buscemi, Alfio Marcello 13, 174, 227, 253, 319 Butrymowicz, Bogusław 58 Byrskog, Samuel 157, 158, 319 C Calverley, Charles Stuart 36, 314 Chigerowa, Maria 104 Chodkowski, Robert R. 40, 46 Christensen, Jens 179, 319 Cloutier, Christiane-Hortense 153, 166, 319 Coenen, Lothar 12, 320 Collier, Gary D. 215, 319 Conzelmann, Hans 244, 246, 249, 250, 266–268, 315 Cooper, John M. 313 Cosgrove, Charles H. 235, 236, 319 Cronjé, van der J. 233, 319 Czerski, Janusz 193, 212, 304, 315, 316 Czerwińska, Jadwiga 58 D Dąbrowski, Eugeniusz 13, 175, 184, 185, 187, 188, 192, 198, 200, 203, 205, 206, 209, 212, 217, 227, 229, 316 Dahl, Nils Alstrup 241, 319 Danet, Anne-Laure 287, 319

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328

Index of modern authors

Danielewicz, Jerzy 30, 34 Debrunner, Albert 168, 314 Delebecque, Edouard 269, 319 DeMaris, Richard E. 198, 319 Dewey, Arthur J. 164, 319 Dietsch, Henry Rudolph 109, 312 Dindorfius, Guilielmus 109, 312 Dindorfius, Ludovicus 128, 314 Dmochowski, Franciszek Ksawery 16, 313 Dodd, Charles H. 12, 148, 320 Dola, Tadeusz 179, 320 Dormandy, Richard 244, 320

E Earnshaw, John D. 148, 149, 320 Eckstein, Hans-Joachim 156, 320 Egenolf, Hans-Andreas 279, 316 Elliger, Karl 311 Ellis E. Earle 241, 319

F Fabris, Rinaldo 175, 177–179, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187, 188, 190, 192, 196, 199–202, 205, 207, 208, 210–213, 215, 281, 282, 287, 316 Favero, Roberto 154, 318 Fee, Gordon D. 175, 177–179, 181–185, 187–198, 200–205, 207–210, 212, 213, 215, 255, 316, 320 Firmin-Didot, Ambrosio 16, 102, 128, 312–314 Fitzgerald, Robert 313 Fitzmyer, Joseph A. 142–144, 146–149, 151, 152, 154–156, 158–164, 166, 167, 170, 171, 255, 297, 316, 320 Floryan, Władysław 40, 321 Forza, Gianfranco 179, 232, 315, 318 Franks, Charles 314 Frenschkowski, Marco 12, 320 Freundorfer, Josef 286, 316

Friedrich, Gerhard 12, 244, 266, 320 Führer, Werner 155, 320

G Gaebelein, Frank E. 140, 175, 219, 234, 316, 317 Gaffin, Richard B. 212, 320 Gantoy, Robert 13, 321 Geldart, William Martin 61, 312 Getty, Mary Ann 163, 320 Gieniusz, Andrzej 149, 150, 320 Gigilewicz, Edward 33, 322 Gilchrist, J. Michael 217, 320 Głombiowski, Krzysztof 109, 115, 128 Gnilka, Joachim 13, 255, 256, 258, 259, 261–263, 270, 300, 316, 320 Godley, Alfred Denis 312 Grässer, Erich 241, 319 Grelot, Pierre 161, 320 Gryglewicz, Feliks 61, 125, 318, 325

H Haacker, Klaus 12, 320 Hall Harris III W. 243, 244, 246, 297, 320 Hall, Fredrick William 61, 312 Hammer, Seweryn 109, 312, 313 Hammond, Martin 314 Harris, Murray J. 219, 222, 224, 226, 228, 305, 316 Harrison, Everett F. 140, 148, 149, 151, 156, 162, 164, 166–168, 172, 316 Helewa, Giovanni 154, 166, 321 Hellholm, David 147, 149, 321 Hengel, Martin 12, 321 Hermann, Karl Friedrich 91, 313 Hill, Charles E. 186, 188, 210, 321 Hollis, H. 12, 321 Holtz, Gittfried 284, 286, 316 Holtzmann, Heinrich Julius 280, 316

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Index of modern authors

J Jankowski, Augustyn 239–241, 243, 244, 246–252, 256, 259, 261, 263, 266–270, 277, 303, 316, 321 Janzen, J. Gerald 235, 321 Jelonek, Tomasz 13, 231, 239, 253, 271, 321 Jeżewska, Kazimiera 16, 17, 313 Jezierska, Ewa Józefa 218, 220, 321 Jones, Henry Stuart 115, 314 Jowett, Benjamin 313 K Kalinkowski, Stanisław 73, 74, 77 Kallas, James 140, 321 Käsemann, Ernst 163, 317 Kasprowicz, Jan 41, 52, 58, 311, 314 Keener, Craig S. 144, 178, 181, 182, 188, 190, 198, 200, 207–209, 213, 215, 220, 222, 224, 227, 301, 317 Kelly, John Norman Davidson 287–289, 317 Kennedy, Charles Rann 314 Kertelge, Karl 152, 162, 164, 166, 168, 317 Kimberly, Johnson 314 Kittel, Rudolf 311 Klinger, Witold 121, 314 Kościuk, Zbigniew 144, 317 Kraftchick, Steven J. 255, 321 Kruijf de, Theodorus Cornelis 169, 321 Kubiak, Zygmunt 16, 17, 40, 108, 313, 321 Kubikowska, Edyta 91 Kumaniecki, Kazimierz 115, 314 Kuss, Otto 148 L Lamb, Walter Rangeley Maitland 70, 313 Lambrecht, Jan 177, 227, 321 Langkammer, Hugolin 12, 155, 175, 177, 185, 192, 197, 198, 206, 217, 219, 221, 223, 224, 226–228, 231, 232, 237, 239,

240, 246, 253, 255–257, 264, 271, 282, 284, 287, 289, 314, 317, 321 Łanowski, Jerzy 23, 40, 313, 321 Laronde, André 34 Laub, Franz 273–277, 317 Ławińska-Tyszkowska, Janina 35, 36, 60, 61, 63–65, 312 Légasse, Simon 160, 267, 278, 321 Lehrs, Franz Siegfried 23, 26, 311, 313 Levison, John R. 268–270, 322 Liddell, Henry George 314 Lincoln, Andrew T. 250, 322 Lindemann, Andreas 175, 184, 275, 277, 322 Lloyd-Jones, Hugh 314 Loubser, Johannes Albertus 235, 322 Łowicka, Danuta 52 Łukaszczyk, Romuald 61, 125, 318, 325 M Madyda, Władysław 121, 313 Maggioni, Bruno 13 Marchant, Edgar C. 121, 314 Marcheselli-Casale, Cesare 282, 283, 286–289, 317 Mare, W. Harold 175, 177, 181–183, 187, 190, 191, 193, 198, 200, 205, 215, 302, 317 Meillier, Claude 34 Meisels, Wojciech 41, 52, 58, 314 Menken, Maarten J.J. 278, 322 Merk, August 145, 146, 183, 311 Merklein, Helmut 274–277, 322 Merrill, Rodney 313 Metzger, Bruce Manning 151, 153, 166, 170, 180, 192, 220, 232, 235, 242, 243, 248, 254, 278, 283, 285, 317 Migut, Bogusław 33, 322 Moiser, Jeremy 175, 322 Moo, Douglas J. 141–144, 146–148, 152, 317 Morawski, Kazimierz 46

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329

330

Index of modern authors

Morgenthaler, Robert 140, 174, 315 Morissette, Rodolphe 202, 322 Most, Glenn W. 313 Müller, Ulrich B. 257, 322 Müllero, Carolo 109, 312 Murphy O’Connor, Jerome 217, 322 Murray, George Gilbert Aimé 311 Mussner, Franz 168, 322 N Narecki, Krzysztof 23, 33, 106, 322 Nauck, August 52, 312 Nestle, Eberhard 9, 141, 145, 146, 150–153, 155, 160, 170, 180, 183, 185, 204, 233, 243, 257, 265, 311 Nestle, Erwin 9, 141, 145, 146, 150–153, 155, 160, 170, 180, 183, 185, 204, 233, 243, 257, 265, 311 Nield, Robert 314 Nock, Arthur Darby 12, 47, 295, 322 O O’Donoghue, Noel Dermont 208, 322 Oberlinner, Lorenz 282, 317 Oepke, Albrecht 244, 266 Omanson, Roger L. 275, 322 Ornella, Antonio 12, 320 P Pachciarek, Paweł 13, 152, 182, 323 Paciorek, Antoni 12, 140, 174, 192, 231, 239, 240, 253, 254, 271, 323 Pąkcińska, Maria 91 Parlier, Isabelle 153, 323 Paton, William Roger 314 Perriman, Andrew 206, 258, 259, 261, 323 Pesch, Rudolf 143, 144, 160, 317 Pfammatter, Josef 247, 266, 268, 317 Pfeiffer, Rudolf 34, 312 Pietrzyk, Jan 276, 324 Pisarkowa, Krystyna 18, 323 Pisi, Giordana 168, 314

Piszczek, Zdzisław 24, 315 Płóciennik, Iwona 18, 315 Podbielski, Henryk 16, 30, 34, 35, 40, 46, 59, 69, 102, 108, 116, 121, 322 Podbielski, Marcin 90 Podlawska, Daniela 18, 315 Popowski, Remigiusz 142, 147, 157, 160, 181, 188, 199, 203, 208, 211, 213, 249, 250, 263, 279, 315 Powell, Johannes Enoch 115, 314 Pretorius, Emil A.C. 254, 323 R Rabenda, Teresa 26 Rahlfs, Alfred 162, 311 Rakocy, Waldemar 12, 140, 174, 217, 231–233, 253, 254, 264, 270, 271, 281, 323 Reaume, John D. 198, 323 Rehkopf, Friedrich 168, 314 Rengstorf, Karl Heinrich 13, 143, 151, 156, 184, 188, 205, 207, 237, 282, 323 Rhodes, Peter John 314 Richmond, Lattimore 312 Ridderbos, Herman 13, 193, 323 Roetzel, Calvin J. 219–221, 224, 323 Roloff, Jürgen 284, 317 Romaniuk, Kazimierz 143, 147, 148, 158, 160, 162, 169, 170, 217, 317, 323 Rosik, Mariusz 177–180, 182, 184, 185, 188, 190, 194, 196, 198, 200–202, 204, 206–215, 318 Rosłon, Józef Wiesław 217 Rousseau, François 255, 323 Rubinkiewicz, Ryszard 217, 315 Rudolph, Wilhelm 311 Rusam, Dietrich 234, 323 S Sandauer, Artur 61, 312 Sass, Gerhard 162, 163, 323

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Index of modern authors

Scheffczyk, Leo 13, 152, 159, 160, 182, 184, 188, 209, 237, 247, 283, 323 Schlarb, Robert 145, 161, 323 Schlier, Heinrich 154, 155, 158–161, 163, 164, 166–168, 170–173, 240, 241, 244, 246, 247, 249–251, 305, 318 Schmidt, Andreas 232, 323 Schmithals, Walter 186, 188, 210, 323 Schneider, Johannes 12, 323 Schürmann, Heinz 277, 318 Schwankl, Otto 178, 324 Schweizer, Eduard 12, 234, 256, 324 Schwemer, Anna Maria 12, 321 Scott, Robert 314 Siemieński, Lucjan 16, 17, 313 Sierotwiński, Stanisław 166, 202, 315 Sinko, Tadeusz 16, 23, 25, 30, 41, 46, 52, 60, 90, 109, 128, 313, 324 Siwakowska, Wacława 70, 79, 83 Smolarczyk-Rostropowicz, Joanna 33, 34 Snell, Brunon 30, 313 Söding, Thomas 255, 324 Sordet, Jean-Michel 274, 276, 324 Spicq, Ceslaus 281, 318 Srebrny, Stefan 46, 61, 312 Staab, Karl 286, 316 Stabryła, Stanisław 30, 33, 36, 39, 40, 69, 108, 115, 121, 324 Starner, David 314 Stasiak, Sławomir 245, 247, 248, 254, 261, 276, 280, 281, 284, 286, 318, 324 Steinhauser, Michael G. 235, 324 Stępień, Jan 270, 273, 274, 276–280, 282, 283, 286–289, 318, 324 Stewart, Zeph 47, 295, 322 Strack, Hermann Leberecht 285, 318 Suhl, Alfred 232, 324 Sułowski, Zygmunt 61, 318, 325 Świderkówna, Anna 26, 33, 36, 52, 60, 70, 73, 77, 79, 83, 91, 109, 115, 128, 315 Szastyńska-Siemion, Alicja 30, 313

Szmajdziński, Mariusz 276, 324 Szostek, Andrzej 33, 322 T Talbert, Charles H. 175, 181, 184, 187, 192, 194, 195, 198, 200, 203, 207, 211, 219, 222, 318 Tanghe, Vincent 144, 161, 324 Tatarkiewicz, Władysław 89, 102, 324 Taylor, Richard A. 244, 324 Thalheim, Theodor 70, 77, 313 Thüsing, Wilhelm 12, 324 Torrey, Charles Cutler 12, 324 Torti, Giovanni 154, 318 Turasiewicz, Romuald 69–71, 73, 77, 79, 82, 83, 108, 115, 121, 312, 313 U Urbańczyk, Stanisław

18, 323

V Vince, Charles Anthony 83, 312 Vince, James Herbert 83, 312 Voemelius, Johann Theodor 83, 312 Vos, Johan S. 163, 325 W Walker, William O. 232, 325 Walkusz, Jan 16, 23, 318, 322 Wallace, Daniel B. 272, 325 Waterfield, Robin 314 Wayne, Ambler 314 Wendland, Heinz-Dietrich 179, 182, 185, 188, 191–193, 195, 199–202, 206, 208, 211, 212, 215, 219, 222–224, 226, 228, 302, 318 Wessels, G. Francois 248, 267, 325 White, Joel R. 199, 325 Willcock, Malcolm M. 313 Witwicki, Władysław 91–95, 100, 313

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331

332

Index of modern authors

Z Zerwick, Max 241, 250, 252, 318 Zimmer, Christoph 181, 190, 319, 325 Zwolski, Edward 125, 325

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Index of topics (Greek terms)

249, 271, 274, 275, 277, 280, 290, 294,

Α ἀναβαίνω

296–298, 300–302, 305, 307, 308

15, 17, 18, 23, 28, 30, 32, 33,

36–39, 52, 54, 61, 62, 71, 74, 77, 79, 80,

ἄνω

15, 17, 23, 26, 28, 30, 32–36, 38, 41,

43–46, 49–52, 57, 58, 60–68, 71, 72, 79, 81,

84, 88, 91, 94, 99, 102, 103, 106, 107, 109, 111, 115–117, 120–122, 128, 130, 135,

