Ensuring the Success of Latino Males in Higher Education : A National Imperative [1 ed.] 9781579227890

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E N S U R I N G T H E S U C C E S S O F L AT I N O M A L E S I N H I G H E R E D U C AT I O N

ENSURING THE SUCCESS OF LATINO MALES IN HIGHER EDUCATION A National Imperative

Edited by Victor B. Sáenz, Luis Ponjuán, and Julie López Figueroa Foreword by William Serrata

STERLING, VIRGINIA

COPYRIGHT © 2016 BY STYLUS PUBLISHING, LLC.

Published by Stylus Publishing, LLC. 22883 Quicksilver Drive Sterling, Virginia 20166-2102 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying, recording, and information storage and retrieval, without permission in writing from the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Saenz, Victor B., editor of compilation. | Ponjuan, Luis, editor of compilation. | López Figueroa, Julie, 1969- editor. Title: Ensuring the success of Latino males in higher education : a national imperative / edited by Victor B. Sâaenz, Luis Ponjuan, and Julie L. Figueroa ; foreword by William Serrata. Description: First edition. | Sterling, Virginia : Stylus Publishing, LLC, 2016. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2015026437| ISBN 9781579227876 (cloth : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781579227883 (pbk. : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781579227890 (library networkable e-edition) | ISBN 9781579227906 (consumer e-edition) Subjects: LCSH: Hispanic American men--Education, Higher. | Hispanic American men--Education, Higher--Social aspects. Classification: LCC LC2670.6 .E67 2016 | DDC 378.1/982968073--dc23 LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015026437 13-digit ISBN: 978-1-57922-787-6 (cloth) 13-digit ISBN: 978-1-57922-788-3 (paperback) 13-digit ISBN: 978-1-57922-789-0 (library networkable e-edition) 13-digit ISBN: 978-1-57922-790-6 (consumer e-edition) Printed in the United States of America All first editions printed on acid-free paper that meets the American National Standards Institute Z39-48 Standard. Bulk Purchases Quantity discounts are available for use in workshops and for staff development. Call 1-800-232-0223 First Edition, 2016 10

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We dedicate this book to our families for their enduring support. Victor B. Sáenz would like to express his thanks and gratitude to the Sáenz family, especially his loving wife, Erica Sáenz, and their son, Victor Agustin “Augie” Sáenz. He also thanks his parents, Benito and Adoracion Sáenz, for being the best parents a young Latino boy could hope for, and his siblings and extended Sáenz and Gonzalez families. Luis Ponjuán expresses his thanks to his immediate family, Lurel and Davis Ponjuán, as well as his parents, Luis and Martha Ponjuán. Julie López Figueroa extends her thanks to the entire Figueroa family, especially her loving parents, Macedonio and Maria Figueroa. We also dedicate this book to all Latino males . . . young boys, young men, fathers, immigrants, laborers, and leaders. For those who have lost sight of their educational path, our hope is that you regain your footing and find your way. Our community needs you.

CONTENTS

FOREWORD William Serrata

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PREFACE Victor B. Sáenz

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

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PART ONE: INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING: LATINO MALES IN K–12 AND HIGHER EDUCATION 1.

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CURRENT TRENDS AND FUTURE OUTLOOKS ON THE PERVASIVE GENDER GAP IN EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT FOR LATINO MALES Victor B. Sáenz, Luis Ponjuán, and Julie López Figueroa LATINO MALES IN AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOLS An Examination of the 2012 High School Longitudinal Study Luis Ponjuán

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PART TWO: EXPLORING THEORIES TO UNDERSTAND THE PATHWAYS FOR LATINO MALES IN HIGHER EDUCATION 3. THE GEOGRAPHY OF ACADEMIC SUPPORT A Framework to Understand Latino Male Perceptions and Practices in Higher Education Julie López Figueroa

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(RE)CONSTRUCTING MASCULINITY Understanding Gender Expectations Among Latino Male College-Going Students Julie López Figueroa, Patricia A. Pérez, and Irene I. Vega

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AN INTERSECTIONALITY ANALYSIS OF LATINO MEN IN HIGHER EDUCATION AND THEIR HELP-SEEKING BEHAVIORS Nolan L. Cabrera, Fatemma D. Rashwan-Soto, and Bryant G. Valencia

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PART THREE: RESEARCH ON PREPARATION, PERSISTENCE, AND SUCCESS FOR LATINO MALES IN SECONDARY AND POSTSECONDARY EDUCATION 95

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LATINO MALE HIGH SCHOOL MATH ACHIEVEMENT The Influential Role of Psychosociocultural Factors Ismael Fajardo, José M. Hernandez, and José Muñoz

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EXAMINING THE ROLE OF FAMILY IN MEXICAN AMERICAN COLLEGE MEN’S ACADEMIC PERSISTENCE Lizette Ojeda and Linda G. Castillo

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OVER THE IVY WALL Latino Male Achievers Nurturing Cultural Wealth at a Highly Selective Predominantly White Institution David Pérez II

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CABALLEROS MAKING CAPITAL GAINS IN COLLEGE The Role of Social Capital in First-Year Persistence at a Predominantly White 4-Year Institution Tracy Arámbula Ballysingh

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PART FOUR: MOVING FROM RESEARCH TO PRACTICE: MEETING THE NEEDS OF LATINO MALES IN HIGHER EDUCATION 10.

LATINO MALES IN HIGHER EDUCATION Administrator Awareness of the Emerging Challenges Victor B. Sáenz, Sarah Rodriguez, Katie Ortego Pritchett, Jennifer Estrada, and Kelty Garbee

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EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITY, COLLEGE CHOICES, AND HIGHER EDUCATION What Can We Learn From Research on Latinas? Miguel A. Ceja

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COLLABORATIVE CONSCIOUSNESS Improving Latino Male Student Research, Policy, and Practice Luis Ponjuán

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Editors and Contributors

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Index

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áenz and Ponjuán (2009) characterized it best when they wrote in their seminal piece that Latino male college students are effectively vanishing from American postsecondary institutions. Hyperbole aside, we know that three out of every five degrees (i.e., associate’s or bachelor’s) earned by Hispanics are earned by females (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2011). Such disparities in degree attainment are growing across all critical junctures within the education pipeline, and recent attention from institutional leaders and policymakers finally mirrors years of concern from educational leaders about this persistent gender gap in educational attainment. This gap is especially a cause for concern when you consider the changing demographics of our country to one that is increasingly Latina/o. In Texas, where I serve as a community college president for one of the largest community college districts in the state, colleges and universities have been focused on bridging gaps at these critical junctures by reaching prescribed targets for higher education participation and success outlined in the state’s Closing the Gaps benchmarks. In recent revisions to this plan (Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board, 2010), the state explicitly highlighted the importance of improving participation and success rates for Latino males and African American males across the educational pipeline. Indeed, for years our state has spotlighted the urgency of this issue and elevated it to the level of state policy imperative. At the federal level, President Obama’s recent launch of the My Brother’s Keeper initiative is a commendable step forward in elevating this issue to the level of national policy imperative (White House, 2014). These state and national imperatives establish a clear urgency and legitimacy for focusing our efforts on males of color in education. However, in order to “move the needle” for male student success we need to act locally. This book comes at an opportune time, a time when higher education leaders, policymakers, and practitioners need access to the most current research, expertise, and guidance on this critical subpopulation of students. With its focus on theory, emerging research, and best practices, this edited volume is a timely resource for local, state, and national stakeholders committed to improving educational outcomes for Latino males. This book represents a welcome contribution that will enhance our understanding of this complex issue, xi

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and ignite a sincere attempt to spark greater awareness and dialogue about this fast-growing and increasingly important segment of our national population.

A Call to Action I realize that I have been blessed to have a career within the walls of higher education, for it is truly a noble profession. As college and university practitioners and leaders, we have the ability to facilitate the educational journey for thousands of students as a means to fulfill their potential in today’s knowledge society. A large majority of Latino male students are first-generation college students, and their access and success at our institutions may potentially impact their entire family and thus have generational impact. Such was the case for my personal story within higher education, which began nearly 30 years ago. As a result of my struggles, trials, and tribulations, coupled with some ultimate triumphs as a college student, my three siblings, two of whom are Latino males, and I have collectively garnered 11 postsecondary degrees. The knowledge I gained provided a smoother pathway for my younger siblings to succeed. My hope is that my experiences in higher education will in turn provide the same smooth pathway for my two sons—who are also Latino males. Prior to having the honor of leading El Paso Community College, the first 18 years of my career were spent working within and leading a division of student affairs and enrollment management. Student affairs and enrollment management professionals are uniquely positioned to have a positive impact on Latino males’ access and success in higher education. Student affairs staff serve as a bridge for students to and from our colleges and universities, as both the recruitment process and the graduation process are usually housed in this respective division. Ensuring that the initiatives led by student affairs encompass a focus on Latino males is a prominent start to address their access and success in our institutions. As a higher education leader I propose the following actions at your respective college or university in order to address this growing state and national imperative.

Data: Shining the Light Many institutions of higher education are oblivious to the fact that a gender gap in educational attainment may exist on their campus, especially among historically underrepresented student groups. It is imperative for college and university leaders to utilize their institutional resources to produce data disaggregated by race and gender in order to determine the institution’s current

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demographic state. The data should and must be shared with institutional leaders and decision makers in order to develop an understanding and college-wide strategy/action plan to impact Latino males. These data should be produced and reviewed on a semester basis, and corresponding benchmarks, targets, and milestones should be developed and tracked by senior leadership. A note of caution for senior leaders: A focus on Latino males should not be at the expense of any other student population—that is, this should be in addition to and not in place of other student initiatives. This is particularly important in regard to female and especially Latina initiatives. As the editors of this volume have noted, this is not a zero-sum context.

Champions and Allies: Creating the Will Once college and university leaders have built consensus regarding the baseline data, it will then be instrumental to develop a cadre of champions and allies who are passionate about affecting this group. Once again, student affairs and enrollment management staff are very well suited to serve in such a capacity. More important will be to identify and appoint faculty leaders who are passionate about this cause and mandate that they collaborate with student affairs and enrollment management staff. This will benefit the college or university twofold; it will ensure the integration of academic and student affairs and in turn facilitate student success for the entire student population, including Latino males.

Service to Community: Investing in Our Future College and university leaders understand that the success of our institutions will ultimately be judged by the success of the students we are privileged to serve. Most institutions’ mission statements include a provision of service. Service to our community, state, and nation is a vital premise of our institutions’ existence, as is academic excellence. Given the growing Latina/o population, ensuring Latino male access to and success within colleges and universities will prove to be paramount in serving our communities, states, and nation. Our role as higher education leaders and practitioners is to shed light on the “vanishing Latino male,” build and sustain the will within our campuses to address the issue, and remind our faculty and staff that addressing this state and national policy imperative is an investment in our future. William Serrata President El Paso Community College

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References Sáenz, V. B., & Ponjuán, L. (2009). The vanishing Latino male in higher education. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 8(1), 54–89. doi:10.1177/ 1538192708326995 Sáenz, V. B., & Ponjuán, L. (2011). Men of color: Ensuring the academic success of Latino males in higher education. Washington, DC: Institute of Higher Education Policy. Retrieved from http://www.ihep.org/assets/files/publications/m-r/%28 Brief%29_Men_of_Color_Latinos.pdf Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board. (2010). Closing the gaps progress report 2010. Retrieved from http://www.thecb.state.tx.us/reports/DocFetch .cfm?DocID=2045&Format=PDF The White House. (2014). My Brother’s Keeper. Retrieved from https://www.white house.gov/my-brothers-keeper

PREFACE Victor B. Sáenz

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n February 2014 President Barack Obama launched My Brother’s Keeper, a national initiative enlisting the support of public and private entities and aimed at improving educational and life outcomes for boys and young men of color. For too long we have belabored the sobering data that point to a persistent gender gap in educational attainment for males of color, a narrative that often includes social critiques of the school-to-prison pipeline, mass incarceration, and overrepresentation in the special education ranks and the school discipline pipeline. President Obama’s initiative is a welcome step forward, one that seeks to change the tenor of conversation and thus the narrative from hand-wringing to collective action. This initiative has brought together public and private organizations, school districts, city leaders, community activists, scholars, students and families, and philanthropic organizations that have pledged a long-term commitment. This commitment is to support actionable next steps as well as promising research and best practices that could ensure the success of boys and young men of color across the country. President Obama’s avowed support comes at a critical time in this burgeoning movement, one that is clearly being elevated to the level of national policy imperative. Our new book, Ensuring the Success of Latino Males in Higher Education: A National Imperative, also comes at a critical time, a time when national, state, and local conversations are expanding the definition of males of color to include Latino males and other historically marginalized groups of male students. The chapters within this book on Latino males collectively represent a timely and necessary contribution to these conversations. The shifting demographic reality represented by the growth of the Latina/o community also gives our focus on Latino males a singular urgency.

Purpose of This Book The topic of why Latino males are not keeping pace in higher education— relative to their male peers—is an important and complex one, and it lies at the heart of this book. Several broad themes are highlighted throughout xv

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this book and catalogued along the three dimensions of theory, research, and practice. Through the contributions of emerging scholars and seasoned practitioners, we share new research on factors that inhibit or promote Latino male student success at 4-year institutions, community colleges, and secondary institutions in order to inform both policy and practice across the education continuum. Some chapters explore the social-cultural factors, peer dynamics, and labor force demands that may be perpetuating the persistent gender gap in educational attainment for Latino males, and they consider what lessons can be learned from research on the success of Latinas. Other chapters closely examine key practices that enable firstgeneration Latino male undergraduates to succeed, practices that may seem counterintuitive to institutional expectations and preconceived notions of student behavior. Chapters within this book also explore the role of family in persistence. They outline how Latino men fulfill family and academic expectations and thus negotiate the sometimes emasculating educational process. The chapters also examine how males confront racialization in the pursuit of a higher education, uncover attitudes to help-seeking that are detrimental to these students’ success, and analyze how those who succeed and progress in college apply their social capital—whether aspirational, navigational, social, linguistic, familial, or resistant. While uncovering the lack of awareness at varying levels of our colleges and universities about the depth and severity of the challenges facing Latino males, this book provides the foundation for rethinking institutional policy, programming, and practice, and it further challenges leaders to institutionalize male-focused programs and services. A few chapters within the book also present data to inform needed changes in practice for outreach and retention. Regardless of how contributors position their work in terms of policy, theory, research, and practice, all contributors were asked to specifically highlight implications for policy and/or practice. In other words, our goal is to broker and enlist greater support in addressing the Latino male crisis in higher education and ultimately inspire action from a variety of educational stakeholders. There have been other books in recent years that focus on males’ educational experiences in higher education and especially African American males’ experiences (Harper, 2013; Harper & Harris, 2010), but less is known about the educational experiences of Latino males in education. Noguera, Hurtado, and Fergus (2012) published an important book that focused explicitly on Latino males, and it included a discussion of the various issues affecting Latinos from multiple disciplinary perspectives (e.g., health care, prisons, education). Rios (2011) published a book on the overpolicing and hypercriminalization of Black and Latino male youth in an era of mass

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incarceration and the school-to-prison pipeline. Campos (2012) addressed the challenges related to deficit thinking and framing that tend to characterize the interventions for Latino boys in schools, and he suggested the need for more asset-based approaches in addressing the social, familial, and academic challenges that accompany them. Fergus, Noguera, and Martin (2014) investigated the concept of resilience and overcoming academic and social challenges through their examination of recently formed charter schools for boys of color. This book is distinct from these earlier contributions in that we include perspectives on emerging theories and research within a secondary and postsecondary educational context. This book is both timely and relevant in that it directly contributes to the intellectual discourse on this rarely studied yet fastest-growing group of male students of color. It also serves as a useful guide for high school counselors and administrators, higher education practitioners, faculty members, and leaders, especially those focused on student support services and retention efforts, diversity and outreach efforts, assessment, and mental health. We have also designed this book as a primer for policymakers at the national, state, and local levels as well as scholars in higher education. We believe this book will serve to enlighten policymakers to the potential consequences of the ongoing Latino male educational crisis. That is, it will help focus and connect the national educational agenda and national economic workforce agenda to achieve successful outcomes for Latino males. In addition, this book is designed for anyone who wants to better understand the various issues related to Latino male access and degree attainment and also wants to work toward addressing the growing gender gap by learning from the most recent and relevant research on Latino males in education. Finally, this book is beneficial to community leaders and activists who want a comprehensive discussion about the challenges Latino male students face in schools and how they can work proactively to overcome those challenges. We hope this book inspires more dialogue, understanding, and transformative action.

Organization of This Book This book is organized into four distinct sections: context-setting, theory, research, and practice. The first two chapters help to establish the context for examining Latino males across the educational pipeline. Sáenz, Ponjuán, and Figueroa’s opening chapter provides a broad policy context for the issue of Latino males across the educational continuum, and it focuses on the various systemic and structural policies and practices that are effectively pushing

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out Latino male students from schools and into alternative pathways besides postsecondary participation. Ponjuán’s chapter 2 explores the high school context for this growing gender gap in educational attainment. More specifically, this chapter describes how structural and gender inequalities remain pervasive in American schools and society, and how they especially affect the educational pathways for Latino males in high school. The second section of the book posits several theories that can be applied to examining Latino males in higher education. To better grasp what is actually happening for Latino males, Figueroa’s chapter 3 works from a perspective that academic success is a socially mediated experience rather than solely a story of resilience. This chapter puts forth a conceptual framework, geography of academic support, to discuss the educational vulnerabilities as well as elevate some of the academic practices that enable first-generation Latino male undergraduates to pursue a higher education. Employing the geography of academic support, Figueroa, Pérez, and Vega’s chapter 4 focuses on Latino male academic narratives, utilizing case studies to underscore how variations of Latino masculinity are constructed and reconstructed in academic spaces in the quest to pursue a postsecondary education. In addition to investigating how Latino men conceptualize fulfilling expectations, the chapter explores how males negotiate the emasculation of the educational process and confront racialization in the pursuit of a higher education. Moving us toward discussions of retention and outreach, Cabrera, Rashwan-Soto, and Valencia’s chapter 5 extends our understanding of how help-seeking behaviors are linked to the Latino male lived experience of intersectionality. Their research is a critical examination of the experiences of Latino men during their freshman year at a single university. We learn through their research that tendencies to become overly self-reliant, difficulty asking for help, and methods of enacting Latino masculinity most often conflict with their learning environments. The third section of the book highlights research that examines preparation, persistence, and success for Latino males in secondary and postsecondary education. Expanding research on high-achieving Latino males, chapter 6, by Fajardo, Hernandez, and Muñoz, explores Latino males’ high school math achievement and the influential role of psychosociocultural factors in their academic success. This is the second chapter in this book that utilizes the new longitudinal dataset, the High School Longitudinal Study from the National Center for Education Statistics. In chapter 7, Ojeda and Castillo enlist a mixed-methods approach to identify factors that affect Latino male college persistence. The authors report that parental encouragement significantly impacts how Latino males relate to college persistence. In chapter 8, Pérez builds from the previous chapter, channeling his work through Yosso’s

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(2005) community cultural wealth framework. By taking a strength-based approach, this author reconceptualizes notions and experiences of being a high achiever given the experiences of Latino males in this qualitative study. Ballysingh’s chapter 9 offers findings from a yearlong study to gain insight into how Latino males at an elite public research university persist through their first year of college. Academically successful participants reported making calculated and deliberate sacrifices, as well as actively engaging in extracurricular activities and support programs. High resilience, self-efficacy, positive ethnic identity, and institutional climate also affected their educational outcomes. The final section of the book focuses on moving from research to practice. Sáenz, Rodriguez, Pritchett, Estrada, and Garbee in chapter 10 offer insights into the role and impact of administrator awareness regarding the Latino male educational achievement gap, and they investigate the extent to which these higher education leaders are aware of resources to encourage educational success for Latino male students on their campuses. Ceja’s chapter 11 juxtaposes what we know about Latinas compared to Latinos in higher education. Upon grasping the resources and opportunities that enable Latinas to move toward graduation, the chapter then provides implications for the ways this research must retain its integrity and, therefore, cannot respectfully address the issues that confront Latino males. Inspired by the research on Latinas in higher education, the author poses questions for the community of researchers who focus on Latino males in higher education. Finally, Ponjuán’s chapter 12 reviews and synthesizes the many exceptional contributions in this book through an innovative organizational framework based on collaborative consciousness. He outlines implications for institutions and practitioners at the local, state, and national levels in an effort to inspire stakeholders from all levels to align interests and efforts and strategically frame a new national imperative for Latino males.

Summary This book is an ambitious attempt to spark greater awareness and dialogue about Latino males, a fast-growing and increasingly important segment of our national population. It synthesizes the perspectives of new and emerging voices, including graduate students, academics, administrative professionals, and higher education leaders. The contributing authors paint a complex portrait of the many factors that contribute to the educational experiences of Latino males in elementary, secondary, and postsecondary education. This book represents a commitment to better understand the Latino male

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educational experience, and its contributors’ hope to parallel the broader and vibrant research agenda on male students of color in higher education. Finally, given the growing state and national imperative to “move the needle” on Latino male student success, this book is a call to action for researchers, educational practitioners, community activists, and higher education leaders.

References Campos, D. (2012). Educating Latino boys: An asset-based approach. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin. Fergus, E., Noguera, P., & Martin, M. (2014). Schooling for resilience: Improving the life trajectory of Black and Latino boys. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Harper, S. R. (2013). Am I my brother’s teacher? Black undergraduates, racial socialization, and peer pedagogies in predominantly White postsecondary contexts. Review of Research in Education, 37(1), 183–211. Harper, S. R., & Harris, F., III. (2010). College men and masculinities: Theory, research, and implications for practice. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Noguera, P., Hurtado, A., & Fergus, E. (2012). Invisible no more: Understanding the disenfranchisement of Latino men and boys. New York, NY: Routledge. Rios, V. M. (2011). Punished: Policing the lives of Black and Latino boys. New York: New York University Press. Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community cultural wealth. Race Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 69–91.

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any individuals have shaped and contributed to this important book, and we would be remiss to not properly acknowledge their guidance and support. In the time we have spent conceptualizing the book, inviting authors, and organizing their contributions, several notable colleagues have had a direct hand in guiding our way. We would like to thank all of our amazing contributing authors without whose work this book would not have been possible: Tracy Arámbula Ballysingh, Nolan L. Cabrera, Linda G. Castillo, Miguel A. Ceja, Jennifer Estrada, Ismael Fajardo, Kelty Garbee, José M. Hernandez, José Muñoz, Lizette Ojeda, David Pérez II, Patricia A. Pérez, Katie Ortego Pritchett, Fatemma D. Rashwan-Soto, Sarah Rodriguez, William Serrata, Bryant G. Valencia, and Irene I. Vega. We would like to acknowledge the American Association of Hispanics in Higher Education (AAHHE) and the Texas Guaranteed Student Loan Corporation (TG) for their initial support of our research efforts beginning in 2007. AAHHE and TG jointly commissioned our very first research paper on Latino males in higher education, and we are forever grateful and indebted to their inspiration and support. In particular, we thank Dr. Louis Olivas, Dr. William Aguilar, the AAHHE board of directors, and Mr. Jacob Fraire for their support. A special acknowledgment is necessary for President William Serrata of El Paso Community College. President Serrata is a dynamic higher education leader, and he has been a consistent source of support for our growing “research to practice” efforts on behalf of Latino males in Texas higher education. Similarly, we have had several colleagues from various state and national policy organizations who have provided helpful comments and feedback. At the national level these include Dr. Michelle Asha Cooper, Institute for Higher Education Policy; Dr. Lorelle Espinosa, American Council on Education; Marco Davis, White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for Hispanics; and Dr. Ron Williams, president emeritus of Prince George’s Community College and formerly of the College Board. At the state policy level we have been supported by Dr. Raymund Paredes, commissioner of the Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board (THECB); Dr. Judith Loredo, assistant commissioner (THECB); Dr. David Gardner, deputy xxi

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commissioner (THECB); Linda Battles, deputy commissioner (THECB); and Dr. Jerel Booker. Several key individuals at the University of Texas at Austin (UT Austin) have been especially important to our scholarly and mentoring efforts. Dr. Gregory J. Vincent serves as vice president for the Division of Diversity and Community Engagement (DDCE), and he has been a true supporter, advocate, and champion for our efforts on behalf of Latino males in education. We also acknowledge the enduring support of other key leaders and administrators at UT Austin who have been very supportive, including Leonard Moore, Robiaun Charles, Dean Manuel J. Justiz, and Erica Sáenz. A special thanks to the Project MALES (Mentoring to Achieve Latino Educational Success) staff and volunteers over the years: Enrique Romo, Sarah Rodriguez, Claudia Garcia Louis, DeAna McCusky, Mike Gutierrez, Emmet Campos, Jose Del Real, Jorge Segovia, Jorge Rodriguez, Manny Gonzalez, Patrick Valdez, Leticia Palomin, Susana Hernandez, Veronica Jones, Michael Nava, Jenny Smith, Carmen Mercedes, Deryl Hatch, Kye Hyoung Lee, Ryan Miller, Jeff Mayo, Charles Lu, Juan Lopez, Jesse Mondragon, Tonia Guida, and Veronica Pecero. Many colleagues, practitioners, and philanthropic organizations have served as vital intellectual resources. We acknowledge the support of Sylvia Hurtado, Lee Holcomb, Shaun Harper, Ted Gordon, Lee Bitsoi, Rob Teranishi, Aida Hurtado, Wynn Rosser, Luzelma Canales, Kristin Boyer, Leslie Gurrola, Tina Gridiron, Chera Smith, Beth Bukoski, Richard J. Reddick, Frank Harris, J. Luke Wood, Robert Muñoz, Robert Vela, Francisco Solis, Mike Flores, Robert Garza, Daniel Solórzano, Eugene Garcia, Gloria M. Rodriguez, Domino Perez, Nancy Erbstein, Dorene Rodriguez Hoops, Maria Carrera, Frances E. Contreras, Mary Ann Clark, Lyle McKinney, Laura Waltrip, Mariano Diaz-Mirando, Rito Silva, Richard Armenta, Stephanie Hawley, Dann Brown, Rey Rodriguez, Melissa McGuire, Paul Cruz, Archie Wortham, Raul Alvarez, Jude Valdez, Rudy Reyna, and so many other practitioners, policymakers, academics, and allies in this struggle.

PA RT O N E I N T RO D U C T I O N A N D C O N T E X T- S E T T I N G : L AT I N O MALES IN K–12 AND HIGHER E D U C AT I O N

1 CURRENT TRENDS AND FUTURE OUTLOOKS ON THE P E RVA S I V E G E N D E R G A P I N E D U C A T I O N A L A T TA I N M E N T F O R L AT I N O M A L E S Victor B. Sáenz, Luis Ponjuán, and Julie López Figueroa

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he educational future for our nation’s Latino1 male student population is in a state of peril. Even as the number of Hispanics attending college and attaining degrees has increased steadily in recent years (Fry & Lopez, 2012), the proportional representation of Latino males continues to lag behind that of their female peers (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). Latino males have some of the lowest high school graduation rates as well as some of the lowest college enrollment and completion rates of any subgroup. In 2012, more than 60% of all associate’s or bachelor’s degrees earned by Hispanics were earned by female students, and this degree attainment gap is only growing wider (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2013). What we know can be summed up succinctly: Latino males are not keeping pace relative to their male and female peers at key transition points along the education pipeline— at high school graduation, at college entry, and at college completion. Indeed, the gender gap in educational attainment for Latino males can be described from a variety of sobering perspectives. This growing gap—a trend also evident within other racial/ethnic groups—has untold implications for public policy and educational practice, especially given the emerging demographic reality driven by high population growth within the Latina/o community. The purpose of this chapter is simple: Document the growing gender gap in educational attainment for Latino males and set the context for other 3

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INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING

chapters within this book. The urgency to better understand this subgroup of students is even greater when considering the demographic reality for this community as well as the dearth of research on Latino males in education. Given the ongoing demographic shifts that point to a younger, more Latino labor force, this population of young males represents the fastest-growing employment pool yet the most underutilized intellectual talent pool (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). America’s human capital capacity and global competitiveness will be increasingly dependent on this growing segment of the population (Maldonado & Farmer, 2006). Ultimately, these trends could undermine Latino males’ ability to fulfill the critical economic and social roles that are keys to secure and prosperous families and communities. In sum, this introductory chapter accounts for key differences at critical educational junctures in early childhood, primary, and secondary school experiences between boys and girls, as such experiences can ultimately manifest themselves in ways that may be perpetuating the current Latino gender gap in educational attainment. We explore current data as well as the factors that can facilitate college access and degree attainment for Latino males, and we also delve into alternative pathways that may be diverting college-age Latino males from higher education and into less desirable life/ career opportunities. Subsequent chapters present innovative theoretical and empirical perspectives, and our concluding chapter makes a case for proactive and collaborative action on Latino male student success. Ultimately, as established in the preface, this book presents a variety of policy, research, and practitioner perspectives that can serve as a road map to shape future progress on the growing gender gap in educational attainment for Latino males in secondary and postsecondary education.

The Context: An Unacknowledged Crisis The public discussion of a growing gender gap is sometimes met with resistance at the thought of a reframed discussion of the gender equity debate within education. Historically, we have addressed gender inequity through policy initiatives, such as Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and Title IX of the Equal Opportunity in Education Act. These pioneering social policies led the way to increasing access and opportunities for women at all levels of education while also providing for more supportive environments for women in schools, workplaces, and cultural arenas. Most girls now outperform boys on almost every academic indicator in elementary and secondary schools (Crosnoe, Riegle-Crumb, Field, Frank, & Muller, 2008). Still, some deem it unconstructive at best or cynical at worst to even engage in a discussion of the schooling challenges facing our young boys. There are also those who

THE PERVASIVE GENDER GAP IN EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT

5

worry that too much attention to these challenges may detract from the many advances made by young women within our educational systems (Crosnoe et al., 2008) as well as the advances that have yet to be made. This is not to suggest that the long-term success of female students has been assured or that it has come at the expense of male students. Structural and gender inequalities remain pervasive in America’s schools and our society, so much so that a disparity in pay—the wage gap—is evident to this day (AAUW, 2015). Nonetheless, when we conjoin the growing gender gap with the persistent educational attainment gap between Latinas/os and other racial/ethnic groups in this country, the sobering educational reality facing Latino males is cause for concern. The dual questions of why Latino males are not keeping pace in accessing and succeeding in higher education and what it could portend in the long term lie at the heart of this introductory, context-setting chapter. In order to fully understand why Latino males are disproportionately not keeping pace within our higher education system, we first begin with a look at the early, primary, and secondary schooling experiences.

The Experiences of Latino Males in Early, Primary, and Secondary Schools We begin with a discussion of the Latina/o gender gap—a trend also apparent within other racial/ethnic groups. The gap can be described from a variety of perspectives, and it exists at multiple points along the educational continuum. Indeed, these differences by gender can be observed in early educational milestones. In general, most boys struggle academically relative to their female peers, gaps that are evident even during the impressionable early schooling years. For example, there continue to be observable differences in enrollment rates between male and female students in early childhood education, especially between Latino and Black children. In 1990, 33.6% of Latina females under the age of 5 were enrolled in school on a full-time or part-time basis, compared to 28% of Latino males in this same age range (NCES, 2013) (see Table 1.1). By 2000, this gender disparity had grown even larger, but it has begun to stabilize in recent years. These gender gaps in early childhood education participation are particularly troubling given the importance of developing social skills, early reading and math literacy, and beginning verbal skills as students transition into their primary education. The levels of participation in early childhood education can significantly affect early academic success for students. Alexander and Entwisle (1988) noted that by the third grade, a child has established a pattern of learning

6

INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING

TABLE 1.1

Percentage of the Population 3 and 4 Years Old Enrolled in School Male

Female

Year

White

Black

Latino

White

Black

Latina

1980

39.2

36.4

30.1

35.5

40.0

26.6

1990

47.9

38.1

28.0

46.6

45.5

33.6

2000

54.1

58.0

31.9

55.2

61.8

40.0

2009

54.9

58.1

39.4

56.2

58.8

44.4

Note. Includes enrollment in any type of graded public, parochial, or other private school. Includes nursery schools, kindergartens, elementary schools, high schools, colleges, universities, and professional schools. Attendance may be on either a full-time or part-time basis and during the day or night. Adapted from the Digest of Education Statistics (NCES, 2013).

that shapes the course of his or her entire schooling career. Gurian and Stevens (2005) suggest that boys are being educated within a system that is generally unaware of the potential mismatch of the male learning style in current educational practices. They note that boys are an average of a year to a year and a half behind girls in reading and writing skills. Consequently, most boys in grades 4 through 8 are twice as likely as girls to be held back a grade, and the rate is even higher for boys of color (Shaffer & Gordon, 2006). Table 1.2 examines these trends across the entire public school educational pipeline (K–12); the data show that 12.4% of Hispanic males and 25.6% of Black males have repeated at least one grade. Differential rates of suspension and expulsion for Hispanic and Black males are also cause for concern. This issue has received renewed national attention as part of President Obama’s My Brother’s Keeper (MBK) initiative launched in 2014 (The White House, 2015). The MBK initiative has helped to shed light on such trends at the national level that point to a disproportionate adjudication of social promotion and school discipline policies. This national dialogue is definitely a good start, and the hope is that it leads to transformative change at the local level, where educators and school districts can begin to take a hard look at their own school discipline data on suspension and expulsion rates for young males of color.

College Enrollment and Educational Attainment Data on college enrollment and educational attainment from the annual Digest of Education Statistics (NCES, 2014) show significant differences in success rates between male and female students across all racial/ethnic groups over the last few decades. Table 1.3 displays almost 40 years of enrollment

THE PERVASIVE GENDER GAP IN EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT

7

TABLE 1.2

Percentage of Public School Students Who Have Repeated a Grade, Been Suspended, or Been Expelled by Race/Ethnicity and Gender, 2007 Race/ethnicity

Total

Male

Female

Totala

11.5

13.9

8.9

White

8.7

11.2

6.1

Black

20.9

25.6

15.3

Hispanic

11.8

12.4

11.1

Asian

3.5

6.5

0.0

% in K–12 who have repeated a grade

% in grades 6–12 who have ever been suspended Totala

21.6

27.9

14.9

White

15.6

21.3

9.7

Black

42.8

49.5

34.7

Hispanic

21.9

29.6

14.1

Asian

10.8

14.9

‡

% in grades 6–12 who have ever been expelled Totala

3.4

4.5

2.3

White

1.0

1.3

0.7

Black

12.8

16.6

8.2

Hispanic

3.0

3.1

2.9

b

b

b

Asian

Note. All data are based on parent reports. Race categories exclude persons of Hispanic ethnicity. a Total includes other race/ethnicity categories not separately shown. Source: Herrold, K., & O’Donnell, K. (2008). Parent and family involvement in education, 2006–07 School Year, From the National Household Education Surveys Program of 2007 (NCES 2008-050). Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics, Institute of Education Sciences, U.S. Department of Education. b Reporting standards not met.

data at the undergraduate postbaccalaureate level for all students and more specifically for Latino male and female students. These data suggest significant changes in enrollment patterns across gender during this time period, patterns that illustrate the persistent gender gap in postsecondary enrollment at undergraduate and postbaccalaureate levels. Since about the early 1980s, proportionally fewer males relative to their female peers have been enrolling at each level, a consistent gap that is also evident among other students. In fall 2013, Hispanic males represented 42.6% of all Hispanics enrolled

TABLE 1.3

Number (in Thousands) and Percentage of Students Enrolled in Undergraduate and Postbaccalaureate Institutions (1976–2013) All male

1976

1980

1990

2000

2010

2013

4,896.8

4,997.4

5,379.8

5,778.3

7,836.3

7,659.6

52.0% All female

4,522.1 48.01%

Undergraduate enrollment

Total Hispanic male

52.27%

6,579.3 55.02%

43.9% 7,377.1 56.08%

43.3% 10,246.1 56.66%

43.8% 9,815.2 56.17%

10,469.1

11,959.1

13,155.4

18,082.4

17,474.8

191.7

211.2

326.9

582.6

1,082.9

1,222.9

161.2 45.69%

48.8% 221.8 51.22%

45.1% 397.6 54.88%

43.1% 768.4 56.88%

42.5% 1,468.1 57.55%

42.6% 1,647.2 57.39%

Hispanic total

352.9

433.0

724.5

1,351.0

2,551.0

2,870.1

All male

897.6

870.7

904.2

943.5

1,209.5

1,201.2

57.3% Postbaccalaureate enrollment

5,471.7

45.0%

9,418.9 54.3%

Hispanic female

47.7%

All female

669.1 42.71%

Total

1,566.7

53.8% 747.0 46.18% 1,617.7

48.6% 955.4 51.38% 1,859.6

43.7% 1,213.4 56.26% 2,156.9

41.2% 1,727.5 58.82% 2,937.0

41.4% 1,699.8 58.59% 2,901.0

Hispanic male Postbaccalaureate enrollment

Hispanic female Hispanic total

18.1

20.4

27.0

44.5

74.7

83.6

58.46%

52.72%

46.66%

40.19%

37.76%

37.83%

12.8

18.3

30.9

66.3

41.5%

47.3%

53.3%

59.8%

30.9

38.7

57.9

110.8

123.1 62.2% 197.8

137.4 62.2% 221.0

Note. Adapted from “Higher Education General Information Survey (HEGIS): Fall Enrollment in Colleges and Universities,” by U.S. Department of Education, 1976 and 1980, National Center for Education Statistics; “Fall Enrollment Survey” (IPEDS-EF:90), by Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System; and “Spring 2001 Through Spring 2014: Enrollment,” by Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (NCES, 2014).

10

INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING

at the undergraduate level (compared to 57.4% for Hispanic females) and 37.8% of all postbaccalaureate enrollment (compared to 62.2% for Hispanic females). This gender gap trend has plateaued in recent years, and it also mirrors the rates for all male and female students at each level. The good news is that enrollment gains have been realized across all racial/ethnic groups with Hispanics leading the way, but gains in overall educational attainment have not been as apparent. In 2014, 88.3% of all adults 25 and older had completed high school or higher, and a full 32% of this age group had earned a bachelor’s degree or higher (see Table 1.4). Both Latino male and female adults within this age cohort trail the national averages on both of these educational attainment metrics, with Latina females slightly but consistently outpacing their Latino male peers. In terms of overall educational attainment, the proportion of Latinas with a bachelor’s degree or higher within the general population has almost doubled, from 8.4% in 1995 to 16.1% in 2014. Hispanic males also have seen a sizeable increase in this trend (from 10.1% to 14.2%), but they have been eclipsed by their female counterparts in the last decade. When we zoom in closer to look at the 25 to 29 age cohort representing recent college graduates, the gender gaps in educational attainment appear starker, with Latino males earning bachelor’s degrees at much lower rates (12.4%) than their Latina female peers (18.3%) and the national average (34.0%). Nonetheless, both Hispanic males and females lag significantly behind the bachelor’s degree completion rates among the total U.S. population, a reality that poses current and future challenges for our national educational discourse.

Degree Attainment Patterns at 2-Year and 4-Year Institutions For some time now the national discourse on educational attainment has focused intently on the college completion agenda. Given the urgent nature of this metric, it is concerning to note that less than 40% of all associate’s or bachelor’s degrees earned by Hispanic students in 2012 were earned by males, a gap that has been widening for the past 20 years (NCES, 2013). Until the early 1990s Latino males had outpaced their female peers on these degree completion metrics, but these trends have since reversed and a consistent gap has emerged. The most recent degree attainment data clearly illustrate that Hispanic females are outpacing their male counterparts in both the actual number and total proportion of associate’s degrees and bachelor’s degrees earned (NCES, 2013). Latinas earned more than three of every five (61.2%) degrees among all Hispanics in 2011 (see Figures 1.1 and 1.2). This gap in degree attainment between male and female students peaked in 2007, and it has plateaued over time and remained consistent. The disparity in raw

TABLE 1.4

Educational Attainment Among Adults 1980 (%)

1990 (%)

1995 (%)

2000 (%)

2005 (%)

2010 (%)

2014 (%)

44.9

50.3

52.9

56.6

57.9

61.4

65.1

44.2

51.3

53.8

57.5

59.1

64.4

67.9

68.6

77.6

81.7

84.1

85.2

87.1

88.3

Hispanic males

9.2

9.8

10.1

10.7

11.8

12.9

14.2

Hispanic females

6.2

8.7

8.4

10.6

12.1

14.9

16.1

Total U.S. population

17.0

21.3

23.0

25.6

27.7

29.9

32.0

High school completion Hispanic males or higher (25 to 29 Hispanic females years old) Total U.S. population

57.0

56.6

55.7

59.2

63.2

65.7

72.4

58.9

59.9

58.7

66.4

63.4

74.1

77.4

85.4

85.7

86.8

88.1

86.2

88.8

90.8

Hispanic males

8.4

7.3

7.8

8.3

10.2

10.8

12.4

Hispanic females

6.9

9.1

10.1

11.0

12.4

16.8

18.3

22.5

23.2

24.7

29.1

28.8

31.7

34.0

Hispanic males High school completion or higher (25 and older) Hispanic females Total U.S. population BA degree or higher (25 and older)

BA degree or higher (25 to 29 years old)

Total U.S. population

Note. Adapted from “U.S. Census of Population: 1960, Vol. I, Part 1,” by U.S. Department of Commerce, Census Bureau; “Education of the American Population,” by J. K. Folger and C. B. Nam, 1960; “Current Population Reports, Series P–20,” by U.S. Department of Commerce, Census Bureau, various years; and “Current Population Survey (CPS),” by U.S. Department of Commerce, Census Bureau, March 1970 through March 2014 (NCES, 2014).

12

INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING

Figure 1.1 Bachelor’s degrees (BA) earned by Hispanics (1977–2011). 100%

100,000

90%

70%

60.

60.

6%

9%

1% 61.

9% 60.

6% 60.

59.

1% 59.

9% 57.

4% 56.

6%

5% 50.

0%

55.

60,000

7%

80%

60% 60,742

45.

# of BA Degrees

80,000

40,000

50% 40% 30%

20,000

20% 10%

Hispanic females

11

10

20

20

09 20

08

07

20

20

06 20

04

20

20

03 20

02

01

20

20

00

99

20

19

98

97

19

96

19

19

95

94

19

19

91 19

90 19

81

77

19

19

Hispanic males

05

0%

0

% of Hispanic female BAs

Note. Adapted from “Indicator 47,” The Condition of Education 2012 (NCES 2012-045), by U.S. Department of Education, 2012, National Center for Education Statistics (Aud et al., 2012).

Figure 1.2 Associate’s (AA) and bachelor’s (BA) degrees earned by Hispanics by gender, 2011. 61.2% 100,000 90,000

38.8%

# of Degrees

80,000 70,000 60,000 50,000

78,898

40,000

77,934

30,000 20,000

60,742 47,682

10,000 0 Hispanic Male AAs

Hispanic Male BAs Hispanic Female AAs Hispanic Female BAs

Note. Adapted from U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 2012. (Aud et al., 2012).

THE PERVASIVE GENDER GAP IN EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT

13

numbers of degrees earned by Hispanic males and females clearly highlights the growing degree completion gap. Hispanic females earned a combined 156,832 associate’s or bachelor’s degrees in 2011, or 48,408 more than their male counterparts. In our view, the social and cultural consequences of this persistent gap in degree attainment are not being sufficiently addressed or discussed by our educational stakeholders or policymakers nor are they being adequately investigated through interdisciplinary approaches. At a minimum these trends warrant additional empirical research and books, such as the current one, that highlight new and emerging scholarly work with an emphasis on implications for practice. Further, these data should encourage us to more urgently intervene on behalf of these young men through thoughtful and asset-based programmatic approaches, by raising important questions about policies that push our young men of color out of our schools and communities, or through continued advocacy within policy and practitioner arenas. Ultimately we must also critically examine the complex dimensions of accumulated social, cultural, and structural challenges that accompany Latino males along their educational pathways.

Alternative Schooling, Career, and Life Pathways for Latino Males For those Latino males who do not go to college, their schooling experiences as well as their alternative career and life pathways can be especially challenging. In the following section, we shed light on the complex portrait of experiences that can accompany Latino males at different life stages. While we cannot examine the full array of life circumstances and possible pathways, we do take a look at Latino male experiences in several distinct areas: special education, school discipline pipeline, occupational fields, the military, and other areas (unemployment, prison, etc.).

Overrepresentation and At-Risk Labels: Learning and Behavioral Challenges The distinct learning styles of boys and girls in the early schooling years have other consequences that may serve to redirect boys away from higher education pathways. For example, boys are twice as likely as girls to be labeled “learning disabled,” they are seven times more likely to be diagnosed with attention deficit disorder or attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder, they constitute up to 67% of the special education population, and in some school systems they are up to 10 times more likely to be diagnosed with serious

14

INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING

emotional and behavioral disorders (Gurian & Stevens, 2005; Pollack, 1998). This disturbing trend reflects one of the most long-standing critiques of special education practice, namely, the disproportionate placement of students of color in special education programs, referred to in the education literature as “overrepresentation” (Ferri & Connor, 2005; Losen & Orfield, 2002). Since the late 1960s, the U.S. Office of Civil Rights (OCR) has reported the pervasive problem of overrepresentation of minority children in certain disability categories (Artiles, Harry, Reschly, & Chinn, 2002; Ferri & Connor, 2005), and the disparities are even more pronounced for male students of color. Parrish (2002) notes that Latino students are more likely than peers to be overrepresented in special education, and recent data suggest that they tend to be especially overidentified during their high school years (Artiles, Rueda, Salazar, & Higareda, 2002). This overrepresentation is even more pronounced among Latino and Black males (Losen & Orfield, 2002; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009), which makes their college pathways that much more difficult to navigate. Disparities in promotion and suspension rates can be associated with other forms of unhealthy behavior or misdiagnoses that could lead to missed educational opportunities for males. For example, Latino and African American males are overrepresented in special education tracks, have disproportionately high rates of referrals to juvenile justice agencies (Justice Center, 2011), and have higher rates of dropping out of high school (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). Some of these trends may be an artifact of zero-tolerance discipline policies that are the norm in many school districts, especially schools within large urban areas (Skiba, 2000). In a recent study of school discipline policies in Texas, researchers found that 83% of African American males and 74% of Hispanic males reported at least one discretionary violation between grades 7 and 12, significantly higher rates than those for their female counterparts (Justice Center, 2011). The same study also reported that suspended or expelled students are almost three times more likely to be involved in the juvenile justice system the following year. As noted earlier in this chapter, the MBK initiative has sparked an important national dialogue on this issue— and other issues—for young males of color. Left unresolved, these trends may continue to push our boys of color into the pervasive school-to-prison pipeline or simply push them out of schooling altogether. Either way, these alternative pathways are potentially leading to limited economic and workforce opportunities for Latino males.

Latino Workforce Patterns Latinos have historically had among the highest participation rates in the U.S. labor force, but they tend to work in occupations that pay low wages, provide low economic mobility, provide little or no health insurance, are less

THE PERVASIVE GENDER GAP IN EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT

15

stable, and are more hazardous to their health (Maldonado & Farmer, 2006). The likelihood of Latino males being in this sector of the labor force is most often a result of low educational attainment; decreased English language proficiency; and lack of work experience, training, and/or other employability skills (“Deadly Trend,” 2002). Even though Latinos tend to enter the workforce at an earlier age, being tracked into low-skill jobs decreases the opportunities to gain work experiences that could lead to an upwardly mobile career track, better pay, and lower-risk occupations (Maldonado & Farmer, 2006). Higher participation rates in the workforce population are also prevalent for college-age Latinos, especially for Latino males. According to 2007 data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, almost half (46%) of the 3.4 million Latino males between the ages of 16 and 24 are employed full-time, compared to about a quarter (26%) of their Latina counterparts. Latino males are about 10 percentage points above the national average for all males within this age range (36%) (BLS, 2007). Moreover, within the population that is counted among the civilian workforce, over two thirds (70%) of Latino males are full-time employed, compared to just over half (52%) of Latinas. The fact that such a high proportion of Latino males report full-time employment reinforces the notion they are entering the workforce at an earlier age than their counterparts. Workforce pattern data also provide important insights into the alternative career pathways of college-age Latino males. For example, in the 2012 American Community Survey (ACS), Latino male workers have a lower representation in management, professional, and related occupations (19.5%), compared to the general population (31.0%), occupations that tend to require a postsecondary education (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014). Similarly, Latino males represent a lower proportion of white-collar positions in sales and office occupations compared to the general U.S. population (14.1% and 17.9%, respectively). Conversely, Latino males occupy blue-collar employment positions (i.e., work positions that require manual labor) in greater proportions compared to the general population. For instance, 26.8% of the Latino male workforce (16 years and older) occupies positions in construction, maintenance, or repair, compared to 18.0% of the general population of males in the workforce. Lower-skilled occupations translate into lower overall median salaries for Latino males as compared to the general population of males. According to the 2006 ACS survey, the median earnings of full-time, year-round Latino male workers was $27,490, compared to a median of $42,210 for the general population of males. This earnings gap—representing a proportional difference of 53.5%—reflects a prodigious wage disparity that reveals the effects of limited workforce opportunities for Latino males.

16

INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING

Latino Workforce and Undocumented Status Latinos make up the majority of the foreign-born workforce population, with a significant number categorized as unauthorized workers or undocumented immigrants (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2007; Passel, 2006). Within the labor workforce, Latinos are concentrated in nonprofessional, service occupations that rank low in potential earnings and educational requirements and are less conducive for upward social mobility. These undocumented persons are highly concentrated in the construction industry, the vast majority of whom are Latino males (Kochhar, 2006). For immigrant Latino males, the expectations to work, contribute to the family, and assume a traditional gender role often supersede their desire to attain a higher education. Fry (2005) notes that high school dropout rates are strongly linked to the age at which the foreign-born teen migrates to this country. Foreign-born teens who arrive in the United States early in their childhood have a better chance of matriculating through the education system; however, teens who arrive in late adolescence or who had education difficulties before immigrating have a high school dropout rate greater than 70%. The pressure to work once arriving in this country is even more urgent for this population of males. Many foreign-born Latino males who arrive in late adolescence are likely to be labor migrants. In effect, they tend to migrate to the United States to work and not to enroll in formal schooling and certainly not college (Fry, 2005).

Latino Males in the Military Another alternative pathway for Latino males who do not matriculate to college is the military. Latino males compose approximately 11.5% of the total enlisted military persons within the Department of Defense, which includes all the armed forces and the Coast Guard (U.S. Department of Defense, 2009). It should be noted that not all Latino males are eligible to serve in the military. In particular, the high rates of high school dropouts and nonpermanent immigration status of many Latinos make them ineligible to serve. In examining the enlistment rates by gender, Latino males represent the third largest group of enlisted males. A closer examination of the military appointments of Latino males indicates that they are still underrepresented in the military in comparison to the dramatic growth of the U.S. Latina/o population in recent decades. According to a U.S. Department of Defense service report (2009), researchers found that Latinos were still underrepresented in military officer appointments in comparison to other ethnic groups. One possible explanation for the disparity in actual Latino male representation in the military enlisted and officer ranks

THE PERVASIVE GENDER GAP IN EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT

17

is their overall educational attainment level. The Bureau of Labor Statistics (2007) reports that among 18 to 24-year-old civilians approximately 29% of Latino students had not graduated from high school, compared to 16% and 22% of White and Black students, respectively. This large disparity in overall educational attainment levels suggests they are less likely to pursue a career in the military and hold military officer appointments.

Latino Males in Prison Latino males also make up a significant proportion of the U.S. prison system. Although the rates of Latino males entering the judicial system remain lower than those of Black males, they are approximately four times more likely than White males to be admitted to prison during their lifetime (Bonczar & Beck, 1997). In a recent report by the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics (West, Sabol, & Greenman, 2010), it was reported that 1 in 6 Latino males will go to prison during their lifetime, versus a prediction of 1 in 17 for White males. The report also stated that in 2009, Latinos composed about 20% of the correctional population of over 2.1 million. While these are large numbers, the actual number of Latinos incarcerated may be higher than what is accounted for by reporting agencies due to the inconsistency in correctly identifying Latino males. Researchers have argued that not all agencies recognize Latinos as a distinct group and they are frequently counted by race demographics such as White or Black (“Hispanic Prisoners in the United States,” 2003). These rates of incarceration for Latino males are problematic, and they severely limit the possibility of pursuing college pathways or entry into the skilled labor force.

Conclusion The sobering statistics and realities for Latino males presented in this opening chapter help set the context for the remainder of this book. In order for Latino males to succeed along varied academic pathways, researchers, policymakers, public officials, private sector leaders, and Latino families and communities must embrace a comprehensive and proactive agenda for change. The authors are compelled to raise critical awareness of this issue across the field of education and with institutional and policy leaders. The educational and social challenges facing Latino males are real, yet the issue remains somewhat ambiguous and unacknowledged in many policy contexts. This is especially disconcerting given the far-reaching economic and social consequences that this persistent gender gap could portend for our nation’s future. From an economic perspective, the Latino gender gap

18

INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING

in educational attainment could undercut the skilled labor force as well as decrease labor productivity. Our best demographic projections suggest an increasingly young and Latino labor force, yet half of this fast-growing population is being underutilized and in many ways being pushed out of our schools and our communities. Furthermore, America’s human capital capacity and global competitiveness will be increasingly dependent on this growing segment of the population (Maldonado & Farmer, 2006). From a social perspective, the role of Latino males as spouses, fathers, community leaders, and role models for young men could be usurped as a result of continual educational and labor force struggles. This could have the effect of undermining their ability to fulfill the critical economic and social roles that are key to securing upwardly mobile families and communities. This initial chapter set the context for better understanding the persistent gender gap in educational attainment for Latino males. It also established a sense of urgency for this issue and situated it within a sociocultural, demographic, and labor force context. Our hope is that this book will help to fuel the growing national imperative to improve the educational outlook for Latino males in secondary and postsecondary education. As our book title suggests, we must ultimately find ways to ensure the success of Latino males in the educational arena, within our labor force, and within our society. Our future may depend on it.

Note 1. This chapter uses the terms Latino and Hispanic interchangeably. Unless otherwise noted, all references to Whites and African Americans refer to non-Hispanics.

References AAUW (American Association of University Women). (2015). The simple truth about the gender pay gap (fall 2015). Retrieved from http://www.aauw.org/resource/the -simple-truth-about-the-gender-pay-gap/ Alexander, K. L., & Entwisle, D. O. (1988). Achievement in the first 2 years of school: Patterns and processes. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 53(2). Artiles, A. J., Harry, B., Reschly, D., & Chinn, P. (2002). Over-identification of students of color in special education: A critical overview. Multicultural Perspectives, 4, 3–10. Artiles, A. J., Rueda, R., Salazar, J. J., & Higareda, I. (2002). English-language learner representation in special education in California urban school districts.

