Engendering the Energy Transition [1st ed.] 9783030435127, 9783030435134

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Engendering the Energy Transition

Edited by Joy Clancy Gül Özerol Nthabiseng Mohlakoana Mariëlle Feenstra Lillian Sol Cueva

Engendering the Energy Transition

Joy Clancy  •  Gül Özerol Nthabiseng Mohlakoana Mariëlle Feenstra  •  Lillian Sol Cueva Editors

Engendering the Energy Transition

Editors Joy Clancy CSTM University of Twente Enschede, The Netherlands

Gül Özerol CSTM University of Twente Enschede, The Netherlands

Nthabiseng Mohlakoana CSTM University of Twente Enschede, The Netherlands

Mariëlle Feenstra CSTM University of Twente Enschede, The Netherlands

Lillian Sol Cueva ISS Erasmus University Rotterdam The Hague, The Netherlands

ISBN 978-3-030-43512-7    ISBN 978-3-030-43513-4 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: Dani_Fotografo/gettyimages This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Foreword

Having worked together with Joy on gender and energy issues over a couple of decades, it is indeed a pleasure to write a Foreword to this book edited by her. It is an important contribution to the debate on the energy transition, making a break with the dominant analysis by bringing in demand or use of clean energy, rather than just supply. In the course of dealing with demand for clean energy, this book deals with gender issues at the household level. This book is the product of a 2016 Symposium on Engendering the Energy Transition, organized by the University of Twente, the Netherlands. Most of the participants discussed the role of gendered power relations in the energy transition and the need for transformative change through incorporating the principles and practices of integrating gender concerns and women’s empowerment. This book makes a successful attempt at addressing two inter-related themes. First, an analysis of energy poverty through a gender lens, showing differences and similarities between the Global South and the Global North, and thereby implicitly suggesting the need to learn from each other’s experiences. That we should inform our understanding of energy and ecology through gender audits of cultures: how the existing norms and power relations between women and men within the household and in the community shape our data production and analysis of v

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energy transitions, as well as policies and institutions of energy governance. Several chapters in this book argue for provisioning of clean cooking energy services for women engaged in commercial food production in the street food sector in Africa, which is likely to strengthen women’s income generating role through access to and use of modern clean energy. Second, farmers’ adaptation to climate variability and droughts: how women and men within the gendered farm households make decisions about their adaptation strategies. Interestingly, women’s ownership of assets in their own names and men’s absence from the household, as well as the higher educational level of women, are said to be the major drivers enabling women to have greater voice and different decision-making mechanisms in the rural households of Tanzania. By the same logic of gender analysis, there is need to see water governance beyond formal institutions, to understand decision-making spaces influenced by social and cultural norms in everyday use and management of water resources. Several chapters in this book argue for gender responsiveness in climate financing, in investments and in methodologies to calculate the impact of climate finance on women’s well-being and empowerment. The energy transition in the book refers mainly to household energy use, with the transition from fuels, such as solid biomass, that are polluting at the household level to relatively clean fuels, such as electricity or gas of some kind, whether LPG, CNG or even biogas. There has been a dominant tradition in energy analysis to think that the fuel transition from unclean to clean fuels is just one of assuring supply, with demand taken care of by the growth of household income. Government policy then needed to just deal with clean energy and the macro policy of economic growth; demand would take care of itself. Feminist analysts pointed out that in the rural South this often did not work out so easily. Electricity or gas connections were made and growth took place, but there were still millions of households cooking mainly with solid biomass. Joy has been part of the team of gender and energy analysts who have tried to deal with this problem and see how the crucial gap between supply and use could be bridged. What does engendering of household energy transition entail? First, it means moving away from the unitary model of the household, where household income could be a determinant of fuel use, to a collective

 Foreword 

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model, where fuel use decisions are the result of bargaining between the two principal adults, woman and man. Second, it means understanding the factors that determine bargaining within the household. This means bringing in gender factors such as the distribution of property and income between women and men. In this distribution of the use of household income, there is yet another factor that comes into play—the gender differential in the opportunity costs of women’s and men’s labour. As is well known, there is a higher participation of men in independent income-earning opportunities, while women’s work is largely subsumed into the non-independent earning categories of unpaid family labour or domestic service. This affects both the demand and supply sides of the clean energy equation. Wood fuel is collected with mainly women’s low-valued or unvalued labour. As one would expect, that which is socially ascribed with little or no value is over-used contributing to women’s time poverty and burden of labour. Another consequence is the excessive reliance on unclean, wood fuel. It also affects the demand for clean fuel. This double effect— one, over-­ supplying unclean fuel, and two, under-demanding clean fuel—makes the energy transition particularly difficult in poorly developed labour markets in the South. Third, it also means bringing into bargaining the influence of social norms, such as that of preferred forms of cooking, or cultures based on women’s cooking as part of her domestic services. Factors affecting bargaining within households and norms and cultures within which cooking is carried out then need to be dealt with in order to bridge the gap between supply and demand for clean cooking energy. Various chapters in the book deal in detail with the issues we have outlined above. For those of us used to discussing energy transitions in the rural South, there is one surprise in the book—the energy transition in the North, specifically east Europe. The surprise is also that it is an entirely different energy question—not one of, or not mainly one of, cooking energy, but of energy for heating in winter and cooling in summer in order to maintain a comfortable ambient household temperature. In the South we think of a comfortable household temperature as a luxury, something that only the elite can afford. That its denial can be a matter of poverty only shows that development or income growth changes the

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meaning of different types of consumption. Access to a mobile phone or a television would now be accepted as part of the necessary requirements for modern living, even among the poorest in the poorest countries. So too, in Europe those who cannot afford to maintain a comfortable ambient temperature in winter feel ashamed to invite guests to reveal their obvious income poverty. Discussing the integration of gender equality principles in current national energy policies and international energy frameworks, it is seen that in the period 2015–2017 gender concerns were increasingly incorporated in energy frameworks. Some policies show a slight move from seeing women as passive users of energy services to that of active participants in the planning and management of energy interventions. While energy policies do appear to become more aware of the need to incorporate gender concerns, the socially constructed gender norms, however, inhibit implementation of these policies on a regular basis. Many authors in the book argue for the use of intersectionality of race and class questions with gender to understand how gender interfaces with other areas of power and identities in both the Global South and the Global North. There is a need to see energy and its transition from a critical feminist lens, as do the editors and contributors to this book, in order to argue for dismantling of gendered socio-cultural norms of masculinity and hierarchical structures located in the home and outside in the community, national and international arenas. New Delhi, India Govind Kelkar Dev Nathan

Acknowledgements

The editors would like to thank all authors who have contributed to this book project by writing their chapters and reflections as well as participating in our webinars in which we discussed early drafts. They have helped us realise our objective of learning from each other. We would also like to thank our reviewers: Jon Cloke, Neelke Doorn, Cornelia Fraune, Adrienne Johnson, Mumbi Machera, Mary Njeri Kinyanjui, Saska Petrova and Liane Schalatek. Their feedback on drafts have been invaluable. This book was inspired by the symposium “Engendering the Energy Transition” held in conjunction with the inaugural lecture of Professor Joy Clancy who holds the chair of Energy and Gender at the University of Twente. We would like to acknowledge the financial support to organise the symposium received from the University Twente and the European Association of Development and Training Institutes (EADI). Our particular thanks to our editors, Joanna O’Neill and Rachael Ballard, from Palgrave for their patience and support in bringing the book project to fruition. We apologise for all the stress we’ve caused with missed deadlines. We trust that they will feel it was worth it!

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x Acknowledgements

Finally, we are indebted to the women and men who have also contributed to this book with their time and effort to share with us their insights, experiences, opinions and aspirations about their lives. Our hope is that this book contributes to fulfilling those aspirations. Joy Clancy Gül Özerol Mariëlle Feenstra Nthabiseng Mohlakoana Lillian Sol Cueva

Contents

Part I Engendering the Energy Transition   1 1 Engendering the Energy Transition: Setting the Scene  3 Joy Clancy, Gül Özerol, Nthabiseng Mohlakoana, Mariëlle Feenstra, and Lillian Sol Cueva 2 Energy Transition and Gender in the Informal Street Food Sector in Africa 11 Maïmouna Diouf, Nthabiseng Mohlakoana, Secou Sarr, and Bacary Seydi 3 Gender, Firewood and Health: The Potential of Ethnography to Inform Policy and Practice 33 Margaret Matinga and Joy Clancy 4 Gender-Sensitive Analysis of Water Governance: Insights for Engendering Energy Transitions 59 Gül Özerol and Leila M. Harris

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5 Bargaining Climate Adaptation Through a Gender Lens: An Inquiry into Decision-­Making Processes in Tanzanian Farm Households 83 Katrien Van Aelst and Nathalie Holvoet 6 On the Possibilities and Politics of Feminist Energy Analytics in University Campus Spaces113 Ingrid L. Nelson 7 How Gender Equality Principles Are Integrated in National Energy Policies and Frameworks139 Ana Rojas and Maria Prebble 8 A View from the North: Gender and Energy Poverty in the European Union163 Mariëlle Feenstra and Joy Clancy 9 Climate Finance Allocation Practices to Support Gender Responsive Energy Transitions: GCF Case-Study189 Svetlana Frenova

Part II Reflections on Engendering the Energy Transition 223 10 Reflection on “Energy Transition and Gender in the Informal Street Food Sector in Africa”225 Henny A. Romijn 11 Reflection on “Gender, Firewood and Health”231 María Cristina Osorio Vázquez 12 Reflection on ‘Gender-Sensitive Analysis of Water Governance: Insights for Engendering Energy Transitions’237 Morag Goodwin

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13 Reflection on “Bargaining Climate Adaptation Through a Gender Lens: An Inquiry into Decision-Making Processes in Tanzanian Farm Households”241 Charlotte Ray 14 Why a Feminist Political Ecology Approach Is Relevant for Assessing Energy Access in Developing Countries249 Annemarije Kooijman 15 Reflection on “How Gender Equality Principles Are Integrated in National Energy Policies and Frameworks”253 Maryse Helbert 16 Reflection on ‘A View from the North: Gender and Energy Poverty in the European Union’259 Mariama Williams 17 Reflection on “Climate Finance Allocation Practices to Support Gender Responsive Energy Transitions”265 Andrea Rodriguez Osuna 18 Reflections on Kick-Starting Lasting Change: From Policy to Practice and Beyond269 Charlotte Taylor 19 Reflections from a Feminist Political Ecology Perspective275 Wendy Harcourt 20 Reflection on Gender Research Informing Development Policy on Energy and Climate279 Frank van der Vleuten 21 Reflection on Engendering the Energy Transition283 Joy Clancy Index301

Notes on Contributors

Joy  Clancy is Professor of Energy and Gender. She has a PhD in Engineering (alternative fuels for small stationary engines). She joined the University of Twente in 1989. Her research has focused, for more than 30 years, on the social dimension of small-scale energy systems for developing countries. Gender and energy has been an important factor addressed in this research. She is a founder member of ENERGIA, the International Network on Gender and Sustainable Energy. Maïmouna Diouf  holds a master’s degree in Geography with a specialization in Environment and Development Resources. She has 6 years of experience in implementing projects and programs in rural and urban areas. For 5 years she has been working on gender issues and mainstreaming gender in ENDA Energie’s projects and programs. She is the head of the Gender and Energy Programme at ENDA. Gender issues in the energy sector are addressed from the perspective of access to energy services for vulnerable men and women to enhance women’s economic empowerment with a view to transform gender roles and relationships. Mariëlle Feenstra  is a PhD researcher on gender approaches in energy policy design. She wrote the first-ever thesis on gender-aware energy ­policy with case studies from Uganda and South Africa as a University of Twente master student in 2002. She worked 15 years as a policy advisor xv

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for municipalities in the Netherlands specialised in European Affairs. Together with her supervisor Prof. Dr. Joy Clancy, she has written two studies for the FEMM Committee of the European Parliament. Both studies are the first publications in the EU on gender and energy policy. Svetlana Frenova  is a climate finance expert with 15 years of experience. She has been providing strategic advice to governments, multilateral development banks and UN agencies to support the development of scalable low-carbon and climate-resilient interventions with the consideration of gender, social vulnerability and poverty issues. She is a PhD candidate at the Department of Governance and Technology for Sustainability at the University of Twente. Her PhD research investigates the role of women organisations in transformative climate finance governance, including the impact of women engagement on the quality of climate finance disbursed by the UNFCCC climate funds. Morag Goodwin  holds the Chair in Global Law and Development at Tilburg Law School, Tilburg University, the Netherlands. Her work focuses on questions of exclusion, inclusion and participation—and on the impact of law in creating exclusion, structuring inclusion and providing space for both participation and resistance. She is particularly interested in how global (development) narratives affect these dynamics. She recently completed a 3-year Dutch Science Organisation (NWO) funded research project in Rwanda examining questions of the exclusion and (self-)identity of the Batwa in relation to global narratives of indigeneity and is working on the accompanying book. She is a founder and series editor of the CUP Global Law book series and is director of the European Joint Doctorate in Law and Development (EDOLAD)—a collaborative programme between six law schools. Wendy  Harcourt  is full professor and Westerdijk Professor with an endowed chair of Gender, Diversity and Sustainable Development at the International Institute of Social Studies of the Erasmus University Rotterdam in The Hague. She is coordinator of the EU H2020-MSCA-­ ITN-2017 Marie Sklodowska-Curie Innovative Training Networks on Well-being, Ecology, Gender, and Community (WEGO) awarded in

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May 2017. She has written extensively in critical development theory, feminist political ecology and body politics. Leila M. Harris  is a professor at the Institute for Resources, Environment and Sustainability and in the Institute for Gender, Race, Sexuality and Social Justice at the University of British Columbia. She also serves as codirector for UBC’s Program on Water Governance and is a member of the EDGES (Environment and Development: Gender, Equity, and Sustainability Perspectives) research collaborative. Her work examines social, cultural, political-economic, institutional and equity dimensions of environmental and resource issues, particularly related to water politics and governance. Her recent work includes a project on everyday access, governance and narratives of water in South Africa and Ghana. She is also principal investigator for the International WaTERS Research and Training Network focused on water governance, equity and resilience in the global South and is a co-investigator on several other large collaborative research efforts. Maryse  Helbert  is a post-doctoral research fellow in the Institute of Social Studies at the Erasmus University Rotterdam. Prior to that, she was a post-­doctoral research fellow at the Rachel Carson Center for Environment and Society. She has been an advocate for women’s rights for decades. She has worked for AWID (Association for Women in Development) and DIPD (Danish Institute for Parties and Democracies) and is a gender-­based violence research expert to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals for the United Nations Development Programme. Taking an ecofeminist approach, her PhD looked at oil industry and its economic, social and environmental impacts on women in three countries: Nigeria, Venezuela and the Chad-Cameroon Pipeline. In her latest work, she takes on the lessons learnt from the fossil fuels industry to explore the challenges of a post-carbon society. Nathalie Holvoet  holds a PhD in Economics (University of Antwerp) and is a full-time professor at the Institute of Development Policy (University of Antwerp). She has a long track record of academic teaching and training, research and policy advisory work in the areas of monitoring and evaluation, and gender and development. Specific topics of

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research include gender and climate change, gender budgeting, gender sensitivity of (aid, development and climate change) policies and institutions, gender and cash transfers, community-based monitoring, and intra-household decision-making and allocation. She has been/is the promoter of several PhD studies, externally financed research projects and projects of interuniversity development cooperation, and has published extensively in different publication outlets. Annemarije  Kooijman  is the coordinator of the Gender and Energy Research Programme at ENERGIA, the International Network on Gender and Sustainable Energy hosted by Hivos, based in the Netherlands. She is engaged in the management and coordination of research and also in the support of research uptake in energy policy and practice. She has over 20  years of experience working at the intersection of sustainable energy and development. She graduated from the University of Twente with an MSc in Mechanical Engineering followed by a PhD on productive uses of energy. Margaret Matinga  works on energy poverty focusing on research, policy analysis, project and programme design. She has a BSc in Mechanical Engineering from the University of Malawi, an MSc Eng in Energy Studies from the University of Cape Town and a PhD from the University of Twente. Dr Matinga also taught postgraduate courses at the University of Twente for four years. Her work has included ethnographic research on the experiences, perceptions and responses associated with the health impacts of biomass acquisition and use. She has also worked extensively on analysis and programme design for national SE4ALL initiatives in South-East Asia and Africa. Matinga is founder and managing director of Dunamai Energy, a consultancy firm based in Malawi that provides policy analysis, project design and research support for energy projects. She has worked in Africa and Asia. Nthabiseng  Mohlakoana holds a doctorate in Innovation and Governance for Sustainable Development from the University of Twente. She has more than 15 years of experience in research focusing on energy access and use, gender and development in the low-income urban and rural areas, mainly in Southern Africa. Her research emphasizes the

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importance of gender equality in planning and implementation of energy and other basic services interventions dictated by policies. Her work aims at finding solutions that address and lead to the eradication of energy poverty experienced by women and men in low-income urban and rural areas in the global south. Ingrid L. Nelson  is a feminist political ecologist and geographer focusing on the techno-politics of environmental interventions in many places including the woodlands of Mozambique and in the ‘greening’ of higher education campus spaces within and beyond the United States. She analyses rumour, more-than-human relations, new media and the politics of banal objects and practices in transforming embodied places and landscapes. She co-edited with Wendy Harcourt the volume, Practising Feminist Political Ecologies: Moving Beyond the ‘Green Economy’ published in 2015. Her articles have appeared in Area, Geoforum, Gender, Place & Culture and Critique of Anthropology. Maria  Cristina  Osorio  Vázquez holds a degree in International Relations, a master’s in Economics and Public Administration, and a PhD in Innovation and Governance for Sustainable Development. She has led several projects in women’s economic empowerment and is the author of several research papers focused on the advancement of women’s and indigenous people’s participation in education, business, and politics in Mexico as a way to create equal opportunity for all of Mexican society. She is working on a research project supported by Echidna Giving that aims to fill an important gap in girls’ education research by addressing the challenges and barriers to girls’ education in Mexico, particularly for Maya girls living in remote areas of the Yucatan peninsula. Gül  Özerol  is an assistant professor at the University of Twente, the Netherlands. She is also the knowledge and communication director of Reliefbase Foundation focused on humanitarian innovation and the senior editor of Fanack Water, an online platform on water issues in the Middle East and North Africa. Her work revolves around the policies and politics of water, energy and climate governance, with an emphasis on participation, gender and justice. She is one of the initiators and the cocoordinator of PADUCO (Palestinian-Dutch Academic Cooperation

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Programme on Water) and has been working as a governance expert in practice-oriented projects on climate resilience in the North Sea Region. Maria  Prebble previously served as a programme officer for the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) Global Programme on Governance and Rights. In this role, she supported the programme’s energy, mitigation, and fisheries portfolios, as well as the Environment and Gender Information (EGI) platform. Prior to IUCN, she worked for Conservation International, the Woodrow Wilson Center, and the Korean National Commission for UNESCO. She holds a degree in International Relations from Wellesley College and a master’s degree in Environmental Economics and Policy from Duke University. Charlotte Ray  is an academic and an independent consultant. She has expertise in human geography, international development, livelihoods, displacement, qualitative methodology and energy for development. Her PhD thesis investigated the integration and livelihood strategies of ‘selfsettled’ refugee communities in the Gambia, West Africa. This research has subsequently led to a colourful trans-disciplinary career including Public Health-Perceptions of Malaria treatment in the Gambia, Engineering-Barriers and enablers of adopting improved cookstoves, Social Science-Charcoal Value Chains in Ghana, and Social AnthropologyEnergy and Forced Displacement. She also works as a consultant with private sector actors in developing qualitative methodologies for international development research as well as advising on conducting socio-cultural and gender research in the Global South. Andrea Rodriguez Osuna  is an international environmental lawyer with 10 years of experience in climate policy, with particular focus in finance. She has a master’s degree in Sustainable Development from Uppsala University and a master’s degree in Environmental Law from Stockholm University in Sweden. She has worked on policy design, advocacy work, and capacitybuilding support at the local, regional and global levels. She works in Fundación Avina as a project manager, leading the design of climate projects and programs for Latin American countries that seek access to finance from the Green Climate Fund and implement effective climate solutions.