84, 86–88, 91, 97–99, 101, 102, 105–107,

137, 139, 140, 163, 164, 173–175, 211,

109, 114–116, 119, 121, 125, 127, 128,

216, 231, 233, 238, 240, 242, 244, 252,

132, 135, 137, 139, 231, 234–236, 238,

290, 293, 294, 296, 297, 305, 307, 308

254, 259–262, 264, 268–270, 290, 294,

ἀναιρέω

296, 298–300, 304, 305, 307, 308

15, 17, 19, 20, 23–25, 29, 30, 32,

33, 36, 37, 39, 41, 42, 45, 46, 48, 51, 52,

ἄνωθεν

15, 36, 38, 41, 44–46, 50–52, 58,

54, 55, 61, 62, 67, 71, 74, 76–80, 82, 84,

60, 61, 63–65, 67, 68, 79, 84, 91, 100, 102,

85, 88, 89, 91, 95, 102, 104, 106, 107, 109,

106, 116, 119, 121, 125–128, 132, 135,

111, 115–117, 120–122, 127, 128, 130,

137, 139, 231, 233, 234, 238, 290, 294,

135–137, 139, 271, 277, 279, 280, 291,

296, 305

294, 296, 298, 305, 307 ἀναλαμβάνω

15, 46, 48, 51, 52, 55, 56,

60–62, 67, 69, 74–80, 84, 85, 89, 91, 96, 102, 105, 109, 112, 115, 116, 118,

Ε ἐγείρω

15, 17, 22–27, 30, 32–36, 38, 39, 41,

45, 46, 50, 52, 58, 61, 64, 65, 74, 76, 84,

120, 121, 123, 127, 128, 130, 131, 136,

86, 91, 100–102, 105, 109, 113, 116, 119,

137, 139, 240, 249–253, 281, 283, 284,

121, 125, 128, 132, 139, 140, 142, 143,

288–290, 294, 300, 301, 305, 307, 308

146, 149, 151–154, 156, 157, 160, 163,

ἀνάστασις

15, 41, 43, 45, 46, 49, 51, 52, 56,

164, 166, 170, 172–174, 176, 178, 183,

68, 79, 81, 84, 86, 109, 114, 116, 119, 137,

185, 188, 189, 191, 193, 196, 197, 199,

139, 140, 157, 159, 161, 173, 174, 176,

201, 203, 204, 206, 207, 209, 215–218,

181, 186, 193, 194, 196, 197, 203, 204,

220–223, 229–231, 236, 238, 240, 245,

206, 207, 209–211, 215, 216, 246, 254,

246, 248, 249, 254, 262–265, 267, 270,

257, 258, 261, 263, 281, 285, 286, 290,

271, 273, 274, 277, 280–282, 290, 294,

294, 300–303, 305, 308 ἀνίστημι

15, 17, 20, 21, 23–30, 32–36, 38,

39, 41–43, 45, 46, 48, 51, 52, 56, 60–62, 64, 67, 68, 71, 72, 74, 76–80, 84, 86, 89, 91, 97, 101, 102, 105, 109, 112, 113, 115, 116, 118, 121, 124, 127, 128, 131, 136, 137, 139, 140, 161, 163, 173–175, 204, 211, 213, 215, 216, 240, 246, 248,

301–303, 306–308 ἔγερσις

15, 91, 100, 102, 105, 139, 294,

307 ἐξανάστασις

139, 254, 257–259, 261, 263,

290, 294, 301, 306, 308 ἐξεγείρω

139, 140, 172–174, 191, 193, 215,

290, 294, 301, 306, 308 ἐπαίρω

15, 46, 50–52, 59–61, 65, 67,

71–74, 76, 79, 81, 82, 84, 87, 89, 91, 101,

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334

Index of topics (Greek terms)

102, 106, 107, 116, 120, 121, 126–128, 132, 133, 135–137, 139, 217, 226, 229, 230, 281, 286, 287, 290, 291, 294, 296, 298, 299, 304, 305, 308

ὕψιστος

15, 26, 30, 31, 33, 36–39, 41, 42,

45–47, 51, 66, 137, 139, 293–295, 305, 307 ὑψόθεν

15, 16, 18, 23, 24, 26–28, 30, 31,

33, 34, 36, 37, 41, 42, 45, 52, 54, 66, 91, 93, 107, 137, 139, 293–296, 299, 305, 307 ὕψος

15, 16, 30, 41, 45, 52, 54, 60, 91, 92,

101, 102, 107, 109, 110, 116, 121, 122,

Σ συνεγείρω

139, 240, 245, 247, 248,

266–270, 290, 294, 301, 306, 308

128, 129, 137, 139, 240–242, 244, 252, 293, 294, 304, 305, 308 ὑψοῦ

Υ ὑπερυψόω

139, 254, 256, 263, 290, 293,

137, 139, 293–295, 304, 305, 307, 308

294, 300 ὑψηλό

15, 16, 18, 23, 24, 26–31, 33, 39, 46,

47, 51, 52, 54, 67, 102, 103, 109, 110, 136,

15–17, 23, 24, 26, 30, 31, 33, 34, 36,

ὑψόω

15–17, 23, 30, 128, 135, 137, 139,

37, 41, 45–47, 51–54, 60, 61, 67, 79, 83,

217, 225, 229, 230, 254, 290, 293, 294,

84, 91–93, 101–103, 107, 109, 110, 115,

299, 305, 308

116, 121, 122, 128, 129, 137 ὑψηλός

80, 139, 140, 167–170, 174, 291,

293, 294, 299, 304, 305, 307, 308

ὕψωμα

139, 140, 164–167, 174, 218,

226–228, 230, 291, 293, 294, 304, 305, 308

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Index of biblical references

  Genesis – 2:7 206 – 5:6 141 – 15:6 141 – 16 235, 321   Exodus – 3:14–15 256 – 9:16 172 – 15:7 144 – 15:11 144 – 16:7 144 – 16:10 144 – 20:14 147 – 20:17 147 – 21:14 71 – 21:22 147 – 32:6 215 – 32:17 215 – 32:18 215 – 32:19 215 – 33:19 172   Leviticus – 18:5 163 – 20:10 147 – 23:10–11 187 – 23:17 187 – 23:20 187   Numeri – 30:10–16

147

  Deuteronomy – 1:41 250 – 6:4 156 – 8:7 164 – 9:4 163 – 10:14 244 – 18:20 190 – 22:22 147 – 26:2 187 – 26:10 187 – 30:11–14 163 – 30:12 163, 164 – 30:13 164, 297 – 30:14 155 – 32:39 224 – 32:43 162   Joshua – 13:22

204

  Judges – 8:32 – 19:3

178 213

  Ruth – 2:13

213

  1 Samuel (1 Kings) – 2:7 225 – 18:7 215    

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336

Index of biblical references

2 Samuel (2 Kings) – 6:5–21 215 – 13:33 213   1 Kings (3 Kings) – 1:50–53 71 – 2:28–34 71 – 8:27 244 – 8:54 287   2 Kings (4 Kings) – 5:7 224 – 12:5 213 – 14:19 178 – 15:7 178 – 16:20 178   1 Chronicles – 13:8 215 – 15:29 215 – 28:2 213   2 Chronicles – 2:6 244 – 6:7 213   Judith – 6:12 250 – 7:5 250 – 14:3 250   2 Maccabees – 10:27 250   Job – 4:9 279 – 5:11 225

Psalms – 7:10 255 – 13:4 229 – 16:10 178 – 16:10–11 178 – 17:50 162 – 30:2 223 – 33:7 164 – 34:20 255 – 36[37]:35 256 – 40:2 223 – 44:23 166 – 56:13–14 223 – 67[68]:19 243 – 68:18 244, 324 – 68:19 244 – 68:34 244 – 77:17 164 – 88:11–13 224 – 96[97]:9 256 – 110:1 154 – 115:1 220 – 117:1 162 – 119:25 224 – 148:4 244

  Proverbs – 16:11

204

  Wisdom of Solomon – 1:16 200 – 2:5–9 200 – 4:14 255 – 11:9–10 279 – 11:22 204 – 14:22 227 – 18:12 204

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Index of biblical references

Matthew – 2:16 279 – 4:8 167 – 10:9 274 – 16:21 256 – 17:1 167 – 17:9 256 – 17:23 256 – 20:19 256 – 22:31 196 – 23:12 225, 255 – 24:31 205, 276 – 28:18–20 12, 320

Sirach – 1:22 204 – 14:16 200 – 16:18 244   Isaiah – 11:4 278 – 11:4b 278 – 11:10 162 – 22:12 200 – 22:13 200, 201 – 22:14 200 – 26:19 188 – 40:4 308 – 40:15 204 – 50:8–9 154 – 53:4–12 178 – 53:12 255 – 54:1 236   Jeremiah – 26:3

250

  Ezekiel – 21:31

58, 68, 137

  Daniel – 3:52–88   Hosea – 6:2   Jonah – 1:17   Zechariah – 11:16

  Mark – 2:24 192 – 8:31 256 – 9:2 167 – 9:9 256, 274 – 9:10 274 – 10:2 192 – 10:34 256 – 12:25 274 – 12:40 229

256

178, 179

178, 179

173

  John – – – – –

1:1–18 178, 324 11:25–26 190 11:41 261, 309 12:32 12, 324 20:9 274

  Luke – 1:52 225 – 9:22 256 – 13:7 279 – 14:11 225, 255 – 16:15 167 – 18:14 225, 255

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337

338

Index of biblical references

– – – – – – –   Acts – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

18:33 256 20:35 258, 259 20:47 229 22:2 279 23:32 279 24:34 256 24:46 256, 274

1:21–26 237 2:23 279 2:24 246 2:33 256 3:15 246 4:2 190, 259 4:10 246 5:30 246 5:31 256 5:33 279 5:36 279 7:21 279 7:28 279 9:3–5 259 9:16 259 9:23 279 9:24 279 9:29 279 10:39 279 10:40 246 10:41 274 10:42 160 12:2 279 12:12 289 12:25 289 13:5 289 13:13 289 13:17 167 13:28 279 13:37 246 15:1–3 232

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

15:37 289 15:37–39 289 15:39 289 16:27 279 17:3 274 18:1–18 174 18:5 270 18:12 271 18:22 232, 233 20:2–3 140 20:34–35 226 22:20 279 23:6 196 23:15 279 23:21 279 23:27 279 24:21 196 25:3 279 26:10 279 26:15 160 26:23 196

  Romans – 1:1 158 – 1:1–5 158, 318 – 1:1–7 157, 319 – 1:2–4 158 – 1:3a 158 – 1:3b 158 – 1:3b–4a 158 – 1:3–4 157–159, 162, 163, 256, 281, 289, 302 – 1:4 144, 156, 157, 161, 162, 173, 196, 246, 257, 294, 302, 308 – 1:4a 158 – 1:4b 158 – 1:5–6 158 – 1:7a 158 – 1:7b 158 – 1:16 159, 246

© 2021 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht | Brill Deutschland GmbH https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293 | CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

Index of biblical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

– – – – – – – – – – – – –

1:18–4:25 155 1:18–15:13 153, 155 1:19 227 1:23 284 2:7 207, 269 2:12 185 2:24 151, 302 3:3 279 3:5 143 3:18 168 3:21 187 3:25 151 3:26 171 3:31 279 4 141 4:3 141, 243 4:13–25 141 4:14 279 4:16 235 4:17 142, 223, 224 4:20 142 4:22 141, 255 4:23 141 4:23–25 141, 143 4:24 141–143, 153, 156, 160, 173, 178, 196, 246, 267, 272, 273, 294, 301, 308 4:24–25 144, 182 4:25 143, 151, 173, 184, 266, 294, 301 5 166 5:1–8:36 155 5:1–8:39 153 5:2 168 5:9 272 5:10 184 5:12 210 5:12–14 144 5:12–21 210 5:13–25 141 5:15–19 219

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

5:18 152 5:21 152 5:23–24 141 6 144, 160, 161 6:1 144 6:1–2 143, 160 6:1–5 286 6:1–7:6 149, 320 6:1–11 145, 161, 323 6:1–14 160, 266, 267, 321 6:1–23 161 6:2 149, 286 6:3–10 144, 145, 160 6:3–11 182 6:4 145, 149, 151–153, 160, 161, 173, 196, 265–267, 272, 273, 294, 301 6:4–5 303 6:4–6 219 6:4–8 266 6:5 145, 152, 157, 161, 173, 199, 246, 257, 266, 294, 303 6:6 279 6:7 248 6:8 145, 266 6:8–9 145 6:9 144–146, 149, 150, 153, 173, 196, 272, 273, 294, 302 6:10 146 6:10–11 219 6:11–14 144, 160 6:14 147, 148 6:22 187 7:1 147 7:1–4 148, 149, 320 7:1–6 147, 149, 150, 320 7:2 279 7:2–3 147 7:4 144, 146–150, 153, 173, 272, 294, 303 7:5–6 182 7:6 187, 279

© 2021 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht | Brill Deutschland GmbH https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293 | CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

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– – – – – –

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

7:7–25 147 8:2 152 8:3 192 8:3–4 182 8:9 151 8:11 142, 151–153, 156, 173, 178, 193, 196, 211, 220, 222, 237, 246, 266, 267, 272, 273, 294, 301, 302, 308 8:11–13 151 8:12–13 182 8:14–28 211 8:14–39 154, 321 8:17 144, 152, 259, 261 8:18 171 8:21 207 8:23 187 8:24 248, 267 8:26–27 154 8:31b 154 8:31–34 155 8:31–36 154 8:31–39 153, 166, 319, 323 8:32 222 8:33 154 8:34 144, 153, 154, 173, 196, 266, 273, 294, 302 8:36 166 8:37 154 8:38 165, 166 8:38–39 154, 165, 166 8:39 164–167, 174, 291, 294, 304, 308 9:1–11:36 155 9:14a 172 9:14b 172 9:14–18 172 9:15 172 9:16 172 9:17 172, 173, 290, 294, 308 9:18 172, 173 9:19–23 172

– – – – – – – – – – – –

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

9:24–29 172 10:1–15 164, 319 10:5 163, 164 10:5–8 163 10:5–10 163 10:5–13 155, 163 10:6 163, 164, 294 10:6–7 163, 173, 290, 297, 305, 308 10:6–8 156 10:7 164 10:8 156, 320 10:9 142, 153, 155, 156, 163, 164, 173, 196, 246, 267, 273, 294, 301, 308, 320 10:9b 156 10:9–10 221 11 168, 322 11:5 171 11:11–12 168 11:11–24 168 11:13–16 168 11:17 168 11:17–24 168 11:19 168 11:20 167–170, 174, 291, 294, 304, 305, 308 11:25–26 171 12:1–7 140, 321 12:2 171 12:3–8 169 12:3–21 169 12:9–13 169 12:9–21 169, 319 12:14 169 12:14–16 169 12:15 169 12:16 167–170, 174, 291, 294, 304, 305, 308 12:16–13:8a 169, 321 12:17–21 169 12:19 169