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In D. J. Losen & G. Orfield (Eds.), Racial inequity in special education (pp. 117– 136). Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Press. Aud, S., Hussar, W., Johnson, F., Kena, G., Roth, E., Manning, E., . . . Zhang, J. (2012). The condition of education 2012 (NCES 2012-045). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. Retrieved from http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2012/2012045.pdf Bonczar, T. P., & Beck, A. J. (1997). Bureau of Justice special report: Lifetime likelihood of going to state or federal prison. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice. Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2007). Current population survey. Retrieved from http:// www.bls.gov/cps/#tables Crosnoe, R., Riegle-Crumb, C., Field, S., Frank, K., & Muller, C. (2008). Peer group contexts of girls’ & boys’ academic experiences. Child Development, 79, 1, 139–155. “Deadly trend” of Hispanic worker deaths on top of agenda at OSHA. (2002, October 17). Labor Relations Week, 16(41), 1257. Ferri, B. A., & Connor, D. J. (2005). In the shadow of Brown: Special education and overrepresentation of students of color. Remedial and Special Education, 26(2), 93–100. Fry, R. (2005). The higher dropout rates of foreign-born teens: The role of schooling abroad. Washington, DC: Pew Hispanic Center. Fry, R., & Lopez, M. H. (2012). Hispanic student enrollments reach new highs in 2011. Washington, DC: Pew Research Center. Retrieved from www.pewhispanic .org Gurian, M., & Stevens, K. (2005). The minds of boys. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Herrold, K., & O’Donnell, K. (2008). Parent and family involvement in education, 2006–07 School Year, From the National Household Education Surveys Program of 2007 (NCES 2008-050). Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics, Institute of Education Sciences, U.S. Department of Education. Justice Center. (2011). Breaking schools’ rules: A statewide study of how school discipline relates to students’ success and juvenile justice involvement. New York, NY: Council on State Governments. Retrieved from http://justicecenter.csg.org/files/ school_discipline_report_PR_final.pdf Kochhar, R. (2006). Latino labor report, 2006: Strong gains in employment. Washington, DC: Pew Hispanic Center. Retrieved from http://pewhispanic.org/files/ reports/70.pdf Losen, D. J., & Orfield, G. (2002). Racial inequity in special education. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Press. Maldonado, C., & Farmer, E. I. (2006). Examining Latinos involvement in the workforce and postsecondary technical education in the United States. Journal of Career and Technical Education, 22(2), 1–13. National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). (2013). Digest of education statistics. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/current_tables.asp National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). (2014). Digest of education statistics. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/current_tables.asp

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Parrish, T. (2002). Racial disparities in the identification, funding, and provision of special education. In D. Losen & G. Orfield (Eds.), Racial inequity in special education (pp. 15–38). Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Press. Passel, J. S. (2006). The size and characteristics of the unauthorized migrant population in the U.S.: Estimated based on the March 2005 Current Population Survey. Washington, DC: Pew Hispanic Center. Retrieved from http://pewhispanic.org/ files/reports/61.pdf Pollack, W. (1998). Real boys: Rescuing our sons from the myths of boyhood. New York, NY: Random House. Sáenz, V. B., & Ponjuán, L. (2009). The vanishing Latino male in higher education. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 8(1), 54–89. Shaffer, S., & Gordon, L. (2006, March 24). What is the impact of “boys will be boys”? Presentation at the 2006 Annual Conference of the Mid-Atlantic Equity Center, Washington, DC. Skiba, R. (2000). Zero tolerance, zero evidence: An analysis of school disciplinary practice. Bloomington: Education Policy Center, Indiana University. The Sentencing Project. Hispanic prisoners in the United States. (2003). Retrieved from http://www.sentencingproject.org/PublicationDetails.aspx?PublicationID= 365 U.S. Census Bureau. (2014). Facts for features: Hispanic Heritage Month, September 15–September 8, 2014. Retrieved from http://www.census.gov/content/dam/ Census/newsroom/facts-for-features/2014/cb14ff-22_hispanic.pdf U.S. Department of Defense. (2009). Population representation in the military services, fiscal year 2008. Retrieved from http://prhome.defense.gov/MPP/ ACCESSION%20POLICY/PopRep2008/index.html West, H. C., Sabol, W. J., & Greenman, S. J. (2010). Prisoners in 2009. Bureau of Justice Statistics Bulletin, NCJ 231675. Retrieved from http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/ index.cfm?ty=pbdetail&iid=2316 The White House. (2015). My Brother’s Keeper. Retrieved from https://www.white house.gov/my-brothers-keeper

2 L AT I N O M A L E S I N AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOLS An Examination of the 2012 High School Longitudinal Study Luis Ponjuán

T

his chapter provides an exploratory analysis of the educational decisions about higher education for young men of color from a nationally represented high school survey. In particular, I present a detailed examination of eleventh-grade young men in American high schools. The findings provide a complex portrait of how Hispanic, African American, Asian/Pacific Islander, and White males navigate the current American educational system toward a postsecondary education. The pressing reality is that high school male students of color, and Hispanic males in particular, lag significantly behind their female peers in terms of both college access and degree attainment (Aud et al., 2013). There are numerous implications for the gender disparity in educational outcomes. In the long term, this growing educational crisis weakens the nation’s ability to utilize its potential human capital and ensure the success of its racially and ethnically diverse families and communities (Perna, Chunyan Li, Walsh, & Raible, 2010). Most recently, the Bureau of Labor Statistics (2013) reports that Hispanic males with only a high school degree compared to Hispanic males with a bachelor’s degree or higher have almost double the unemployment rate. An initial step in understanding this complex issue is to explore how Hispanic males develop their postsecondary academic plans during their high school years. Therefore, the purpose of this chapter is to present

21

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INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING

a portrait of high school male students’ family characteristics, high school experiences, and expectations for postsecondary degrees using results from the 2009 High School Longitudinal Study’s first follow-up dataset, which we will refer to as the 2012 HSLS dataset henceforth. Using the 2012 HSLS dataset, we compared Hispanic high school male students to their male student peers from a nationally represented population of high school students from the 2011–2012 academic school year. We utilized a comprehensive conceptual model to examine several key areas related to college enrollment (see Figure 2.1). We selected factors based on several primary reasons. First, the model closely resembles the first two layers of Perna’s conceptual model of student college choice (Perna, 2006). Specifically, we focus on layer 1 (habitus—cultural and social capital) because of the influence of family and parent characteristics and expectations and other individual behaviors and social capital. Second, we focus on layer 2 (school and community) to examine the types of high schools Hispanic males attend. Third, due to the limits of the types of survey questions in the 2012 HSLS dataset, we selected survey questions guided by the research literature focused on Hispanic students and the factors related to college enrollment. First, we examined student variables related to home and family characteristics. Second, we observed the different characteristics of the schools that these male students attend. Third, we studied high school male students’ college preparatory behaviors. Fourth, we studied their financial aid literacy and behaviors. Fifth, we examined the high school males’ and their parents’ expectations for achieving a postsecondary degree. As stated earlier, this chapter provides a compelling portrait of Hispanic males in American high schools, and it does not attempt to make any causal inferences among the data we highlight in this chapter. Prior to discussing the survey results, we provide a brief description of the national survey used for this chapter.

Figure 2.1 Conceptual model of factors that may influence high school Latino male college enrollment decisions.

Family demographics

High school demographics

College preparatory behaviors

Financial aid literacy

Student and parent educational expectations

LATINO MALES IN AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOLS

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TABLE 2.1

Percentage of High School Male Racial Groups Racial/ethnic group Asian/Pacific Islander

Percentage 4.4

Black

13.7

Hispanic

24.4

White

57.6

Note. Weighted estimates.

2012 High School Longitudinal Study Survey The Department of Education’s National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) developed the High School Longitudinal Study of 2009 (HSLS:09) in order to develop a nationally representative sample of approximately 21,000 ninth graders from 944 schools to follow throughout their secondary and postsecondary years. This current dataset represents the next wave of the original survey administered in the spring 2011–2012 academic year. NCES developed a comprehensive group of surveys to focus “on understanding students’ trajectories from the beginning of high school into postsecondary education, the workforce, and beyond” (Ingels, Dalton, Holder, Lauff, & Burns, 2011, p. 1). This chapter used the survey results from eleventh-grade students, their parents, high school administrators, and high school counselors. For this chapter, the sample included a weighted sample (e.g., we weighted all the student percentages with the W2STUDENT weight variable) that approximately represented 2.083 million eleventh-grade male students from the following ethnic groups: Asian/Pacific Islander, Black, Latino, and White (see Table 2.1). Due to the small sample size and NCES data suppression guidelines, we were unable to include high school males from the Native American racial/ethnic group.

Examining Male High School Students’ Family and Parent Characteristics In this section of the chapter, we focus on family characteristics that may shape high school males’ educational decisions about attending college. As we discuss the unique characteristics of Hispanic families and parents, it is important to recognize that these characteristics are not meant to be viewed as negative aspects of the Hispanic culture. Our goal is to put into perspective the experiences of Hispanic males in the U.S. education system and to

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INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING

take into consideration potential challenges that may arise. As educators, we must embrace these unique characteristics and adjust our methods of helping these students be successful. We provide a detailed conceptual framework on how to address these concerns in chapter 12. The national trends over the last 35 years highlight that high school male students of color are less likely to enroll in higher education (Snyder & Dillow, 2013). The challenges associated with male students’ decisions to attend a postsecondary school depend on various factors. The 2012 HSLS survey asked parents/guardians of male high school students to provide information about their demographic characteristics, educational achievement, and family socioeconomic status. For many of the Latino male students, their parents were not born in this country, and most had not attended a postsecondary institution. A distinct characteristic of many Hispanic families is that they represent a large percentage of the foreign-born immigrants in the United States. The most recent census data suggests that Hispanics represent the largest percentage (53%) of the foreign-born U.S. population (Grieco et al., 2012). Coupled with this population trend, many of these families primarily speak a nonEnglish language. Researchers have also made a link between family primary language and educational attainment. That is, foreign-born parents with less than a bachelor’s degree compared to their peers with a bachelor’s degree or higher are more likely to have lower English-speaking skills (Gambino, Acosta, & Grieco, 2014). This relationship portends potential challenges for high school completion. Researchers have found that non-English-speaking students are less likely than their primary English-speaking peers to complete high school (31% to 10%, respectively) (Hoff, 2013). Specifically, Hispanic students, as mentioned earlier, are the largest immigrant population and have lower academic achievement outcomes when compared to their non-Hispanic White peers (Hoff, 2013). However, it is important not to differentiate these factors as the sole problem and suggest that by removing cultural aspects these issues will be resolved. Rather, we must recognize that our educational system should embrace these cultural aspects and use more “culturally responsive” methods in curriculum and teaching (Wlodkowski & Ginsberg, 1995). Given the unique challenges facing many Hispanic students, there should be additional analysis about the family characteristics of Hispanic male students. For example, among the four major racial/ethnic groups, Hispanic male students had the largest percentage (38.4%) who come from families where the first language is a non-English language (see Table 2.2). Concomitant with families with a high percentage of nonnative speakers, low academic achievement among non-English-speaking students raises additional concerns about the unique challenges Hispanic males may face to complete a high school degree and enroll in college. Moreover, this also

LATINO MALES IN AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOLS

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TABLE 2.2

Family Primary Language Spoken at Home Racial/ethnic group

First language First language is English only is a non-English (%) language only (%)

First language is English and nonEnglish equally (%)

Asian/Pacific Islander

43.4

37.9

18.7

Black

94.7

3.3

1.9

Hispanic

45.9

38.4

15.7

White

97.1

1.4

1.5

Note. Weighted estimates. TABLE 2.3

Parent Educational Level Racial/ethnic group

High school or less (%)

Associate’s Bachelor’s degree (%) degree (%)

Professional degree/ postbaccalaureate (%)

Asian/Pacific Islander

41.5

9.3

30.2

19.0

Black

56.0

17.6

15.2

11.2

Hispanic

68.1

13.9

12.2

5.9

White

37.9

16.5

26.1

19.5

Note. Weighted estimates.

implies potential challenges for Hispanic males who often act as “language ambassadors” for their family. Among all parent groups, the educational level of Hispanic parents trailed significantly behind that of other parent racial groups. For example, Hispanic male students’ parents compared to all parent groups had the highest percentage of those earning a high school degree or less (68.1%) (see Table 2.3). More importantly, this group of students compared to all other groups had parents who are the least likely to have earned a bachelor’s degree (12.2%) (see Table 2.3). The research literature is replete with evidence that indicates that students whose parents completed a college degree are more likely to pursue a college education than students whose parents never attended college (Ceja, 2006; Cohen, 1987; Dennis, Phinney, & Chuateco, 2005; Wells, Seifert, Padgett, Park, & Umbach, 2011). In addition, there is recent evidence that male students of color who lack the social capital from parental factors (e.g., expectations, involvement) are at greater risk than those with high social capital of not completing a higher education degree (Wells et al., 2011).

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These studies highlight a challenging reality that many of the Hispanic male students in high school are at greater risk of not completing a higher education degree. With so many of these students who have parents who lack a college education credential, there is a potential that this is yet another compounding factor that negatively influences their college-going decisions. Even though this research literature outlines a discouraging narrative, students who receive guidance from supportive educators have a greater chance of minimizing these potential challenges. The poverty status of Hispanic families offers yet another variable that may influence the college-going decisions of Hispanic males in American high schools and shows where areas of support can be provided. Similar to parental educational levels, the poverty status of Hispanie families was significantly different than that of males from White families. The 2012 HSLS data results show that Hispanic males were over two and a half times more likely than White males to live in families that are below the poverty threshold (30.3% and 11.7%, respectively; see Table 2.4). Researchers have found that parents’ income is a strong predictor of a student’s future college attendance (Cameron & Heckman, 2001; Kim & Nuñez, 2013). Specifically, some researchers have found a significant negative relationship between Hispanic students who come from families with a low family socioeconomic status and their ability to complete high school and enroll in college (Kim & Nuñez, 2013; Lutz, 2007). This dataset highlights how many of these male students of color in American public high schools face challenging financial realities. Researchers highlight how Mexican American students struggle to attend college and the associated financial worries (Cabrera, López, & Sáenz, 2012). This research provides a sobering reality that a large percentage of Hispanic high school males who live below the financial poverty threshold often face daunting challenges in pursuing a college education. Though families with a low poverty status may play a significant role in college-going decisions for Hispanic males, there is an opportunity for educators to encourage these students to pursue a college education in order to better assist their families. TABLE 2.4

Family Race/Ethnicity by Poverty Levels Racial/ethnic group

At or above poverty threshold (%) Below poverty threshold (%)

Asian/Pacific Islander

82.3

17.7

Black

69.1

30.9

Hispanic

69.7

30.3

White

88.3

11.7

Note. Weighted estimates.

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27

This section of the chapter highlights how certain characteristics of parents influence the educational decisions and achievement of students. Specifically, high school male students whose parents are immigrants, primarily speak a non-English language, never enrolled or completed any postsecondary credential, and live below the poverty threshold are less likely to enroll and complete a college degree or credential. Unfortunately, the recent 2012 HSLS dataset reveals that many young Hispanic males in American high schools have parents with one or more of these characteristics. The aforementioned research literature highlighted that these family and parental characteristics may shape Hispanic males’ attitudes about completing high school and pursuing a college education. However, beyond parental and family characteristics, other factors may ameliorate or exacerbate a young Hispanic male’s decision to complete high school and enroll in college. Again, the mention of these characteristics is not meant to blame the student or parents for these challenges; however, educators must recognize and become sensitive to the unique circumstances that many first-generation Hispanic male students must face.

High School Characteristics Almost 25 years ago, Jonathan Kozol’s (1991) book Savage Inequalities depicted the stark differences between types of schools for children from above and below the poverty line. Relying on the 2012 HSLS dataset, this section of the chapter provides an updated portrait of the American high schools many Hispanic males attend. Although there are limits on how this dataset can create a complete picture of Hispanic male students’ educational experiences, it could still provide important insights about the complex portrait of their academic lives. The extant research literature highlights that school characteristics have long-term effects on minority students’ educational pathways beyond high school (Dorman & Dowling, 2010; Muller, Riegle-Crumb, Schiller, Wilkinson, & Frank, 2010). Some scholars stated, “Yet the evidence consistently suggests that schools can play an active role in the provision of opportunities for social mobility or in the exacerbation of social inequality, depending on how they are structured” (Dorman & Dowling, 2010, p. 1058). The 2012 HSLS dataset reveals that there are differences in the location of high schools that students attend. The national trends revealed that the percentage (45%) of Hispanie male students attending a high school located in a city locale was greater than in any other urban-centric locale (see Table 2.5). In contrast, White male students were more likely to attend a high school in a suburban locale (29.4%). The research indicates that many of these city high schools are more likely to teach predominantly students of color who

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INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING

TABLE 2.5

Racial/Ethnic Groups by High School Urbanicity Racial/ethnic group

City (%)

Suburb (%) Town (%) Rural (%)

Asian/Pacific Islander

49.4

29.4

4.9

16.2

Black

37.5

31.9

4.3

26.2

Hispanic

45.0

28.8

8.5

17.7

White

20.2

29.4

11.8

29.0

Note. Weighted estimates.

are from low-income families (Roderick, Coca, & Nagaoka, 2011). Unfortunately, many of these types of high schools are underfunded, have limited academic curricula, and lack a college-going climate that encourages college attendance (Valenzuela, 1999). Given that Hispanic male students are most likely to attend these types of high schools, there are concerns beyond school resources that may shape their academic pathways to college attendance. A recent study suggests that high schools need to improve the college-going culture through clear and tangible levers. For example, high school teachers who “expect students to go to college and take responsibility for preparing and supporting their students in college application” are key levers that improve the likelihood of a student enrolling in college (Roderick et al., 2011, p. 202). Other researchers have examined the role of the high school academic curriculum in students’ long-term academic outcomes. Some argue that high schools that offer differentiated academic course offerings often lead to “less access to advanced level courses,” which in turn gives minority students “fewer opportunities to learn.” Using a nationally representative dataset, they found that Latino students, depending on the types of high schools they attend, have different access to key advanced-level mathematics courses that determine long-term college enrollment (Muller et al., 2010, p. 1040). Upon closer review of the 2012 HSLS dataset, we found that there were differences among male racial groups. We used student course enrollment in an advanced placement (AP) math course (i.e., any type of AP math course) during the 2011–2012 academic year as the proxy for a college preparatory math course. Hispanic males compared to all their peers had the lowest participation (26.2%) in an AP math course (see Table 2.6). Although this is only one indicator for college enrollment, the low participation rates may suggest that either Hispanic males lack access to these AP courses at their high school or they are not academically prepared for these types of courses. Nonetheless, these national data highlight Hispanic male students’ coursetaking patterns in American high schools.

LATINO MALES IN AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOLS

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TABLE 2.6

Math Advanced Placement Enrollment by Race Racial/ethnic group

Not enrolled (%)

Enrolled (%)

Asian/Pacific Islander

51.5

48.5

Black

71.0

29.0

Hispanic

73.8

26.2

White

69.1

30.9

Note. Weighted estimates.

We offer one final glimpse into American high schools by examining the programs high schools offer to help students to pursue and enroll in college. These selected variables illustrate the tangible programs that help students navigate the two primary barriers to college enrollment: the college application process and the financial aid process. For example, in the 2012 HSLS survey, high school counselors indicated if their high school did the following: (a) holds or participates in college fairs, (b) holds college information sessions, (c) helps with completing college applications, (d) offers meetings on sources of financial aid, (e) holds meetings on the Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) process, and (f ) assists with completing the FAFSA. Upon closer review of the high schools that offer these key programs, it appears that there are negligible differences across the student racial groups. For example, Hispanic males were more likely (94.5%) than any other group to attend a high school that offered college information sessions (see Table 2.7). Similarly, these same students attended high schools that offered meetings to explain the FAFSA application process (96.8%) (see Table 2.7). These results highlight that a majority of high schools are providing essential programs and services to help their male students to apply for college and financial aid. The research evidence suggests that high schools need to offer these types of programs and services to help improve college enrollment trends for students of color (Cates & Schaefle, 2011; Kim & Nuñez, 2013; Muller et al., 2010; Roderick et al., 2011). However, these programs do not provide a simple solution to the complex problem of increasing Hispanic male students’ college enrollment and degree completion. Despite the prevalence of these high school programs, other factors may influence Hispanic male students’ college enrollment.

High School Male Students’ College Preparatory Behaviors There is a growing concern among educational researchers that Hispanic male students are not making an effort to enroll in higher education (Sáenz

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INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING

TABLE 2.7

High School Programs for College Applications and Financial Aid Asian/Pacific Islander (%)

Black (%)

Holds or participates in college fairs

93.1

94.5

91.2

90.9

Holds college information sessions

89.1

94.0

94.5

93.3

Helps complete college applications

89.7

96.6

94.4

96.0

Offers meetings on sources of financial aid

81.3

90.9

88.2

86.4

Holds meetings on FAFSA process

88.9

97.9

96.8

94.0

Assists with completing the FAFSA

75.8

89.6

84.2

73.3

High school program

Hispanic (%) White (%)

Note. Weighted estimates.

& Ponjuán, 2009). Additionally, some researchers argue that many of these students need to learn college-going behaviors through institutional programs (Gildersleeve, 2010). The challenges associated with college enrollment highlight the necessity of students to develop self-agency to acquire these college-going behaviors to navigate these challenges. The individual psychology literature offers some insights about the role of self-agency and human behavior. Scholars have stated, “The experience of self-agency is important for a sense of control over the environment and for how people perceive themselves and interact with others” (van der Weiden, Aarts, & Ruys, 2013, p. 888). They found that a person’s self-agency may be also influenced by his or her social context (e.g., high school environments). That is, engaging in certain social settings may enhance or detract from a person’s self-agency. They also argue that individual goals are essential elements to develop self-agency (e.g., college enrollment). More importantly, the strength of a person’s self-agency is closely related to the success or failure of achieving these goals. Finally, they suggest that self-agency and motivation are strongly related when these goals are self-chosen (e.g., individual decision to enroll in college). This line of research uniquely applies to high school males’ college-going behaviors and college enrollment. First, using this theoretical framework of self-agency, a student’s level of self-agency to engage in college-going behaviors is uniquely tied to engagement in social contexts (e.g., available college-going high school activities).

LATINO MALES IN AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOLS

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TABLE 2.8

High School Male Students’ College Preparatory Behaviors Asian/Pacific Islander (%)

Black (%)

Hispanic (%)

White (%)

Searched Internet or read college guides

77.4

74.4

63.4

74.0

Talked with counselor about options after high school

60.7

68.2

58.3

60.2

Took course to prepare for a college admission exam

48.5

43.1

30.1

39.1

College preparatory behavior

Note. Weighted estimates.

Upon closer review of the 2012 HSLS data, we found college preparatory behavioral differences by high school male racial groups. For example, Hispanic males compared to other student groups had the lowest participation (63.4%) in searching the Internet or reading college guides about college enrollment (see Table 2.8). Perhaps the low participation rates are due to limited access to computers at high schools and families with limited resources to provide sufficient access to valuable information (Kim & Nuñez, 2013; Valenzuela, 1999). Second, given the importance of finding support while in high school from high school agents, high school counselors play a critical role in helping these students develop a college enrollment goal. Research supports that some high school counselors are less aware of Latino males students’ unique educational challenges (Clark, Ponjuán, Orrock, Wilson, & Flores, 2013). We found that Hispanic high school male students had the lowest participation (58.3%) in talking with a high school counselor about options after high school (see Table 2.8). We surmise that male students who do not engage in this critical college-going behavior limit their ability to develop self-agency and motivation for college enrollment. More importantly, students who are also first-generation students may have a greater risk of not enrolling in college without the support and guidance of high school counselors. Third, the self-agency research suggests that a person’s self-agency and motivation are strongly linked to their individual decision to engage in relevant activities. Simply stated, when students engage in high school programs designed to prepare for college, their self-agency and motivation are more likely to be positively influenced. We found that Hispanic males, compared to their male peers, had the lowest participation rates in a course that prepares them for a college entrance exam (30.1%) (see Table 2.8). Unlike the previously mentioned essential college preparatory behaviors, this

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INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING

high school activity requires students to have a longer term of engagement through a college exam preparatory program. Several factors may explain their low participation rates. For example, the low participation rates in these types of high school educational programs may suggest that the high schools that Hispanic males attend do not have access to these types of services. Researchers have found differences in high school AP course offerings based on high school racial demographics and average family socioeconomic status (Allen, Kimura-Walsh, & Griffin, 2009). In addition, researchers have argued that schools may have not adequately communicated to Hispanic families about opportunities to help their children learn about college participation (Gandara & Contreras, 2009). Finally, financial strains may be another potential reason that Hispanic males in high school have low participation in these types of programs. That is, perhaps these students do not have the ability to engage in these types of programs because of family financial obligations (Altschul, 2011; Baum & Flores, 2011; Cerezo, Lyda, Beristianos, Enriquez, & Connor, 2013). The decision to attend college involves many interrelated factors. Relying on the individual psychology research, we focused on the role of self-agency or the ability of a student to take the necessary steps to pursue a college education. The current national-level data highlight differences among male high school students. Specifically, Hispanic male students were less likely than their male peers to search for college information, talk with a high school counselor, or participate in college prep courses. There are many potential explanations, but the results indicate that high schools and colleges need to focus on the unique needs that Hispanic males have to help them develop the self-agency needed to engage in college-going behaviors.

High School Male Students’ Financial Aid Literacy Beyond high school characteristics and individual self-agency, many families struggle to finance a child’s higher education degree. As mentioned earlier, many male students of color are part of families that live below the poverty level. Researchers have found that there are definitive challenges associated with college enrollment due to the lack of financial aid knowledge (Horn, Chen, & Chapman, 2003; McKinney & Roberts, 2012; Scott-Clayton, 2012). There is also a growing concern that the schools that these students attend play a pivotal role in helping students understand how to fund their higher education (Perna & Steele, 2011). In this section, we focus on two key aspects of high school male students’ financial aid knowledge: (a) how high school males understand the financial aid application process and (b) the reasons for not applying for financial aid.

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33

For many students, the challenge of enrolling in college begins with determining how they will pay college expenses. The college application process often begins with completing the FAFSA form. For some high school students, completing this form becomes a formidable first step. Some scholars have found that some low-income families and specifically low-income Hispanic families are ill informed about the financial aid application process (Horn et al., 2003; McKinney & Roberts, 2012; Zarate & Pachon, 2006). In a closer review of questions regarding financial aid literacy, we found patterns among high school male students that highlight a challenging reality. A majority of males across all student racial groups indicated that they did not know the purpose of the FAFSA (e.g., Asian/Pacific Islander, 54.5%; Hispanic, 47%) (see Table 2.9). Coupled with students’ minimal awareness of the financial aid application, we found that some students have other reasons for not applying for financial aid. For example, Hispanic males were almost three times more likely than White male students to report that they will not apply for financial aid because they don’t know how (see Table 2.10). This may be one explanation for the high percentages of Hispanic males who do not know what the FAFSA means (i.e., 47%; see Table 2.9). TABLE 2.9

Will Student Complete a FAFSA? Don’t know Haven’t Don’t know what FAFSA thought about if will/would is (%) this yet (%) apply (%)

Racial/ethnic group

Yes (%)

No (%)

Asian/Pacific Islander

26.3

6.0

54.5

9.3

3.8

Black

35.1

6.2

40.9

11.7

6.1

Hispanic

27.1

4.1

47.0

15.0

6.8

White

21.6

7.5

51.0

12.9

7.1

Note. Weighted estimates. TABLE 2.10

Reasons for Not Applying for Financial Aid Asian/Pacific Islander (%)

Black (%)

Hispanic (%)

White (%)

Won’t apply for financial aid because you don’t know how

12.5

38.1

33.0

11.6

Won’t apply for financial aid because you don’t want debt

33.9

27.9

42.8

40.1

Financial aid literacy

Note. Weighted estimates.

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INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING

These high percentages of students who do not understand the basics of the FAFSA highlight that many do not receive basic financial aid knowledge from trained professionals. A recent study of financial aid counselors at community colleges in Florida, Texas, and California found that many of these counselors are overwhelmed with the scale of work demands and are challenged to provide timely and critical information (McKinney & Roberts, 2012). More importantly, they found that reforms to simplify the FAFSA may reduce the challenges for many families to complete this critical application. Finally, they found that many counselors had to correct erroneous assumptions about financial eligibility based on family income. This study echoes research studies that suggest that more work is needed to educate many lowincome families about the financial aid process (Nuñez & Kim, 2012; Perna, 2008; Radwin, Wine, Siegel, & Bryan, 2013). These findings also emphasize how certain high school factors prevent Hispanic males from receiving the proper information needed to access higher education. Educators must adapt and develop new strategies to reduce barriers at our high schools that are preventing Hispanic young men from furthering their education.

High School Males’ and Their Parents’ Expectations for Achieving a Postsecondary Degree The final exploration of the 2012 HSLS results focused on the students’ and parents’ response to their expectations of completing any college education. These complementary survey results provide additional insights about how male high school students and their parents perceive their long-term educational goals. Although this survey question represents only one data point, it may also serve as a proxy of the educational aspirations of Hispanic males and their parents. Overall, Hispanic male students (25.6%) were similar to their male student peers in their expectations of earning a bachelor’s degree (see Table 2.11). However, approximately 12.1% did not know what educational degree they expected. These survey results reinforce somewhat different results from a recent single institutional study focused on students’ educational expectations. Researchers found that Latino youth were less likely to expect to attend college than their student peers (Turcios-Cotto & Milan, 2013). Given that Latino males in this national study had modest educational aspirations compared to their male peers, this may suggest that Latino males may have a higher risk of not participating in college when you consider the other factors discussed in this chapter. In comparison, the parents’ educational expectations were different from their child’s educational expectations. For example, Hispanic families

LATINO MALES IN AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOLS

35

TABLE 2.11

Hign School Male Students’ Educational Expectations Racial/ethnic group

High Associate of Bachelor of Post-baccalaureate Don’t school (%) arts (%) arts (%) (%) know (%)

Asian/Pacific Islander

11.7

3.8

26.4

40.1

18.1

Black

23.2

10.3

23.3

30.5

12.7

Hispanic

26.3

9.8

25.6

26.1

12.1

White

19.7

10.4

29.6

29.6

10.7

Note. Weighted estimates.

TABLE 2.12

Parents’ Educational Expectations for Their Child Racial/ethnic High Associate of Bachelor of Post-baccalaureate Don’t know group school (%) arts (%) arts (%) (%) (%) Asian/Pacific Islander

12.2

10.6

32.2

34.7

10.2

Black

17.4

12.3

27.8

30.3

12.2

Hispanic

20.5

11.1

26.6

27.3

14.4

White

16.1

9.7

32.5

29.4

12.3

Note. Weighted estimates.

were most likely (14.4%) to indicate that they did not know the educational expectations of their child (see Table 2.12). In addition, they also were the least likely to report that their child would earn a bachelor’s degree. We surmise that these differences may reflect the lower educational achievement levels of these parents, as mentioned earlier in this chapter. These survey results mirror results from the Pew Hispanic Center’s 2009 National Survey of Latinos, which found that Latino parents’ dependence on their child’s contribution to the family was often at odds with the child’s postsecondary aspirations (Lopez, 2009). These results portray a very complex relationship between parent and child. The pathway to college requires both parent and child to understand how to communicate and work toward a common academic goal. More importantly, the research literature suggests that practitioners should actively approach Hispanic families to address how they can support and empower Hispanic males to attend college. The subsequent chapters address the complex nature of family dynamics and Hispanic male academic achievement.

36

INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING

Conclusion In this chapter, the nationally represented survey results highlighted primary factors that begin to frame the educational portrait of Hispanic male students in American high schools. As the chapter introduction stated, this exploratory study examined potential factors that may contribute and shape how Hispanic males navigate their educational pathways toward college. Relying on a conceptual model that explored various levels, the chapter revealed compelling evidence and supporting research that Hispanic male students may face significant barriers to enrolling and participating in higher education. Nonetheless, the goal of this chapter is to provide a critical analysis without placing blame on Hispanic males and their families. In fact, we propose that in order to address these complex issues leaders need to employ an assetbased approach to understand the unique family dynamics, the diverse high school characteristics, and students’ understanding of financial aid and educational expectations. That is, we want to show how educational administrators and teachers can utilize the unique attributes of Hispanic families and males to help them academically and socially succeed. Toward that goal, we hope this chapter will inform, engage, inspire, and empower stakeholders to focus their political and social levers to address the issues related to Hispanic males. The subsequent chapters provide a complex mosaic of the lives of Hispanic males in America. We believe these chapters are starting points of discussion for education and community leaders to directly address the unique challenges that Hispanic males face in American education. We remain hopeful that Hispanic males will increase their participation in higher education and positively contribute to the American workforce and economic prosperity.

References Allen, W., Kimura-Walsh, E., & Griffin, K. (2009). Towards a brighter tomorrow: College barriers, hopes and plans of Black, Latino/a and Asian American students in California. Charlotte, NC: Information Age. Altschul, I. (2011). Parental involvement and the academic achievement of Mexican American youths: What kinds of involvement in youths’ education matter most? Social Work Research, 35(3), 159–170. doi:10.1093/swr/35.3.159 Aud, S., Wilkinson-Flicker, S., Kristapovich, P., Rathburn, A., Wang, X., & Zhang, J. (2013). The condition of education 2013 (NCES 2013-037). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. Retrieved from http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2013/2013037.pdf Baum, S., & Flores, S. M. (2011). Higher education and children in immigrant families. The Future of Children, 21(1), 171–193.

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Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2013). Employment status of the civilian noninstitutional population 25 years and over by educational attainment, sex, race, and Hispanic or Latino ethnicity. Retrieved from http://www.bls.gov/cps/tables .htm#empstat Cabrera, N. L., López, P. D., & Sáenz, V. B. (2012). Ganas: From the individual to the community, and the potential for improving college going in the “land that Texas forgot.” Journal of Latinos and Education, 11(4), 232–246. doi:10.1080/1 5348431.2012.715499 Cameron, S. V., & Heckman, J. J. (2001). The dynamics of educational attainment for Black, Hispanic, and White males. Journal of Political Economy, 109(3), 455–499. doi:10.1086/321014 Cates, J. T., & Schaefle, S. E. (2011). The relationship between a college preparation program and at-risk students’ college readiness. Journal of Latinos and Education, 10(4), 320–334. doi:10.1080/15348431.2011.605683 Ceja, M. (2006). Understanding the role of parents and siblings as information sources in the college choice process of Chicana students. Journal of College Student Development, 47(1), 87–104. Cerezo, A., Lyda, J., Beristianos, M., Enriquez, A., & Connor, M. (2013). Latino men in college: Giving voice to their struggles and triumphs. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 14(4), 352–362. doi:10.1037/a0029646 Clark, M. A., Ponjuán, L., Orrock, J., Wilson, T., & Flores, G. (2013). Support and barriers for Latino male students’ educational pursuits: Perceptions of counselors and administrators. Journal of Counseling & Development, 91(4), 458–466. doi:10.1002/j.1556-6676.2013.00118.x Cohen, J. (1987). Parents as educational models and definers. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 49(2), 339–351. Dennis, J. M., Phinney, J. S., & Chuateco, L. I. (2005). The role of motivation, parental support, and peer support in the academic success of ethnic minority first-generation college students. Journal of College Student Development, 46(3), 223–236. Dorman, G., & Dowling, M. (2010). Schools and inequality: A multilevel analysis of Coleman’s equality of educational opportunity data. Teachers College Record, 112(5), 1201–1246. Gambino, C., Acosta, Y., & Grieco, E. (2014). English-speaking ability of the foreign-born population in the United States: 2012 (No. ACS-26). Washington, DC: U.S. Census Bureau. Retrieved from http://www.census.gov/library/publica tions/2014/acs/acs-26.html Gandara, P. C., & Contreras, F. (2009). The Latino education crisis: The consequences of failed social policies. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Gildersleeve, R. E. (2010). Fracturing opportunity: Mexican migrant students & college-going literacy. New York, NY: Peter Lang. Grieco, E., Acosta, Y., de la Cruz, P., Gambino, C., Gryn, T., Larsen, L. J., . . . Walters, N. (2012). The foreign-born population in the United States: 2010 (No. ACS-19). Washington, DC: U.S. Census Bureau. Retrieved from https://www .census.gov/library/publications/2012/acs/acs-19.html

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Hoff, E. (2013). Interpreting the early language trajectories of children from lowSES and language minority homes: Implications for closing achievement gaps. Developmental Psychology, 49(1), 4–14. doi:10.1037/a0027238 Horn, L. J., Chen, X., & Chapman, C. (2003). Getting ready to pay for college: What students and their parents know about the cost of college tuition and what they are doing to find out (NCES 2003-030). Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics, U.S. Department of Education, and Bureau of Justice Statistics, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. Retrieved from http:// nces.ed.gov/pubsearch/pubsinfo.asp?pubid=2003030 Ingels, S., Dalton, B., Holder, T., Lauff, E., & Burns, L. (2011, June 28). High School Longitudinal Study of 2009 (HSLS:09): A first look at fall 2009 9th-graders. Retrieved from http://nces.ed.gov/pubsearch/pubsinfo.asp?pubid=2011327 Kim, D., & Nuñez, A.-M. (2013). Diversity, situated social contexts, and college enrollment: Multilevel modeling to examine student, high school, and state influences. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 6(2), 84–101. doi:http://dx.doi .org/10.1037/a0033231 Kozol, J. (1991). Savage inequalities: Children in America’s schools. New York, NY: Random House. Lopez, M. (2009). Latinos and education: Explaining the attainment gap. Retrieved from http://www.pewhispanic.org/2009/10/07/latinos-and-education-explaining -the-attainment-gap/ Lutz, A. (2007). Barriers to high-school completion among immigrant and latergeneration Latinos in the USA: Language, ethnicity and socioeconomic status. Ethnicities, 7(3), 323–342. doi:10.1177/1468796807080232 McKinney, L., & Roberts, T. (2012). The role of community college financial aid counselors in helping students understand and utilize financial aid. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 36(10), 761–774. doi:10.1080/1066892 6.2011.585112 Muller, C., Riegle-Crumb, C., Schiller, K., Wilkinson, L., & Frank, K. (2010). Race and academic achievement in racially diverse high schools: Opportunity and stratification. Teachers College Record, 112(4), 1038–1063. Nuñez, A.-M., & Kim, D. (2012). Building a multicontextual model of Latino college enrollment: Student, school, and state-level effects. The Review of Higher Education, 35(2), 237–263. doi:10.1353/rhe.2012.0004 Perna, L. W. (2006). Studying college access and choice: A proposed conceptual model. In J. C. Smart (Ed.), Higher education (pp. 99–157). Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer. Retrieved from http://link.springer.com/chapter/ 10.1007/1-4020-4512-3_3 Perna, L. W. (2008). Understanding high school students’ willingness to borrow to pay college prices. Research in Higher Education, 49(7), 589–606. doi:10.1007/ s11162-008-9095-6 Perna, L. W., Chunyan Li, Walsh, E., & Raible, S. (2010). The status of equity for Hispanics in public higher education in Florida and Texas. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 9(2), 145–166. doi:10.1177/1538192709331973

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Perna, L. W., & Steele, P. (2011). Teachers College Record: The role of context in understanding the contributions of financial aid to college opportunity. Teachers College Record, 113(5), 895–933. Radwin, D., Wine, J., Siegel, P., & Bryan, M. (2013, August 20). 2011–12 National Postsecondary Student Aid Study (NPSAS:12): Student financial aid estimates for 2011–12. Retrieved from http://nces.ed.gov/pubsearch/pubsinfo .asp?pubid=2013165 Roderick, M., Coca, V., & Nagaoka, J. (2011). Potholes on the road to college high school effects in shaping urban students’ participation in college application, four-year college enrollment, and college match. Sociology of Education, 84(3), 178–211. doi:10.1177/0038040711411280 Sáenz, V. B., & Ponjuán, L. (2009). The vanishing Latino male in higher education. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 8(1), 54–89. Scott-Clayton, J. (2012). Information constraints and financial aid policy (Working Paper No. 17811). Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research. Retrieved from http://www.nber.org/papers/w17811 Snyder, T. D., & Dillow, S. A. (2013). Digest of education statistics, 2012 (No. 2014015). Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics, Institute of Education Sciences, U.S. Department of Education. Retrieved from http://ies .ed.gov/pubsearch/pubsinfo.asp?pubid=2014015 Turcios-Cotto, V. Y., & Milan, S. (2013). Racial/ethnic differences in the educational expectations of adolescents: Does pursuing higher education mean something different to Latino Students compared to White and Black students? Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 42(9), 1399–1412. doi:10.1007/s10964-012-9845-9 Valenzuela, A. (1999). Subtractive schooling: U.S.-Mexican youth and the politics of caring. Albany, NY: SUNY Press. van der Weiden, A., Aarts, H., & Ruys, K. (2013). On the nature of experiencing self-agency: The role of goals and primes in inferring oneself as the cause of behavior. Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 7(12), 888–904. doi:10.1111/ spc3.12075 Wells, R. S., Seifert, T. A., Padgett, R. D., Park, S., & Umbach, P. D. (2011). Why do more women than men want to earn a four-year degree? Exploring the effects of gender, social origin, and social capital on educational expectations. Journal of Higher Education, 82(1), 1–32. Wlodkowski, R. J., & Ginsberg, M. B. (1995). Diversity and motivation: Culturally responsive teaching. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Zarate, M. E., & Pachon, H. P. (2006). Perceptions of college financial aid among California Latino youth. Los Angeles, CA: Tomas Rivera Policy Institute.

PA RT T W O E X P L O R I N G T H E O R I E S TO U N D E R S TA N D T H E PAT H WAY S F O R L AT I N O M A L E S I N H I G H E R E D U C AT I O N

3 THE GEOGRAPHY OF AC A D E M I C S U P P O RT A Framework to Understand Latino Male Perceptions and Practices in Higher Education Julie López Figueroa

D

eciding to examine the educational experiences of Latino males in higher education for my dissertation topic in the late 1990s was in response to what happened to my brothers, Raúl and Alfredo. Although my brothers eventually obtained graduate degrees from top universities in the United States, growing up in a low-income neighborhood, attending K–12 schools in that neighborhood, and being Latino did not make that educational journey easy. Being witness to the everyday realities within my neighborhood and school surfaced one interesting and unexpected understanding. From my perspective, gangs and military recruiters incessantly, aggressively, and nimbly seem to locate my brothers as well as the other young men of color in my neighborhood. In spite of obvious dissimilarities between gangs and the military, the intentionality of enrolling my brothers in their respective organizations proved to be a relentless campaign without deadlines and, at times, without boundaries. By comparison, absent is the best way to describe the intentionality of nearby institutions of higher education compared to gangs and the military, which today could be viewed as alternative early childhood and youth development–targeting organizations.

43

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THE PATHWAYS FOR LATINO MALES IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Compounding this neighborhood reality was the discourse and practice of schools utilizing resources and opportunities to prevent students from dropping out of school rather than positioning students to experience academic success. Unintentionally, what was not happening in school and postsecondary institutions combined with the directed efforts by gangs and military recruiters cultivated a systemic condition for all the children living in my neighborhood. Namely, the systemic condition framed academic success as something achieved if students possessed the skills and motivation to survive the operating gauntlet of challenges. When institutions are portrayed as having peripheral influence on a student’s academic performance, the story around academic success is at best incomplete. For student-centered practitioners, student effort is not decoupled from transformational leadership and institutional change. Transformational leaders astutely locate aspects of the schooling system and practices that threaten the chances for any first-generation students to academically succeed (Balmer, Lindley, & Lucido, 2011). In this way, transformational leaders willingly challenge the tradition of reserving the best resources and opportunities for high achievers because fundamentally privileging some students over others institutionalizes academic success for some and academic failure for others. In higher education, countering low graduation and retention rates for underrepresented minority students (Fry, 2003; Moreno, 2000; Nevarez, 2001) means transformational leaders and scholars must engage in dialogue to activate different outcomes (Gándara & Contreras, 2009), particularly given the mounting educational crisis confronting men of color in higher education (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). Whereas other chapters in this book centrally discuss notions of male privilege and masculinity, this chapter highlights higher education as a context and how its schooling practices impact Latinos. By centering the experiences and perceptions negotiated by Latino males, this chapter introduces an innovative framework referred to as the geography of academic support. The geography of academic support reconsiders and reframes notions of academic success and retention to better understand the educational experiences of Latinos in higher education. The geography of academic support is both inspired and informed by the work of Stanton-Salazar’s (1997) network analytic framework, Lave and Wenger’s (1991) theory on situated learning, and Seamon’s (1980) time-space routine. Quite simply, the geography of academic support is a hybrid framework that considers how and why students physically situate themselves in particular places within our respective campuses. The repetitive decision by students to place themselves in certain areas versus others reveals the construction of educational pathways. In some ways, these pathways reveal a negotiated comprehension forged by exploratory

THE GEOGRAPHY OF ACADEMIC SUPPORT

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efforts to identify, utilize, and operationalize resources and opportunities that best address students’ academic needs. Potentially, these educational pathways flag where the institution is thriving and also what must be reconsidered to provide a top-quality, inclusive education. Understanding the educational journey of graduating Latinos begs this question: How do we understand the strategies Latino undergraduates employ in order to secure a pathway toward graduation?

Diversity in Higher Education: Schooling Conditions Confronting Minority Students Like other social institutions, higher education is a cultural context with a unique set of practices, traditions, norms, and language. Instead of debating whether institutional racism exists, research reminds us that institutional racism can no longer be dismissed as one inherited element still operating within higher education (Altbach & Lomotey, 1991; S. Hurtado, Milem, ClaytonPedersen, & Allen, 1998; Pincus, 2000; Solórzano, 1997; Sue, 2003, 2004, 2005; Tatum, 1997; Yosso, 2005). Rather than targeting the point of origin or placing blame on any one person/people, the harsh but uncompromising truth about institutional racism is that it cannot exist, be covertly practiced, or become enabled without the contribution of a human source (Sue, 2004). To diffuse essentialist interpretations around institutional racism, White allies can be found among faculty/staff and students, and it is equally true that not all faculty/staff of color may be allies in aiming for academic excellence. According to Sue (2004), institutional racism is not exclusively a matter of personal intent but undergirds the traditions that frame higher education.

Meritocracy: An Institutional Culture and Practice One example of institutional racism is meritocracy. The notion of meritocracy veils the roles of “privilege and favoritism” (Sue, 2004, p. 767) and denies how merit is “socially constructed and standards of competition are set by those in power” (Delgado Bernal, 1999, p. 95). Although various scholars have discussed the negative impact of privilege and favoritism upon students of color through internalized oppression (Tatum, 1997), racial formation (Omi & Winant, 1994), racial microaggression (Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000), campus climate (S. Hurtado, 1994), critical race theory (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995), and White privilege (McIntosh, 1989), institutions of higher education seem unresponsive and unchanged by this research and its findings. At the onset, meritocracy is thought to operate as an independent, neutral, and objective ideological vehicle for governing and educating college students

46

THE PATHWAYS FOR LATINO MALES IN HIGHER EDUCATION

(Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Solórzano, 1997); where learning and teaching are dispensed through a “color-blind” approach and practice with standards of fairness unwavering (Sue, 2004). The oversimplified idea that those “who are successful in life are more competent, capable, intelligent, and motivated . . . [and] those who fail to achieve in society are less capable, intelligent, and motivated” (Sue, 2004, p. 767) challenges attempts at understanding the way academic success actually manifests for first-generation students generally, and in this discussion Latino males specifically. The concept and practice of merit impedes the progress of providing an equitable education as it continues to make higher education increasingly exclusive (Contreras, 2005; Delgado Bernal, 1999; A. Hurtado, Haney, & Garcia, 1998; Sue, 2004). In the absence of consciously questioning meritocracy, administration, faculty, staff, and students engage the “normal routine” of the everyday (Sue, 2004, 2005) through unexamined attitudes and practices, which is where institutional racism remains undetectable, changing in nature, and resilient (Knowles & Prewitt, 1969; Miles, 1989; Pincus, 1994; Sue, 2005). Without critically examining one’s own beliefs, institutional members unknowingly and unintentionally offer collective consent to ideologies and practices that perpetuate institutional racism (Knowles & Prewitt, 1969; Pincus, 1994). The parasitic nature of institutional racism is nourished by meritocracy. Although contributing to someone’s academic failure may not be deliberate, Latino graduation rates reveal persistent disparity in educational outcomes for students of color generally, and more recently Latino males (Figueroa & Garcia, 2006; A. Hurtado et al., 1998; Nevarez, 2001; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). When disparity continues being ongoing, these outcomes reveal systemic conditions. One way to understand these systemic conditions is through institutional racism, known as structural discrimination. Structural discrimination “refers to the policies of dominant race/ethnic/gender institutions and the behavior of the individuals who implement these policies and control these institutions, which are race/ethnic/gender neutral in intent but which have a differential and/or harmful effect on minority race/ethnic/ gender groups” (Pincus, 1994, p. 31). If we see meritocracy as a cultural policy and practice, then reexamining the everyday reality for students of color would be helpful in this discussion.

Examining Diversity: Faculty and Student Experiences and Views in Higher Education Whereas there are many challenges in higher education, one systemic condition that speaks to structural discrimination in everyday practices relates to the way meritocracy infuses teaching and learning (Chesler, Lewis, & Crowfoot, 2005). Although people may not always act out what they believe,

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personal beliefs to a degree may inform the way people do their jobs at the university (Sue, 2010). For instance, some academic disciplines unintentionally give the impression that any valued scholarship worth studying is primarily produced by European and/or White male scholars (Botstein, 1991). Altbach and Lomotey (1991) noted that White liberal faculty even expressed resistance “to structural and curricular changes aimed at reducing racial tensions on campus” (p. 5). Rather than creating a more inclusive curriculum, some scholars believe that integrating non-White or non-European views compromises the academic rigor of a discipline. Another systemic condition has to do with the way students of color can be perceived by faculty. Unchecked beliefs by faculty often culminate in the kind of interactions that result in students of color either never attending the office hours prior to graduating or never returning after their first visit due to negative interactions (Anaya & Cole, 2001; Gloria & Castellanos, 2003; Steward, Gimenez, & Jackson, 1995; Tettegah, 1996). Norman and Norman (1995) suggest that all, but especially White faculty need to examine their ideas concerning their own academic socialization and how that socialization process has interacted with their social and cultural background, and how these ideas have affected their beliefs and assumptions with regard to teaching and learning in multicultural environments. (p. 134)

Additionally, some research suggests that White faculty may hold the belief that students from certain racial/ethnic groups are more competent than others (Noel & Smith, 1996; Steward et al., 1995; Tettegah, 1996). Often the way institutions and faculty view and engage diversity can set precedents among students. One additional systemic condition is the way students perceive one another. Although studies on student achievement suggest that diversity raises the intellectual bar, often White students may not always intermingle with students of color beyond the classroom because they are not viewed as intellectually viable resources (Altbach & Lomotey, 1991; Gloria & Castellanos, 2003; Gurin, Dey, Hurtado, & Gurin, 2002). In college, where group work in class or study groups are vital resources, first-generation college students will experience college very differently than those students who take for granted having unquestionable access to groups and other campus resources (Alva & Padilla, 1995; Castellanos, 1996; Eimers & Pike, 1997). In the absence of deliberate measures to meaningfully integrate diversity, a diverse presence on campus becomes vulnerable to marginalization and excluded from being equal participants within higher education (Loo & Rolison, 1986).

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THE PATHWAYS FOR LATINO MALES IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Perspectives on Academic Success Although some institutions often ground their discussions and practices on much more fixed understandings of academic success, student academic success is dynamic in its very nature given the ongoing navigating and negotiating practices required in order do well in higher education (Gándara, 2005; Rendón, 2006; Solórzano et al., 2000; Valencia, 1997). Most often, students after their entry-level year discover over time that every year leading up to the time of graduation becomes a transition year. To this end, low-income firstgeneration students who excel are often characterized as exhibiting resilient behavior and more motivated, whereas those academically struggling need more incentives to stay motivated about school (Padilla, 1998). Undoubtedly, resiliency and motivation models make their respective contributions in discussion circles within higher education. However, if resiliency and motivation become the only perspectives relied on to construct complete explanations for academic outcomes, the resulting binary analysis risks oversimplifying the academic journey of Latinos and upholding explanations rooted in cultural deficit thinking (Alva & Padilla, 1995; Arellano & Padilla, 1996; Gándara, 1995; R. Gonzalez & Padilla, 1997). A student’s academic performance is not just about what the student is willing to do; it is also a matter of how institutions receive and integrate students as valuable community members. By centering student perceptions within this discussion (S. Hurtado, Carter, & Spuler, 1996; Swail, Redd, & Perna, 2003), Latino scholars (Achor & Morales, 1990; Gloria & Castellanos, 2003; K. Gonzalez, 2002; Yosso, 2005) in the area of higher education contest frameworks that narrowly define what it means to be an academically successful student. Rather than insisting that achieved academic success comes as a result of students forfeiting ethnic pride through cultural and linguistic practices, Barajas and Pierce (2001) believe that assimilation does not always lead to academic success but rather increases stress, making it challenging for students to succeed. Along these same lines, scholars also contest how academic success is viewed and discussed as an uninterrupted trajectory; that is, once a good student always a “good” student, and once a struggling student always a “struggling” student. This bookend interpretation does not recognize how academic success is a socially mediated experience where a student may steward his or her education journey to rely on the quality of interactions among social, cognitive, and institutional factors (Figueroa & Garcia, 2006; Swail et al., 2003). Rendón (2006) suggests that academic success manifests from a series of negotiations that traverse a variety of social contexts within and beyond an institution of higher education. In other words, academic success may not be

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supported solely in higher education but rather is collectively supported in other areas of students’ lives beyond the university (Figueroa & Garcia, 2006; Gloria & Castellanos, 2003; Phelan, Davidson, & Yu, 1993; Rendón, 2006). Aside from faculty and mentors forming these supportive networks, often students also turn to family and friends, who may not always know anything about college but offer significant support (Cabrera, Nora, & Castaneda, 1993; Chiang, Hunter, & Yeh, 2004). Supportive networks serve as important buffers to reduce and/or prevent feelings of isolation and alienation for students of color (Eimers & Pike, 1997; McGlynn, 1997). Examining the nature of academic success for Latinos in higher education means learning more about students’ perceptions regarding what constitutes opportunity structures and resources. Even when students manage to succeed, we cannot afford to assume that academic excellence by a student prohibits him or her from feeling alienated and unwelcomed (S. Hurtado, 1994). According to Loo and Rolison (1986), “Although academic excellence in curriculum, programs, and teaching and accessible or supportive faculty contribute to satisfaction with the academic institution, ethnic minority students can still feel socioculturally alienated” (p. 72). For the most part, when it comes to underrepresented, first-generation students, predominantly White institutions, especially, seem to undervalue minorities despite having programs geared toward anticipating the students’ needs in a diversifying population (Figueroa & Garcia, 2006; K. Gonzalez, 2002; Loo & Rolison, 1986). Views on academic success require constant calibration to offer a greater approximation to explain the pathways Latinos carve toward graduation.