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Ana Rojas  is a sustainable development specialist with 20 years of experience. As Senior Gender and Energy Adviser for IUCN, she guides the provision of policy analysis and the production of knowledge products on gender, energy and climate change. She combines this position with independent consultancies, including supporting the gender mainstreaming strategy of EUROCLIMA+, developing a capacity building program for women in the energy sector for APEC and supporting a gender and mitigation regional program for SNV Netherlands Development Organization. Previously, she worked with ENERGIA mainstreaming gender in the energy sector and with BothENDS and CEDARENA supporting environmental and climate change initiatives. Henny  A.  Romijn is an Associate Professor in Technology and Development at Eindhoven University of Technology. Her specialization is technological innovation and learning, entrepreneurship and sustainable development in the Global South, especially related to renewable energy in Eastern Africa and Indonesia. After her graduation in development economics at Erasmus University Rotterdam she worked for the International Labour Organization in different development programs in East Africa and obtained a PhD in Economics at Tilburg University in the field of technological capability acquisition in development. She held Senior Research Officer positions at the International Development Centre, University of Oxford, and the Development Research Institute of Tilburg University before assuming her present position in 1999. Secou Sarr  is the director of ENDA Energie based in Senegal and has extensive experience in energy access and planning, gender and sustainable energy services, sustainable Energy and SMEs, public policy analysis and evaluation, and climate technology transfer for adaptation and mitigation. He has led several programmes of access to energy services, particularly in rural Africa, and contributed to the development of several regional energy policies in West Africa. He is an ENERGIA Board member. Bacary Seydi  is a journalist and consultant specialized in economic and social development issues, with growing interest in the fight against climate change and in sustainable development issues. He has capitalized on experience in communication and public relations and has over 15 years of experience supporting and promoting micro, small and medium

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enterprises. He has been running a magazine dedicated to SMEs since 2012. He was engaged as consultant in 2014 by UNDP. He worked with Enda Energie as part of this research program on gender and productive uses of energy in the street food sector as a consultant given his expertise on SMEs. Lillian  Sol  Cueva  holds a degree in International Relations from the National Autonomous University of Mexico and a master’s degree in Humanitarian Action from the University of Groningen, the Netherlands. Lillian is doing her PhD on energy futures from a feminist perspective at the International Institute of Social Studies of Erasmus University Rotterdam. Her work includes human and women’s rights, mobility and urban development, energy and climate change. Before coming to the ISS and the Netherlands, she was working as a consultant for national and international NGOs. Charlotte  Taylor  is Advocacy Officer and gender focal point in the Influence and Impact team at International NGO Practical Action. In her role, she leads the global dissemination and engagement strategy for Practical Action’s flagship energy policy publication, the Poor People’s Energy Outlook series, and supports colleagues to embed gender considerations in their work. She is also the Communications and Research Adviser for the Global Distributors Collective, which supports and represents last mile distribution companies around the world to help them reach underserved customers with life-changing products. She achieved a First Class MSc in International Relations and Global Issues from the University of Nottingham, during which time she spent a year studying at Lund University in Sweden. She loves to travel, cook and still thoroughly enjoys a Swedish fika. Katrien Van Aelst  is an interdisciplinary social scientist with MA degrees in Social-Economic Sciences (University of Antwerp) and Gender and Development (University of East Anglia). She obtained her PhD in Development Studies (Institute of Development Policy, 2016) for her study on gender, intra-household decision-making and climate change adaptation in the Morogoro Region of Tanzania. Her research interests include gender, household relations and natural resources. She works on

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poverty and gender at the Belgian civil society organisation Minority Forum (Minderhedenforum). Frank van der Vleuten  is senior advisor on energy and climate in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, where he works on the DGIS target to provide access to renewable energy to 50 million people by 2030. On behalf of the Netherlands, he acts as a co-chair of the Scaling-up Renewable Energy Program at the Climate Investment Funds and member of the ESMAP Consultative Group and the SDG7 Technical Advisory Group. Before joining the Ministry, he worked on renewable energy and climate change in the private sector, consultancy and civil society. Mariama  Williams, Ph.D.  is senior programme officer at the South Centre and feminist economist with over 20 years of experience working on economic development and macroeconomic issues, with a focus on gender equality and women’s empowerment and social equity, international trade, external debt and finance and more recently on climate change issues. She is also a director of the Institute of Law and Economics (ILE), Jamaica. Her publications on climate change include Gender and Climate Financing: Coming Out of the Margin (2015).

Abbreviations

AAs AASHE

Action Agendas Association for the Advancement of Sustainability in Higher Education AE Accredited Entity AfDB African Development Bank APIM Actor-Partner Interdependence Model APPA Association of Physical Plant Administrators CDM Clean Development Mechanism CEO Chief Executive Officer COP Conference of the Parties COPD Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease CSTM Department of Governance and Technology for Sustainability DAE Direct Access Entities DFID, UK Department for International Development, United Kingdom ECREEE Ecowas Centre for Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency EGI Environment and Gender Information EIGE European Institute of Gender Equality ENERGIA International Network on Gender and Sustainable Energy EU European Union EWD Excess winter death FAO Food and Agriculture Organisation

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FBAE FBE FEMM Committee

Free Basic Alternative Energy Free Basic Electricity Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality of the European Parliament FPE Feminist Political Ecology GACC Global Alliance on Clean Cookstoves GAP Gender Action Plan GCF Green Climate Fund GDP Gross Domestic Product GIS Geographical Information Systems HAP Household Air Pollution HIOs High Impact Opportunities HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus HIV+ Human Immunodeficiency Virus Positive IAD Institutional Analysis and Development ICWE International Conference on Water and the Environment IEA International Energy Agency ILO International Labour Organisation IPCC Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change IPs Investment Prospectus IRENA International Renewable Energy Agency IRIS Impact Reporting & Investment Standards IUCN International Union for Conservation of Nature kWh Kilowatt-hour LAC Latin America and the Caribbean LDC Least Developed Country LEDS Low-Emission Development Strategies LEED Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design LPG Liquefied Petroleum Gas MENA Middle East and North Africa MES Modern Energy Services MSF Médecins sans Frontières MW Megawatt NACUBO National Association of College and University Business Officers NAMAs Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions NDA National Designated Authority NDCs Nationally Determined Contributions

 Abbreviations 

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NECSC Northeast Campus Sustainability Consortium NGO Non-Government Organisation OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development PAYG Pay As You Go PLAN Post-Landfill Action Network PPP Public Private Partnership RAGAs Rapid Assessment and Gap Analysis RCG Race, Class and Gender REEEP Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency Partnership RETs Renewable Energy Technologies RMF Result Management Framework RPSP Readiness and Preparatory Support Programme SCODE Sustainable Community Development Services SDG Sustainable Development Goal SDGs Sustainable Development Goals SEforALL Sustainable Energy for All SEM Structural Equation Modeling SFS Street Food Sector SIDS Small Island Developing State SPLC Sustainable Purchasing Leadership Council SSA Sub-Saharan Africa SSCC Smart and Sustainable Campuses Conference STSS Science, Technology and Society Studies TB Tuberculosis tCO2eq Tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent UK United Kingdom UN United Nations UNCED United Nations Conference on Environment and Development UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNFCCC United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change UNWSSD United Nations World Summit on Sustainable Development US United States USD United States Dollar WEC World Energy Council WEEK Women’s Energy Entrepreneurship in Kenya WHO World Health Organisation

List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 Fig. 2.2 Fig. 2.3 Fig. 2.4 Fig. 5.1 Fig. 5.2

Fig. 6.1 Fig. 7.1 Fig. 7.2 Fig. 8.1 Fig. 8.2

Cooking energies used by type in Senegal Main type of energy used by country Reasons for using gas and electricity, Senegal Reasons for desired appliances by country Simplified Actor-Partner Interdependence Model. Note: U and V represent the respective disturbance—error—terms of the two outcome variables SEM specification (W = wife; H = husband). Notes: U is the error term of DM power Wife (W) and V is the error term of DM power Husband (H). Correlations between the predictor variables are not visualized for reasons of clarity Amerlux (2015). SmartSite® LSN Advertisement. (Source: Facilities Manager Magazine, 31(2), 5) Presence of gender keyword mentions in national energy frameworks. (Prebble and Rojas 2017a) Regional comparison of national-level energy documents. (Prebble and Rojas 2017a) Conceptual map of the drivers, causes and effects of energy poverty in the EU. (Source: Trinomics 2016) Gender gaps operating in the drivers, causes and effects of energy poverty. (Source: Clancy et al. 2017 (adapted from Trinomics 2016))

18 20 21 22 89

97 131 147 148 171 183

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List of Figures

Fig. 9.1 Overview of the GCF energy generation and access portfolio. (Source: Author’s analysis) Fig. 9.2 Analysis of GCF energy portfolio from the perspective of women’s empowerment. (Source: Author’s analysis) Fig. 9.3 Variations in the integration of women’s empowerment issues in energy generation projects implemented at utility and small scales. (Source: Author’s analysis) Fig. 9.4 Variations in the integration of women’s empowerment issues in energy generation projects implemented by international and direct access entities. (Source: Author’s analysis) Fig. 9.5 Variations in the integration of women’s empowerment issues in public versus private energy generation projects. (Source: Author’s analysis) Fig. 9.6 Variations in the integration of women’s empowerment issues in cross-­cutting versus strictly mitigation energy generation projects. (Source: Author’s own analysis)

203 204 206 208 209 210

List of Tables

Table 2.1 Table 3.1

Enterprise ownership by gender 16 Changes in main fuel for cooking between 2007 and 2017 in South Africa (as percentage of households) 39 Table 3.2 Physical infrastructure resources in Cutwini and Tsilitwa between 2007 and 2010 41 Table 3.3 Women’s self-reported health impacts and experiences of firewood collection in Cutwini and Tsilitwa 43 Table 3.4 Self-reported experiences of cooking with firewood use in Cutwini and Tsilitwa 46 Table 3.5 Self-reported ways of addressing smoke from cooking 47 Table 5.1 Strategies included in the general decision-making index and cash-­related decision-making index (right-hand column) 93 Table 5.2 The four adaptation domains 95 Table 5.3 t-Tests of decision-making indices of husbands and wives 96 Table 5.4 SEM output: actor and partner effects of the six decisionmaking indices (ML estimation) 100 Table 8.1 Overview of EU legislation relevant to addressing energy poverty165 Table 8.2 Overview of the energy poverty policies in seven EU Member States 169 Table 9.1 Women empowerment results areas in climate investments 194 Annex 9.1 Analysis of GCF energy portfolio from the perspective of women empowerment 214 xxxi

Part I Engendering the Energy Transition

1 Engendering the Energy Transition: Setting the Scene Joy Clancy, Gül Özerol, Nthabiseng Mohlakoana, Mariëlle Feenstra, and Lillian Sol Cueva

What We Set Out to Do This book is based on the Symposium ‘Engendering the Energy Transition’ which was held in November 2016 organised by the Department of Governance and Technology for Sustainability (CSTM) of the University of Twente. The participants of the symposium represented the multidisciplinarity of the gender-energy nexus and included researchers, policymakers and practitioners, not all of whom had backgrounds in either

J. Clancy (*) • G. Özerol • N. Mohlakoana • M. Feenstra CSTM, University of Twente, Enschede, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] L. Sol Cueva ISS, Erasmus University Rotterdam, The Hague, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_1

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energy or gender. They came together to discuss how to engender the energy transition and what its possible outcomes might be. There was a strong emphasis on learning from each other, particularly in view of gender mainstreaming in the energy sector being late compared to other sectors, such as water. Most of the attention to engendering the energy transition has been in the South. Only in the last few years interest in the gender dimension of energy has begun to emerge in the North, where lessons from the South can help with the transitions in both the energy system and in gender roles and relations. The symposium created a space for the participants to reflect on two themes. The first theme was about what is known both in terms of the transition towards sustainable energy use and in changes to gender roles and relations brought through engagement with and in the energy value chain. The second theme focused on the methodologies and theoretical frameworks that can bring a comprehensive understanding of the concept of gender in the energy value chain, in particular women’s empowerment and whether or not it leads to transformative change. The common starting point was an acceptance that managing the transition to a sustainable energy system requires understanding the human factor in the introduction of low-carbon energy technologies. The academic literature points to the role of social actors as critical for the successful implementation of technological innovations, such as the adoption of clean energy both on the supply and demand sides. The up-take of technical solutions is influenced by an individual’s consumption behaviour, choice-making and lifestyle (Barr and Gilg 2006). Nevertheless, social groups have enabling, mediating and aggregating functions which affect other actors in meaningful ways (Fischer and Newig 2016). For example, decisions to adopt a proposed solution, such as clean energy and its associated technologies, are influenced through the interactions between social groups and individuals in processes of adjustments, modifications and negotiations. The awareness, attitudes, risk perception, consumption behaviour and investment decisions of consumers and other actors, such as policymakers, industrial strategists, regulators, experts, technology developers and investors, have a strong influence on the transition succeeding (Parag and Janda 2014).

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One social characteristic which is applicable to all actors is that of gender. Gender refers to the socially constructed and accepted attitudes, values, roles and responsibilities of women and men in a given culture and location. Gender cuts across social identity, intersecting with a variety of other identities, including class, race and ethnicity, age, religion and family structures, among others. Gender analysis shows that women and men are uniquely positioned and sometimes have distinct aspirations, pursue diverse goals, take different paths, and they are unequivocally influenced by discourses (e.g. climate change, economic profitability) or socio-material changes (e.g. sustainable energy initiatives). An important finding from anthropological studies of energy is that women and men tend to legitimise decisions in different ways and thereby nurture their specific, gendered identities which are also moderated by other social characteristics, such as age, economic status and ethnicity (Winther 2008). These distinctions raise the questions as to whether gender plays a significant role in the development of a sustainable energy system, whether women and men benefit equitably by the introduction of low-carbon energy technologies, and in which ways they differentially benefit from these technologies. These are universal issues. Therefore, in respect of the energy value chain, we can ask which values women and men aspire to, what roles and responsibilities they take on within the energy value chain, as well as what motivates them to be involved and how they negotiate decisions to ensure their values are reflected and their aspirations are reached. However, women and men need more than motivation, they also need the ability to make effective choices and to transform those choices into desired outcomes, that is, they exercise ‘agency’. In any society women and men have different levels of individual agency, with men tending to have a greater capacity to act than women. These findings point to differences in capacity to influence the energy transition and its expected outcomes.

Why Do We Think This Book Is Needed? There are three main reasons that motivated us to bring the contributions on the topic of gender and energy transitions together in this edited book. Firstly, the body of independent and peer-reviewed empirical

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evidence about the impacts of this energy transition on socio-economic outcomes is relatively small and even more so in terms of gender-­ differentiated choices of energy forms and outcomes. In part, this reflects the situation that the energy sector has been much later than other sectors to mainstream gender. Secondly, most of the attention to engendering the energy transition has been in the Global South1. The Global North has been much later than the South at recognising that there is a gender dimension to energy supply and use. The book provides some of the early evidence from both South and North perspectives and in doing so it contributes to bridging the gap in our knowledge. Lastly, the book describes useful lessons from research and practice, not only from the energy sector, and shares mainstreaming tools for use in the Global South and the Global North. Such an approach brings novel insights and from theoretical, methodological and practical perspectives which promote cross-disciplinary learning with a global outreach.

What Is Innovative About the Book? The Way We Developed the Book The book reflects the innovative approach used in the symposium. We particularly wanted to emphasise learning from each other so contributors were selected to represent different disciplines, sectors, global regions and backgrounds (academia, policy and practice). The editorial team also reflects this diversity. We are a team of women from the Global South and North and with diverse positions as PhD students, post-doctoral researchers, assistant professors and full professors. We have experience as  We use the concepts of ‘Global South and Global North’ in preference to developing and developed countries. All countries are developing since all are subject to process of change. Nevertheless in academic discourses a universal definition of Global South and Global North is elusive, evolving and contested (for an overview see Clarke 2018). Here we use the concepts not used in a strict geographic sense but in a political economy sense of large disparities in wealth and political instability. There are pockets of the Global North in the South and vice versa. 1

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activists, scientists and policymakers, combining academic experience with practitioners’ skills and acting as advocates. Another innovative aspect that reflects multidisciplinarity was to have a discussant for each chapter. The discussant was chosen to reflect a different disciplinary field to the author(s) and came from either a research or a practice background with a common focus on gender. The chapter author(s) and discussant could also be from different geographical regions. The discussant was asked to provide a constructive reflection which helps the author(s) improve the chapter in terms of clarity of ideas and concepts presented. In addition, the discussant’s piece can help make the chapter accessible to a wider audience. In parallel, we kept with the academic tradition by sharing each chapter with a peer reviewer and incorporating the critical and constructive remarks of the reviewers to improve the chapters. To enhance the academic discussion, authors presented their chapters during a series of internal webinars in which authors, discussants and editors were able to provide constructive feedback. The webinars were recorded to act as a reference source. An overall reflection of all the book chapters was given by four representatives of academia, policy and practice. Their reflection pieces highlight the main conclusions of the chapters and synthesize the lessons learned relevant for the three disciplines operating jointly in the gender-energy nexus.