© 2021 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht | Brill Deutschland GmbH https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293 | CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

Index of biblical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

12–13 171 13 171 13:1–7 140 13:8–10 192 13:8–14 171 13:11 170, 173, 290, 294, 308 13:11–12 172 13:11–14 171 13:12 227 13:12b 171 14 162 14:7–8 218, 321 14:7–9 219 14:8 219 14:9 159, 266 14:10 222 15 162 15:1–13 162 15:5–6 162 15:7–13 162, 163, 323 15:9 162 15:10 162, 243 15:11 162 15:12 162, 173, 294, 302 15:13 159 15:22 255 16:25–26 203 16:25–27 140

  1 Corinthians – 1:2 287 – 1:4–9 223 – 1:11–13 174 – 1:18 159, 185, 246 – 1:24 159, 246 – 1:28 279 – 2:4 159 – 2:5 159 – 2:6 279 – 2:6b 213

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

2:6–9 212 2:6–10a 212 2:6–16 212, 320 2:7 207, 213 2:8 213, 284 2:9 211, 212, 216, 294 2:10 212, 213 2:10b–13 212 2:10–16 212 2:11 213 2:14 208 2:14–16 212 2:15–16 299 2:16 213 3:19 228 4:8 195 4:12 226, 254 4:15 254 5 192 5:1 174 5:4 159 5:9 174, 216 5:10–11 174 6:11 184 6:12 266 6:12a 192 6:12b 192 6:12c 192 6:12d 192 6:12–14 192 6:12–20 192, 267 6:13 192, 201, 207, 279 6:13a 192 6:13b 192 6:13c 192 6:14 142, 144, 152, 156, 159, 160, 176, 189, 191–193, 216, 221, 222, 246, 267, 294, 301, 308 – 6:14a 192 – 6:15 193 – 7:1 175

© 2021 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht | Brill Deutschland GmbH https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293 | CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

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Index of biblical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

7:19 148 7:25 175 7:29 171 8:1 175 8:2 185 8:4 295 8:6 156, 159 9 192 9:1 259 9:4 215 9:7 227 9:18 226 9:20–22 148 9:24 260, 261 9:26 261 10:1–4 214 10:1–5 214 10:1–13 213 10:3–4 215 10:5 214, 286 10:6 214 10:6–10 214 10:6–11 214 10:7 213–216, 290, 294, 308 10:8 214 10:9 214, 215 10:10 214, 215 10:11 214 10:12 214 10:12–13 214 10:13 214 10:14 215 10:16 168 10:19–22 201 10:23 192 10:28 201 11:18 174 11:20 286 11:21 201 11:22 215 11:23 176

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

– – – – –

11:24 168 11:26–29 215 11:30 185 12:1 175 12:3 156 13:8 279 13:10 279 13:11 279 13:13 187 14:12 269 14:36–38 197 15 149, 174–176, 178, 184, 189, 193, 201, 204, 248, 322 15:1 168, 195 15:1–2 177, 182 15:1–11 175–177, 186, 196, 321 15:1–52 267 15:1–58 13, 175, 215, 222, 275, 306 15:3 184 15:3b–5 177 15:3–4 302 15:3–5 176, 178, 179, 184, 274, 282, 302, 324 15:3–7 177, 182, 199 15:3–8 194 15:4 176, 178, 187, 216, 222, 256, 282, 294, 301, 302 15:5 176, 256 15:6 187, 188 15:6–7 177 15:8 221, 259 15:8–10 177 15:11 177, 190 15:12 144, 175, 176, 178, 187, 189, 190, 193, 194, 196, 204, 207, 210, 216, 222, 257, 282, 294, 301–304, 308, 319 15:12a 194 15:12b 194 15:12ff 181, 319 15:12–13 180, 194, 258, 285, 286 15:12–19 180, 186, 209

© 2021 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht | Brill Deutschland GmbH https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293 | CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

Index of biblical references

– 15:12–20 181 – 15:12–34 175, 176, 180, 202, 209 15:13 175, 176, 180, 202, 209 15:13 176, 178, 180, 181, 190, 191, 194, 196, 204, 207, 210, 216, 222, 257, 282, 294, 301–303, 308 – 15:13a 194 – 15:13b 194 – 15:14 176, 178, 180, 181, 183, 184, 187, 189, 190, 216, 222, 259, 274, 282, 294, 301, 302 – 15:14a 181 – 15:14b 181 – 15:14c 181 – 15:14ff 198 – 15:14–15 156 – 15:14–16 180 – 15:15 142, 176, 178, 182, 190, 191, 193, 196, 216, 246, 267, 282, 294, 301, 302, 304, 308 – 15:15a 181, 189 – 15:15b 181, 189 – 15:15c 181, 189 – 15:15d 181, 189 – 15:15d–16b 189 – 15:15e 181, 189 – 15:15–16 189, 222, 275 – 15:16 176, 178, 181, 191, 216, 222, 282, 294, 301, 302 – 15:16a 181, 189 – 15:16b 181, 189 – 15:17 176, 178, 180, 181, 183–185, 187, 216, 222, 259, 282, 294, 301, 302 – 15:17a 183 – 15:17b 183 – 15:17c 183 – 15:17–18 183, 274 – 15:17–19 180, 182, 183 – 15:18 183–185, 187, 188 – 15:19 181, 183, 184, 259

– 15:20 144, 176, 178, 185–188, 196, 209–211, 216, 222, 272, 274, 277, 282, 294, 301–303 – 15:20–22 209 – 15:20–23 285 – 15:20–28 179, 180, 196, 197, 200, 209 – 15:21 176, 204, 207, 209, 210, 216, 257, 258, 273, 286, 294, 303, 308 – 15:21a 186, 210 – 15:21b 186, 210 – 15:21–22 209 – 15:22 209–211, 219 – 15:22a 186, 210 – 15:22b 186, 210 – 15:22b–23 187 – 15:22–23 277 – 15:23 211, 222 – 15:23a 186, 209 – 15:23b 186 – 15:23b–28 209 – 15:23c 186 – 15:23–28 186, 209, 322 – 15:24 165, 279 – 15:24a 186 – 15:24b 186 – 15:24c 186 – 15:25 186 – 15:25–26 187 – 15:26 166, 186, 279 – 15:27a 186 – 15:27b 186 – 15:28 186, 199 – 15:29 176, 197–200, 216, 294 – 15:29a 198 – 15:29b 198 – 15:29c 198 – 15:29–34 180, 197, 209 – 15:30 198 – 15:30–32 197, 200, 304 – 15:31 201

© 2021 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht | Brill Deutschland GmbH https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293 | CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

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Index of biblical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

15:31a 198 15:31b 198 15:31c 198 15:31–34 259 15:32 176, 197, 199–201, 216, 294 15:32a 198 15:32b 198 15:32c 198 15:32d 198 15:32e 198 15:33a 198 15:33b 198 15:33–34 197, 200 15:34a 198 15:34b 198 15:34c 198 15:35 176, 197, 201, 202, 216, 294, 303 15:35a 203, 204 15:35b 206, 208 15:35–44a 202, 204, 319 15:35–49 202, 322 15:35–53 206 15:35–58 175 15:36–38 206 15:36–41 202 15:36–44a 201, 202 15:36–49 203, 206 15:39–41 207 15:40–41 207 15:42 176, 196, 204, 210, 216, 257, 258, 286, 294, 303, 308 15:42a 207 15:42b 207 15:42b–43 206 15:42–44 197, 203, 206, 216 15:42–44a 202 15:42–49 202 15:42–50 195 15:43 176, 216, 294 15:44 176, 206, 216, 294

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

15:44b 208 15:44b–49 201, 202, 204 15:45 144, 209, 211, 283 15:45–49 210 15:49 209 15:50 203, 205 15:50–51 204 15:50–53 201, 203, 204 15:51 188, 203, 205 15:52 176, 196, 197, 203, 204, 216, 247, 267, 276, 294 15:53 204 15:58 304 16:1 175 16:12 175 16:15 187 16:17 174

  2 Corinthians – 1:1–2:13 217 – 1:3–7 223 – 1:8 223 – 1:8–11 223 – 1:9 218, 221, 223, 224, 229, 230, 267, 294 – 1:10 224, 230 – 1:10–11 223 – 1:20 255 – 1:22 187 – 1:24 168 – 1–7 217 – 1–8 217 – 2:4 217 – 2:12–13 217 – 2:14 227, 287 – 2:14–7:4 217, 229, 230 – 2:14–16 219 – 2:15 185 – 3:6 211 – 3:7 279

© 2021 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht | Brill Deutschland GmbH https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293 | CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

Index of biblical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

3:7–18 207, 267 3:11 279 3:13 279 3:14 279 3:18 144, 284 4:3 185 4:4–6 207 4:6 144, 227 4:7–14 219 4:8–9 224, 230 4:10–11 222 4:13 220, 221, 255 4:13–14 220–222 4:13–15 221 4:14 142, 152, 156, 178, 192, 193, 218, 220–222, 224, 229, 230, 237, 246, 247, 266, 267, 294, 301, 302, 308 4:15 219, 221 4:16 222 5:1–4 222 5:1–5 206, 323 5:1–10 224, 230 5:1–19 267 5:5 187 5:9 255 5:10 222 5:11 168 5:12 220 5:14 218, 219 5:14–15 220 5:15 156, 218, 219, 224, 229, 230, 266, 267, 294, 301, 302, 321 5:16 220 5:17 146, 220 6:1 181 6:2 171, 243 6:5 226 6:7 227 6:8 207 6:14–7:1 217 7:5 217

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

7:5–15 217 8 217 8:9 226 8:14 171 9 217 10:1 227, 229 10:1–6 227 10:1–18 227 10:3–5 226, 227 10:4–5 230, 291, 305, 308 10:5 218, 227, 229, 291, 294 10:6 228 10:7–11 227 10:12 228 10:12–18 227 10:13 217 10:18 228 10–13 208, 217, 227 11:2 222, 226 11:3 226 11:3–4 226 11:4 228 11:5 228 11:7 218, 225, 226, 230, 254, 290, 294, 299, 305, 308 11:7–9 228, 254 11:7–11 225 11:12 228 11:13 228 11:15 228 11:16–12:13 228 11:16–21a 228 11:18 228 11:20 218, 228, 230, 291, 294, 304, 305, 308 11:21b–12:13 229 11:21b–29 228 11:23 226 11:27 226 11:30–33 228 12:1–7a 228

© 2021 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht | Brill Deutschland GmbH https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293 | CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

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Index of biblical references

– – – – – – –

12:2 244 12:7b–10 228 12:9 159, 207 13:3–4 207 13:4 144, 208, 222, 246 13:11 169 15 222

  Galatians – 1:1 178, 193, 237, 238, 246, 267, 282, 294, 301, 302, 308 – 1:1–2b 237 – 1:2 230 – 1:2b 237 – 1:3–4 237 – 1:5 237 – 1:10 196 – 1:18 232, 233 – 2:1 238, 290, 294 – 2:1–2 231, 233, 297, 305 – 2:1–5 232, 325 – 2:1–10 232 – 2:2 181, 232, 238, 261, 290, 294 – 2:6–10 232 – 2:20 182, 191 – 3:16 235, 243 – 3:17 279 – 3:18 235 – 3:20 295 – 3:27 267 – 3:29 235 – 4 238 – 4:1–3 233 – 4:3 234, 319, 323, 324 – 4:4 146 – 4:4–5 233 – 4:6–7 233 – 4:8 234 – 4:8–11 233

– 4:9 233, 234, 238, 290, 294, 319, 323, 324 – 4:9–10 233, 319 – 4:10 234 – 4:12–20 233 – 4:21–30 235, 319 – 4:21–31 235, 324 – 4:23 235 – 4:25 235, 236 – 4:25a 235, 324 – 4:25–26 235 – 4:26 235, 236, 238, 259, 261, 264, 290, 294, 296, 305, 308 – 4:27 236 – 5:1 192 – 5:11 279 – 5:13 192 – 5:22–23 192 – 6:2 148 – 6:8 152   Ephesians – 1:1 239 – 1:8–10 244 – 1:10 245 – 1:14 187 – 1:17–23 246 – 1:19 247 – 1:20 154, 196, 237, 245–248, 252, 267, 274, 282, 294, 301, 302, 308 – 1:20–23 244 – 1:21 165, 241 – 2:1 249 – 2:2 244 – 2:4–10 247 – 2:5 247, 267, 279 – 2:5–6 249 – 2:6 247, 248, 252, 266, 267, 294 – 2:7 247 – 2:8 267

© 2021 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht | Brill Deutschland GmbH https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293 | CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

Index of biblical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

2:10 247 2:14–16 241 3:1 240 3:4–5 203, 239 3:5 240 3:7–9 239 3:9–10 203 3:13 239 3:14–19 240 3:14–21 240 3:18 240, 241, 252, 294, 319 4:5 265 4:7 243 4:7–12 243 4:7–16 243 4:8 240, 242–244, 252, 294, 297, 324 4:8–10 242, 244, 252, 290, 297, 305, 308 4:9 242, 243, 252, 294, 297 4:9a 244 4:9b 244 4:9–10 243, 244, 256, 320 4:10 244, 252, 294, 297 4:10a 244 4:10b 244 4:13–15 243 4:16 243 5:2 241 5:8–14 249 5:14 171, 243, 248, 252, 272, 294, 303 5:16 171 5:25 241 5:27 222, 223 6:10 250 6:10–20 227, 249–251, 322 6:11 250 6:13 250, 253, 290, 294 6:14 250 6:14a 251 6:14b 251

– – – – – – –

6:14–15 251 6:14–17 251 6:15 251 6:16 250, 251, 253, 290, 294 6:17 250 6:17a 251 6:17b 251

  Philippians – 1:1–3:1 253 – 1:1–11 254 – 1:12 263 – 1:12–13 262 – 1:12–18 262 – 1:14 262 – 1:15a 262 – 1:15b 262 – 1:16 181, 262, 263 – 1:17 262–264, 290, 294, 308 – 1:17a 262 – 1:32 222 – 2:2 169 – 2:5 255 – 2:5–11 255, 320, 323 – 2:6 159 – 2:6–8 255 – 2:6–11 156, 255, 257, 319, 320, 322, 324 – 2:9 156, 255, 256, 259, 263, 290, 294 – 2:9–10 13, 254, 300, 305 – 2:9–11 154, 255 – 2:11 156 – 2:14 287 – 2:16 261 – 2:21 269 – 2:25 227 – 3:1 253 – 3:2 253 – 3:2–4:1 253 – 3:8b–11 257

© 2021 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht | Brill Deutschland GmbH https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293 | CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

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Index of biblical references