Tenets Framing the Geography of Academic Support The educational crisis facing Latinos in higher education calls for stretching our thinking beyond traditional conceptual models and continuing to think innovatively to apply an interdisciplinary approach. Working from a perspective that academic success is a socially mediated experience (Figueroa & Garcia, 2006; Gloria & Castellanos, 2003; Phelan et al., 1993; Rendón, 2006), this chapter highlights those social factors and processes students identified as informing their academic outlook, practice, and discourse. Network analytic framework. The network analytic framework proves to be helpful in understanding the distinct experiences of both successful and unsuccessful students. Social scientists like Stanton-Salazar (1997) and Phelan and colleagues (1993) suggest that school ideologies and practices are informed by White, middle-class values. Specifically, Stanton-Salazar (1997) believes that students from this similar background are born into a life of “privilege” where home and school cultures replicate the same language and behavior. The mirroring of home and school ideologies and socialization

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practices operated by institutional agents (teachers, counselors, teacher aides, and other school affiliates) ensures the academic prosperity of some students and the demise of others. With secured institutional support, minority students increase their ability to decode academic expectations as well as the “development of various abilities to participate effectively in multiple cultural worlds” (Stanton-Salazar, 1997, p. 22). Essentially, academically successful students realize that higher education is a social landscape defined by “discourses and cognitive styles, and by subtly coercive and social relationships and hidden exclusionary processes” (Stanton-Salazar, 1997, p. 26). Although it is incredibly helpful to know what contributing factors increase the likelihood of academic success, such as family support, mentoring relationships, peer support groups (Nora, Cabrera, Hagedorn, & Pascarella, 1996; Rendón, Jalomo, & Nora, 2000), and same-race peer networks (Villalpando, 2003), Stanton-Salazar (1997) tells us to remember that “social capital embodies social relationships with agents capable of and oriented toward providing, or negotiating one’s access to institutional support” (p. 10). Regardless of whether unconscious, the symbolic violence channeled through meritocracy yearly confronts even our most high-achieving students of color as they make efforts to defeat alienation and isolation (Gándara, 2005). Situated learning. Intentionality brings transparency to the learning process as students develop an understanding of how to engage resources, opportunities, and each other to build learning. In the early 1990s, Lave and Wenger (1991) introduced the notion of situated learning. This concept refers to the classroom as a cultural context that comes alive through a series of social interactive processes that occur through peer accountability. Students engage physically, linguistically, culturally, and cognitively to evolve knowledge through interaction to transform a classroom of students into a community of practice, or learning community (Lave & Wenger, 1991). As a community of practice, learners work together to conceptualize and develop academic practices through building shared understanding with one another. Situated learning frames academic success as a public, cooperative, and systemic manifestation because the intentionality of teaching guides learning. Unlike meritocracy, which individuates the academic journey, situated learning recognizes the way academic success potentially becomes a socially mediated experience. In other words, if all students are not academically succeeding how can we institutionalize academic success as an outcome that is systemic rather than incidental? Time-space routine. Not familiar with the field of critical geography at the time of my dissertation, I realize now that giving multiple copies of the campus map to students as a way of understanding their manifestation of

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academic success is referred to by David Seamon (1980) as a time-space routine. Applying a time-space routine analysis brokers some thinking regarding the way a series of negotiated decisions informs student educational pathways around campus. These routines identify resources and opportunities by location according to where challenges and support manifest. A time-space routine offers insight about why administration, faculty, and staff experience and define institutions distinctly from students. From a time-space routine, excelling in college depends on a student’s social and intellectual proficiency to engage the social landscape that is higher education. Hence, the educational pathways students create reveal historical evidence regarding the ample and/or scarce support needed to smoothly transition into higher education. So, if situated learning explains the way classrooms transform from a “space” with four walls, chairs, and desks into a “place” of learning, a time-space routine acknowledges the physicality involved in socializing students into knowledgeably locating and accessing opportunities and resources to support learning (Cresswell, 2004). Formal examples of a time-space routine would be course schedules that mobilize students to attend class according to the assigned time. The geography of academic support conceptually brings together formal and informal sense-making processes that inform the student construction of educational pathways. So, informally, what happens on the way to class, in class, and after class comprehensively builds meaning to distinguish what experiences represent a challenge from those that reflect support. The notion that academic success can be described using terms like mobility and movement reflects the degree and strength to which students’ academic practice embodies an understanding of what to do while evaluating an institution’s effectiveness to broker the identification and use of resources and opportunities. The degree to which students do and do not make sense of academic success is publicly revealed in the way students navigate and negotiate their educational experiences. Analyzing the academic practice in and of itself invites institutions to reflect on their institutional integrity in terms of providing equitable access to resources and opportunities for all students, while attending to organizational efficiency (Mitchell, Wood, & Witherspoon, 2011). In other words, institutions promote academic success but may not create comprehensive structural opportunities for that to happen.

The Anatomy of the Geography of Academic Support The geography of academic support critically analyzes the nuanced ways in which academic success comes together for Latino males participating in

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higher education. Whereas network analytic theory (Stanton-Salazar, 1997) provokes thinking about how social capital can be constructed in schools, showing that students linked into networks can better decode school culture, situated learning sheds light on the ways students become encoded with a variety of aspects of school culture that are particular to perceived context. Time-space routine asks us to consider how the physical materials like classroom, classroom setup, signs, books, buildings, and offices are resources orchestrated through social interactions that can offer students a situatedlearning experience. Without a secured and transparent means for students to experience situated learning, students will lack full clarity about how to enact being a student. Without campuses taking genuine measures to view diversity as integral to every level of teaching and learning, then diversity and diverse students are treated as unteachable and, worse yet, problems to be solved. The geography of academic support acknowledges that Latino men are uniquely confronted with a systemic racialization and masculinization process (Figueroa, 2002). In other words, there are overriding messages about what it means to be Latino and male, what is the value of being Latino and male, and how to operationalize and embody these two identities on the campus and in the classroom. The geography of academic support suggests that physical movements within the educational pipeline reveal how Latinos make sense of and respond to issues they must confront in order to pursue an education. The geography of academic support preliminarily offers levels of analysis to think about the academic narrative of Latinos in the following ways: • Areas within a schooling context identified as social awareness zones; Latinos stay away from these because they either perceive or experience being devalued or being treated unfairly. • Areas within a schooling context identified as responsive social networks; Latinos gravitate toward them to secure the kind of support they believe critical to their academic well-being. Whereas sites associated with challenges were referred to as social awareness zones, the term responsive social networks (Figueroa, 2002) identified the location and construction of supportive peers, family, friends, faculty, and staff as well as not so positive locations. Together these zones and networks uncovered the microaggressions students (Sue, 2010) experienced not just in class but also while walking from one class to the other, finding a place to sit and eat on campus or at a nearby campus eatery, trying to find a place to study in the university library, or meeting with faculty members during office hours (Figueroa, 2007; Figueroa & Garcia, 2006). Students were often surprised or shocked by the way race and gender for other faculty, staff, and

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students overshadowed and undermined their best academic efforts to do well in school. At times, these social awareness zones provided unfiltered exposure to the harshness of racism, classism, and/or heterosexism. Surviving a context that at times proved unwelcoming and hostile informed part of the educational pathways moving students toward graduation. Responsive social networks provided the right amount of balance to offset the microaggressions experienced by Latinos. As graduating Latinos reflected on their college journey, students supplemented skill-based notions of doing school with the understanding that academic success was also a socially mediated process. As students reflected on their early college-going years from the standpoint of a graduating senior, they talked about themselves as being different people who with time gained a greater understanding about the importance of asking for help, setting aside ego, and locating resources and opportunities that they did not know existed each time their academic needs grew (Figueroa, 2007). To place this framework into perspective, I share the following excerpt from a case study completed in 2007 to illustrate how the geography of academic support can perhaps be utilized. Joaquin’s academic journey recognizes how student agency, systemic conditions, and the benefits of institutional responsiveness interface. I would say I’m a second-class student. I have had to defend the material [curriculum focused on diversity in a government class] that the teacher had given us against the whole class. I had to do that several times, defending material that speaks of racism, speaks of experiences of minorities. I had to defend that. I haven’t gotten tired yet, but it made me feel like, “Why are you [other students] in this class?” [Outside of class] retention programs and courses for minorities get cut, especially right now. That sends a signal to me saying, “You’re not worth, you’re not a priority.” The best [courses were] the Chicano/Latino courses. Those courses brought up the issues in the curriculum, especially the course I had with you [professor] was on la mujer Chicana. That really impacted me. I still have patriarchal characteristics in me that I need to deal with. There is still a lot of homophobia with myself, especially because of the street language that I use, like, “That’s gay.” I need to be able to show someone my vulnerability. I need just that confirmation that I’m [okay]. There is a lot of pressure. It’s stressful. Those classes have been really helping me refine my identity to not be so exclusive in the way I speak or not make someone else feel uncomfortable and really trying to be as inclusive of other cultures.

As the geography of academic support continues evolving, incorporating the work of A. Hurtado and Sinha (2008) whose research applies feminist and

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intersectionality theories to analyze the Latino male experience in higher education. To unpack the Latino male experience in an ongoing way, it is important to understand how masculinity is studied not just from a masculine studies perspective but also from an interdisciplinary perspective to avoid essentialist understandings of Latino masculinity. For now, the foregoing narrative provides insight into the sense making of one student comparing two classroom experiences and the way curriculum can transform a classroom into a safe learning environment. So, when students continue attending class, feel inspired to engage the readings, participate in class discussion, and attend office hours these pieces of evidence show the way the geography of academic support becomes operationalized for students.

Conclusion Although the geography of academic support requires further development, this preliminary work serves as a good platform to carve future work. As practitioners, we are ultimately accountable for ensuring the academic wellbeing of students. If we aim to resolve the Latino male crisis in higher education, we can no longer ascribe to traditional beliefs and practices rooted in merit. Instead, we must employ best practices and transforming policies that are guided by responsive, responsible, reasonable, respectful, and reflective principles (Garcia, 2001). • Assessing the various perspectives of administrators, faculty, staff, and students on the historical and contemporary political workings of an institution will surface gaps in understanding, which might be useful in creating a more inclusive and effective teaching and learning environment. • Accountability structures and leadership must move in the direction of centrally incorporating discussions of diversity across disciplines—yes, even the hard sciences, given the strong underrepresentation of Latinos in the science, technology, engineering, and mathematics fields. • Student narratives are uncollected data because they remain undervalued, underutilized, and readily dismissed by the institution because institutional racism is almost always narrowly viewed as a student of color problem rather than a campus-wide problem. • Intentionality must be reflected with integrity at every level of the institution. If there is a collaborative effort assumed by administrators, faculty, staff, and students, then it is a shared priority. Perhaps it would be important to consider the mission statement of the institution and how it addresses or neglects the issue of diversity.

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Hurtado, S., Milem, J. F., Clayton-Pedersen, A. R., & Allen, W. R. (1998). Enhancing campus climate for racial/ethnic diversity: Educational policy and practice. The Review of Higher Education, 21(3), 279–302. Knowles, L. L., & Prewitt, K. (1969). Institutional racism in America. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Ladson-Billings, G., & Tate, W. F. (1995). Toward a critical race theory of education. Teachers College Record, 97, 47–68. Lave, J., & Wenger, E. (1991). Situated learning: Legitimate peripheral participation. Cambridge, England: University of Cambridge Press. Loo, C. M., & Rolison, G. (1986). Alienation of ethnic minority students at a predominantly White university. Journal of Higher Education, 57(1), 58–77. McGlynn, A. P. (1997). Is the college classroom a “chilly” environment for Hispanic females? Educators propose warming strategies. Hispanic Outlook in Higher Education, 7(24), 14–16. McIntosh, P. (1989). White privilege: Unpacking the invisible knapsack. Retrieved from http://www.cwru.edu/president/aaction/UnpackingTheKnapsack.pdf Miles, R. (1989). Racism. London, UK: Routledge. Mitchell, R. W., Wood, G. K., & Witherspoon, N. (2011). Considering race and space: Mapping developmental approaches for providing culturally responsive advising. Equity & Excellence in Education, 43(3), 294–309. Moreno, S. B. (2000). U.S. Latinos and higher education. Retrieved from http://eric .ed.gov/PDFS/ED468836.pdf Nevarez, C. (2001). Mexican American and other Latinos in postsecondary education: Institutional influences. Retrieved from http://www.ericdigests.org/2002-3/mexican.htm Noel, R. C., & Smith, S. S. (1996). Self-disclosure of college students to faculty: The influence of ethnicity. Journal of College Student Development, 37(1), 88–93. Nora, A., Cabrera, A., Hagedorn, L. S., & Pascarella, E. (1996). Differential impacts of academic and social experiences on college-related behavioral outcomes across different ethnic and gender groups at four-year institutions. Research in Higher Education, 37(4), 427–451. Norman, K. F., & Norman, J. E. (1995). The synergy of minority student performance and faculty renewal. Innovative Higher Education, 20(2), 129–140. Omi, M., & Winant, H. (1994). Racial formation in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1990s (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Routledge. Padilla, R. (1998). Chicana/o college students: Focus on success. Retrieved from http:// www.hacu.net/images/hacu/padilla2.pdf Phelan, P., Davidson, A. L., & Yu, H. C. (1993). Students’ multiple worlds: Navigating the borders of family, peer, and school cultures. In P. Phelan & A. L. Davidson (Eds.), Renegotiating cultural diversity in American schools (pp. 52–88). New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Pincus, F. L. (1994). From individual to structural discrimination. In F. L. Pincus & H. J. Ehrlich (Eds.), Race and ethnic conflict: Contending views on prejudice, discrimination and ethnoviolence (pp. 82–87). Boulder, CO: Westview.

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Pincus, F. L. (2000). Discrimination comes in many forms: Individual, institutional, and structural. In M. Adams, W. J. Blumenfeld, R. Castaneda, H. W. Hackman, M. L. Peters, & X. Zuniga (Eds.), Readings for diversity and social justice: An anthology on racism, sexism, anti-Semitism, heterosexism, classism, and ableism (pp. 31–34). New York, NY: Routledge. Rendón, L. I. (2006). Reconceptualizing success for underserved students in higher education. Washington, DC: National Postsecondary Education Cooperative. Rendón, L. I., Jalomo, R. E., & Nora, A. (2000). Theoretical considerations in the study of minority student retention in higher education. In J. M. Braxton (Ed.), Reworking the student departure puzzle (pp. 127–156). Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press. Sáenz, V., & Ponjuán, L. (2009). The vanishing Latino male in higher education. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 8(1), 54–89. Seamon, D. (1980). Body-subject, time-space routines, and place-ballets. In A. Buttimer & D. Seamon (Eds.), The human experience of space and place (pp. 148–165). London, UK: Croom-Helm. Solórzano, D. (1997). Images and words that wound: Critical race theory, racial stereotyping, and teacher education. Teacher Education Quarterly, 24, 5–19. Solórzano, D., Ceja, M., & Yosso, T. (2000). Critical race theory, racial microaggressions and campus racial climate: The experiences of African American college students. Journal of Negro Education, 69, 60–73. Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (1997). A social capital framework for understanding the socialization of racial minority children and youths. Harvard Educational Review, 67(1), 1–39. Steward, R. J., Gimenez, M. M., & Jackson, J. D. (1995). A study of personal preferences of successful university students as related to race/ethnicity and sex: Implications and recommendations for training, practices, and future research. Journal of College Student Development, 36(2), 123–131. Sue, D. W. (2003). Overcoming our racism: The journey to liberation. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Sue, D. W. (2004). Whiteness and ethnocentric monoculturalism: Making the invisible visible. American Psychologist, 59, 759–769. Sue, D. W. (2005). Racism and the conspiracy of silence. Counseling Psychologist, 33(1), 100–114. Sue, D. W. (2010). Microaggressions in everyday life: Race, gender, and sexual orientation. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Swail, W. S., Redd, K. E., & Perna, L. W. (2003). Retaining minority students in higher education: A framework for success. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Tatum, B. D. (1997). Why are all the black kids sitting together in the cafeteria? And other conversations about race. New York, NY: Basic Books. Tettegah, S. (1996). The racial consciousness attitudes of White prospective teachers and their perceptions of the teachability of students from different racial/ethnic backgrounds: Findings from a California study. Journal of Negro Education, 65(2), 151–163.

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Valencia, R. (Ed.). (1997). The evolution of deficit thinking: Educational thought and practice. New York, NY: Routledge. Villalpando, O. (2003). Self-segregation or self-preservation? A critical race theory and Latina/o critical theory analysis of a study of Chicana/o college students. Qualitative Studies in Education, 16(5), 619–646. Yosso, T. (2005). Critical race counterstories along the Chicana/Chicano educational pipeline. New York, NY: Routledge.

4 (RE)CONSTRUCTING MASCULINITY Understanding Gender Expectations Among Latino Male College-Going Students Julie López Figueroa, Patricia A. Pérez, and Irene I. Vega

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lthough research has historically has compared educational outcomes among groups, gender is emerging as an important mediating factor of intragroup achievement gaps. The educational plight of Latino males is one illustration of this phenomenon. Understanding the complex trajectories of Latino males as they progress through the educational pipeline is an important and historically overlooked piece of a larger puzzle. This chapter highlights the need to approach research on achievement gaps from a more nuanced perspective, acknowledging that the most interesting social phenomena emerge at the intersection of race, class, and gender, among other constructs. Specifically, this chapter draws on Latino male narratives to highlight how variations of Latino masculinity are constructed and reconstructed in academic spaces. Several aspects of this chapter are unique. First, it focuses exclusively on Latino males en route to and within public higher education. Most educational research elucidates the experiences of Latino males relative to their female counterparts (Cerna, Pérez, & Sáenz, 2009; Zarate & Gallimore, 2005). Although this comparative work has been critical in turning researchers’ attention to gender as an analytic category that has implications for higher education access and equity, there is limited research that focuses on Latino male experiences exclusively (Figueroa, 2002; Figueroa & Garcia, 2006; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). Additionally, most research examining masculinity and schooling focuses on White boys and men (Archer, 2003), and studies 60

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that contend with racialization approach their inquiries from a Black-White paradigm (Archer, 2003; hooks, 2003). With rare exceptions (e.g., Schwartz, Donovan, & Guido-DiBrito, 2009), few studies have focused exclusively on the successful experiences of Latino males in higher education (Huerta & Fishman, 2015; chapter 8, this volume). Second, this qualitative study employs a unique theoretical framework to analyze our findings. The geography of academic support (chapter 3; Figueroa, 2002) underscores the vulnerabilities and strengths that Latinos negotiate as they pursue higher education. Thus, we use the term (re)construct to remind readers that masculinity is not a static cultural model but rather a shifting set of normative and gendered behaviors, attitudes, and practices that largely depend on social and cultural contexts. Finally, this chapter contributes a more complete view of Latino males in the California public educational system than has been previously available. Currently, Texas, California, and Florida are the three states with the largest number of Latinos (U.S. Census Bureau, 2015). Our sample is not only of a moderate size (n = 27), but also includes Latinos from different stages in the educational pipeline, from junior year in high school to senior year in a 4-year higher education institution. Because these sites reflect public institutions in California, they can improve our understanding of college opportunity throughout the state. In sum, the purpose of this chapter is twofold: (a) to document the experiences of Latinos in higher education using their own voices, and (b) to identify the gender expectations Latinos confront as they pursue higher education.

What We Know Latino Masculinity According to Gutmann (2007) and Archer (2003) masculinity or masculinities can be understood only in regard to other identities, or “as being located within complex, unequal power relations and structural inequalities” (Archer, 2003, p. 14). Archer asserts that the use of critical research methods (e.g., see Martino & Pallotta-Chiarolli, 2003) highlights that these inequalities are collectively and historically situated and are not necessarily accepted but confronted. Further, Archer argues that structural inequalities can shift with time and place while simultaneously remaining constant. For example, Cleaver (2002) argues that fluctuations in economic, social, and household structures result in “crises of masculinity” (p. 3) and asserts that low educational achievement and few familial role

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models among males can be the result of such shifts. Given the volatile nature of the economy, these effects can have severe costs in future years. Those impacted the most by economic trends will include low- and formerly middle-income families. Along the same trajectory as Gutmann (2007) and Archer (2003), Mirandé (1997) examines Latino masculinity and finds that “Latino men do not constitute a homogenous, monolithic, unvarying mass, as was depicted in the traditional model. This suggests that there is not one masculine mode but a variety of modalities that are not only different, but often contradictory” (p. 17). Within the frame of masculinity studies, few scholars have incorporated race and ethnicity in their analyses (Edwards, 2006). According to Vigoya (2003), not until the late 1980s did research on Latin American men and gender surface. Vigoya argues that “until then men were identified with humans in general, and male privilege made the problem of men as such invisible” (p. 27). Even less common is the study of Latino masculinity within the context of higher education (Figueroa, 2002; Figueroa & Garcia, 2006). Furthermore, Latino masculinity has traditionally been examined from a cultural perspective with a specific focus on machismo (Baca Zinn, 1982; see also González, 1996). This perspective emphasizes cultural norms that establish and maintain male privilege in the gender hierarchy. However, Baca Zinn (1982) asserts that although there are cultural/ethnic differences in the ideas associated with masculinity, “these differences can be explained by structural variables rather than by references to common cultural variables” (p. 30).

Latinas/os, Gender, and Education Cammarota’s (2004) ethnographic study of the schooling orientations of low-income Latina/o youth provides an example of how gender mediates students’ educational perceptions or, more specifically, how students understand the role of education in resisting oppression. He finds gender differences in students’ perceptions and engagement patterns toward school and concludes that Latinas’ educational success can be understood as resistance to traditional gender roles that deem them subordinate to males in the social order. Due to the privilege afforded to men in a patriarchal society, race is a more salient identity for his Latino participants.1 There are also differences in the ways in which men and women respond to salient forms of oppression. Whereas Latinas resist gender oppression by adopting an “I’ll prove them wrong” attitude and striving for educational success, their male counterparts often react to racial oppression by engaging in activities that can reinforce their subordinate position in the social order. For example, Latino males may resist racialized school contexts by cutting class, which in turn jeopardizes

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their educational success. Gendered resistance strategies provide a clear example of how male privilege is effectively reduced or interrupted in the larger societal context due to race and class and result in what Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) call “subordinated masculinities.” The term subordinated masculinities emphasizes that male privilege is not absolute and static, but largely dependent on social context. Indeed, Cammarota (2004) concludes that school success for Latina/o youth is closely related to “multiple sociocultural forces defining their societal positions” (p. 54). Therefore, school success is a result not simply of individual effort or school factors but also of Latinas/os’ social location in society. Lopez (2003) provides a similarly nuanced example of the salience of race/ethnicity and gender in the educational trajectories of Latina/o high school students. Whereas Cammarota’s participants are primarily of Mexican descent, Lopez studies the educational trajectories of Dominicans and uncovers similar themes; males are policed and criminalized in educational spaces, and this deters their educational success. Thus, men are perceived as deviant and prone to gang violence and other criminal behavior, while women are perceived as hopeful and less threatening. Archer’s (2003) contributions on boys and Black masculinity and schooling are consistent with Lopez’s conclusions. Archer notes, In the few spaces where they have been addressed, minority ethnic boys and issues of “black masculinity” have been negatively represented and conceptualized within dominant social and educational discourses. Minority ethnic boys thus occupy contradictory positions, being both invisible and hyper-visible, represented as both outside of/exceptions to “normal” masculinity and also the epitome, or source, of particular anti-social problems. (p. 12)

Hall (2006) puts forth that the manifestation of the multiple complexities of male adolescence, such as puberty and hypermasculinity, are compounded for males of color as they become increasingly aware of the negative imagery associated with their ethnic group. Eventually, these challenges may surface as “low academic achievement, delinquency, substance abuse, premature sexual activity, alienation, and acts of aggression and violence” (Hall, 2006, p. 18). These reactions are tied to larger notions of masculinity and femininity, which dictate acceptable roles for boys and girls; females are expected to express their femininity by behaving or controlling aggression, whereas males are conditioned to believe that it is acceptable to express their masculinity by defying rules and challenging authority (Feliciano & Rumbaut, 2005). As such, Latino males’ educational trajectories may be disrupted as a result of racialized notions of masculinity.

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The Study Previous research demonstrates the importance of gender in education, little is known about what gender expectations college-going Latinos confront and how they negotiate these expectations in the pursuit of their academic goals. The broader research question guiding this study is: What are the gender expectations Latinos confront as they pursue higher education?

Method and Analysis To address this question, we use a subsample (n = 27) of a larger mixedmethods dataset, collected over 2 years (see Appendix 4.1). All participants in the subsample were first-generation college-going or college-bound U.S.born Latinos (of Mexican descent) from low-income socioeconomic backgrounds. To analyze our themes, we use grounded theory and the geography of academic support (Figueroa, 2002). Grounded theory (Strauss & Corbin, 1990) allows us to excavate meaning from the student narrative, whereas the geography of academic support offers a perspective to think about the way students highlight and contest educational inequality. The geography of academic support recognizes that Latino men who attend higher educational institutions confront a systemic racialization and masculinization process (Strauss & Corbin, 1990) in these spaces. Inspired by the literature on campus climate (Hurtado, 2002), networks (Stanton-Salazar, 1997), and critical geography (Cresswell, 2004), the geography of academic support explores the idea that academically successful Latino students negotiate and navigate racialization and masculinization processes psychologically and emotionally, while also navigating higher education from a spatial dimension. Access to or absence of resources and opportunities mediates a student’s ability to conceptualize and enact an academic practice that resonates with an institution’s definition of standard practice to achieve academic excellence. Critical geography suggests that the college context remains a neutral or even alienating space rather than being transformed into a place when there is not an opportunity to achieve shared understanding about how to meaningfully connect to a context. More often than not first-generation, underrepresented minority students experience marginalization and alienation. This is partly due to the absence of a purposeful integration of diversity as a topic and perspective in the curriculum, classroom, and campus interactions, and in the way that the larger campus community engages with one another to conduct teaching and learning. The geography of academic support acknowledges that race and ethnic2 ity intersect as well as engage in a contextually responsive manner. In this chapter, our focus is on how race and ethnicity interact with gender and how the intersection of these identities impacts Latino males’ experiences

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in education. We argue that the compounding impacts of receiving differential treatment based on a combination of race/ethnicity, language, and/or gender broker Latinos’ ability to engage meaningfully within their respective educational institutions. Specifically, we situate the racialization processes as emerging from societal structures and impacting their experiences in various social institutions, our focus being education. For example, when respondents discuss the messages they received from their families about “being the man of the house,” we are more directly addressing Latino gender norms. However, it is critical that we emphasize our previous statement that race and ethnicity are engaged in a dialectical relationship—one that is difficult to disentangle. In sum, our respondents’ social location as men of color in a racialized society sections the educational landscape into social awareness zones where they become aware of social sites related to hostility, unwelcomeness, support, and/or encouragement. Additionally, the geography of academic support suggests there is an increased likelihood for Latino males to succeed when they create a responsive social network. These networks reflect student agency and perseverance and at the same time signal the degree to which counselors, faculty, staff, and peers understand and support Latino male college students as they confront challenges that uniquely define their schooling experiences. The geography of academic support allows us to unpack how Latinos conceptualize and practice academic success in conjunction with institutional efforts and agents that explicitly broker opportunity.

Findings The experiences that frame Latino male student conceptualizations of how to think about, approach, and academically achieve in college were very similar and deeply rooted individualized notions of doing school. There were strong messages about being accountable for their own success. The individuating processes force these men to reflect on their own self-worth and simultaneously defend themselves against a social and educational system that they perceive to be working against them. Most notable in these narratives are the ways that gender expectations become intertwined with academic performance via notions of independence, accountability, and leadership. For example, Lupe, a community college student, illustrates how individualism impacts our participants’ thinking about higher education and their responsibility in this context: Researcher: Lupe:

Did your family communicate any expectations to you about college? Yes, they did. They said that as I go to college, everything was going to be placed on me. . . . All the responsibility was going

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Researcher: Lupe:

to be placed on me and I should get out of [community] college and into the university as soon as possible. So when you said they put the responsibility on you . . . what do you mean by responsibility? To take care of my classes. I cannot fail a class. I need to pass with at least a “B,” put effort into the class. Show that I really want to become someone in life.

In this particular instance, Lupe demonstrates the extreme pressure and responsibility his family place on him. As a first-generation college student, navigating his own trail complicates his journey. In addition, to keep up with his responsibilities or “become someone in life” meant that to fail would equate to being a nobody. Meanwhile Alberto, a high school junior, conveys how his family’s expectations are specifically related to his maleness. My mom, she expects me to do a lot because she tells me I’m the man of the house now. She expects me to act more mature. . . . The thing that bothers me is I might act a little childish sometimes. You know how sometimes you just act childish? And there’s nothing wrong with that but I have to prove to my mom that I’m a guy, you know, a man and stuff like that. So my expectations are not tough or hard—she just wants me to take care of the house when she’s not around.

Although this particular quote is about the leadership role he is expected to take within the home, it is rooted in notions of masculinity that may have spillover effects into how a Latino male is expected to behave in an educational setting. Specifically, Alberto’s narrative exemplifies the preexistence of established male role expectations in the home that define his roles and responsibilities at an early age without taking into account the ways in which this will impact his higher education pursuits. An example of how preestablished gender expectations inhibit our participants’ educational paths or limit the fulfillment of expectations is the issue of gangs. Manuel’s tangled reality begins to unveil this complex relationship between fulfilling expectations and the obstacles to participating in higher education. Manuel:

Researcher: Manuel:

When you join a gang you have more power, show people they have power. I think that’s why I started going into that direction. That was your schooling experience? So you know you have all Cs, everyone’s “ah that’s cool,” if you have all Ds and Fs, you were even cooler. So I started changing

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my straight As to straight Ds. So I started getting their respect and started fighting people, cause I was, like, kind of angry, yeah. But that’s where I just snapped back in the middle of my junior [year]. Bull crap, I don’t want this anymore. That’s why I was going to school from, like, 7 a.m. to, like, 9 p.m. [in high school to be able to graduate], at the same time taking courses at community college to just catch up, that’s when I did push myself, I was sleeping, like, two or three hours a day, doing work, and I was, like, 17.

With few opportunities in school compared to abundant criminalizing prospects, like violence and gang involvement, it seems that Latino men must reconceptualize masculinity by first breaking free from low expectations and then coming to terms with the belief that their body and mind can make a greater positive contribution to society. These quotes highlight some of the ways in which the intersection of race/ethnicity, class, and gender influenced Latinos’ educational experiences. These results raise important questions about how we socialize young men of color to participate in academic spaces. For college-going Latino males, they must balance what it means to be the “man of the house” in a familyoriented culture and how to be academically successful in a very individualistic setting. It seems that given these participants were first-generation college students, their families also recognized that pursuing higher education was a goal their sons would have to take responsibility for and that they would have to be held accountable for their own academic success (or failure). Carrying out this role undoubtedly placed a huge weight on Latinos, as in the case of Lupe, to not only succeed for themselves but also by extension improve their familial chances for social mobility. Based on this finding, we suggest that impoverished, crime-ridden neighborhoods may be particularly significant in the lives of young males. Although these types of neighborhoods are undoubtedly dangerous for females, Lopez (2003) argues that because Latinos are exempt from domestic responsibilities they spend more time outside the home; this deprives them of the support networks available to females in their families. Ironically, the higher social status afforded to males in patriarchal homes may result in prolonged exposure to the social ills of crime-ridden neighborhoods (Valenzuela, 1999). Because boys are given more freedom, they may be more readily “recruited into the mores of their . . . social environments, which are often deeply impoverished inner-city schools that do not foster cultures of high-achievement orientation” (Suarez-Orozco & Qin-Hilliard, 2004, p. 306). Indeed, notions of masculinity and heterosexuality created serious tensions in the way Latino men engaged in higher education. To exemplify,

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the following is Ernesto’s (a transfer student) own perspective about how schooling is certainly intertwined with being male: Your job is to be a provider, not to go to school. Women have more time and they are more passionate about it. I don’t want to ask for help. I was in the library looking for a book and I couldn’t find it, but I didn’t want to ask for it. I’m thinking that they are gonna think that I am stupid or something. If a girl did it, then they would just think, “Oh, she just can’t find it.” And I’m not thinking that I’m not going to [do] it because I’m a guy. When we exchanged numbers it was because of class, the first thing that I told her [was], “I don’t want you to think that I am hitting on you. I just need help. Can you help me please?” And I think that when a guy asks a girl for help, it’s automatically [assumed] you are hitting on them because guys don’t ask for help. A guy is not gonna go ask another guy for help, in my opinion. A guy is not gonna be like, “Hey, can you help me out with that?” because any guy is gonna be like “Are you gay?”

This student seemed to describe his need for help as emasculating by not figuring things out on one’s own merit. Notably, asking for help from another male was somehow associated with being gay. Generally, when men resort to conceptualizing the act of one man exposing their academic vulnerability to another as being gay, homophobia is not the only way to understand this comment. Often, men appear entrapped by the way masculinity means having to be uncompromisingly competent or seemingly invincible. Whereas most of the Latino males in the sample were attempting to juggle their leadership roles in the home and university setting, Joaquin suggested that when his traditional gender identity was not upheld his masculinity was challenged. He states, A lot of the females are used to that traditional male behavior and so when they [women] would become involved with me, they would think that I was just a “wussy” . . . and they couldn’t understand me, so it was confirmed by what the traditional male is and what the traditional female is. All these really stereotypical things happened to me and I didn’t fully understand it until I was older. After the way my mom raised me and then the way that society was, there was a big clash of [being] a traditional male and having more progressive male identity. At the university, they have really defined my identity as a male and I have to be more cautious of how I speak and how I view females. The best [courses were] the Chicano/Latino courses. Those courses brought up the issues in the curriculum, especially the course I had with you about the mujer [woman] Chicana. That really impacted me. I still have patriarchal characteristics in me that I need to deal with. There is still a lot of homophobia with myself, especially because of the street language that

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I use, like “that’s gay.” I need to be able to show someone my vulnerability. I need just that confirmation that I’m okay. There is a lot of pressure. It’s stressful. Those classes have been really helping me refine my identity to not be so exclusive in the way I speak or not make someone else feel uncomfortable and really trying to be as inclusive of other cultures.

It is important to underscore that Joaquin critically engaged with the curriculum to reconcile imposed notions of gender and masculinity. However, when students elected to challenge their “traditional” roles as Latino males they were faced with unexpected confrontations and assumptions. For example, Joaquin struggled with his gendered role, especially when he interacted with women. As he noted previously, “having [a] more progressive male identity” was a direct result of having been raised by a mother who was a single parent. However, the way he carried himself did not sit well with the assumptions others relegated to his Latino male role, and as a result, Joaquin was labeled a “wussy.” Through his ethnic and gender studies courses he was beginning to understand and apply a critical lens to the socialization processes underscoring these role assumptions. Indeed, scholars have argued the importance of such courses in educating informed, global citizens for a diverse future (Hurtado, 2002). In sum, by lacking a supportive environment in and outside the classroom, our participants struggled with the gender expectations imposed on them by both their families and society at large.

Implications Based on the literature reviewed for this analysis and the results of this study, we offer strategies in the following sections to enhance the academic achievement of Latino male students and promote a positive Latino male identity in higher education.

Strategies for Institutional Programming and Policy Unquestionably, the students in our sample were confronted with their racialized male identities. In most cases, these students came from neighborhoods where their racial and ethnic identities were less salient because the community was composed largely of the same group. In this respect, the students may not know how to deconstruct and analyze their multiple identities. It would be in the interest of postsecondary institutions to increase their gender, counseling, and psychological service centers to be able to appropriately assist Latino males and other students of color in their identity development. However, this is not to suggest that Latino male identity development should be left to student affairs professionals. It is vital that educators also extend

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their support through classroom experiences that utilize critical pedagogy and promote positive mentoring experiences. Whereas most colleges and universities require a cultural or racial/ethnic diversity course, a gender studies course requirement is less common. Institutionalizing an additional gender studies course as a requirement would assist men of color in starting to question and be critical of their gender roles and expectations. Requiring such a course may provide the opportunity for Latino males to reexamine their conceptualizations of what it means to be a “man” and a “provider” and how to gain “respeto.”

Strategies for Educators and Practitioners It is important to structure postsecondary opportunities in which Latino males (and other men of color) can engage with each other. For example, structured peer mentoring programs that pair first- and second-year students with junior- and senior-standing students would provide an opportunity for incoming male college students to ask questions in a setting that does not portray them as vulnerable. As an alternative, workshops geared for this population with the same intentions would provide an additional space for Latinos to come together in a purposeful setting to exchange academic information. Additionally, within the classroom, instructors would do well to oblige students to exchange contact information so that cross-gendered correspondences are not suspect.

Strategies for Researchers To improve the overall status of Latinos throughout the educational pipeline researchers must engage in a critical exploration of the complex interactions of race/ethnicity, class, and gender, among other constructs. We must consider that the Latino male socialization process is complex and informed by multiple contexts, including the home, school, and society. Although there are established literature themes that resonate with the findings of this study, there is a dearth of research that purposefully examines how gender mediates educational outcomes among Latinos. Consistent with Sáenz and Ponjuán (2009), future research should seek to identify and raise awareness of the role of mentors, families, and communities in the quest to assist Latino males. Also, we recognize that students’ narratives reflect the prevalence of family dynamics in their navigation of educational spaces and the development of a positive Latino male identity. Specifically, examining whether or how the family may reinforce the role of men as providers in “traditional” Mexican households is a promising direction for future research. That is, do men bypass postsecondary education and head into the labor market to fulfill gendered expectations? How do traditional expectations that males have to

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be the “man of the house” affect how they position themselves in educational spaces or their help-seeking orientations? We sought not to essentialize Latino masculinity not only because we understand the complexities of gender, especially as it intersects with race/ ethnicity and class, but also because we recognize the absence of gay Latino student voices in our sample. This limitation of our data has certainly influenced the results we have presented, and we maintain that no analysis of Latino masculinity is complete without the inclusion of gay Latino students. This is a population of men that is especially disregarded in research and one that we urge scholars to incorporate in future studies.

Conclusion This study contributes to existing knowledge about Latina/o students’ experiences by facilitating a deeper understanding of the influence of gender through the voices of the students themselves. In addition, by harnessing the potential of qualitative approaches, we contribute a more nuanced perspective to the dire demographic trends of Latino males in education. Based on this research, we argue that assuming homogeneity in students’ experiences and a “one size fits all” approach to educational policy and programming is not only naïve but also unproductive and lacks awareness of the diverse student population in the United States. We know that institutional leaders seldom include student voices and often overlook community cultural resources when they are in the process of developing interventions, policies, and programs to address educational disparities. This planning strategy becomes less appropriate as our student population continues to diversify. Overall, our chapter, and others in this book, are integral to the effort to better understand a population that is growing rapidly in numbers and is in critical danger of not fully participating in higher education. The detrimental consequences of poor educational attainment among Latinos are not isolated or contained to the Latino community. The sleeping giant, as the media often call the Latina/o population, has the potential to shift national economic trends, has already transformed the face of America and the workforce, and will continue to be one of the most seminal influences in determining the direction of the country.

Notes 1. This is not to say that females do not contend with racial oppression and that males are not conscious of gender oppression or privilege. Cammarota (2004)

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highlights the relative saliency of different identities and how these shape Latina/o youths’ schooling orientations. 2. Although there is no denying ethnicity (cultural symbols associated with a group) and race (socially created category that defines certain groups as subordinate) intersect, the geography of academic support suggests that there is a dynamic relationship between these constructs. That is, when students enter a particular context—say, one that is predominantly Chicano/Latino versus one in which they are the minority—race and ethnicity surface in terms of awareness in a responding order while ultimately intersecting.

References Archer, L. (2003). Race, masculinity and schooling: Muslim boys and education. London, UK: Open University Press. Baca Zinn, M. (1982). Chicano men and masculinity. The Journal of Ethnic Studies, 10, 29–44. Cammarota, J. (2004). The gendered and racialized pathways of Latina and Latino youth: Different struggles, different resistances in the urban context. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 35(1), 53–74. Cerna, O., Pérez, P. A., & Sáenz, V. B. (2009). Examining the pre-college attributes and values of Latina/o bachelor degree attainers. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 8(2), 130–157. Cleaver, F. (2002). Men and masculinities: New directions in gender and development. In F. Cleaver (Ed.), Masculinities matter! Men, gender, and development (pp. 1–27). New York, NY: Zed Books. Connell, R. W., & Messerschmidt, J. W. (2005). Hegemonic masculinity: Rethinking the concept. Gender & Society, 9(6), 829–859. Cresswell, T. (2004). Place: A short introduction. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Edwards, T. (2006). Cultures of masculinity. New York, NY: Routledge. Feliciano, C., & Rumbaut, R. G. (2005). Gendered paths: Educational and occupational expectations and outcomes among adult children of immigrants. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 28(6), 1087–1118. Figueroa, J. L. (2002). Out of the neighborhood and into the ivory tower: Understanding the schooling experiences of Latino male undergraduates attending an institution of higher education (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of California, Berkeley. Figueroa, J. L., & Garcia, E. (2006). Tracing institutional racism in higher education: Academic practices of Latino male undergraduates. In M. Constantine & D. W. Sue (Eds.), Addressing racism: Facilitating cultural competence in mental health and educational settings (pp. 195–212). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. González, R. (Ed.). (1996). Muy macho: Latino men confront their manhood. New York, NY: Random House. Gutmann, M. C. (2007). The meanings of macho: Being a man in Mexico City. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

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Hall, H. (2006). Mentoring young men of color: Meeting the needs of African American and Latino students. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. hooks, b. (2003). We real cool: Black men and masculinity. New York, NY: Routledge. Huerta, A., & Fishman, S. M. (2015). Marginality and mattering: Urban Latino male undergraduates in higher education. Journal of the First Year Experience and Students in Transition, 26(1), 85–100. Hurtado, S. (2002). Creating a climate of inclusion: Understanding Latina/o students. In W. Smith, P. Altbach, & K. Lomotey (Eds.), The racial crisis in American higher education (pp. 121–136). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Lopez, N. (2003). Hopeful girls, troubled boys: Race and gender disparity in urban education. New York, NY: Routledge. Martino, W., & Pallotta-Chiarolli, M. (2003). So what’s a boy? Addressing issues of masculinity and schooling. Philadelphia, PA: Open University Press. Mirandé, A. (1997). Hombres y machos: Masculinity and Latino culture. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Sáenz, V. B., & Ponjuán, L. (2009). The vanishing Latino male in higher education. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 8(1), 54–89. Schwartz, J. L., Donovan, J., & Guido-DiBrito, F. (2009). Stories of social class: Self-identified Mexican male college students crack the silence. Journal of College Student Development, 50(1), 50–66. Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (1997). A social capital framework for understanding the socialization of racial minority children and youths. Harvard Educational Review, 67(1), 1–39. Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1990). Basics of qualitative research: Grounded theory procedures and techniques. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Suarez-Orozco, C., & Qin-Hilliard, D. B. (2004). Immigrant boys’ experiences in U.S. schools. In N. Way & J. Y. Chu (Eds.), Adolescent boys: Exploring diverse cultures of boyhood (pp. 295–316). New York: New York University Press. U.S. Census Bureau. (2015). Annual estimates of the resident population by sex, race, and Hispanic origin for the United States, states, and counties: April 1, 2010 to July 1, 2014. Retrieved from http://factfinder.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/ productview.xhtml?src=bkmk Valenzuela, A. (1999). Subtractive schooling: U.S.-Mexican youth and the politics of caring. New York: State University of New York Press. Vigoya, M. V. (2003). Contemporary Latin American perspectives on masculinity. In M. Guttman (Ed.), Changing men and masculinities in Latin America (pp. 27–59). Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Zarate, M. E., & Gallimore, R. (2005). Gender differences in factors leading to college enrollment: A longitudinal analysis of Latina and Latino students. Harvard Educational Review, 75(4), 383–408.

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APPENDIX 4.1 STUDY SAMPLE

a

Participant type

n

Number of interviews with each student

California public high school juniors

2

1

California community college freshmen

5

2

California community college sophomore

1

1

California State University junior

1

1

California State University seniors

8

3

University of California freshmen

5

2

University of California transfers

5

2

Total

27

58a

Represents total number of interview transcripts analyzed for this investigation.

5 AN INTERSECTIONALITY A N A LY S I S O F L AT I N O M E N I N H I G H E R E D U C AT I O N AND THEIR HELP-SEEKING B E H AV I O R S Nolan L. Cabrera, Fatemma D. Rashwan-Soto, and Bryant G. Valencia

T

he issue of male underrepresentation in higher education has garnered a great deal of media attention, but most are at a loss in terms of what to do about the problem. This is largely due to spirited disagreement over identifying the underlying causes. There are some who claim the educational system has actually begun to favor female students over male students in response to the feminist movement in what Christina Hoff Sommers (2000) refers to as the war against boys. Framing this issue as male victimization is a very common way for it to be portrayed in the mass media, and it has even resulted in affirmative action programs granting admissions preferences to male applicants (Yakaboski, 2011). Specific to minority males in higher education, the College Board,1 the Association of Public Land-grant Universities,2 and Excelencia in Education3 have all produced reports and created initiatives to bring light to this issue. These efforts tend to frame minority men as targeted and marginalized within educational contexts. The problem with the discourse surrounding men of color in higher education is that the United States continues to be a patriarchal society, where masculinity is normalized and men are systemically privileged over women (Abalos, 2002; Connell, 2005; Yakaboski, 2011). Thus, the truly pressing and complicated question does

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not make the headlines: How can a group be systemically privileged (men) and concurrently underrepresented? Within this context, the current study seeks to explore the intersection of being Latino and being male, and its relationship to educational achievement. The following questions guide this chapter: • What academic and racial stresses do Latino men face during their undergraduate experiences? • What help-seeking behaviors do Latino men engage in to manage the stress in their lives? • What is the relationship between help-seeking behaviors and Latino masculinity? In trying to understand the underrepresentation of Latino men in higher education, we critically examine the help-seeking behaviors of eight Latino men at the University of Arizona (UA).

Context: Arizona and Anti-Latina/o Policies The year 2010 was a tipping point for the state of Arizona. It was an election year, there was a recession, immigration continued to be a hot topic, and appointed governor Jan Brewer (R) was looking to prove her conservative credentials. Anti-Latina/o policies served as perfect wedge issues for the Republican base in the state, similar to gay marriage in 2004 and the antiimmigrant HR4437 in 2006. The second session of the forty-ninth Arizona State Legislature passed SB1070 (Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act, 2010), and Governor Brewer signed it into law on April 23, 2010. The law requires police officers to check the immigration status of a person during any “legitimate contact” if “reasonable suspicion exists” that the person might be undocumented. Most critics of the legislation argue that SB1070 amounts to legalized racial profiling, and even Governor Brewer said, “I don’t know what an illegal immigrant looks like” (González, 2010). There were a number of other laws passed during this time that were also anti-Latina/o, such as HB2281 (anti-ethnic studies) and Prop107 (anti-affirmative action), but SB1070 garnered the most national attention and has since been replicated in Alabama, South Carolina, and Georgia. The bill had a chilling effect in Latina/o communities throughout the state, and it is estimated that 100,000 Latina/os left Arizona in the months after SB1070 passed (BBVA Research, 2010).

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Theoretical Framework: Intersectionality The term intersectionality is more complicated than the word implies. On its surface, the term appears to be a concurrent analysis of two social identities (e.g., being Asian American and gay). Instead Cabrera (2011) argues, “From its inception, intersectionality research has focused on critical examination of multiple social identities as they are contextualized within systems of oppression” (p. 78). Cabrera (2011) specifically finds gender-based intersectionality analyses in higher education scholarship lacking because “this work fails to take account of the power structures that continue to favor men in society, and it tends to be an analysis of difference as opposed to illuminating hierarchical relations” (p. 78). With respect to this research, intersectionality means contextualizing Latino men within two spheres of oppression and domination: systemic racism (i.e., White supremacy) and systemic sexism (i.e., patriarchy). The participants in this research have more social identities than race and gender (e.g., ability, sexuality, class), but to make the analysis manageable, these two will be the focus. In terms of Latino men, an intersectionality analysis creates a situation that Rashwan-Soto and Cabrera (2011) refer to as the privilege paradox. Latino males are systemically marginalized via their racial/ethnic identity, much like all other non-White racial/ethnic groups (Bonilla-Silva, 2006; Feagin, 2010; Omi & Winant, 1994). Conversely, Latino males are systemically privileged relative to women in terms of their gendered identity (Abalos, 2002; Connell, 2005). Therefore, utilizing an intersectionality framework to explore the Latino gender gap in higher education highlights a tension between theory and empiricism. If being male continues to be a systemically privileged social identity (Connell, 2005; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005) and obtaining a bachelor’s degree is a prized commodity, how is it possible that Latino males are underrepresented in higher education (Excelencia in Education, 2007; Hurtado, Sáenz, Santos, & Cabrera, 2008; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009)? This concurrent focus on racial marginalization and gender privilege frames the current research.

Relevant Literature Campus Racial Climate, Microaggressions, and Racial Battle Fatigue The racialized experiences of Latino men can add stress to their lives, depress their educational performance, and create a sense of marginalization within the college campus (Milem, Chang, & Antonio, 2005; Sue, 2010; Yosso, Smith,

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Ceja, & Solórzano, 2009). Milem and colleagues (2005) offer a conceptual framework for understanding the campus racial climate, which includes the following dimensions: an institution’s historical legacy of inclusion/exclusion, compositional diversity (i.e., proportion of students and faculty of color on campus), the psychological dimension (perceptions of diversity), the behavioral dimension (diverse interactions), and the organizational/structural dimension (e.g., diversity in curriculum). These five dimensions set the context for student learning that can be either racially inclusive or oppressive. Specific to the behavioral dimension of the campus climate, there is an emerging vein of literature regarding microaggressions (e.g., Solórzano, 1998, 2000; Sue, 2010). Sue (2010) defines microaggressions as “the brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, and environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial, gender, sexual orientation, and religious slights and insults to target a person or group” (p. 5). The subtlety and frequency of these slights make them more detrimental to student success relative to more overt forms of racial insults. This, according to Sue, is because the targets of the microaggressions are caught off guard. Within the context of predominantly White institutions of higher education, the frequency of microaggressions coupled with a hostile campus climate can be draining and isolating for racial minority students, which leads many to suffer from racial battle fatigue (Smith, Allen, & Danley, 2007). Racial battle fatigue is a “theoretical framework for examining socialpsychological stress responses (e.g., frustration; anger; exhaustion; physical avoidance; psychological or emotional withdrawal; escapism; acceptance of racist attributions) associated with being an African American male on historically White campuses” (p. 552). Although this framework was developed specifically for Black students, it likely has relevance within the Arizona context, where anti-Latina/o sentiment is prevalent.

Masculinities, Latino Men, and Help-Seeking R. W. Connell (2005) argues that masculinity is not simply a person being biologically male but rather encompasses how people perform their manliness. Connell further argues that the social practice of masculinity is closely related to structures of gender and sexuality that systemically privilege heterosexual men over their gay, bisexual, transgender, and female counterparts. Connell also states that there are multiple masculinities, but only a few are considered the desirable examples of masculinity. These forms of masculinity Connell refers to as hegemonic, or being both “normal” and positioned as socially dominant.

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The critical work of masculinity research is very informative, but it is also ostensibly White. As Mirandé (1997) argues, “Ironically, [R. W.] Connell and other leading new feminist scholars have engaged in their own brand of hegemonic discourse by ignoring masculinity among Latinos and other subordinated communities” (p. 147). The intersection of race (Latina/o) and gender (masculinity) pushes on some of the edges of intersectionality research. Mirandé (1997) argues that Latino masculinity is distinct from White masculinity because Latino men are able to be more emotionally vulnerable: “Despite the popular macho stereotype of Latino men as cold, hard, aggressive, and insensitive, it is more culturally acceptable for Latino men to cry, to be emotional, and to demonstrate their feelings” (p. 85). Abalos (2002) disagrees with this sentiment as he roots Latino masculinity more explicitly within a system of patriarchy. He argues that the wounds of racism and classism leave many Latino men angry, but without a means to channel their anger: “This situation leads to anger against one’s self and others: ‘I have to be in charge; I have to take control; I have to maintain my manhood, my honor, my machismo’” (p. 84). He further argues that this anger becomes manifest in “the self-inflicted wounds of an increasingly powerless patriarchy” (p. 84). This is a key difference between Abalos and Mirandé. Abalos tends to see Latino masculinity as much more problematic, oppressive, and self-destructive than Mirandé, and this disagreement highlights the limitations of the literature: There is insufficient scholarship on the basic question of what it means to be a Latino man. Regardless, there is little debate that Latino men face a number of challenges that frequently inhibit their educational pursuits (Excelencia in Education, 2007; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009; Solórzano, 1998). Facing difficult circumstances does not have to be a prescription for failure. Rather, students can sometimes channel their energies into resiliency strategies (Arellano & Padilla, 1996; Cabrera & Padilla, 2004). Resiliency strategies frequently involve seeking outside assistance or utilizing collective strategies to overcome adversity, and this can be an affront to how young men enact their masculinity (Abalos, 2002; Barajas & Pierce, 2001; Connell, 2005; Mahalik, Good, & Englar-Carlson, 2003; Wimer & Levant, 2011). Critical masculinity scholarship highlights that “manliness” is frequently constructed as highly individualized, where help-seeking is framed as a feminine trait (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). Although this line of research has been criticized for being ostensibly White (Mirandé, 1997), many Latino men frequently fall into the same pitfalls of avoiding helpseeking as it is also antithetical to their masculinity (Abalos, 2002; Barajas & Pierce, 2001).

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Summary There is a very limited empirical and theoretical foundation to base this work upon. The scholarship on microaggressions and the campus racial climate empirically fails to take account of larger sociopolitical forces (e.g., SB1070) that frequently inform the dynamics of the college experience. The current state of racial politics in the state of Arizona provides a unique opportunity to examine the role of anti-Latino public policy and its effects on the Latino student experience within institutions of higher education. In addition, the work on the campus racial climate tends to not take account of gender differences that contextualize the experiences of Latinos within institutions of higher education. In terms of masculinity research, it tends to be implicitly normed around White masculinity (e.g., Connell, 2005) regarding what constitutes “manliness” (e.g., a man having a ponytail has different levels of cultural acceptability between White and Latino communities). However, when people do take account of Latino masculinity, it tends to be insufficiently critical of the patriarchal habits of this group (e.g., Mirandé, 1997).

Method We derived data from this research from eight semistructured interviews with Latino male undergraduates at UA. These interviews were part of a larger project meant to assess the campus racial climate for Latina/o students at UA in the context of extreme anti-Latina/o legislation. Most of the participants were first-generation Latino college students, and they were from the state of Arizona. UA is a large research university, predominantly White (approximately 65%), in the southern part of Arizona. The interviews usually lasted about an hour, and members of the research team transcribed them verbatim. We then coded them thematically, using a mixture of inductive and deductive strategies. Specifically, we analyzed narratives for themes of academic/ racial struggles, the participants’ help-seeking behaviors, and what these narratives meant when contextualized within the participants’ Latino and male social identities.

Findings The participants we interviewed experienced social stress in terms of race and difficulty adjusting to the academic rigors of higher education. Despite their numerous struggles, the young men in this research tended to avoid any type of help-seeking behavior.