Breadth of Coverage Given that the transition to a low-carbon society is a complex socio-­ technical problem, the book draws attention to the understudied social and political aspects of the transitions in the energy system and the nexus with gender roles and relations. The chapters and reflections draw upon concepts, methods and theories of social science disciplines applied in a range of specializations such as energy access, water governance and health studies. The evidence presented differs in scale drawing on empirical data at three levels (micro, meso/institutional, macro). We present research that engages with a diversity of theory and conceptual frameworks, relevant to energy and gender studies, for example, feminist

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political ecology and ecofeminism. The book highlights the importance of multidisciplinary research in the transition discourse by providing diverse and rich findings with new insights. The scholarship presented shows that it is possible to learn from each other when talking in a shared language despite our different starting points—be they sectoral or geographical.

Contribution to Debates The book contributes to debates around the global initiatives of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly 5 (gender equality) and 7 (energy), and Sustainable Energy for All (SEforALL). The SDGs are intended to be mutually reinforcing in reaching their goals which brings energy and gender into the picture as a nexus with links to other concerns such as health. In this context legitimate questions become the nature of the role gender plays in the development of an energy system: whether women and men benefit equitably by the introduction of low-­ carbon energy technologies and in which ways they benefit. However, the transition to a low-carbon society is a complex socio-technical problem for  which no single discipline working alone can provide the answers. Instead an interdisciplinary approach is required to provide a holistic understanding of the gender issues in the energy system and identification of solutions. We consider that the evidence presented in this book supports the underlying philosophy of the SDGs. Firstly, that they are mutually reinforcing. Secondly, that international commitment needs to be translated into local action, and vice versa—that the local situation needs to be reflected in global debates. In relation to the latter, the book provides empirical findings which further the understanding of contemporary topics and/or applications by providing new case studies, regions and contexts germane to the gender and energy transitions. The book contributes to debates in academic research about the nature of data and how data are generated—both in terms of agenda setting and methodologies employed, which are reflected in global commitments such as the SDGs. Further, the book adds to the energy transitions

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literature by focusing on the gender elements that should be considered by research, policy and practice. Gender is embedded in a complex energy systems landscape of different actors, levels, dimensions, methodologies and frames.

The Structure of the Book The book is divided into two parts. Part 1 consists of nine chapters which examine the issues of the way gender is understood and integrated in a range of different contexts and sectors, not all of which are directly related to energy. Part 2 consists of a reflection from a discussant on each of the chapters in Part 1 together with four reflections about the content as a whole from the perspectives of practice, policy and academia which help embed the chapters and the book in political, societal and scientific debates. In addition, the reflections either identify useful, innovative, practical, methodological and theoretical insights which can contribute to gender mainstreaming or suggest from their own experience additional  insights and approaches which could benefit researchers or practitioners.

References Barr, S., & Gilg, A. (2006). Sustainable lifestyles: Framing environmental action in and around the home. Geoforum, 37, 906–920. Clarke, M. (2018). Global South: what does it mean and why use the term? https://onlineacademiccommunity.uvic.ca/globalsouthpolitics/2018/08/08/ global-south-what-does-itmean-and-why-use-the-term/. Accessed 27 May 2019. Fischer, L.-B., & Newig, J. (2016). Importance of actors and agency in sustainability transitions: A systematic exploration of the literature. Sustainability, 8, 476–497. Parag, Y., & Janda, K.  B. (2014). More than filler: Middle actors and socio-­ technical change in the energy system from the “middle-out”. Energy Research & Social Science, 3, 102–112. Winther, T. (2008). The impact of electricity. Development, desires and dilemmas. Oxford: Berghahn Books.

2 Energy Transition and Gender in the Informal Street Food Sector in Africa Maïmouna Diouf, Nthabiseng Mohlakoana, Secou Sarr, and Bacary Seydi

Introduction Although a global consensus has emerged to recognize that access to affordable and clean energy services can change women’s lives and help generate substantial local income and employment when these energy services are linked to productive activities, the energy for productive uses is one of the least documented areas of the debate on access to energy. The failure to take gender into account in energy programs, projects and

M. Diouf • S. Sarr ENDA Energie, Dakar, Senegal e-mail: [email protected] N. Mohlakoana (*) CSTM, University of Twente, Enschede, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] B. Seydi Magazine PME Infos, Dakar, Senegal © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_2

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policies led the International Network on Gender and Sustainable Energy (ENERGIA) to conduct a similar audit mission in 2007 in energy public policies (Sengendo 2008). Based on the funding conditions, three pilot countries (Botswana, Kenya and Senegal) were selected to identify the reasons for not taking gender into account in energy policies. The work would therefore lead to a proposal of solutions for gender integration into the subsequent stages of formulation and planning of energy policies and programs (ENERGIA 2008). In several African countries, activities aiming at mainstreaming gender approaches in energy policies, initiatives, programs and projects are steadily increasing and continue to engage policymakers, civil society organizations and development partners. These activities are more visible in the wake of the United Nations global initiative to address climate change for universal access to sustainable energy (SE4All) and the post-2015 agenda on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The scope of interventions and their impacts on the reduction of energy poverty, of which women are the most affected in Africa, remain however very limited on the field. This is coupled by the scarcity of certified and disaggregated quantitative and qualitative scientific data on the productive uses of energy, especially on the informal street food sector. A literature review study by De Groot et al. (2017) reveals that productive energy uses and services have not been meaningfully monitored by policymakers, respective regulatory bodies as well as practitioners working in the informal food sector, which has resulted in lack of delivery of effective interventions. This is the case in the informal food sector, where persistent use of polluting energy sources such as charcoal and firewood by enterprises is one of the hindrances experienced by the continent, resulting in the inability to achieve affordable and reliable sustainable and modern energy for all as per SDG 7. Globally, the population access rate to electricity is relatively low, around 43% in 2017 according to the International Energy Agency (IEA 2017). The same source informs us that 850 million Africans still use solid biomass for cooking, despite health and environmental risks and the progress made in the dissemination of improved stoves in rural areas and the penetration of gas (LPG) in urban areas. Lack of access and use of clean energy for cooking remains a big challenge in many parts of Africa.

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This chapter is based on some of the results of the four-year research project entitled “Productive Uses of Energy in the Informal Street Food Sector in Rwanda, Senegal and South Africa” conducted between 2015 and 2018 by a Research Consortium composed of the University of Cape Town (South Africa), MARGE (Rwanda) and Enda Energie (Senegal) and led by the University of Twente as part of the ENERGIA Gender and Energy Research Program funded by the Department for International Development (DFID, UK). This chapter aims to identify and analyse the determining factors and constraints to the energy transition in the informal street food sector in Rwanda, Senegal and South Africa. It will also highlight the importance of taking into account the fact that many enterprises in this sector use multiple energy sources to meet the energy demands of their businesses. We will therefore propose lines of action for the removal of these constraints inspired by key policy messages that have come out of our study as well as models that work in Africa.

Research Methods The research team collected data through surveys and a review of literature. For the literature review, a selection of academic and non-academic literature such as relevant project reports, both published and unpublished, was made to inform our study of the issues surrounding energy use and gender in the informal street food sector. We used a range of internet-based search engines to find relevant material in both English and French languages. With regards to the surveys and in-depth interviews, our team collected data from a total of 751 enterprises in the urban areas of Rwanda, Senegal and South Africa and carried out a total of 105 in-depth interviews. In each country, we made a decision to select two cities as primary sites of data collection, namely Cape Town and Durban in South Africa, Dakar and Kaolack in Senegal and Kigali city and surrounding districts in Rwanda.1 As urban areas, the cities were selected due to the higher  Note that Kigali city is within Kigali province. Therefore, Kigali’s city limits cover the whole province; hence its three administrative districts were all included in the sample. 1

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likelihood of access and use of modern energy services than in the rural areas. Also, the informal street food sector is more common in the urban areas where there are more economic activities and therefore a higher population of people that can afford and that rely on this sector. Within these sites, specific neighbourhoods were targeted depending on various factors such as energy access, types of energy used, time of enterprise operation and food-processing activities taking place. We applied cluster sampling due to the dispersed locations of the street food sector enterprises, and several sub-locations (e.g. transport hubs and marketplaces) were selected within each case study country. For consistency and reliability, we used a digital questionnaire across the countries, and where needed, the digital questionnaire was translated from English into local languages such as Kinyarwanda in Rwanda and Wolof in Senegal. In South Africa, the interviewers asked the questions in isiXhosa and isiZulu. The questionnaire was divided into several sections to cover an array of issues on energy use in the informal street food sector. The issues covered included the enterprise ownership by gender, type of products prepared in the enterprise, types of energy sources and appliances used, enterprise location and energy subsidies among other issues. The overall aim in data collection through surveys and interviews was to have a true representation of both male- and female-owned and operated enterprises in our sample. We therefore did not purposely disaggregate our sample by gender during the selection process as we wanted to ensure that it represents the true form of enterprise ownership and employment dynamics to some extent in these areas. Our sample is therefore representative of the specific areas where we conducted our surveys and in-depth interviews in each country. With regards to enterprise ownership among male and female respondents, the sampling was random and purposive in all three countries (particularly in the selection of formal enterprises) to represent enterprises in three different types of locations—street vendors, home producers and public spaces—and to represent different sources of energy used. The data therefore reflects the gender distribution of entrepreneurs in the street food sector in the three countries, but as can be noticed in the numbers of our sample, the data does provide an overrepresentation of informal and semi-formal enterprises and fewer formal enterprises. The

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main reason is that the aim of the study from inception was to target informal food enterprises in the street food sector. Following the pilot phase, we decided to include formal enterprises for comparative purposes, particularly regarding gender of enterprise owners and energy use for product preparation amongst other issues. From our analysis based on data and observations as well as literature on general energy use patterns, we could deduce that energy use in the enterprises we researched is to some extent representative of the street food sector in the similar areas in these cities. Our study did not collect data concerning health impacts of energy use in the informal food sector. We do however acknowledge the importance of considering health issues and rely on some statistics from the World Health Organization on health impacts of using traditional energy sources. We analysed the quantitative data using a combination of software, such as Excel and SPSS. For qualitative data such as the more specific, open-ended interviews, we used NVivo for the analysis.

The Informal Street Food Sector in Africa The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) defines the informal food sector as “a sector including small producers, commercial enterprises, vendors and service providers involved in both legal and unrecognized food-related activities” (FAO 2009, page 8). In some African cities, the informal food sector can provide up to 40–60% of total employment (FAO 2009). The development of the activities of the informal food sector is underpinned by two logics that aim at two different strategies and objectives: a logic of survival and a logic of exploitation of economic opportunities. Where informal enterprises are concerned, it is difficult to separate these two logics but in order to define the specific needs of the sector regarding modern energy services and be able to formulate effective political responses to those needs, it is useful to identify the main actors of the informal food sector, the typology of the enterprises, the main activities and the various products prepared. This is one of the main reasons why this chapter is focussing on catering and processing of local products, two highly energy-dependent activities in a sector dominated by women.

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Based on our empirical research study, our findings indicate and confirm several literature studies that there is a clear dominance of women in the informal food sector in the African countries. In the three countries of our study, our data shows that women own 63% of businesses surveyed as opposed to the 37% owned by men (see Table 2.1). The activities of catering and processing local products represent an opportunity for women to escape from urban poverty and a means to obtain economic and social freedom. They are an important means of creating wealth and jobs that enable the women to meet the primary needs of the family (food, health, education, etc.), to gain respect within households and in society. This explains the dominance of women in food preparation and sales activities in the three countries where 67% of the enterprises active in the preparation and sale of food are owned by women. Energy accounts for a large share of operating expenses in the informal food sector. On average, an informal food sector enterprise in Rwanda spends US $70.59 per week, compared to US $14.37 in Senegal and US $173.82 in South Africa. These data do not take into account the size of the business. The disaggregated data on energy expenditure by gender shows that in the three countries covered by the Research Program, male-­ owned enterprises spend more energy than women-owned enterprises with larger gaps in Rwanda and Senegal than in South Africa. In Rwanda, male-owned businesses spend US $94.27 a week compared to US $58.76 for women-owned businesses. In Senegal, men spend US $21.15 per week against the US $13.42 spent by women. In South Africa, however, the gender gap is smaller with US $173.82 for men versus US $165.25 for women respectively. Therefore, public intervention to lower the price of electricity or any other fuel that does not take into Table 2.1  Enterprise ownership by gender Senegal Number of survey respondents Enterprise owned by women Enterprise owned by men

South Africa Rwanda

Total %

240 (32%) 271 (36%)

240 (32%) 751 (100%)

131 (55%) 215 (79%)

128 (53%) 474 (63%)

109 (45%) 56 (21%)

112 (47%) 277 (37%)

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account the type of fuel most used by women-owned enterprises would benefit men more in Rwanda and Senegal, and to a lesser extent, in South Africa (University of Twente et al. 2019).

 hallenges of Energy Transition in the African C Informal Street Food Sector In the three countries (South Africa, Rwanda and Senegal) where data was collected for this study, the informal food sector accounts for between 50% and 75% of total employment in urban areas, confirming the figures announced in 2009 by FAO. As noted by the International Labour Organization, it also accounts for about 72% of non-farm employment in sub-Saharan Africa (ILO 2015). Beyond the socio-economic issues of productivity, job creation and income for women in the informal food sector, the energy transition in this sector also presents environmental challenges for the preservation of the environment. For example, in 2011, the entire agri-food value chain accounted for about 20% of global GHG emissions due to the use of fossil fuels in cooking and food processing (FAO 2011). The results of our study revealed that the use of electricity for cooking is still low compared to that of charcoal and that of gas regardless of the sex of the owner of the enterprise in Rwanda, Senegal and regardless of the higher electricity connection rates in South Africa. For women, the use of electricity represents only 14% versus 30% for charcoal and 36% for gas (see Fig. 2.1). The cumulative share of charcoal and firewood in cooking energy is still very high at 36% for women, which exposes them to serious health risks. When comparing the informal food sector to the low-income households in the Global South we can observe some similarities. Several research studies have revealed that for low-income households, over time, the transition from traditional fuels to modern energy sources and services does not happen as smoothly as is often expected by policymakers and planners (Hosier and Kipondya 1993; Masera et al. 2000; Elias and Victor 2005; Van der Kroon et al. 2013). Several factors such as energy costs, energy source and appliance function, type of dwelling and food

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Fig. 2.1  Cooking energies used by type in Senegal

prepared are often not taken into consideration in conceptualizing the movement up the energy ladder from use of traditional to modern energy. These factors determine the type of energy source used, despite access to modern energy services (Mohlakoana et al. 2018). The energy transition in the informal food sector presents health challenges. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), 4.3 million people die each year due to indoor air pollution resulting from the use of traditional fuels and stoves for heating and cooking. In addition, half of the deaths of children under five can be attributed to indoor air pollution associated with the use of solid fuels for cooking (WHO 2014). Today all signals show that Africa is not yet on a satisfactory pace of abandoning traditional fuels for the benefit of clean energy sources by 2030. The International Energy Agency (IEA) predicts that the use of biomass would account for more than half of energy demand in sub-­ Saharan Africa by 2030 although its share is falling (IEA 2017). At the political level, almost all African countries are committed to the United Nations Sustainable Energy for All initiative (SE4All). Significant progress has been made in Africa in establishing institutional, legal and regulatory frameworks in pursuit of energy balance and universal access to clean energy. In countries such as Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia, these efforts are rewarded by achieving universal access to electricity (World

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Bank 2016). According to the SDG progress monitoring, countries such as Ghana and Kenya are on the right track to achieve universal access to electricity by the 2030 deadline (World Bank 2018; Kumi 2019). However, these advances do not necessarily guarantee the energy transition in the informal food sector in Africa. Electricity is not the most widely used source in Africa in the informal food sector, at least not for cooking and food preparation operations, with the notable exception of South Africa and some North African countries. Secondly, access to the electricity grid does not mean reliability or continuity of service. And finally, network connection tariffs and the high cost of electricity can be unaffordable for some informal sector enterprises. A better understanding of the key factors of energy transition brings to light the interactions between women’s access and use of modern energy services such as electricity and gas, and the strengthening of their economic power with regards to their presence in the informal street food sector. It also offers an opportunity to understand the links between women’s access to Modern Energy Services (MES) and how this could be a strengthening factor in achieving the SDGs. A good mastery of these determining factors will make it possible to measure the sectoral progress achieved and what remains to be done to reach each country in the continent by 2030. It will above all enable each stakeholder to understand the complex nature of energy access and use in the informal street food sector and the urgent measures and actions to be taken to reach the inflection point in a short time. These measures include: the migration of businesses from the informal food sector towards modern energy sources and the gradual abandonment of polluting energy sources.

Key Research Findings The data shows that women dominate the food sector as it appears in Table  1. They aspire to develop and make their enterprises successful, which in some cases means adding modern energy services into their energy mix. Informal food businesses have been found to use a mix of energy sources (see Fig. 2.2).