– 3:8–11 257, 263, 299 – 3:10 152, 159, 246, 257, 261, 266, 286, 294, 302 – 3:10a 258 – 3:10b 258 – 3:10c 258 – 3:10–11 258, 323 – 3:11 257, 258, 261 – 3:12 260 – 3:13 260, 261 – 3:13–14 260 – 3:14 234, 260, 261, 264, 290, 294 – 3:15–16 260 – 3:20–21 203 – 3:21 152, 205, 208 – 4:1 253 – 4:2 169, 253 – 4:2–7 253 – 4:2–9 253 – 4:8n 253 – 4:9 253 – 4:10 253 – 4:10–20 253 – 4:10–23 253 – 4:12 225 – 4:20 253 – 4:21 253   Colossians – 1:5 269 – 1:13 248 – 1:18 188, 196, 222, 247, 265, 272 – 1:22 187, 222, 223 – 1:23 222 – 1:24 258, 323 – 1:26–27 203 – 1:28 222 – 2:6–3:4 268 – 2:8 234, 323, 324 – 2:9–10a 265, 266

– – – – –

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

2:9–15 265 2:10b 265, 266 2:11–12 265, 270 2:11–13 265, 266 2:12 151, 196, 221, 237, 246–248, 265–267, 269, 270, 282, 294, 301–303, 308 2:12–15 182 2:13 249, 267 2:14 78 2:14–15 265, 266 2:18 234, 324 2:20 234, 269, 323, 324 3:1 154, 234, 248, 256, 259, 266, 268–270, 290, 294, 296, 305 3:1a 268, 269 3:1b 268 3:1–2 261, 264, 268, 308 3:1–4 268, 269, 319, 320 3:1–4:6 268 3:1–6 268, 322 3:2 268–270, 290, 294, 296, 305 3:3 268, 269 3:3–4 222, 268 3:4 268 3:4a 268 3:4b 268 4:5 171 4:7–14 288 4:10 289 4:16 239

  1 Thessalonians – 1:5 159 – 1:8 272, 287 – 1:8–10 272 – 1:9–10 272, 273 – 1:10 156, 196, 246, 267, 272, 274, 279, 282, 294, 301, 308, 325 – 2:9 226, 254

© 2021 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht | Brill Deutschland GmbH https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293 | CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

Index of biblical references

– – – – – – –

– – – – – – – – – – – –

2:12 208 3:5 181 3:6 270 4:13 274 4:13–17 188, 205 4:13–18 274–276, 324 4:14 152, 156, 221, 222, 246, 256, 266, 273, 274, 276, 277, 279, 294, 302, 308 4:14a 274 4:14b 274 4:15 206, 276 4:15–17 203, 274, 276 4:15–17a 274 4:16 204, 205, 261, 274–277, 280, 294, 303 4:16–17 205, 276 4:17 145, 222 4:17b 274 4:18 274 5:8 227 5:9–10 222

  2 Thessalonians – 1:1 271 – 1:7 159 – 2 278 – 2:1–5 278 – 2:1–12 274, 324 – 2:2 278 – 2:3b 278 – 2:3b–12 278 – 2:3c–4 278 – 2:5–7 278 – 2:7–8 277 – 2:8 277–280, 291, 294 – 2:9–12 278 – 2:10 185 – 2:13 187 – 2:15 282

– – – –

3:6 282 3:7–8 226 3:7–9 254 3:17 271

  1 Timothy – 1:10 279 – 1:18 227 – 1:20 285 – 2:1–2 287 – 2:1–3:16 284 – 2:1–15 287 – 2:3–7 287 – 2:8 286, 287, 290, 291, 294, 304 – 2:8–15 287 – 2:9–10 287 – 2:11–15 287 – 3:14 284 – 3:14–16 284 – 3:15 284 – 3:16 283, 284, 288, 290, 291, 294 – 6:15 295 – 6:16 295 – 6:17 168, 170   2 Timothy – 1:12 282 – 1:14 282 – 2:8 144, 160, 196, 281, 282, 285, 289, 294, 301, 302 – 2:8a 282 – 2:8b 282 – 2:8b–11a 282 – 2:8–13 281 – 2:8–15 319 – 2:9–13 281 – 2:10 261 – 2:11b–13 282 – 2:11–13 282, 286

© 2021 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht | Brill Deutschland GmbH https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293 | CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

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Index of biblical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

2:14–4:8 285 2:14–21 285 2:16 285 2:17 285 2:17–18 195, 285 2:18 285, 289, 294 2:19–21 285 2:21 285 4:7–8 261 4:8 261 4:9 289 4:9–12 288 4:11 288–290, 294 4:13 288 4:14–15 288 4:16–18 288 4:19–22 288

  Titus – 2:11–15 288 – 3:9 184   Philemon – 2 227 – 23 289 – 24 288, 289   Hebrews – 1:3 – 2:7 – 2:14 – 6:2 – 7:1 – 7:11

139, 167 284 279 139, 265 139 139

– – – – – – – –

7:15 7:26 9:10 10:9 11:19 11:35 12:15 13:8

139 139, 167 265 139, 279 139, 224 139 139 149

  James – 4:6 255 – 4:10 255   1 Peter – 1:3 199 – 1:21 221   1 John – 2:18

171

  Revelation – 3:3 171 – 3:10 171 – 6:16 272 – 8:2 205 – 10:7 203 – 11:15 205 – 19:15 279 – 19:20 279 – 20:11–15 146 – 21:10 167 – 21:12 167

© 2021 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht | Brill Deutschland GmbH https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293 | CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

Index of Greek classical references

A Aeschines 15, 69, 79–83, 88, 89, 298, 304 – Against Ctesiphon III 79 – 2 81 – 12 80 – 16 80 – 39 80 – 40 80 – 87 80 – 94 80 – 108 80, 82, 88, 298 – 113 81 – 114 81 – 119 81 – 126 81 – 152 80 – 191 80 – 202 80 – 235 81, 82, 89, 304 – 236 80 – 241 80 – Against Timarchus I 79 – 35 80 – 43 80 – 53 80 – 54 80 – 57 80 – 58 80 – 61 80 – 69 80 – 80 80 – 84 80 – 90 80 – 110 80 – 132 80

– 137 81 – 170 81 – 192 81 – 193 80 – On the Embassy II 79 – 9 80 – 10 81 – 34 81 – 35 80 – 49 80 – 63 80 – 74 80 – 84 80 – 96 80 – 104 81 – 115 80 – 127 80 – 143 80 – 174 80 Aeschylus 15, 40–43, 45, 46, 48, 65–68, 195, 295, 296, 300, 307, 311 – Agamemnon 40, 41, 44 – 299 45 – 346 45 – 569 43, 45, 68, 300 – 589 43 – 871 44, 68 – 875 44 – 897 41 – 1361 43, 45, 68, 300 – 1376 41 – 1579 45, 67, 300 – 1595 44 – Prometheus Bound 40, 41, 311 – 719–720 42

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Index of Greek classical references

– Seven against Thebes 40 – The Eumenides 40–42, 195 – 28 42, 45, 66, 295 – 124 43 – 140 45 – 141 43 – 647 43, 45, 68, 300 – 650 43, 45, 66, 296 – 706 45 – The Libation Bearers 40, 42 – 124 44, 45, 66, 296 – 147 44, 45, 66, 296 – 427 44 – 834 45 – 1004 42 – The Persians 40, 41, 43, 46, 68, 300, 311 – 99 43 – 201 43 – 331 42 – 467 41 – 645 44, 45, 68, 300 – 807 42 – The Suppliants 40–42 – 175 42, 45, 66, 296 – 323 43 – 381 42, 45, 66, 295 – 479 42, 45, 66, 295 – 597 45, 67, 296 Ajschylos s. Aeschylus Alexander the Great 83, 85, 101, 104, 108 Ambrosiaster 145, 153, 165, 176, 180, 189, 191, 232, 235, 242, 243, 245, 248, 251, 260 Anaxagoras 89, 115 Antiphon of Rhamnus 115 Apollonius of Rhodes 15, 16, 25–29, 249, 298 – Argonautica 26, 311 – 1.346 27 – 1.666 27 – 1.1105 27, 249

– 1.1159 27 – 1.1203 27 – 1.1349 27 – 2.16 27, 249 – 2.587 26 – 2.689 27, 29, 298 – 2.806 27 – 2.884 27, 249 – 2.977 26 – 2.1026 26 – 3.221 26 – 3.257 26 – 3.294 27, 249 – 3.368 26, 28, 29 – 3.542 27 – 3.752 27, 249 – 3.931 27 – 3.1386 27 – 3.1397 28 – 4.80 26 – 4.154 26 – 4.168 27 – 4.315 27 – 4.533 27 – 4.671 27, 249 – 4.719 27 – 4.941 27 – 4.1325 27 – 4.1376 27 – 4.1581 28 Aristophanes 15, 30, 40, 60–67, 70, 249, 296, 304, 307, 311, 312, 318 – Ecclesiazusae 60, 61, 64, 312 – 268 62 – 373 62 – 571 64 – 698 63 – 740 62 – 1073 62 – 1108 64 – 1111 62

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Index of Greek classical references

– 1180 62 – Lysistrata 60, 61, 64, 312 – 18 64 – 117 62 – 306 64, 65 – 623 65 – 709 62 – 929 62 – 937 65 – 938 65 – 1292 62 – Peace 60, 61, 63, 312 – 168 62 – 225 63 – 819 64 – 821 64, 65, 67, 269 – 854 63, 65, 66, 296 – 1180 62 – 1243 64 – Plutus 61, 312 – 541 64 – 683 62 – 738 62 – 740 64 – 744 64 – 801 62 – The Acharnians 60, 61, 312 – 21 62 – 433 64 – 732 62 – 810 62 – 1187 62 – The Birds 60–62, 312 – 3 62 – 50 62 – 51 62 – 175 62 – 379 61 – 449 62 – 727 62, 65, 66 – 843 63, 65, 66

– 844 63 – 1002 63 – 1149 62 – 1448 65, 67 – 1448–1450 65 – 1507 63, 65, 66 – 1509 63 – 1522 64, 65, 67 – 1526 64, 65, 67 – 1528–1529 63 – 1533 63, 65, 66 – 1551 64 – 1657 65 – 1671 62 – The Clouds 60, 61, 63, 312 – 9 64 – 42 65 – 172 62 – 226 63 – 231 63, 65, 66, 296 – 279 61 – 531 62 – 616 62 – 809 65 – 975 62 – 981 62 – 1457 65 – The Frogs 60, 61, 249, 312 – 130 61 – 132 62 – 340 64 – 420 62 – 480 62 – 490 62 – 758–776 65 – 777 65, 67, 304 – 1041 65 – The Knights 60, 61, 312 – 149 62 – 313 63 – 682 62

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– 866 62 – The Wasps 60, 61, 312 – 95 62 – 137 62 – 204 63 – 217 62 – 286 62 – 330 62 – 386 62 – 395 64 – 398 62 – 754 62 – 774 64 – 817 63 – 905 62 – 944 62 – 963 62 – 977 62 – 996 65 – 998 62 – 1024 65 – 1341 62 – 1526 62 – Thesmophoriazusae 60, 61, 312 – 384 62 – 643 62 – 647 62 – 1181 64 – 1223 62 Aristotle 15, 39, 40, 89, 90, 101–107, 297, 298 – Economics 102, 104 – 1.1345a 105 – Eudemian Ethics 102 – 1.1214b 105 – 1.1217b 104 – 1.1218a 104 – 2.1220b 105 – 2.1222b 104 – 2.1224a 105 – 3.1230a 103

– History of Animals 102 – 6.559a.6 103 – 6.576b 102 – 6.580a 102 – 9.614b 102 – 9.616a.9 103 – 9.619a.25 103 – 9.619b 103 – 9.619b.4 103 – Metaphysics 102 – 1.988b 104 – 1.989a 104 – 1.990a 106 – 1.990b 104 – 1.992a 106 – 1.992b 104 – 2.994a 106 – 2.994b 104, 106 – 3.1000b 104 – 4.1006a 104 – 4.1006b 104 – 4.1007a 104 – 4.1007b 106 – 4.1010b 104, 105 – 4.1011a 105 – 4.1012b 104 – 5.1016a 106 – 5.1017b 104 – 7.1040a 104 – 9.1047a 105 – 9.1047b 105 – 9.1048b 105 – 11.1062b 104 – 11.1063b 104 – 11.1065a 104, 105 – 11.1065b 105 – 11.1067a 105 – 11.1067b 105 – 12.1071a 104 – 13.1079a 104 – 13.1082b 104

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Index of Greek classical references

– 13.1083b 104 – 13.1086b 104 – Meteorology 102 – 1.341a.1 103 – 1.347a 102 – 1.347a.35 103 – 1.348a.21 103 – 1.348a.23 103 – 1.350a 102 – 1.350a.2 103 – 1.350a.5 103 – 1.350a.7 103 – 1.350b.22 103 – 1.352b.7 103 – 1.352b.27 103 – 2.354a.24 103 – 2.354a.25 103 – 2.354a.28 103 – 2.354a.31 103 – Movement of animals 102 – 713b.11 103 – Nicomachean Ethics 102 – 1.1095a.10 105 – 1.1096a.10 104, 106, 107 – 2.1103a 105 – 3.1114a.15 105 – 3.1115a.1 105 – 3.1116b.25 105 – 3.1116b.30 105 – 5.1132b.10 104 – 5.1133a.10 104 – 6.1139b.10 106 – 6.1144a.10 106 – 6.1149b.5 106 – 7.1146b.5 104 – 9.1166b.10 104 – 10.1172b.25 104 – 10.1173a.1 104 – 10.1174a.10 105 – 10.1176a.30 105  

– On Marvelous Things Heard 102 – 833a 102 – 833a.5 103 – 834b 102 – 837b.34 103 – 839a 102 – 839b.1 103 – On the Universe 102 – 391a 102 – 392b.18 103 – 398a 102 – Parts of animals 102 – 2.657b 102 – 4.686b 102 – Poetics 39, 40, 102 – 1449b 105 – 1455b 104, 106, 107, 298 – 1460a 104 – Politics 102, 104 – 1.1253a 104 – 2.1261a 104 – 2.1261b 104 – 2.1262a 105 – 2.1263b 104 – 4.1288b 104 – 5.1301b 104 – 5.1304a 104 – 5.1307b 104 – 5.1311a 104 – 5.1311b 104 – 5.1313a 104 – 7.1331b 105 – 8.1339a 105 – Problems 102 – 14.909b.5 103 – 25.940b.5 103 – 26.940a.19 103 – 26.940a.20 103 – 26.940a.26 103 – 26.941.39 103 – 26.944b.10 103