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Racial Struggles Many of the participants we interviewed talked about issues of race-related stress they incurred during their undergraduate experiences. Some had difficulties interacting with their White peers. Others had issues stemming from off-campus incidents, such as racial profiling. One student, Rogelio, was from the south side of town, where the population was largely Latina/o. When he took his girlfriend out for dinner, they tended to go to the largely White north side of town, and he continually was pulled over by the police: I had just started going out with my girlfriend, um, we went out for a year, but when we just started going out . . . um . . . we . . . I remember we, like, cause she was, like, man I have never been pulled over so many times cause, like, we always go to the north side of town cause a lot of the stuff I like and a lot of the stuff I do is up there to, like, restaurants. . . . So we’ll go up there and she’s like . . . she’s like every time since then I get pulled over so many times. I think I’ve been pulled over, like, two or three times, like, on our first two or three dates. (Rogelio)

He suspected this was in part due to his racial background but did not think there was much he could do to change the situation: “I guess there’s, like, instances where you think, well, like, are you racial profiling but you just kind of, like, rationalize it. Like there is nothing I can do about what [the police officer] thinks” (Rogelio). Other participants discussed difficulty coming from a predominantly Latina/o home community and trying to adjust to the culture of a predominantly White institution. Salvador specifically talked about his struggles trying to maintain a connection to his native culture via food: I think the most uncomfortable thing I dealt with was just the food. I felt so uncomfortable. There was one kitchen for . . . as many students as I can’t really recall or remember, . . . but just being in the kitchen trying to cook up something that was from home like menudo or something like that, it’s like a circus. Everyone is like “What’s this?” or “Oh dang that is so interesting” or “That’s gross.” Words like this would pop up. (Salvador)

For Salvador, the challenge became adapting to the culture norms of an institution that was dramatically different from his home community. He faced the additional barrier of facing scorn regarding his cultural heritage manifest in food preparation (“That’s gross”). In addition, he described how he was

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forbidden by administrators in Residential Life from bringing his molcajete into his dorm room: But they just didn’t, like, allow me to go and bring my molcajete and, like, make a salsa. My apartment, as soon as I got to my apartment, that’s what I bought because I love making salsas in the molcajete like . . . I just . . . my dad and my mom are . . . That’s every meal has, like, a salsa with it and, like, that whole first year was, like, rough for me cause I didn’t have that with me and I . . . I just wasn’t comfortable enough to be cooking that, um, and uh yeah, like I said, it’s just uncomfortable when everyone else is different and it’s not that they weren’t accepting it’s just that it felt to me like a lot of pressure had to, like, kind of, like, entertain them instead of [be] comfortable. (Salvador)

Salvador’s experience was slightly different from Rogelio’s because he was not overtly targeted or harassed because of his cultural background. Rather, he was denied the ability to feel culturally comfortable in his residential living environment and even felt some pressure to “entertain” his peers. This changed only when he left university housing and rented an apartment off campus. Many of the participants also described stress related to the racial politics of Arizona—in particular, SB1070. One of the participants recently became a U.S. citizen, but with the passage of SB1070, he felt it was necessary to carry identification on him at all times even though he was no longer legally required to do so: Well, I always used to carry my permanent residence card, but then when I became a U.S. citizen I didn’t carry my passport card with me. . . . After a certain point, I started carrying it again because I felt pressure. I had heard stories of people who were stopped because they forgot their wallet. I always feel, like, that little pressure in the back of my head saying, “Don’t leave the house without proper paperwork or you’re going to get targeted.” (Salvador)

Even as a U.S. citizen, Salvador felt that he might be targeted under under SB1070. He heard of other people being stopped, and he did not want to be caught without the proper documentation. He did not feel that his citizenship status offered him sufficient protection. Most of the participants’ experiences with SB1070 involved their family members who were undocumented. For example, Fernando began doing all the driving for his father because his father was afraid that if stopped for a traffic violation, he could be deported. This was more than a theoretical

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exercise because Fernando’s mother, who was a U.S. citizen, had a police officer ask her about her citizenship status during a routine traffic stop. [My father] doesn’t have any papers right now, so if he gets deported I probably won’t see him again. Or we would have to cross him. . . . Uh, for my mom she became a citizen a year and a half ago, so I really was scared for her. But having that experience of being stopped by a police officer and asked if you are a U.S. citizen or not it’s . . . uh, it’s not terrifying but uncomfortable, but they stop you because of your skin color. (Fernando)

Fernando downplayed the toll driving his father to and from work took on him personally, but he did say that he was generally worried for both of his parents. This worry was a sentiment many participants echoed. For example, Cisco offered, “I’m honestly more worried about some of my family members that are in the U.S. illegally . . . that aren’t supposed to be living here but they are just to make their lives better.” Race/ethnicity-related stresses were not the only ones the participants described. Almost all discussed their individual difficulties adapting to the academic rigors of higher education.

Academic Struggles Much more than the racial challenges, the participants described substantial difficulties adapting to the rigors of academic work in college. Manuel was very direct that the leap into higher education was a difficult one because his high school was not very academically rigorous: It’s the academics struggles because when I was in high school . . . high school was not difficult, you know? High school I felt like I exceeded to, you know, to more than what the average student does. With that, you know, not having to study you know . . . just knowing stuff. (Manuel)

For Manuel, the biggest leap was the difference between rote memorization and critical thinking. In high school, he excelled because he could simply repeat facts that the teacher said in class, and that was sufficient to be academically successful. In college, the professors “made [us] actually apply the facts to real-life situations” (Manuel). This difference led to academic struggles, especially during his first year of college. Julio spoke more in the abstract regarding his struggles adapting to the rigors of higher education, but also offered how the struggles made him feel in the process—something very few of the other participants did: [The challenges of college are] brand new to me. I don’t know what to do. I’m angry. I’m scared. I’m frustrated. Uh . . . I don’t know what to do. I’m just

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like, what do I do now? I thought I was right there. I thought I knew already. But I’m far from it. There are always new challenges coming to the world each and every day, and I should be open to those. . . . I should be open and try to achieve, try to push those challenges down. I see a challenge as a wall, a brick wall—after you learn the brick wall it’s not that hard to climb. (Julio)

Julio expressed a number of emotions in his narrative (anger, fear, and frustration), but then described the metaphor of climbing a wall. His anger, fear, and frustration stemmed from not knowing how to navigate the challenges of college. Therefore, his first challenge became learning to navigate an essentially foreign system in what Bowen and Bok (1998) refer to as knowing the “shape of the river.” However, Julio offered little in terms of tangible steps he could or did take to “learn the brick wall.” Solomón rooted his discussion of academic challenges in a specific class: calculus. He broadly described his academic struggles, but spent most of his narrative lamenting missed opportunities in terms of the available resources that could have helped him succeed in the class: S4: I’ve struggled in the fact that I haven’t really . . . like there have been . . . I’ve been given certain, like, what do you call them? Resources to use and I’ve neglected on actually using them, which has made it, you know, like, made just the comprehension of everything around the U of A kind of hard if, um [inaudible], in regard to school. N: So what’s an example of a resource you are talking about? S: So, . . . um, . . . I came in taking calc as a freshman, and I’m not saying that’s not possible but it’s a hard class. N: Okay. S: And it . . . uh . . . like, there is math help here math help over there and I didn’t really take advantage of that help how I should have, so it sort of hindered my academics a little. (Solomón)

Solomón described not only his struggles in a particular class but also that he did not take advantage of the opportunities for academic support that were afforded to him via tutoring (“math help”). He was not entirely sure why he refrained from seeking out help even though he knew he was struggling, and this was a consistent theme throughout the interviews: the avoidance of help-seeking behaviors.

Help-Seeking Behaviors Fernando said that his transition into college, especially taking math, was very difficult. However, he said that when faced with academic difficulties, he tended to rely on himself instead of seeking outside assistance:

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My math class was a bit challenging . . . my first semester, [and I think] it’s probably because I wasn’t used to the fast pace, it was actually my first time being exposed to that subject, um, it might have been because I was scared to approach the professor or teacher and ask for any help. (Fernando)

During the course of the interview, Fernando kept exploring his avoidance of help-seeking behaviors, and also offered, “I think I was too proud actually to seek help, [it’s] possible. In high school I got straight As and here I was in class and I was struggling to actually pass” (Fernando). For Fernando, asking for help was an affront to his academic pride. In high school he was an A student, in college he was not, and this change led to him being “scared to approach the professor.” Julio offered many other reasons why he never sought out help during his undergraduate career. He discussed feeling a great deal of trepidation when asking for assistance: I feel like I can probably get through it by myself, but there will be a time where I’m like I have no other choice it’s too late. I have to go now, like, really I don’t want to walk into those offices because I will have to tell them this is where I am, this is what I’m missing, and what do I do next? I feel like I’m vulnerable, I won’t know what to do, and they might tell me in the end guess what you won’t be able to go to medical school—that’s what I am afraid of is them crushing my dreams. (Julio)

Julio, like many of the other young men interviewed, tended to contextualize his academic success and struggles as his own and no one else’s (“I can probably get through it by myself ”). His narrative also contained a number of emotions regarding vulnerability and fear, especially as it pertained to his dream of going to medical school. Despite his dream, Julio’s apprehension led him to avoid seeking out help, even when he needed it. Salvador began to find some methods of seeking help when faced with adversity. He and his best friend created a reciprocal relationship in which they served as a shoulder to lean on when the other was struggling: I vent, ha ha. [The] person I vent to is my best friend over the years. Um . . . when we are having a rough day, or something bad happened [she] is a person I can go to . . . and tell her everything and vice versa. And we kind of like just ease ourselves down when something is going wrong, and I think just having that person that contact to go to you don’t have to just bottle it up and I guess just keep that stress you have someone to go to, and I have somebody to go to . . . to kind of alleviate that stress. (Salvador)

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Salvador was a unique case because he discussed seeking out his best friend to “vent” to when faced with challenging situations, and he said this helped “alleviate stress.” Although this is a very important first step, he also made no mention of seeking more formal support in, for example, subject-specific tutoring, going to office hours, or forming study groups. Instead, he only utilized this emotional outlet to cope with the stress in his life. Rogelio was unique among the participants in this study because he actually stated specific people whom he sought out when he was struggling. Each person had a different function depending on his issue. He found specific supports for academic issues, professional ones, and even issues regarding leadership in his student organization: R: If it’s, like, something really overwhelming . . . I will always seek outside help, like I’m not too shy to ask for help. N: Does it happen very often? R: Um, I mean for my first couple years, yeah . . . um . . . recently not really just cause it’s kind of the same like the same type of situations you encounter. (Rogelio)

A key component to Rogelio’s narrative was that he took account of his emotions (“I’m not too shy”), and this allowed him to engage in help-seeking behavior that many of the other participants described as stoking fears or promoting vulnerability.

Discussion The narratives of these Latino male students were illuminating for a number of reasons. Not surprisingly, the sample of Latino men tended to experience stresses in their lives stemming from both racism and academics. Interestingly, even when the participants were describing the difficulties, they concurrently downplayed the negative impact it had on them personally. For Rogelio, being pulled over in the largely White, affluent part of town was commonplace, and he tended to focus on his girlfriend’s adverse reaction to the situation. Julio, when discussing academic struggles, spoke broadly about seeing them as challenges to be conquered, but he offered no concrete solution to the problem. Even when these young men were struggling, they rarely criticized external entities; rather, they tended to place the onus on themselves individually for changing the situation. When it came to supporting family amid the climate of SB1070, the participants understood it was part of their responsibilities to help their relatives. Placing high levels of accountability on themselves individually was also a consistent theme even

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when discussing help-seeking. The participants almost uniformly knew there were resources available to them, but they also rarely took advantage. A very interesting component of their narratives stemmed from how these young men talked about their emotions. Many were very open about feeling afraid and vulnerable, and this prevented them from seeking out help. The one participant who did openly seek help, Rogelio, specifically said he was not “too shy” to ask for assistance. The fear of vulnerability that prevented some of these young men from seeking help may highlight an underexplored component of masculinity research. Masculinity in general, and Latino masculinity in particular, is frequently conceptualized as the social domination of heterosexual men over women, gays, lesbians, and bisexuals (Abalos, 2002; Connell, 2005). These men demonstrated that an additional component of their masculinity was an avoidance of being vulnerable, which may also be the avoidance of being dominated (what Abalos [2002] refers to as the “self-inflicted wounds of patriarchy”). Essentially, if these young men do not make themselves vulnerable, they inhibit their academic progress but their manhood does not come into question in the process. This was a very interesting finding because many of the young men described going through different trainings in which they learned about sexism, homophobia, and male privilege (a full discussion is beyond the scope of this chapter). Even though many had engaged in deconstructing gender, sexuality, and oppression, none spoke about the unconscious habit of masculinity highlighted in this research. This meant that even though many were conscious of the sexist assumptions embedded within using the phrase “you guys,” they were still engaging in a type of self-limiting/self-destructive masculinity by refusing to engage in help-seeking behaviors. This is consistent with traditional masculinity work that highlights how men in their struggles with masculinity frequently engage in a number of self-defeating behaviors, which lead to decreased levels of health, psychological well-being, and academic performance (Connell, 2005; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). Thus, it is actually common for men as a whole to perform worse than women while still maintaining social dominance. What is interesting about this issue is that it breaks down the perpetual division between critical and practice-oriented perspectives. All too often, critical theory is framed as being too idealistic and lacking any implications for day-to-day practice. Conversely, practitioner-oriented analyses are seen as uncritically subscribing to the dominant paradigm (e.g., racism, homophobia, sexism, classism). If it is the case that the masculinity of these young men limited their academic progress, then working through masculinity (a critical approach) could result in an improved academic performance (a practical

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outcome). The underlying question is: What would this type of intervention look like? There should be spaces for Latino men to engage and critically work through what it means to be a man. This includes not only an analysis of sexism and homophobia but also an examination of the self-defeating habits of masculinity. At its base, avoidance of help-seeking behaviors by these participants was rooted in fear of vulnerability. This creates a very tricky situation for practitioners trying to engage Latino men in these conversations: Emotional discomfort prevented these young men from help-seeking, but openly admitting to emotional discomfort is frequently seen as an affront to Latino masculinity (Abalos, 2002). Thus, it is not surprising that many Latino men, instead of being openly vulnerable, prefer to rely upon themselves even if they are individually incapable of handling the issue. This means there should be proactive attempts to engage young Latino men in these discussions because it is unlikely they will initiate. In addition, these dialogues need to be structured and sustained over time. The unconscious and frequently self-destructive habits of Latino masculinity were developed in these young men over several years. Therefore, it is unreasonable to expect these habits to change in one afternoon, and a sustained structure could mirror a lot of the work already conducted in intergroup dialogues (Zuñiga, Nagda, & Sevig, 2002). The topics of these intragroup dialogues can include: • • • • •

What does it mean for me to be a Latino man? How am I hurting myself by trying to be more “manly”? How have I hurt other men by pushing them to be more “manly”? What kind of a man do I want to be? What kind of men do we want to be?

The last question engages the relationship between peer pressure and masculinity. A great deal of self-defeating Latino masculinity involves men trying to appear more manly in front of other men (Abalos, 2002). If instead Latino men collectively can have a vision of what it means to be masculine in a nonoppressive, non-self-defeating manner, they can hold each other accountable—flipping peer pressure on its head and pushing each other to be better men in the process. If these spaces can be established, the next question becomes: How can a facilitator actually ensure participation? Despite the highly individualized narratives of the Latino men in this research, many still participated in student organizations (e.g., Latino fraternities, Movimiento Estudiantil

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Chicano de Aztlán [MEChA], or Society of Hispanic Professional Engineers [SHPE]). There is potential via organizational affiliations, again, to use a type of “positive peer pressure” to engage Latino men in these discussions. If practitioners can work with the leadership of the organizations, it can help leverage a collective of Latino men to engage these issues. The collective component is critically important because most theorists frame masculinity as the performance of gender (Abalos, 2002; Connell, 2005; Mirandé, 1997). To be a performer, one must have an audience. Thus, the performance of masculinity is about not only how a Latino man feels about himself but also how receptive his peers are to the particular form of masculinity he presents. Strategies meant to positively redefine Latino masculinity need to be collective in nature. Otherwise, the rebellious actions of one individual can be suppressed by the larger collective (i.e., traditional peer pressure). It is worth noting that the participants were all interviewed by a Latino male member of the research team. This begs the question: Would they have been so open about their emotional states if a female interviewer were present? In regard to the issue of practice, this highlights a pressing issue for which there is currently no easy answer. If part of Latino masculinity is a rejection of feminine influence (Abalos, 2002; Barajas & Pierce, 2001), how effective can female practitioners be at engaging this issue? How open will Latino men be to listening to women? Will they be willing to be vulnerable in front of women? More importantly, what are the conditions that need to be in place before Latino men will listen to women? Although the narratives of the participants do not illuminate the answers to this question, it is still a very pressing one moving ahead. Finally, those engaging Latino men in these discussions need to be cognizant of sociopolitical forces outside of the university that frequently inform the campus experience. Most discussions of the campus racial climate focus on the university, with little attention given to governmental policies. Although the framework advanced by Milem and colleagues (2005) lends some credence to the idea of governmental policy shaping the campus racial climate, there is almost no empirical examination of how this operates. SB1070 dramatically impacted these young men’s lives even when they did not think they would be targeted. It affected their families and their everyday habits (e.g., carrying ID at all times). Even though the Latino men in this research downplayed the potential impacts of this legislation, their lives changed as a result. There were increased familial responsibilities and personal stress. Practitioners working with Latino men, therefore, need to be aware of the larger sociopolitical landscape that contextualizes and affects the lives of these young men.

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Conclusion This research leads to more questions than answers regarding Latino masculinity and educational (under)achievement. There is a need for increased, sustained discussions regarding the subject of Latino masculinity, but what should these interventions look like? How should they be structured? What constitutes “best practices” for Latino men working through their masculinity? Even with these pressing questions lingering, this focus is a dramatic and important shift from the popular discourse. The narratives of these participants avoid the pitfalls of “reverse sexism” (Yakaboski, 2011), instead centering the discussion on the underlying issue: self-defeating Latino masculinity.

Endnotes 1. http://advocacy.collegeboard.org/preparation-access/educational-crisis-facing-young -men-color 2. www.aplu.org/page.aspx?pid=1845 3. www.edexcelencia.org/research/latino-males-higher-education 4. S refers to the participant “Solomón,” and N refers to the interviewer “Nolan.”

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Cabrera, N. L., & Padilla, A. M. (2004). Entering and succeeding in the “Culture of College”: The story of two Mexican heritage students. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 26(2), 152–170. Connell, R. W. (2005). Masculinities (2nd ed.). Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Connell, R. W., & Messerschmidt, J. W. (2005). Hegemonic masculinity: Rethinking the concept. Gender & Society, 19(6), 829–859. Excelencia in Education. (2007). Latino males in higher education. Washington, DC: Author. Feagin, J. R. (2010). The white racial frame: Centuries of racial framing and counterframing. New York, NY: Routledge. González, D. (2010, July 18). Looks seem apt to play role in Arizona immigration law. Arizona Republic. Retrieved from http://www.azcentral.com/arizonarepublic/ news/articles/2010/07/18/20100718illegal-immigration-profiling.html Hurtado, S., Sáenz, V. B., Santos, J. L., & Cabrera, N. L. (2008). Advancing in higher education: A portrait of Latina/o college freshmen at four-year institutions: 1975–2006. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA, Higher Education Research Institute. Mahalik, J. R., Good, G. E., & Englar-Carlson, M. (2003). Masculinity scripts, presenting concerns, and help seeking: Implications for practice and training. Professional Psychology: Research & Practice, 34, 123–131. Milem, J. F., Chang, M. J., & Antonio, A. L. (2005). Making diversity work on campus: A research-based perspective. Washington, DC: Association of American Colleges and Universities. Mirandé, A. (1997). Hombres y machos: Masculinity and Latino culture. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Omi, M., & Winant, H. (1994). Racial formation in the United States (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Routledge. Rashwan-Soto, F. D., & Cabrera, N. L. (2011, April). The privilege paradox: Latino masculinity and educational underachievement in higher education. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the National Association of Chicana and Chicano Studies, Pasadena, CA. Sáenz, V. B., & Ponjuán, L. (2009). The vanishing Latino male in higher education. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 8(1), 54–89. Smith, W. A., Allen, W. R., & Danley, L. L. (2007). “Assume the position . . . You fit the description”: Psychosocial experiences and racial battle fatigue among African male college students. American Behavioral Scientist, 51(4), 551–578. Solórzano, D. G. (1998). Critical race theory, race and gender microaggressions, and the experience of Chicana and Chicano scholars. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 11(1), 121–136. Solórzano, D. G. (2000). Critical race theory, racial microaggressions, and campus racial climate: The experiences of African American college students. Journal of Negro Education, 69(1–2), 60–73. Sommers, C. H. (2000). The war against boys: How misguided feminism is harming our young men. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.

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Sue, D. W. (2010). Microaggressions in everyday life: Race, gender, and sexual orientation. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act, Arizona State Senate (49th Legislature, 2nd sess.). (2010). Retrieved from http://www.azleg.gov/ legtext/49leg/2r/bills/sb1070s.pdf Wimer, D., & Levant, R. (2011). The relation of masculinity and help-seeking style with the academic help-seeking behavior of college men. Journal of Men’s Studies, 19(3), 256–274. Yakaboski, T. (2011). “Quietly stripping the pastels”: The undergraduate gender gap. The Review of Higher Education, 34(4), 555–580. Yosso, T. J., Smith, W. A., Ceja, M., & Solórzano, D. G. (2009). Critical race theory, racial microaggressions, and campus racial climate for Latina/o undergraduates. Harvard Educational Review, 79(4), 659–690. Zuñiga, X., Nagda, B. A., & Sevig, T. D. (2002). Intergroup dialogues: An educational model for cultivating engagement across difference. Equity & Excellence in Education, 35(1), 7–17.

PA RT T H R E E R E S E A RC H O N P R E PA R AT I O N , PERSISTENCE, AND SUCCESS F O R L AT I N O M A L E S I N S E C O N D A RY A N D P O S T S E C O N D A RY E D U C AT I O N

6 L AT I N O M A L E H I G H S C H O O L M AT H ACHIEVEMENT The Influential Role of Psychosociocultural Factors Ismael Fajardo, José M. Hernandez, and José Muñoz

C

onsidered an integral part of a student’s education, math performance is correlated to many markers of educational success, including performance in other subjects; high school graduation; career choice; and college acceptance, participation, and success (Alva, 1991; Gaertner, Kim, DesJardins, & McClarty, 2014; Levine & Zimmerman, 1995; Long, Conger, & Iatarola, 2012). However, Latino students underperform in this area and are at risk for low math achievement, consequently restricting their postsecondary education opportunities and even participation in mathrelated careers (Lopez, 2001). Considering the fact that Latino males tend to underperform in high school and have lower postsecondary participation rates than their female counterparts (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009), it is imperative to understand the impact and how math performance can be utilized to steer more Latino males into postsecondary education and science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM)–related careers. Given the math achievement disparities, researchers have been tasked to discover ways to promote higher levels of achievement among Latino students as they are faced with multiple challenges and a lack of educational, psychological, and social support (Gandara & Contreras, 2009; Lopez, 2001; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). This chapter highlights a study that seeks to understand

95

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psychological, social, and cultural factors that influence standardized math achievement. These findings have strong implications for how educators think about engaging Latina/o students and preparing them to thrive along a STEM pipeline.

Literature Review Math is often referred to as a “gatekeeper” subject as performance and success in math is associated with many long-term positive outcomes. (Adelman, 2006). High school students taking higher-level mathematics courses are more likely to also enroll in additional advanced courses, and consequently have greater overall academic achievement (Trusty, 2002). Similarly, success in mathematics is correlated with many secondary academic outcomes. Research shows that student success in algebra can open the doors to more advanced math, a college preparatory high school curriculum, and higher college-going and graduation rates (Adelman, 2006). Long-term benefits related to math achievement include positive economic gains, such as increased earnings and advanced career opportunities (Rose & Betts, 2004). In particular, exposure to math and successful mathematical performance are related to the pursuit of a career in STEM (Crosnoe & Schneider, 2010; Wang, 2013). Although the overall gains of mathematical success are well documented, these relationships vary when disaggregated across groups, specifically race and gender. This disparity is concerning when considering the low participation rates of Latina/os in STEM education and careers, therefore highlighting the importance of understanding this relationship (Riegle-Crumb, Moore, & Ramos-Wada, 2011). Previous studies have documented mathematical performance disparities for Latina/o high school students. Riegle-Crumb (2006), for example, found a significantly higher rate of early failure in mathematics for Latina/o high school students compared to White and Asian students, with 20% of Latino male students in their sample not passing their freshman math course. Consequently, this early blunder in math can alter the academic course sequence and potentially limit students’ academic achievement, especially if they attend a disadvantaged school, where the effects of rigorous course taking can have a larger impact (Long et al., 2012). Latina/os fall behind in test scores and take fewer advanced math courses (e.g., calculus) by the end of their twelfth-grade year compared to White and Asian populations (Riegle-Crumb, 2006). In consideration of the need to increase Latina/o participation in STEM, their academic underperformance serves as a barrier even though their aspirations to pursue such careers are the same as those of their White peers (RiegleCrumb et al., 2011).

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Psychological Factors Psychological factors influence academic achievement for high school students as their experience and achievement are closely related to their perceptions of the school environment (Pajares, 2005). Consequently, these perceptions of their learning environment influence their learning experiences (Fast et al., 2010). According to Bandura (1986), self-efficacy is a vital factor in a student’s academic achievement, as it affects motivation, action, effort, persistence, and behavior. Related to this, math self-efficacy is positively related to persistence on difficult math problems and is a stronger predictor of math performance (Hoffman & Schraw, 2009). Conversely, math anxiety, defined as an adverse reaction to doing math or the perception of math, is correlated with lower overall math achievement (Maloney & Beilock, 2012). Although both math self-efficacy and math anxiety have a substantial effect on math achievement, math self-efficacy is a stronger predictor, therefore highlighting the importance of encouraging students’ self-belief in their math ability (Pajares & Miller, 1994). Considering the importance of math in STEM participation, math self-efficacy is instrumental in facilitating students’ consideration of pursuing a STEM degree or career (Pajares, 2005; Wang, 2013). Other psychological factors, such as math identity (i.e., the degree to which a student considers himself or herself a math person), are also related to academic achievement (Carlone & Johnson, 2007). Identity is similar yet different from self-efficacy in that it focuses on whether a student sees himself or herself and others (peers, teachers, parents, and other members of the community) see the student as a math individual (Ingels et al., 2011). Carlone and Johnson (2007) found that a student’s persistence in a particular subject (e.g., science, math) comes from his or her ability to identify with a given subject and the possible careers related to it. Studies have also examined school environments and how students’ racial identity affects their academic performance. For Latina/os, identity contingencies may occur when Latina/ os and other students take an advanced math class (e.g., calculus) together and observe that Latinos are underrepresented in the class (Phinney, 1997; Purdie-Vaughns, Steele, Davies, Ditlmann, & Crosby, 2008; Riegle-Crumb, 2006). In this setting, being Latino may consequently affect their ability to identify with this level of mathematics due to surrounding cues (judgments, expectations, and valuations) that may occur because of belonging to a negatively stereotyped group (Phinney, 1997; Purdie et al., 2008). Another psychological factor, math utility, is found to influence students’ math achievement, depending on whether students place a positive subjective value on a given math-related task (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002). Students’ ability to relate their lives to math has been shown to be a positive factor in achievement, as students who memorize math concepts can lose

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interest or not develop a full understanding (Carlone, 2004). Math utility is also positively correlated with a student’s decision to enroll in more advanced math courses (Jacobs, Lanza, Osgood, Eccles, & Wigfield, 2002). In addition to their own psychological factors, Latina/o students’ math performance is moderated by social factors.

Social Factors Research finds a strong correlation between peer academic characteristics and students’ educational outcomes, as peers have the potential to negatively or positively impact academic achievement. Gibson, Gandara, and Koyama (2004) found that almost half of urban Latina/o students in their sample reported being influenced by other students in school during eleventh and twelfth grade. This study concluded that 35% of Latino males reported being pressured to engage in risky behaviors in ninth grade and 20% by eleventh grade. Although peer influences have the potential to negatively influence academic trajectories, they conversely have the ability to do the opposite. Stanton-Salazar (2001) argues that students can also benefit from their peer networks, which can often facilitate access to information and resources supporting achievement, such as taking the SAT or planning to attend college. Similarly, peers are also a key source of information on financial aid and paying for a postsecondary education for low-income high school students, which may influence academic performance and course-taking patterns, especially if they are seriously considering pursuing a postsecondary education (De La Rosa, 2006). Furthermore, peer social support can serve as a tool for helping students make up for beginning high school in a lower math level (Crosnoe & Schneider, 2010). Considering the positive impacts of peer support on academic outcomes, social support may be key in enhancing math achievement and, ultimately, STEM participation for Latino males. The need to examine peer influences within a math achievement context is imperative given their documented impact on academic outcomes and the need to improve educational outcomes for Latina/os.

Cultural Factors Cultural values are important to take into consideration when studying Latina/os in any context (Falicov, 2000). For instance, scholars have shown the importance of familismo in Latina/o culture, a strong sense of family centrality and its importance, and how this can impact students’ educational

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trajectories (Gloria & Rodriguez, 2000; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2011). One of the key attributes of familismo is placing family needs over individual needs (Gloria & Rodriguez, 2000), which for Latina/o students presents an added layer of complexity by having to negotiate cultural and academic expectations (Castellanos & Gloria, 2007). Of importance to our study is the potential for familismo to influence students’ math achievement. In a study examining the relationship among high school students’ academic environment, school sense of belonging, and cultural loyalty in predicting grade point average, Gonzalez and Padilla (1997) found cultural pride and awareness to be a significant predictor of academic achievement. Conversely, Brooks-Gunn and Markman (2005) found low academic performance to be related with parental demands and restrictions for Latina/o students. Familial expectations persist even after high school. Desmond and Turley (2009) found that Latina/o parents are more likely to report the importance of having their children live at home during college. This desire is related to the expectations that Latina/o students help their family, both financially and emotionally (Turley, 2006). Further complicating the impact of familismo on academic plans for Latina/o high school students are the gender differences associated with this value, which emphasize the need for males to assume the role of provider and help financially support their family, and for females to be submissive and assume more of a caretaker role in the family (Falicov, 2000). This literature review discusses the importance of psychological, social, and cultural factors in affecting mathematical and academic achievement, and the critical need to consider the intersectionality of all three factors when examining Latina/o high school students’ academic outcomes. This is discussed further in the next section.

Theoretical Framework A growing body of K–12 research supports the importance of psychological, social, and cultural factors for Latina/o students (Lopez, 2001; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). Following these recommendations, this study uses Gloria and Rodriguez’s (2000) psychosociocultural (PSC) framework as a guide to investigate three simultaneous dimensions (psychological, social, and cultural) within an educational setting to comprehend academic persistence. The PSC framework was developed to promote the academic persistence and well-being of Latina/o students by providing holistic, context-specific, and culturally relevant programming and services (Gloria & Rodriguez, 2000). Latina/o high school students often experience contextual and environmental factors affecting their academic success, such as limited opportunities to take advanced placement courses, systems that disproportionately track

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minority students into remedial courses, teachers’ low expectations of racial and ethnic minority students, stereotype threats that undermine minority students’ academic performance, and premature departure from high school (Gandara & Contreras, 2009; Gloria & Rodriguez, 2000; Museus, Palmer, Davis, & Maramba, 2011). Furthermore, research tends to focus on the underachievement of Latina/o students on average compared to Asian and White students (May & Chubin, 2003; Walker, 2012). Gloria and Rodriguez (2000) caution educators not to explain, compare, and evaluate Latina/o students’ behaviors and values in relation to those of White students as it minimizes Latina/o students’ experiences and relegates White culture as the referent point. There is an immense need to move beyond highlighting the underachievement of Latina/o students to understanding the dynamics of their academic achievement across gender and other Latino subgroup categories (Gonzalez & Padilla, 1997; Walker, 2012). Previous studies using the PSC framework conclude that positive selfbeliefs, social support, and educational comfort predict academic persistence for Latina/o students and other racial/ethnic students (Castillo, 2002; Gloria, Castellanos, & Orozco, 2005). Although previous research has mainly focused on the university context (e.g., see Castellanos & Gloria, 2007; Gloria, Castellanos, Lopez, & Rosales, 2005), this study applies the PSC framework in a high school context focusing on Latina/o eleventh-grade students. Gloria and Rodriguez (2000) focus on a few PSC constructs (e.g., cultural environment, ethnic identity, acculturation, social support) as important to consider when addressing Latina/o students, but they also highlight the need to consider other PSC constructs as there are many that should be considered. The first dimension of the PSC framework focuses on psychological independent variables, such as a student’s self-efficacy, academic identity, and personal beliefs (Gloria & Rodriguez, 2000). As noted in the literature review, psychological factors have been shown to impact Latina/o students’ academic persistence. The second dimension focuses on students’ perceived social support while attending school. Studies have found social support from peers is predictive of Latina/o student academic success (Gibson et al., 2004; Stanton-Salazar, 2001). The third dimension focuses on cultural factors that have been found to impact persistence for Latina/o college students (Castillo, 2002). As mentioned earlier, familismo, in which students may place their families’ needs over their own, has been shown to impact students’ educational trajectories. This current study applies the PSC framework for Latina/os in a high school context investigating math achievement, as it is conducive to completing a high school and a college degree. Given the foregoing, the following questions guide this study:

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• What are the direct effects of psychological, social, and cultural factors on eleventh-grade math achievement for Latino students? • Does the PSC model vary across gender?

Methodology Data This study used data from the National Center for Education Statistics’ (NCES) High School Longitudinal Study of 2009 (HSLS:09) and the first follow-up data in 2012 (NCES, 2016). HSLS:09 allows this study to explore the effects of secondary math attitudes, perceptions, and experiences on eleventh-grade math achievement (Ingels et al., 2011). Our subsample consists of eleventh-grade students self-identifying as Hispanic, Latino, or Latina attending U.S. high schools. These Latino students were drawn from a larger dataset that included 23,415 students in 2012. This study focused on 3,271 Latinos attending public high schools. Within the Latina/o sample, males accounted for 49.4% (n = 1,617) and females accounted for 50.6% (n = 1,654).

Variables The dependent variable for this study is a continuous variable that represents students’ mathematics theta score during eleventh grade. Ingels and colleagues (2011) state the HSLS mathematics assessment was designed to provide a measure of student achievement in algebraic reasoning by testing six domains of algebraic content—(a) the language of algebra; (b) proportional relationships and change; (c) linear equations, inequalities, and functions; (d) nonlinear equations, inequalities, and functions; (e) systems of equations; and (f) sequences and recursive relationships—and four algebraic processes—(a) demonstrating algebraic skills, (b) using representations of algebraic ideas, (c) performing algebraic reasoning, and (d) solving algebraic problems (Ingels et al., 2011). Independent variables selected in this study are based on extant literature that found them to influence student achievement. As informed by our framework, variables are categorized by type: (a) psychological, (b) social, and (c) cultural factors (see Table 6.1 for a full list of variable definitions and coding schemes). Control variables and the remaining eleventh-grade variables in the model were drawn from the follow-up survey in 2012.

Analytic Approach Using variables from the HSLS:09, this study utilizes confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) in the framework of structural equation modeling (SEM) to

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TABLE 6.1

Variable Definitions Dependent Eleventh-grade math theta score

Continuous scale measuring student’s algebraic content and algebraic processes on a standardized math theta score.

Background characteristics Gender

Dichotomous: 0 = males, 1 = females

Socioeconomic status composite

Three-item composite variable: parents’/guardians’ education, occupation, and family income.

Psychological factors Math identity

Two-item factor: (1) Teenager sees himself or herself as a math person and (2) others see teenager as a math person using a 4-point scale: 0 = strongly disagree to 3 = strongly agree.

Mathematics utility

Three-item factor: (1) Teenager thinks math is useful for everyday life, (2) teenager thinks math will be useful for college, and (3) teenager thinks math is useful for future career using a 4-point scale: 0 = strongly disagree to 3 = strongly agree.

Math self-efficacy

Four-item factor: (1) Teen confident can do an excellent job on math tests, (2) teen certain can understand math textbook, (3) teen certain can master skills taught in math course, and (4) teen confident can do excellent job on math assignments during spring 2012 using a 4-point scale: 0 = strongly disagree to 3 = strongly agree.

Social support factor Peer social group

Four-item factor: (1) How many friends get good grades? (2) How many friends have taken PSAT, SAT, PLAN, or ACT? (3) How many friends plan to attend 2-year community college? (4) How many friends plan to attend 4-year college? 4-point scale: 0 = none of them to 3 = all of them.

Cultural factor Familismo

Three-item factor: (1) importance of family/friend recommendations when choosing college/school, (2) importance of being close to home when choosing college/ school, and (3) importance of family legacy when choosing college/school using a 4-point scale: 0 = not at all important to 3 = very important.

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create five statistically sound latent factors (Brown, 2006; Loehlin, 2004). Once an adequate measurement model (CFA) was established, a structural model (SEM) was estimated to assess the effects of the five latent constructs on students’ math achievement test scores (Kaplan, 2000; Kline, 2005). Finally, in order to make comparisons between Latino males and females, a multiple group measurement invariance (MI) within SEM was utilized to assess the potential differences in both the effects of the five latent factors on a student’s math test score and the factor means of the proposed latent constructs (Brown, 2006; Dimitrov, 2006). Factor relationships were also assessed using a multiple group framework, and differences in both magnitude and directions were compared between the two designated groups (Latina/o students).

Measurement Invariance (MI) Analysis First, to test MI, a baseline model for both groups (male and female) was established and form invariance was in place (factor loadings on individual latent factors were similar in magnitude and direction) (Dimitrov, 2006). Second, the equality of factor loadings between Latino males and females was tested to determine whether the five factors of interest had the same meaning for both groups (see Table 6.2 for test of MI). Finally, the equality of intercepts was tested for both groups. The χ2 statistic supports MI of factor loadings; however, as expected, the χ2 statistic does not support MI of both factor loadings and factor intercepts. But once two of the factor intercepts are released, partial invariance is TABLE 6.2

Test of Measurement Invariance for Latina/o Math Achievement

a

χ2

df

M0 (Baseline)

476.85

188

M1 (Factor loadings)

492.85

199

15.33

11

M2 (Factor loadings + intercepts)

536.70

210

59.85

M2a (Factor loadings + intercepts)

476.85

208

33.15

Released two intercepts.

Satorra-Bentler df p value

CFI

RMSEA

0.98

0.03

.16

0.98

0.03

22

.00

0.98

0.03

20

.04

0.98

0.03

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achieved. Additionally, ΔCFI stays consistent between both tests of invariance. These results support the evidence toward MI of the proposed factor model between both Latino males and females.

Findings A CFA was conducted to specify how individual variables load on the five latent factors (i.e., math identity, math utility, math self-efficacy, social factors, and cultural factors) and assess the relationships among the individual latent constructs through the intercorrelations among the latent factors. This initial analysis includes all Latinos in the data (n = 3,271) (see Figure 6.1 for the standardized solution diagram with standardized factor loadings and factor correlations). To assess model fit of the specified model, the comparative fit index (CFI) and the root mean square of approximation (RMSEA) were used. The CFA model for the five latent factors revealed adequate model fit by even robust standards: CFI = 0.98 and RMSEA = 0.033 (Kaplan, 2000; Kline, 2005; Muthén, 2002). No measurement error for similar items within the five factors of interest was found. Overall, all factor loadings on the specified factors were statistically significant (p < .001). Factor intercorrelations for the three math psychological constructs (i.e., math identity, math utility, math self-efficacy) were statistically significant (p < .001). Factor intercorrelations for peer social factors and math self-efficacy were moderately significant (p < .05). Factor correlations between social and cultural factors as well as the remaining math psychological factors (math identity and math utility) were not statistically significant. In terms of the relationship between Latino math test scores and the five latent constructs, all factors revealed positive relationships—that is, higher levels of the five latent constructs were associated with higher math test scores (p < .001). Additionally, socioeconomic status had a positive relationship with math test scores and four of the five latent constructs (math identity, math self-efficacy, social factors, and cultural factors; p < .001).

SEM With Math Achievement Outcome A structural model was employed to assess the structural relationship of the five latent factors as predictors of Latina/o students’ math test score in eleventh grade. The SEM model for the five latent factors, SES, and the structural individual paths of students’ math test score revealed an adequate model fit (CFI = 0.97; RMSEA = 0.037) (Kaplan, 2000; Kline, 2005). Figure 6.2 contains the correlations between the latent factors and SES (factor correlations not shown; see Figure 6.1) as well as the standardized directional effects of SES and five factors on math test scores.

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Figure 6.1 CFA math achievement model results. e15 CFI = .98 RMSEA = .033

e10

e14 V15

V16 .90

e11

V12

V11

e10

V13

V14 .87

e12 e13

V10 .33 .43

.88

.32

.89

Social Factors

Cultural Factors

.043* .63***

Math Utility

Math Identity

Math Efficacy

.40***

.44***

.71

.85 .78

.98

.86

V3

V1

V2

e1

e2

.87 V5

e5 e4

V9

V6

V4 e3

.83 .73 .81

V7

V8

e6

e9 e7

e8

Note. Factor loadings ALL significant at the p < .001 level

Results from the structural model reveal statistically significant relationships between psychological factors (math identity, math self-efficacy, and math utility; p < .001). Of these relationships, math identity is the strongest significant predictor of math test scores (p < .001). Similarly, cultural and social factors are strong predictors of math test scores (p < .001). Together, the results from this model indicate Latino students’ math test scores are highly influenced by math psychological, cultural, and social factors. As the levels of statistically significant factors increase, so do math test scores. Comparing males and females under the CFA and SEM models. Overall, comparison models revealed no major differences between the factor loadings of Latino males and females when they are freely estimated using the nested models (see Table 6.3 for multiple group SEM analysis). The relationships between the latent factors were found to be consistent between male and female students and with the overall Latino model. In addition, similar correlations among all three math psychological factors were found. However, there is evidence of some deviation from the overall Latino model

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Figure 6.2 SEM math achievement model results for Latina/o students. .300*** SES

Math Utility

.043*

.080*** Math Identity

.035

.301*** .086*** Math Efficacy

Math Achievement

.045

.103***

e

.114***

Cultural Factors

.076***

Social Factors

TABLE 6.3

SEM Math Achievement Latino Male and Female Results Female

Male

Factor

Estimate

Standard error

Estimate

Standard error

Math identity

0.267***

0.036

0.359***

0.033

Math self-efficacy

0.048

0.035

0.040

0.034

Math utility

0.036

0.027

0.032

0.028

Cultural

0.087***

0.023

0.139***

0.026

Social

0.058*

0.027

0.088***

0.024

SES

0.300 ***

0.023

0.248***

0.022

Note. *p ≤ .05 **p ≤ .01 ***p ≤ .001

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TABLE 6.4

Factor Mean Differences by Gender Factor

Estimate

Standard error

p value

Math identity

–0.185***

0.038

.000

Math self-efficacy

–0.220***

0.037

.000

Math utility

–0.088**

0.039

.020

Cultural

0.048

0.042

.240

Social

0.026

0.045

.560

Note. Reference group is Latino males. *p ≤ .05 **p ≤ .01 ***p ≤ .001

in terms of latent factor relationships between cultural and social factors. For Latino males, there is a statistically significant relationship between math self-efficacy and cultural factors (p < .05); this relationship is not present for female Latina students. The predictive paths between the latent factors and math test scores are consistent between male and female students. In terms of gender differences, math identity and cultural and social factors for Latino males are significant predictors of higher math test scores. The findings about Latino male students reflect those of the overall SEM Latino model. For Latina female students, strong math identity and cultural factors are strong predictors of higher math test scores. Latina social factors appear moderately predictive of higher math scores (p < .05). Mean differences on latent factors. Because the assumption of MI was met (see Table 6.4), the analysis of group means on the latent construct is possible (Dimitrov, 2006). In the multiple group analysis the groups are coded as male = 0 and female = 1; the male group in this case is used as the reference group. The difference between the two group means on each construct equals the mean of the nonreferenced group (Latina females) on the construct (Dimitrov, 2006). When examining latent factor means between Latina/o students, Latina females have significantly lower means in all three psychological math latent constructs (p < .001) compared to Latino male counterparts. The two groups do not differ on the cultural and social constructs (p > .05).

Limitations There are limitations that should be considered when interpreting the results of this study. First, this analysis was limited to the variables in the HSLS:09 dataset, which limited the ability to include desired variables (e.g., cultural).

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Second, incomplete survey responses and missing variables (e.g., math effort, interest in math, students’ perceptions of math teachers) prevented a complete analysis of all of the independent variables that we intended to analyze (Hardré, Crowson, Debacker, & White, 2007). Third, this study used the publicly available HSLS:09 data, preventing an advanced method approach accounting for the nesting of the data (e.g., hierarchical linear modeling at the school).

Discussion Results from this study contribute to the expanding research literature on Latina/os’ academic achievement. Consistent with a large body of research suggesting socioeconomic status and student achievement are strongly correlated (Gandara & Contreras, 2009), this study found similar results, with parents’ socioeconomic status impacting Latina/o math achievement. Empirically, this study shows Latina/o students’ math achievement is highly influenced by psychological, social, and cultural factors in both the school and home environments. As the levels of these factors increase, so does Latina/o high school students’ math achievement, and this also has direct positive implications for academic success in other areas (Gaertner et al., 2014; Levine & Zimmerman, 1995; Long et al., 2012). The following sections provide a brief discussion arranged by the three components of the PSC framework and gender difference considerations.

Psychological Factors Research continues to show the importance of students gaining math knowledge and skills measured by cognitive tests in order to graduate high school and be academically prepared to succeed in college (Farrington et al., 2012); however, multiple psychological skills have been shown to be essential to students’ math learning trajectories (Conley, 2013). Empirical findings from this study reveal there are statistically significant relationships between high levels of positive math psychological factors (math identity, math efficacy, and math utility) for Latino students. After controlling for psychological relationships, math identity is the strongest statistically significant predictor of Latino math achievement. The need for Latina/o high school students to identify with math appears to be the most important factor in math achievement. This finding provides relevant insight into the importance of reaching out to Latina/o students as early as elementary school in order to develop a strong math identity that can be sustained along the educational pipeline (Hemphill & Vanneman, 2011; Smith & Hausafus, 1998).

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Social Factors Consistent with previous research suggesting peer social support is predictive of Latino student academic success (Alva, 1991; Gibson et al., 2004; Stanton-Salazar, 2001), this study found Latino students’ peer social networks are strong predictors of math test scores. Latino students in the sample who had a peer group of friends receiving good grades, took a standardized college entrance exam (i.e., PSAT, SAT, PLAN, ACT), and planned to attend 2-year community college or 4-year college increased their math achievement. This finding reveals the importance of positive peer influences. Secondary schools should examine their academic messages for Latino students and create strategies for equipping peer groups with information about advanced math courses, college and career options, and resources to improve Latino math achievement.

Cultural Factors Previous studies found both positive and negative educational outcomes based on cultural factors (Gonzalez & Padilla, 1997). The familismo construct used in this study was found to be a strong predictor of Latina/o math test scores; that is, Latina/os placing importance on family’s and friends’ recommendations over their own when choosing a college/school (e.g., importance of staying close to home and importance of family legacy). Familismo, a form of Latina/o cultural wealth, is a value present in the classroom that supports their math achievement (Yosso, 2005). This finding supports a vital need to further explore other cultural wealth variables and/or constructs given the positive benefits to Latina/o students. For instance, investigating linguistic, familial, social, and resistant capital can provide additional insight into transformative internal and external practices for Latina/o students (Solórzano & Bernal, 2001; Yosso, 2005).

PSC Gender Differences The CFI and SEM results confirm minor differences in PSC and math achievement between Latino males and females. However, a comparison of factor mean differences between Latino male and female students on all five latent factors showed that Latina females had statistically significant lower means in all three psychological math latent constructs (math identity, self-efficacy, and utility). These lowered factor means associated with Latina students are focused on the levels of the specified psychological latent constructs and not their actual achievement in math. Recent literature has found Latina females outperform Latino males in various educational benchmarks (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009) and are more inclined

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to enroll in advanced math classes (Aud et al., 2013; Riegle-Crumb, 2006). These findings align with previous research that has found stereotypes about female math inferiority (Lindberg, Hyde, Petersen, & Linn, 2010), which may be impacting Latina females’ ability to identify with math, have confidence in their math ability, and find utility in math. Given the importance of math identity as well as self-efficacy and utility, future research will need to further explore how to improve math psychological factors for both Latino males and females.

Implications for Practice and Future Research Given the importance of mathematics as a precursor for various academic successes for high school students, it is imperative that attention be given to all factors indicative of impacting mathematical success. As indicated from this study’s empirical findings, Latino male high school students’ math achievement is significantly influenced by psychological, social, and cultural factors. Given their continued lower participation rates in postsecondary education, this study is timely in providing a background to inform future policy and practice to improve participation for Latino males in postsecondary education and STEM careers. Facilitating Latina/o math achievement can potentially influence a rigorous math course–taking pathway, which, in turn, can positively influence other areas documented in previous research, such as success in other subjects, high school graduation, college acceptance, and a career choice in math and science majors and ultimately persisting (Alva, 1991; Bonous-Hammarth, 2000; Eamon, 2005; Gaertner et al., 2014; Levine & Zimmerman, 1995; Long et al., 2012; Nora & Crisp, 2012; Simpson, 2001; Sondgeroth & Stough, 1992; Trusty, 2002). Findings from this study provide a closer look at psychological, social, and cultural factors and how educators can think about engaging and preparing Latina/o students to thrive in high school, and potentially increase Latino representation in the STEM pipeline. Sáenz and Ponjuán (2011) highlight key high school practices that begin to support Latina/o students: • Emotional support—Encourage caring and respect through mentoring, peer support, and individual counseling. • Instrumental support—Offer tangible interventions, such as workshops focused on financial literacy, study skills, and time management. • Informational support—Offer valuable information related to academic transitions, academic advising, and career choices.

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• Appraisal support—Offer ongoing feedback based on student progress. • Structural support—Provide formal and informal structures to improve the school’s culture and climate (p. 14). There is a need for future research to expand on the findings from this study. First, future research should explore how elementary, middle, and high school experiences develop Latina/o math identity, math self-efficacy, and math utility. These findings could then be integrated into secondary experiences of Latina/o students that promote stronger math psychological factors influencing math achievement and STEM learning trajectories. Second, there is a need to continue to explore differences in gender with other academic benchmarks and PSC domains—in particular, the role of families, counselors, and teachers in the development of psychological factors, as previous research has found they are more likely to carry math inferiority beliefs for underrepresented students (Lindberg et al., 2010). Third, there is a need to use alternative frameworks like Yosso’s (2005) cultural wealth and Solórzano and Bernal’s (2001) resistance theory to potentially provide tremendous cultural insight in Latino males’ academic achievement. By thoroughly examining each of these sources of influence, educators can gain a better understanding of how to develop practices to better serve the needs of Latinos and help increase their participation, in not only postsecondary education but also STEM-related careers.

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Loehlin, J. C. (2004). Latent variable models: An introduction to factor, path, and structural equation analysis. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Long, M. C., Conger, D., & Iatarola, P. (2012). Effects of high school course-taking on secondary and postsecondary success. American Educational Research Journal, 49(2), 285–322. Lopez, E. M. (2001). Guidance of Latino high school students in mathematics and career identity development. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 23(2), 189– 207. Maloney, E. A., & Beilock, S. L. (2012). Math anxiety: Who has it, why it develops, and how to guard against it. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 16(8), 404–406. May, G. S., & Chubin, D. E. (2003). A retrospective on undergraduate engineering success for underrepresented minority students. Journal of Engineering Education, 92(1), 27–39. Museus, S. D., Palmer, R. T., Davis, R. J., & Maramba, D. C. (2011). Racial and ethnic minority students’ success in STEM education [Special issue]. ASHE Higher Education Report, 36(6). Muthén, B. (2002). Beyond SEM: General latent variable modeling. Behaviormetrika, 29(1), 81–117. National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) (2016). High School Longitudinal Study of 2009 (HSLS:09). Retrieved from: https://nces.ed.gov/surveys/hsls09/ Nora, A., & Crisp, G. (2012). Future research on Hispanic students: What have we yet to learn? and What new and diverse perspectives are needed to examine Latino success in higher education? (White paper). The Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities. Retrieved from http://www.hacu.net/images/hacu/OPAI/ H3ERC/2012_papers/Nora%20crisp%20-%20future%20research%20on%20 hispanics%20-%202012.pdf Pajares, F. (2005). Gender differences in mathematics self-efficacy beliefs. In A. M. Gallagher & J. C. Kaufman (Eds.), Gender differences in mathematics: An integrative psychological approach (pp. 294–315). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Pajares, F., & Miller, M. D. (1994). Role of self-efficacy and self-concept beliefs in mathematical problem solving: A path analysis. Journal of Educational Psychology, 86(2), 193–203. Phinney, J. S. (1997). Ethnic and American identity as predictors of self-esteem among African American, Latino, and White adolescents. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 26(2), 165–185. Purdie-Vaughns, V., Steele, C. M., Davies, P. G., Ditlmann, R., & Crosby, J. R. (2008). Social identity contingencies: How diversity cues signal threat or safety for African Americans in mainstream institutions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 94(4), 615–630. Riegle-Crumb, C. (2006). The path through math: Course sequences and academic performance at the intersection of race-ethnicity and gender. American Journal of Education, 113(1), 101–123.

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7 EXAMINING THE ROLE O F FA M I LY I N M E X I C A N AMERICAN COLLEGE MEN’S ACADEMIC PERSISTENCE Lizette Ojeda and Linda G. Castillo

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ecent higher education enrollment trends for high school Latino students reveal that they are attending postsecondary institutions in greater rates than any other racial/ethnic student group (Fry & Taylor, 2013). Yet, these unprecedented enrollment figures rarely result in higher college degree completion rates. Only 8.9% of Mexican American men 25 years or older actually have earned a college degree (i.e., bachelor’s degree or higher) as compared to 31.9% of White men, 19.2% of Black men, and 53.6% of Asian men (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012b). Additionally, Mexican American men have the lowest college enrollment and graduation rates among men who identify with other Latino ethnic groups (e.g., Puerto Rican, 16.4%; Cuban, 30.1%; Central American, 9.8%; South American, 30.2%; other, 21.3%) (U. S. Census Bureau, 2012a). Although scholars have lamented the challenges for Latino males in higher education (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009), this issue is particularly acute for Mexican American men. These disproportionate enrollment and degree completion rates among Latino men, particularly for Mexican American men, may create unintended consequences for our society and the Mexican American community. Perhaps these trends are best illustrated in the overrepresentation of occupations of Latino men in jobs that lack postsecondary training and reflect limited longterm career stability (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). Many of these students opt out and/or seek alternative pathways to a college education (e.g., school dropout, military recruitment, prison) (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). These challenges 116

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may reflect other family obligations for Latino students with the direct intent to financially assist their family (Sy & Romero, 2008). Such financial realities and family responsibilities may lead to lower academic persistence for many Latino students, but perhaps even more for Mexican American men. To advance the discourse and address the current research on Latino men in higher education (Hernandez & Lopez, 2004; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009), this chapter expands on a recent study that examined the role of la familia, specifically parental encouragement and familismo, in the college persistence intentions of Mexican American college men (Ojeda, Navarro, & Morales, 2011). Toward that end, this chapter advances the discussion in several ways to help better understand the complex and arduous pathways to a postsecondary education for Mexican American men. First, we discuss the unique characteristics that define the Mexican ethnic identity and how it intersects with gender identity. Next, we discuss Latino family dynamics and their effect on their family. At the intersection of family and individual pathways to higher education, we specifically examine the unique challenges that Mexican American men face on their journey of college degree completion. Finally, we utilize earlier research findings to frame potential implications and recommendations for families, educational leaders, and educational policymakers. To offer a context for the educational experiences of Mexican American men and their families, we provide a caveat of the Mexican American ethnic group. Mexican Americans represent a group of people living in the United States who are of Mexican descent (McNeill et al., 2001) and constitute 64.5% of all Latinos (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012b). Although Latinos share many commonalities, such as language (i.e., Spanish) and cultural values (i.e., familismo), Latino ethnic groups vary in many ways, such as by race, immigration history, and social class (McNeill et al., 2001). For instance, among Latinos, Mexican Americans with the exception of Central American Latinos are less likely to have occupations in professional fields (9.7%) and more likely to be in service occupations (26.4%) (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012b). Because Mexican Americans represent a majority of the Latino population, these employment occupations and limited educational accomplishments foreshadow the future for many Mexican American men. Given these employment and educational realities, we critically explore how Mexican American men navigate and manage their ethnic and gender identity.