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Fig. 2.2  Main type of energy used by country

In South Africa nearly 70% of the surveyed respondents use electricity and/or gas for their daily food preparation tasks, while in Rwanda, there is a high use of charcoal (over 60%). Gas is the main source of energy used in the informal food sector in Senegal (43%) followed by coal (41.7%). Generally, an increase in gas consumption is observed in Senegal, but this is very much related to the level of formalization of enterprises, where informal sector enterprises are still using charcoal and, to a lesser extent, wood. Renewable energies (solar photovoltaic) are not used in these street food sector enterprises in their energy mix (see Fig. 2.1). The use of gas and electricity is guided by two main reasons: to increase productivity (quick cooking being associated with higher productivity) and to get more customers to increase incomes (see Fig. 2.3 on the reasons for using MES in Senegal). Respondents in each country have their own specific reasons for using modern energy sources such as gas and electricity. In Senegal, a large majority of respondents believe that gas and electricity increase the quality of prepared food. This opinion is shared in Rwanda with a focus on easy and quick cooking and increased sales due to longer working time through lighting. In South Africa, the opinions gathered express a median position between Senegal and Rwanda and are particularly interesting for

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Fig. 2.3  Reasons for using gas and electricity, Senegal

easy and quick cooking. Mamma Amina, an employee of a street food enterprise in Dakar, Senegal, confirms this dual motivation as follows: Each source of energy has its own use in the enterprise. Gas is important for cooking. It is cleaner, faster and easier to use. Electricity allows lighting and contributes to the comfort of the enterprise (lighting, ventilation, air conditioning, the refrigerator. Interview: 20-09-2017, Dakar, Senegal

The quotation above confirms that, similar to multiple fuel use patterns in low-income households in developing countries, informal food sector enterprises also tend to use multiple energy sources and services and also rely on fuel stacking (Matinga et al. 2018; Mohlakoana et al. 2018). Our data shows that access to modern energy services is directly correlated with the level of formalization of the enterprise. This is related to modern equipment used by formal food sector enterprises that require modern energy sources. Seynabou Diagne, who is employed in a formal food enterprise in Dakar, confirms this link: The equipment we use is of good quality. This equipment includes electric or gas ovens, gas stoves, three microwaves, charcoal and gas stoves. This equipment allows us to cook and grill most of our food. Interview: 20-09-2017, Dakar, Senegal

While access to modern energy services is essential to increase productivity, the main reason why informal food businesses want new appliances

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is to attract more customers, ranging from 77% to 75% in Rwanda and Senegal and 88% in South Africa. In Senegal, some 20% prefer appliances that make their task quicker, while in South Africa, 8% chose them to make their task easier. Lowering the cost of the products was found important by 1–2% in Rwanda and Senegal, but not in South Africa. An analysis of the types of devices that informal food businesses want to acquire shows that in South Africa and Senegal, gas cookers and electric kettles are most desired by both women and men, especially among more formal enterprises. Radio and television sets are also in high demand with a slightly higher preference among women. In Rwanda, the most desired appliances by both women and men are gas stoves, television sets and radios, fans, cell phones and electric stoves. The data in Fig. 2.4 illustrates the reasons behind the desires to use different energy services. For all three countries, the main reason why the street food sector enterprises want new appliances is to attract more customers, ranging from 75% in Senegal, 88% in South Africa and 90% in Rwanda. In Senegal, 21% of the sample prefer appliances that make their task quicker, while in South Africa, 8% chose them to make their task easier.

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

21%

90%

Rwanda

75%

Senegal

To attract more customers

To lower the costs of energy

To make the task easier

To make the task quicker

Fig. 2.4  Reasons for desired appliances by country

8%

88%

South Africa To increase product sales

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 oted Trends in Energy Transition in the Informal N Street Food Sector The preceding results reveal four major lessons that deserve special attention in an energy transition perspective. 1. The high use of charcoal in Rwanda and Senegal in the informal food sector suggests an additional effort to be made in promoting improved stoves in an energy transition perspective. Although not all improved stoves are considered a clean solution, innovative models exist that pollute less, use less charcoal with higher efficiency than traditional stoves. 2. The high penetration of gas (LPG) in Senegal and South Africa indicates that there is an active effort made to encourage use of this energy source. Relying on gas to reduce the use of charcoal and fuelwood in the three countries could boost the energy transition in the informal food sector. The subsidy for gas (LPG), as is the case in Senegal, is an example of a positive policy intervention to explore for other countries. 3. The household electricity subsidy in South Africa is also a key factor in the use of electricity in the informal food sector. Thus, reducing the cost of electricity or subsidizing it could be a determining factor in the transition to modern energy services. 4. Finally, the promotion of renewable energy solutions among informal food sector players such as solar photovoltaic and biogas is an opportunity to be seized.

 nalysis of Constraints to the Energy Transition A in the Informal Food Sector in Africa There are number of blocking factors to the energy transition in the informal food sector in Africa that limit the freeing up of the potential of the informal food sector. Some are structural and others are operational.

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 nergy Policies’ Lack of Consideration for the Informal E Food Sector The shortcomings of public policies in terms of access to energy are the first structural constraint. The three pillars of the Global Sustainable Energy for All Initiative by 2030 are rarely operating together and at the same time: universal access to energy, renewable energy development and energy efficiency (World Bank 2016). The first shows a weakness of public policies in sub-Saharan Africa with the exception of South Africa, East African countries and those of North Africa as shown in the report. The access rate to electricity is low 43% for sub-Saharan Africa with huge disparities between cities and rural areas and between IEA countries. Secondly, energy policies have mainly focused on improving the electricity distribution network and on rural electrification without worrying about the different productive uses. In many other African countries, the promotion of private generation of renewable energy is still in a seed phase due in particular to the absence and inadequacy of regulatory frameworks (World Bank 2016). However, Zambia and South Africa stand out in this respect, with a very attractive framework for private investment including a set of support for the financing of projects and the reduction of acquisition costs for the final consumer (World Bank 2016). There is a weak development in setting up incentive frameworks for private economic actors throughout the continent, where mini-grid and off-grid systems whose additional capabilities could have facilitated full coverage of the clean energy needs of all consumers and for all uses (World Bank 2016). On the other hand, Kenya, Ghana and Uganda are demonstrating good practices for the development of decentralized network systems (Stand-alone Systems), while Senegal and Tanzania are developing emerging solutions in mini-network systems (World Bank 2016). Despite progress, all public policies do not focus on what matters most to informal food enterprises: access to Modern Energy Services (MES) all the way through the chain of production and food distribution for specific uses on each link of the chain (Practical Action 2014). The major constraint is a lack of clear policy and government support for the productive use of energy.

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The second structural constraint relates to the failure of mainstreaming gender initiatives in public energy policies, programs and projects. It must be recognized that despite the good intentions and political will displayed by African governments, the effective consideration of the differentiated and specific needs of men and women in energy policies remains a great challenge (Karlsson 2003; ENERGIA 2008; Elson and Sharp 2010). Energy and gender issues remain more pressing today than ever before in Africa, although over the years, evidence continues to accumulate, confirming that energy interventions lead to unequal sharing of benefits between men and women (Practical Action 2014). The effect of this oversimplification is that gender is rarely taken seriously when energy interventions are planned and implemented. As a result, interventions to reduce gender inequalities and promote inclusive and sustainable growth have not met these expectations (ECREEE 2015). As a result, the energy needs of women’s core business sectors such as the informal food sector are ignored by public policies. Operational constraints arise in part from structural constraints. For most businesses in the informal food sector, investing in a renewable energy solution such as solar PV remains expensive without some kind of access to investment support, such as a loan or subsidy (Enda Energie 2016).

Lack of Finance, Especially for Women Financing plays a crucial role in the development of the informal enterprise. High costs and limited financing mechanisms prevent businesses from investing to improve productivity and hinder the growth of productive enterprises (World Bank 2014). Access to credit can benefit businesses in several ways: the adoption of modern technologies, including MES, access to land and production equipment in particular. Women in sub-Saharan Africa lack the means to access modern energy services partly because of a lack of financial resources. For example, a World Bank study showed that in Uganda, women own 38% of all registered enterprises, but they have access to only 9% of formal financial

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facilities. On the other hand, 48% of micro and small enterprises in Kenya are controlled by women, who have access to only 7% of all financial loans (World Bank 2017). Most women in the informal sector “cannot get bank loans but have to raise the capital they need themselves” (Akinboade 2005). The regulation of access to financial services was based on a patriarchal system. Indeed, women’s access barriers to financial structures result from discriminatory policy measures against productive resources. Women sometimes need the presence of their husbands or adult male relatives in order to consult financial institutions. These kinds of barriers put women in difficulty to finance their businesses and increase the level of technology, energy and the quality of the products they use (Botton 2006). The low levels of technical and financial empowerment of women, their low education levels and lack of access to information to use innovative modern energy services and sources such as solar PV and biogas, are all constraints to the energy transition in the informal street food sector. The choice and continued use of traditional energy sources in the street food enterprises are linked to a multitude of factors, some of which relate to tastes, types of prepared food, cultural aspects and eating habits. This should not be seen as a hindrance to the transition to use modern energy services but as an opportunity to develop cleaner traditional energy sources and equipment to meet the demands of the informal street food sector. Businesses across sub-Saharan Africa use traditional stoves with charcoal, firewood, crop residues or animal dung. The lack of tax incentives and subsidies for modern energy equipment is also a constraint to the transition. The low presence of African women in political decision-making spheres on energy and clean energy production chains is a barrier to transition (ECREEE 2015). This means, issues concerning women’s lack of access to financial services which would enable their access to clean, efficient, affordable and sustainable cooking energy sources are not prioritized as key policy issues. Finally, the lack of synergy between sectoral energy policies and policies aimed at equity and gender equality explains why women’s needs for energy services for productivity purposes are ignored or neglected.

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Discussions and Conclusions Access to energy and energy transition are two structural incentives that can stimulate production and energy distribution in the informal street food sector in sub-Saharan Africa. However, if large-scale infrastructure investments continue to dominate access trade, by increasing energy supplies to cities and industry, universal access to energy will remain as remote as it was several decades ago (Practical Action 2017). It is evident that governments, multilateral institutions and donors in developing countries lack the capacity to focus on the energy needs, growth and gender equality in the informal street food sector. African governments can strengthen infrastructure services that increase access to modern energy services for women and men working in the street food sector while ensuring gender equality in access to energy services. Governments also need to deliver more operational content to sustainable energy access for all by focussing more towards access to modern energy services with an emphasis on innovative technologies such as mini-grid and off-grid electricity rather than continue to invest in the extension of traditional power grids and subsidies to national power companies. It has been proven that the involvement of women themselves in the production of clean energy is likely to encourage the use of modern energy services by women (ECREEE 2015). Moreover, the IEA notes that it is less expensive for states to invest in smaller energy producers than heavy investments in the traditional power grid (IEA 2017). In Africa, countries such as Kenya, Uganda and Senegal are investing in alternative energy production innovations (World Bank 2016). Targeted subsidies for electricity consumption may be needed to facilitate the migration of informal food sector enterprises to modern energy sources as found in South Africa. Promoting the use of LPG is a key element of the energy transition in the informal food sector. Subsidies for the consumption of gas and the promotion of improved stoves are essential in promoting energy transition in the informal food sector. High penetration of gas and promotion of improved stoves are likely to reduce the consumption of charcoal and firewood. In Senegal, two examples of alternative energy and equipment

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interventions illustrate the benefits that can be attained by enterprises in the informal food sector. Enda Energie has distributed a number of improved bakeries that work with butane gas. For fish processing, Enda Energie has distributed improved ovens at various fish processing sites, particularly in Palmarin, Joal, Djirnda and Bassoul, in order to reduce the consumption of mangrove wood, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, protect the mangrove ecosystem and reduce the cost of energy in these women’s businesses. Financing the energy transitions in Africa requires substantial investments, specifically from governments and the private sector. It is an exercise that needs to be in line with the countries’ sustainable energy goals while ensuring gender equality in both energy production, distribution, access and use. Governments must therefore work to establish legal and regulatory frameworks and other incentives for private investment and public-private partnership (PPP) investments in rural areas where decentralized electricity networks are difficult to make profitable. At the enterprise level of the informal food sector, lack of access to finance is one of the biggest obstacles faced by women who aspire to expand and modernize their businesses. The informal food sector can benefit from innovative solutions in other spheres of economic development. In East Africa, innovative solutions for financing access to modern energy services via mobile phones and smartphones are being rolled out, where mobile financial services have been booming in recent years, including in rural areas. For enterprises that have invested in these solutions, they are using mobile networks to provide people in rural areas not covered by the electricity grid with a range of energy services through financing and pay-as-you-go access costs these services called “Pay As You Go (PAYG)”. In turn, the enterprises can use their mobile phones to operate their businesses such as taking food orders through the phone using various applications. From Kenya, two commercial pay-as-you-go energy service models are being deployed in Tanzania, Rwanda and Uganda, which account for the majority of sales of pay-as-you-go solar systems. These business models address the constraint of making investments in decentralized electrical systems in rural areas more profitable while providing access to modern energy services to populations that do not have them.

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Alternative financing and innovative financing initiatives such as Islamic microfinance, green finance and impact investments, among others, deserve to be explored. An example of this is the role that the carbon finance market could play an important role in access to clean energy. It has already increased the affordability of clean stoves with 8.2 million improved stoves sold in 2012 worldwide through support for carbon finance for half of sales (Practical Action 2017). Applied to the informal food sector in Africa, the energy transition combines energy with gender and the development of women’s entrepreneurship. This requires the involvement of other actors who evolve outside the energy spheres: actors involved in the formalization of businesses and the development of women’s entrepreneurship, financing, technical capacity building and management of women, those who deal with gender equality and equity, the municipalities that provide the spaces and developed land. Technological innovations have drastically lowered the costs of using renewable energy and spreading technical progress in the wake of climate change initiatives. The diffusion of so-called climate technologies in Mali by Enda Energie, such as solar drying technologies of okra, onions and mangos, and support actions to the milk sector in Senegal and Mauritania (the Milk Value and Solar Energy Program, formally known as PROGRES-­ Lait), through the access to solar energy and the market offer real economic opportunities for wealth creation and jobs for rural women and youth (Enda Energie 2017). This experience illustrates that research centres, practitioners and NGOs have a key role in the generation and dissemination of innovative energy technologies for informal food sector actors and investors in these technologies. Their roles in producing information on the productive uses of energy, gender equality in access to energy, is evident in justifying public policy decisions and interventions in energy policies. Finally, awareness, information and training on modern energy services, energy saving and energy efficiency are essential aspects of the energy transition given the low level of education of many women in the informal food sector and their lack of knowledge of new clean energy technologies.

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References Akinboade, A.O. (2005). Les Femmes, la Pauvreté, et le Commerce Informel en Afrique Orientale et Australe. pp.  277–300. https://www.cairn.info/revueinternationale-des-sciences-sociales-2005-2-page-277.htm. Accessed 20 Jun 2019. Botton, S. (2006). L’Accès à l’Eau et à l’Électricité dans les Pays en Développement: Comment Penser la Demande? l’Institut de Développement Durable et des Relations Internationales, pp. 1–125. De Groot, J., Mohlakoana, N., Knox, A., & Bressers, H. (2017). Fuelling women’s empowerment? An exploration of the linkages between gender, entrepreneurship and access to energy in the informal sector. Journal on Energy Research and Social Science, 28, 86–97. ECREEE. (2015). Situation analysis of energy and gender issues in ECOWAS member states. http://ecowgen.ecreee.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/ Situation-Analysis-of-Energy-and-Gender-Issues.pdf. Accessed 9 Jul 2019. Elias, R. J., & Victor, D. G. (2005). Energy transitions in developing countries: A review of concepts and literature. Working paper #40. Stanford University, Stanford. Elson, D., & Sharp, R. (2010). Gender-responsive budgeting and women’s poverty. In S. Chant (Ed.), International handbook of gender and poverty: Concepts, research and policy (pp. 522–527). Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing. Enda Energie. (2016). Rapport atelier de renforcement de capacité des femmes championnes. Dakar, Senegal. Enda Energie. (2017). Rapport d’activités entreprenariat social et chaines de valeur agricoles. Dakar, Senegal. ENERGIA. (2008). Turning information into empowerment: Strengthening gender and energy networking in Africa. Leusden: ENERGIA. FAO. (2009). Promesses et Défis du Secteur Alimentaire Informel dans les Pays en Dévelopement, Rapport, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, pp.  1–40. http://www.fao.org/sustainable-food-valuechains/library/details/en/c/278594/. Accessed 13 May 2019. FAO. (2011). Energy-smart food for people and climate. Issue paper. http:// www.fao.org/docrep/014/i2454e/i2454e00.pdf. Accessed 17 Mar 2019. Hosier, R. H., & Kipondya, W. (1993). Urban household energy use in Tanzania: Prices, substitutes and poverty. Energy Policy, 21(5), 454–473.

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IEA [International Energy Outlook]. (2017). World-energy outlook 2017. Paris: OECD/IEA. https://webstore.iea.org/download/summary/274?fileName= English-Energy-Access-Outlook-2017-ES.pdf. Accessed 19 Mar 2019. ILO [International Labour Office]. 2015. Five facts about informal economy in Africa. https://www.ilo.org/addisababa/whatsnew/WCMS_377286/ lang%2D%2Den/index.htm. Accessed 17 Mar 2019. Karlsson, G. V. (2003). Government policies to meet the energy needs of women and rural communities. UNDP energy and women project. New  York: United Nations Development Programme. Kumi, E. N. (2019, January 24). Ghana’s energy goals: What next after universal access? Memo prepared for ‘Energy for Growth Hub’. www.energyforgrowth. org. Accessed 4 Apr 2019. Masera, O. R., Saatkamp, B. D., & Kammen, D. M. (2000). From linear fuel switching to multiple cooking strategies: A critique and alternative to the energy ladder model. World Development, 28(12), 2083–2103. Matinga, M., Mohlakoana, N., De Groot, J., Knox, A., & Bressers, H. (2018, August 2018). Energy use in informal food enterprises: A gender perspective. Journal of Energy in Southern Africa, 29(3), 1–9. Mohlakoana, N., De Groot, J., Knox, A., & Bressers, H. (2018, September). Determinants of energy use in the informal food sector. Development Southern Africa. Practical Action. (2014). Poor people’s energy outlook 2014: Key messages on energy for poverty alleviation. https://infohub.practicalaction.org/bitstream/ h a n d l e / 1 1 2 8 3 / 5 5 6 9 2 9 / P P E O _ E n g l i s h _ 2 0 1 4 _ L o w R e s _ Ne w. pdf?sequence=9. Accessed 24 Feb 2019. Practical Action. (2017). Poor people’s energy outlook 2017 Financing national energy access: a bottom-up approach. https://infohub.practicalaction.org/ bitstream/handle/11283/620677/PPEO%202017%20Web%20PDF. pdf?sequence=1. Accessed 24 Feb 2019. Sengendo, M. (2008). A summary of the gender audit of energy policies and Programmes in Botswana, Kenya and Senegal. Report prepared for TIE-­ ENERGIA. Leusden: ENERGIA. University of Twente, University of Cape Town, MARGE, Enda Energie (2019). Productive Uses of Energy and Gender in the Street Food Sector in Rwanda, Senegal and South Africa. Research report RA2, ENERGIA. van der Kroon, B., Brouwer, R., & van Beukering, P. J. H. (2013). The energy ladder: Theoretical myth or empirical truth? Results from a meta-analysis. Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews, 20, 504–513.