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– 26.944b.12 103 – 26.944b.18 103 – 26.944b.20 103 – 26.945a.26 103 – 26.947a.15 103 – Rhetoric 102 – 1.1354b 105 – 1.1365a 104, 105 – 1.1373b 105 – 1.1374a 106 – 1.1375a 104 – 1.1376a 104 – 1.1376b 104 – 1.1377b 104 – 2.1382b 104 – 2.1391a 104 – 2.1393b 103 – 2.1395a 104 – 2.1397a 104 – 3.1412a 106 – 3.1412b 105 – 3.1415a 104 – 3.1418b 104 – Sense and sensibilia 102 – The Constitution of the Athenians 102–104 – 15.4 104 – 16.9 105 – 18.5 104 – 19.1 104 – 21.6 104, 106, 107, 298 – 25.2 104 – 25.4 104 – 29.4 104 – 35.3 104 – 35.4 104 – 37.2 104 – 40.2 104 – 50.2 104 – 55.5 103, 106, 107, 297 – 60.3 103

Arystofanes s. Aristophanes Arystoteles s. Aristotle Augustine 89, 190, 241, 258 C Cadmus of Miletus 108 Callimachus 15, 30, 33–36, 39, 73, 76, 298, 312, 322 – Epigram – 23.2 34 – Hymn The Bath of Pallass (5) 34 – Hymn To Apollo (2) 34 – (2).64 35 – Hymn To Artemis (3) 34 – (3).128 35 – (3).197–203 35 – (3).199 35, 39, 298 – Hymn To Delos (4) 34 – (4).63 34 – (4).157 34 – (4).173 35 – (4).312 35 – Hymn To Demeter (6) 34 – (6).4 34 – Hymn To Zeus (1) 34 – (1).24 35 – Tables of Those Who Have Distinguished Themselves in Every Form of Culture and of What They Wrote 34 – Aetia 34 – Hecale 34 – Iambi 34 Ciryl of Alexandria 165 Clement of Alexandria 150, 166, 170, 211, 242, 243, 254, 260 Corax 69 Crates 40 Cratinus 40 D Democritus

89

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Index of Greek classical references

Demosthenes 15, 69, 73, 77–79, 82–84, 86–88, 297, 298, 312, 314 – Introduction 1 – 1 86 – I. Olynthiac 1 83 – 5 86 – 7 85 – 21 85 – II. Olynthiac 2 83 – 1 86 – III. Olynthiac 3 83 – 18 86 – 35 85 – IV. Philippic I 83 – 1 86 – 7 85 – 41 87 – 49 87 – V. On the Peace 83 – 3 86 – Introduction 6 – 1 84 – VI. Philippic II 83 – 15 85 – 19 86 – 20 85 – VII. On the Halonnesus 83 – 1 85 – VIII. On the Chersonese 83 – 52 86 – 60 85 – 65 85 – 74 86 – Introduction 9 – 1 86 – IX. Philippic IIIa 83 – 19 85 – 26 85 – 32 85 – 36 87 – 41 87

– X. Philippic IIIb 83 – 36 85 – 47 85 – 55 86 – 62 85 – 67 85 – XI. Reply to Philip 83 – 21 85 – Introduction 12 – 2 85 – XII. Philip’s Letter 83 – 4 85 – 21 86 – Introduction 14 – 1 84 – XIV. On the Navy Boards 82, 83 – 10 85 – 32 85 – XV. On the Liberty of the Rhodians 83 – 19 85 – XVI. For the Megalopolitans 83 – 4 85 – 23 87 – 25 85 – 26 85 – 30 85 – Introduction 17 – 1 86 – XVII. On the Treaty with Alexander 83 – 5 85 – XVIII. On the Crown 83 – 10 86 – 16 87 – 18 85 – 42 85 – 63 85 – 66 84 – 71 85 – 78 85

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– 90 86 – 98 85 – 111 87 – 129 86 – 136 86 – 163 85 – 168 87 – 170 86 – 171 86 – 175 87 – 209 84 – 222 87 – 259 86 – 291 87 – 294 85 – 298 87 – 310 87 – XIX. On the Embassy – 2 85 – 13 86 – 15 86 – 23 86 – 35 86 – 45 86 – 51 85 – 57 86 – 80 85 – 84 86 – 117 86 – 120 86 – 122 86 – 127 85 – 183 85 – 186 85 – 255 84 – 261 87 – 287 86 – 289 84 – 290 84 – 291 84 – 298 85

–

–

83

–

–

– 300 87 – 305 86 – 336 87 – 342 85 XX. Against Leptines 83 – 63 87 – 68 86 – 72 86 – 111 85 – 134 84 – 142 85 – 143 85 – 155 85 XXI. Against Meidias 83 – 29 85 – 51 85, 88, 298 – 68 86 – 77 87 – 91 87 – 105 85 – 109 85 – 159 87 – 160 87 – 163 84 – 203 86 – 205 84 – 206 86 – 211 87 – 221 86 XXII. Against Androtion 83 – 20 85 – 38 84 – 72 85 – 75 85 XXIII. Against Aristocrates 83 – 27 84 – 59 85 – 62 85 – 81 84 – 148 84 – 155 87

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Index of Greek classical references

– –

–

– –

–

–

–  

– 175 85 – 178 87 – 218 85 Introduction 24 – 3 85 XXIV. Against Timocrates 83 – 2 85 – 12 86 – 18 85 – 32 85 – 84 85 – 96 85 – 101 85 – 183 85 – 195 87 XXV. Against Aristogeiton 1 83 – 9 84 – 20 84 – 47 87 – 69 85 – 70 85 – 75 86, 87 – 84 85 – 87 85 – 90 85 – 95 85 – 99 84, 88, 297 XXVI. Against Aristogeiton 2 83 XXVII. Against Aphobus 1 83 – 4 82 – 61 85 – 64 85 XXVIII. Against Aphobus 2 83 – 5 85 – 17 85 XXIX. Against Aphobus 3 83 – 22 87 – 36 85 Introduction 30 – 2 87

XXX. Against Ontenor 1 83 – 28 85 – 32 84 – XXXI. Against Ontenor 2 83 – 4 84 – XXXII. Against Zenothemis q83 – 5 87 – 10 87 – XXXIII. Against Apatourius 83 – 12 85 – XXXIV. Against Phormio 83 – 31 84 – 33 85 – XXXVII. Against Pantaenetus 83 – 2 87 – 41 84 – Introduction 38 – 2 86 – 3 86 – Introduction 39 – 3 87 – XXXIX. Against Boeotus 1 83 – 31 86 – XL. Against Boeotus 2 83 – XLII. Against Phaenippus 83 – 32 85 – XLIII. Against Macartatus 83 – 57 84 – 58 84 – XLIV. Against Leochares 83 – 5 87 – 6 87 – 16 87 – 65 87 – XLV. Against Stephanos 1 83 – 21 84 – 53 84, 85 – 58 86 – 80 87 – Introduction 46 – 3 86

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– XLVI. Against Stephanos 2 83 – XLVIII. Against the Olympiodorus – 46 84 – XLIX. Against Timotheus 83 – 20 84 – L. Against Polycles 83 – 2 86 – 17 84 – 47 84 – 48 84 – 52 84 – Introduction 52 – 1 86 – LII. Against Callipus 83 – 14 84 – Introduction 53 – 3 86 – LIII. Against Nicostratus 83 – 21 84 – LIV. Against Conon 83 – 7 87 – 8 86 – 29 86 – LV. Against Callicles 83 – 22 84 – Introduction 56 – 1 84, 86 – LVI. Against Dionysodorus 83 – 14 85 – 15 84, 85 – 16 85 – LVII. Against Eubulides 83 – 17 84 – LVIII. Against Theocrines 83 – 32 84 – 34 84 – 42 84 – 70 84 – LIX. Against Neaera 83 – 9 85 – 16 84

83

– 34 86 – 38 87 – 53 85 – 54 85 – 57 85 – 58 85, 86 – 59 85 – 68 85 – 69 85 – 74 87 – 80 84 – 90 85 – LX. Funeral Oration 83, 87 – 4 87 – 23 84 – 24 85 – 34 87, 88 – LXI. Erotic Essay 83 – 6 87 – Letter 1 – 2 85 – 16 85, 88, 298 – Letter 3 – 8 85 Didymus the Blind 211, 277, 283 E Empedocles 89 Epiphanius of Constance 180, 197 Epiphanius of Salamis s. Epiphanius of Constance Ephorus of Cyme 108 Eupolis 40 Euripides 15, 39, 40, 51–60, 65–69, 137, 296, 298–301, 304, 307 – Alcestis 52, 56, 68, 300 – 126 56, 60, 68, 137, 301, 307 – 250 59, 67 – 251 59 – 625 56, 60 – 625a 56

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Index of Greek classical references

–

–

–

–

–

– 853 57, 58, 60, 68, 300 – 986 57, 58, 60, 68, 300 – 1008nn 56, 68, 137, 301, 307 Andromache 52 – 197 59 – 518 54 – 705 59, 60, 67, 299 – 717 59 – 1077 59 – 1249 56 Bacchae 52, 54 – 349 57 – 602 57 – 741 57 – 753 57 – 789 59 – 1043–1152 52, 54 – 1061 54 – 1071 57 – 1076 57 – 1101–1102 52 – 1107 54 – 1111 54 Cyclops 39, 52, 53 – 211 57 – 323 58 – 383 53 – 436 55 – 706 57 Electra 52 – 6 53, 60 – 125 58 – 608 55 – 842 57 – 928 55 Hecuba 52 – 494 56 – 499 56 – 500 59 – 791 57, 58, 60, 66, 296 – 1010 57

–

–

–

–

–

–

– 1263 54 – 1279 57 Helen 52, 53 – 418 53 – 1014 58, 60, 67 – 1217 54 – 1244 56 – 1616 54 Heracleidae 52, 67 – 59 56 – 173 59, 67 – 322 53, 60, 67, 299 – 613 53, 60, 68 – 634 59 – 635 59, 67 – 728 59 Heracles 52 – 78 56 – 616 57, 58, 60, 67 – 719 56, 60, 68, 137, 301, 307 – 852 56, 60, 67 – 953 57 – 1005 55, 60 – 1050 58 – 1226 56 – 1307 57 – 1394 56 Hippolytus 52, 53 – 730 53 – 1234 57 – 1292 57 Ion 52 – 426 55, 60, 67 – 727 59 – 1129 56 – 1155 57 Iphigenia in Aulis 52 – 90 55, 67, 298 – 125 59 – 378 57, 58, 60, 67, 304 – 390 55

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– 624 58 – Iphigenia in Tauris 52, 53 – 97 53 – 282 57 – 373 54 – 1484 59 – Medea 52 – 27 59 – 410 57 – 1163 56 – 1184 58 – 1190 56 – Orestes 52 – 286 59 – 292 56, 60, 69, 300 – 885 56 – 887 56 – 902 56 – 917 56 – 1353 58 – 1531 55 – 1542 57 – Phoenician Women 52 – 181 57 – 404 52, 60 – 405 52 – 572 56 – 824 56 – (Rhesus) 58 – 189 59 – 532 58 – 541 58 – 543 58 – 563 58 – 572 58 – 644 58 – 789 59 – The Suppliants 52, 53 – 289 59 – 471 54 – 492 55

– 520 57 – 555 53, 60 – 581 59 – 654 57 – 689 57 – 1167 54 – The Trojan Women 52, 54, 68 – 364 56 – 612 58, 60, 68, 137 – 755 54 – 1243 57, 58, 60, 67, 68, 299 Eusebius of Caesarea 145, 165, 242, 245, 272, 275 G Gorgias of Leontinoi 69, 73 Gregory of Nyssa 241 H Hecataeus of Miletus 108 Hellanicus of Mytilene 108 Heraclitus of Ephesus 89 Herodot s. Herodotus of Halicarnassus Herodotus of Halicarnassus 15, 108–115, 121, 135, 136, 249, 250, 296–298, 300, 307, 312 – Histories 108, 109, 111, 113, 312 – 1.13.1 111, 135, 298 – 1.13.2 111, 135, 298 – 1.22.4 113 – 1.31.6 113, 136 – 1.50.2 109 – 1.59.4 113 – 1.61.3 113 – 1.62.3 113 – 1.72.1 114 – 1.75.5 114 – 1.80.2 111 – 1.84.5 111, 114 – 1.93.3 114 – 1.95.3 114

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Index of Greek classical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

1.98.4 110 1.103.2 114 1.109.4 111 1.110.3 110 1.111.1 112 1.111.4 112 1.119.6 112 1.130.1 114 1.131.2 110, 111, 135, 297 1.142.1 114 1.165.1 113 1.166.4 112 1.177.1 114 1.178.3 109 1.181.4 111 1.185.2 114 1.185.4 109 1.191.5 111 1.192.3 111 1.193.1 111 1.196.2 112 1.196.4 112 1.202.2 113 1.203.1 110 2.4.3 112 2.7.1 114 2.8.1 114 2.13.1 111 2.13.3 110 2.14.1 110 2.17.4 114 2.24.1 114 2.25.1 114 2.25.2 114 2.26.1 114 2.26.2 114 2.29.2 114 2.29.3 114 2.35.3 114 2.36.2 111 2.41.4 111

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

2.52.4 111, 135, 298 2.60.2 113 2.64.2 113 2.68.3 114 2.92.5 114 2.95.1 110, 111, 114 2.99.2 114 2.124.3 109, 110 2.124.4 109 2.127.3 110 2.134.4 111 2.137.3 110 2.137.4 110 2.138.2 109, 110 2.139.3 111, 136, 298 2.148.7 114 2.155.1 114 2.155.2 110 2.155.3 110 2.175.1 109 2.175.3 109 3.3.2 114 3.10.3 114 3.14.9 112 3.15.1 112 3.30.3 111 3.60.1 110 3.60.2 109 3.62.4 113, 136, 249, 300 3.69.1 112 3.73.1 112 3.74.3 111 3.78.2 112, 250 3.102.3 111 3.108.2 111 3.140.1 111 3.140.2 111 3.151.1 111 3.158.1 111 4.1.2 114 4.9.1 113, 114

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– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

4.14.4 111 4.18.1 114 4.22.2 111 4.23.2 110 4.25.1 110 4.62.2 109, 114 4.62.5 114 4.71.1 112 4.82.1 111 4.94.5 114, 135, 296 4.105.1 114 4.108.1 110 4.119.3 113 4.128.1 111 4.128.2 111 4.157.3 112 4.158.2 112 4.172.1 111 4.184.4 110 4.196.2 111 4.199.1 110 5.9.3 114 5.15.2 114 5.16.2 110 5.29.2 113 5.52.6 111 5.62.1 112 5.71.2 112 5.72.3 111 5.90.1 113 5.90.4 112 5.91.1 112 5.98.2 112 5.102.3 111, 136 5.105.2 114, 135, 296 5.121.1 112 6.24.1 111 6.24.2 111 6.29.2 111 6.34.2 111, 135, 298 6.36.1 111, 136