The Intersection of Ethnic Identity and Gender Identity For Mexican American men, the intersection of gender and heritage culture creates a unique male identity that balances the individual and the collective. Traditional Mexican culture is characterized as family-oriented, spiritual,

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valuing respect, and having traditional gender roles (Knight et al., 2010). Gender role socialization for Mexican American men includes negative and positive dimensions of masculinity, known as machismo (i.e., hypermasculinity) and caballerismo (i.e., chivalry), respectively (Arciniega, Anderson, Tovar-Blank, & Tracey, 2008). Coupled with these individual characteristics, Mexican American male identity is also created within a collectivistic ethnic culture (Santiago-Rivera, Arredondo, & Gallardo-Cooper, 2002) where the family system is at its core. Mexican American men go to college not just for themselves but also for their family (Schwartz, Donovan, & Guido-DiBrito, 2009). Thus, it is important to understand the influence that the family has on the educational experiences of Mexican American college men.

Latino Family Dynamics The Mexican cultural value of loyalty, commitment, and dedication to la familia is known as familismo (Marín & Marín, 1991). Latinos consider themselves one with family and have an interdependent mind-set in which a sense of togetherness and collective responsibility to one another is emphasized (Falicov, 1998). For instance, Mirandé (1997) concluded in his Latino men’s study that not valuing one’s family and not fulfilling family obligations were viewed as unmanly. In addition, Latinos in general desire to help their family as a reason for going to college more so than White students (Phinney, Dennis, & Osorio, 2006), further supporting the unique importance of family to Latinos’ college trajectory. Although family is often mentioned as a source of support and comfort in times of hardships for Latino college students (Gloria, Castellanos, Lopez, & Rosales, 2005; Hernandez, 2002), the family system can also be experienced as a stressor. For instance, because the family is central to Mexican culture, Mexican American college students may perceive pressure, whether internal or familial, to perform well academically because of having a sense of obligation and duty to advance their family, as often these college students are the first in their family to pursue higher education (Hernandez, 2000). As Latino men who value dignidad (dignity) for their family (de la Cancela, 1986), they may experience pressure to demonstrate honor to their family by getting a college education.

Intersection of La Familia and College Persistence Although researchers have studied the college nonpersistence intentions among Latinos (Gloria et al., 2005), less is understood about their college

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persistence intentions. A brief review of the literature highlights contrasting images of the role of Latino families in educational outcomes. For example, researchers found that Latino college students who received both support from family and peers and parental encouragement were less likely to make decisions that conflicted with college persistence (Gloria et al., 2005). Furthermore, a study on Latino adolescents found that parental academic encouragement decreased the likelihood of dropping out of school (Martinez, DeGarmo, & Eddy, 2004) and related to academic achievement (Ong, Phinney, & Dennis, 2006). Conversely, earlier research suggests that academic motivation, a related construct to academic persistence, was not significantly influenced by mother’s support, father’s support, and parents’ education level, but was significantly influenced by teachers’ academic support (Alfaro, Umaña-Taylor, & Bamaca, 2006). Given these discrepancies in the role of family in Latinos’ education, more research is warranted to understand their relation, especially with a focus on the role of la familia exclusively in Mexican American men’s educational attainment. Given the challenges many Mexican American men face on their educational pathway toward a postsecondary degree, we argue that additional insights are needed to address factors that contribute to Mexican American men’s college retention. This chapter seeks to understand the college persistence intentions of Mexican American men rather than their actual retention because we wanted to understand the cognitive processes that they undergo in deciding to persist academically.

Shaping a New Discourse for Mexican American Men and College Persistence For this chapter we highlight findings from an earlier published research study (Ojeda et al., 2011). This mixed-methods study included 186 Mexican American men attending a Hispanic-serving institution (HSI) in the southwest in which more than 86% of students are Latino. Overall, we found that parental encouragement fully mediated the relationship between familismo and Mexican American males’ college persistence intentions. That is, familismo had a positive indirect effect on college persistence intentions via its relationship with parental encouragement. To fully vet these initial quantitative findings, we also asked open-ended questions about supports and barriers to graduation so that we could create a complete portrait of students’ experiences.

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Mexican American Men’s College Persistence Intentions A fundamental issue for many Mexican American male students was how they perceive their ability to enter and thrive in college. Although the initial results indicated that families play a critical role in helping students navigate the college environment, we forged deeper into their individual stories to understand their unique experiences. The collective voices of the students highlighted a compelling portrait of Mexican American college men at an HSI. They spoke of attitudinal factors that have helped them to persist, including hope, determination, and desire. Some students also stated that being the first in their family who has attended college keeps them focused on graduating (i.e., determination). Next, some of these students identified tangible instrumental factors that aided their progress. For example, some spoke about how having a vehicle helps them get to classes on time, which is an essential part of staying in college. At the same time, others spoke about how having a college education will open career and life opportunities. For example, one student stated, “I know that education is the key to success in life.” Finally, in support of their survey responses, many students discussed how family support plays a critical role in their educational success. They spoke of receiving support from family, the university, financial aid, and others (e.g., professors). A student stated, “My parents have been really supportive, and federal funds, and loans.” A similar response from another student was, “My family, they are proud of me and have always supported me.”

Mexican American Men’s Perceived Barriers to Graduation Another major emphasis in the Ojeda and colleagues (2011) study focused on students’ narratives about their perceived barriers to graduation. In particular, we sought to understand what self-perceived barriers would inhibit them from graduating from college. Once again, their voices highlight a sober reality for many students who attempt to balance their educational aspirations and other commitments. Some students shared that their struggles included finances, academics, and themselves. One student stated, “What will keep me away from graduating from college is I don’t have the help that financial aid provides to most students.” Others stated that “lack of money” and “economic problems” were reasons they may not stay in college, whereas other students also spoke of academic struggles as barriers that could prevent them from staying in college. They also stated sometimes they could get in their own way of graduating from college. Coupled with potential financial and academic barriers, students also stated that unexpected events posed a real threat to their progress (e.g., death,

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health-related problems, bad luck). For example, some students indicated that the unexpected death of a loved one or getting in the way of their own self might result in academic nonpersistence. They also said unexpected health complications might be a barrier to graduating from college. For example, one student self-identified as a diabetic and cited health complications as potentially problematic in completing course requirements. Indirectly, other health-related problems could exacerbate their progress. Some students reported that an unexpected pregnancy of a significant other and the associated parenting responsibilities (e.g., financial, childrearing) might result in academic nonpersistence. Unfortunately, some students mentioned unexpectedly failing courses, whereas some reported that finding a good job unrelated to their academic majors might result in dropping out. Interestingly, a counternarrative to the survey results and some other students’ narratives revealed the reality that factors related to immediate family may inhibit their academic progression. Some students simply indicated that their “family” or “parents” were barriers to completing their postsecondary education. For instance, students noted feeling pressured from family members to stay near home and to find a job to contribute to the household income. However, one student explained how he had not let his family influence him. He said, “I have separated myself from family influence. If I would have stayed close to family, it would have distracted [me from] my studies.” Finally, some students illustrated a strong sense of resiliency and determination in regard to their commitment to completing a college degree. In a few cases, students adamantly proclaimed that “nothing” will prevent them from graduating with a college degree. In fact, one student commented, “I am graduating from college no matter what happens in my life.”

From Research Findings to a Better Understanding and Recommendations Thus far we have provided a compelling portrait of the unique challenges Mexican American men face on their path toward college degree completion. We briefly discussed the results of an earlier study to provide a poignant portrait of some Mexican American men attending an HSI. These findings shed light on the unique challenges that these men face, and yet there has been minimal discussion of how higher education leaders, families, and other key stakeholders can appropriately meet their needs. The balance of this chapter focuses on providing a comprehensive response to this educational challenge. First, we provide a context for our findings from the extant research literature. Second, we discuss how we improve our understanding of Mexican

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American men’s progress toward postsecondary degree completion. Third, we focus on the recommendations for practice that help Mexican American men succeed in higher education and beyond. As mentioned earlier in our survey results, we found that parental encouragement significantly and fully mediated the relationship between familismo and college persistence intentions. That is, familismo positively predicted parental encouragement for pursuing education, which in turn positively predicted college persistence intentions. This finding suggests that for familismo to have a positive indirect effect on college persistence intentions the presence of parental encouragement to attend and complete college is necessary. Thus, it is not the Mexican cultural value of familismo in and of itself that promotes Mexican American men’s positive college persistence intentions, but the combination of familismo and parental encouragement. Given that the family is at the core of the Mexican American male gender identity (Arciniega et al., 2008; Knight et al., 2010) and familismo encompasses loyalty, commitment, and dedication to la familia, it seems logical that if Mexican American college men adhere to the cultural value of familismo then parental encouragement would have a significant impact on college persistence, intentions, and behaviors. This was particularly true for this sample of Mexican American college men who highly endorsed familismo, parental encouragement, and college persistence intentions. Via student narratives we heard the voices of Mexican American college men discuss their intentions to persist in college. Their voices gave us a fuller picture of the role of la familia in their educational pursuits. For example, they spoke about their families as a source of support that makes it easier for them to stay in college. They also mentioned that their families’ pride in their academic pursuits positively influences their college persistence intentions. Thus, the theme of family as a support for staying in college is congruent with the survey results and previous research. For instance, parental encouragement was negatively related to Latino adolescents’ school dropout behaviors (Martinez et al., 2004) as well as Latino college students’ intentions of leaving college (Gloria et al., 2005) and academic achievement (Ong et al., 2006). Interestingly, although the men pointed to their families as a source of academic support, they also viewed their family and familial obligations as potential distractions from academic success. This finding coincides with the work of Fuligni, Tseng, and Lam (1999), which suggests that at times it is difficult to balance academic and family demands for ethnic minority students, particularly Latinos, who may adhere to familismo. Perhaps the Mexican American male gender identity is interacting with the idea that family is a distraction from their education. Mirandé (1997) suggests some Latino men can be self-centered in spite of the cultural value of familismo.

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The responses from the Mexican American college men also highlight the influence of attitudinal, instrumental, and support factors on their likelihood of staying in college. The students’ own hope, determination, and desire (i.e., attitudinal factors) to complete their college education were sources of motivation for staying in college. For example, some students spoke about their desire and hope to learn new things, whereas some students spoke about the determination to be the first one in their family to graduate from college. These findings coincide with previous research suggesting that Latino college students are motivated to attend college by the hope of gaining personal-intellectual growth (Phinney et al., 2006). Although our students did not elaborate on their motivations as first-generation college students, previous research suggests that first-generation college students’ determination to finish college is linked to their desire to help their families financially (Bui, 2002). The instrumental factors related to staying in college included access to reliable transportation, the chance to practice sports, and the opportunities related to having a college education. Obviously, the ability to be on time to class is key to successfully completing a college degree and was acknowledged by the Mexican American men in this chapter. Additionally, one of the pathways to college for ethnic minority students is intercollegiate athletics (Braddock, 1981). Thus, practicing sports was cited as one reason for staying in college in the present study. The final instrumental factor was the opportunities related to having a college education. Students indicated that opportunities leading to life and career success motivated them to maintain their enrollment in college. These findings lend support to social cognitive career theory, which suggests that students’ beliefs about what outcome they expect would result from getting a college degree are related to setting and pursuing academic goals, such as graduating from college (Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994). Above and beyond family or parental support, other sources of social and financial support were denoted as factors related to staying in college, such as professors and campus organizations. In terms of financial support, students mentioned financial aid was key to staying. Together, these findings support research that points to the influence of teacher support (Alfaro et al., 2006), financial support (i.e., loans, scholarships; Capello, 1994), and involvement in campus organizations (Davalos, Chavez, & Guardiola, 1999) on Latinos’ academic outcomes. In terms of potential barriers to graduating from college, Mexican American men noted that difficulties with academics, finances, and their own motivation may stand in their way of graduating from college. Because we have already addressed how the Latino family may be a potential barrier to graduating from college, we will focus on the other barriers. Given that

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these students also noted that their own hope, determination, and desires along with social and financial support would help them to stay in school, it is no surprise that the lack of these attitudinal and instrumental factors would relate to their attrition from college prior to graduating (Fischer, 2005; Sanchez, 1992). Furthermore, the students discussed how unexpected life events, such as death, illness, and pregnancy of a significant other, might keep them from completing college. Whereas it is clear why their own deaths and illnesses may stand in the way of them graduating from college, our students’ other responses in this theme may be related to their Mexican American male gender identities. As men in the Mexican American culture, our students may adhere to the cultural value of caballerismo (e.g., chivalry; Arciniega et al., 2008). Thus, they may see it as their responsibility to help the family deal with the death and illness of its members. Additionally, caballerismo and familismo in the Mexican culture call for the men to take responsibility for their families (Arciniega et al., 2008; Knight et al., 2010; Mirandé, 1997). Thus, it is no surprise that an unexpected pregnancy of a significant other would be a barrier to completing a college degree for this sample of Mexican American college men given the financial and time commitments associated with raising a child. As mentioned earlier, some Mexican American college men indicated that nothing would stand in their way of getting a college education. One can only speculate that students felt so self-confident and focused in their college education that they truly believed that there was “nothing” that could stop them from staying in college. Also, it is possible that the students who responded in this manner are not aware of the challenges that Latino students confront in college. Yet another possibility is that the Mexican American male gender identity is interacting with our students’ responses of “nothing” to the question of what will keep them from graduating from college. For example, it may not look “manly” and their dignidad (dignity) may be challenged to say anything will get in their way of graduating, and thus they are protecting their hypermasculinity associated with machismo. At the same time, these Mexican American college men may understand the importance of a college degree for their families’ futures.

A Better Understanding of Mexican American Men’s Pathways to College Persistence This chapter provides empirical evidence that culture-based constructs, such as familismo, influence college persistence for Mexican American men. Furthermore, it demonstrates that aspects of familismo can serve as both a barrier

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and a support. This is important to note because this implies that there may be multiple dimensions to the familismo construct that are not being adequately examined in research. Villareal, Blozis, and Widaman (2005) noted that familismo consists of behavioral and attitudinal components. Behavioral familismo is less static and can change as a function of length of time in the United States. It includes the behavioral manifestations of familismo, such as frequency of visiting family and exchange of material assistance. Attitudinal familismo involves beliefs about loyalty, solidarity, and reciprocity within the family. It is considered to be more stable over time. To better understand what aspects of familismo influence persistence of Mexican American men, researchers need to develop studies that examine both aspects of familismo. For instance, it is possible that behavioral familismo could be a barrier to persistence in that students may feel obligated to visit family frequently or help family financially by sending them portions of their financial aid check. On the other hand, it could be attitudinal familismo that serves to facilitate persistence. In this chapter we highlighted how our use of an attitudinal familismo scale in our previous study, as well as students’ comments that it was their families’ pride that influences their persistence, supports the notion that attitudinal familismo is a positive influence on college persistence. Scholars have noted an inconsistency in the literature on how familismo is examined in research (Sabogal, Marín, Otero-Sabogal, & Marín, 1987; Villareal et al., 2005). Most research focuses on either one aspect of familismo or the other, and rarely have studies examined both. However, to understand the separate pathways by which familismo influences persistence, research must examine both dimensions of the construct. In addition to familismo being a multidimensional construct, it is also a construct that is gender driven. In this chapter we demonstrated how our previous study focused on Mexican American men’s college persistence intentions, rather than grouping together men and women. However, we were unable to include masculinity constructs in the study that may have been relevant in the lives of Mexican American men. Scholars have noted that although both men and women in the Mexican American culture are expected to maintain the value of familismo, the manner in which this cultural value is manifested is determined by gender-proscribed norms of the culture (Castillo, Perez, Castillo, & Ghosheh, 2010). For instance, culturally ascribed norms for Mexican American women’s adherence to familismo are that they provide physical and emotional support to the family, bear and raise children, and take care of housework (Castillo et al., 2010). For Mexican American men, acceptable ways in which familismo is displayed is by being

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a financial provider, a family leader, and a fighter for the family (Arciniega et al., 2008; Castillo et al., 2010). We argue that research should use current theory on Mexican American male gender roles, such as Arciniega and colleagues’ (2008) machismo and cabellerismo theory, to examine how the two dimensions of male gender role influence Mexican American male college students’ perceptions of the extent to which they are practicing familismo and how it in turn influences persistence. Future studies should include culturally specific gender role attitudes and behaviors (e.g., machismo, caballerismo) as well as male-specific gender role phenomena (e.g., gender role conflict, male gender role norms). The inclusion of such gender-related constructs along with cultural orientation variables (e.g., acculturation, enculturation) may more fully explain Mexican American college men’s college persistence intentions as well as the role of familismo and parental encouragement. Finally, investigating the influence of familismo and parental encouragement on college persistence over time is important in bolstering our understanding of Mexican American men’s educational experiences. Although beyond the scope of this chapter, we suggest researchers conduct longitudinal studies to provide a more holistic picture of Mexican American men’s educational trajectory, not just a picture of their college persistence intentions at one point in time. Additionally, such longitudinal studies would allow an examination of actual persistence behaviors of Mexican American college men, not just their intentions.

Recommendations for Practice Practitioners, higher education administrators, and Mexican American families and communities can use this chapter and the other chapters to improve Mexican American men’s college persistence via the development of culturally informed interventions. Toward that end, we provide initial recommendations that are not exhaustive but provide some guidance for various stakeholders. It might also be noted that our recommendations are relevant regardless of higher education institutional type (e.g., predominantly White institutions, 2- and 4-year institutions, research-extensive). Higher education practitioners and faculty members should obtain knowledge of the cultural issues that impact this male population. However, obtaining knowledge of cultural issues goes beyond a surface-level understanding, such as that parental encouragement is important for Mexican American college men. Parental encouragement is important for all students and is not limited to Mexican American men. Higher education practitioners need to be knowledgeable about how parental encouragement influences their

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persistence. One way to do this is to provide educational training that helps university personnel to learn how to distinguish individual differences about when family is perceived as both a barrier and a motivator to persistence. Next, in this chapter’s discussion of our previous study, we found that parental encouragement plays a central role in explaining how the value of familismo influences college persistence. As such, higher education practitioners must gain knowledge of what specific aspects of encouragement are needed to help motivate Mexican American men in college. For instance, in the previous study we used Gloria’s (1993) Parental Encouragement Scale to discern differing factors of encouragement. For example, based on this scale, students indicated that a mother who supports efforts in getting a college diploma was the most important parental encouragement aspect associated with persistence, whereas a father’s interest in one’s college friends was not viewed as essential. In this chapter we highlighted results from our previous study, which was based on the perceptions of students attending an HSI in south Texas. Because student racial/ethnic demographics of college campuses are unique, higher education administrators should work closely with students in identifying barriers and motivators to their persistence. We suggest that administrators should reach out to their students to better understand their unique challenges through open house events and individual and focus group interviews for the targeted student group. For example, if intervention strategies are being planned to specifically target Mexican American males, then administrators should provide an opportunity for the student population of interest to voice their concerns and provide creative ideas to address the unique issues or needs of Mexican American male students. Coupled with the previous recommendations, research suggests that financial constraints were an identified barrier that cuts across student ethnic groups. However, because many Mexican Americans are the first in their family to attend college (Hernandez, 2000), their parents may not have sufficient college knowledge to help them find financial resources (Fann, McClafferty Jarsky, & McDonough, 2009). Therefore, we recommend that higher education administrators specifically develop programs and policies to help Mexican American men and their families navigate and identify financial aid opportunities. Specifically, given the potential language barriers, institutional efforts should go beyond providing basic information about the financial aid application process but should also include education for improved student and family financial literacy. Researchers argue that financial literacy is important because many Mexican American students may lack the critical skills to balance a budget or plan ahead for unforeseen expenses (O’Connor, Hammack, & Scott, 2010). This

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is particularly important for Mexican American college men, who may feel obligated to financially support their family and may do so by sending a portion of their financial aid home (Bui, 2002). By providing financial literacy and skills, Mexican American men will still be able to maintain caballerismo values by contributing to the financial well-being of the family while simultaneously thinking about the future financial health of the family by obtaining a college degree. Finally, above and beyond family or parental support, our chapter highlighted other sources of social support as factors related to staying in college, such as professors and campus organizations. Castellanos and Gloria (2007) propose that Latino college student success relies on regular contact with Latino peers, organizations, and faculty in the college environment. Scholars have noted the importance of social connections for Latino college students (Gloria, 1997). The term academic family is used to describe the family-like relationships developed in the college setting, where Latino peers serve as sibling connections and faculty members serve as “academic parents” and provide students with guidance, direction, and mentorship (Niebes-Davis, 2012). Building on this academic family framework, in this chapter we propose the concept of “academic family support” to describe the unique integration of social, familial, and academic support that can come from a faculty member. For example, Texas A&M University created the Mi Casa es Su Casa program to provide a support system for Latino freshmen and transfer students. Latino students are “adopted” by a Latino faculty member’s family. Activities include both academic (e.g., academic guidance) and personal activities (e.g., dinner with faculty member’s family).

Conclusion This chapter provided a specific focus on Mexican American men in the U.S. higher education system. Although there is clear evidence that Latino students are the fastest-growing student group in higher education enrollment trends, not all students within this group are completing a postsecondary degree. We highlighted that Mexican American men have languished in higher education, and it is critical that we focus our attention on the factors that inhibit or promote their academic success. Toward that end, through an examination of a previous study, we focused on the role of Latino families in men’s college persistence. Our chapter discussed how familismo plays a critical and complex role in the academic lives of Mexican American college men. Although these students face challenging barriers, we found that familismo in conjunction with parental encouragement plays a critical role in their academic success. Finally, we suggested

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recommendations that vested stakeholders need to consider to help Mexican American men achieve academic and career success.

References Alfaro, E. C., Umaña-Taylor, A. J., & Bamaca, M. Y. (2006). The influence of academic support on Latino adolescents’ academic motivation. Family Relations, 55, 279–291. Arciniega, G. M., Anderson, T. C., Tovar-Blank, Z. G., & Tracey, T. J. G. (2008). Toward a fuller conception of machismo: Development of a traditional machismo and caballerismo scale. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 55, 19–33. Braddock, J. H. (1981). Race, athletics, and educational attainment: Dispelling the myths. Youth and Society, 12, 335–350. Bui, K. V. T. (2002). First-generation college students at a four-year university: Background characteristics, reasons for pursuing higher education, and 1st-year experiences. College Student Journal, 36, 3–11. Capello, D. C. (1994). Beyond financial aid: Counseling Latina students. Journal of Multicultural Counseling & Development, 22, 28–36. Castellanos, J., & Gloria, A. M. (2007). Research consideration and theoretical application for best practice in higher education: Latina/os achieving success. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 6, 378–396. Castillo, L. G., Perez, F. V., Castillo, R., & Ghosheh, M. R. (2010). Construction and initial validation of the Marianismo Beliefs Scale. Counselling Psychology Quarterly, 23, 163–175. Davalos, D. B., Chavez, E. L., & Guardiola, R. J. (1999). The effects of extracurricular activity, ethnic identification, and perception of school on student dropout rates. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 21, 61–77. de la Cancela, V. (1986). A critical analysis of Puerto Rican machismo: Implications for clinical practice. Psychotherapy, 23, 291–296. Falicov, C. J. (1998). Latino families in therapy. New York, NY: Guilford Press. Fann, A., McClafferty Jarsky, K., & McDonough, P. M. (2009). Parent involvement in the college planning process: A case study of P-20 collaboration. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 8, 374–393. Fischer, K. (2005). Latinos said to lag in getting student aid. The Chronicle of Higher Education, 52, 48. Fry, R., & Taylor, P. (2013). Hispanic high school graduates pass Whites in rate of college enrollment. Washington, DC: Pew Research Hispanic Center. Fuligni, A. J., Tseng, V., & Lam, M. (1999). Attitudes toward family obligations among American adolescents with Asian, Latin American, and European backgrounds. Child Development, 70, 1030–1044. Gloria, A. M. (1993). Psychosocial factors influencing the academic persistence of Chicano/a student support groups. Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 24, 246–259.

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Gloria, A. M. (1997). Chicana academic persistence: Creating a university-based community. Education & Urban Society, 30, 107–121. Gloria, A. M., Castellanos, J., Lopez, A. G., & Rosales, R. (2005). An examination of academic nonpersistence decisions of Latino undergraduates. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 27, 202–223. Hernandez, J. C. (2000). Understanding the retention of Latino college students. Journal of College Student Development, 41, 575–588. Hernandez, J. C. (2002). A qualitative exploration of the first-year experience of Latino college students. NASPA Journal, 40, 69–84. Hernandez, J. C., & Lopez, M. A. (2004). Leaking pipeline: Issues impacting Latino/a college student retention. Journal of College Student Retention, 6, 37–60. Knight, G. P., Gonzales, N. A., Saenz, D. S., Bonds, D. D., Germán, M., Deardorff, J., . . . Updegraff, K. A. (2010). The Mexican American cultural values scales for adolescents and adults. The Journal of Early Adolescence, 30(3), 444–481 Lent, R. W., Brown, S. D., & Hackett, G. (1994). Toward a unifying social cognitive theory of career and academic interest, choice, and performance. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 45, 79–122. Marín, G., & Marín, B. V. (1991). Research with Hispanic populations. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Martinez, C. R., DeGarmo, D. S., & Eddy, J. M. (2004). Promoting academic success among Latino youths. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 26, 128–151. McNeill, B. W., Prieto, L. R., Niemann, Y. F., Pizarro, M., Vera, E. M., & Gómez, S. P. (2001). Current directions in Chicana/o psychology. Counseling Psychologist, 29, 5–18. Mirandé, A. (1997). Hombres y machos: Masculinity and Latino culture. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Niebes-Davis, A. J. (2012). The role of family and academic support in the relationship between gender role beliefs and psychosocial distress among Latina college students (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Texas A&M University, College Station. O’Connor, N., Hammack, F. M., & Scott, M. A. (2010). Social capital, financial knowledge, and Hispanic student college choice. Research in Higher Education, 51, 195–219. Ojeda, L., Navarro, R. L., & Morales, A. (2011). The role of la familia on Mexican American men’s college persistence intentions. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 12, 216–229. Ong, A. D., Phinney, J. S., & Dennis, J. (2006). Competence under challenge: Exploring the protective influence of parental support and ethnic identity in Latino college students. Journal of Adolescence, 29, 961–979. Phinney, J. S., Dennis, J., & Osorio, S. (2006). Reasons to attend college among ethnically diverse college students. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 12, 347–366. Sabogal, F., Marín, G., Otero-Sabogal, R., & Marín, B. V. (1987). Hispanic familism and acculturation: What changes and what doesn’t? Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 9, 397–412.

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Sáenz, V. B., & Ponjuán, L. (2009). The vanishing Latino male in higher education. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 8, 54–89. Sanchez, J. E. (1992). Dropping out: Hispanic students, attrition, and the family. College and University, 67, 145–150. Santiago-Rivera, A. L., Arredondo, P., & Gallardo-Cooper, M. (2002). Counseling Latinos and la familia. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Schwartz, J. L., Donovan, J., & Guido-DiBrito, F. (2009). Stories of social class: Self-identified Mexican male college students crack the silence. Journal of College Student Development, 50, 50–66. Sy, S. R., & Romero, J. (2008). Family responsibilities among Latina college students from immigrant families. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 7(3), 212–227. doi:10.1177/1538192708316208 U.S. Census Bureau. (2012a). Educational attainment in the United States—Detailed Tables: 2012. Retrieved from http://www.census.gov/hhes/socdemo/education/ data/cps/2012/tables.html U.S. Census Bureau. (2012b). The Hispanic population in the United States: 2011. Retrieved from http://www.census.gov/population/hispanic/data/2011.html Villareal, R., Blozis, S. A., & Widaman, K. F. (2005). Factorial invariance of a PanHispanic familism scale. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 27, 409–425.

8 O V E R T H E I V Y WA L L Latino Male Achievers Nurturing Cultural Wealth at a Highly Selective Predominantly White Institution David Pérez II

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wo decades have passed since Gándara (1995) published Over the Ivy Walls, a seminal study on high-achieving Latina/o1 students who defied the odds by earning terminal degrees at selective postsecondary institutions. Despite her success in identifying conditions that facilitated participants’ exceptional academic outcomes (Gándara, 1982, 1993), researchers continue to focus disproportionately on factors that contribute to the gross underrepresentation and underachievement of Latinas/os within higher education (Fry, 2002; Noguera, Hurtado, & Fergus, 2012; Swail, Cabrera, Lee, & Williams, 2005). To effectively address what Sáenz and Ponjuán (2009) have characterized as the “vanishing Latino male” crisis within higher education, this study attends to the experiences of Latino male achievers, students who excelled academically at one of the most selective postsecondary institutions in the United States. Research indicates that the cumulative disadvantages Latino males experience in the P–12 educational system leave many young men ill prepared to make the transition to college (Clark, Ponjuan, Orrock, Wilson, & Flores, 2013; Planty et al., 2009; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). Consequently, Latino males are not expected to matriculate at, excel in, or graduate from highly selective colleges and universities. Yet, Melguizo (2008) found that Latinas/os who attend selective institutions, as opposed to nonselective institutions, are more likely to earn a bachelor’s degree. Data indicate that approximately 85%

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of all Latino males enrolled at Ivy League institutions graduated within a 6-year period in 2010 (National Center for Education Statistics, 2015). Harvard (71%) graduated a smaller percentage of Latino males in comparison to other Ivy League institutions (86%), while the University of Pennsylvania graduated 100% of its Latino males during the same period. Unfortunately, little is known about the factors that contribute to the success of Latino males at selective predominantly White institutions (PWIs). This chapter explains how Latino males possess, utilize, and nurture various forms of capital reflected in Yosso’s (2005) community cultural wealth (CCW) framework to achieve positive outcomes during college. To be more specific, this study illuminates how participation in Latinobased student organizations nurtures cultural wealth among Latino male achievers at a highly selective PWI. By focusing on factors that contribute to students’ success, the accounts offered by participants seek to advance what is known about Latino male collegians. More importantly, the findings presented in this chapter are intended to inform policies and practices that enhance the educational outcomes achieved by Latino males within higher education.

Theoretical Framework This chapter reframes discourse regarding the experiences of Latina/o collegians by drawing attention to how Latino males nurture cultural wealth to achieve positive outcomes at a highly selective PWI. The term cultural wealth refers to unique forms of cultural capital, accumulated assets, and resources racial and ethnic minorities possess and utilize to negotiate their marginalized social positions within educational institutions. These forms of capital have not been adequately accounted for in the published research on Latina/o collegians. In “Whose Culture Has Capital?” Yosso (2005) contends that researchers have misappropriated Bourdieu’s (1977) theory of cultural capital and asserted that racial and ethnic minorities are culturally impoverished. Stated differently, Latina/o students do not possess the cultural capital that is valued by their privileged middle-class White peers and that is needed to succeed in college. Accordingly, researchers’ narrow conceptualizations of cultural capital fail to account for the “knowledge, skills, abilities and contacts possessed and utilized by Communities of Color to survive and resist macro and micro-forms of oppression” (Yosso, 2005, p. 77). Yosso (2005)

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expands on how cultural wealth is conceptualized by outlining six distinct forms of capital reflected in her CCW framework: 1. Aspirational capital refers to the ability to maintain hopes and dreams for the future, even in the face of real or perceived barriers. 2. Familial capital refers to the cultural knowledge nurtured among familia [kin] that carries a sense of community history, memory, and cultural intuition. 3. Linguistic capital includes the intellectual and social skills attained through communication experiences in more than one language or style. 4. Navigational capital refers to the skills of maneuvering through social institutions. 5. Resistant capital refers to the knowledge and skills fostered through oppositional behavior that challenges inequality. 6. Social capital can be understood as networks of people and community resources. (pp. 77–81)

It should be noted that the aforementioned forms of capital are not mutually exclusive; rather, CCW is strengthened and sustained through a dynamic process whereby one form of capital may be nurtured by other forms of capital. For example, Yosso (2005) notes that “aspirations are developed within social and familial contexts, often through linguistic storytelling and advice (consejos) that offer specific navigational goals to challenge (resist) oppressive conditions” (p. 77). The findings presented in this chapter advance Yosso’s framework by illuminating how participants nurtured specific forms of capital to achieve positive outcomes in college. In particular, this chapter explores the connection between social capital and three forms of capital—navigational, resistant, and linguistic—that have not been adequately addressed in the literature on racial and ethnic minority achievers in higher education (Arellano & Padilla, 1996; Cabrera & Padilla, 2004; Ceballo, 2004; Gándara, 1995; Griffin & Pérez, 2013; Harper, 2006, 2009, 2013; Harper, Williams, Pérez, & Morgan, 2013). In recent years, Yosso’s (2005) framework has been employed to examine the educational trajectories of Latina/o collegians. Research indicates that Latinas/os draw on CCW to negotiate the college-choice process and gain admission to postsecondary institutions (Liou, Antrop-Gonzalez, & Cooper, 2009; Martinez, 2011; P. A. Pérez & McDonough, 2008). Moreover, Latina/o collegians utilize alternative forms of capital to navigate and resist hostile climates at PWIs (Pérez Huber, 2009; Yosso, Smith, Ceja, & Solórzano, 2009). These findings are consistent with D. Pérez’s (2012) study on Latino male achievers. However, he found that CCW also provides a more

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nuanced understanding of how participants conceptualized and embodied success at a highly selective postsecondary institution.

Literature Review There is a dearth of scholarship on Latina/o collegians at Ivy League and other highly selective institutions. Within the last two decades, research published on Latinas/os at highly selective postsecondary institutions has centered on two issues: increasing access and completion rates (Alon, 2007; Alon & Tienda, 2005; Carnevale & Rose, 2004; Davies & Guppy, 1997; Elliott, Strenta, Adair, Matier, & Scott, 1996; Melguizo, 2008). Although these are noteworthy goals, researchers should also pursue lines of inquiry that highlight the experiences of successful Latina/o collegians. This section provides an overview of the literature published on Latina/o student access, retention, and achievement at highly selective U.S. postsecondary institutions. Researchers consistently report that Latinas/os are grossly underrepresented at selective postsecondary institutions. An early study conducted by Davies and Guppy (1997) using the National Longitudinal Survey for Youth revealed that males with greater cultural capital were more likely than their disadvantaged counterparts to enroll at selective colleges and universities. Carnevale and Rose (2004) analyzed two sets of longitudinal data, the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 and the High School & Beyond Study, and reached similar conclusions regarding the enrollment patterns of low-income racial and ethnic minority college students. Whereas African Americans and Hispanics constituted 6% of the first-year classes at 146 selective institutions, the percentage of college-age African Americans (15%) and Hispanics (13%) was much larger and led them to conclude that racial and ethnic minority students were “considerably underrepresented at these top schools even with affirmative action” (Carnevale & Rose, 2004, p. 106). Unfortunately, the backlash against affirmative action penalizes institutions that adopt race-conscious policies intended to address inequities that persist between Latinas/os and other racial and ethnic groups within higher education. Carnevale and Rose (2004) proposed that targeting low-income students who are academically qualified could circumvent this issue; however, several studies indicate that highly selective institutions generally award admission to the most privileged members of society (Golden, 2006; Karabel, 2005; Soares, 2007). According to Killgore (2009), “Elite colleges do not simply reward superior individual talent and effort. . . . They pick and choose the very best students they need” (p. 482). These practices are intentionally designed to maintain a highly selective institution’s status and the

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illusion that admissions decisions are based on student achievement, which may come at the expense of Latinas/os who do not possess demographic profiles that mirror those of their privileged peers. Latinas/os who do gain admission at highly selective postsecondary institutions are more likely to graduate. Although Light and Strayer (2000) argue that students are more likely to graduate if their ability levels “match” the quality levels of their institutions, scholars contend that the “mismatch hypothesis” does not accurately predict graduation rates for racial and ethnic minority students who attend selective postsecondary institutions (Alon & Tienda, 2005; Bowen & Bok, 1998). In fact, Melguizo (2008) asserts that institutional quality can substantially increase the college completion rates of racial and ethnic minorities. Whereas the completion rates for African Americans and Hispanics (45%) fell below those for Whites (59%) and Asians (52%) at nonselective institutions, Melguizo found that their completion rates increased to 92% at highly selective institutions. Although Hispanics still trailed Asians (97%) in completion rates, they surpassed Whites (91%) by a small margin at highly selective postsecondary institutions. Researchers attribute these positive outcomes to the availability of financial aid (Alon, 2007), peer networks (Winston & Zimmerman, 2004), and endowments reserved for student services at selective institutions (Gansemer-Topf & Schuh, 2006). Despite the proliferation of research on racial and ethnic minority students at highly selective colleges and universities, we still know very little about factors that contribute to the success of Latinas/os at these institutions. Ceballo’s (2004) qualitative study on 10 first-generation students at Yale University resulted in the identification of four parenting strategies Latino families employed to assist their children in making the transition from the barrios (ghetto) to college. She found that Latino parents emphasized the importance of education through verbal and nonverbal messages, facilitated their children’s autonomy, and “did not shield their children from the presence of other adult role models and mentors who could provide more specific scholarly assistance” (Ceballo, 2004, p. 184). These patterns are consistent with the literature published on high-achieving Latina/o collegians at PWIs (Arellano & Padilla, 1996; Gándara, 1995; D. Pérez, 2012). Although Latino parents play a central role in nurturing their children’s educational aspirations, Cabrera and Padilla’s (2004) retrospective study on two Mexican American students at Stanford University revealed that parental support was not sufficient to negotiate the institution’s culture. To succeed, participants relied heavily on peer networks they established through a Chicano-themed residence hall and Latino-based student organization, Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán (MEChA).

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Although research indicates that peer interactions facilitate students’ academic and social transition in college (Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005), some scholars contend that the relationships Latina/o collegians establish with peers are more important than faculty and staff interactions and familial ties (Rodriguez, Mira, Myers, Morris, & Cardoza, 2003; Schreiner, Kammer, Primrose, & Quick, 2009; V. Torres, Reiser, LePeau, Davis, & Ruder, 2006). Torres and colleagues (2006) found that first-generation Latina/o collegians were more likely to seek academic information from peers because they did not trust their advisers. Furthermore, Latina/o students perceived that seeking advice from authority figures was risky and would ultimately result in a negative academic appraisal. It should be noted that even the most academically talented racial and ethnic minority students are susceptible to the negative effects of stereotype threat, which is the experience of anxiety or concern associated with confirming a negative stereotype about one’s social group (Guyll, Madon, Prieto, & Scherr, 2010; Steele & Aronson, 1995). In Torres and colleagues’ (2006) study, Latinas/ os were reluctant to seek academic information from advisers because they feared being labeled intellectually incompetent. Scholars have also noted that the relationships Latina/o students establish with peers who share their racial or ethnic identity can diminish the negative effects of hostile racial climates at PWIs. Rodriguez and colleagues (2003) compared the extent to which peer and familial support contributed to the psychological well-being, distress, and adjustment of 338 Latinas/os at a PWI. Peer support contributed positively to Latina/o students’ wellbeing, and these relationships also decreased psychological distress. Neither peer nor familial support moderated the effects of stress on participants’ psychological adjustment. Although Rodriguez and colleagues maintained that familial ties were important for Latina/o students, these relationships were not relevant to coping with college-related stresses. Similarly, Lopez (2005) conducted a longitudinal study to examine how Latina/o students coped with minority status stressors during their first year at a highly selective PWI. Whereas participants were most affected by curricular demands and intragroup stressors when they arrived on campus, they reported experiencing a greater degree of racism over time. Lopez added, “The decrease in intragroup stress accompanied by an increase in racism stress suggests that in a hostile campus racial climate, Latino students begin to see their Latino peers as less of a source of stress and more of a support network” (2005, p. 361). Essentially, participants used Latino social networks to facilitate their transition during their first year of college. The extent to which Latino male collegians utilize similar social networks is underexplored. College men are often characterized as disengaged

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students; however, several scholars contend that Latino males derived positive educational outcomes from their peers and other social networks (Huerta & Fishman, 2014; Morales, 2008). Guardia and Evans’s (2008) phenomenological study on seven men in a historically Latino fraternity at a Hispanicserving institution revealed how this organization influenced participants’ ethnic identity development. The hermandad (brotherhood) provided members with a safe atmosphere to explore their ethnic identity, practice their Spanish, and reinforce a communal orientation toward the Latino community. Similarly, D. Pérez (2014) found that peer networks enhanced Latino males’ sense of identity, connection to the Latino community, and academic achievement. With the exception of this latter study, the extant literature published on high-achieving racial and ethnic minority males generally focuses on African American men (Bonner, 2001, 2010; Harper, 2006, 2009, 2013). Thus, we know very little about Latino males who achieve favorable educational outcomes at highly selective postsecondary institutions (Carrillo, 2013; D. Pérez, 2012, 2014).

Findings This chapter presents findings from a larger qualitative study on Latino male achievers at selective PWIs.2 Although this study explores how Latino males nurture cultural wealth to achieve positive educational outcomes at Private University (PU), a highly selective institution, the research question proposed for this project masks the complexities of the findings presented in this chapter. Figure 8.1 illustrates how participants’ social capital was activated through Latino student organizations (LSOs) and resulted in navigational capital and resistant capital, but was conditional based on linguistic capital. Figure 8.1 Community cultural wealth framework.

Navigational Capital Social Capital

Linguistic Capital

Resistant Capital

Note. Adapted from Yosso’s community cultural wealth framework in “Whose Culture Has Capital? A Critical Race Theory Discussion of Community Cultural Wealth,” by T. J. Yosso, 2005, Race Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 78.

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Importance of LSO Networks Participants consistently reported that LSOs served as an important source of social capital at PU. With the exception of three students, all participants indicated that they held leadership positions in cultural, political, social, and professional organizations that served the Latino community. Victor, president of Phi Theta Lambda, was actively recruited by his peers and assumed several coveted leadership positions within LSOs. When asked to elaborate on the benefits he derived from these experiences, Victor stated, “I think there is a high correlation between Latinos who do well [academically] and those who are placed in positions of leadership.” Although he initially struggled, Victor indicated that having an extensive network of Latino peers provided him with the support needed to make the academic transition at PU. LSOs also played an important role in facilitating participants’ social transition to college. Marcos, a recent graduate of PU, described these organizations as “paradoxical spaces of marginality” that afforded him numerous opportunities to connect with peers, faculty, and staff that validated his experience as a Latino. Marcos indicated that he often felt like an outsider on campus, but this was not the case in LSOs. He added, “It’s like a paradox. I’m not an outsider, because I am an outsider.” Vicente expressed similar sentiments regarding his involvement in MEChA, an LSO that promotes higher education. Vicente became acquainted with his girlfriend through MEChA and spoke extensively about the emotional support he derived from this relationship. She was one of the few people he could speak with about his feelings of inadequacy. Interestingly, a little more than half of the participants indicated that their Latina peers provided them with similar support at PU. The networks Latino male achievers were able to establish through LSOs extended beyond the boundaries of their institution. Through the Latino Association (LA), an umbrella organization for 24 LSOs at PU, participants indicated that they were able to attend the Latino Ivy League Conference. Victor was one of the few participants who attended the conference on more than one occasion and talked about the benefits students derived from this initiative. Beyond establishing supportive networks, participants reported that attending the conference presented them with opportunities to discuss issues pertinent to increasing the representation of Latino students at Ivy League institutions.

Nurturing Navigational Capital Participants nurtured navigational capital through LSOs in two distinct ways. As anticipated, Latino male achievers discussed how they enhanced their skills and acquired other resources through their involvement in LSOs.

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For instance, Victor shared the following regarding his involvement in Phi Theta Lambda: It has been a lot of hard work, but in terms of being a hermano [brother] of the Lambdas . . . we refer to our intake process as “leadership development process,” because we focus on building skills that will enhance the effectiveness of leaders . . . public speaking, time management skills, and how to balance different projects.

As the chapter president, Victor indicated that he was responsible for coordinating the annual Aspira Cena (Aspire Dinner), a charity to raise funds in support of a college scholarship sponsored by his fraternity and banquet for low-income students who were unable to travel home for Thanksgiving. Victor described the Aspira Cena as the “highlight of his career” at PU. Through his involvement in Raíces, a Latino dance troupe, Victor also talked about learning how to dance and becoming more informed about his cultural roots. Additionally, he utilized Raíces as a “petri dish to experiment with different marketing tactics” as an aspiring public relations professional. Surprisingly, participants also utilized these networks to nurture similar forms of capital among their peers. Uberto, a recipient of the Gates Millennium Scholarship (GMS) and member of Phi Theta Lambda, discussed how he was working with a GMS alumnus to establish a support network for scholars admitted to PU. When asked why he initiated this group, Uberto indicated that a fellow Gates scholar transferred to another university because she “hated the atmosphere at the university.” Uberto acknowledged that the merit-based aid he received from the GMS was necessary to attend PU, but not necessarily sufficient for students to maintain their educational trajectory. The professional development workshops were equally beneficial, but Uberto believed scholars needed additional support while they were on campus. When Latino male achievers were asked to identify their most significant accomplishments during college, participants consistently referenced their contributions to the community. Miguel, a recipient of the Harry S. Truman Scholarship, offered a unique conceptualization of success that reflected the values shared by all Latino male achievers: My own definition of academic success goes beyond not failing . . . but acquiring the skills to ensure that I’m able to serve the people that I want to serve, in the best way I can, and to do it in a way that is a credit to myself, the people I’m working with, and those who supported me.

It should be noted that Miguel’s academic accolades and involvement on campus helped him secure a prestigious scholarship to study global health

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disparities in the United Kingdom. Humberto, a recent graduate of PU, expressed similar sentiments when discussing his aspirations to attend law school. He believed his “purpose” was to contribute to the development of a “socially democratic world.” The manner in which participants achieved these goals was reflected in their acts of resistance through LSOs on campus.

Employing Resistant Capital Historically, the LA served as the unifying organization for LSOs at PU. Several participants indicated that the association continued to play a central role in addressing the “gross underrepresentation” of Latino students, faculty, and administrators on campus. However, participants believed that PU had the lowest percentage of Latinas/os among Ivy League institutions. This was a bit disconcerting considering that the LA was established nearly two decades earlier. Latino male achievers devoted a considerable amount of time to cocurricular activities intended to enhance the campus climate for members of their community. During his tenure on the LA’s executive board, Tito advocated to have financial aid packages printed in Spanish by the admissions office. He also collaborated with members of the association and the admissions office to actively recruit and host prospective students on campus. Tito believed these recruitment initiatives resulted in PU enrolling the “largest Latino class in the history of the institution.” It should be noted that during this time, Tito also served as the artistic director for Raíces and participated in community service activities sponsored by the Latino Honors Society. Whereas most participants utilized their leadership positions within LSOs to promote change on campus, a few students elected to achieve similar outcomes using different methods. The following passage illustrates how Miguel drew support from members of the Latino Honors Society as he became increasingly involved in the Student Government Association (SGA), the representative branch of student government at PU: I don’t feel like my reputation in the Latino community has taken a hit . . . partly because I’m on the board of the Latino Honors Society and I’m very involved in the organization. But politically, I made a conscious choice that I wasn’t going to be the person standing up [only] for Latinos. I want to stand up for . . . Black people, Native Americans, Asian people, Pacific Islanders, bi-racial people, and the Queer people of color. I wanted to be with all those people. . . . This wasn’t a journey I was willing to confine to one ethnic group, even though I very much identify as Latino.

During his sophomore year, Miguel was elected to serve on the SGA and immediately noticed that the organization was “vastly unrepresentative” of

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the student body on campus. In fact, he was the second racial or ethnic minority student to serve as the SGA chair. Although Miguel did not consider his involvement with the SGA to be the “most fulfilling” leadership experience, he acknowledged it was “the defining role” of his time at PU. In collaboration with LSOs as well as ethnic minority and gender orientation groups, Miguel worked on a project that explored how underrepresented student populations felt about the SGA representing their needs. The results of this investigation were published in a 40-page report that was disseminated to students, faculty, and administrators across the university to draw attention to issues of inequity on campus. Although it may appear that Latino male achievers embraced the responsibility of serving as change agents at PU, this was not necessarily true for all participants. Vicente acknowledged that when he joined MEChA his interests were primarily cultural and had less to do with the political agenda of the organization. Reflecting on an interaction with his girlfriend, Uberto also noted how their “lives would be much easier” if they did not put so much effort into educating others about the Latino community. Unfortunately, the accounts offered by participants suggest that their more privileged peers were not equally committed to achieving these goals.

Leveraging With Linguistic Capital Although Latino male achievers derived numerous benefits from their ties to LSOs, the degree to which participants could make use of these networks was based on their ability to communicate in Spanish. Interestingly, the three Latino males who did not hold formal leadership positions in LSOs also reported that they were not proficient in Spanish. In contrast, bilingual participants offered numerous examples of how they utilized this particular form of linguistic capital to access these networks. When asked whether their proficiency with English and Spanish contributed positively or negatively to their collegiate experience, most participants reported that being bilingual was a tremendous asset. For Tito, the ability to communicate in his “mother tongue” allowed him to forge connections with other Latino students and made him feel comfortable when visiting El Centro, the Latino cultural center at PU. He said, “I feel like I’m at home in [El Centro].” Victor also emphasized that language was an essential part of the Latino culture and posed a series of questions along with the following response: Do you really know what your culture stands for? Are you really part of this [Latino] community? If you don’t know how to speak Spanish . . . rather, if English were your only language, I think you’d be more inclined

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to explore mainstream opportunities than those available within the Latino community.

This was certainly reflected among the participants who did not speak Spanish. Whereas Vicente indicated that he felt uncomfortable interacting with international Latinos because he was not proficient in Spanish, Melvin expressed no interest in becoming involved in the Latino community at PU. Despite their lack of involvement in LSOs, both Vicente and Melvin indicated that these organizations were important to many Latino students. Beyond facilitating their involvement in LSOs, several participants indicated they were able to demonstrate their “Latinoness” by communicating in Spanish. That is, Latino male achievers used language to prove they were “Latino enough.” When asked to elaborate on this point, Humberto offered the following: I didn’t really know what it meant to be Latino. I mean, I grabbed on to the idea of language . . . [and] that was how I grounded myself, because if I didn’t speak Spanish, there was no way I would have even tried to be part of the [Latino] community. . . . So, I guess I didn’t feel “Latino enough” because I didn’t look Latino, . . . dress Latino, . . . or experience the same struggles.

Although Marcos experienced less dissonance with his sense of identity, his proficiency with Spanish contributed positively to his engagement in LSOs: When I stop to think about it . . . I can read it, write it, and speak it. . . . I know there are a lot of self-identified Latinos on campus who don’t get involved because they don’t feel they’re “Latino enough.” And a lot of that has to do with the issue of language. . . . I feel like that’s really supported my efforts as an activist in the Latino community and Queer community; because I feel like I don’t have any hesitations about how Latino I am.

The remarks offered by Humberto and Marcos illustrate how the ability to communicate in Spanish facilitated participants’ engagement in LSOs. More importantly, for Marcos, interacting with Latina/o peers through MEChA affirmed his sense of identity. Collectively, these experiences contributed to the nurturance of additional forms of capital among participants as well as members of their community. It is worth mentioning that the narratives included in this chapter highlight positive dimensions of Latino masculinity. Although researchers often characterize the masculine behavioral patterns displayed by Latino men as machismo (hypermasculine) or extreme forms of traditional masculinity, these patterns are no different from the aggressive, maladaptive, and violent

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behaviors displayed by men at large (Abreu, Goodyear, Campos, & Newcomb, 2000; O’Neil, Good, & Holmes, 1995). In response to this discourse, scholars have offered alternative perspectives that highlight positive dimensions of Latino masculinity (Arciniega, Anderson, Tovar-Blank, & Tracey, 2008; J. B. Torres, Solberg, & Carlstrom, 2002). For instance, Torres and colleagues (2002) contend that Latino men are expected to be “family oriented, hardworking, brave, proud, and interested in the welfare and honor of their loved ones . . . providing for, protecting, and defending their families and less fortunate members of society” (p. 165). Furthermore, positive dimensions of Latino masculinity can be reflected in men exercising greater autonomy, being assertive, and taking risks. Latino male achievers exercised machismo behavioral patterns through LSOs but, more importantly, used alternative forms of capital to serve others on campus and their surrounding community.

Recommendations and Implications Addressing the educational crisis facing Latino male collegians will require a paradigm shift. Researchers, policymakers, and practitioners must abandon deficit-oriented paradigms that focus, almost exclusively, on student deficiencies and what they “think” might work with Latino males in favor of asset-based paradigms that illuminate what Latino male achievers “know” fosters positive educational outcomes in college (D. Pérez, 2012, 2014). Yosso’s (2005) CCW framework is particularly useful because it draws attention to alternative forms of capital that have not been acknowledged in the extant literature published on racial and ethnic minority achievers generally, and Latina/o achievers in particular, and can facilitate positive educational outcomes among Latino males in higher education. Increasing the achievement of Latino male collegians will require policy interventions that attend to the needs of students long before they arrive on campus. Drawing from the findings presented in this chapter, policymakers should consider how support is extended to important Latino social networks (e.g., college access programs, financial aid). Furthermore, policies that help Latinos maintain their language can affect the educational trajectories of young men.

Identify Programs That Increase Student Achievement Research on Latina/o collegians generally centers on the following issues: (a) increasing access to college, and (b) improving student retention. Although these are desirable educational goals, additional research is needed on factors that contribute to student achievement within higher education.

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Since 2005, Excelencia in Education has sponsored Examples of Excelencia to recognize initiatives that increase academic opportunities and improve achievement for Latina/o students in higher education. Several of the local, as well as national initiatives that have been acknowledged for increasing Latino student achievement include the Campus Assistance Migrant Program (CAMP) at California State University, San Marcos; the Graduation Achievement Project (GAP) at Colorado State University, Pueblo; and the Bilingual Undergraduate Studies for Collegiate Advancement (BUSCA) program at LaSalle University.

Support Bilingual Education Since its inception, bilingual education has been a contested issue within the American educational system (San Miguel, 2004). Although research generally focuses on the benefits students derive from these services within the P–12 educational system, the accounts offered by Latino male achievers in this study indicate that helping students maintain their native language can yield additional benefits during college. In particular, participants reported that the ability to communicate in Spanish played a central role in their ability to connect with LSOs. As previously mentioned, these student organizations provided participants with the support needed to make the academic and social transition to college. Participants also utilized LSOs to advocate on behalf of other Latina/o students on their campus.

Support Early Intervention Programs Although the exploration of early childhood educational interventions was not central to this study, it should be noted that most Latino male achievers reported that they participated in programs that enhanced the educational outcomes they achieved in college. For example, three Latino male achievers noted that participating in Prep for Prep (www.prepforprep.org) provided them with the preparation needed to attend independent schools in New York City and selective boarding schools in the northeast. Harper and colleagues (2013) illuminate how programs such as Prep for Prep facilitate the development of academic capital formation, “social processes that build family knowledge of educational and career options and support navigation through educational systems and professional organizations” (p. 65), for racial and ethnic minority males.

Engage Latino Males Prior to Their Arrival on Campus A central theme in this chapter is that LSOs play an essential role in students’ academic and social transition to college. However, participating in LSOs can lead to other positive educational outcomes, namely, the nurturance of

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navigational capital and resistant capital. Institutions committed to improving the educational outcomes achieved by Latino males would be better served if they partnered with LSOs to achieve these goals. Disseminating a publication that educates Latino males about the wide range of leadership opportunities within and beyond the Latino community can draw attention to the benefits of participating in cocurricular activities. This publication should feature Latino male collegians actively involved on campus and highlight the contributions of Latinas/os and how they are valued by the institution. In addition, the drafting of a publication of this nature presents student affairs professionals and campus leaders with an opportunity to discuss issues pertinent to Latina/o students on campus.