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WHO and World Bank. (2014). Access to modern energy service for health facilities in resource-constrained settings: A review of status, significance, challenges and measurements. Geneva: WHO Press. World Bank. (2016). Evaluation of energy policies of countries engaged in achieving the objectives of the SE4ALL Initiative. www.worldbank.org. Accessed 20 Feb 2019. World Bank. (2017). Enabling the business of agriculture. Washington, DC: World Bank. https://doi.org/10.1596/978-1-4648-1021-3. www.worldbank.org. Accessed 20 Feb 2019. World Bank. (2018). The race for universal energy access speeds up. www. worldbank.org/. Accessed 4 Apr 2019.

3 Gender, Firewood and Health: The Potential of Ethnography to Inform Policy and Practice Margaret Matinga and Joy Clancy

Introduction The UN estimates that, daily, around three billion people have their food cooked on biomass, such as firewood, charcoal, dung and agricultural residues (UN SEforAll GTF 2015). While the food provides the people with the nutrition, the smoke from the fuel used to cook the food has negative health impacts. There is a significant body of epidemiological evidence detailing the health impacts of exposure to household air pollution (HAP) from burning wood inefficiently. The World Health Organisation (WHO) estimates that 4.3 million people die prematurely

M. Matinga (*) Dunamai Energy, Zomba, Malawi J. Clancy CSTM, University of Twente, Enschede, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_3

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each year due to HAP illnesses specifically associated with cooking1 (WHO 2014). These effects are gendered. Prolonged exposure to HAP, primarily of women who have the largest share of the responsibility for cooking, is linked to a range of medical conditions including cardiovascular disease, low birth-weight and perinatal mortality, eye diseases including cataracts and blindness, asthma, increased risks of maternal depression and nasopharyngeal and lung cancers (Putti et  al. 2015). Using cleaner fuels and technologies is considered to have positive impacts on reducing the risk of Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease (COPD). Women practicing clean cooking are 50% less likely to suffer from COPD than women exposed to high levels of indoor smoke.2 Further, men and boys are also affected by HAP when they, particularly young boys, spend time in the kitchen where cooking is done,3 or where men work as cooks, for example in hospitals. Men are also more likely to have significant underlying health issues, including a heightened risk of COPD due to smoking, which increases their relative risk of mortality from HAP-associated illnesses.4 In the 1990s, it was estimated that, in sub-Saharan Africa, 77–93% of the time and effort spent on fuel wood collection was provided by women (Calvo 1994). Much of this biomass is headloaded, with weights up to 70 kg being recorded (Matinga 2010). In a few countries, men are the primary carriers, for example in Madagascar where men spend an average of 39 minutes each day collecting firewood, compared to women’s 8 minutes on average (UN 2015). Carrying firewood on heads and backs over long distances has been linked to musculoskeletal injuries, chronic pain and acute injuries (Matinga 2010). A study of Congolese women who had headloaded  Other household energy services such as boiling water for bathing, space heating and lighting also contribute to HAP.  In rural areas, cooking animal fodder in the household kitchen is another potential source. https://www.who.int/airpollution/household/pollutants/combustion/en/ (Accessed 30 May 2019). 2  https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/household-air-pollution-and-health. (Accessed 2 June 2019). 3  Depending on culture, boys or girls will spend more time in the kitchen and hence siblings will have different exposure levels. For example, in Gambia, girls are more likely to be carried on their mothers’ back and in India boys are more likely to be carried or kept around the kitchen area (Mishra 2004). 4  https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/household-air-pollution-and-health. (Accessed 2 June 2019). 1

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firewood for an average of 12 years found that these women, compared to women in control groups, developed degeneration of the upper cervical spine and an increase in slipped vertebrae discs (Echarri and Forriol 2002). Other studies have found an increased risk of uterine prolapse due to increased pressure on pelvic organs when carrying heavy loads, such as firewood, on backs or heads (Ravindran et al. 2000; Bonetti et al. 2004). Another health issue, which is very difficult to document due to its sensitive nature, is that of physical and sexual violence which women are reported to suffer while out collecting wood (Haile 1989; Potgieter et al. 2006; Matinga 2010; Porter et al. 2013). Most of the available documented evidence comes from displaced persons camps (MSF 2005; Kasirye et al. 2009). In West and South Darfur, Sudan, Médecins sans Frontières (MSF) reported that, between October 2004 and mid-­February 2005, they treated nearly 500 women and girls who had been raped, of whom it is estimated that 82% were raped when they went to search for firewood, water or animal fodder (MSF 2005). This brief overview of the literature shows that there is a nexus of gender, firewood and health. Our own extensive literature review allowed us to understand the context and state of knowledge regarding this nexus and identify gaps in the issues addressed. However, we argue, much of the existing literature does little to unpack the nexus complexities. In drawing on this literature, we have two objectives in this chapter. The first is to show that the shortcomings in energy policy and practice, which neglect gender and socio-cultural issues in general, and health in particular, are linked to the approach used in developing energy policies and practices. We take South Africa as a case study because its post-apartheid energy policy has focused on improving modern energy access with a strong social agenda. In other words, it sees energy not only as a supply side issue of improving availability but also as a policy intended to achieve social objectives such as improving the health of particular target groups. The South African energy policy has been in existence for sufficient time for experiences to have been built up that can provide important lessons for countries attempting universal energy access while simultaneously trying to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), two aims that are mutually reinforcing. The second objective is, using two cases in rural South Africa, to show how an ethnographic approach can

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illuminate certain aspects of phenomena which quantitative or rapid qualitative methods overlook. We focus on the health impacts of firewood collection since, compared to the health impacts of firewood for cooking, this is an under-researched area.

Methods This chapter is informed by a review of the peer-reviewed and grey literature on gender, firewood and health, policy analysis and data gathered through ethnographic fieldwork in Eastern Cape, South Africa, in 2007 and 2010. Our hypothesis is that by ignoring lived experiences and interpretations that support the continued use of firewood, even when modern energy becomes available, aspects of how best to address the identified problems are missed. This led us to adopt grounded ethnographic methods to uncover lived experiences without limiting respondents to predetermined options. At the start of the study, we identified broad themes from the literature and from scouting field visits. These themes helped us explain to respondents what the study was about and to obtain permissions and informed consent from authorities and respondents. Data were collected in two villages in Eastern Cape province (Cutwini and Tsilitwa—see below for basic data) through semi-structured and open interviews, focus group discussions (Cutwini only), key informant interviews, interviews with clinic users, observations and through participation in village life. Interviews were conducted with heads of households, those most commonly responsible for acquiring and using household energy, students, teachers, health workers, village heads and prominent village members suggested by other villagers. We used grounded theory methodology to inductively develop new analytical categories for data collection and analysis as data emerged (Glaser and Strauss 1967; Charmaz 2006). In total, we conducted 75 household interviews in Cutwini and 89  in Tsilitwa. Data were also assembled through observations of life in various homesteads (where the first author of this chapter [MNM] lived), participation and observations at weddings, funerals and traditional ceremonies such as umgidi, observations of mobile clinic days (Cutwini), clinic operations (in Tsilitwa) and at a

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village school including teaching at the school for one week. Participation in home life activities included collecting firewood, cooking and collecting water. MNM spent five months living in Cutwini (three months in 2007 and two months in 2009) and five months living in Tsilitwa in 2009. She has since returned to these villages and particularly to Cutwini over the years up to 2013. In the villages, all the interviews were conducted in isiXhosa (the local language) with the help of a local interpreter and later by the first author (after gaining adequate proficiency in isiXhosa). With government officials, utility staff, teachers and nurses, the interviews were in English or a mix with isiXhosa. Interviews were recorded on a digital data recorder, transcribed, and read several times. Field notes and memos were written throughout the stay, and all extensive observation notes were time stamped. Data were analysed through coding techniques.

 outh Africa Energy Policy: Brief History S from the End of Apartheid to 2018 This section outlines South Africa’s energy policy commitments with respect to households and some relevant commitments to health and to gender equality. The focus is on energy policy in the post-apartheid period since many policies then changed to focus on addressing past injustices and inequalities, not only racial but also gender-based inequalities. Several provisions in the Energy Policy reflect this trajectory. In 1998, the South African government published a new energy policy (DME 1998). The policy was based on years of research—primarily quantitative data, modelling of energy supply and demand, and rapid qualitative methods—and negotiations about how to make modern energy services more equitable. The 1998 Energy Policy had five objectives: • Increasing access to affordable energy services: this included a commitment to promote access to affordable energy services for disadvantaged households • Improving energy governance, in part through accountability, transparency and representation, especially of “blacks and women”

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• Stimulating economic development through competition, addressing market failures and ensuring effective delivery of energy services to consumers • Managing energy-related environmental and health impacts, including through the promotion of basic energy services for poor households to “address the negative health impacts arising from the use of certain fuels” • Securing supply by diversifying energy trade opportunities, diversifying sources and diversifying primary energy carriers NB: Italics applied by the authors to highlight provisions relevant to gender and/or health issues. Objectives 1 and 2 are directly relevant in addressing three intersecting groups in terms of energy and health: disadvantaged households, blacks, and women. Objective 4 would also probably benefit these three groups since they tend to use polluting fuels such as firewood, dung and coal. National electricity access increased from 35% in 1990 to 84% by 2011 (STATSSA 2017). As such, more disadvantaged and black households have electricity than before. For example, in Eastern Cape, where our two case study villages are located and a province particularly neglected during the apartheid era, access increased from 55% in 2002 to 70% in 2007 (STATSSA 2017)). Access to electricity has had some influence on the energy sources used for cooking. National statistical data show that, for cooking, there has been a steady but slow decrease in wood, coal and paraffin use whereas electricity use for cooking has increased (Table  3.1). Such quantitative data is used to track progress towards meeting objectives 1 and 4 of the energy policy, as well as to meeting SDG 7. Nevertheless, although access to electricity had increased, Prasad and Ranninger (2003) noted a persistent use of multiple fuels—fuel s­ tacking— for some applications, especially for cooking. Electricity use was low among newly electrified households, and affordability was identified as one of the reasons. In response, the government introduced the Free Basic Electricity (FBE) policy in 2003 (DME 2003), which mandated the

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Table 3.1  Changes in main fuel for cooking between 2007 and 2017  in South Africa (as percentage of households) Main cooking fuel

2007

2010

2017

Coal Wood Paraffin LPG Electricity Other

2.2% 13.9% 14.1% 2.2% 67% 0.6%

1.2% 13.7% 8.4% 2.2% 72.1% 2.5%

0.4% 8.4% 4.2% 4.2% 75.9% 6.9%

STATSSA (2017)

relevant provider (ESKOM or the municipality5) to provide 50 kWh per month to low-income households (referred to in policy as “indigent”) for free. Davis et al. (2008) showed that, one year after FBE was introduced, electric stove ownership had increased by 18.75% with an average increase of 22 kWh/month in electricity consumption. Such research results were interpreted to mean that affordability was the barrier to electricity use. FBE was criticised for benefitting already electrified areas while neglecting the poorest and/or physically isolated communities that remained without electricity. Following this criticism, the government developed the Free Basic Alternative Energy (FBAE) policy, providing options including paraffin, liquid petroleum gas, bio-ethanol gel and coal.6 We would argue that the quantitative data hides several issues. The policies have focused on electricity, which rarely completely displaces firewood, especially in rural households. For example, in 2008, over 80% of rural households in South Africa were reported to use firewood as their primary source of energy (Damm and Triebel 2008). In Tsilitwa, over 97% of households still used firewood for cooking despite having had electricity for six years. In contrast to the extensive electrification programme, policies and programmes specifically targeting clean thermal energy for cooking and heating have been sparse and short term. An example is the Basa Njengo  ESKOM is the national power utility. In South Africa, some municipalities generate and distribute electricity and set tariffs. 6  We would argue that the inclusion of paraffin and coal contradicts the Energy Policy objective of promoting basic energy services for poor households that address the negative health impacts. 5

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Magogo programme whose introduction was based on health studies on the effects of particulate matter from domestic coal use. The programme was introduced by the Department of Minerals and Energy in 2008 to promote an alternative fire ignition method which had been shown to reduce smoke emissions compared to the traditional bottom-up ignition method (Mabudhafhasi 2011). However, the programme has not moved beyond the pilot stage. A conclusion that can be drawn from an assessment of the South African energy policy is that while it has made strides in enabling access to modern energy, that objective 4 of managing environmental and health impacts of “certain fuels” has not been achieved. “Dirty” solid fuels continue to be used, particularly in low-income households, and especially by poor black women in rural areas. A possible explanation is that, since 1998, South Africa’s energy policy and practice has given prominence to reducing the historical race-based exclusions from clean energy access. This led to a technology deterministic approach being taken, extending the provision of a technology that had been denied to many black people but provided to white populations, without understanding why people use firewood beyond its “technical” function of providing an energy service such as cooking or space heating. In the next section, we identify, based on two case study villages in Eastern Cape (Cutwini and Tsilitwa), gaps in the understanding of the context in which the energy-health-gender nexus occurs. We present the lived experiences of rural women and men in these villages with the aim of providing insights into their gendered energy and health experiences. In doing so, we offer explanations for why electricity’s versatility is not fully embraced by villagers and firewood use continues.

Results Case Study Sites This section provides an outline of the two case study villages: Cutwini and Tsilitwa. Both villages are primarily inhabited by members of the Xhosa ethnic group. The two sites represent, at the time of the study, the

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Table 3.2  Physical infrastructure resources in Cutwini and Tsilitwa between 2007 and 2010 Electricity Clinic Piped water Primary school Secondary or high school College or post-primary education Road condition Post officea a

Cutwini

Tsilitwa

No No No No No

Yes Yes Yes, communal Yes Yes

No

Yes

Poor. Sometimes unpassable in rainy season No

Reasonable, passable year-round Yes

Post offices in rural South Africa are critical to accessing government welfare grants as well as other services. In Cutwini, government officials visited once a month (but were sometimes late or missed dates) to dispense welfare grants

two extremes, in terms of infrastructure and public service availability, in rural South Africa. Cutwini was very under-resourced, while Tsilitwa was relatively well resourced (Table 3.2). Both villages have high unemployment and under-employment rates. Inhabitants are highly dependent on government social welfare payments. Over 90% of respondents in each village had one or more household members receiving some type of welfare payment from the government. The government is the largest employer in both villages. There are a few teaching jobs (available in both) and nursing jobs (only in Tsilitwa) that are considered well-paid compared to other jobs in the area. The two villages show several features that are critical to understanding the context in which policy implementation occurs. Poor transport contributes to low LPG use, particularly in Cutwini, but limited capacity to pay is also a factor. There are fewer opportunities for women to earn an income than there are for men. Men migrate to urban centres for work while largely women remain in the marital or natal villages taking on increased levels of household and community work. They also have limited education which reduces their capacity to earn income which they could use to pay for LPG.

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At the time of our study, Tsilitwa had had grid electricity for about six years. We found five households not using electricity for cooking at all, either because they were not electrified or because of other factors. Two elderly women were not aware of the subsidies to help them have access, and in two households the power supply was insufficient to use electricity for cooking. A fifth household had a connection but considered electricity too expensive to use for cooking. Although 95% of those with a sufficient electricity supply to power a cookstove stated that they used it for cooking, we found that fuel stacking, also using firewood, dung and paraffin, was the norm. Firewood was the most commonly used source of energy for cooking and heating homes. Reasons given for fuel stacking included not being able to afford electricity for all cooking, the ability to simultaneously cook several items on an open fire, to use different pot sizes and types, the need for heating in winter, cultural beliefs relating to uses of fire and the meanings of the fireplace and personal preference including food taste and flavour. About 94% of responding households (78 out of 83) used dung and particularly in the dry season. Dung is the preferred fuel for baking bread, especially by families without electric ovens (as is generally the case). It is also used for heating bath water and cooking meat in large batches, often for ceremonies. Paraffin use continues, especially for making tea and quick meals and, in a few households, for heating.