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

6.52.5 111, 135, 298 6.53.3 114 6.69.3 111, 136, 298 6.69.4 111 6.70.3 111, 136 6.78.1 112 6.79.2 111 6.84.2 111 6.103.2 111, 136 6.103.3 111, 136 6.103.4 111, 136 6.108.1 111 6.115.1 112 6.122.1 111, 136 6.125.4 111, 136 7.3.1 111 7.6.2 111 7.6.3 111 7.10(8).2 111 7.16(1).2 111 7.20.2 114 7.23.2 114 7.23.3 114 7.43.1 111 7.49.1 113 7.56.2 113 7.60.2 109 7.111.1 110 7.111.2 110, 135, 298 7.112.1 110 7.128.1 114 7.136.1 111 7.137.2 111 7.148.2 113 7.148.3 111, 135, 298 7.151.1 111 7.152.1 111 7.154.1 112 7.173.4 114 7.176.3 110 7.182.2 110

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Index of Greek classical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

7.190.1 7.191.1 7.198.2 7.205.1 7.218.1 7.220.3 7.231.1 8.32.1 8.32.2 8.36.2 8.53.1 8.53.3 8.53.4 8.54.1 8.55.2 8.62.2 8.109.2 8.110.2 8.115.4 8.116.1 8.131.1 8.137.1 8.142.2 9.22.5 9.23.2 9.25.4 9.27.3 9.33.2 9.33.3 9.46.2 9.51.2 9.51.4 9.53.1 9.57.1 9.64.1 9.69.1 9.70.1 9.73.2 9.74.1 9.79.1 9.83.2

111 110 110 111 111 113 112, 136 111 111 111 111 111 111 111 111 112 112, 136 111 114 114 113 114 113 111 111 110, 112 111 111, 135, 136, 298 111, 136 112 114 112 112 112 111, 136 114 111 113 112 110, 136 114

– 9.106.2 115 – 9.106.4 113 – 9.113.2 111 Hesiod 15, 16, 23–25, 29, 249, 298, 312, 313, 322 – Birth of the Gods 23, 312–314 – 553 24, 29, 298 – 632 24 – 666 25 – 704 24 – 713 25 – 787 24 – Shield s. a. Shield of Heracles, 24 – Shield of Heracles 23, 312, 313 – 176 25 – 374 24 – 406 24 – 440 24 – 475 25 – Theogony s. a. Birth of the Gods, 312 – Works and Days 23, 312–314 – 20 25 – 449 24 – 550 24 – 573 25, 249 – 577 25 – 748 24 Hezjod s. Hesiod Hipolit 161 Homer 15–24, 28, 29, 69, 105, 298 – Hymn to Aphrodite (3) – 161 17 – 267 17 – Hymn to Apollo (1) – 23 17 – 145 17 – 507 18 – Hymn to Ares (7) – 10 18, 28, 295 – Hymn to Artemis (27) – 7 17

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366

Index of Greek classical references

– Hymn to Demeter (5) – 283 19, 20 – Hymn to Hestia and Hermes (29) – 1 17 – Hymns to the Gods 16 – The Battle of Frogs and Mice 16 – 81 17 – The Iliad 16, 17, 29, 105, 313 – 1.57 22 – 1.58 21 – 1.68 20, 21 – 1.101 21 – 1.191 20, 21 – 1.301 19, 20 – 1.305 21 – 1.312 19 – 1.387 20, 21 – 1.449 20, 29, 298 – 1.486 18 – 1.497 19, 29, 297 – 1.533 21 – 1.611 19, 29, 297 – 2.41 22, – 2.52 22 – 2.76 21 – 2.147 18 – 2.395 17 – 2.398 21 – 2.410 20, 29, 298 – 2.440 22 – 2.444 22 – 2.694 20, 21 – 2.855 17 – 3.384 17 – 4.352 22 – 4.437 17 – 5.208 22 – 5.413 22 – 5.496 22 – 5.510 22 – 5.517 22

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

5.560 17 6.105 22 6.503 17 6.509 18 7.60 17 7.94 20, 21 7.116 21 7.123 21 7.161 21 7.354 21 7.365 21 7.371 22 7.434 22 8.531 22 9.52 20, 21 9.195 21 10.32 21 10.55 21 10.67 22 10.108 22 10.146 22 10.159 22, 249 10.166 22 10.176 20, 21 10.179 21 10.419 22 10.493 19 10.511 22 11.53 18 11.213 22 12.131 17 12.282 17 12.383 18 12.386 17 12.388 17 12.455 17 13.12 18, 28 13.22 295 13.58 22 13.200 18 13.201 18

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Index of Greek classical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

13.296 19, 20 13.357 22 13.778 22 14.239 17 14.287 19, 28 14.293 17 14.336 21 15.4 22 15.18 18 15.64 21 15.232 22 15.242 22 15.266 18 15.567 22 15.594 22 15.603 22 16.8 19, 20 16.184 19, 28 16.213 17 16.297 17 16.397 17 16.429 17 16.512 17 16.657 19 16.702 17 17.222 22 17.261 22 17.544 22 17.552 22 18.275 17 18.299 22 18.304 22 18.305 21 18.358 21 18.410 21 19.55 21 19.77 21 19.175 21 19.237 22 19.269 21 20.31 22

– 20.57 18, 28, 295 – 20.146 17 – 21.56 21, 29, 249, 300 – 21.171 17 – 21.540 17 – 22.399 19 – 22.440 17 – 23.234 22 – 23.247 17 – 23.491 21 – 23.542 21 – 23.551 20 – 23.566 21 – 23.635 21 – 23.677 21 – 23.709 21 – 23.713 17 – 23.734 21 – 23.736 20, 29 – 23.823 20, 29 – 23.848 21 – 23.886 21 – 24.11 21 – 24.164 22 – 24.281 17 – 24.344 22 – 24.449 17 – 24.515 21 – 24.544 23 – 24.551 21, 29, 249, 300 – 24.597 21 – 24.689 21 – 24.756 21, 29, 249, 300 – 24.789 22 – 24.790 22 – The Odyssey 16, 17, 19, 313 – 1.126 17 – 1.210 19 – 1.330 17 – 1.362 19 – 1.426 17

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– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

2.8 22 2.9 22 2.28 22 2.41 22 2.147 18, 28, 295 2.224 21 2.358 18, 19 3.157 19 3.341 21 3.402 17 3.407 17 3.453 20, 29, 298 3.483 19 4.304 17 4.343 21 4.473 19 4.674 21 4.751 19 4.760 19 4.776 21 4.785 18 4.842 19 5.48 22 5.164 18 5.195 21 5.470 19 6.7 21 6.29 18, 19 6.48 22 6.58 17 6.113 22 6.117 22 6.263 17 7.45 17 7.131 17 7.163 21 7.170 21 7.346 17 8.55 18 8.258 21 8.422 17

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

9.113 17 9.177 19 9.183 17 9.185 17 9.192 17 9.304 17 9.562 19 10.50 22 10.104 17 10.215 21 11.278 17 11.596 23 11.637 19 12.77 18, 19 12.145 19 12.170 21 12.195 21 12.293 19 12.401 19 12.439 21 13.187 22 13.285 19 14.6 17 14.252 19 14.319 21 14.353 19 15.8 22 15.44 22 15.46 22, 249 15.58 21 15.96 21 15.209 19 15.219 19 15.474 19 15.548 19 16.285 17 16.358 21 16.378 21 16.407 21 17.49 19 17.110 17

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Index of Greek classical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

17.134 21 17.177 21 17.210 18 18.16 20 18.32 17 18.47 21 18.157 21 18.302 19 18.334 21 18.357 19, 20 19.22 20 19.357 21 19.600 19 19.602 19 20.66 20 20.100 22 20.104 18, 28, 295 20.124 21 20.380 21 21.5 17 21.33 17 21.51 17 21.117 20, 29 21.139 21 21.144 21 21.166 21 21.243 21 21.261 19, 20 21.356 19 21.392 21 22.9 20 22.132 19 22.142 19 22.176 17 22.298 18, 28, 295 22.428 19 23.1 19 23.5 22, 249 23.164 21 23.364 19 24.4 22

– 24.421

22

I Irenaeus 145, 152, 153, 157, 180, 183, 185, 189, 191, 232, 235, 241–243, 258, 277 Isaeus 15, 69, 77, 78, 82, 89 – I. On the Estate of Cleonymus 77 – 9 78 – 14 89 – 18 89 – 21 89 – 25 89 – 42 89 – II. On the Estate of Menecles 77 – 33 77 – IV. On the Estate of Nicostratus 77 – 19 78 – V. On the Estate of Dicaeogenes 77, 78 – VI. On the Estate of Philoctemon 77 – 19 78 – 30 89 – 31 89 – 32 89 – 35 78 – VII. On the Estate of Apollodorus 77 – 32 78 – 42 78 – IX. On the Estate of Astyphilus 77 – 28 77 – X. On the Estate of Aristarchus 77 – [hypothesis] 89 – XI. On the Estate of Hagnias 77 – 4 77 Isocrates 15, 69, 70, 73–77, 82, 88, 89, 298 – (I. To Demonicus) 74 – II. Nicocles 73 – III. Nicocles or the Cyprians 73 – 23 76 – IV. Panegyricus 73, 74 – 31 75, 76, 88, 298

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370

Index of Greek classical references

–

–

–

–

 

– 55 74 – 58 74 – 63 74 – 108 76 – 126 76 – 144 76 – 176 74 – 181 76 V. Philippus 73 – 10 76 – 22 75 – 29 75 – 44 76 – 66 74 VI. Archidamus 73, 74 – 2 76 – 17 75, 76, 88, 298 – 24 75, 76, 88, 298 – 31 75, 76, 88, 298 – 40 75 – 43 76 – 82 75, 76 – 89 74 – 95 75, 76, 89 – 104 75 VII. Areopagiticus 73 – 8 74 – 16 75, 76 – 38 74 – 45 74 – 67 74 VIII. On the Peace 73 – 6 75, 76 – 42 76 – 44 74 – 99 74 – 105 76 – 113 74 – 141 75, 76, 89 – 152 74

– IX. Evagoras 73 – 56 75, 76, 89 – X. Economium of Helen 73 – 64 76 – XI. Busiris 73 – 47 76 – XII. Panathenaicus 73 – 19 74 – 58 75 – 112 74 – 154 74 – 157 74 – 169 74 – 267 74 – XIII. Against the Sophists 73 – XIV. Plataicus 73 – 17 74 – 53 74 – XV. On the Antidosis 73 – 118 74 – 127 76 – 164 74 – 242 74 – XVI. On the Yoke 73 – 7 76 – 40 76 – XVII. Trapeziticus 73 – 14 74 – 31 74 – 32 74 – 35 76 – 37 74 – 41 74 – 46 76 – XVIII. Against Callimachus 73 – 17 76 – 43 76 – XIX. Aegineticus 73, 74 – XX. Against Lochites 73 – 22 74  

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Index of Greek classical references

– XXI. Against Euthynus – 12 76

73

J Jerome 237, 241, 251, 258 John Chrysostom 165, 248 K Ksenofont

s. Xenophon

L Lizjasz s. Lysias Lysias 15, 69–73, 77, 88, 89, 296, 304, 313, 314 – I. On the murder of Eratosthenes 70 – 9 72 – 13 71 – 23 71 – 29 71 – 36 72, 73 – 42 71 – II. Funeral Oration 70 – 4 71 – 7 72, 88, 296 – 9 72 – 10 72, 73, 89, 304 – 63 71 – VI. Against Andocides 70 – 49 72 – IX. For the soldier 70 – 19 72, 73 – 21 72, 73 – X. Against Theomnestus 1 70 – 11 71 – 28 71 – XI. Against Theomnestus 2 70 – 10 71 – XII. Against Eratosthenes 70 – 24 71 – 36 71 – 47 71 – 73 71

– 74 71 – XIII. Against Agoratus 70, 71 – 8 71 – 9 71 – 29 71, 72 – 64 71 – XIV. Against Alcibiades 1 70 – 10 71 – 16 71 – XV. Against Alcibiades 2 70, 71 – XVI. In defense of Mantitheus 70 – 8 71 – 13 71 – 14 71 – 17 71 – 21 72, 73 – XIX. On the property of Aristophanes 70 – 64 71 – XX. For Polystratus 70 – 29 71 – XXI. Defense Against a Charge of Taking Bribes 70 – 7 71 – 8 71 – 19 72, 73 – XXII. Against the Corn-Dealers 70 – 2 71 – 3 71 – 5 71 – XXXI. Against Philon 70 – 2 72, 73 – XXXII. Against Diogeiton 70 – 18 71 – 27 71

M Marius Victorinus 242, 245, 248 Martion 235, 237, 239, 245 Methodius of Olympus 150, 191, 251

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N Nonnus of Panopolis 15, 16 O Origen 143, 145, 161, 165, 191, 235, 240, 241, 260, 277 P Parmenides 89 Pausanias 110 Pherecrates 40 Phylarchus 127 Pindar 15, 30–33, 39, 295, 304, 313 – Isthmian songs 30 – I.1.51 31 – I.5.45 32 – I.5.50 31 – Nemean songs 30 – N.1.60 31, 33, 39 – N.7.56 32, 33, 39 – N.9.4 32 – N.10.21 32, 33 – N.11.2 31, 33, 39 – Olympian songs 30 – O.1.115 31, 33, 39, 304 – O.2.24 31 – O.3.12 31 – O.4.3 31 – O.5.1 31 – O.6.64 31 – O.7.48 32 – O.9.47 32, 33 – O.10.70 39 – O.11.18 39 – O.12.6 32 – O.13.86 32 – Pythian songs 30 – P.1.100 31 – P.2.62 32 – P.3.111 31 – P.4.155 32

– – – – –

P.8.85 31 P.9.61 32, 33 P.9.104 32, 33, 39 P.10.70 31, 33 P.11.18 32, 33 Plato 15, 89–97, 99–101, 106, 107, 296–299, 304, 313 – Charmides 90 – 155b 97 – 155c 97 – Cratylus 90 – 386e 97 – 396b 99, 107, 296 – 408b 99 – 408c 99, 107, 296 – 408d 100 – 411a 100 – 414a 97 – 423a 97 – 437a 96 – Critias 90 – 110b 97 – 111b 92 – 111c 92 – 111d 92 – 112a 100 – 113b 96 – 113e 97 – 115e 100 – 116d 91 – 117b 91 – 118a 92, 97 – 118d 100 – Crito 90 – 43b 100 – 44a 100 – 46c 96 – Epinomis 90 – 980c 96 – 982d 97 – 983d 96

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Index of Greek classical references

– 989a 97 – Epistles 91 – 2.310e 100 – 4.320e 95 – 5.322a 97 – 7.329d 96 – 7.338e 97 – 7.341e 92, 107, 304 – 7.343e 97 – 7.346c 95 – 7.351d–351e 91, 107, 304 – 8.352c 96 – 13.360a 97 – Euthydemus 90 – 272e 97 – 275c 96 – 289e 93 – 305c 94 – First Alcibiades 90 – 106c 97 – 107a 97 – 107c 97 – 109a 97 – 116d 97 – 117b 94, 107, 297 – 117b–117c 94 – 123b 94 – Gorgias 90 – 481d 97 – 486b 94 – 493a 97 – 506c 96 – 508e 97 – 511 97 – Greater Hippias 90 – 288a 96 – Hipparchus 90 – 228a 97 – 228e 97 – Ion 90 – 532c 100