Collaborate With LSOs on Orientation Activities Involving Latino male student leaders in the planning and implementation of orientation events provides a venue to engage first-year students in educationally purposeful cocurricular experiences. Furthermore, these activities present new and returning Latino students with an opportunity to create and sustain strong social networks with their peers. These events should not be limited to members of the Latino community and should include all students, faculty, and administrators at the institution. Doing so communicates the institution’s commitment to diversity and equity within higher education.

Work With Latino Males to Engage Lower-Performing Students Latino student leaders appeared to exercise a positive influence on their peers. In particular, the reports offered by participants suggest that Latina females played a central role in this process. Despite this finding, faculty and student affairs practitioners should consider how to forge similar connections among Latino males in various contexts (e.g., classroom, residence halls). Efforts to engage lower-performing students can be enhanced if student leaders, faculty, and administrators work collaboratively on this process.

Publically Acknowledge Latino Males for Their Academic and Social Accolades Institutions should consider organizing recognition ceremonies, sponsoring awards, and drafting publications that acknowledge the contributions of Latino male achievers. Although campus newspapers are replete with the negative behavioral (e.g., drinking, sexual assault) patterns displayed by men on campus, the positive contributions of Latino males are rarely acknowledged. Recognition ceremonies can serve as transition events for LSOs but,

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more importantly, demonstrate the institution’s commitment to Latina/o students. Members of the broader campus community should be invited and faculty and administrators should address award recipients, parents, advisers, and others in attendance. These events have the potential to inspire achievement among Latino males.

Conclusion Examining the experiences of Latino male achievers can result in the identification of policies and practices that facilitate positive educational outcomes among Latinas/os at postsecondary institutions. Although participants benefited from their involvement in LSOs, students should not bear the responsibility for addressing the Latino male crisis in higher education. Individuals committed to addressing this emergent crisis should consider using asset-based frameworks when pursuing new lines of inquiry and developing institutional and public policies, as well as culturally responsive programmatic initiatives intended to increase the success of Latino male collegians. The reports offered by Latino male achievers in this chapter are aligned with these goals.

Notes 1. The terms high-achieving Latinas/os and Latina/o achievers are used interchangeably to identify Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Dominican, and Central and South American students who excel academically at postsecondary institutions. Although the term Hispanic is used by the U.S. Census Bureau to categorize individuals who originate from Spanish-speaking countries, the term Latino has been adopted to identify Hispanics born and raised in the United States. Accordingly, the use of the terms Hispanic and Latino and other ethnic categories is determined by how they are referenced in the literature. 2. The National Study on Latino Male Achievement in Higher Education.

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Killgore, L. (2009). Merit and competition in selective college admissions. The Review of Higher Education, 32(4), 469–488. doi:10.1353/rhe.0.0083 Light, A., & Strayer, W. (2000). Determinants of college completion: School quality or student ability? The Journal of Human Resources, 35(2), 299–332. Liou, D. D., Antrop-Gonzalez, R., & Cooper, R. (2009). Unveiling the promise of community cultural wealth to sustaining Latina/o students’ collegegoing information networks. Educational Studies, 45(6), 534–555. doi: 10.1080/00131940903311347 Lopez, J. D. (2005). Race-related stress and sociocultural orientation among Latino students during their transition into a predominantly White, highly selective institution. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 4(4), 354–365. doi:10.1177/1538192705279594 Martinez, M. A. (2011). Wealth, stereotypes, and issues of prestige: The college choice experience of Mexican American students within their community context. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 11(1), 67–81. doi:10.1177/1538192711428992 Melguizo, T. (2008). Quality matters: Assessing the impact of attending more selective institutions on college completion rates of minorities. Research in Higher Education, 49(3), 214–236. Morales, E. E. (2008). Legitimizing hope: An exploration of effective mentoring for Dominican American male college students. Journal of College Student Retention, 11(3), 385–406. doi:10.2190/CS.11.3.e National Center for Education Statistics. (2015). Fast facts: Graduation rates. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/FastFacts/display.asp?id=40 Noguera, P., Hurtado, A., & Fergus, E. (2012). Invisible no more: Understanding the disenfranchisement of Latino men and boys. New York, NY: Routledge. O’Neil, J. M., Good, G. E., & Holmes, S. (1995). Fifteen years of theory and research on men’s gender role conflict: New paradigms for empirical research. In R. F. Levant & W. S. Pollack (Eds.), A new psychology of men (pp. 164–202). New York, NY: Basic Books. Pascarella, E. T., & Terenzini, P. T. (2005). How college affects students: A third decade of research (Vol. 2). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Pérez, D., II (2012). Los logradores: Understanding the role of community cultural wealth in the experiences of Latino male achievers at a selective predominantly White institution (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Department of Education Policy Studies, The Pennsylvania State University. Pérez, D., II (2014). Exploring the nexus between community cultural wealth and the academic and social experiences of Latino male achievers at two predominantly White research universities. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 27(6), 747–767. doi:10.1080/09518398.2014.901573 Pérez Huber, L. (2009). Challenging racist nativist framing: Acknowledging the community cultural wealth of undocumented Chicana college students to reframe the immigration debate. Harvard Educational Review, 79(4), 704–729. Pérez, P. A., & McDonough, P. M. (2008). Understanding Latina and Latino college choice: A social capital and chain migration analysis. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 7(3), 249–265. doi:10.1177/1538192708317620

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9 CABALLEROS MAKING C A P I TA L G A I N S I N C O L L E G E The Role of Social Capital in First-Year Persistence at a Predominantly White 4-Year Institution Tracy Arámbula Ballysingh

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s established throughout this book, the persistent educational attainment gap between Latina/o males and females is a concerning trend. Data from the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) indicate that during every year between 1980 and 2010, fewer males than females aged 18 to 24 were enrolled in college. This pattern persists across most racial/ethnic groups but is especially pronounced for Hispanics, with only 26% of Hispanic males versus 36% of Hispanic females enrolled in 2010 (Ross et al., 2012). However, we also know that males are not completing college degrees at rates comparable to their female peers, so these gender gaps are evident in both college enrollment and completion. To better understand the factors that lead to college completion, this chapter focuses on the Latino male experience at a predominantly White institution (PWI) of higher education and the factors that contribute to their persistence during the critical first year of college. The chapter highlights a study that was a deliberate effort to better understand these factors, and the result is a promising story—one of collective effort and resourceful adaptation—all for the ultimate goal of academic achievement. The study summarized in this chapter reveals the many ways Latino students and their families faithfully exercised creativity, made sacrifices, and diligently worked so their

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academic potential might be fully challenged and actualized in college. It further demonstrates how Latino males thrived within unfamiliar contexts so these students and their families might make “capital gains” through college degree attainment. To improve the college participation and completion rates of Latinos, we must first explore the numerous ways Latino males persist during the critical first year of college. For many years, Latina/o-focused research was quantitative in nature, focused on Latinas/os as an aggregate, or focused on Latinas exclusively (e.g., see Cerna, Perez, & Sáenz, 2009; Gloria, Castellanos, Scull, & Villegas, 2009; Strayhorn, 2010). This chapter purposefully sought to contribute to the qualitative literature with a focus on Latino males during their first-year experience, which is regarded by many as the most critical for adjustment, and therefore essential for ultimate degree completion (Sax, Bryant, & Gilmartin, 2003; Tinto, 1993). Through collection of the rich narratives of 17 young men at the conclusion of their first year and at the cusp of their second year, this chapter’s qualitative approach contributes to our understanding of the social, academic, and familial lives of Latino males as they navigate their first year of college.

Perspectives of Challenges to Latino Male Educational Success Use of the term social capital throughout this chapter is based on Coleman’s (1988) discussion of the term, which posits that social capital is created by relationships among people and that it facilitates action. It exists in various forms and leads to the creation of human capital because it promotes productive activity. Various quantitative studies have informed us that certain aspects of social capital are important predictors of persistence in college (Cerna et al., 2009). Yet, we do not fully understand how the various types and levels of social capital students bring to college influence how they engage within institutional contexts and how that interaction affects their persistence during the critical first year of college. Consequently, this chapter will facilitate a better understanding among scholars, policymakers, practitioners, and administrators of the transition process Latino men attending a flagship PWI undergo during their first year of college. Ricardo Stanton-Salazar (1997) expanded Coleman’s (1988) social capital framework in a way that is useful for examining the first-year experience of Latino males attending a flagship PWI because it is based upon the assumption that relationships with key institutional figures are valuable assets within

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a racialized social structure. Marginalized groups, such as Latino males, can use these relationships as a form of currency in the form of social capital to make educational gains, and this is a major premise on which this chapter was based. The students presented in this chapter recognized that they were operating within a racialized social structure as minorities at a PWI. They also demonstrated a sophisticated understanding that the cultivation of relationships with the power brokers of social capital would be essential to their success. Stanton-Salazar’s (1997) framework further assumes that students of color must navigate an American educational system that is based on White middle- and upper-class values. In addition to content mastery, students from underrepresented populations must learn to decode institutional norms before they can effectively navigate and function within institutional contexts to achieve academic success. This assumption suggests that Latinos must develop a bicultural social network orientation (Stanton-Salazar, 1997) that enables them to overcome institutional barriers and achieve academically through a “transactive process” (Attinasi, 1989; Figueroa, 2002), in which members utilize the shared knowledge and diverse strengths of a group mind. A bicultural network orientation is critical to their success because acquisition of social capital from institutional agents is necessary to achieve educational success (Stanton-Salazar, 1997), including strong rates of firstyear persistence; a GPA that makes them competitive job seekers; and, ultimately, timely degree completion. In particular, human relationship development and proficient decoding of institutional norms are important skills within this context, because these skills enable students to gain access to critical resources, including relationships with institutional agents, peer relationship networks, legitimized identities, privileged college information, academic guidance, emotional support, and various opportunities that lead to upward mobility (Stanton-Salazar, 1997; Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995). This implies that Latino males stand to benefit greatly from a successful transition to a PWI. Utilizing resources such as academic advising, relationships with Latino faculty and experienced Latino peers, and access to financial aid and academic support services is essential to their persistence and timely graduation. González, Stoner, and Jovel (2003) expanded the concept of institutional agents of social capital in a way that was salient for the findings presented in this chapter. González and colleagues placed agents of social capital on a scaled range from high- to low-capacity agents, resulting in a new conceptual framework for brokering social capital. In this model, individuals with extensive working knowledge and access to institutional resources are identified as institutional agents. These individuals are viewed as power brokers who

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have the ability to transmit valuable opportunities and resources through the allocation of capital. Colleges are populated by an extensive number of knowledgeable and resourceful individuals who thereby have the ability to serve as opportunity agents for students to acquire a reserve of social capital that can be exponentially expanded for themselves and their families. Other researchers produced findings that were salient for this chapter in various ways. For example, the work of Fischer (2007) suggests that formal social connections with key institutional agents are associated with positive educational outcomes. Similar to the students in this chapter, Nora (2004) suggested that students who received familial support and who selected institutions based upon their psychological and social needs were more likely to be satisfied with their college experiences and therefore more likely to persist. Another relevant study by Gloria, Castellanos, Lopez, and Rosales (2005) suggests that social support from family, peers, and mentors was highly correlated with positive self-efficacy and was the strongest predictor of persistence. The students in this chapter similarly identified familial and formal or informal peer support as vital to their success. The results presented in this chapter also affirm the work of Cerna and colleagues (2009), which suggests that Latinas/os of similar precollege academic backgrounds have higher rates of degree attainment if they matriculate to more selective colleges. The student experiences presented in this chapter also affirm the work of prior research with respect to psychological coping mechanisms. Specifically, Gloria and colleagues’ (2009) findings demonstrated that use of coping mechanisms was associated with both psychological and physical health. Mena, Padilla, and Maldonado (1987) and Vasquez and Garcia-Vasquez (1995) likewise determined that Latino college students most commonly used a strategic or direct coping response to deal with problems. The majority of these coping responses suggest a self-reliant approach, which validates cultural norms that imply Latino men are viewed as providers who solve problems independently. Gloria and colleagues point to findings in a prior study by Chiang, Hunter, and Yeh (2004), which reports professional psychological counseling was not used as frequently as other coping mechanisms. Much of the literature focused on Latinas/os as a whole suggests that they do not rely upon counseling due to cultural norms, which discourage discussion of personal problems with people outside the family or circle of trusted friends. This finding in particular was evident among the students in this chapter. Finally, several findings from Strayhorn’s (2010) quantitative study focused on males of color resonated with the experiences of the students presented in this chapter in multiple ways. For example, Strayhorn found that social capital is associated with college achievement, that multiple measures of social capital significantly predicted college GPA (regardless of precollege

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preparation), that academic preparation was the most significant predictor of college achievement (for the Latino males), that socioeconomic status had no significant impact, and that precollege outreach program participation was associated with higher grade outcomes in college. Parent discussions about college were associated with a higher college GPA, and social and cultural capital can have a balancing effect on the potentially negative effects of low socioeconomic status.

What Their Experiences Teach Us The Power of the Individual Within the Network The first major finding presented in this chapter suggests the students, who were predominantly first generation and low income, gained access to an elite flagship institution and persisted to their second year through the application of their strong academic ganas, familial support, enriching precollege experiences, and vital support of key institutional agents. Chief among these factors was the students’ sense of ganas, or their strong desire to achieve academically due to their valued role as integral components of wider social and familial networks. The role of ganas revealed itself as a compelling factor in the daily academic lives of these Latino males. Their drive was derived from a desire to make their loved ones proud of their accomplishments and to achieve a level of economic stability their families had not heretofore experienced. Ganas was so strong for these students that several chose to physically defend their right to academic achievement in high school to less motivated peers. One Latino student’s experience follows: Some of my friends that I thought were my friends would sometimes try to influence me to not do my work or skip school. I would always act like I was gonna do that, but after I thought about it I realized “that’s not right.” . . . I actually did get into a fight about it and after that, that’s when everything stopped really. Cause, well, I didn’t lose the fight. I guess that was something I had to do because after that, everything was fine. I guess they realized that I’m not someone you should mess with.

For some, the desire to achieve and to matriculate to the flagship PWI was so strong that not even negative peer influences could undermine their motivation. Many also reported having postgraduate academic ambitions to attend schools of medicine and law or to pursue graduate disciplines in psychology and psychiatry. Individual ganas is not sufficient to academically succeed without the support of other factors, but ganas was a compelling element that drove

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students to work hard, despite formidable odds. To illustrate the extreme challenges some Latino students faced, one participant worked 30 to 40 hours per week during his senior year of high school. His mother moved often and his father was in prison, but his desire for residential and social stability was so great that he worked 30 to 40 hours per week at a local grocery chain to pay for his own apartment. He did this in addition to remaining after school to participate in extracurricular activities, including serving as class president and editor of the school paper and yearbook. “My life was: Get up. Go to school. If you have time, stay after school. Do your ‘whatever’ clubs/your leadership roles and then go to work. Get off at 11:30. Rinse and repeat. . . . I learned to go off four or five hours of sleep.” In short, the Latino males in this study demonstrated remarkable ganas to succeed academically that compelled them to attend and to persist in college. This is a strength that could be harnessed and reinforced through support mechanisms (e.g., academic advising, faculty research apprenticeships) to ensure their retention within the higher education pipeline. Moreover, students whose parents made significant sacrifices to immigrate to the United States had a heightened sense of motivation to achieve for the sake of their families. Participants also revealed a vast reserve of familial support that enabled them to reach a prestigious public flagship and persist to their second year. This included the support of two-parent families; siblings; extended family; and, most of all, mothers. A compelling finding emerged from the Latino males as they discussed how their mothers played an integral role in their academic lives as a guiding force and consistent source of inspiration to achieve. In some cases, the love and support of the mother, even in the absence of maternal levels of educational attainment, were the sole driving force that propelled participants toward earning a college degree. The role of familial support is affirmed by previous research (Yosso, 2005). For example, Nora (2004) found that if students received encouragement from family, they were more likely to persist. Similarly, Gloria and colleagues (2005) suggested social support from family was highly correlated with positive self-efficacy and was the strongest predictor of persistence decisions for the students in her sample. Strayhorn (2010) found that parent discussions about college with Latino students were significantly associated with a higher college GPA. This is important because college degree attainment is often considered impracticable for many Latino students, for it can be perceived as a mutually exclusive obstacle to family togetherness and closeness (Ishitani, 2006; Terenzini et al., 1994). Despite the important value of family support, the Latino male students in this chapter frequently lamented the distance that college placed between them and their families. However, they recognized the importance of their being in college as a short-term sacrifice for long-term familial gains.

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Another finding that emerged from the results presented in this chapter was that parents played an important role in students’ first year of college by participating in strategic financial planning at an early age. Investment in programs like the Texas Tuition Promise Fund1 proved to be an essential form of familial support during the transitional first year. This enabled participants to focus on achieving their first-year college goals rather than on financial concerns during college. The role of precollege experiences in the ability of Latino males to matriculate and persist to their second year was also a compelling finding. While in high school, leadership roles in cocurricular activities provided them with opportunities to network with college-going peers and to participate in college visits. Leadership roles taught them academic “soft skills,” such as time management and prioritization amid a rigorous schedule, a skill they found closely resembled life in college. These findings also reinforce Nora’s (2004) work on school leadership experiences, which found that students with fewer high school leadership experiences perceived a smaller degree of institutional support and were less likely to reenroll. Many successful Latino males from this chapter were actively involved in cocurricular activities and had student leadership roles while in high school. Moreover, these students frequently cited those precollegiate experiences as vital to their success during the first year because of the transferable skills acquired in them. Precollege outreach also facilitated their transition to college. The students in this chapter were recruited to participate in their respective collegiate academic success programs, affirming the work of Strayhorn (2010), who found that precollege outreach program participation was associated with higher grade outcomes for Latinos in college. High school curriculum was another precollege experience that proved to be beneficial when participants stepped onto the college campus. The most academically successful participants (in terms of college GPA) benefited from participation in rigorous advanced placement programs and graduation from well-funded high schools. In fact, the only participant to report that he enjoyed a smooth transition his first year participated in an international baccalaureate high school curriculum. The findings in this chapter reinforce recent work by Strayhorn (2010), who found that academic preparation was the most significant predictor of college achievement for Latinos, whereas socioeconomic status had no significant impact. These findings underscore the imperative to create an equitable K–12 funding structure. Most Latino students do not have access to well-funded schools, and those who do perform better in college, regardless of their family background. For the United States to improve the college attendance and completion rates of Latinos, it must provide all children the opportunity to obtain an education within equitably funded schools.

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The concept of social capital utilized in this chapter (Cerna et al., 2009; González et al., 2003; Stanton-Salazar, 1997) suggests that institutional agents played an integral role in the lives of these students. Indeed, the significance of the influence of institutional agents on the academic trajectories of students in this study was profound. The Latino males in this chapter’s study proficiently created and managed relationships with high school counselors, coaches, teachers, college academic advisers, academic support program staff, and professors. This played a major role in their ability to matriculate to college and persist to their second year. Students in this chapter’s study described support from institutional agents as including strengthened peer networks, leadership skills, social skills, academic guidance, information pertaining to college, emotional support, and other means or opportunities to achieve upward social mobility. This finding supports Fischer’s (2007) work, which found that formal social connections with key institutional agents were associated with positive educational outcomes. Fischer found that students who reported strong connections with key agents (coaches, counselors, teachers, advisers, professors, mentors), regardless of gender or ethnicity, performed well during their first year or demonstrated steady gains in GPA over time. For some students in this chapter, high school counselors single-handedly generated pathways to college, suggesting that counselors can be powerful brokers of social capital. This is important in light of Strayhorn’s (2010) findings, which suggest that a student’s social capital was associated with college academic achievement; that multiple measures of capital significantly predicted college GPA, regardless of precollege preparation; and that social and cultural capital can have a balancing effect on the potentially negative effects of low socioeconomic status. School counselors wielded influence as institutional agents because they taught participants how to complete the Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) and they shared essential information regarding work-study opportunities and scholarships for which students would qualify. The Latino males in this study stated that these efforts were vital components of their precollege experiences, and the absence of such would have precluded their college-going efforts. The extant research literature has developed a strong connection between Latina/o students’ college matriculation and completion rates and their concerns regarding finances (e.g., see Nora, 1990; Olivas, 1986; Perna, 2000; Perna, Rowan-Kenyon, Bell, Thomas, & Li, 2008; Swail, Cabrera, & Lee, 2004; Titus, 2006). In support of previous research, this study found that Latino males who utilized and received assistance from high school counselors in all aspects of preparing for college enrollment were more likely to have a successful transition during their first year of college. Moreover, familial support, coupled with assistance from institutional agents, enabled the Latino

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males in this study to gain access to an elite flagship institution and persist to their second year, despite formidable personal obstacles and precollege experiences that were characterized by disproportionate school funding.

A Customized Transition Plan The second major finding of this study suggests that once Latino males found a pathway to college, they engaged in a strategic transition process during their first year. Students deliberately crafted a transition customized to fit their individual needs and life experiences. They intuitively understood what they could handle and when—in terms of taking on academic rigor, participating in extracurricular activities, or cultivating a collegiate social experience. Their efforts were treated as a carefully measured investment plan for success that demonstrated a high level of self-awareness and long-term vision. The established research literature suggests that students of color face unique challenges at PWIs. Therefore, their adjustment experiences are likely to differ from those of majority groups (e.g., Fischer, 2007; Hurtado, Carter, & Spuler, 1996; Nora, Cabrera, Hagedorn, & Pascarella, 1996). Thus, it follows that students of color who are often first generation would adapt to the culture of the institution in personalized and nontraditional ways. The Latino males in this study engaged in analytic, introspective, and reflective exercises to evaluate their study habits, and they demonstrated a strong commitment to self-improvement, adaptation, and positive risk taking. For example, students viewed college as an opportunity to experiment with ever-improving study methods, to learn how to perform, and to utilize trial-and-error methods to improve their performance and quality of life. This study found that students utilized study groups at increasing intervals and in more productive ways during their second year. This was a significant academic adaptation. Coming from a variety of academic disciplines, students reported finding utility in study groups, but in a nuanced way. For example, students shared that some courses were more conducive to group work and that study-group size varied depending upon their personality type and the goals of the session. Some students found paired study time useful even when accompanied by a peer from a different academic discipline. These students believed that simply being in close proximity to an industrious and focused peer was beneficial. It is important to reiterate that these students were deliberate in creating these study-group formats and that they strived to select the methods that worked best for their individual needs. Before these Latino male students could engage in these adaptive study strategies, many had to first overcome their “shock” in reaction to the rigor of college. Knowledgeable high school peers prepared some of them for what to expect in college, and this lessened the stress associated with adjusting.

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However, some members of the study did not have access to the same levels of peer social capital and those students were required to adapt to the demands of college on their own. Those Latino students spent precious time in the early months of college learning how to navigate a system based upon White and middle-class values. Therefore, in addition to adapting to the markedly increased rigor and a new level of personal independence as firstgeneration college students, many had to learn how to understand or decode institutional norms to achieve academically (Phelan, Davidson, & Yu, 1993; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). For example, making an effort to cultivate relationships with faculty by visiting office hours is a skill critical to being successful in college, and this was not an activity in which students had to engage in during their precollege experiences. Students also employed various coping strategies appropriate for their cultural and personal needs. Several Latino students commonly sought information regarding how to be successful in college, and they were often able to obtain it from their academic support programs. Students also learned how to apply their mistakes as lessons learned to enjoy a smoother experience during their second and third semesters. For example, during the first semester, most students quickly learned that their study habits from high school would no longer serve them in college. Additionally, students demonstrated a strong tendency to share struggles and frustrations with trusted peers and close family members. Although family could not often relate to their college experiences, the Latino male students reported that simply hearing their parents’ voices or their expressions of support provided comfort during times of struggle. The coping responses the majority of students in this study utilized imply that they preferred a self-reliant approach. This supports research that suggests cultural norms demand that Latino men be viewed as providers who solve problems independently. Students did report heavy reliance on close family and a trusted circle of friends, which further suggests that they supplemented self-reliance with support from a network that they perceived as safe. This is consistent with the individual nature of coping responses uncovered by Gloria and colleagues (2009), which suggests Latinos require emotional outlets to release the stress of educational experiences, as well as the added stress that stems from attending a PWI with divergent cultural norms. Another adaptive strategy students utilized was the decision to delay meaningful cocurricular activities during their first year. Prior research has established a positive correlation between involvement during the first year and persistence (e.g., Astin, 1984, 1993; Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005). However, the findings presented in this chapter revealed a more nuanced story. Despite a high level of cocurricular and extracurricular high school

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involvement, most of the students in this chapter deliberately delayed engagement during the first year of college so they could first adapt to the academic rigor, the social challenges associated with meeting new people, and the need to establish a strong GPA from which to springboard in their remaining years. Latino male students began exploring activities during their second semester and increased their commitment during the third semester. Moreover, many of these students researched and selectively chose to join activities that would yield the most meaningful social and academic returns as a long-term investment. They also limited involvement to a few select activities that offered long-term potential for them to assume leadership roles.

The Role of Brotherhood Another important finding was that several Latino students found support in a variety of fraternal associations. Students joined co-ed and gender-based fraternities with emphases on business professional, Latino ethnic, Catholic, and community service traditions. This finding is consistent with research that suggests a minority student’s ability to create autonomous cultural and social networks within the PWI context can result in more positive academic outcomes (e.g., D’Augelli & Hershberger, 1993; Davis, 1991; Fischer, 2007; Jay & D’Augelli, 1991). The decision to join Catholic and community service fraternities also supports research that suggests Latina/o college students who are active in religious and community organizations demonstrate an enhanced sense of belonging (Cerna et al., 2009; Hurtado & Carter, 1997). As previously stated, students were careful and strategic in their selections. Some students ultimately joined their chosen fraternity because it offered the promise of the social and academic support that would contribute to long-term persistence, expand their social networks, and promote character development.

Strategic Friendship Creation The way Latino students engaged in discerning, tactical, and selective friendship creation and management during the first year was the third major finding of this chapter. Latino males developed key friendships as a long-term investment in their academic success, and they recognized friendships as essential sources of emotional support and as valuable academic partnerships necessary to be successful in college. Students demonstrated understanding of the reciprocal give-and-take nature of friendships and the desire to be valuable friends to others. They were not hesitant to draw upon support from close friends when assistance was needed.

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The Latino male students recognized the importance of generating new friendships, and through the use of social media, they maintained their precollege circle of friends. Students also spoke of the importance of maintaining groups of friends for different activities—for studying, relaxing, discussing serious issues, or just “being themselves.” In many ways, students described their core base of friends as an investment portfolio that must be developed, maintained, and diversified. Within Stanton-Salazar’s (1997) social capital framework, academic underachievement is due to insufficient understanding of how to build relationships with institutional agents, including peers. The students in this chapter intuitively understood this, and many made a conscious effort to surround themselves with high-performing peers with similar goals for academic achievement. These students were strategic in their friendship formation efforts, and they were highly discriminating in their selections. They sought trustworthy relationships that offered the promise of academic and social success in college and even in their adult years. Although students were discriminating regarding the character, industriousness, and trustworthiness of their friends, they were extremely open to having close friends from a diverse array of racial and ethnic groups. This supports previous research that suggests a level of comfort and familiarity with the “other” by Latina/o students contributes to greater academic achievement (Guzman, Santiago-Rivera, & Haase, 2005). Moreover, the work of Arciniega, Anderson, Tovar-Blank, and Tracey (2008) suggests that more traditional notions of machismo are associated with less tolerance of other ethnic groups, antisocial behavioral tendencies, and less realistic means of coping. In contrast, their results indicated that caballerismo is more highly correlated with greater acceptance of other ethnic groups, increased emotional connectedness, stronger ethnic identity, and more proactive problem-solving coping strategies. When it came to friendship selection, Latino students in this study reported having friends from a variety of ethnic groups and across gender groups. They demonstrated more characteristics of caballerismo than machismo, according to Arciniega and colleagues’ definition.

The Role of Academic Support Programs The final main finding of this chapter underscores the role academic support programs play in promoting Latino educational achievement. Many students discussed how academic enrichment programs facilitated their transition and served as vital sources of support to foster resilience during the first year of college. For many, support programs were the first responders when students endured academic, financial, or personal crises. In some instances, the support promised by these programs was the deciding factor when Latino males engaged in their college choice process. In particular instances, even in the

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face of greater financial incentives at a rival flagship institution, students were more enticed by the sense of community promised by the support programs in existence at their chosen PWI. Students participated in the programmatic offerings of the support programs at a variety of levels based upon their personal needs. However, all students indicated that the support they received from these programs fostered their ability to transition, assisted with friendship generation, and facilitated creation of study groups. The Latino males frequently described the mentorship components of these programs as indispensable sources of support, and many maintained contact with their assigned first-year mentors into the second year. Students also expressed a strong desire to engage in future mentoring activities out of a sense of appreciation for the benefits they enjoyed from their mentors. In addition to the opportunity to create meaningful friendships, the personalized academic coaching and advising students received from these programs were also a vital form of support. Many students relied upon programs as a first-point information source, which saved them precious time and empowered them with vital college information. Students also cited various “intangibles” they received from these programs, such as free academic tutoring and priority access to restricted or full classes, smaller class sizes, and a cohort model that enabled them to cultivate peer relationships in particular academic programs. Finally, participation in support programs gave these students access to a number of influential institutional agents, including upper-division mentors, advisers, and affiliated professors. Faculty members who taught courses offered by the academic support programs were frequently cited as highly regarded institutional agents who played vital roles in these students’ academic lives during the first year. Stanton-Salazar’s (1997) framework presumes key relationships with institutional agents are valuable assets for minority students navigating a racialized social structure. In other words, marginalized groups might use relationships with key institutional agents, such as their professors, as a form of currency to obtain educational gains. Affiliated support program faculty made a significantly positive impact on participants’ first-year experience, underscoring the importance of hiring caring and diverse faculty to achieve academic success for Latino males in college. According to González and colleagues’ (2003) definition of institutional agents of social capital, schools are collective entities that can serve as opportunity agents so that students might acquire a reserve of social capital that can be exponentially expanded. Within this definition, schools can act as opportunity agents by employing institutional agents who broker social capital,

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by encouraging students, and by sharing important college information. In this sense, the support programs with which the Latino males in this study were affiliated served as essential conduits for the introduction to opportunity agents of social capital.

Implications for Policy and Practice Early Childhood Education The findings presented in this chapter have implications that reach far beyond institutions of higher education. Indeed, they reach back to the earliest educational experiences of our youth. Some of these Latino male students benefited from programs such as Head Start, which provided a strong educational foundation through the caring and dedication of public school teachers. For example, students in this sample shared that teachers helped them maximize their potential in various ways. One student shared that although he spoke Spanish, an early teacher stayed with him after school to teach him how to read and write in Spanish. Another recounted that a teacher recognized his gifts and high level of energy. Consequently, she encouraged him to read chapter books during kindergarten nap time. A popular refrain in the public education debate touts the importance of “good” teaching (Haycock, 1998). As revealed by the experiences of this group of Latino men, it is important to have more Latina/o public school teachers who value their cultural strengths and who are willing to accommodate males’ varying energy levels, learning styles, and intellectual capacities. Furthermore, if schools are to act as agents of educational opportunity (González et al., 2003), they must educate both parents and students early regarding the importance and viability of college. Waterman’s research (2008) teaches us that although Latina/o parental support of educational attainment for their children is compelling, parent involvement in educational institutions remains low due to a variety of factors, including insufficient parental engagement on the part of schools. Parent education could focus on the value of college in terms of the long-term opportunities it provides, as most parents of the students in this sample seemed to understand this. According to the students in this study, parental support contributed to the students’ ganas and gave them peace of mind about being away from family while in college. Moreover, early parent education about 529 tax-advantaged college savings plans, or qualified tuition plans, would equip parents with fundamental information regarding how to make college a financial reality for their children. Again, Latino students with parents who invested in these programs were able to focus on school with fewer distractions from financial stressors.

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Some Latino male students in this study who bore the burden of financing their own education reported a hampered ability to engage in enriching cocurricular activities that would have complemented classroom learning. Parent education about college financing is most critical in the poorest school districts and could generate pathways to college attainment for many more Latinos with unrealized intellectual talents.

Secondary Education In secondary education, it is critical for schools to serve Latino students well, because the Latino students in this chapter reported that the high school academic experience frequently surpassed parental understanding of the curriculum and functioning of the school system. Unfortunately, many of the students reported the need to decode school norms and navigate their own pathway to college. Moreover, they found themselves at the mercy of happenstance and the willingness of various institutional agents (teachers, counselors, and coaches) to provide them vital college-going information. Secondary schools can act as opportunity agents (González et al., 2003) by virtue of the curricula they offer, the cocurricular activities they foster, and the teachers and counselors they employ. Latino male students who reported easy transitions to college benefited from rigorous high school curricula, including advanced placement and international baccalaureate programs. Conversely, students who struggled with the rigor of college graduated from less challenging high school programs, endured lower teacher expectations, and suffered from more school violence that disrupted learning. These students matriculated to the university and persisted to their second year by virtue of other forms of social capital, such as exceptional familial support or individual ganas, but their transition might have been significantly smoother, and their GPA performances higher, if they had enjoyed the benefits that flow from equitable school experiences. If the United States is to improve the college attendance and graduation rates of Latinos, it must provide equitable funding to schools in the poorest sectors of this nation. This will, in turn, provide the essential academic and social support necessary for successful transitions to postsecondary education. Additionally, high school cocurricular activities provided indispensable learning experiences that students could not have acquired in the classroom alone. Those activities provided them access to institutional agents, supportive and productive peer networks, leadership experiences, and a variety of soft skills that they found to be essential in college, including prioritization and time management. Cocurricular high school activities also led to opportunities to visit the university campus, which played an important role in their making an informed and fitting college choice. If more Latinos are to find

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pathways to college and develop the skills necessary to be successful there, more K–12 schools must offer and expand cocurricular student activities that adequately prepare them. Finally, schools must recruit, hire, and fund a cadre of culturally sensitive and caring Latina/o counselors who can relate to a student’s life experiences and who are willing to serve as brokers of social capital. Multiple Latino males in this study reported that school counselors served as opportunity agents who empowered them with valuable information regarding how to access, select, navigate, and finance college. Alternatively, several students shared that some high school counselors behaved as agents of abuse and neglect by denying them information regarding college, or by limiting their exposure to regional and less prestigious colleges. In those instances, college recruiters placed within communities by the host institution shared college information, enabling talented students to consider enrolling in a more selective institution. From the accounts of many of the Latino males in this study, the high school counselor or college recruiter who paved a pathway to college was far too happenstance, far too often. If we are going to improve the rates of college enrollment and degree attainment for all Americans, we cannot continue to neglect a segment of the student population that is quickly becoming a majority. We can no longer leave their college-going potential to chance. We can clear the college pipeline of obstructions and offer a growing population of promising students a meaningful life of gainful employment by funding K–12 schools equitably and by offering better training to school counselors regarding the roles they play in determining the outcome of students’ lives. Public secondary schools of education should offer all students a robust curriculum; caring, committed, culturally competent, well-trained, and proficient teachers and counselors; and meaningful cocurricular activities that equip students with the skills that are essential for college and that they cannot develop in the classroom alone.

Postsecondary Education This chapter yielded several important policy implications for institutions of postsecondary education interested in promoting the persistence rates of their Latino males. These include the need to (a) foster campus climates that embrace cultural differences and demonstrate knowledge of Latino culture; (b) support culturally relevant course offerings; (c) create small academic communities; (d) support gender-specific and culturally relevant student service organizations, support groups, or fraternities that meet the emotional and cultural needs of Latino males (Gloria et al., 2009); (e) employ culturally sensitive and caring Latina/o faculty who are willing to encourage and

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support students; and (f ) inform first-generation students regarding where to find support, how to study in college, and how to prepare for the first round of examinations. This chapter’s findings also affirm the need for emotion-friendly forums and informal but safe spaces for Latinos to express themselves. Many of the Latino males in this study sought these spaces, and they often found them with close friends, family, and student organizations. College is a home away from home, and many Latinos experience cultural dissonance when they leave the family for the university. Institutions can foster a sense of community by offering informal social spaces where Latinos can convene, exchange stories, laugh, address stereotypes, and validate their experiences. These forums have the potential to greatly shape Latino psychological wellbeing and educational outcomes (Arciniega et al., 2008; Gloria, 1999). Due to the close nature of family and the role of mothers in the lives of these students, institutions might find success through the employment of in loco parentis 2 when working with Latinos. One Latino male student offered this recommendation, suggesting that universities must reach a more personal and intrusive level of support with students to more closely resemble the tight-knit nuclear Latina/o family culture. This form of support could quite easily be achieved through the various academic support programs that are offered by institutions to first-generation low-income students. Institutions must continue to fund and promote academic support programs, which were central to the recruitment and successful transition of these first-generation students. This recommendation applies to the continued funding of first-year support programs, but also to “summer bridge” programs that help students obtain a head start on life while in college. In this study, these programs offered a critical safety net for students, even when they were not fully utilized at all times. Some Latino male students benefited from the peace of mind that comes from simply knowing support is available. Continued and improved funding of these programs is an essential component of strengthening the higher education pipeline for Latinos. Support programs also acted as a full-service source for information, academic assistance, and advising; symbol of institutional caring; and vital springboard for friendship formation. Moreover, close, one-on-one connections between the student and the support program staff or peer advisers are essential characteristics of support programs. Close, personal relationships that foster custom-fit approaches for student success are what made these programs effective. The mentorship component was also cited as a major contributor to their success, for students expressed appreciation of the individual effort mentors made to connect with them rather than the less personal nature of large-group interaction.

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Next, institutions could do a better job of making an explicit connection between the caring that was consistently felt vis-à-vis support program staff, advisers, and professors and care for the students by the institution itself. Some students indicated that they felt the institution cares about student success by virtue of the support services offered. However, others failed to make that connection because of the institutional anomie they endured due to the sheer institutional research focus and size. In other words, there is a gap in understanding between institutional caring and the people who convey care as extensions of the institution. Large public universities could take simple steps to draw a clear connection between the institution and the myriad of support programs that convey caring for student success. Institutional excellence and caring do not need to be mutually exclusive. One student suggested the institution make a greater effort to explicitly communicate this type of caring to students at summer orientation and to reinforce the message by proactively informing students regarding where to go for academic interventions. This could offer assurance and minimize the alienation students feel when they begin to struggle and perceive that they are the only ones struggling. Latino males shared a sense that the institution does care and that student success is an institutional priority, but many felt the university could make a greater effort to convey that caring through proactive dissemination of support information and explicit expression of student caring from the university leadership. Furthermore, institutions of higher education must be sensitive to the identities that students embrace. Some Latino students embraced their Latino ethnic group identity, but others were resistant to it and more readily embraced a first-generation or immigrant identity. In fact, the first-generation identity was a label none were hesitant to embrace. Again, this is another area where personal relationships between students and institutional representatives can uncover highly personal preferences. This would enable sensitive responses that allow students to embrace their identities through meaningful extracurricular activities and peer relationships. The personal experiences this study uncovered also suggest that institutions of higher education could do a better job of offering financial incentives to encourage the attendance of underrepresented minorities. Most of the students in this chapter came from families with limited means, and financial concerns emerged as an underlying current of instability that challenged their college completion efforts. For example, when Latino males were asked if there was a possibility they might not finish college, financial concerns were consistently cited as a potential obstacle to their completion.

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Conclusion Through a rigorous process of one-on-one interviews and qualitative data analysis, this chapter produces a fresh narrative surrounding the experiences of Latinos at a critical juncture in a leaky college pipeline. Their stories of achievement and persistence can inform policymakers and practitioners regarding how to better serve Latinos. Moreover, this chapter illuminates the multiple ways Latino students and their families exercised resourcefulness, made intentional sacrifices, and worked diligently to ensure that their true potential would be actualized in college. This chapter further reveals how these students thrived, even within unfamiliar contexts, so that they and their families might make capital gains—both social and economic—through college degree attainment. The findings in this chapter reveal that strong academic ganas, rich familial support, and the vital assistance of key institutional agents ensured the successful transition of Latino males during a critical point in their higher education pipeline. This chapter also demonstrates that students were thoughtful in their first-year transition strategies and that they exercised deliberate care to ensure their own retention within the pipeline. This chapter further reveals that students deliberately created and managed friendships as valued forms of social capital. Finally, it shows us that Latino males relied heavily upon academic support programs for scaffolding during a challenging, and often shocking, transitional first year of college at a flagship PWI. The overarching narrative produced by this investigation suggests that the Latino men presented in this chapter are industrious and resilient young scholars who had a strong desire to persist and complete college—for the betterment of themselves, for their current and future families, and for society as a whole. This is good news for a nation with a rapidly expanding Latina/o population. It likewise underscores the importance of raising awareness regarding how to assist Latino males in their college completion efforts. A great number of these students still need our assistance. Equipped with the new body of knowledge provided by this study, policymakers, administrators, and practitioners might utilize the stories of these young men to ensure that colleges are engines of opportunity, rather than bastions of privilege, and thereby rise to President Obama’s challenge for a better, more college-educated America.

Notes 1. The Texas Tuition Promise Fund is a qualified 529 college savings plan managed by OppenheimerFunds Inc. that offers a variety of tax-free investment portfolios. 2. In loco parentis is a Latin phrase that literally means “in the place of the parent,” and is a legal term that refers to the responsibility of organizations to assume

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the functions and responsibilities of a parent in the absence of such. This legal concept has been codified by case law, but it plays an oscillating role in higher education.

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PA RT F O U R M O V I N G F RO M R E S E A RC H TO P R A C T I C E : M E E T I N G T H E N E E D S O F L AT I N O M A L E S I N H I G H E R E D U C AT I O N

10 L AT I N O M A L E S I N H I G H E R E D U C AT I O N Administrator Awareness of the Emerging Challenges Victor B. Sáenz, Sarah Rodriguez, Katie Ortego Pritchett, Jennifer Estrada, and Kelty Garbee

A

s has been well established in this book (see chapter 1), the gap in educational attainment between Latino males and Latina females remains stubbornly persistent. Because educational attainment often correlates to a myriad of personal and societal benefits for those students who persist, this racialized gender equity gap could have far-reaching consequences (Baum, Ma, & Payea, 2013; Perna, 2004). What is clear is that Latino male students face unique challenges to excelling in higher education, and this problem is exacerbated by the lack of awareness, infrastructure, and resources to address the issue at critical points in the educational pipeline. Because the challenges facing Latino males on college campuses have not yet come to the forefront, we cannot assume that every institutional stakeholder is fully aware of the growing gender gap in educational attainment or the available resources that are needed to enhance the experiences of Latino males in higher education. By understanding these challenges and gaining knowledge of available resources, administrators can better address the achievement gap and create an academically supportive learning environment to promote success. If institutional stakeholders are not aware of the achievement gap or the resources available for use, the issues that Latino males face will persist

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TABLE 10.1

Overview of Research Study Cases Research site type

Characteristics

Number of interviews

4-year university

Public, large, urban; over 38,000 undergraduate students

4

4-year university

Public, large, suburban; over 25,000 undergraduate students

6

Community college

Public, large, suburban; over 29,000 undergraduate students

10

Community college

Public, midsized, suburban; over 16,000 undergraduate students

6

Community college

Public, midsized, suburban; over 18,000 undergraduate students

5

Community college

Public, large, suburban; over 45,000 undergraduate students

4

Community college

Public, small, urban; over 7,000 undergraduate students

8

Community college

Public, small, suburban; over 8,000 undergraduate students

8

Community college

Public, large, urban; over 22,000 undergraduate students

7

K–12 district

Public, large, urban; over 82,000 K–12 students

3

despite the greatest efforts of administrators and researchers. The purpose of this chapter is to report findings from a recent research study in which we explored administrators’ level of awareness regarding the Latino male educational achievement gap and investigated the extent to which these higher education leaders were aware of resources to encourage educational success for Latino male students on their campuses. Indeed, little is known about the level of awareness that college administrators have concerning the Latino male educational crisis. Using a qualitative case study research design, this chapter summarizes findings from a research study that sought to capture perspectives from 61 educational leaders at 10 research sites at varying levels in the education pipeline. Research site institutions included K–12 school districts, community colleges, and 4-year universities located throughout the state of Texas (as described in Table 10.1).

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Summary of Findings Findings from our study represent the perspectives of K–12, community college, and 4-year university administrators, faculty, and staff. To determine their level of awareness, we asked stakeholders to share the extent of their knowledge about the Latino male educational crisis and to describe programs or initiatives that targeted Latino male students at their institution. Overall, we found awareness of the issue varied among educational stakeholders and that, despite some knowledge and initial conversations about the issue, resources directed specifically to Latino males were still limited. The following findings are organized around three primary areas: (a) the continuum of awareness regarding the Latino male achievement gap, (b) the nexus of awareness and resistance, and (c) limited resources at all levels of the educational pipeline.

The Continuum of Awareness Regarding the Latino Male Achievement Gap The level of awareness of the Latino male achievement gap varied greatly among the administrators, faculty, and staff whom we interviewed, ranging from a very high level of awareness for some participants to little cognizance of the issue for others. Therefore, we found that awareness cannot be dichotomized into merely groups of those “aware” and those “unaware.” Rather, we found that awareness levels rested within a continuum between these two extremes. This continuum of awareness is shaped by the experiences each stakeholder had during his or her career. Through our analysis we identified three important factors in understanding the varied levels of awareness administrators expressed around this emerging crisis: affiliation with diversity initiatives, knowledge of national and institutional trends, and proximity to the student body. Administrators who indicated a high level of awareness of the Latino male achievement gap were generally affiliated with diversity initiatives at their institutions and acknowledged that this was both an institutional and a national issue facing the educational community. Those who were articulate about the crisis often worked in diversity-centered areas and understood issues related to Latino male recruitment, retention, and graduation rates on their respective campus—acknowledging cultural duality, social capital, and mentorship. Several participants desired to see the educational experiences of Latino male students enhanced to improve achievement: I wish there was more we could do. Not only do we owe it to them [Latino males] but if you look at it from a bigger sense we owe it to the community

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and to our state. . . . We need to continue to strive to do better and serve that population.

This administrator maintained that institutions have a responsibility to Latino male students and to the community and state to address the issue of Latino male achievement. He implied that Latino male initiatives not only support Latino males but also are in the best interest of the greater community. Finally, he urged his institution to take greater measures to support Latino male students and improve its service to the Latino population, the fastest-growing population in the United States. Other administrators, not specifically affiliated with institutional diversity initiatives, had also begun to take notice of this issue on their campus. Most administrators cited anecdotal evidence as a major starting point in their growing awareness. As one administrator remarked, We could visibly see that there were a small percentage of both Hispanic students and African American students, in particular Hispanic and African American males, who were graduating from this place.

As you can see from her comment, this administrator and her colleagues first visibly recognized demographic shifts at events such as graduation, and, upon further investigation, they realized that institutional data reflected similar trends. As a result, this campus now monitors the academic achievement of its Latino males through institutional data collection and analysis and has instituted several initiatives to aid in the transition and success of these students. However, these well-informed stakeholders warned the research team that they did not believe that this level of awareness existed for all of their colleagues. Some even suggested that this issue may not even be “on the radar” of fellow colleagues: I think that if faculty and staff and even students knew about the crisis about Hispanic males and how many of these students are not progressing, they are not being retained, they are not graduating, then I think there would be more of a movement toward providing assistance and creating . . . initiatives that will change our campus and bring everyone together about the issue so it would expand awareness.

Clearly, this administrator was aware of the Latino male achievement gap but recognized that this level of awareness was not present within the entire educational community. However, he was hopeful that increased awareness could bring this issue to the forefront. As he suggested, more awareness and

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support for the issue must be attained before institutions can successfully implement initiatives that encourage achievement for Latino male students. Next, participants who followed national and/or institutional trends regarding persistence, particularly that of Latino male achievement, tended to be more aware than their colleagues of the Latino male achievement gap. Participants who followed both national and institutional trends were more aware of these issues, whereas participants following only institutional trends were somewhat less aware. Furthermore, some of the participants had awareness of the issue on a national perspective, but had less experience or understanding of the issue on their individual campus. One administrator described his growing awareness and posed a call to action: You see the numbers being slightly higher—you still have a higher number of females going to school than males . . . so once you start comparing them, then you can see the magnitude of it. . . . It’s going to be a huge impact if colleges and universities don’t start focusing directly toward it.

This administrator expressed a familiarity with the national and institutional trends that have transformed his awareness of the growing Latino male achievement gap. The foundation of his awareness was rooted in data. Once he compared the success rates of Latino males and females, he noticed that males were simply falling behind. This administrator proved an even greater awareness when he identified the impact that this issue will have on institutions of higher education. Finally, data suggested that an administrator’s proximity to the issue in his or her daily work also had a profound impact on the level of awareness and understanding of Latino male–targeted campus resources. This means administrators who worked directly with the student body on issues of diversity or retention held higher levels of awareness of the Latino male issue and of resources directed at addressing it—placing these individuals at higher levels on the awareness continuum. Awareness seemed to drop further on the continuum as an administrator’s daily activities and responsibilities were removed from frequent interactions with the student body. Furthermore, few participants had in-depth knowledge of relevant institutional initiatives and programs that focused on Latino males. One administrator related the lack of clarity around directing resources to specific subgroups, especially when administrators were not fully aware of the Latino male achievement gap: I don’t know that the conversation says exclusively Latino males. I think we talk about kids in general. . . . I mean I think that’s kind of an unspoken understanding. Do we explicitly talk about them separately? Probably not. Maybe we should.

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Most participants were generally unfamiliar with knowledge beyond general advising, tutoring, and student success initiatives. When asked specifically about Latino males, most participants responded about resources that targeted Latinos but not specifically Latino males. In some rare cases where participants had heard of Latino male initiatives and programs, they were still unable to identify administrative contacts or specific goals of the efforts.

The Nexus of Awareness and Resistance Administrators who were aware of the Latino male achievement gap often met resistance in promoting awareness and garnering support at their institutions. Despite observing a growing number of institutional conversations on the issue, these participants found that the notion of focusing on Latino males was still met with resistance. They consistently described colleagues who, despite the institutional and national trends, still refused to give credence to the Latino male achievement gap, especially in relation to their own campuses. Through our analysis we have identified the following important factors in understanding how and why some participants have met resistance in furthering awareness and support at their institutions: (a) rejection of local institutional significance; (b) the belief that focusing on one subgroup will be to the detriment of other subgroups; and (c) a desire to serve all students, rather than student subgroups. First, several of our participants rejected the idea that the Latino male achievement gap existed for them at an institutional level. Some participants, even without firm knowledge of their institutional data, refused to believe that this gap existed on their campus—most basing their assertions on anecdotal data. Additionally, this study found that some campuses, when looking at their data, did not have an issue with lower Latino male achievement levels. For these institutions, even though participants acknowledged that this was an emerging national issue, they described how, according to their data, it was not a relevant issue for their institution at the current time. Another administrator suggested that colleagues may reject the idea of a Latino male achievement gap, with or without significant data, simply because they are unwilling to deal with the emerging issue and how it should be handled. One participant, perhaps, put it best: “We don’t even acknowledge it because to acknowledge something means that you have to do something about it. So we won’t acknowledge it.” For this participant, awareness and acknowledgment of the Latino male achievement gap at their institution would mean that they, along with their colleagues, might be forced to action in order to address the issue. By acknowledging the issue, stakeholders would be accountable for enhancing the experiences of this subgroup of Latino males and ensuring their pathway

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to graduation. In many cases, administrators were unaware of what strategies, programs, and resources Latino males might need, so it is not surprising that several participants were unwilling to acknowledge that Latino male achievement was an institutional issue or that they had a responsibility to this subgroup. Second and in a similar vein, administrators also faced resistance due to the belief that focusing on Latino males would be to the detriment of the collective student body or other subgroups on campus, especially women and other minorities. Because this issue is so often framed in terms of men’s achievement versus that of women or Latino achievement versus that of other ethnicities, resistance builds from staunch supporters of women’s issues as well as those of ethnicities. One participant described her own experience after suggesting an institutional focus on Latino males: “The first question that came about was, ‘Well, what about women? Don’t they have it harder?’ That’s the first thing that came out of their mouths. . . . We have to be sort of sensitive.” For this participant, promoting awareness of this issue was halted by the belief that a focus on the Latino male subgroup might derail other previous efforts for improving educational experiences for women. From these experiences, this participant has had to be careful in the framing of this issue and remain sensitive to other subgroups that might be affected by promoting the Latino male agenda on campus. Third, in attempting to address the issue without “affecting the wider student body,” some participants suggested promoting programs and initiatives that targeted all students, rather than focusing on a particular subgroup. These administrators suggested that improving conditions for all students would, by default, improve the achievement gap for Latino males. Whether for political, financial, or ideological reasons, several participants echoed this sentiment: “I don’t specifically focus on Latino males or Latino females. I focus on the kids.” Within this quote, the participant suggests that the important element to his or her work is not to focus on particular subgroups or develop initiatives based solely on gender or ethnicity but rather that he or she was hired to enhance the experiences of students overall. One participant, among others, had a reaction to such an idea: I think there is just a fear, or a reluctance, to really have targeted outreach toward Black and Latino males. I don’t know if people are worried about a backlash. I could care less about that, but we have got to do a much better job of meeting the needs of that population.

This administrator suggests that participants who reject targeted subgroup efforts may be hiding behind a fear of backlash from their colleagues or the administration. Cloaked in fear, these participants fail to address the

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needs of these populations. Unlike other participants focusing on the greater needs of the student body, this participant is unbothered by the possibility of backlash and desires to see subgroups targeted.

Limited Resources at All Levels of the Educational Pipeline We found evidence of institutional support and financial resources being directed toward Latino male–targeted initiatives at three of the nine campuses. These initiatives ranged from creating Latino male success committees to holding Latino male summits and instituting targeted counseling for these students. Although each of the campuses was at a different stage in the process of promoting awareness and allocating resources, administrators acknowledged the growing presence of this issue on their campuses. Few participants commented on the fact that they, and their colleagues, focused on initiatives only for Latino males. Administrators like this one remained reticent to identify Latino male–specific initiatives—and in some cases simply Latino-only initiatives—as they favored initiatives that would serve all students. These administrators often used words such as everyone, all, and comprehensive to describe their services and the populations that they targeted. In general, these administrators tended to shy away from discussing service to specific ethnic groups in favor of utilizing resources to serve a greater number of students. On the surface, this goal of attending to the needs of all students may seem noble, but when considered more deeply, we find these administrators may hastily overlook trends in achievement and miss valuable opportunities to enhance the experiences for Latino male students on their campuses.

Discussion Our research findings indicate that the Latino male achievement gap remains a relatively unacknowledged issue among administrators in postsecondary education, even among institutions with large populations of Latina/o students. Findings also indicate that given this generally low level of awareness, there are very few resources currently directed specifically toward enhancing the educational experiences of Latino male students. To that end, this section highlights key implications for practice based on our research findings. These recommendations are aimed at closing, and eventually eliminating, the Latino male achievement gap in postsecondary education by (a) expanding awareness of the Latino male achievement gap, (b) creating and utilizing external partnerships, and (c) taking awareness to action.