Insights and Gaps Exposed by Ethnography from the Case Studies We now present five insights that show gaps in knowledge related to explaining the limited uptake of modern energy. These insights emerged from the ethnographic approaches used, which we contend would not have been uncovered by standard quantitative and/or qualitative field work methods. Insight 1: Uncovering Unacknowledged Health Impacts of Firewood Collection 

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Table 3.3  Women’s self-reported health impacts and experiences of firewood collection in Cutwini and Tsilitwa

Reported impact Upper back pain Back pain Whole body pain Waist pain Accidents Broken bone Cuts and bruises Neck pain Mid-back pain/chest pain Legs

Total number of women reporting Cutwini (n = 55)

Total number of women reporting Tsilitwa (n = 27)

24 19 16 12 12 2 10 6 6

10 13 7 1 3 3 5 10 4

7

1

Source: Matinga (2010: 154)

Table 3.3 lists women’s self-reported health issues and threats faced during firewood collection and preparation as described during the interviews. The terms used represent spontaneous reactions rather than responses to a researcher’s checklist of possibilities. During MNM’s informal conversations, as part of daily social interactions, it emerged that the number of occurrences of the listed impacts was higher than reported in formal interviews. This would imply that the numbers of reported incidents (as shown in the table) are underestimated and that other types of impacts may not be included at all. In the next paragraph we offer an explanation of this reporting behaviour by unpacking an “incident”. The term “accident” in Table 3.3 is a very general term that respondents used to cover a range of injuries. At home, women reduce the firewood into smaller pieces either by chopping with an axe or panga, or by breaking it against their knees. Common accidents include cuts and wood splinters in hands, feet and eyes. Two injuries caused by splinters but unreported in interviews despite the consequences being clearly visible were a woman wearing a homemade eyepatch and another woman who had a partial leg amputation as a result of a splinter injury to her ankle which became infected. When asked why these injuries were not

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mentioned during interviews, the response was “these things happen all the time”, that is, they are a normal part of a woman’s daily life—part of their lived experience. Even when women do report issues, they appear not to be picked up by policymakers. A recurrent theme raised by the women in our study villages was that firewood collection is tiring and a cause of constant emotional and mental stress but this does not appear in the literature. Insight 2: Shinning a Light on Hidden, Cascading Health Impacts Women talked of and were frequently observed using a range of analgesics to deal with musculoskeletal pains. Modern medicines, which have become more readily available in rural villages, are used simultaneously with and sometimes replace traditional soaks or rubs to ease body pains. In Cutwini’s weekly clinic, it was observed that painkillers were supplied on request with little discussion on why they were needed or about the consequences of prolonged use. Methyl salicylate, a muscle rub, was the second most requested medication after cough medicine. Even if the clinic had refused to supply the painkillers, women could easily obtain additional supplies by either buying them or asking a friend. MNM was often asked if she could share a stronger pain killer “from abroad”. Insight 3: Exploring the Intersections Between Life Conditions, Life Stages and Firewood Collection Here, we describe three health issues linked to firewood which are rarely discussed, if at all, in the literature but are well recognised by rural women. Mass HIV testing came to Cutwini in 2008. The outcome of this testing was villagers’ heightened awareness of the extent of the infection which led to more open public discussions about HIV, moving beyond using abstract terms of “HIV is dangerous” to more personal discussions of how HIV affects daily life. Six HIV-positive women reported that firewood collection had a negative impact on their health due to fatigue, which could weaken their already-compromised immune systems, or that they had anxiety while collecting firewood. Three women reported

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having stopped collecting firewood because of their HIV diagnosis. One now cooked with LPG to protect her health. Women reported incidents where they believed firewood collection, combined with their existing health conditions, resulted in negative effects. For example, one woman with oesophageal polyps and three women with tuberculosis reported vomiting blood after firewood collection. The nurses at the village clinic in Tsilitwa reported that a woman had died after vomiting blood during a firewood-collection trip. Several women also mentioned that when carrying firewood that they felt “their chests being compressed by heavy loads”. Six women, including one with a two-week-old baby, stated that they experienced lower uterine pain when collecting firewood while pregnant. Negative infant and maternal outcomes linked to carrying heavy loads during pregnancy have been reported in a few studies (Spinillo et  al. 1995; Bonzini et  al. 2007). However, these studies are not recent, are based on small samples and often the subjects are women in developed countries employed in “modern”, less physically demanding, professions as opposed to manual work such as firewood collection. Nevertheless, it is not unreasonable to incorporate the findings from these studies to conclude that firewood collection while pregnant is likely to have negative outcomes for the mother and/or child. Insight 4: Perceiving Experiences of Firewood Cooking and Contradictions in Practice The most common self-reported health issues linked to cooking with firewood are eye problems followed by respiratory problems (Table  3.4). This contrasts with the literature where we find extensive coverage of HAP and respiratory problems but less on the impacts of HAP on ocular health. The studies that do exist tend to be more than ten years old and from India and Nepal (see, e.g., Badrinath et  al. 1996; Pokhrel et  al. 2013; Saha et al. 2005). There seemed to be, at least in our villages, some confusion regarding the effects of firewood smoke on health. Women with TB reported fears that smoke from cooking worsened their condition. On the other hand, pregnant women and women with infants seemed unconcerned about the health impacts of smoke on the unborn or new-born babies. This

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Table 3.4  Self-reported experiences of cooking with firewood use in Cutwini and Tsilitwa Impact reported

Cutwini n = 69a

Tsilitwa n = 83a

Pain in the eyes Makes me breathless Headache Makes me cough It’s there but not a problem/don’t care Hurts child’s eyes Affects child’s chests Afraid that it will make my TB worse

37 13 13 10 9 6 5 4b

21 20 6 18 7 3 1 2

Source: Matinga (2010: p. 177) a This excludes those that do not use firewood at all and those, in Cutwini, that barely used firewood. However, the results are derived from what was mentioned in their narratives not from options presented to them b While these answers were women’s answers because men often go out during cooking although they are present when chatting around a fireplace especially in the evening

suggests that the villagers have an interpretation of HAP which is not in line with medical research, which points to the link between HAP and poor maternal outcomes such as low birth weight (Boy et  al. 2002; Siddiqui et al. 2008). This difference in understanding is not helped by nurses and doctors in the local clinics who appear not to recognise the health issues of smoke from wood fires (an issue we return to below) and as a consequence do not warn mothers about the dangers of HAP. Although kitchens often had permanent ventilation (holes in the walls), these were almost always blocked with materials such as hessian sacks or old rags, thereby preventing airflow and opportunities to reduce smoke levels in the kitchen. The explanation given for stopping air inflow was that “cold air causes coughs”. This statement contradicts the most common response to dealing with the effects of smoke, “opening windows” (Table 3.5), suggesting that the women sometimes simply give the desirable answers. In accordance with traditional beliefs, newly delivered women and their babies spent 7–10 days indoors with a fire burning constantly to keep them warm and ward off “bad wind” (ill-will). Even after this period,

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Table 3.5  Self-reported ways of addressing smoke from cooking Response

Cutwini n = 69

Tsilitwa n = 83

Open windows Air channelling Goes out Nothing Takes headache pills Its culture/I’m Xhosa/I like Xhosa fire Seeks medication (clinic, buys, traditional) We are used to it/we persevere Takes fire out Do nothing because children cannot close eyes

15 11 10 7 7 7 5 5 4 2

22 2 12 8 4 3 1 10 2 0

Source: Matinga (2010: p. 178)

infants spend a lot of time in the kitchen, with a burning fire to keep them warm, while allowing their mothers to undertake other care work such as cooking. Other traditional beliefs linked to the fire include that treating respiratory infections requires one to stay by the fire (in a smoky atmosphere) to keep warm. Although households with sufficient surplus income or sufficient time to spend at clinics turn to Western medicine for treatment for respiratory problems (as can be seen above—cough medicine is the most requested medicine at the clinics), all households also use herbal remedies. It is not only villagers that have a very limited awareness of HAP and health issues but that this also seems to be the case among health professionals in clinics (Matinga 2010; Matinga et al. 2013). The rural healthcare system does not adequately serve villagers and encourage them to seek treatment. In our villages, those wanting treatment could face a lengthy wait to see a healthcare professional (30–60 min was not unusual in Tsilitwa) and Cutwini residents face a four-hour round trip plus a wait for a consultation at a free, but oversubscribed, government hospital. Insight 5: A Window into Internalisation, Cultural Logics and Obscured Effects We would argue that village people’s apparent limited concern and lack of response to the effects of firewood collection and use is not only due to a lack of familiarity with the findings of Western science. Firewood use is

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an age-old practice and the associated health effects, such as chronic musculoskeletal pains, respiratory illnesses and eye irritations, are considered a normal part of daily life. Women report that it is normal for children to have respiratory infections. One respondent said “It is the child without ubiyane [thick yellow phlegm] who must be taken to the doctor”. Villagers normalise and use cultural logics to understand and rationalise the causes of respiratory infections, such as that they are caused by skipping rituals during and after pregnancy, children playing with dust or eating sweet things. The socio-political history of South Africa, including its racial aspects, also plays a part in people’s understanding, normalisation and explanations of their experiences. Narratives of “natural strength” are part of the affirmation of Xhosa and black identity. Such narratives were often presented to justify why “these things [i.e. smoke or firewood collection] don’t affect us”. It was not unusual to hear remarks such as “we are strong” or “we are used to it, unlike you [i.e. MNM] or unlike white people”. We believe that this worldview contributes to an under-reporting of health issues. The normalisation of health effects from firewood collection and use is not confined to villagers but also exists among local health personnel. Four out of ten nurses interviewed recalled women reporting musculoskeletal pain and injuries resulting from collecting firewood. Four out of nine health personnel7 reported that they did not address the effects of firewood collection because they did not see them as health issues—injuries as a result of firewood collection are “just part of women’s work”. Health and firewood were not part of their training or professional discourse. This was even true for a programme manager with a degree in Occupational Health who was responsible for the occupational and chronic diseases programme. Three programme managers even reported that they saw firewood collection as beneficial exercise for pregnant women and encouraged it as part of health promotion.

 Health personnel are managers of health programmes. They have a professional nursing qualification. 7

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Five of ten health personnel reported that they did not address effects of smoke because it does not cause problems or is part of daily experience. One reported that: in our culture, a woman is supposed to be doing these things, collecting wood, cooking, collecting water, plastering houses. When you complain, then they will laugh at you. It’s because you are lazy. Even for us, if our daughter says ‘What! What! Collecting firewood’ I just ignore her. I don’t want her to grow up lazy.

Cultural logics and the gendered division of labour, which allocates firewood collection to women, also create for women a precious social space which they can be reluctant to relinquish in exchange for cooking with electricity. Women cited “friendship reasons” for continuing to collect firewood even after electrification (Matinga et al. 2013). Firewood collection trips often involve groups of women of different ages and relationships, which offers opportunities for socialisation and for passing on life’s values.

Discussion Access to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all (SDG 7) is seen as a critical goal in itself. Furthermore, there is a requirement for each SDG to be mutually reinforcing in achieving the other SDGs. As such, SDG 7 should contribute to reaching SDG 3 on health. The corollary is that health issues within SDG 3, in which clean modern energy could play a part in achieving the goals, can be used as arguments for promoting the use of clean energy. Yet, how best to address the lack of modern energy services and ensure a transition to modern energy and promote good health and wellbeing is often illusive, and designing policy to achieve this is challenging. In this chapter, we have shown that, at least in our two case study villages, despite recent policy-driven efforts in South Africa to deliver universal access to modern energy (part of SDG 7), access does not necessarily lead to the replacement of traditional biomass energy. Continued use of firewood results in the health

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objectives of the Energy Policy not being achieved. We agree that, in some cases, the two common explanations—the lack of availability of the alternatives (electricity and LPG) and their cost—are factors. However, as we have demonstrated in the five insights into firewood use in our two villages, there are other factors that influence the continued use of firewood, and these are not reflected in policies and strategies in both the energy and health sectors. We would argue that an overreliance on rapid qualitative data gathering methods to understand behaviour towards fuel use, and what motivates fuel switching, results in only a limited understanding of the reality of rural women and men’s lives. Our data, which were gathered using ethnographic methods, provide insights that go beyond energy availability and cost. The use of grounded theory ethnography allows new data and analytical categories to emerge at a rate determined by villagers as opposed to ones predetermined before the fieldwork starts. An example of an insight that emerged is that there are a range of health impacts, both physical and psychological, that result from firewood collection rather than from its use that are concerns for women carrying the wood. However, if the literature had been used to guide the research, it is the effects of HAP arising from wood combustion that would have been the main focus with scant attention given to health issues related to collection. We have drawn attention to a probable under-reporting of injuries and illnesses which are linked to firewood collection and use because they occur so frequently that they are considered part of everyday life. This trivialisation of health impacts by both villagers and health professionals can have serious consequences. We mentioned the woman whose splinter in the ankle from chopping wood led to a partial leg amputation. Other concerns include long-term indiscriminate use of painkillers to address musculoskeletal impacts from carrying firewood. While, as outsiders, we can well imagine that carrying heavy loads has physical consequences for the body, the mental stress from firewood collection is less tangible. These findings emerged because of another aspect of ethnographic methods: long engagement by the researcher in village life. Such an approach allows for observation which, for example, can identify contradictions between responses given in interview settings and what is  observed to occur in

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practice. Long engagement also allows time to build trust with respondents. This enables more personal feelings to be described, for example the impact of being HIV+ on firewood collection and use. Women are also then able to describe health issues not in the language of Western medicine but in their vernacular, which has helped us to show how perception informs and influences choices related to energy. Allowing women and men to be involved in ways that are more familiar to them enables them to be active participants in, and shape directions of, the research rather than being treated as passive subjects of studies. Such methods give voice to people who are often not heard but when listened to can point the way towards effective interventions. An example from Philippines shows that when grassroots health workers conducted their own analyses of health issues, they produced data at variance with official statistics which they used to identify priority actions that led, in a matter of months, to a sharp decrease in mortality (Nierras 2002 cited in Chambers and Mayoux 2003). In our case, by leaving the research open to new themes, the participants’ narratives of their experiences shaped the directions and key themes of the research. Our results have shown a near-complete lack of awareness by both household members and local health workers of the severity of the consequences for health from the impacts of firewood collection and use. It appears, at least in the area of the Eastern Cape where we conducted our research, that there is a failure of the knowledge related to HAP’s effect on health to make its way along the medical chain to the healthcare workers who are at the daily interface with the villagers. If healthcare workers do not have the knowledge to inform villagers about the consequences of exposure to HAP, villagers will not have the knowledge that could provide the motivation to switch to clean energy. That villagers do respond to new knowledge related to health can be seen from changes in attitudes to HIV when presented with the results of the testing in the villages. This disconnect between the knowledge generated within formal medical or energy circles and those outside those circles who could use that knowledge to make informed responses to health issues raises questions of who decides the research agenda, its priorities and to what ends? Nevertheless, given the cultural importance of firewood collection and the fireplace, and the many problems that assail such communities,

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knowledge about HAP and its health impacts might not be a sufficient motivation for abandoning firewood. HAP is an issue prioritised by the scientific community but, as our insights from the field show, it is not necessarily seen as a problem by women, and even as part of a solution. For example, warmth and smoke from a wood fire in the kitchen are, from the cultural perspective of our villages, seen as a solution to colds and as the place where an infant starts life. Other health issues, particularly HIV but also muscular skeletal problems from carrying firewood, take precedence over smoke inhalation. This is at odds with the literature where musculoskeletal problems from carrying firewood are largely unrecognised and under-researched. This lack of recognition by the scientific community has additional negative consequences when long-term self-administration of analgesics becomes accepted practice.

Conclusions In this chapter, we have provided insights into the energy transition in a context where the energy policy contained socially oriented objectives in line with the SDGs. However, these policies are not yielding optimal results in respect of positive health outcomes even in respect of an energy policy which has explicit health objectives. In searching for explanation, we argue that it is the methods used to formulate policy which underlie the policy outcomes. Quantitative research is often used to demonstrate causality, and hence its outputs can be used to justify spending money on addressing a problem. As we have shown, the data provided by quantitative research are not always in line with how rural people perceive an issue. What to an outsider might be identified as a problem, for example HAP, can to the villager just be part of everyday experience—even part of a solution to a problem. Without understanding issues from rural people’s perspective, interventions will not reach their objective. We are not opposed to quantitative research, but we consider that it is limited when wanting to understand and possibly change behaviour. The energy-health-gender nexus is embedded in complex social-cultural and economic interactions which are shaped by the users’ context, practices and beliefs. Explanations about behaviour, for example the continued use

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of firewood, are difficult to unpack through quantitative methods when explanations are beyond the quantifiable (such as cost and availability of alternative fuels) but can be understood through the use of qualitative methods and specifically ethnography. We have used ethnographic methods, which allows for long and embedded engagement, to reveal why people are reluctant to completely abandon firewood. We have also shown that there are a number of health issues around the use of firewood which were often considered mundane and rarely mentioned in formal interviews but emerge in the casual conversations of daily life, for example, the prolonged use of painkillers for relief of muscular pain from firewood collection. It is an issue of concern that research findings related to HAP are not reaching down to the lower levels of the health care system in the rural areas of South Africa. It does appear that the international community is becoming aware of the need to upgrade knowledge at the interface between healthcare workers and their patients. The Global Alliance on Clean Cookstoves (GACC) is now promoting the incorporation of at least IAP and its health effects into medical research, curricula and clinical training programmes starting with a training programme of health care professionals (GACC 2016). In the reverse direction, the health effects of firewood collection are not catching the attention of researchers and policymakers. In part, because rural health personnel do not see the injuries as health issues—they are “just part of women’s work”. We also consider the underreporting of injuries because they are considered part of everyday life contributes to the lack of understanding of the consequences of neglect leading to a failure to inform and act. We believe that the use of ethnography can inform policy by complementing quantitative and modelling methods. Ethnographic methods can reduce the tendency to be technocratic, as well as revealing hidden motivations and contradictions and so better respond to lived realities. Such methods also allow the intended beneficiaries of interventions, who are often not heard, to contribute to identifying their own health problems and pointing the way towards effective interventions. We accept that ethnography, like any research method, is not without its problems nor that it can provide all the answers. Indeed ethnographers should continually question their positionality in such contexts, and long

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engagement can lead to emotional attachments that must be addressed throughout and when the research is over. In this sense, the framework by Pacheco-Vega and Parizeau (2018), “doubly-engaged ethnography” framework can be useful in this context in that it seeks to protect and give a voice to marginalised individuals and groups. For informing policy, doubly engaged ethnography should not only give voice to marginalised individuals and groups but also reduce the tendency to dismiss perceptions and beliefs of these groups as primitive. This approach therefore seeks not to overlook the views of intended beneficiaries but to accommodate them in policy. We argue that the dismissal of perceptions of policy target groups when they do not fit in objectivist frames heavily contributes to policy failure. We therefore challenge policymakers to design policy for and with rather than against cultural lenses through which everyday experiences are interpreted and acted upon.