– 533a 100 – 535e 100 – 536b 100 – 541e 97 – Laches 90 – 195c 97 – 196b 97 – Laws 91–95, 99, 313 – 1.625b 92 – 1.625c 91 – 1.642e 95, 107, 298 – 1.644b 96 – 2.673d 100 – 3 92 – 3.678c 92 – 3.680b 92 – 3.682b 92, 100 – 3.682c 92 – 3.685c 100 – 3.699c 97 – 3.701c 96 – 4.716a 101 – 4.717b 100 – 5.732c 92 – 5.741b 91 – 5.747a 97 – 5.747b 100 – 6.753c 95 – 6.759d 95 – 6.761b 92 – 6.771a 96 – 6.773 100 – 6.778c 92 – 6.781d 100 – 7.791a 100 – 7.800a 100 – 7.807e 100 – 7.808a 100 – 7.808b 100 – 7.808c 100 – 7.809d 100

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373

374

Index of Greek classical references

–

–

–

–

– 7.815a 91 – 7.819c 100 – 7.823e 100 – 8.843a 100 – 8.848e 92 – 9.856b 100 – 9.856e 96 – 9.865d 96, 107, 298 – 9.870d 95 – 9.878a 97 – 9.880e 99, 107, 296 – 10.617e 95 – 10.905a 93 – 10.909a 100 – 11.913b 95 – 11.913c 95 – 11.913d 95 – 11.914a 96, 107, 298 – 11.914b 95 – 11.919e 97 – 11.921a 95 – 11.921b 95 – 11.921d 95 – 11.927b 99, 107, 296 – 11.937a 97 – 12.942b 100 – 12.958e 92 – 12.961c 96 Lesser Hippias 90 – 373a 101 – 376c 97 Lysis 90 – 204d 100 – 207d 97 – 210e 96 – 219a 95 Menexenus 90 – 236e 100 – 243c 95 Meno 90 – 85d 96

– 87e 96 – Minos 91 – 316c 97 – Parmenides 91 – 129c 97 – Phaedo 90 – 71c 100 – 71d 100 – 75e 96 – 89b 92 – 90c 97 – 95e 96 – 96b 97 – 101d 100 – 109c 97 – 110b 100 – 111e 97 – 112b 97 – 113d 94 – 114c 97 – 116a 97 – Phaedrus 90, 93 – 229a 92 – 230b 93 – 232a 101 – 233c 95 – 243c 95 – 245a 100 – 246d 99, 107, 296 – 248a 107, 299 – 248a248b 99 – 249d 99, 107, 299 – 272b 97 – 272d 98 – 272e 98 – 274d 97 – 278d 97 – 948b 99 – Philebus 90 – 20b 100 – 34b 96

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Index of Greek classical references

–

–

– –

–

–

– 34e 96 – 43a 97 – 44d 100 Politicus 91 – 261c 96 – 272d 100 – 294d 96 Protagoras 91 – 310b 100 – 310d 97 – 311a 97 – 317e 97 – 319d 97 – 335c 97 – 335d 97 – 356d 97 – 361c 97 Second Alcibiades 90 – 147e 97 Sophist 91, 93 – 216c 93, 107, 299 – 220e 100 – 221a 97 – 221c 97 – 232b 96 – 236a 97 – 242a 97 – 246b 100 – 255e 96 – 266c 100 Symposium 91 – 185 96 – 194b 94 – 203a 100 – 219b 97 – 219d 97 – 223b 97 – 223c 100 – 223d 97 The Apology of Socrates – 17d 94

91

– 19a 96 – 21a 95, 107, 298 – 22b 96 – 30e 100 – 31a 100 – 31c 94 – 32b 95 – 33d 94 – 36a 94 – 40b 94 – The Republic 91–95, 313 – 1.330e 100 – 2.365b 94 – 3.388a 97 – 3.390b 100 – 3.400b 97 – 3.410b 100 – 3.411d 100 – 3.416d 101 – 4.434b 101, 107, 304 – 4.440c 100 – 4.441b 97 – 4.445c 94 – 5.449b 100 – 5.461c 97 – 5.467b 96 – 5.476c 100 – 6.490d 96 – 6.494d 93, 107, 304 – 6.508d 97 – 7.514b 100 – 7.515c 97 – 7.517a 94, 98, 107, 299 – 7.517b 98, 107, 299 – 7.517c 98, 107, 299 – 7.518b 100 – 7.519d 94 – 7.525d 98, 107, 299 – 7.527b 98, 107, 299 – 7.529a 98, 107, 299 – 7.529b–529c 107, 299

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– 7.529c 98 – 7.533c 95 – 7.533d 98, 107, 299 – 8.544b 96 – 8.555a 100 – 9.571c 100 – 9.571d 100 – 9.584d 97 – 9.584e 97 – 9.586a 98, 107, 299 – 9.588b 96 – 10.603d 97 – 10.605b 100 – 10.606e 96 – 10.608b 101 – 10.613b 97 – 10.614b 95 – 10.614b–621b 99 – 10.614c 99, 107, 296 – 10.614c–614d 94 – 10.615d–615e 94 – 10.615e 95, 107, 297 – 10.616a 94, 107, 297 – 10.616b 97, 100 – 10.616e 100 – 10.617b 100 – 10.617d 92, 94 – 10.621c 99, 107, 299 – Theaetetus 91 – 149d 100 – 151a 100 – 153d 97 – 158c 100 – 158d 100 – 174a 97 – 175b 97 – 175b–175c 97 – 175c 97 – 175d 93, 100 – 184a 100 – 187c 96

– 195c 97 – 198d 96 – 203a 96 – Theages 91 – 129b 97 – 129c 97 – Timaeus 91 – 18d 100 – 22d 92 – 22e 100 – 26a 96 – 26b 96 – 43b 97 – 43e 97 – 44d 91 – 46a 100 – 46c 91, 97 – 52b 100 – 53d 100 – 58b 97 – 62c 97 – 62d 97 – 63a 97 – 63c 97 – 63d 97 – 63e 97 – 65e 97 – 70c 100 – 74e 100 – 85b 100 – 85e 97 Platon s. Plato Polybius 15, 108, 127–132, 134–137, 297, 299, 304, 307, 308, 313, 314 – The Histories 128, 313 – 1.4.11 131 – 1.10.4 130 – 1.14.5 131 – 1.14.6 130 – 1.19.1 130 – 1.20.1 133, 135, 136, 304

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Index of Greek classical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

1.26.5 130 1.29.4 133, 135, 136, 304 1.29.10 130 1.30.2 130 1.32.8 130 1.36.12 130 1.40.1 130 1.40.4 134–136, 304 1.56.4 129, 132 1.60.4 130 1.61.7 132 1.71.5 131 1.82.11 134–136, 304 1.84.7 130 1.88.11 131 2.1.6 130 2.6.6 130 2.18.5 131 2.19.1 132 2.21.5 130 2.26.3 130 2.26.8 130 2.27.5 130 2.31.4 130 2.34.3 130 2.34.6 130 2.40.2 128 2.45.2 133, 135 2.46.1 131 2.46.6 131 2.50.8 131 2.54.5 130 2.60.2 130 2.65.1 130 3.2.5 131 3.4.11 131 3.6.10 132 3.8.2 131 3.8.8 131 3.9.3 130 3.34.7 133, 135

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

3.35.7 130 3.41.8 130 3.47.1 130 3.50.8 130 3.51.6 130 3.60.2 131 3.65.3 130 3.68.13 130 3.68.14 131 3.72.2 134–136, 304 3.77.1 130 3.80.2 131 3.83.1 129 3.85.5 131 3.93.10 130 3.102.6 130 3.110.5 130 4.23.1 130 4.25.4 131 4.32.4 131 4.33.5 130 4.35.5 130 4.36.4 130 4.48.11 134–136, 304 4.53.2 130 4.53.4 131 4.61.2 130 4.62.1 130 4.63.4 130 4.67.1 132 4.67.6 130 4.68.4 130 4.75.4 130 4.78.9 130 4.80.8 130 4.80.16 130 4.82.8 132 4.83.4 129 5.1.3 131 5.1.7 132 5.5.11 130

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378

Index of Greek classical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

5.13.1 130 5.17.5 131 5.20.6 130 5.22.3 129 5.22.6 132 5.22.9 130 5.23.4 133, 135, 136 5.26.12 128, 135, 137, 299, 308 5.26.13 129 5.27.3 130 5.40.5 132 5.40.7 132 5.41.1 132 5.42.7 131 5.44.3 129 5.45.2 133, 135 5.46.5 132 5.46.8 134–136, 304 5.48.3 132 5.48.12 132 5.54.13 132 5.55.1 134–136, 304 5.55.3 132 5.55.4 132 5.61.8 130 5.68.9 130 5.70.1 130 5.70.3 130 5.73.5 130 5.73.8 134–136, 304 5.76.2 130 5.76.4 130 5.86.2 130 5.91.4 132 5.97.3 132 6.8.1 130 6.9.3 131 6.23.4 132 6.36.3 132 6.39.5 130 6.40.2 131

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

6.45.3 130 6.46.7 130 6.53.2 130 7.12.1 130, 135, 297 7.13.1 131 7.17.4 130 8.4.5 132 8.5.8 131 8.7.6 129 8.7.12 130 8.8.4 129 8.15.3 129 8.18.11 130 8.19.7 131 8.20.8 132 8.37.4 132 9.10.6 131 9.11.1 130 9.18.7 132 9.19.5 129 9.19.6 129 9.19.7 130 9.19.8 129 9.20.8 131 9.21.10 129 10.4.6 130 10.9.6 131 10.11.5 130 10.13.8 129 10.14.13 130 10.31.7 131 10.32.2 131 10.35.7 131 10.37.6 131 10.41.1 133, 135 10.42.4 131 10.49.2 131 11.15.6 133, 135, 136, 304 11.16.2 130 11.21.1 131 11.28.1 133, 135

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Index of Greek classical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

11.34.14 132 12.4d.6 130 12.13.1 132 12.25b.4 130 12.26.6 131 13.6.7 130 13.7.8 131 14.4.1 131 14.4.4 131 14.10.3 131 15.1.2 132 15.1.7 131 15.7.6. 130 15.19.3 131 15.21.2 130 15.25.4 130 15.26.5 131 15.26.10 132 15.30.6 130 15.32.8 131 16.1.5 131 16.3.4 130 16.6.9 133, 135, 136 16.15.2 132 16.25.5 130 16.27.4 130 16.36.4 131 16.39.1 132 18.3.4 129, 130 18.3.8 130 18.5.9 129 18.24.1 131 18.36.2 131 18.36.5 131 20.5.3 130 20.8.1 131 21.15.9 130 21.18.7 131 21.25.1 131 21.35.2 131 21.42.6 130

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

22.5.10 131 22.8.1 131 22.8.9 131 22.9.5 131 22.10.4 131 22.12.8 131 23.10.8 130 23.10.15 130 23.12.3 130 24.4.1 129 25.4.5 131 26.1.5 131 26.1.14 131 26.1a.2 131 28.4.9 131 28.7.4 131 28.7.5 131 28.7.8 131 28.8.3 131 28.21.1 130 29.14.2 131 29.22.4 130 29.27.10 131, 132 30.4.4 130 30.4.11 130 30.9.8 131 30.9.10 131 30.20.6 130 30.22.11 130 31.11.1 130 31.20.2 130 31.20.5 133, 135, 136 31.22.8 130 31.25.2 131 32.4.1 130 32.5.6 130 33.16.7 131 33.21.2 132 34.1.7 129 34.1.16 129 34.1.17 129

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380

Index of Greek classical references

– 34.3.6 130 – 34.10.15 129 – 34.10.16 130 – 34.11.15 129 – 35.4.9 131 – 35.6.1 131 – 35.6.3 131 – 36.16.3 132 – 38.2.13 131 – 38.9.8 131 – 38.13.7 131 – 39.3.3 130 – 39.6.5 130 Prodicus of Ceos 115 Pythagoras 89 S Sicilians 69 Socrates 63, 73, 89–91, 93–100, 107, 121, 123, 124, 126, 127, 135, 298 Sofokles s. Sophocles Sophocles 15, 39, 40, 46–51, 66–68, 295, 296, 298, 300, 304, 307, 314 – Ajax 46, 47, 314 – 237 48 – 240 49 – 298 49 – 788 48 – 918 49 – 1230 47, 51, 67, 304 – 1412 49 – Antigone 46, 47 – 854 47 – 889 49–51, 67 – 1068 49–51, 67 – 1070–1071 49 – 1072 49–51, 66 – Electra 46, 48, 314 – 137–139 48, 68, 300 – 138–139 51 – 421 49

–

–

–

–

– 634 51, 67, 298 – 714 49 – 1060 50 – 1140 48 – 1167 49–51, 67 Oedipus at Colonos 46 – 276 48 – 1082 50 – 1286 48 – 1455 50 – 1779 50 Oedipus Tyrannus 46, 314 – 416 49–51, 67 – 635 51 – 914 47, 51, 67 – 965 49 – 1035 48 – 1201 48 – 1276 50 – 1328 51 Philoctetes 46, 47, 314 – 28 50 – 276 49 – 666 48 – 814 50, 51, 66, 296 – 815 50, 66, 296 – 889 50 – 1002 50 – 1092 49 – 1248 48, 51, 67 – 1289 47, 51, 66, 295 – 1348 49–51, 67 The Trachiniae/Women of Trachis 47, 314 – 240 48 – 558 48 – 917 49 – 979 48 – 1191 47, 51, 66, 295 – 1192 47, 50, 51, 67, 298

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46,

Index of Greek classical references

T Tertullian 145, 161, 191, 220, 232, 235, 245, 258, 260, 265, 275 Thales of Miletus 89 Theocritus 15, 30, 35–39; 295, 297, 314 – Epigram – 14.2 37 – 24.110 38 – I. Thyrsis A Goatherd 36 – 8 37 – 152 38 – VIII. Pastorals II 36 – 19 38 – 22 38 – VIII. Pastorals III 36 – X. The Two Workmen 36 – 50 38 – XI. The Giant’s Wooing 36 – 18 37 – XV. The Festival of Adonis 36 – 53 38 – 91 38 – 125 38 – XVI. The Value of Song 36 – 98 37 – XVII. The Praise of Ptolemy 36 – 71 37 – XXI. Fishermen 36 – 1 38 – 20 38 – XXII. Hymn to Dioskur 36 – 40 37 – 164 38 – 180 37 – XXIV. The Infant Heracles 36 – 36 38 – 50 38 – 80 37, 38 – 82 37, 39, 297 – XXV. Heracles the Lion Slayer 36 – 149 38