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Expanding Awareness of the Latino Male Achievement Gap In response to the finding that there are varying levels of administrator awareness of the issue, we recommend that administrators move toward expanding awareness of the Latino male achievement gap. Before action can be taken or resources allocated, administrators must possess awareness of the Latino male achievement gap. As this study suggests, there are administrators who lack understanding of the issue and are reluctant to give their support; thus, members of the field who are aware of the issue (e.g., researchers, diversity initiative leaders, administrator colleagues) should take every opportunity, both locally and nationally, to ensure that their colleagues are informed. Accomplishing this goal requires engaging leaders of both local school districts and postsecondary institutions. This is excellent ground for sharing and testing ideas, strategies, and initiatives to ensure that fellow administrators are responsive to the issue and involved in identifying solutions that best fit their campuses. Getting these stakeholders involved at an early stage is critical and requires political will from leadership and other supportive stakeholders to create a culture of recognition and awareness and to ensure that educators are also invested in creating change (Rodríguez & Oseguera, 2015). On a larger scale, knowledgeable members of the field may also want to engage professional educational associations to reach an even larger audience of administrators. Associations that reach a large, diverse audience are an excellent resource for promoting awareness among colleagues in the educational field and encouraging diversity of thought about the issue of the Latino male educational achievement gap. Once individuals within these organizations understand the concerns, they have the potential to steer institutional policies and practices to promote Latino male achievement across institutions. These associations can inform other leaders of the Latino male achievement gap and may use the information to bring about change within the institutions they govern.

Creating and Utilizing External Partnerships In response to the second finding regarding colleague resistance toward efforts to address the Latino achievement gap, we suggest the formation of partnerships as a means of mitigating that resistance and focusing it in a constructive way. The ultimate goal is to enhance educational achievement for Latino male students. Therefore, it is important to garner support around the issue from as many stakeholders as possible. As resistance emerges, taking time to openly discuss concerns and to seek partnerships may provide an opportunity for collaboration and understanding. Although improving higher education outcomes for Latino male student achievement seems confined to the higher education arena, upon closer examination, there are several types of external partnerships that are key in raising levels of performance.

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Postsecondary institutions and local school districts. Partnerships between institutions of higher education and local school districts can help institute a college-going culture and provide pathways to success for Latino males in higher education. These partnerships can be beneficial in many ways by increasing the level of awareness among leaders at all levels within the educational pipeline, while fostering a collaborative spirit and providing opportunities for sharing resources. Furthermore, these partnerships allow both institutions to more fully understand the Latino male experience and examine the impact of their practices on Latino male students as they transition from K–12 school districts to postsecondary education institutions. Community colleges and 4-year universities. Partnerships between community colleges and 4-year universities may increase the transitions, participation, and academic success of Latino males. Administrators of both types of institutions are equally important in maintaining the development and smooth transition of Latino male students from community colleges to 4-year institutions. These partnerships have the potential to promote awareness at both institutions and encourage their administrators, faculty, and staff members to examine institutional data and think critically about their policies and practices. Educational institutions and their communities. Finally, partnerships for awareness and information sharing should be made between educational institutions and members of their respective communities. At all points, students should have the ability to voice their perspectives, especially Latino males. It is important to gauge student awareness of the issue and ask them for suggestions about how policy and practice might be improved. Although students may be hesitant to acknowledge the problem or be unsure about suggesting changes, involving them in the process reveals that researchers, administrators, and/or policymakers take a genuine interest in their wellbeing. Additionally, institutional faculty and staff who interact with students on a daily basis should be engaged in the process of promoting awareness and generating solutions. These individuals serve as a direct link between administrators and students, and, as a result, their input is crucial. Because faculty and staff can be either a driving force or an obstacle to grassroots movements and implementation of new policies and practices, their buy-in is also extremely important to administrators.

Implications for Practice: Taking Awareness to Action In the past, limited awareness of the Latino male achievement gap has prevented institutions from developing and implementing resources specifically

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aimed at assisting the Latino male population. Thus, large-scale dissemination of research and best practices is essential to institutionalizing programs specifically targeting Latino male success. Within this study, we found that there were limited resources directed toward Latino male students. Coupled with prior research on the achievement of Latino males (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2011), we provide the following recommendations for taking awareness of the issue and translating that awareness into an action plan with allocated resources. High-stakes engagement. “High-stakes” engagement refers to the critical period when a student first interacts with the institution and the institution responds to that interaction. The outcome of that encounter can determine whether the institution has lost its first and only chance to make a true connection. Like most college students, Latino males who do not feel engaged or supported will most likely leave the institution. Therefore, administrators should assess existing resources and consider new or innovative ways to successfully engage and be responsive to Latino male students. When Latino males reach out for help, administrators must ensure that institutional resources are available to Latino men early and often, or the institution risks losing the opportunity to connect with this student population. Here are recommendations for practice: • Male-oriented spaces: Provide a space where Latino male students can feel comfortable asking questions. • Strategic advising: Help Latino male students see the connection between current academic work and future economic stability and independence. • Faculty/staff training on Latino male issues: Provide faculty/staff with information about the challenges facing Latino males in higher education. • Special sessions and programming for Latino males during new student orientation: Provide Latino male students the opportunity to learn about the issues they may face and let them know they are not alone in working to overcome them. • Summer bridge programs: Engage small cohorts of Latino male students before their first fall semester of college. • First-year interest groups (small cohorts): Provide Latino males the opportunity to take courses in a small group in order to establish strong networking and study skills. First-year programs with “men in mind.” The ability of a first-year Latino male college student to successfully navigate the complex college environment

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can be critical to his success through graduation. A first-year program with “men in mind” represents an immediate positive mechanism to assist Latino males in being successful not only in college but also after college. First-year programs with “men in mind” are important because male students avoid seeking assistance and tend to believe they can figure things out on their own. Latino male–based programs during the first year can provide institutions with appropriate “safe spaces” for Latino males to learn about what is important to being successful in college as well as provide the necessary support services with their specific needs in mind. Administrators should consider working with academic and support service units to create meaningful opportunities for Latino males to socialize with other Latino males in college and to develop purposeful relationships with male faculty and staff. Here are recommendations for practice: • Program incentives: Provide scholarships, stipends, fellowships, paid internships, or work-study opportunities to offset the cost of attending college while providing a positive connection to the institution. • Positive messages: Create an ethos that inclines male students to believe the institution cares about their academic needs and their aspirations to be successful. • Relatable services: Help students understand the realities of college (e.g., cost of college, need for stronger academic skills, accepting help/ guidance when needed). • Opportunities for identity development: Help Latino male students learn more about themselves as individuals and men and within their culture. Role models. Time and time again, Latino male students indicated they do not see enough Latino male role models on campus. Role modeling matters because it provides students with the opportunity to see someone like themselves who is successful. Role models can play a pivotal role in the success of Latino male students as they increase student social networking knowledge and skills; connect students to mentors (male alumni, faculty, or staff ); offer real-world experiences through a caring, trusting, and safe environment; and provide pathways for positive reinforcement for making successful decisions and constructive feedback for correcting poor decisions. Role modeling also enables successful Latino male adults to connect with college Latino male students and give back to their communities in meaningful ways. Although anyone can be a role model, for Latino male students it is important that successful males talk to male students. Latino male students should be provided the opportunity through informal and formal settings to understand how to

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be successful and to see themselves being successful. Here are recommendations for practice: • Recruit successful second-year students to be peer mentors: Establish a peer mentoring program to help first-year students navigate the college. • Recruit faculty/staff to be mentors: Pair students with positive role models on campus to help students increase their level of college knowledge and establish a connection to the campus. • Recruit and retain quality Latino male faculty and staff: Allow Latino male students to see more people like them and learn from their success stories. • Recruit and openly encourage Latino male students to be classroom and community leaders: Help Latino male students become role models and ensure they are invested in giving back to the next generation. Step-by-step: Academic advising and career planning. Step-by-step academic advising and career planning steer students through the process of understanding which courses to take each semester and linking those courses to their career goals. This is critical because strategic academic advising and career planning are both important to the success and retention of Latino male college students (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). By providing strategic academic advising and career planning, advisers can work individually with each Latino male student to understand his academic strengths and weaknesses. Administrators should be aware of existing resources on campus and understand how students, especially Latino males, receive these services. Typically, academic advising and career counseling are separate services (and offices) due to institutional structure; however, combining the two has potential to increase student success. The following are recommendations for practice: • Provide strategic one-on-one advising: Latino male students need to understand their academic strengths and weaknesses as well as link their academic goals with their career aspirations. • Develop individual educational plans: Require all Latino male students to set academic goals each semester and explore their career interests as part of the first-year academic advising process. • Assess career interest: Within the first year of college, monitor and require use of the assessment tools. • Provide professional development: Provide campus-wide professional development for all academic advisers, faculty, and staff to ensure

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all university colleges and departments have the opportunity to provide updates and answer questions about curriculum or course changes.

Conclusion The proportion of baccalaureate degree completion for Latino male students struggles to keep pace with the completion rates of Latinas (National Center for Education Statistics, 2013). Thus, the reality of the Latino male crisis in education will have great impacts on education, the workforce, and social structures as demographic shifts show an increasingly young Latino labor supply as the fastest-growing employment pool, and yet, it remains the most underutilized talent base (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2011). In order to change the trajectory of Latino male student success rates, there must be an institutional culture shift in having key stakeholders recognize the critical importance of addressing the equity gap. However, Rodríguez and Oseguera (2015) recently agreed that there is a reason why matters related to institutional culture “are such a challenge to scholars, leaders, and other critical practitioners genuinely concerned with Latina/o student success: It is difficult work” (p. 143). We also acknowledge the difficulty of addressing institutional culture and administrator awareness on this issue; therefore, this chapter is aimed at providing practical implications and recommendations for helping higher education administrators shed light on the success gap and consider ways to address it. Once the issue has reached a saturated level of awareness among educational leaders such that it translates into action, the success of Latino male students will be assured. Ensuring that Latino male students have access to the proper resources and are supported in their ability to earn a postsecondary education will yield exponential return on investment back to the workforce and society.

References Baum, S., Ma, J., & Payea, K. (2013). Education Pays 2013. New York: The College Board. National Center for Education Statistics. (2013). Table 322.20. In Digest of education statistics, 2013. Retrieved from http://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d13/ tables/d+13_322.20.asp Perna, L. W. (2004). Understanding the decision to enroll in graduate school: Sex and racial/ethnic group differences. The Journal of Higher Education, 75(5), 487–527.

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Rodríguez, L. F., & Oseguera, L. (2015). Our deliberate success: Recognizing what works for Latina/o students across the educational pipeline. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 14(2), 128–150. Sáenz, V. B., & Ponjuán, L. (2009). The vanishing Latino male in higher education. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 8(1), 54–89. doi:10.1177/ 1538192708326995 Sáenz, V. B., & Ponjuán, L. (2011). Men of color: Ensuring the academic success of Latino males in higher education. Washington, DC: Institute of Higher Education Policy. Retrieved from http://www.ihep.org/assets/files/publications/m-r/ %28Brief%29_Men_of_Color_Latinos.pdf

11 E D U C AT I O N A L O P P O RT U N I T Y, C O L L E G E CHOICES, AND HIGHER E D U C AT I O N What Can We Learn From Research on Latinas? Miguel A. Ceja

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he task of increasing educational gains and achievement among Latino students, particularly males, continues to be an important policy concern. Many chapters throughout this book have established a consistent gender gap, suggesting that the challenges for the Latino population at all levels of the educational system may be much more pronounced for Latino males (Covarrubias, 2011; Fry, 2003; National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2014; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). This chapter examines the research related to the college choice process and the issues that confront first-generation Latino students, both males and females, as they pursue higher education opportunities. What we learn from this synthesis is that much of this work has focused primarily on Latinas, and, as a result, a more developed understanding of their experience has been established in the literature. Although an increasing number of studies are now looking more closely at Latino males and their higher education participation, how Latino males envision and come to understand their postsecondary opportunities remains largely unexplored. As a result, this chapter draws from the body of work on Latinas in an effort to inform and guide our empirical and theoretical understanding of Latino male college access and experiences. Given the shift in educational attainment trends among this subgroup, the need to emphasize 192

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our research on Latino males has never been more crucial. Based on this analysis, the chapter offers recommendations for future research for the community of scholars who focus on the emerging and critical issues related to Latino male participation in higher education.

Educational Trends The work of Solórzano, Villalpando, and Oseguera (2005) and Yosso and Solórzano (2006) on the educational pipeline allows us to understand the critical junctures in the educational system where Latina/o students, as a combined group, experience varying degrees of educational success and failure. Moreover, the pipeline analysis provides a longitudinal glimpse of the educational movement and likelihood of educational attainment experienced by these students. More recently, Covarrubias (2011) extended the research on the Latina/o educational pipeline by examining the educational trajectories separately for female and male students. Using data from the 2009 Supplement of the Current Population Survey, Covarrubias (2011) finds that when analyzed separately by gender, Latinas outperform Latinos at all points along the educational pipeline. This gender pipeline analysis is important because it provides much needed empirical evidence of the diminishing number of Latino male students, relative to their female counterparts, who are successfully moving through the K–12 educational system, and transitioning into institutions of higher education (Castellanos, Gloria, & Kamimura, 2006; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). When Latina/o students do transition into postsecondary education, they are less likely to enroll in a 4-year institution immediately after graduation and more likely to be concentrated in the community college system (Fry & Taylor, 2014; Kurlaender, 2006). This is noteworthy given that Latina/o students who enroll in a 4-year institution right after high school are much more likely than their Latina/o peers who first attend a community college to complete their degree (Arbona & Nora, 2007; Núñez & Elizondo, 2013). The choice of community college is particularly worrisome given findings suggesting that in California, the state with the largest Latino population, only 18% of community college Latina/o students with intentions to complete a program or to transfer into a 4-year institution managed to do so within 6 years (Shulock & Moore, 2007). When examined by gender, Shulock and Moore (2007) find these completion rates to be lower for Latino males. The growing disparity in educational trends evident between Latinas and Latinos suggests the need for educational research that critically examines how males experience educational opportunities relative to their female counterparts. Such an analysis can provide much-needed empirical data on

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how the schooling experiences of Latino males shape their postsecondary aspirations, as well as provide important insight into the reasons for the growing gender gap. The following section examines current research on the educational experiences of Latina/o students, noting, where appropriate, differences in research findings for males and females.

Educational Experiences, Preparation, and Opportunity The less than desirable educational outcomes across the educational pipeline for the Latina/o student population are linked to schooling experiences and learning opportunities that are far from equitable (Orfield & Lee, 2007). It is well documented that Latina/os start school less prepared than their White counterparts, giving way to a persisting achievement gap that has Latina/os and other ethnic/racial minorities succeeding at a lower rate than their White peers (Garcia & Gonzalez, 2006; KewalRamani, Gilbertson, Fox, & Provasnik, 2007). Contributing to this gap is the fact that Latina/os are the least likely of all major ethnic/racial groups to enroll in pre-K programs (KewalRamani et al., 2007). This is important given research findings showing positive gains in school readiness for students who attend pre-K programs (Barnett, Lamy, & Jung 2005). For Latina/o children in particular, research has shown substantial improvements in prereading, prewriting, and pre-math skills among those who attend pre-K programs (Gormley, 2007). Gender differences between Latino males and females relating to these early academic improvements are not clear. However, research by CookGumperz and Szymanski (2001) suggests that from an early age the gender experiences of Latino males and females are distinct as they relate to language ability and usage within the family context. This is supported by earlier work by Portes and Schauffler (1994), which points to greater fluency in both Spanish and English among Latinas compared to their male counterparts. In their research, Blair and Cobas (2006) build on this previous work and test whether greater language fluency differently affects aspirations of Latinas compared to those of Latinos. Through logistic regression, Blair and Cobas show that greater Spanish and English fluency in language ability and language usage in the home are important predictors of Latinas’ educational success. The authors also show the effects of language to be less for Latino males, but noted the increased likelihood of completing high school for males when English was the most commonly used home language. Linguistic capital, as Yosso (2005) describes it, appears to be important in the development of aspirations and seems to influence those aspirations for Latino females and males. Despite this linguistic capital, educational aspirations are often thwarted by the nature of the schooling experiences available to Latina/o students.

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Because slightly over one quarter of Latina/os are living in poverty (DeNavasWalt, Proctor, & Smith, 2011), they are more likely to be ethnically segregated in neighborhoods with predominantly minority schools (Orfield, 1992). In 2005, an estimated 77% of Latina/os attended schools that were majority minority, compared to only 12% of White students attending similar types of schools (KewalRamani et al., 2007). In their work on school resegregation, Orfield and Lee (2007) lay out the relationship between the low socioeconomic conditions of minorities and the types of schools they attend. Orfield and Lee (2007) write, Poverty has long been one of the central problems facing segregated schools. Segregation tends to be multidimensional. Few highly segregated minority schools have middle class student bodies. Typically students face double segregation by race/ethnicity and by poverty. (p. 18)

Because Latina/os are concentrated in resource-poor schools with less competitive instruction, they are more likely to have underprepared and fewer credentialed teachers, higher teacher turnover, and less access to honors and advanced placement courses; to be in classes with large teacher-student ratios; and to enroll at schools that receive fewer per-pupil dollars than nonminority schools (Yosso & Solórzano, 2006). Oakes (1990) argues that in predominantly minority schools, ability grouping is also more common. Oakes highlights ability grouping as increasing academic underachievement. A report by the NCES (KewalRamani et al., 2007) reveals that throughout K–12 (fourth, eighth, and twelfth grades), the percentage of Latina/os performing “below basic” in reading and math is among the highest in the country. Further, evidence suggests quality college academic preparatory programs are less likely to be found in predominantly minority schools versus majority schools (Solórzano & Tejeda, 1998). In predominantly Latina/o high schools, for example, curricula tend to focus on remediation rather than academic enrichment. In fact, by the time Latina/os complete high school, only 34% have taken some type of advanced math course compared to the national average of 50% for all students (KewalRamani et al., 2007). As several scholars document, inadequate academic preparation is a major barrier to attending a postsecondary institution (Cabrera & La Nasa, 2001; McDonough, 2004; Perna, 2005). Perna (2005) identifies academic preparation as essential “because the groups of students who continue to be underrepresented in higher education are also the groups that [were] the least likely to be academically prepared” (p. 114). Consistent with Orfield’s (1992) research, Perna argues disadvantaged groups are less likely to be academically prepared, attend schools with less rigorous programs, and are less

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likely to be placed in challenging classes when available. Disparities in college preparation are also evident in various testing opportunities essential for college and university admissions. For example, roughly 12% of Latina/os compared to 64% of White students take advanced placement courses, and of those who take the courses’ exams, only 47% achieve a passing score of three or higher (KewalRamani et al., 2007). Furthermore, recent national data from the College Board show that only 18% of Latina/os took the SAT test, a requirement for admission at many 4-year colleges and universities (College Board, 2014). These unbalanced educational environments have produced higher education opportunities for Latina/o students that are substantially lower and less accessible than those for their White student peers (Yosso, 2005). Academic underpreparation and tracking into non-college-preparatory courses effectively gear Latina/o students into noncompetitive and less selective higher education institutions (Gutiérrez, Baquedano-López, & Álvarez, 2000). Ethnic/racial minorities, including Latina/os, receive poor and conflicting academic mentorship from institutional agents, such as high school guidance counselors, resulting in gatekeeping of college resources (StantonSalazar, 2004). Consequently, by the time Latina/os move through the K–12 educational system, less than half will be academically prepared for college entry (NCES, 2006). Additionally, Latina/os are more likely to postpone college enrollment, and when they make the choice to attend, they are more likely to do so on a part-time basis, and are less likely to maintain continuous enrollment once in college (Shulock & Moore, 2007). Much of the aforementioned work on academic course-taking patterns and the schooling experiences of Latina/o students does not clearly distinguish how accessing these educational opportunities differs, if any, between males and females. In looking at institutional inequities that characterize the nature of the K–12 schools Latina/os disproportionately enroll in, scholars have relied extensively on aggregated numerical data that combine Latino males and females. This approach has provided a well-documented statistical portrait of the types of schools Latina/os attend and the disparities in academic resources available to them compared to those found at nonminority, less economically impoverished schools. A numerical disaggregation of these course-taking patterns and schooling experiences by gender has been largely absent in much of the aforementioned research. Consequently, less known are the reasons why Latinas excel academically more so than Latinos, and why they experience more favorable high school graduation and college entry outcomes. In their study, Colon and Sanchez (2010) attribute these gender patterns to a possible difference in the ways males’ and females’ home context experiences affect acculturation, and

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their varying perceptions of the economic value of education. A glimpse of how the individual and collective influences of the home and school contexts shape educational aspirations is found in the growing number of studies on Latina/o college choice. The following section provides an examination of this literature, followed by a discussion of how this process may be different for Latinos and Latinas.

College Choice and Postsecondary Access Traditional models of college choice identify three general stages in the college decision-making process: predisposition, search, and choice. According to Hossler, Braxton, and Coopersmith (1989), the predisposition phase can begin very early when educational aspirations are first developed, which can then lead to a potential search stage. Hossler and colleagues estimate the search stage runs from approximately the eleventh grade through the beginning of the twelfth grade. Finally, the choice phase, when the student selects which colleges to apply to and a final postsecondary institution to enroll in, typically takes place throughout the senior year (Hossler et al., 1989). College choice research suggests that most students who plan to apply to college normally rely on high school counselors for college guidance, with more affluent students experiencing greater access to such school resources (Bemark & Chung, 2005; Blumberg, Venegas, Oliverez, & Colyar, 2004; McDonough, 1997). Additionally, students who have college-educated parents are more likely to participate in higher education and develop a college road map, co-navigated by family who possess the expertise to aid successfully in their college preparation (Gándara, 2002; McDonough et al., 2000). For these students, the home setting becomes a critical source of college information that children can access during the college choice process (McDonough, 1997). These students are also provided with a large and sophisticated network of resources; strategic academic options; access to costly college test-taking courses; and, perhaps equally important, parental testimonies of successful college experiences (Hossler, Schmit, & Vesper, 1999). This privileged wealth of information helps shape students’ understanding of their role in higher education and perception of college as a natural progression and a rite of passage afforded to them by their home and schooling experiences (Bateman & Hossler, 1996). Latina/os, like other ethnic/racial groups, who have parents with little or no college background often face the daunting task of navigating their academic endeavors and college choice process alone. Usually these students and their parents are not well informed about accessing higher education and may also lack access to instrumental knowledge, mentorship, and social support networks necessary to negotiate their academic preparation and college

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options (e.g., Cooper, Jackson, Azmitia, & Lopez, 1998). Many of these nuances associated with the college choice process of Latina/o students are not adequately captured in traditional, primarily quantitatively based college choice models. Although quantitative methods are helpful in creating a general picture for mainstream students, existing models have failed to capture how gender, race, and class mediate the college choice process for Latina/o students. The foregoing research suggests, however, that not all individuals have access to the same resources to make college a reality and make an informed college choice decision (Nuñez, McDonough, Ceja, & Solórzano, 2008). Latina/os appear to experience the college choice process differently than their White counterparts, and traditional models of college choice are not sufficient to explain their particular processes (Ceja, 2001; González, Stoner, & Jovel, 2003; Kim, 2004; Martinez, 2011; Pérez, 2007; Pérez & McDonough, 2008; Perna, 2000; Talavera-Bustillos, 1998). To this end, emerging scholars on college choice have begun to utilize alternative frameworks, such as social capital, cultural wealth, chain migration, and resiliency, among others, to qualitatively bring to light the particular features associated with the college choice process for Latina/o students. These studies, however, have primarily been designed with the purpose of understanding the process for Latina students.

Latina/o College Choice Within education, social capital can be understood as the relationships among students, families, communities, and teachers available to support and motivate students toward academic success. Further, social capital theory captures the effects of the school, parents, and community on a student’s learning environment (Coleman, 1988; Croninger & Lee, 2001). This framework has been used in research on Latino students to look at the role of institutional agents in high school students’ educational and occupational expectations (Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995), to examine the influence of familial and nonfamilial member social capital on the study habits of Mexican American eighth graders in comparison to Vietnamese youth (Goyette & Conchas, 2002), and to understand how familial and school staff positively influence (or hinder) postsecondary access for Latinas (González et al., 2003). Using social capital theory as a framework for studying college choice brings into focus the relationships and established networks and resources that facilitate Latinos through the educational pipeline from initial aspirations on to higher education. Martinez (2011) builds on this social capital analysis by examining the college choice experience of Mexican American students using Yosso’s (2005) notion of community cultural wealth. Specifically, Martinez

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examines the influential role that nonfamilial or school-related individuals have in the college choice process. Her findings suggest that community members can play key parts in filling in the gaps in college knowledge that are often a result of limited college information and resources at the schools attended by Latina/o students. Meanwhile, Person and Rosenbaum (2006) used chain migration theory to examine access to college information and the enrollment decisions of Latino students at 14 colleges, all of which were 2-year. They argued, “Research on immigrant communities can inform the study of college enrollment, as it encourages the researcher to examine enrollment and persistence as part of a continuous process” (p. 52). Person and Rosenbaum also suggest that the structures that facilitate migration to a new community are likely to influence an individual’s future experiences. According to Person and Rosenbaum, when applying the theoretical concept of chain migration to college choice, students (a) apply to or select colleges where someone they know has preceded them, (b) apply to or choose a college along with someone they know, or (c) seek out contacts once at the college. Finally, Pérez (2007) and Pérez and McDonough (2008) merge social capital and chain migration to examine the college choice process of Latina/o students. This research finds that families and relatives, peers, and school personnel are important influences on the college destinations of Latina/o students. These choices, according to Pérez, depend largely on the networks to which Latina/o students have access. Pérez’s work on college choice takes the educational conditions of Latina/o students into account by placing issues of access to college information and the negotiation of such resources at the center of the college choice process. The reliance on these frameworks for studying college choice has enhanced our understanding of the important influences being negotiated during the college choice process by Latina/o students. For instance, in the predisposition phase, parents play a critical role in encouraging high academic performance and higher education through the development of what Gándara (1995) calls a “culture of possibility” (p. 112). This culture is transmitted from parents through stories and modeling of a strong work ethic. In fact, much of the college choice literature cites parents as the most important reason for Latinas wanting to pursue a higher education (Ceja, 2001, 2006; Talavera-Bustillos, 1998). Additionally, in these referenced studies, parental support is emotional or monetary and does not come in the form of college knowledge. This is largely due to the first-generation status of the Latina students in the study. In addition to parents, siblings, teachers, counselors, outreach officers, peers, and caring adults are known to play important roles for Latinas in regard to their college decisions (González et al., 2003). These

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roles range from the initial development of aspirations to enrollment at a particular institution. In the search phase of the college choice process, access to a college preparatory curriculum, recruitment programs, and college knowledge is instrumental to the advancement of postsecondary plans. As noted earlier, however, Latina/o students’ access to these types of resources has been difficult. This has led many of these students to make college choices under less than ideal educational circumstances and often under compressed timelines (Ceja, 2001; González et al., 2003; Post, 1990; Talavera-Bustillos, 1998; Tomás Rivera Policy Institute [TRPI], 2004). Indeed, these studies show many students engaging in the college choice process as late as their senior year, much later than what traditional models would suggest. Further, Latina/o college choice literature indicates that students are attracted to less selective institutions that are most likely 2-year institutions, public, and less costly; that have high dropout rates; and that are close to home. Consistent in much of the research on Latina/o college choice is the important influence of cost and the perceived affordability of higher education. Financial aid offers seem to encourage college choices that may influence attendance at a particular postsecondary institution that may not necessarily be the students’ first-choice institution. For example, earlier research by Post (1990) found that Chicana/o students were misinformed about the actual costs of college, and as a result, the effect of these perceived costs had a greater influence on the postsecondary plans of students. Further, in a national survey study conducted by the TRPI, results revealed that three quarters of young Latina/os (ages 18 to 24) not currently enrolled in college would have been more likely to attend college if exposed to better financial aid information (TRPI, 2004). Similar to these findings are those of Santiago and Cunningham (2005), suggesting that Latina/os receive less financial aid for college. Moreover, Latinas seem to be slightly more sensitive than Latinos to financial issues in the selection of a college, opting to gravitate toward financial and need-based scholarship assistance more often. These potential gender differences support McDonough, Nuñez, Ceja, and Solórzano’s (2004) conclusion, based on their quantitative examination of the Latina/o college choice process, that “gender, in addition to race, is indeed a critical factor mediating the college choice process for Latinos and Latinas and merits further attention” (p. 35). Taken together, college choice research suggests that for Latina/o students, the early stages of the college decision-making process are confounded by several of the background characteristics common to many of these students, including attendance at poorly funded, low-resource schools; concerns over costs; being from a lower-income strata; first-generation status; and

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minimal access to social networks. The emerging research on Latina/o students has been an important contribution to the field of college choice. It has also served to move the literature, ever so slightly, away from the generalized conclusions drawn about the college choice process of students of color to a more focused and more appropriate investigation of the important factors involved in this complex process. However, much of the college choice work that has emerged has focused exclusively on Latina females, and much of it on the largest subgroup, Chicanas. The research on why and how Latina/o students make choices about their higher education options, although growing, remains lush with opportunities to extend our understanding of how these experiences differ for males and females.

Expanding Latino Male Research For over three decades, research has provided current practitioners, scholars, and policymakers with an expanded understanding of the nature of the schooling experiences and higher education opportunities available to a continually growing Latina/o student population. Earlier work attempted to understand the gendered experiences of Latinas relative to their Latino male counterparts (e.g., Chacon, Cohen, & Strover, 1986; Cuadraz, 1996; Escobedo, 1980; Gándara, 1995; Ovando, 1977), and rightfully so, because much of the data pointed to lower levels of educational success among females. Informed by literature on gender-role socialization, this research offered some important perspectives on why Latina students were not faring as well as Latino males, especially as it related to their participation in higher education. This line of work suggested that gender-role socialization operated to restrict Latina students’ participation in higher education (Escobedo, 1980; Keefe, Padilla, & Carlos, 1979; Vasquez, 1982). Traditionally held expectations about the roles of males and females, particularly in Mexican families, were understood to create certain barriers that negatively interfered with the college choice process of Latina students. Keefe and colleagues (1979) noted, for example, that Mexican women, often first-generation college students, experienced role conflicts as they attempted to balance traditional family roles with the rewards and costs of an education. These earlier explorations documenting the educational experiences of Latinas were foundational scholarly springboards for the subsequent investigation of the college decision-making process of females. Talavera-Bustillos (1998), utilizing a framework of resistance, retrospectively explored the college choice process of first-generation Chicana students. González and colleagues

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(2003), building on earlier work by Gándara (1982), explored primary and secondary school experiences in an effort to understand postsecondary opportunities of Latinas. Building on Talavera-Bustillos’s work, Ceja (2001) examined the college choice process of first-generation Chicana high school students, focusing on how Chicanas negotiated home and school influences as they applied to, chose, and transitioned into higher education. Most recently, Alvarez (2010) examined how Latina/o parents and their daughters make sense of the college choice process, revealing the complexity of this process when examined within the context of the family unit. In the last few years, college choice research has moved away from a focus on females, examining the process collectively for male and female participants, but not necessarily for males alone (e.g., Martinez, 2011; Nuñez et al., 2008; Pérez, 2007). This emerging work has supported earlier findings on college choice influences and has provided important theoretical frameworks that have been helpful in noting, for example, the role of student agency and the influence of family, peers, schools, and the community. Together, these studies allow us to understand that for Latinos, both male and female, the decision to attend college cannot be conceptualized as a “natural progression” that occurs in their educational trajectory. With a larger number of the aforementioned studies focusing exclusively on Latinas, we now have some basis for drawing some conclusions about the uniqueness of what this experience entails for women. However, we have yet to achieve a saturated volume of scholarship to suggest a comprehensive understanding of the Latina college choice process. Significantly far less established is our understanding of the unique ways that Latino males think about and make decisions about their postsecondary opportunities (Figueroa, 2002). Research on Latina college choice literature presumed, often implicitly, an understanding of this process for males that could then be compared and contrasted with the experiences of females. An assumption of this research was that females negotiated key influences, such as parental support and school resources, differently than males when considering higher education. The qualitative nature and generally small samples of the few college choice studies that have included Latino males have limited the amount of comparative analysis that can take place based on gender. Indeed, the particularities of being a Latino male have been inferred but not fully understood within this literature. The diminishing educational opportunities experienced by Latino males warrant a greater focus on the unique gendered experiences of being male beyond what we know and what currently exists in research on the Latino student population (Covarrubias, 2011). In their piece “The Vanishing Latino

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Male in Higher Education,” Sáenz and Ponjuán (2009) explore some of the sociocultural factors, peer dynamics, and labor force demands in an effort to make sense of the widening gap in educational success between males and females. Sáenz and Ponjuán stress the need to reframe the scholarly discourse toward the identification and deeper analysis of the educational pathways of Latino males. Additionally, the increasing “push-out” rate for Latino males suggests the need to investigate school structures and processes that may be disproportionately hampering their educational opportunities (Covarrubias, Solórzano, & Velez, 2010). Future research studies that examine Latino male students’ thoughts about college prior to entering high school may shed light on the development and changing nature of college aspirations for these students. These studies can give us a better sense of how those aspirations culminate in the decision to apply or not apply to college for Latino males. Examining the conditions that promote successful engagement in K–12 education can help us understand to what degree schools are effectively doing this with Latino males. Additionally, research can explore whether Latino males perceive higher education opportunities to be less available and less accessible, or whether these students perceive the benefits of a higher education differently than their female counterparts. Together, a Latino male research agenda guided by a critical analysis of their pathways can help families, educators, and policymakers intervene in ways that can foster, enhance, and sustain Latino male educational goals.

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Pérez, P. A., & McDonough, P. (2008). Understanding Latina and Latina/o college choice: A social capital and chain migration analysis. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 7(3), 249–265. Perna, L. (2000). Differences in the decision to attend college among African Americans, Hispanics, and Whites. The Journal of Higher Education, 71(2), 117–141. Perna, L. W. (2005). The key to college access: Rigorous academic preparation. In W. Tierney, Z. B. Corwin, & J. E. Colyar (Eds.), Preparing for college: Nine elements of effective outreach (pp. 113–134). Albany, NY: SUNY Press. Person, A. E., & Rosenbaum, J. E. (2006). Chain enrollment and college enclaves: Benefits and drawbacks of Latino college students’ enrollment decisions. New Directions for Community Colleges, 133, 51–60. Portes, A., & Schauffler, R. (1994). Language and the second generation: Bilingualism yesterday and today. International Migration Review, 28, 640–661. Post, D. (1990). College-going decisions by Chicanos: The politics of misinformation. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 12, 174–187. Sáenz, V. B., & Ponjuán, L. (2009). The vanishing Latino male in higher education. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 8, 54–89. Santiago, D. A., & Cunningham, A. (2005). How Latinos pay for college: Patterns of financial aid for 2003–04. Washington, DC: Excelencia in Education and the Institute for Higher Education Policy. Shulock, N., & Moore, C. (2007). Rules of the game: How state policy creates barriers to degree completion and impedes student success in the California community colleges. Sacramento: Institute for Higher Education Leadership & Policy, California State University. Solórzano, D. G., & Tejeda, C. (1998). The social and educational conditions of Latinas and Latinos in Los Angeles. Unpublished manuscript, University of California, Los Angeles. Solórzano, D. G., Villalpando, O., & Oseguera, L. (2005). Educational inequities and Latina/o undergraduate students in the United States: A critical race analysis of their educational progress. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 4(3), 272–294. Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (2004). Manufacturing hope and despair: The school and kin support networks of U.S.-Mexican youth. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Stanton-Salazar, R. D., & Dornbusch, S. M. (1995). Social capital and the reproduction of inequality: Information networks among Mexican-origin high school students. Sociology of Education, 68(2), 116–135. Talavera-Bustillos, V. H. (1998). Chicana college choice and resistance: An exploratory study of first-generation Chicana college students (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of California, Los Angeles. Tomás Rivera Policy Institute. (2004). Caught in the financial aid divide: A national survey of Latino perspectives on financial aid. Reston, VA: Sallie Mae Fund. Vasquez, M. J. T. (1982). Confronting barriers to the participation of Mexican women in higher education. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 4(2), 147–166.

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Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community cultural wealth. Race Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 69–91. Yosso, T. J., & Solórzano, D. G. (2006, March). Leaks in the Chicana/o educational pipeline (Latino Policy and Issues Brief No. 13). Los Angeles: Chicano Studies Research Center, University of California.

12 C O L L A B O R AT I V E CONSCIOUSNESS Improving Latino Male Student Research, Policy, and Practice Luis Ponjuán

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his book represents a commitment to better understand the Latino male educational experience, and it hopes to parallel the broader and vibrant research agenda on male students of color in higher education. Similar to the ongoing, well-established efforts to improve the educational outcomes of African American/Black males in higher education (Harper, 2013; Harper & Harris, 2012; Strayhorn, 2014), the nascent national movement on behalf of Latino male students suggests an emergence of a critical discourse focused on the diverse Latino male student population (Cerezo, Lyda, Beristianos, Enriquez, & Connor, 2013; Pérez & Taylor, 2015; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009, 2011). There are opportunities to improve educational outcomes for Latino males, especially given the growing state and national imperatives for improving educational outcomes for male students of color (J. Lee & Ransom, 2011; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2011). The research agenda on Latino males in higher education remains a critical element to the larger Latina/o college student research landscape. The contributing authors highlight a complex portrait of the many factors that contribute to the educational experiences of Latino males in elementary, secondary, and postsecondary education. The chapters also reveal ongoing questions and opportunities for researchers, practitioners, and community leaders. The next steps for the learning community require the collective

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expertise of a myriad of perspectives focused on the unique needs of a heterogeneous Latino male student population. The purpose of this final chapter is threefold: First, we discuss the theoretical concept of shared knowledge to frame and create collaborative consciousness within the learning community (Huggins, Johnston, & Thompson, 2012; Roschelle & Teasley, 1995; Yang & Maxwell, 2011). Second, we propose a conceptual model that illustrates how the chapters advance our understanding of Latino males in education. Third, we conclude with a brief discussion about the critical next phases in the Latino male research agenda. The primary hope of this book was to shine a light on the unique and distinct challenges facing Latino males in American education and to coalesce a critical mass of education researchers, higher education leaders, and community leaders who are committed to creating strategic programs and policies to address this multifaceted educational issue.

Collaborative Consciousness and Research on Latino Males In order to create a learning community of scholars, educational leaders, and community members, we utilize the concept of shared knowledge to describe how the learning community can examine, discuss, and proactively advance the Latino male student research agenda. The learning community creates shared knowledge when there is a collaboration of resources, knowledge, and experiences. The concept of shared knowledge emanates from the academic discipline of sociology-sociocybernetics (Graham, 1999; R. Lee, 2002). Scholars describe sociocybernetics as a framework of how individuals make meaning of social changes (R. Lee, 2002). In order for a learning community to develop shared knowledge, scholars suggest that the exchange of knowledge must occur at the individual and organizational levels. At the individual level, organizational scholars state, “Collaboration is a coordinated, synchronous activity that is the result of a continued attempt to construct and maintain a shared conception of a problem” (Roschelle & Teasley, 1995, p. 70). At the organizational level, scholars argue that interorganizational exchange of information depends on many factors (e.g., proximity, social capital) that may influence how knowledge is shared and how innovation develops (Bergenholtz & Waldstrøm, 2011; Huggins et al., 2012; Yang & Maxwell, 2011). In tandem, these two levels of shared knowledge highlight the importance of achieving collaborative consciousness. Graham (1999) describes this concept: Collaborative consciousness . . . is the consciousness of reciprocal recognition. It affirms differences and so enables meaning to appear. It is

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the consciousness of dialogue, negotiation, mediation. It doesn’t control but lets be. Knowledge is not a commodity to be bought and sold on the market. Knowing is our way of our being in the world with others. (p. 15)

As such, collaborative consciousness is an essential element to increase shared knowledge that can help leverage resources and develop innovative programs and policies. Specifically, in order to “move the needle” on the Latino male educational research agenda, we argue that educational leaders, community leaders, Latino families, and other shareholders need to increase collaborative consciousness at the individual and organizational levels.

Individual-Level Collaborative Consciousness At the individual level, sharing knowledge requires that members of the learning community understand the complex nature of a problem. For example, in the initial chapter we provided a picture of the increasing gender gap in Latino students’ educational achievement. However, this complex educational problem suggests that individuals, depending on their perspective (e.g., high school leader, college administrator), may view this problem differently. The value of sharing knowledge is an active and engaging process. Some scholars noted, “Collaboration does not just happen because individuals are co-present; individuals must make a conscious, continued effort to coordinate their language and activity with respect to shared knowledge” (Roschelle & Teasley, 1995, p. 94). In order to advance the Latino male student research agenda, scholars need to understand that framing this complex educational issue for different audiences requires that the narrative be grounded in empirical evidence, be easily understandable, and clearly describe how individuals and organizations can work on this issue. Opportunities to develop shared knowledge about Latino males’ educational achievement rely on key shareholders to understand that there are differences between male students of color and those within the Latino male ethnic subgroups. As mentioned earlier, the research agenda on male students of color has a rich history that has predominantly focused on African American male students. The College Board national report illustrates that there is great heterogeneity across the educational experiences for male students of color, and the report cautions us against examining this complex educational issue with a singular ethnic group lens (J. Lee & Ransom, 2011). More critically, recent research reveals significant differences in college enrollment and college credential or degree completion within Latino ethnic subgroups (e.g., Mexicans, Cubans, Central Americans) (Ponjuán, Palomin, & Calise, in press).

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Given the demographic reality that more Latino male students are in schools, educational leaders need to critically examine Latino males’ high school completion, college application, college enrollment, college persistence, and college completion. At each critical juncture, there are factors that define the problem, and this underscores the importance of collaborative consciousness to develop effective programs and policies for Latino male students. For example, at the high school level, chapter 2 highlights how Hispanic male students often face challenges to completing high school due to factors such as inadequate family social capital, different high school characteristics, limited college preparatory behaviors, insufficient financial aid literacy, and differing parental expectations. Perhaps using the conceptual model of collaborative consciousness scholars, educational leaders, high school teachers, and Latino families may develop a shared knowledge of this problem to develop innovative programming and policies focused on improving Hispanic male students’ high school completion and college participation.

Organizational-Level Collaborative Consciousness At the organizational level, collaborative consciousness refers to the ability of organizations to share knowledge to guide collaboration, engagement, and innovation. As mentioned earlier, organizations share knowledge through two types of interorganizational networks: alliance networks and contact networks (Huggins et al., 2012). Alliance networks are made up of organizations that work together to innovate new products and information. For example, community colleges and universities form alliance networks because they work together to increase the college degree and credential completion of male students of color. Similarly, contact networks are more formal networks that are defined by contractual agreements. For instance, higher education institutions create formal agreements with business industry to increase mutually beneficial outcomes (e.g., skilled engineers). In both cases, creating shared knowledge among organizations is a critical element to developing innovative programs and policies. Specifically, in order to adequately address and improve Latino males’ educational outcomes, individuals and organizations need to incorporate collaborative consciousness to make progress. This organizational framework is useful to help understand how educational institutions engage in sharing knowledge to address Latino male educational achievement. For example, in chapter 10, the authors found that awareness about Latino males’ academic achievement varied by institutions (e.g., 2- and 4-year institutions). This lack of institutional awareness within and between higher education institutions may inhibit the ability of these institutions to adequately address the unique needs of Latino male students.

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The critical need for institutions to collaborate in an alliance network allows each institution to learn how to share knowledge to leverage resources that help Latino male students. In a similar fashion, organizational collaborative consciousness through contact networks between postsecondary institutions and community programs highlights how shared knowledge can increase when partnerships address Latino males’ transitions from high school to college. For example, higher education institutions should work closely with the business sector to provide Latino males opportunities to develop essential skills to supplement their educational experiences. The research highlights how these types of partnerships may enhance the educational outcomes of Latino males (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2011).

Organizational Awareness Toward Action Requires Collaborative Consciousness In order to understand how to advance this work, we provide a conceptual model that should guide how we move forward to address the complex educational issues for Latino males. Until now, this book provided ample evidence that educational leaders, practitioners, and shareholders need greater awareness about the plight of Latino males in higher education. We also believe that awareness is not enough to move this research agenda forward or to develop sustainable programming. Organizational action requires that institutions take measured and pragmatic steps to develop programs and policies aimed at helping Latino males academically succeed (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2011). Unfortunately, awareness of the issues and development of effective action steps are not enough to ensure success. We believe that collaborative consciousness is a critical missing element that enhances how institutions create and implement programs and policies focused on Latino male students (see Figure 12.1). We provide a conceptual model that illustrates how leveraging an institution’s collaborative consciousness may increase a higher education institution’s ability to implement and sustain essential programs and policies.

Improving Awareness With Empirical Evidence The initial challenge of any organizational change movement is that the organization have a clear understanding of the problem or issue (Argyris, 1993). In other words, organizational commitment to addressing Latino males’ educational success requires that organizational leaders, practitioners, and faculty understand that Latino males compared to their peers are

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Figure 12.1 Conceptual model for institutional development of programs and policies for Latino male students.

COLLABORATIVE CONSCIOUSNESS (Individual and organizational)

AWARENESS (Empirical evidence)

ACTION (Programs and policies)

not as successful. Several contributors provided a compelling argument that Latino males have been unsuccessful in completing a college credential or degree. For example, at the high school level, chapter 2 highlighted that the high school experiences and curriculum play an essential role in preparing Latino males for college. Similarly, in chapter 6, the authors highlighted that Latino male math achievement is a critical concern for ensuring college participation in STEM-related programs. These high school experiences serve as precursors to the potential challenges many Latino males may face in their transition to college. The empirical research also highlights that Latino males have distinct challenges that require a nuanced understanding from higher education institutional leaders and practitioners. At the college level, chapter 1 presented the serious challenges higher education faces with Latino males’ academic achievement. In chapter 3, we found that Latino males struggle to find the appropriate spaces on a campus to feel supported and a sense of belonging. In chapter 9, we found that Latino males often lacked the social capital to navigate their first year of college. In total, these chapters provide important insights that help develop a greater awareness about the unique educational experiences of Latino males in education. Over the last few years, the body of research work on Latino males has gained steady traction in the educational research community. Moreover, higher education researchers have provided compelling empirical evidence that suggests the Latino male issues are distinct and the issues of male students of color are not a monolithic phenomenon (Cameron & Heckman, 2001; Cerezo et al., 2013; Pérez & Taylor, 2015; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2011; Strayhorn, 2008). It is important to note that creating awareness of the issues related to Latino male students is not at the expense of Latina female students or other male students of color (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009).

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Unfortunately, there are real and ongoing issues for students of color and degree completion in our educational system that require awareness and action (Aud et al., 2013). However, the demographic reality of the burgeoning educational enrollment growth of Latino males and the limited discussion about their unique issues suggest that more work is needed to understand how and why these students are not succeeding in high school and college.

Creating an Action Plan Through Institutional Policies and Programs In the age of institutional accountability, there is a pressing need to justify how institutions allocate, manage, and use resources for educational programming (Alexander, 2000). A specific focus on the outcome of this model often is the first step for leaders and practitioners. Certain questions naturally emerge once there is an increased organizational awareness: “What will we do?”; “Who is in charge?”; “How will we get it done?”; “What resources do we need?”; and “When will we know we made a difference?” It is beyond the scope of this concluding chapter to present a comprehensive discussion of how organizations create and sustain change. Nonetheless, leaders and practitioners must address these critical questions to begin and sustain their organizational action plan. However, scholars argue that organizational change requires more than a comprehensive action plan (McCalman & Potter, 2015). The organizational change research literature is replete with the factors that may inhibit or promote organizational change (Al-Haddad & Kotnour, 2015; McCalman & Potter, 2015). For example, resistance to organizational change is a formidable barrier for any institutional leader or member (AlHaddad & Kotnour, 2015). Also, a lack of awareness of the Latino male educational achievement gap may lead to organizational resistance to developing programming or policies. Despite potential organizational resistance, we suggest that creating organizational action for Latino male–focused programs and policies requires a commitment from every organizational level (e.g., central administrators, directors, practitioners) and across organizational units (e.g., colleges, academic departments, student affairs, and academic affairs). Scholars recognize that changes in institutional programs and policies are essential to improve student engagement and achievement (Kuh, Kinzie, Schuh, & Whitt, 2011). However, organizational action may be limited if the organization does not consider the value of collaborative consciousness to accomplish an effective organizational action plan. An earlier national policy brief highlights the invaluable need for organizations to develop a blueprint for creating, supporting, and sustaining Latino male–focused programming (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2011).

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A growing related challenge to creating an organizational action plan is the need to create pragmatic and critical programming and policies with the concept of Latino male students in mind. We use this term because we recognize that organizations face many decisions that force administrators to prioritize how to allocate resources to institutional initiatives. In those cases, we suggest that leaders consider what existing programs can be used to address the unique needs of Latino males. For example, the research supports that during the first year institutions can provide programs (e.g., extended orientation) to help students acclimate to the college environment (Upcraft & Gardner, 1989). Similar to creating living learning community programs for first-generation students, creating an extended orientation for Latino males as part of a larger orientation programming effort may provide a unique and safe environment for these students to create meaningful connections with peers and enhance their help-seeking behaviors. The authors in chapter 5 provided a critical examination of Latino males and their help-seeking behaviors. Similarly, in chapter 9, we found that institutions can improve Latino males’ adjustment to the educational and social climate and culture of predominantly White institutions (PWIs). Therefore, if organizations consider reconstituting existing student programs with Latino male students in mind, then these students may greatly benefit from these programmatic initiatives.

Collaborative Consciousness Mediates Organizational Awareness to Action Collaborative consciousness is the final and most important element of this conceptual model. We earlier introduced this concept to help frame how we can advance the Latino male research agenda and organizational programming and policies. At the individual and organizational levels, higher education leaders must utilize the empirical evidence to help guide the institution toward organizational action. Collaborative consciousness at the individual level requires that institutions develop permanent institutional committees focused on male students’ academic success, with subcommittees for specific male ethnic groups. First, this committee must have the endorsement and support of the institution’s leadership. Next, committee representation should include academic and student affairs leaders and practitioners, faculty leadership, institutional research office representation, and male students of color. This type of organizational commitment can exist only if the institution has the empirical data that create the awareness that justifies the creation and sustainment of such committees. Collaborative consciousness at the organizational level requires that 4-year institutions develop alliance networks with local school districts and community

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colleges. As mentioned earlier, alliance networks allow organizations to together increase shared knowledge and enhance innovative programming. An example of creating a collaborative consciousness through an alliance network is the articulation agreement policies between 2- and 4-year institutions. A majority of Latino male students enroll in public 2-year colleges (Aud et al., 2013). Articulation agreement policies play a critical role in helping low-income students with the transfer process (Kezar, Walpole, & Perna, 2014) and can be effective as a viable model for students who start at 2-year institutions (Falconetti, 2009). Improving Latino male students’ academic success depends on creating collaborative consciousness between 2-year and 4-year institutions. With an increased awareness that Latino males are starting at 2-year institutions, 4-year institutions can develop specific programs and policies that address and improve the Latino male students’ transfer rates. Informed institutional leaders are necessary to utilize collaborative consciousness to achieve this type of organizational work. Although organizational leadership is important, it is not enough to sustain an organizational action plan. That is, researchers argue that organizational change often fails when a leader leaves an organization (Hargreaves & Fink, 2012). It is essential for the organization to develop collaborative consciousness across organizational units and between individuals at every level. Addressing Latino male students’ academic achievement requires purposeful and intentional information, communication, and planning through organizational collaborative consciousness.

Next Steps for the Latino Male Research and Policy Agenda This final section of the chapter focuses on three key concepts that shaped the development of this book and should shape subsequent research work: (a) utilizing a strength-based research lens, (b) creating a culture of evidence, and (c) leveraging an interdisciplinary research approach. First, we support future research work, which utilizes a strength-based research perspective. This research perspective suggests that we rely on the related positive attributes of Latino males to frame how to conduct research work. Second, we highlight the critical need to improve how to develop a culture of evidence to empirically support our programming and policy initiatives. Third, we suggest that future work needs to include a stronger interdisciplinary approach to understand this complex educational issue.

Utilizing a Strength-Based Research Lens Strength-based research is derived from the positive psychology research literature (Lopez, Pedrotti, & Snyder, 2014). A strength-based approach

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suggests that individuals rely on innate strengths that can help them navigate difficult situations. For example, researchers have focused on individual resiliency to improve school performance (Yeager & Dweck, 2012). In contrast, using the rationale for social justice advocacy, scholars have argued that using a deficit-based research lens to examine the challenges many students of color face is counterproductive (Milner, 2013) and limiting (Tillman & Scheurich, 2013). Some scholars have used this approach to examine how the strength-based approach explains Latino students and their motivation to academic achievement (Easley, Bianco, & Leech, 2012). This research provides an alternate approach to talk about, frame, and create a different narrative about Latino males. For example, chapter 4 describes how the voices of Latino males are validated, honored, and used to describe how they navigate their postsecondary experiences. Future research on Latino males needs to reframe how we describe the lives of Latino males. We claim that using a deficitbased perspective to describe Latino males as “broken,” “culturally deficient,” or “damaged” maligns the inherent value of these students and fails to explore how institutions are ill equipped to understand their unique attributes. In chapter 8, we found that talented Latino male achievers rely on cultural wealth from their cultural heritage, traditions, and values to navigate marginalization at PWIs. This research study illustrates how a positive, strength-based approach focuses on the resiliency of these students. We believe this approach reframes how we discuss institutional programs and policies for these students. That is, when administrators, practitioners, and faculty members view these students as assets to their institutions and valuable to the learning community, they invest and support institutional programs and policies to help these students academically succeed. There is added benefit in examining how Latina female students and Latino/a family research can help us understand Latino male students using a strength-based approach to explore college experiences. In chapter 11, we found several factors that influence Latina female students’ college choice. This study provided a compelling argument that college choice is not a “natural progression” for these students, despite the encouragement of their families to pursue a college education. In chapter 7 the authors describe the complex yet positive influence of Latino parental encouragement and familismo on Mexican American males’ college persistence. A composite of these chapters is an illustrative example of using a strength-based approach to develop the research narrative for Latino male students in higher education. The strength-based or asset-based approach also provides a different perspective to frame how institutions develop safe

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spaces in the classroom and beyond for these students. The strength-based approach also provides an opportunity to highlight the untapped cultural capital (Yosso, 2005) Latino male students bring to the learning community.

Creating a Culture of Evidence Educational researchers and institutional leaders need to create a culture of evidence to help institutions support or sustain how it helps Latino male students succeed. A culture of evidence is grounded in the belief that institutions need to improve how they assess and evaluate student learning and outcomes (Kuh et al., 2015) and answer the increased demands of external accreditation (Dill, 2014). In order to assess how effective postsecondary institutional programs and policies address Latino male students’ outcomes, future educational research should use (a) expanded educational outcomes, (b) multiple research methodologies, and (c) an examination of different institutional and community contexts. Future Latino research needs to expand the outcomes that measure how Latino males experience higher education. Beyond the traditional outcomes of Latino male students’ degree completion, academic progression, and academic performance, researchers need to create different outcomes that illuminate academic or adjustment experiences. For instance, institutional leaders need to identify the top 10 academic degree programs that Latino male students enroll in and pursue to determine which programs are the most and least effective in helping students complete that particular academic program. Disaggregating this type of institutional data allows institutions to identify potential “gatekeeper” courses that may inhibit Latino male students from progressing successfully in their desired academic programs. Future research should employ multiple methodologies (e.g., qualitative, quantitative) to provide a complete and robust portrait of Latino male students’ experiences. For example, contributors to this book utilized both quantitative and qualitative research methods to illustrate the broad spectrum of the Latino male research agenda; however, scholars are encouraged to utilize other advanced qualitative (e.g., discourse analysis, photo elicitation) and quantitative (e.g., difference in difference estimations, regression discontinuity) research methods to enrich and expand the research landscape. As mentioned earlier, Latino male students compared to their male student peers attend different types of high schools and are more likely to attend 2-year institutions than 4-year institutions. Future research studies should explore and examine the diverse educational contexts that these students experience. For example, scholars need to describe the educational experiences of Latino male students who attend rural high schools, minority-serving institutions, and

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for-profit postsecondary institutions. Finally, more research work is needed to understand how emerging Latino communities that have experienced recent Latino immigrant population growth affects Latino male students’ educational experiences.