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Charmaz, K. (2006). Constructing grounded theory. London: Sage. Damm, O., & Triebel, R. (2008). A synthesis report on biomass energy consumption and availability in South Africa. ProBEC and LHA Management Consultants, South Africa. Davis, S., Hughes, A., Louw, K. (2008, August). The impact of free basic electricity on the energy choices of low income households: A case study in South Africa. Working Paper No. 80. Stanford, CA: Stanford University. Department Minerals and Energy (DME). (1998). White paper on the energy policy of the Republic of South Africa. Pretoria: Government Printer. Department Minerals and Energy (DME). (2003). Guidelines for implementing free basic electricity. Pretoria: Government Printer. Echarri, J. J., & Forriol, F. (2002). Effect of axial load on the cervical spine: A study of Congolese woodbearers. International Orthopaedics, 26, 141–144. Glaser, B. G., & Strauss, A. (1967). The discovery of grounded theory: Strategies for qualitative research. New Brunswick/London: Aldine Transaction. Global Alliance for Clean Cookstoves. (2016). Progress report 2016. Washington, DC: Global Alliance for Clean Cookstoves. Haile, F. (1989). Women firewood carriers and the supply of household energy in Addis Ababa. Canadian Journal of African Studies, 23, 442–451. Kasirye, B.  G., Matinga, M., & Clancy, J. (2009). Fuel security and supply dynamics in internally displaced persons’ camps of Northern Uganda. Journal of Humanitarian Assistance. http://sites.tufts.edu/jha/archives/462 Mabudhafhasi, R. (2011). Deputy Minister Rejoice Mabudafhasi launches the Winter Clean Fires Campaign “Basa Njengo Magogo”. https://www.environment.gov.za/speech/mabudafhasi_wintercleanfires_campaign Matinga, M. N. (2010). We grow up with it: an ethnographic study of the experiences, perceptions and responses to the health impacts of energy acquisition and use in rural South Africa. Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Twente, Enschede. Matinga, M. N., Annegarn, H. J., & Clancy, J. S. (2013). Healthcare provider views on the health effects of biomass fuel collection and use in rural Eastern Cape, South Africa: An ethnographic study. Social Science and Medicine, 97, 192–200. MSF. (2005). The crushing burden of rape: Sexual VIOLENCE in Darfur. Amsterdam: Médecins sans Frontières. Nierras, R.  M. (2002). Generating numbers with local governments in the Philippines. Working Draft, IDS, Sussex.

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Pacheco-Vega, R., & Parizeau, K. (2018). Doubly-engaged ethnography: Opportunities and challenges when working with vulnerable communities. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 17, 1–13. Pokhrel, A. K., Bates, M. N., Shrestha, S. P., Bailey, I. L., Dimartino, R. B., & Smith, K. R. (2013). Biomass stoves and lens opacity and cataract in Nepalese women. Optometry and Vision Science, 90, 257–268. Porter, G., Hampshire, K., Dunn, C., Hall, R., Levesley, M., Burton, K., Robson, S., Abane, A., Blell, M., & Panther, J. (2013). Health impacts of pedestrian head-loading: A review of the evidence with particular reference to women and children in sub-Saharan Africa. Social Science and Medicine, 88, 90–97. Potgieter, C.-A., Pillay, R., & Rama, S. (2006). Women, development and transport in rural Eastern Cape, South Africa. Cape Town: HSRC Press. Prasad, G., & Ranninger, H. (2003). The social impact of the basic electricity support tariff (Best). In Domestic Use of Energy Conference 2003. Cape Town. 28–31 March. Putti, V.R, Tsan, M., Mehta, S., & Srilata, K. (2015). The state of the global clean and improved cooking sector. ESMAP Technical Paper No. 007/15. World Bank, Washington, DC. https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/ handle/10986/21878 Ravindran, T. K. S., Savitri, R., & Bhavani, A. (2000). Women’s experiences of utero-vaginal prolapse: A qualitative study from Tamil Nadu, India. In M. Berer & T. K. S. Ravindran (Eds.), Safe motherhood initiatives: Critical issues (pp. 166–172). Oxford: Blackwell Science. Saha, A., Kulkarni, P. K., Shah, A., Patel, M., & Saiyed, H. N. (2005). Ocular morbidity and fuel use: An experience from India. Occupational and Environmental Medicine, 62, 66–69. Siddiqui, A.  R., Gold, E.  B., Yang, X., Lee, K., Brown, K.  H., & Bhutta, Z. A. (2008). Prenatal Exposure to Wood Fuel Smoke and Low Birth Weight. Environmental Health Perspectives, 116 (4), 543–549. Spinillo, A., Capuzzo, E., Colonna, L., Piazzi, G., et al. (1995). The effect of work activity in pregnancy on the risk of severe pre-eclampsia. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology, 35(4), 380–385. STATSSA. (2017). Non-financial census of municipalities for the year ended 30 June 2017. Statistical Release P9115. Pretoria. UN (United Nations). (2015). The World’s Women 2015: Trends and statistics. Sales No. E.15.XVII.8. New York: United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Statistics Division.

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4 Gender-Sensitive Analysis of Water Governance: Insights for Engendering Energy Transitions Gül Özerol and Leila M. Harris

Introduction Water governance refers to political, social, economic and administrative systems that influence water use and management and determine the equity and efficiency in the allocation and distribution of water resource and services (UNDP-SIWI Water Governance Facility 2016). As such, water governance extends beyond formal institutions and decision-­ making spaces to include the suite of social-political and everyday

G. Özerol (*) CSTM, University of Twente, Enschede, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] L. M. Harris Institute for Resources, Environment and Sustainability (IRES), Institute for Gender, Race, Sexuality and Social Justice (GRSJ), University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_4

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influences on decision-making for the use and management of water resources. Since the 1970s, the importance of gender in water governance has been increasingly recognized within policy efforts and discourse at multiple levels, from local to global. This includes the recognition of the central role that women play in the provision, management and safeguarding of water as noted in one of the four Dublin Principles (ICWE 1992). The principle emphasizes the need for institutional arrangements to reflect the role of women as providers and users of water and for policies to address the needs of women and empower them to participate in water governance. Agenda 21, another global policy document, refers to the importance of educating and training women in water management skills and the participation of women in water policies and decisions among its goals (UNCED 1992). More recently, the Johannesburg Plan of Implementation reiterated the goals of Agenda 21 and also addressed the access of women to information on water policy and decision-making related to water resources management and project implementation (UNWSSD 2002). While these policy approaches have typically focused on women, rather than broader gender concerns, more recent efforts have aimed to involve a broader gender perspective. Such efforts included ‘gender mainstreaming’, which intended to integrate gendered analysis and gendered concerns into various sectors, both in the broader context of environmental and development interventions (UN 1995; Arora-­Jonsson 2014) and also specifically in the water sector (Kuriakose et al. 2005; UNDP 2006). However, in practice the outcomes of gender mainstreaming efforts have often been narrowly focused on women as well. In the past decade, the policy emphasis on water and gender has continued with the processes and institutions focused on to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). SDG 6 highlights the goal of achieving universal access to water by the year 2030, while gender equality, reduced inequalities and sustainable and inclusive communities are core themes of SDGs 5, 10 and 11, respectively.1 A consistent message can be taken from these global policy discourses and programmes—there is a common  Sustainable Development Knowledge Platform, https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/sdgs

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goal of improving the status of women, as well as their involvement in water use, management and governance. Nonetheless, these specific targeted goals often proceed with little consideration of the challenges associated with gender inequalities or the broader intractable issues of racism, colonialism, capitalism or impoverishment—all of which affect genderwater dynamics in fundamental ways. In addition, there is often the implicit and explicit suggestion that when gender and other forms of inequity are addressed, the resources will be managed more equitably and sustainably, although this linkage is not always substantiated theoretically or empirically. On the flip side as well, it is often assumed that better access to, or quality of, water will serve gender and other equity goals. Again, there is often not explicit investigation of these linkages and the nature and direction of these connections. Nonetheless, a range of actions and policy responses have been taken worldwide with the linked goals of achieving gender equity, improving the status of women and working towards more equitable water access, use and governance. Delving further into these goals, as well as outcomes of such efforts, the sections that follow explore the multiple meanings of, and implicit interest in, gender as articulated and pursued by such efforts. We also provide an overview of the varying theoretical and methodological approaches that have been applied to these targets. Doing so is crucial, both to strengthen the basis for assessing the influence of gender analysis and gender-sensitive approaches on such efforts and also to connect to broader policy fields, including those associated with the gender-equity nexus, equitable water governance and allied focal issues. After providing this overview, we work to more explicitly connect these considerations to gender-energy-related concerns. As an important consideration, despite the promises of these policy efforts to promote gender equity and their reflections at multiple scales (globally, nationally and locally), other drivers influence the outcomes of such efforts. As noted above, there are broader issues and concerns associated with history, political economy or inequitable social and political relations that are often bracketed in policy approaches that aim to consider gender-water connections. One illustration of importance of such broader contextual considerations is revealed by work on neoliberalization processes, including gendered evaluation of privatization,

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marketization and decentralization mechanisms. Gender analysts have offered convincing examinations of the ways that such political economic and institutional shifts hold potential to ignore or exacerbate existing gender inequalities in water governance (Ahlers and Zwarteveen 2009; Harris 2009; Mathur and Mulwafu 2018; Chiblow 2019). Even as some of these key contextual issues remain little explored, there has nonetheless been a growing body of work highlighting gender dimensions of water governance, which we call ‘gender-sensitive analysis’ and define as ‘the analysis of the different, and often unequal, positions and relations of women and men in water use, management and governance’. More recently, such analyses have broadened to consider race, poverty, caste, class and other intersectional axes of difference (Mollett and Faria 2013, 2018; Harris 2008; Nightingale 2011). Among other examples, the literature on these themes has shown, for instance, that women and men often have different knowledges, uses and experience of water or water-related conditions and also participate differently in water governance (Harris et  al. 2017). More recent contributions have also included discussion of links between coloniality and non-binary gender roles and how this links to vulnerability of Indigenous peoples, among other considerations (Vinyeta et al. 2015). Against this background, our goal for this chapter is to explore how insights from the scholarly literature on water and gender can contribute to the understanding on engendering the energy transitions. Accordingly, we proceed with section 4.2 to identify the different meanings given to gender within the context of water governance and its study. Then in section 4.3, we discern the key themes and debates on the nexus of gender and water by examining the theoretical and methodological approaches adopted in gender-sensitive studies in water use, management and governance and the key empirical findings from works of this type. For the sake of focus, sections 4.2 and 4.3 mainly review the literature on the use, management and governance of water resources, thereby excluding the literature on other water-related issues, such as wastewater, and water access and services related to sanitation and hygiene. In section 4.4, we use the results from the two-part review in order to distil overarching theoretical, methodological and practical insights that can be of

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particular relevance for engendering the energy transitions. We close with conclusions in section 4.5.

Meanings of Gender in Water Governance In contrast with the international policy documents, which often assume a ‘women only’ or ‘women vs. men’ meaning of gender, the scholarly literature provides significantly more fine-grained, nuanced and in-depth understandings of gender. While analyses vary, in general senses five distinct, yet interrelated, meanings of gender can be discerned: 1. Gender as a binary difference, which relies on the presumption that male and female are self-evident and useful categories. 2. Gender as relational and contextual—referring to the processes and relationships that differentially affect people and communities based on gender. 3. Gender as an ‘identity’ versus a ‘relation’. 4. Gender as performative. 5. Gender as intersectional, covering broader categories of social difference and inequality. From these varied engagements, crucial insights have emerged related to decision-making processes in ways that challenge the knowledges, assumptions, rules and practices that perpetuate gender (and other linked) inequities. As well, a range of studies have shown that women and men have different experiences of water use, governance or water-related changes (Harris et al. 2017; Sultana 2011; Wutich and Ragsdale 2008). For instance, women and men often indicate varied levels of stress around water procurement or different focus on the key issues concerning water quality. To speak of these contributions, and associated debates, it is helpful to think through the varied meanings of gender deployed in these analyses and frameworks, particularly given the recognition that understandings and definitions of gender are varied and contested in different social and political settings (Arora-Jonsson 2014). As well, it is clear that even if an intersectional and processual understanding of gender is

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favoured, at times, ‘gender as a discrete variable’ approach is taken methodologically. This trade-off is particularly evident in quantitative studies, in which the operationalization of research and the collection of the data are facilitated, when gender is defined as a binary variable, narrowly construed in terms of ‘women’ and ‘men’ (Harris et al. 2017). To consider various approaches and understandings of gender, Arora-­ Jonsson (2014: 296) defines gender in environment research as ‘analysis of power relationships and the practices through which what is a “man” or “woman” get defined and made to appear as natural in different environmental contexts’. Arora-Jonsson (2014) also argues that tensions exist regarding the meaning of gender in the environment and development domain due to the expectation that gender research should present stable categories that policy-makers and practitioners can work with; the challenge of balancing collective change and personal empowerment; and feminist compromises over the use of gender in policy practice and over the difficulty of defining gender. While some studies recognize the difficulties of ‘stabilizing’ gender categories, even for purposes of analysis, others have precisely targeted the processes and practices through which gender categories and identities appear to stabilize, granting them the appearance of fixity and coherence (Harris 2006). Increasingly, there is also recognition of gender as only one of a complex intersectional socio-­ political differences and inequalities (cf. Nightingale 2011), with gender providing shorthand to an invitation to explore these intersectional considerations more fully. To make sense of these varied approaches, we provide illustrative examples to enliven our discussion of what types of understandings of gender are in evidence in this literature, and how meaningful exploration of these understandings can improve our approach to these complex questions, for gender and water governance in particular, and for environmental change and governance more broadly. Gender has been conceptualized as both a social relation and a social identity. However, people also are understood and understand themselves in relation to other social identities, such as race, class, age and ethnicity, which can manifest differently in different governance arrangements, as well as other social and economic relations such as wealth, patronage and interdependency (Cleaver 2007; Cleaver and Hamada 2010). Starting from the 1990s, there has been a greater emphasis on intersectionality,

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which enabled a more focused understanding on how other social relations and identities intersect with gender and the associated social processes and outcomes (Crenshaw 1991; Arora-Jonsson 2014; Kabeer 2015). This intersectional approach to understanding gender relations found significant relevance in the water management and governance domain. For instance, Cleaver and Hamada (2010) draw on participatory development projects and water management cases in India, Nepal, Zimbabwe and Tanzania, which indicate that other dimensions of identity and disadvantage, such as caste, wealth, dependency, land ownership and ethnicity, can reinforce the relations of inequality, even when the projects explicitly adopt a gender-sensitive approach. Similar conclusions are reached from the case of switching from rainfed to irrigated agriculture in south-eastern Turkey, where gender intersects with other dimensions of inequality, such as poverty and vulnerability, to produce differentiated outcomes and experiences (Harris 2008). The work of Ahlers and Zwarteveen (2009) on water rights based on gender in Latin America shows similar indications on the relevance of intersectionality in water allocation. They found out that water rights based on gender are often irrelevant in practice, since gender does not constitute the primary basis on which water responsibilities are allocated or water needs and interests are shaped, but rather it is one of the many social identities and relations. Through a comparative study of urban water access in Ghana and South Africa, Harris et al. (2017) conclude that male versus female categories produce limited gender analyses and therefore attention should go beyond binary categories to the extent possible. For instance, it is important to pay attention to intersectional differences such as homeownership, employment and age. In another recent study, Thompson (2016) argues that intersectionality should go beyond the intersections of gender with other social dimensions to take into account the ecological processes of differentiation, such as the spatial and temporal aspects of water distribution. This broader interpretation of intersectionality helps to develop an integrative understanding of the role of gender in water governance, and it can also be applied for gendered analysis in other natural resource domains, including energy. An additional approach has been to enliven an understanding of gender as performative (Harris 2006), as per the work of Judith Butler

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(1990). Here, the focus is not on gender as fixed or given, but on the iterative, repeated, everyday practices that cite, and cement, the very idea of a gender binary. This work has been influential for gender and water and the broader feminist political ecology literature. It has detailed the ways that differentiated use, access, or management of water can serve to cite and cement key gender (or other intersectional) differences, and as such can be part and parcel of the very definitions and operation of the gender binary, flipping the logic and modes of questioning how water matters for gender or how gender matters for water, to ask through differentiated water issues and access, how gender itself may come to matter at all (see also Resurreccion and Elmhirst 2008; Nightingale 2006). This has opened up other new and fruitful lines of questioning that move away from the necessity and naturalness of the gender binary, but nonetheless show the relevance of gender theory and analysis for the study of resource concerns. More recent efforts are also seeking to move beyond the gender binary in other ways, for instance, with analyses that consider water insecurity as experienced by trans and gender non-conforming communities, or again, the ways that coloniality disrupted gender categories in Indigenous communities with implications for water security and other socio-ecological relations (Latchmore et al. 2018). All told, there is a clear need to engage with gender analysis in the theory and practice of water governance. However, it is also clear that gender should not be isolated from other important categories and experiences of social difference and inequality. Further to this, even if we at times engage a binary understanding of gender for purposes of analysis, the results and related discussion or policy recommendations must always be attenuated by a more processual and non-binary processes and conceptualizations—cognizant of the broader processes and dynamics that aim to condition and fix women and men, or other individuals, in particular ways, according to prescribed, normative and power-laden gender identities and ideals. Doing so is also crucial to be able to attend to women, non-binary and other marginalized populations.

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 ey Themes and Debates in Gender-Sensitive K Analysis of Water Governance By engaging the varied definitions presented in the previous section, a number of contributions can be highlighted across a broad range of disciplines that have examined gender-related issues in water governance. Four core themes can be distilled from these broad contributions (Harris et al. 2017; Kevany and Huisingh 2013): 1. Differentiated access to and uses of water, including water rights and title. 2. Knowledge production and expertise in water management and governance. 3. Participation in decision- and policy-making processes for water management and governance. 4. Experiences and emotions in relation to water use, access and governance. We speak to each of these themes with illustrative examples to highlight the relevant insights.