– 159 37–39, 295 – 259 37 Theodoret 165 Theopumpus of Chios 108 Thomas Aquinas 90 Thucydides 15, 82, 108, 115–121, 127, 135, 136 – The History of the Peloponnesian War 82, 115 – 1.8.1 117 – 1.8.2 118 – 1.12.3 118 – 1.12.4 118 – 1.25.1 117, 120, 135 – 1.25.4 120, 136 – 1.42.2 120 – 1.43.1 120 – 1.54.1 117 – 1.54.2 117 – 1.59.2 119 – 1.62.4 118 – 1.81.6 120 – 1.83.3 120 – 1.84.2 120 – 1.87.2 118 – 1.87.3 118 – 1.90.3 116 – 1.91.1 116 – 1.93.5 116 – 1.93.7 119 – 1.105.3 118 – 1.118.3 117, 120, 135 – 1.120.3 120 – 1.120.5 120, 136 – 1.126.4 117, 120, 136 – 1.126.11 118 – 1.126.12 117 – 1.128.1 118 – 1.133.1 119 – 1.137.1 118 – 1.137.3 119

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382

Index of Greek classical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

2.4.4 117 2.11.2 120 2.15.1 119 2.16.1 118 2.22.2 117 2.25.5 118 2.27.1 118 2.34.8 116 2.48.2 119 2.49.7 119 2.49.8 119 2.52.4 119 2.54.4 117, 120, 135 2.62.3 118, 120 2.68.1 118 2.69.2 117 2.75.5 116 2.75.6 116 2.79.7 117 2.81.8 118 2.83.1 119 2.84.4 117 2.92.4 117 2.96.1 118 2.96.3 118 2.97.2 119 2.99.3 118 2.99.4 119 2.99.5 118 2.100.5 119 2.102.2 119 3.7.3 118 3.19.2 117 3.21.4 119 3.22.3 117 3.22.4 119 3.23.1 117, 119 3.28.2 118 3.34.1 119 3.34.2 119 3.37.5 120

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

3.38.2 3.45.1 3.45.6 3.68.3 3.75.4 3.75.5 3.79.1 3.85.3 3.97.2 3.98.5 3.104.2 3.109.2 3.109.3 3.112.1 3.115.1 4.12.1 4.13.1 4.18.4 4.32.1 4.34.2 4.44.4 4.44.6 4.48.2 4.48.3 4.54.2 4.54.3 4.57.1 4.66.3 4.69.3 4.71.1 4.75.1 4.75.2 4.77.2 4.90.1 4.93.1 4.97.1 4.99.1 4.107.1 4.108.1 4.108.3 4.109.2

120 120 120 119 118 118 118 117 116 117 117 117 117 116 119 117 116 120 118 119 117 117 117 119 119 118 119 119 119 118, 120 118 119 118 118 118 117 117 119 119 120 116

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Index of Greek classical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

4.110.2 117 4.112.1 118 4.112.3 119 4.114.2 117 4.115.2 117 4.121.1 120, 136 4.130.3 119 4.130.4 118 5.1.1 117, 118 5.6.4 117 5.7.3 117, 118 5.9.3 117 5.14.2 120 5.33.1 117 5.50.1 117, 120, 135 5.58.2 118 5.64.5 118 5.74.2 117 5.77.1 117 6.1.1 117 6.2.2 118 6.4.1 118 6.4.2 118 6.6.2 118 6.11.6 120 6.26.2 118 6.38.3 117 6.41.1 118 6.65.2 118 6.69.2 118 6.89.2 118 6.90–92 118 6.92.4 118, 120 6.94.1 118 6.94.2 117 6.96.1 117 6.97.2 117 6.102.4 119 7.1.5 118 7.2.3 117 7.4.1 119

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

7.4.2 117–119 7.4.3 116 7.5.3 117 7.13.2 120 7.25.4 118 7.25.6 117 7.33.5 118 7.41.3 120 7.43.2 117, 118 7.43.3 117 7.44.3 117 7.44.8 119 7.49.2 118 7.50.3 118 7.51.1 120 7.54.1 119 7.60.2 119 7.60.3 119 7.63.2 119 7.65.2 119 7.67.2 117 7.72.1 117 7.74.1 118 7.75.1 119 7.80.5 119 7.83.4 118 7.84.4 119 7.86.2 118 8.2.1 120 8.23.5 118 8.24.2 117 8.27.4 118 8.27.6 118 8.45.1 118 8.46.2 118 8.76.3 119 8.88.1 119 8.89.4 120 8.92.10 117 8.97.1 120 8.108.4 118

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384

Index of Greek classical references

Thucydides of Athens 297, 298, 304, 307, 314 Timaeus of Tauromenium 108, 127 Tisias 69 Tukidydes s. Thucydides X Xenophon 15, 108, 115, 121–123, 125–127, 135–137, 296, 298, 299, 301, 304, 307, 308, 313, 314 – Agesilaus 121 – 1.16 123 – Anabasis 121, 313, 314 – 1.1.2 122 – 1.2.1 125 – 1.2.22 122 – 1.3.13 124 – 1.3.16 124 – 1.4.12 122 – 1.5.3 124 – 1.6.10 124 – 1.6.21 126 – 1.7.15 125 – 1.8.3 122 – 1.10.6 123 – 2.4.12 122 – 2.5.22 122 – 3.1.1 122 – 3.1.2 122 – 3.1.6 123, 127, 135, 298 – 3.1.8 123, 125, 127, 135, 298 – 3.1.15 124 – 3.1.47 124 – 3.2.1 124 – 3.2.4 124 – 3.2.7 124 – 3.2.34 124 – 3.3.1 124 – 3.4.1 124 – 3.4.7 122 – 3.4.9 122

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

3.4.10 3.4.11 3.4.13 3.4.17 3.4.24 3.4.25 3.4.35 3.4.49 4.1.1 4.1.5 4.1.7 4.1.19 4.2.1 4.2.4 4.2.8 4.2.12 4.2.16 4.2.27 4.3.3 4.3.5 4.3.21 4.3.23 4.3.25 4.4.11 4.4.12 4.5.9 4.5.19 4.5.21 4.6.22 4.6.26 4.6.27 4.7.12 4.7.23 4.7.24 4.8.13 4.8.18 4.8.19 4.8.21 4.8.28 5.1.1 5.1.2

122 122 122 125 122 122 122 122 122 124 122, 125 122 125 126 122, 125 122 122 122 125 125 125 125 125 124 124 124 124 124 125 125 122 125 123 122 122 122 122 124 125 122 124

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Index of Greek classical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

5.1.3 5.1.5 5.2.3 5.2.15 5.2.22 5.2.23 5.2.32 5.3.7 5.4.8 5.4.25 5.4.31 5.5.13 5.5.41 5.6.3 5.6.6 5.6.7 5.6.25 5.6.27 5.6.28 5.7.10 5.7.21 5.7.27 5.7.30 5.7.34 5.8.12 5.8.14 5.8.26 6.1.5 6.1.7 6.1.11 6.1.14 6.1.21 6.1.25 6.1.29 6.1.30 6.2.4 6.4.3 6.4.9 6.4.12 6.4.18 6.4.26

124 124 125 122 122 125 123 123, 127, 136, 298 124 125 122 124 126 124 122 122 124 124 124 125 122 123 122 124 124 124 124 122, 124 124 124 122 126 124 122 124 124 122 122 124 124 123

– 6.5.1 123 – 6.5.2 124 – 6.6.11 124 – 6.6.17 124 – 7.1.1 122 – 7.1.28 125 – 7.1.41 123 – 7.3.3 124 – 7.3.16 125 – 7.3.22 122 – 7.3.28 124 – 7.3.29 124 – 7.3.32 124 – 7.3.33 124 – 7.3.34 124 – 7.3.36 123 – 7.4.6 124 – 7.5.9 125 – 7.6.8 124 – 7.6.10 124 – 7.6.39 124 – 7.6.40 124 – 7.6.42 122 – 7.6.44 123, 127, 136, 298 – 7.7.2 125 – 7.7.3 125 – 7.7.12 122 – 7.7.25 126 – 8.1.21 126 – Cyropaedia 121, 314 – 1.1.1 123 – 1.2.10 124 – 1.3.4 125 – 1.3.10 124 – 1.4.17 124 – 1.4.19 123 – 1.4.20 125 – 1.5.14 123 – 1.6.35 125 – 1.6.39 124 – 2.1.19 123

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386

Index of Greek classical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

2.3.4 2.3.5 2.3.7 2.3.16 2.3.17 3.1.40 3.2.1 3.2.4 3.2.5 3.2.6 3.2.10 3.3.27 3.3.60 3.3.68 4.1.7 4.5.7 5.1.5 5.1.6 5.2.1 5.2.14 5.2.20 5.3.44 5.4.4 5.4.17 5.5.37 6.1.19 6.2.21 6.3.13 6.4.4 6.4.9 6.4.10 7.1.1 7.1.3 7.1.7 7.1.18 7.1.23 7.1.29 7.1.39 7.1.40 7.1.45 7.2.2

124 124 124 124 122 122 123 122 125 125 125 122 122 122 122 125 124 125 124 124 124 124 124 123 122 124 124 122 122 122 122 122 122 122 122 125 123 122 122 125 124

– 7.3.4 – 7.3.15 – 7.5.11 – 7.5.12 – 7.5.20 – 7.5.22 – 7.5.48 – 7.5.55 – 8.1.1 – 8.1.6 – 8.3.27 – 8.3.32 – 8.5.4 – 8.5.24 – 8.8.3 – 8.8.20 – Hellenica – 1.1.4 – 1.4.4 – 1.4.19 – 1.5.2 – 1.5.14 – 1.6.12 – 1.6.21 – 1.7.4 – 1.7.7 – 1.7.9 – 1.7.11 – 1.7.14 – 1.7.16 – 1.7.17 – 1.7.29 – 1.7.31 – 2.1.3 – 2.1.14 – 2.1.15 – 2.2.8 – 2.3.24 – 2.3.32 – 2.3.35 – 2.4.6

122 125 125 122, 124 125 122 124 124 124 124 122 122 122 126, 127, 136, 304 122 122, 124 121, 314 123 122 122 122 123 124 125 123 124 123 123 122 122 123 123 123 123 122 122 123 124 123 123, 124 123, 124

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Index of Greek classical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

2.4.7 2.4.9 2.4.11 2.4.19 2.4.42 3.1.2 3.1.6 3.1.19 3.1.22 3.2.29 3.4.2 3.4.4 3.5.10 3.5.20 3.5.22 3.5.23 3.5.24 3.5.25 4.1.3 4.1.12 4.1.39 4.4.11 4.4.12 4.4.13 4.5.4 4.5.8 4.5.18 4.7.3 4.8.11 4.8.16 4.8.17 4.8.21 4.8.35 5.1.10 5.1.26 5.1.28 5.2.5 5.2.23 5.2.30 5.2.38 5.3.5

122 124 125 123 124 122 122 123 122 123 122 122 123, 127 125 122 122, 123 122 122 122 124 122 122, 125 122 123 122 122 124 123 123 122 125 123 125 122 123 125 125 124 124 124, 127 123

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

5.4.11 5.4.14 5.4.28 5.4.39 5.4.40 5.4.52 5.4.53 5.4.58 5.4.59 5.4.63 6.1.12 6.2.26 6.2.29 6.3.5 6.4.4 6.4.13 6.4.14 6.4.15 6.4.22 6.4.25 6.4.32 6.4.37 6.5.9 6.5.21 6.5.26 6.5.37 6.5.38 7.1.16 7.1.19 7.1.33 7.2.5 7.2.6 7.2.7 7.2.8 7.2.20 7.2.21 7.3.1 7.4.13 7.4.16 7.4.25 7.4.26

122 122 124 122 122 122 122 122 122 123 122 122 122 123 122 123 122 122 125 122 122 123 122 124 122 124 124 124 122 122 122 122 122 122 124 123 122 122 125 122 123

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387

388

Index of Greek classical references

–

–

–

–

 

– 7.4.32 122 – 7.5.11 122 – 7.5.22 122, 123 Hiero 121 – 1.6 125 – 2.15 123 Hipparchikos 121 – 1.4 122 – 1.12 122 – 1.19 125 – 3.4 122 – 6.5 122 – 7.12 124 – 8.3 122 Memorabilia 121 – 1.2.9 126 – 1.2.25 126 – 1.3.1 123, 127, 135, 298 – 1.4.11 124 – 2.1.3 124 – 3.5.3 126 – 3.5.4 126, 127, 136, 299, 308 – 3.5.14 124, 127 – 3.6.2 127, 136, 304 – 3.8.9 122 – 3.10.1 122 – 4.3.14 126, 127, 135, 296 Oeconomicus 121 – 3.7 124 – 5.4 125 – 10.2 122 – 11.4 124 – 11.17 122 – 14.9 126 – 18.2 122 – 19.10 125 – 19.13 125 – 19.14 125 – 19.18 122 – 20.11 122, 125, 127, 135, 296

– On Horsemanship 121 – 1.1 122 – 1.2 125 – 1.3 122 – 1.4 122 – 1.9 125 – 1.11 122 – 1.16 122 – 3.3 122 – 3.4 122 – 3.5 123 – 3.6 125 – 3.9 122 – 5.4 125 – 5.5 124, 125 – 6.6 122 – 6.16 122 – 7.1 122 – 7.2 122 – 7.4 122 – 7.7 125 – 8.5 122 – 8.7 122, 123 – 9.3 122 – 9.7 122 – 9.10 125 – 10.2 125 – 10.3 125 – 10.4 125 – 10.9 123 – 10.15 125 – 12.6 126 – 12.11 122 – On Hunting 121, 124, 136 – 1.6 124, 127, 136, 137, 301, 307 – 2.7 122 – 3.2 122 – 3.3 122 – 4.1 125 – 4.8 125 – 5.11 125

© 2021 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht | Brill Deutschland GmbH https://doi.org/10.13109/9783666573293 | CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

Index of Greek classical references

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –  

5.15 125 5.17 122 5.19 126 5.24 122 5.30 122, 125 5.32 124 6.7 126 6.8 122 6.10 124 6.17 123 6.23 124 6.25 124 6.26 122 7.10 123 7.11 122 9.5 122 9.14 125 9.16 125 10.7 124 10.15 124 10.20 123 12.12 126 12.13 123

– Polity of the Lacedaemonians 121 – 8.5 123, 127, 136, 298 – Symposium 121 – 2.8 122 – 2.20 125 – 2.21 124 – 2.24 125 – 3.1 125 – 4.23 122 – 4.36 123 – 5.6 122 – 6.7 126, 127, 135, 296 – 9.3 124 – 9.5 124 – The Apology of Socrates 121 – 1.14 123, 127, 135, 298 – The Education of Cyrus s. a. Cyropaedia, 121 – The Expedition of Cyrus s. a. Anabasis, 121 – Ways and Means 121, 124 – 4.41 125 – 4.44 122 – 5.5 124, 127

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389