Leveraging an Interdisciplinary Research Approach Beyond utilizing advanced research methods, educational researchers should utilize different disciplinary lenses to enhance how we understand Latino male students’ postsecondary experiences. The strength of Latino male research relies on scholarship that employs diverse disciplinary perspectives (e.g., gender studies, ecology, organizational psychology, computer science, history, and epidemiology). Finally, the future of the Latino male students’ research agenda should also reflect the diversity of Latino male ethnic subgroups (Ponjuán, Palomin, & Calise, in press). That is, we need to conduct more research to understand why Latino male ethnic subgroups have different educational outcomes (e.g., high school completion rates, college enrollment patterns, and college completion rates).

Conclusion This book highlights a diverse chorus of scholars from across the nation and the emergence of a learning community focused on expanding and enhancing the educational discourse on male students of color with a specific focus on Latino male students. This final chapter provided a new conceptual framework to understand how institutions should work toward increasing institutional awareness and developing new institutional programs and policies with Latino male students in mind and a focus on collaborative consciousness to enhance that organizational change process. Finally, as the learning community advances, we suggest that scholars consider using a strength-based approach, creating a culture of evidence, and employing different disciplinary lenses to understand Latino male students’ educational experiences. The demographic reality of our nation suggests that Latino males represent a strong and vibrant yet untapped stratum of our communities. Given the growing state and national imperative, scholars need to create a research narrative that advances our understanding of this diverse group of students, and practitioners need to adopt a collaborative consciousness to ultimately “move the needle” on Latino male student success. There is no question that this book is a call to action for researchers, educational leaders, and community leaders to help Latino male students because “a life is waiting” to be changed.

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EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS

Editors Julie López Figueroa is an associate professor in the Department of Ethnic Studies at California State University, Sacramento. She completed her PhD in education from the University of California, Berkeley, in 2002; an MA in education in 1995 from the University of California, Santa Cruz; and a BA in sociology and Chicano studies from the University of California, Davis, in 1992. Her areas of scholarly interest include qualitative research methods, access and retention in higher education, and teaching and learning in a cultural context. Luis Ponjuán is an associate professor of higher education administration in the Department Educational Administration & Human Resource Development in the College of Education and Human Development at Texas A&M University. His research agenda focuses on Latino male students, Latino firstgeneration students, faculty members of color, and increasing diversity and inclusion in STEM majors. He earned his PhD in Higher Education from the University of Michigan, MS in Higher Education from the Florida State University, and BS in Psychology from the University of New Orleans. He is a Cuban immigrant and first-generation college graduate. Victor B. Sáenz is an associate professor in the Department of Educational Administration at the University of Texas at Austin and is the executive director of Project MALES and the Texas Education Consortium for Male Students of Color. He also holds a faculty appointment with the Center for Mexican American Studies and is a faculty fellow with the Division of Diversity and Community Engagement. He received his PhD (2005) and an MA (2002) in higher education and organizational change from UCLA. He also holds an MA (1999) from the LBJ School of Public Affairs and a BA in mathematics (1996) from the University of Texas at Austin.

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Contributors Tracy Arámbula Ballysingh is a postdoctoral fellow in the Division for Equity and Inclusion at the University of New Mexico. Dr. Ballysingh received her PhD in higher education leadership from the University of Texas at Austin in 2011. Her research interests include: Latino college attainment, higher education equity and access for historically underrepresented populations, campus climate, school segregation, affirmative action, socioeconomic disparities and school readiness, and the role of law in higher education. As a postdoctoral fellow, Dr. Ballysingh advances the work of equity and inclusion in support of the University of New Mexico’s chief diversity officer. Nolan L. Cabrera is an assistant professor in the Center for the Study of Higher Education at the University of Arizona. His scholarship focuses on Whiteness formation, Latina/o college students, Mexican American studies in Tucson Unified, and racism in higher education. His articles have appeared in numerous highly regarded education journals, and his work regarding Mexican American studies has been cited in both the Tucson Unified federal desegregation case and the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals oral arguments. Linda G. Castillo is a professor at Texas A&M University. She received her BA in psychology from Texas State University and her MS and PhD in counseling psychology from the University of Utah. Her expertise and research focus on the influence of acculturation, enculturation, and marianismo on educational persistence and mental health of Mexican American adolescents and women. Miguel Ceja is a professor in the Department of Education Leadership and Policy Studies and director of doctoral programs at California State University, Northridge. He holds a BA in political science and an MA and a PhD in higher education and organizational change, all from UCLA. He teaches master’s- and doctoral-level courses in higher education policy and leadership, educational diversity, research design, and quantitative analysis. His research focuses on issues of access and equity in higher education for students of color, college choice, diversity and campus racial climate, and community college student success. Jennifer Estrada is currently a college counselor at KIPP Houston Public Schools. She completed her undergraduate studies at Boston University, receiving a bachelor of arts in sociology. She received her master of education

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in college and university student personnel administration at the University of Texas at Austin. Her academic interests include the roles of race, ethnicity, and gender in college access. Ismael Fajardo is a doctoral candidate in the educational leadership, policy, and organizations program at the University of Washington. His research examines issues of equity and access for Latina/o students in the education pipeline, specifically the K–12 and postsecondary transition and their postsecondary experiences on various educational outcomes. Kelty Garbee is an associate program officer at Educate Texas, a statewide nonprofit focused on college readiness, postsecondary access and success, and teacher effectiveness. She previously served as the early college high school program manager at the Texas Education Agency. She has expertise in dual credit and P–16 partnerships and was responsible for creating a statewide early college designation process. She earned her doctorate in education administration and a master’s in public affairs from the University of Texas at Austin. She holds a bachelor’s degree in English and studies in women and gender from the University of Virginia. José M. Hernandez is a research analyst at the Center on Reinventing Public Education. He is an applied statistician that focuses on unpacking the theoretical and statistical approaches used in conducting quasi-experimental design methods. José Muñoz is a Gus T. Ridgel fellow and doctoral candidate in educational leadership and policy analysis at the University of Missouri. He studies higher education finance and the impact of financial aid on the postsecondary experiences of underrepresented minority students. Lizette Ojeda is an associate professor in the Department of Educational Psychology at Texas A&M University. She received her PhD in counseling psychology from the University of Missouri. Her research focuses on the Mexican American experience in the United States, particularly among Mexican American men. Her work examines psychosociocultural factors that impact the education, career development, and well-being of Latinos from a positive psychological perspective. She is also interested in Latino masculinity and Mexican immigrants’ issues. David Pérez II is an assistant professor in the Department of Educational Leadership at Miami University in Oxford, Ohio. His research focuses on

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increasing Latino male success at U.S. postsecondary institutions. In 2014, he launched The National Study on Latino Male Achievement in Higher Education, which explores how undergraduates employ different forms of capital to thrive academically, intrapersonally, and interpersonally at 20 selective U.S. colleges and universities. In addition to funding this study, ACPA and NASPA recognized Dr. Pérez as an emerging scholar for his contributions to research. Patricia A. Pérez is an associate professor in the Chicana and Chicano Studies Department at California State University, Fullerton. She received her PhD from the UCLA Graduate School of Education and Information Studies in 2007. She also received an EdM from the Harvard University Graduate School of Education with an emphasis in administration, planning and social policy. Her research and teaching interests focus on access, choice, and equity for students of color in higher education. Katie Ortego Pritchett is a 2014 graduate of the higher education leadership program at the University of Texas at Austin. She currently works as a private education consultant and holds a faculty appointment at the University of Texas at Austin. She has prior work experience with the U.S. Department of Education, addressing federal financial aid policies, and with a Fortune 100 company, performing market research for federal contracts. She received a Master of Public Administration degree from Louisiana State University and a Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of Louisiana at Lafayette. Her research interests include issues of access, equity, and persistence of underrepresented student groups, faculty-student mentoring, and service-learning. Fatemma D. Rashwan-Soto is a learning specialist for the THINK TANK at the University of Arizona. Her interests include college access, academic readiness, transition, and retention for first-generation and low-income students in higher education. Ultimately, she is interested in exploring underrepresented students’ aspirations and experiences in graduate and professional school settings. Sarah Rodriguez is an assistant professor of community college leadership/ higher education at Iowa State University. Dr. Rodriguez has been involved with the Improving Outcomes for Men of Color in Community Colleges Initiative at the Center for Community College Student Engagement and serves as an Affiliate Faculty Member for the Minority Male Community College Collaborative (M2C3), a national research and practice center that partners with community colleges to support their capacity in advancing outcomes for

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men of color and Project M.A.L.E.S., a multifaceted initiative centered upon supporting Latino males and other men of color through research, mentoring, and a statewide P–16 consortium. She received her PhD in higher education leadership from the University of Texas at Austin and holds an MS from the University of Tennessee as well as a BA in English and Spanish from Texas A&M University-Commerce. William Serrata was named the president of El Paso County Community College District effective August 1, 2012. Prior to his tenure at El Paso Community College, he served as vice president for Student Affairs & Enrollment Management at South Texas College in McAllen, Texas. He holds a bachelor’s degree from Texas A&M University–College Station, a master’s degree from the University of Texas at Brownsville, and a doctorate of philosophy in educational human resource development from Texas A&M University–College Station. His expertise includes strategic enrollment management, student development, and the role of student affairs in facilitating student success. Bryant G. Valencia is a doctoral student and research assistant in the University of Arizona’s Center for the Study of Higher Education. His research involves Latina/o students, the campus climate, racial microaggressions, and campus counterspaces. Ultimately, his interests are culturally relevant methods of increasing access, retention, and success for students of color in higher education. Irene I. Vega is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Sociology at UCLA. Her dissertation examines how state-level politics and bureaucratic discretion shape the implementation of federal immigration laws. Her broader interests are in racial/ethnic boundary making, immigration politics, and various forms of inequality throughout the educational pipeline.

INDEX

AA. See associate’s degree Abalos, D. A., 79 ability grouping, 195 academic advising, career planning and, 189–90 academic capital formation, 145 academic family, 128 academic interventions, 169 academic motivation, 119, 123, 127 academic outcomes, 28, 48, 98–99, 123, 132 fraternal organizations impacting, 162 “academic parents,” 128 academic persistence. See persistence, academic academic preparation, 155–56, 158, 195, 197–98 academic struggles, 79, 83–87, 120 academic success, xvi, 5, 43–44, 48–51. See also persistence, academic in career pathway, 116, 120, 123, 128–29 critical approach in, 87–90 familismo in, 117–19, 122, 128–29 first-generation students, 46–47 friendships as investment in, 162–64, 168, 170 gender expectations impacting, 60–61, 64–67, 69 Latinas, 62 math identity in, 97, 102, 104–11 peer networks in, 136, 138 psychosociocultural factors impacting, 95–99 self-efficacy in, 97 social factors in, 98, 100

academic support programs, 159, 161, 166, 168, 170 in persistence, first-year, 163–65 resources, xvii, 44–45, 51, 53, 64 accountability structures, 54 achievement, academic, 35, 69, 119, 122, 217–18 of Latino male achievers, 132, 135–36, 138, 144–45, 147 low, 24, 63, 99, 117, 146 LSO collaboration in, 146 social capital in, 152–53, 155, 159, 163 strength-based approach, vii, 217–20 student perceptions and, 97, 101, 108 achievement, math comparative fit index, 103–5, 109 confirmatory factor analysis, 101–7 cultural factors impacting, 98–100 in high school math, 95–111 HSLS data in, study, 101, 107–8 latent constructs, 103–7, 109 Latina/o MI test in, 103–4, 107 math identity in, 97, 102, 104–11 math utility in, 97–98, 104–8, 111 NCES study, 101–8 psychological factors, 95–98, 100 psychosociocultural framework, 99–101, 108–11 research discussion, 108–11 research findings, 104–8 research limitations, 107–8 research studies on, 95–111 RMSEA, 103–5 self-efficacy in, 97, 102, 104–7, 111

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INDEX

social factors impacting, 98, 100–101 socioeconomic status in, study, 102, 104–6, 108 STEM participation and, 95–98, 110–11, 214 structural equation modeling in, 101, 103–7, 109 achievement gap, academic, xvi–xvii, 60, 194 awareness of administrators on, 177–87, 212, 215 graduation rates and, 179 policy, and practice for, 165–70, 186 ACS. See American Community Survey action plan, xi, 187, 215–17 adaptive strategy, 160–61 advanced placement (AP) courses, 28–29, 32 advice (consejos), 134 affirmative action programs, 75–76, 135 African American males, ix, xiv, 14, 21 agency, student, 53, 65, 202 Alberto, 66 algebraic process, 96, 101–2 alienation, 49–50, 63–64, 169 alliance networks, 212–13, 216–17 alternative capital, 134, 144 alternative pathways, xvi, 4, 13–17, 116–17 American Community Survey (ACS), 15 American high schools, longitudinal study, 21–35 analytic approach, 101, 103 anti-Latina/o policies, 78 HB2281, anti-ethnic studies, 76 Prop107, anti-affirmative action, 76 SB1070, 76, 80, 82, 86, 89 Antonio, A. L., 78, 89 AP. See advanced placement (AP) courses

application process college, 29, 32–33, 212 financial aid, 29, 32–33, 127 appraisal support, 111 Archer, L., 61–63 Arizona anti-Latina/o policies, 76, 78, 80, 82, 86, 89 UA intersectionality analysis, 76–90 articulation agreement policies, 217 Aspira Cena (Aspire Dinner), 140 aspirational capital, 134 aspirations, educational, 34, 120, 136, 195, 197 Aspire Dinner (Aspira Cena), 140 asset-based approach, xv, 13, 36, 144, 147 in research agenda, 218–19 associate’s degree (AA), 3, 10–13, 25 attendance, college, 26, 28, 158, 166 attitudinal familismo, 125 awareness, of administrators, xvii. See also collaborative consciousness in academic achievement, 177–87, 212, 215 culture in, 185–86, 188, 190 of educational crisis, xv, 21, 44, 49, 144, 178–79 of educational resources, 177–87, 189–90 nexus of resistance and, 179, 182–84 research discussion, 184–90 on retention, 179, 181, 189 awareness, organizational, 212–17, 220 BA. See bachelor’s degree baccalaureate degree, 10, 190 baccalaureate programs, 158, 166 bachelor’s degree (BA), 3, 10, 12–13, 25 barriers to college choice process, 201 to college enrollment, 29, 34 to college persistence, 125–29, 154 financial aid, 120, 123, 127

INDEX

to graduation, 119–21, 123–25 language, 24–25, 27, 53, 127 life event, 120–21, 124 behavioral dimension, 78 behavioral familismo, 125 best practices, iii, ix, 54, 90, 187 bicultural social network, 154 bilingual education, 145 bilingual language, 142, 145 Blair, S. L., 194 blue-collar employment, 15 Brewer, Jan, 76 brother (hermano), 140 brotherhood (hermandad), 138 Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S., 17 Bureau of Labor Statistics, 15, 17, 21 caballerismo (chivalry), 118, 124, 126, 128, 163 caballeros. See Latino male; Latino male achievers Cabrera, Nolan L., xvi, 77, 136 California public educational system, 61–71, 74 Cammarota, J., 62–63, 73n1 campus climate, 45, 64, 141, 167 racial, 77–78, 89 “capital gains,” 153, 170 career pathway, 4, 13, 15 academic advising and, planning, 189–90 academic success in, 116, 120, 123, 128–29 Latinas/os in STEM participation, 95–97, 110–11 Carnevale, A. P., 135 Castellanos, J., 128, 155 CCW framework. See community cultural wealth (CCW) framework Ceja, Miguel A., xvii, 200, 202 CFA. See confirmatory factor analysis CFI. See comparative fit index chain migration theory, 199 challenges, 26, 36, 51 in academic persistence, 119–25

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of culture norms, adapting to, 62, 81–82, 155, 161 in educational pathways, 117, 119 in educational trends, emerging, 179–82, 184 of ethnic group identity, 63, 65 financial, 22, 30, 32–34 of first-generation students, 27 language, 24–25 learning, 13–15 of meritocracy, 45–47, 50, 54, 140 self-agency developing for, 30–32 in social awareness zones, 52–53, 65 social capital, xv, 13, 17, 161–62 struggles in, academic, 83–84 Chang, M. J., 78, 89 Chicana (woman) mujer, 68, 200–202 chivalry (caballerismo), 118, 124, 126, 128, 163 citizenship, 82–83 Civil Rights Act (1964), 4 Closing the Gaps benchmarks, ix Cobas, J. A., 194 cocurricular activities, 141, 146 first-year persistence, during, 158, 161–62, 166–67 Coleman, J. S., 153 collaborative consciousness action plan, xi, 187, 215–17 alliance networks, 212–13, 216–17 contact networks, 212 individual level of, 210–12, 216 for national policy, 209, 215, 220 in research agenda, xvii, 210–14, 216–19 strength-based approach, vii, 217–20 college application process, 29, 32–33, 212 attendance, 26, 28, 158, 166 college, choice, 22 access and, postsecondary education, 197–201 barriers to, process, 201 chain migration theory of, 199 family, role of in, 197, 201–2, 218

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financial aid in, 200 first-generation students in, 192, 199–202 gender, and race in, 200 predisposition phase, 197–99 process, 159, 163, 166, 192, 196–203 social capital in, 198–99 college, completion rates, 135–36, 153, 159 degree attainment patterns in, 116–17, 121 Latinas, 10, 158, 190, 193 Latino male, 3, 10, 116, 193, 212 college, enrollment, 211–12 barriers to, 29, 34 degree attainment in, 10–13, 192–93 drop-out rates, 200 educational attainment and, 6–10 high school counselors impacting, 23, 29, 31 HSLS dataset on, 22, 28–32 college, persistence. See persistence, college college, preparatory behavior, 96, 200, 212 evidence in, 195–96 in HSLS dataset, 22–23, 29–32 College Board, 75, 196, 211 “color-blind” approach, 46 committees, 184, 216 community college, partnerships, 186, 212, 216–17 community cultural wealth (CCW) framework, xvi–xvii, 198–99 alternative capital, 134, 144 on Latino male achievers, 133–35 linguistic capital in, 134, 138, 142–44, 194–95 navigational capital in, xiv, 134, 138–41, 145–46 resistant capital in, 109, 134, 138, 141–42, 146 social capital in, 134, 138–39

comparative fit index (CFI), 103–5, 109 compositional diversity, 78 The Condition of Education, “Indicator 47,” 12 confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), 101–7 Connell, R. W., 63, 78–79 consejos (advice), 134 contact networks, 212 coping strategies, 86, 155, 161, 163 counselors, financial aid, 34 counselors, high school, 159, 167, 197 college enrollment, impacting, 23, 29, 31 Covarrubias, A., 193 criminal behavior, xiv–xv of gangs, 43–44, 63, 66–67 juvenile justice system in, 14 crisis, educational awareness of administrators, xv, 21, 44, 49, 144, 178–79 research discussion, 184–90 research findings, 179–84 research studies on, awareness, 177–90 “crisis of masculinity,” 61–62 critical approach, in interventions, 87–90 critical geography, 50, 64 critical race theory, 45, 138 critical thinking, 83 cultural capital, 133–35, 156, 159, 219 cultural factors, 118 academic persistence impacting, 100–101 educational outcomes and, 109, 119 familismo in, 98–100, 109, 117, 122, 125–26 math achievement impacted by, 98–100 psychosociocultural, 98–102, 104–5, 107–10 “culturally responsive” methods, 24 cultural wealth, 109, 111, 198–99

INDEX

cultural capital in, 133–35, 156, 159, 219 in ethnic group identity, 137–38 financial aid in, 136, 141, 144 first-generation students, nurturing, 136–37 language in, 142–45 Latino male achievers nurturing, 132–34, 138, 218 in marginalization, 133 culture, 28, 49, 52–53, 67, 69 in administrator awareness, 185–86, 188, 190 of evidence, 217, 219–20 familismo in, Latina/o, 98–100, 109, 117, 122, 125–26 in first-year persistence, 160, 167–68 Hispanic, 23, 98, 117–18, 124–25, 142–43 institutional, 45–46, 111, 136, 144, 190 norms, 62, 81–82, 155, 161 “culture of possibility,” 199 Current Population Survey, Supplement of, 193 data, x–xi. See also HSLS dataset on college enrollment, 10–13 gender, pipeline, 193–94 gender gap, xiii, 5–6, 152 Latinas/os in research, 153, 155, 196 deficit-based research, 218 deficit-oriented paradigms, 144 deficit thinking, xv, 48 degree attainment patterns, 21, 29 in college completion, 116–17, 121 in college enrollment, 10–13 first-year persistence in, 153, 155, 157, 170 Department of Defense, U.S., 16 Department of Education, U.S., 7–9, 12 desire (ganas), 156–57, 165–66, 170 Digest of Education Statistics (NCES), 6

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dignidad (dignity), 118, 124 discrimination, structural, 46–47 diversity, 45–47, 52, 54, 64, 70 drop-out rates, 44 college choice process, 200 family, role of in, 119, 121–22 trends in, 14, 16–17 early childhood education, 195–96, 203 enrollment rates in, 5–6, 194 institutional agents in, 165 policy, and practice in, 165–66 educational aspirations, 34, 120, 136, 195, 197 educational attainment, 11, 15, 71 college enrollment and, 6–10 expectations in, xiv, 22, 34–36, 50, 99 gap of Latinas/os, 5 gender gap in, 3–7, 10, 17–18, 177 in military ranks, 16–17 non-English speaking skills and, 24 educational crisis in awareness of administrators, xv, 21, 44, 49, 144, 178–79 research findings, 179–84 research studies on, awareness, 177–90 educational experiences, xiv, xvii–xviii of Latinas/os, 194–203 of Mexican Americans, 117–18 educational junctures, ix, 4, 193 educational outcomes, 21, 46, 70 cultural factors and, 109, 119 in highly selective postsecondary institutions, 133, 138, 144–47 improving, 209, 212–13, 219–20 institutional agents impacting, 155–56, 158–59, 162, 168 peer characteristics and, 98 educational pathways, xvi, 13, 203 challenges in, 117, 119 to college, 35, 45, 160, 166–67

236

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in geography of academic support, 44–45 toward graduation, xvii, 45, 49, 53, 183 in HSLS dataset, 27, 35–36 in time-space routine, 44, 50–52 educational pipeline, ix, xv, 108 geography of academic support in, 52 K-12 trend, 6 Latinas in, 192–94, 198 Latinos in, 60–61, 70 partnerships, external, 184–86, 213 resources in, 177–79, 184, 186 retention in, 157, 170 educational trends challenges emerging in, 179–82, 184 in degree attainment, 10–13, 192–93 in drop-out rates, 14, 16–17 educational pipeline, 193–94 in enrollment rates, 29, 116, 128 gender gap in, x, xiii, xvi, 3–7, 10, 17–18 educator, and practitioner strategies, 70 emotional support, 110 emotions, 84–88 employment. See workforce data encouragement, parental, xvi, 117 in college persistence, 119, 122, 126–28, 218 in first-year persistence, 162, 165 engagement, student, xvii, 62, 143, 145 “high-stakes,” 187 self-agency in, 30–32 enrollment rates, 22 in early childhood, 5–6, 194 postbaccalaureate, 7–10, 25 trends in, 29, 116, 128 undergraduate, 6–10 Equal Opportunity in Education Act, 4 Ernesto, 68 ethnic diversity course, racial-, 70 ethnic group identity, xvii, 77, 100, 163 challenges of, 63, 65

cultural wealth in, 137–38 intersection of, 117–18 ethnicity, and race intersection, 64–65, 67, 70, 73n2 ethnographic study, 62 evidence, 29, 51 in college preparatory behavior, 195–96 culture of, 217, 219–20 in measurement invariance, 103–4, 107 in parent educational level, 25 in research agenda, 211, 213–14, 216 Excelencia in Education, 75, 144–45 expectations educational, xiv, 22, 34–36, 50, 99 family, xiv, 16, 25–26, 65–66, 69, 118 gender, study, 60–71, 74 of parents in HSLS dataset, 34–35 expelled students rates, 6–7, 14 FAFSA. See Free Application for Federal Student Aid la familia, 117–19, 122 familial capital, 134 familial support, 137, 155–60, 165–66, 170 familismo, 102 in academic success, 117–19, 122, 128–29 attitudinal, 125 behavioral, 125 in college persistence, 124–28, 218 in Latina/o culture, 98–100, 109, 117, 122, 125–26 family, and higher education intersection, 117 family, role of, 22, 87 in academic persistence, xiv, 116–19, 121–23 in college choice process, 197, 201–2, 218 college credentials lacking in, 23–26

INDEX

in college persistence, 117–22, 124–28, 218 in cultural wealth, 134, 137 in drop-out rates, 119, 121–22 expectations, xiv, 16, 25–26, 65–66, 69, 118 parent characteristics, 23–27 SB1070 impacting, 76, 80, 82, 86, 89 undocumented status and, 16, 76, 82–83 Fergus, E., xiv–xv Fernando, 82–85 financial aid, 36, 125, 128 application process, 29, 32–33, 127 barriers, 120, 123, 127 in college choice, 200 counselors, 34 in cultural wealth, 136, 141, 144 literacy, 32–34 underrepresented incentives in, 163–64, 169 financial literacy, 110, 127–28, 165–66 first-generation students, x, xiv, xvi, 80 academic persistence of, 123 academic success manifesting for, 46–47 challenges of, 27 Chicana students, 200–202 in college choice, 192, 199–202 cultural wealth, nurturing, 136–37 identity of, 168–69 Lupe as, 65–67 underrepresented in, 49 first-year students “men in mind” programs, 187–88 transition strategies, 152–54, 158–64, 166, 168, 170 Fischer, M. J., 155, 159 foreign-born, 16, 24 framework. See also community cultural wealth (CCW) framework network analytic, 44, 49–50, 52, 64 psychosociocultural, 99–101, 108–11

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resistance, 201 social capital, 153–54, 163–64 theoretical, 77–78 fraternal organizations, 138–40, 162, 167 Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA), 29–30, 33–34, 159 friendships, as investment in academic success, 162–64, 168, 170 ganas (desire), 156–57, 165–66, 170 Gándara, P. C., 98, 132, 199, 201–2 gangs, 43–44, 63, 66–67 gap, gender. See gender gap “gatekeeper” subject, 96 Gates Millennium Scholarship (GMS), 140 gender, 102, 126, 200 education and, of Latinas/os, 62–63 and ethic identity intersection, 117–18 identity, 68, 77, 117–18, 122, 124 inequalities, xvi, 5 oppression, deconstructing, 87 pipeline data, 193–94 privilege paradox, 77 race and, ethnicity interacting with, 64–65 role of Latinas, 68–69, 75, 77, 89, 125, 201 studies course, 69–70 gender, expectations study, 74 geography of academic support in, 61, 64–65, 73n2 Latino masculinity in, 61–63 (re)constructing masculinity in, 60–71 research findings, 65–69 research study, 64–65 gendered resistance strategies, 62–63 gender expectations, academic success, impacting, 60–61, 64–67, 69 gender gap data in research of, xiii, 5–6, 152

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INDEX

in educational attainment, 3–7, 10, 17–18, 177 in educational trends, x, xiii, xvi, 3–7, 10, 17–18 in postsecondary education, 4, 7 geography, of academic support, xvi, 53–54 educational pathways in, 44–45 in educational pipeline, 52 in gender expectations, 61, 64–65, 73n2 network analytic framework in, 44, 49–50, 52, 64 situated learning in, 44, 50–52 time-space routine in, 44, 50–52 Gloria, A. M., 99–100, 127–28, 155, 157, 161 GMS. See Gates Millennium Scholarship González, K. P., 154, 159, 164 Gonzalez, R., 99 graduation, x barriers to, 119–21, 123–25 educational pathways toward, xvii, 45, 49, 53, 183 graduation, rates, 46, 96, 116, 136, 166 achievement gap and, 179 high school, 3 “gross underrepresentation,” 141 grounded theory, 64 Gutmann, M. C., 61–62 Harry S. Truman Scholarship, 140 HB2281 (anti-ethnic studies), 76 health-related problems, 120–21 hegemonic, 78 help-seeking behavior, xvi, 68, 216 academic struggles and, 83–87 framework, theoretical, 77–78 intersectionality analysis of, xvi, 76–90 masculinity and, 76, 78–80, 87 racial battle fatigue in, 77–78 racial campus climate and, 77–78, 89 racial struggles in, 81–83 research discussion, 86–90

research studies on, 76–90 student narratives on, 80–86 systemically privileged in, 75–78 vulnerability in, 79, 85–89 hermandad (brotherhood), 138 hermano (brother), 140 high-achieving Latinas/os, 132, 136, 151n1 higher education, and family intersection, 117 high school, 166–67 graduation rates, 3 longitudinal study, American, 21–35 males, racial groups, 23, 28–29, 31, 33 math achievement, 95–111 high school, drop out, 14, 16–17, 44, 200 parental encouragement and, 119, 121–22 High School & Beyond Study, 135 high school counselors, 159, 167, 197 college enrollment, impacting, 23, 29, 31 High School Longitudinal Study (HSLS), xvi, 22–29, 31, 34. See also HSLS dataset High School Longitudinal Study Survey, 2012, 23–29 “high-stakes” engagement, 187 Hispanic, 151n1 Hispanic culture, 23, 98, 117–18, 124–25, 142–43 Hispanic-Serving Institution (HSI), 119–21, 127, 138 homophobia, 53, 68, 87–88 Hossler, D., 197 HSI. See Hispanic-Serving Institution HSLS. See High School Longitudinal Study HSLS dataset, 24 on college enrollment, 22, 28–32 college preparatory behaviors in, 22–23, 29–32

INDEX

expectations of parents in, 34–35 financial aid literacy in, 32–34 in math achievement study, 101, 107–8 methodology, 101–4 pathways, educational in, 27, 35–36 poverty status, 26–27, 32, 195 variables, 101–2 human capital, 4, 18, 21, 153 Humberto, 141, 143 Hurtado, A., xiv, 45, 53–54 hypermasculinity, 63, 118, 124, 143 identity, 188 ethnic group, xvii, 77, 100, 117–18, 137–38, 163 first-generation, 168–69 gender, 68, 77, 117–18, 122, 124 intersecting, 64, 117–18 “Latino enough,” 143 male, 52, 68–70, 117–18 math, 97, 102, 104–11 racial, 97 ideologies, 49–50 inclusion/exclusion legacy, 78 inclusive, of other cultures, 53, 68–69 “Indicator 47,” The Condition of Education, 12 individualism, 65–66 individual level, of collaborative consciousness, 210–12, 216 inequalities gender, xvi, 5 structural, 61 informational support, 110 Ingels, S. J., 101 in loco parentis (“in the place of the parent”), 168, 173n2 institutional agents, 49–50, 196 in early childhood education, 165 educational outcomes, impacting, 155–56, 158–59, 162, 168 first-year persistence, impacting, 154–56, 159–60, 163–64, 166, 170 in secondary education, 166–67

239

of social capital, 153–56, 159–60, 163–66, 170 institutional culture, 45–46, 111, 136, 144, 190 institutional norms, 154, 161 institutional racism, 45–46, 54 institutional support, 50, 158, 184 institutional trends, 179, 181 instrumental support, 110 intentionality, 43–44, 50, 54 intergroup dialogues, 88 intersection, 61–63, 70 of ethnic group identity, 117–18 of ethnicity and race, 64–65, 67, 70, 73n2 of family, and higher education, 117 identity, 64, 117–18 of race, class and gender, 60, 66–67, 71 intersectionality, xvi, 53–54 help-seeking behavior analysis, xvi, 76–90 in theoretical framework, 77–78 interventions, xv, 110, 144 academic, 169 college persistence, 126–27 critical approach in, 87–90 early, programs, 145 “in the place of the parent” (in loco parentis), 168, 173n2 intragroup, 88 isolation, 49–50 Ivy League institutions, 132–33, 135, 139, 141 Joaquin, 53, 68–69 Julio, 83–86 juvenile justice system, 14 K-12 early childhood education in, 5–6, 165–66, 195–96, 203 NCES performance report, 195 Keefe, S. E., 201 Kozol, Jonathan, 27

240

INDEX

LA. See Latino Association labor force, 202–3 Latino males in, xiv, 4, 14–15, 17–18 Mexican American, 116–17 language, 15, 65, 117 barriers, 24–25, 27, 53, 127 bilingual, 142, 145 challenges, 24–25 in cultural wealth, 142–45 fluency of Latinas, 194 non-English speaking skills and, 24 street, 53, 68–69 “language ambassadors,” 24–25 latent constructs, 103–7, 109. See also cultural factors; math identity; math utility; self-efficacy; social factors Latina/o achievers, 151n1 Latinas academic success, 62 completion rates, 10, 158, 190, 193 in educational pipeline, 192–94, 198 gender role of, 68–69, 75, 77, 89, 125, 201 language fluency of, 194 Latinos compared to, xvii, 5, 9–10, 15, 109, 183 research on academic success of, xiv, xvii, 153, 192–94, 196–203 resistance of gender oppression, 62–63 in workforce, 15 Latinas/os, 137 educational experiences, 194–203 education attainment gap of, 5 gender, and education of, 62–63 high-achieving, 132, 136, 151n1 math achievement study of, 95–111 measurement invariance, 103–4, 107 in postsecondary education, 134, 193 in postsecondary institutions, highly selective, 133, 135–36 in research data, 153, 155, 196 in STEM careers, 95–97, 110–11

underrepresentation of, 132, 135–36, 141 Latino, 151n1 Latino Association (LA), 139, 141 “Latino enough,” 143 Latino Honors Society, 141 Latino Ivy League Conference, 139 Latino male achievers, 151n1 academic achievement of, 132, 135–36, 138, 144–45, 147 CCW framework, 133–35 cultural wealth, nurturing, 132–34, 138, 218 Humberto as, 141, 143 Marcos as, 139, 143 Melvin as, 143 Miguel as, 140–42 at predominantly White institution, 132–34, 136–38 research findings, 138–44 research studies on, 132–47 Tito as, 141–42 Uberto as, 140, 142 Vicente as, 139, 142–43 Victor as, 139–40, 142 Latino male(s) college completion rates, 3, 10, 116, 193, 212 in educational pipeline, 60–61, 70 in labor force, xiv, 4, 14–15, 17–18 Latinas compared to, xvii, 5, 9–10, 15, 109, 183 masculinity, xvi, 54, 61–63, 66–67, 143–44 as subgroup of focus, 3–4, 100, 181–84 Latino masculinity, xvi, 54, 66–67, 143–44 in gender expectations study, 61–63 Latino student organizations (LSO), 138, 140, 142–45 collaboration in achievement, 146 Latino Association and, 139, 141 Lave, J., 44, 50 learning challenges, 13–15

INDEX

learning community, 50, 209–11, 216, 218–20 “learning disabled,” 13 Lee, C., 195 life event barriers, 120–21, 124 life pathway, 4, 13 linguistic capital, 134, 138, 144, 194–95 bilingual language in, 142, 145 living learning community programs, 216 Longitudinal study, on American High Schools, 21–35 Lopez, J. D., 137 Lopez, N., 63, 67 LSO. See Latino student organizations Lupe, 65–67 machismo, 62, 79, 143–44, 163 in academic persistence, 118, 124–26 male identity, 52, 68–70, 117–18 male privilege, 44, 62–63, 87 males of color, in education, ixiii, 6, 14, 63, 155 male victimization, 75 “manliness,” 78–80 “man of the house,” 65–67, 71 Manuel, 66–67, 83 Marcos, 139, 143 marginalization, xiii, 47, 64, 75, 218 cultural wealth in, 133 privilege paradox in, 77 social capital in, 154, 164 Martinez, M. A., 198–99 masculinity, xvi, 89 crisis of, 61–62 gender identity in, 68, 77, 117–18, 122, 124 help-seeking behavior and, 76, 78–80, 87 hyper-, 63, 118, 124, 143 Latino, xvi, 54, 61–63, 66–67, 143–44 (re)constructing, 60–71 self-defeating behavior in, 87–88, 90

241

subordinated, 63 traditional, 87, 143–44 White, 79–80 masculinization process, 52, 64 math, achievement. See achievement, math math, advanced placement enrollment, 28–29, 32 math identity, 97, 102, 104–11 math utility, 97–98, 102, 104–8, 111 MBK. See My Brother’s Keeper Initiative McDonough, P., 199–200 measurement invariance (MI), 103–4, 107 MEChA. See Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán Melquizo, T., 133, 136 Melvin, 143 “men in mind” programs, 187–88 menudo, 81 meritocracy challenges, 45–47, 50, 54, 140 methodology, HSLS, 101–4 Mexican American educational experiences of, 117–18 labor force, 116–17 workforce pattern data, 116–17 MI. See measurement invariance Mi Casa es Su Casa program, 128 microaggressions, 45, 52–53, 77–78, 80 Miguel, 140–42 Milem, J. F., 78, 89 military, 13, 43–44, 116–17 educational attainment of, 16–17 underrepresented in, 16 Mirandé, A., 62, 79, 118 mission statement, xi, 54 molcajete, 81–82 motivation, 30–31, 44, 97, 156–57, 218 academic, 119, 123, 127 resiliency and, 48 “move the needle,” ix, xviii, 211, 220

242

INDEX

Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán (MEChA), 136, 139, 142–43 mujer (woman) Chicana, 68, 200–202 My Brother’s Keeper Initiative (MBK), ix, xiii, 6, 14 National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), xvi, 7–9, 11–12, 23, 152 Digest of Education Statistics, 6 K-12 performance report, 195 math achievement study, 101–8 National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988, 135 National Longitudinal Survey for Youth, 135 national policy, ix–xi, xiii, xvii–xviii, 18 collaborative consciousness for, 209, 215, 220 The National Study on Latino Male Achievement in Higher Education, 138, 151n2 navigational capital, xiv, 134, 138–41, 145–46 NCES. See National Center for Education Statistics network analytic framework, 44, 49–50, 52, 64 neutral in intent, 46 Noguera, P., xiv–xv non-English speaking skills, 24 nonpersistence intentions, 118–19 Nora, A., 155, 157–58 Oakes, J., 195 Obama, Barack, ix, xiii, 6, 170 OCR. See Office of Civil Rights Office of Civil Rights, U.S. (OCR), 14 opportunity agents, 155, 164–67 oppression, 45, 62, 73n1, 77, 133–34 deconstructing gender, 87 Latinas resistance of gender, 62–63 Orfield, G., 195–96 organizational/structural dimension, 78

orientation activities, 145–46, 169, 187, 216 Oseguera, L., 190, 193 outcomes, academic, 28, 48, 98–99, 123, 132 fraternal organizations impacting, 162 outreach, xiv–xvi, 156, 158, 183, 199–200 overrepresentation, xiii, 13–14, 116 Over the Ivy Walls (Gándara), 132 Padilla, A. M., 99, 136, 155 paradigms, 61, 87, 144, 147 parent. See also encouragement, parental characteristics, 23–27 college credentials lacking in, 23–26 educational level, 25 parental support, 123, 128, 136, 165, 199 participation rates, ix, 14–15, 31–32, 95–96, 116 partnerships community college, 186, 212, 216–17 external, 184–86, 213 pathways, 28. See also educational pathways alternative, xvi, 4, 13–17, 116–17 career, 4, 13, 15 to college, 35, 45, 160, 166–67 college persistence, 123–26 toward graduation, xvii, 45, 49, 53, 183 life, 4, 13 patriarchal characteristics, 53, 68, 80 patriarchal society, 62, 75 patriarchy, 79 peer dynamics, xiv, 203 peer mentoring programs, 70, 189 peer networks, 50, 98, 159, 166 in academic success, 136, 138 social, 109, 137–38, 144, 146 peer pressure, 88–89

INDEX

peer social support, 102, 109, 136–40, 155 educational outcomes, characteristics, 98 perceptions, faculty, 47, 54 perceptions, student, 43–44, 47–49, 62, 126 academic achievement and, 97, 101, 108 Pérez, Patricia A., 199 Pérez II, David, 134–35, 138 Perna, L. W., 22, 195–96 persistence, academic, 99 challenges in, 119–25 cultural factors impacting, 100–101 family role in, 116–19, 121, 123 of first-generation students, 123 machismo in, 118, 124–26 psychological factors in, 95–98, 100 persistence, college, xvi, 212 attitudinal familismo in, 125 barriers to, 125–29, 154 familismo in, 124–28, 218 family role in, 117–22, 124–28, 218 interventions, 126–27 parental encouragement in, 119, 122, 126–28, 218 pathways, 123–26 research studies on, 119–25 persistence, first-year, 169, 184. See also first-year students academic support programs in, 163–65 bicultural social network in, 154 “capital gains” in, 153, 170 cocurricular activities during, 158, 161–62, 166–67 coping strategies, 86, 155, 161, 163 culture in, 160, 167–68 degree attainment patterns in, 153, 155, 157, 170 desire in, 156–57, 165–66, 170 familial support in, 155–60, 166, 170

243

institutional agents impacting, 154–56, 159–60, 163–64, 166, 170 institutional norms in, 154, 161 parental encouragement in, 162, 165 precollege experience impacting, 155–56, 158–61, 163 at predominantly White institution, 152–54, 156, 160–62, 164, 170 racialized social structure in, 153–54, 164 self-reliance in, 155, 161 social capital in academic achievement during, 152–53, 155, 159, 163 socioeconomic status in, 155–56, 158–59 transition, to college and, 158, 166, 168 Person, A. E., 199 personal-intellectual growth, 123 Pew Hispanic Center’s 2009 National Survey of Latinos, 35 Phi Theta Lamba, 139–40 policy, and practice, xiv–xvi, 46, 110 for academic achievement gap, 165–70, 186 in early childhood education, 165–66 interventions, 144–47 in postsecondary education, 167–69 in research agenda, 209–20 for secondary education, 166–67 policy, and programming, 69–71 policy makers, ix, xv Ponjuán, Luis, ix, xv–xvii, 70, 110–11, 132 The Vanishing Latino Male in Higher Education, 202–3 postbaccalaureate enrollment, 7–10, 25 postsecondary education, 15, 21–22, 95–96, 116, 135–36 access, and college choice, 197–201 gender gap in, 4, 7

244

INDEX

Latinas/os in, 134, 193 policy, and practice in, 167–69 postsecondary institutions, 44, 185–96 postsecondary institutions, highly selective, 132, 137 educational outcomes in, 133, 138, 144–47 Latinas/os in, 133, 135–36 poverty status, 26–27, 32, 195 practice-oriented perspective, 87 practitioner-oriented analyses, 87 precollege experience, 155–56, 158–61, 163 predisposition phase, 197–99 predominantly White institution (PWI), 81, 216, 218 first-year persistence at, 152–54, 156, 160–62, 164, 170 Latino male achievers at, 132–34, 136–38 preparation, academic, 155–56, 158, 195, 197–98 preparatory behaviors, 29–31 preparatory programs, 28, 31–32, 96 research on, 195, 200, 212 Prep for Prep, 145 prison statistics, 17 Private University (PU), 138–43 privilege, male, 44, 62–63, 87 “privilege,” 44–45, 49 privilege paradox, 77 programs, and policies, 69–70, 127, 210–20 Prop107 (anti-affirmative action), 76 PSC. See psychosociocultural psychological dimension, 78 psychological factors, 102, 104–5, 107–11 in academic persistence, 95–98, 100 math achievement, 95–98, 100 psychosociocultural (PSC). See also psychological factors academic success impacted by, factors, 95–99

cultural factors, 98–102, 104–5, 107–10 framework, 99–101, 108–11 social factors, 98, 100–102, 104–5, 107–10 PU. See Private University PWI. See predominantly White institution race, 17, 26, 29, 61–63, 200 class and gender, intersection of, 60, 66–67, 71 peer networks, 50 race, and ethnicity, 7 in campus climate, 77–78, 89 gender interacting with, 64–65 intersection of, 64–65, 67, 70, 73n2 in racial politics, of Arizona, 76, 78, 80, 82 racial struggles in, 76–78, 81–83 racial battle fatigue, 77–78 racial groups, of high school males, 23, 28–29, 31, 33 racial identity, 97 racialization, xiv, xvi, 52, 61, 64–65 racialized gender equity gap, 177 racialized social structure, 153–54, 164 racial marginalization, 77 racial politics, of Arizona, 76, 78, 80, 82 racial profiling, 81–83 racial struggles, 76–78, 81–83 racism, 53, 77, 79, 86, 137 institutional, 45–46, 54 Raíces, Latino dance troupe, 140–41 (re)constructing masculinity, 60–71 recruitment, x, 43–44, 167, 189 student, 139, 141, 168, 179, 200 research agenda action plan, xi, 187, 215–17 collaborative consciousness in, xvii, 210–14, 216–19 culture of evidence in, 217, 219–20 evidence in, 211, 213–14, 216 policy, and practice in, 209–20

INDEX

strength-based approach, vii, 217–20 research discussion on awareness of administrators, 184–90 educational crisis, 184–90 on help-seeking behavior, 86–90 math achievement, 108–11 research findings on educational crisis, 179–84 on gender expectations study, 65–69 on Latino male achievers, 138–44 on math achievement, 104–8 research studies, ix, xiii, xv–xvi on college persistence, 119–25 on educational crisis awareness, 177–90 on gender expectations, 60–71, 74 on help-seeking behaviors, 76–90 on Latinas academic success, xiv, xvii, 153, 192–94, 196–203 on Latino male achievers, 132–47 on math achievement, 95–111 Over the Ivy Walls, 132 strategies for, 70–71 resiliency, 79, 121, 198, 218 and motivation models, 48 resistance, 4, 47, 111, 215 framework, 201 Latinas, of gender oppression, 62–63 nexus of awareness and, 179, 182–84 partnerships, external, 184–86, 213 resistant capital, 109, 134, 138, 141–42, 146 resources, 84, 87, 215 academic support, xvii, 44–45, 51, 53, 64 in educational pipeline, 177–79, 184, 186 “respeto,” 70 responsive social networks, 52–53, 65 retention, xiv–xvi, 44, 135, 144 academic advising, and career planning in, 189–90 awareness of administrators on, 179, 181, 189

245

in higher education pipeline, 157, 170 “reverse sexism,” 90 RMSEA. See root mean square error of approximation Rodriguez, E. R., 99–100 Rodriguez, N., 137 Rogelio, 81–82, 86–87 role models, 188–89 root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA), 103–5 Rose, S. J., 135 Rosenbaum, J. E., 199 rote memorization, 83 Sáenz, Victor B., xv, xvii, 70, 110–11, 132 The Vanishing Latino Male in Higher Education, 202–3 safe learning environment, 54 saliency, of different identities, 62, 69, 73n1 Salvador, 81–82, 85–86 Savage Inequalities (Kozol), 27 SB1070 (Support our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act, 2010), 76, 80, 82, 86, 89 school-to-prison pipeline, xiii–xv, 14 Seamon, David, 44, 50–51 search phase, 197, 200 secondary education, 166–67, 211 self-agency, 30–32 self-defeating behavior, 87–88, 90 self-efficacy, xvii, 100, 110, 155, 157 in academic success, 97 math, 97, 102, 104–7, 111 self-reliance, 155, 161 SEM. See structural equation modeling Serrata, William, ix–xi SES. See socioeconomic status sexism, 53, 77, 87–88, 90 SGA. See Student Government Association situated learning, 44, 50–52 sleeping giant, 71

246

INDEX

social awareness zones, 52–53, 65 social capital, xiv, 22, 25, 50, 52 in academic achievement, 152–53, 155, 159, 163 in CCW framework, 134, 138–39 challenges, xv, 13, 17, 161–62 in college choice, 198–99 framework of Stanton-Salazar, 153–54, 163–64 institutional agents of, 153–56, 159–60, 163–66, 170 marginalization in, 154, 164 opportunity agents in, 155, 164–67 social cognitive career theory, 123 social contexts, 30, 48, 63 social-cultural factors, xiv, 48–49, 61, 63, 203 social factors in academic success, 98, 100 math achievement impacted by, 98, 100–101 psychosociocultural, 98, 100–102, 104–5, 107–10 socialization process, 47, 49–50, 69–70, 118, 201 social justice advocacy, 218 social landscape, higher education as, 50–51 socially mediated process, 53 social mobility, 16, 27, 67, 159 social networks, 162 peer, 109, 137–38, 144, 146 responsive, 52–53, 65 with role models, 188–89 social promotion, 6 social-psychological stress responses, 78 socioeconomic status (SES), 24, 26, 32, 64, 195 in first-year persistence, 155–56, 158–59 in math achievement study, 102, 104–6, 108 sociology-sociocybernetics, 210 Solomón, 84 Solórzano, D. G., 111, 193, 200

special education programs, xiii, 13–14 Stanton-Salazar, Ricardo D., 98 network analytic framework of, 44, 49–50, 52, 64 social capital framework of, 153–54, 163–64 STEM participation Latinas/os careers in, 95–97, 110–11 math achievement and, 95–98, 110–11, 214 math self-efficacy in, 97, 102, 104–7, 111 stereotype, 79, 97, 99–100, 110, 137 strategies, 79, 89 coping, in first year persistence, 86, 155, 161, 163 for educators, and practitioners, 70 gendered resistance, 62–63 for researchers, 70–71 study, 160 transition , first-year students, 152–54, 158–64, 166, 168, 170 Strayhorn, T. L., 155–59 street language, 53, 68–69 strength-based approach, vii, 217–20 stress, 48, 53, 69, 89, 137 help seeking behaviors and, 85–86 racial struggles in, 76–78, 81–83 structural discrimination, 46–47 structural equation modeling (SEM), 101, 103–7, 109 structural inequalities, 61 structural support, 111 struggles, 169 academic, 79, 83–87, 120 in emotions, 84–88 racial, 76–78, 81–83 Student Affairs, x–xi Student Affairs and Enrollment Management, x student agency, 53, 65, 202 Student Government Association (SGA), 141–42 student narratives, 54, 64, 120–22, 156 of Alberto, 66

INDEX

of Ernesto, 68 of Fernando, 82–85 on help-seeking behavior, 80–86 of Joaquin, 53, 68–69 of Julio, 83–86 of Lupe, 65–67 of Manuel, 66–67, 83 of Rogelio, 81–82, 86–87 of Salvador, 81–82, 85–86 of Solomón, 84 student recruitment, 139, 141, 168, 179, 200 study strategies, 160 subgroup of focus, Latino males as, 3–4, 100, 181–84 “subordinated masculinities”, 63 success, ix. See also academic success Sue, D. W., 45, 78 Supplement of Current Population Survey, 193 supportive networks, 49, 67, 137, 139–40, 166 Support our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act, 2010. See SB1070 support practices, 110–11 support services, xv, 154, 169, 188 suspended students percentages, 6–7, 14 systemically privileged, 75–78 systemic racialization, 52, 64 systemic racism, 77 systemic sexism, 77 Talavera-Bustillos, V. H., 201–2 Texas, qualitative case study, 177–90 Texas Tuition Promise Fund, 173n1 time-space routine, 44, 50–52 Title IX, of Equal Opportunity in Education Act, 4 Title VII, of Civil Rights Act, 4 Tito, 141–42 Tomás Rivera Policy Institute (TRPI), 200 Torres, V., 137

247

traditional masculinity, 87, 143–44 “transactive process,” 154 transformational leaders, 44 transition in college, 160–64, 166, 170 first-year students, 152–54, 158–64, 166, 168, 170 transition, to college, 132, 139, 145–46, 193, 213–14 first year persistence and, 158, 166, 168 trends, educational in attainment, 10–13, 192–93 challenges emerging in, 179–82, 184 in drop-out rates, 14, 16–17 educational pipeline, 193–94 in enrollment rates, 29, 116, 128 gender gap in, x, xiii, xvi, 3–7, 10, 17–18 TRPI. See Tomás Rivera Policy Institute UA. See University of Arizona Uberto, 140, 142 undergraduate enrollment, 6–10 underrepresented, x, 44, 64, 76–77, 97 financial aid incentives for, 163–64, 169 in first-generation students, 49 Latinas/os, 132, 135–36, 141 in military, 16 undocumented status, 16, 76, 82–83 University of Arizona (UA), intersectionality analysis, 76–90 vanishing Latino male, ix, xi, 132 The Vanishing Latino Male in Higher Education (Sáenz and Ponjuán), 202–3 variables, 101–2 Vicente, 139, 142–43 Victor, 139–40, 142 Vigoya, M. V., 62 violence, 63, 67

248

INDEX

vulnerability, xvi, 47, 53, 61, 68–70 in help-seeking behaviors, 79, 85–89 wage disparity, 15 war against boys, 75 Wenger, E., 44, 50 white-collar employment, 15 White masculinity, 79–80 Whose Culture Has Capital? (Yosso), 133, 138 woman (mujer) Chicana, 68, 200–202

women, 4–5, 15 in Latinas gender role, 68–69, 75, 77, 89, 125, 201 in Latinas resistance of gender oppression, 62–63 workforce data, 14–16, 116–17 Yosso, T. J., 111, 144, 193–94. See also community cultural wealth (CCW) framework Whose Culture Has Capital?, 133, 138

Building on Resilience Models and Frameworks of Black Male Success Across the P–20 Pipeline Edited by Fred A. Bonner II Foreword by Tim King “Collectively, the chapters in this book serve as a much needed and important resource on how to advance the success of Black males in education. Indeed, this book is a must-read, and more work of this nature is needed to have a meaningful impact on Black males as they matriculate through various educational contexts.”—Robert T. Palmer, Department of Student Affairs Administration, State University of New York at Binghamton University “Like our school leaders and teachers, the researchers whose work is presented here have chosen to focus their energies not on an autopsy of a failed system, but rather on a close examination—and celebration—of what works for African American boys. The promising research and practical examples of strategies proven to drive success for African American boys should help reframe our conversations about failure and achievement for years to come. This vein of research will provide critical advancement of our ability to design effective interventions that will lead even greater numbers of African American boys to academic success.”—Tim King, Founder & CEO, Urban Prep Academies

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Also available from Stylus Men of Color in Higher Education New Foundations for Developing Models for Success With LeManuel Bitsóí, Edmund T. Gordon, Shaun R. Harper, Victor B. Sáenz, and Robert T. Teranishi Edited by Ronald A. Williams Foreword by Freeman A. Hrabowski III This book brings together five of today’s leading scholars concerned with the condition of males of color in higher education who collaborated closely through of a series of conversations convened by the College Board to diagnose the common factors impeding the success of underrepresented males and to identify the particular barriers and cultural issues pertaining to the racial and ethnic groups they examine. For practitioners who work with these populations, this book offers insights and signposts to create successful programs; for researchers, a set of new directions for analysis; and for policymakers, new ways of thinking about how policy and funding mechanisms ought to be reconsidered to be more effective in responding this issue. Advancing Black Male Student Success From Preschool Through Ph.D. Edited by Shaun R. Harper and J. Luke Wood “Harper and Wood have provided a timely and definitive text that offers rich conceptual, empirical, and practical analysis on Black males and education. This book explains the challenges Black boys and men encounter in pursuit of education, and offers meaningful ways to disrupt these troubling trends. It is mandatory reading for scholars, practitioners, and policymakers.”—Tyrone C. Howard, Professor and Director, UCLA Black Male Institute “Advancing Black Male Student Success is a timely compendium that fruitfully contributes to the national conversation regarding the education of Black boys and men. Drawing on relevant research, best practices, and solid policy analyses, authors point the way to proven ideas and interventions that truly work throughout the educational pipeline. Morehouse College and many others will benefit from this text.”—John Silvanus Wilson Jr., President, Morehouse College (Continues on previous page)