Differentiated Access to and Uses of Water A key theme from work on gender and water relates to differentiated access to and uses of water. For instance, many studies have highlighted women’s responsibilities for the provision of water for domestic uses, and the fact that many women spend significant time for fetching and carrying water—a task often deemed as a responsibility for women and girls (Sorenson et al. 2011; Cleaver and Nyatsambo 2011). Thus, the division of water-related labour between women and men often implies a heavier burden for women, which is not necessarily reflected in the distribution of benefits that are derived from water access and use. It is also commonly understood that women and men might use water for different purposes (e.g. domestic vs. productive needs) highlighting the importance of applying a gender lens to analyse water access and quality, or changing conditions and water-related crises, such as those associated with floods

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and droughts (Harris et al. 2017; Kabeer 2015). Analysing institutional and legal reforms in the past decades Ahlers and Zwarteveen (2009) indicate a shift from questions of distribution, that is, how to carry a certain amount of water to a certain location at a particular time, to questions of allocation, that is, how much water is used by each user. As Harris (2009) and Arora-Jonsson (2014) emphasize, neoliberal water policies appear to offer opportunities to realize feminist ambitions, for instance through enabling water rights for women. However, these policies often neglect the questions of gender researchers that address the politics and power relations involved in resource allocation (Ahlers and Zwarteveen 2009; Harris 2009). Due to the propensity of water to flow, as compared to the rights to other natural resources such as land, rights to water are particularly prone to contestation at multiple levels in social and legal domains (Ahlers and Zwarteveen 2009). Neoliberal policies such as water privatization often work to consolidate individual water rights, which are at times commodified and transferable, thus private ownership becomes the condition for political and economic agency (Ahlers and Zwarteveen 2009). This can both create new opportunities for women or empowerment agendas (Arora-Jonsson 2014) and also exacerbate the existing inequalities and exclusions, notably affecting women and the poor (Ahlers and Zwarteveen 2009; Harris 2009). It is necessary to reconsider the implications of gendered policies that have been put in practice before the neoliberal turn, as observed in the case of the individual water rights of the women in Latin America (Ahlers and Zwarteveen 2009). Liberal gender strategies often emphasize individualized mechanisms in order to improve equality and inclusion, while ignoring the social, political and historical dimensions of gendered inequities. Another point of concern is that individual water rights may not always be straightforward in terms of ownership or use rights. Further to this, water rights and water security are culturally and socially embedded; they are intrinsically linked with infrastructure and technology; and they depend on collective forms of organization and collaboration. Therefore, understanding the water rights and water security requires a contextualized view on the water use, distribution and decision-making processes.

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 nowledge Production and Expertise in Water K Management and Governance Many scholars have analysed processes of knowledge production to reveal whether and to what extent gender differentiated knowledges are embedded in the existing institutions and politics (Arora-Jonsson 2014; Cleaver 2007; Harcourt and Nelson 2012; Zwarteveen 2008, 2011). Importantly, such analyses can effectuate transformation of the policies and practices related to natural resources, for instance, either by engaging in more meaningful participation of affected communities or by broadening notions of what counts as valid knowledge or ‘expertise’ (Zwarteveen and Liebrand 2015). As shown by these analyses, knowledge production is inherently political. In the context of gender and water governance, two key processes regarding the politics of knowledge production have received the attention of scholars. These processes are the depolitization and the masculinization of knowledge. Regarding the depolitization of knowledge, a key consideration again relates to neoliberal language and discourses. Ahlers and Zwarteveen (2009) propose a feminist water analysis against these depoliticized language and discourses that are manifested with three characteristics. Firstly, within this depoliticized language, water scarcity is defined as a natural phenomenon (‘water is naturally distributed unevenly’), not as a political problem that results from mismanagement of water resources by the institutions that control water allocation and distribution. Same depoliticized language is also used to explain the worsening situation in terms of decreasing water availability per capita, which is attributed to population growth (‘water scarcity is worsened as a result of increasing number of water users’), while the role of industrial growth, which implies higher water demands by the industry, is often not mentioned. Secondly, legal and institutional water reforms and water management models are often proposed as universal panaceas, which are seen as applicable irrespective of the social and political context (Ingram 2008; Ostrom 2007; Raha et al. 2013). Furthermore, in many neoliberal framings, water is treated as a commodity, claiming that effective water management can be reached only through economic maximization and cost recovery, rather than

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aiming for social goals (Ghosh 2007; Zwarteveen 1997). Thirdly, the connection between power and knowledge is ignored, although the knowledge on water is created by those who are in control of water, namely the planners, administrators, managers and policy-makers. On the second point, several scholars examine the masculinity of expertise and knowledge in water governance. Focusing on irrigation, Zwarteveen (2008, 2011) questions the masculine connotation that power, control, expertise and status has in irrigation and the broader role of ‘hydraulic bureaucracies’ (Molle et al. 2009) in constructing and perpetuating the dominance of male engineers in the water management profession. Laurie (2011) presents an analysis from Bolivia, where she examines the intersecting understanding of gender in transnational water networks challenging the heroic, masculine representations of such platforms. With examples from transboundary water management in Southern Africa, Earle and Bazilli (2013) demonstrate the masculinization of knowledge that promotes heroic engineering projects such as large-scale dams and water transfer schemes. Earle and Bazili argue that this approach represents the interests of the technical, economic and political elites, and it is a result of masculinized fields: water resource management and the scientific disciplines typically engaged in transboundary water management, namely, political science and international relations. With regards to the attitude of different scientific disciplines and fields to knowledge on gender and power, there is an emerging call for locating ‘power’ at the centre of analysis. For instance, Clement (2010) developed such a politicized approach for the Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework of Ostrom (1999), which has been a mainstream approach to analysing water management, particularly irrigation management in different parts of the world. Wong (2016) proposes such a critical approach for the case of transboundary water governance. Another proposal in this regard is the contextualization and questioning of formal structures, such as authority and ownership arrangements, and of formal organizations, such as committees, user groups and associations. These formal institutions are often proposed as the key to successful management within mainstream institutional developmental approaches, yet

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they often fail to incorporate the pre-existing social relations, including gender (Cleaver 1998; Clement 2012).

Participation in Water Decision-Making Processes The involvement of women in decision-making processes of water management has been a common focus of gender researchers. For instance, in the past few decades, many countries have implemented participatory irrigation management programmes. These programmes often entailed the establishment of formal structures, such as committees and associations, which had differentiated implications in terms of the participations of women and men (Zwarteveen 1997; Harris 2006). Cleaver and Hamada (2010) argue that gendered analysis of water governance maintains a narrow focus on the decision-making mechanisms of water delivery, which they consider as insufficient to ensure gender-sensitive outcomes that would address gender equality. They suggest that the analysis should expand to include 1) the allocation of societal resources such as policies, legislation, rights, knowledge and finance, 2) the mechanisms through which different people access water and influence the outcomes of particular governance arrangements to produce gendered outcomes. These broader analyses also speak to a gender-­ responsive approach that aims to create improvements in gender equality. Such gender-responsive initiatives have been implemented towards increasing the numbers of women represented in water management organizations, such as committees and associations. These initiatives often assume that involvement in management will ensure that women’s priorities are taken into account and that it will empower women. For instance, Asaba (2015) analysed the involvement of women in water user committees in Uganda by comparing the knowledge and representation of women and men and found out that the committees with a higher number of female members were more active, recorded higher functionality of water sources and ensured better access to water for rural communities. However, other scholars caution that increased involvement of women in water management does not necessarily benefit those women most in need, nor do they always reflect the priorities of such women

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(Cleaver 1998; Das 2014). There is further evidence that such interventions can even create or reinforce the existing inequalities, which often go beyond the gender dimension (Masanyiwa et al. 2015). Studies on water supply programs, which aim to increase access to drinking water through technological and infrastructure development projects, show that such programs can also exacerbate the inequalities in terms of gender, while differentiation in terms of caste, class and race is also observed (Birkenholtz 2013; O’Reilly and Dhanju 2014).

 xperiences and Emotions in Relation to Water Use, E Access and Governance A number of studies have highlighted the ways that women and men may differently experience water scarcity or changing water conditions, for instance, with women showing particular stress associated with daily interactions over water access in Bolivia (Wutich and Ragsdale 2008) and in Ethiopia (Stevenson et al. 2012) or with women showing that their ability to procure safe water in arsenic-affected areas of Bangladesh is both an embodied and an emotional experience (Sultana 2011). At times, these emotional and affective dimensions of water link directly to gendered norms and expectations. In Sultana’s work, for instance, women’s stress associated with not being able to access safe water is precisely linked to their sense that they are not meeting expectations of what it means to be a good mother (linked to procuring safe water, providing food, among other expectations). In another example, the focus on emotions has been highlighted to show that this might be an important aspect of participation in natural resource governance. Among other possibilities, if women transgress gendered expectations by speaking up at a meeting this may be felt as shame or embarrassment. As such, it is not likely enough simply to ‘promote women’s participation’ in water governance, but rather, we need to attend the ways that this is experienced and felt, as an embodied, an emotional and relational experience. Are women shamed as part of the interaction, or are they able to feel pride and a sense of accomplishment through their involvement? As Morales and Harris (2014) argue, dealing with participation without

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considering these emotional and affective dimensions of engagement will likely fall short (as both structural and individual elements of engagement need to be evaluated)—considerations that are brought to the fore through focus on emotions. All of these studies suggest both that water access and water governance can be deeply embodied and affective experiences and also that focus on emotions can be a powerful approach to highlight the differentiated experiences of these issues, especially gendered experiences.

Insights for Engendering the Energy Transition Based on the review presented in the previous sections, we draw three overarching insights from the above summative discussion on gender-­ sensitive analysis of water governance. Although coming from a different field and policy domain, we suggest that these insights are nevertheless relevant for engendering the energy transition.

 heoretical Insight: Challenging the Neoliberal T Notions of Governance Given the recent history of neoliberalization in water governance, the theorization of the relationship between gender and neoliberalism has highlighted some crucial insights. Gender researchers should further this analysis by challenging the arguments that position neoliberalization as the inevitable option in a ‘there are no alternatives’ framework. This is particularly so given that several cases demonstrate that market solutions and private ownership rights, coupled with the social, political and economic dynamics of neoliberalization, have often led to entrenched inequalities (Harris 2009; Ahlers and Zwarteveen 2009). A relevant example here is the consideration of women’s time and effort spent for fetching water as a missed labour source, or an ‘opportunity cost’ (Sorenson et al. 2011), which results from not using women’s time for economic production. Along the same lines of assuming women’s time as primarily dedicated to economic purposes, an example can also be given

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from the energy domain. Projects and programmes that aim to increase energy access often assume that women can save time through better energy access, implying more time made available for economic production. In both examples, the social and emotional aspects of water and energy access are ignored through viewing time from a narrow economic perspective. Challenging such arguments would be useful to test and compare alternative elements of governance which may prove important factors regarding participatory governance in the energy domain as well. Such theorizations are also relevant for gender-energy nexus, given especially the energy interventions that often entail neoliberal governance arrangements. This is typically the case for women’s participation in energy production and use, in which women are promoted as ‘entrepreneurs’, while neglecting the social, economic and institutional barriers and burdens that make women vulnerable rather than empowered (De Groot et al. 2017).

 ethodological Insight: Combining Methods M and Conducting Large-N Studies Two methodological insights can be drawn from the reviewed studies, the first being on the choice between qualitative and quantitative methods and the second one on the number of cases that are examined to draw insights. Firstly, gender researchers increasingly combine qualitative and quantitative methodologies to understand the intersectional relationships and the experiences of water use, management and governance. These mixed-method studies should be accompanied by a reflexive attitude on the limitations and the lessons that can be learned from such methodologies (Stevenson et  al. 2012; Harris et  al. 2017). It is difficult to avoid binary and narrow understandings of gender when engaging in quantitative and statistical analyses. As such, these efforts should be pursued in tandem with qualitative research aiming at understanding gender as important for lived experience and as highly differentiated and fluid, rather than as a variable, or a fixed category for which the meaning and significance are known. There may also be unique contributions regarding intersectional insights that are achievable with such mixed-method

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approaches. Secondly, most of the empirical evidence on gender-sensitive analysis of water governance is drawn from single-case or small-N studies conducted at the local level. This calls for complementary largeN research that can allow comparisons of different contexts from local to national and regional levels. Provided that they apply mixed-method approaches, such large-scale comparative studies would also contribute to the contextualized understanding of equity and justice, which are understudied themes in comparative water governance (Özerol et  al. 2018). While large-N studies would facilitate the establishment of a global evidence-­ based research, the financial constraints faced by researchers should be acknowledged. Because gender is often side-lined in funding programmes as a ‘cross-cutting’ theme and not a core research priority. Given the limitations of such methods and approaches, attention must be given to the weaknesses of such approaches, with evidence being taken to open up other questions and insights for further detailed and contextual analysis, rather than taking such larger quantitative studies as generalized ‘truth’.

 ractical Insight: Contextualizing the Problem P and the Solutions Whether driven internally or by donor organizations, development interventions in the water sector often fail to incorporate the wider social, political and historical contexts on the ground and to give due consideration to the gendered implications of these contextual dimensions. For instance, contextual factors such as local understandings of gender roles, the familiarity of practitioners and experts with gender-sensitive analysis and the availability of data and documentation on gendered issues can be influential regarding the success of interventions (Hawkins and Seager 2010). These interventions should expand their focus to establish gender-­ sensitive mechanisms that align themselves with specific contexts and broader historical and political economic considerations. Two types of interventions that can also be relevant for the energy sector are the changes in water rights that often reinforce existing gender inequalities and the masculinization of knowledge and expertise in the water

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profession. For both types of interventions, gender-sensitive mechanisms should be designed by taking into account the wider contexts, in which the interventions are being embedded, rather than assuming that mechanisms devised in a particular context can be readily implemented in any other contexts. The reviewed studies on intersectionality demonstrate this need for incorporating broader social factors that create differentiated outcomes and thus give a more comprehensive meaning to gender beyond notions of binary difference.

Conclusions This chapter presented a review of the literature on gender-sensitive analysis of water governance. Two conceptual lenses have been used, first to discern the meanings given to gender in different social and political settings and second to reveal the key themes that emerged within the literature. The first part of the review shows the five varied and contested meanings, that is, gender as binary difference, a relational and contextual element of relationships, a social identity or relation, as performative and as intersectional difference. While many studies adopt the definition of gender as a binary difference between women and men, increasing attention to intersectionality and non-binary gender difference are warranted. In the second part of the review, we examined the four key themes that emerged within the literature in the past decades. Firstly, we observe that the access to and uses of water are differentiated in terms of the responsibilities and rights of women and men and that understanding water rights requires a contextualized view on water use, distribution and decision-­making processes. Secondly, the production and use of water knowledge and expertise are important themes that have gendered implications. The language in the water sector is depoliticized, ignoring the inequality in water distribution and availability, and masculine, emphasizing the dominance of male engineers and the elite. These discourses contribute to neoliberal discourses that commodify water and emphasize economic maximization, both of which are critically approached by gender researchers. Thirdly, the participation of women in decision-making processes has been a focal theme of gender-sensitive studies in water

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management and governance, particularly in irrigation management. While there is positive evidence regarding the involvement of women in formal organizations and decision-making bodies, it is still questionable whether this creates the intended impact in terms of benefiting women and addressing their priorities. Fourthly, experiences and emotions have been addressed in recent studies as factors influencing the use, management and governance of water, especially to better understand women’s access to water and their participation in decision-making. The results from this review help to distil theoretical, methodological and practical insights that can be relevant for engendering the energy transition. In terms of theoretical insights, the key issue concerns the theorization of gender beyond the neoliberal discourse, which undervalues or even ignores the social and emotional aspects of access to natural resources and participation. The methodological insights centre on the added-value of combining qualitative and quantitative methods, while taking caution on their limitations, and on the need for large-scale comparative studies that can create the evidence base for drawing broader conclusions. Lastly, the practical insight is the necessity of taking into account the wider social, political and historical contexts, when developing gender-sensitive mechanisms.

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5 Bargaining Climate Adaptation Through a Gender Lens: An Inquiry into Decision-­ Making Processes in Tanzanian Farm Households Katrien Van Aelst and Nathalie Holvoet

Introduction Climate change1 impacts are already manifest and major future effects are likely even in case of the most optimistic scenarios of emission reductions. There is increasing empirical evidence that climate change is specifically impacting the livelihood opportunities of the rural poor across developing countries, including small-scale and subsistence  We adhere to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) definition of climate change referring to ‘a change in the state of the climate that can be identified (e.g. by using statistical tests) by changes in the mean and/or variability of its properties and persists for an extended period, typically decades or longer’ (see IPCC 2018: Annex I: Glossary, p. 544). 1

K. Van Aelst Minority Forum, Brussels, Belgium N. Holvoet (*) Institute of Development Policy, University of Antwerp, Antwerpen, Belgium e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_5

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farmers. A clear need exists for farmers’ adaptation2 to the increasingly unpredictable weather patterns and extreme weather events (IPCC 2014). This also means that there is a need to understand how farmers are already adapting to climate variability and drought, and how they are making decisions about their adaptation strategies. Understanding this implies paying attention to how men and women decide about adaptation within the household, and who within the household makes adaptation decisions. As households are gendered institutions, what happens inside this black box cannot be understood in isolation from a community’s gender relations. Notwithstanding some notable exceptions (Guloba 2014; Twyman et al. 2014), few studies have focused on the nexus of gendered intrahousehold decision-making and climate adaptation. The aim of this chapter is to bridge the gap between these two separate fields by investigating gendered intrahousehold decision-making patterns of climate adaptation in rural Tanzania. Most climate policies, including Tanzania’s (United Republic of Tanzania 2007, 2012, 2014), rely on implicit assumptions in line with unitary models of the household, where the household is considered as a single consumption and production unit and members are assumed to have the same preferences or utility functions, or alternatively where one benevolent dictator, usually the household head, altruistically aggregates the household members’ individual utility functions (Becker 1981). However, insights from feminist economics show that the household is a non-neutral intermediary between individuals and policymakers (Holvoet 2005). Different members of the household are likely to possess different kinds of knowledge, insights and preferences. If policymakers want to successfully incentivize individuals’ behavioural changes to achieve policy goals, they require an understanding of the way in which adaptation decisions are constituted within the household. This is where intrahousehold bargaining models come in, which were conceptualized as a critique to the unitary household models (Manser and Brown 1980). Bargaining models pay attention to the decision-making mechanisms in the  ‘Adaptation’ refers to ‘the process of adjustment of actual or expected climate and its effects, in order to moderate harm or exploit beneficial opportunities’ (see IPCC 2018: Annex I: Glossary, p. 542). 2

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household and consider who makes decisions about what. Various bargaining models exist, among others cooperative bargaining models (McElroy and Horney 1981), such as the separate spheres model of Lundberg and Pollak (1993), noncooperative collective preferences models, including the conjugal contract model of Carter and Katz (1997), and Sen’s (1990) cooperative conflict model. Each model conceptualizes bargaining power in a different way and considers different factors of influence in determining decision-making power. If policymakers aim to stimulate women’s power in adaptation decisions, different models are likely to suggest different policy levers to focus on (e.g. employment for women, land rights). Bargaining power in itself is unobservable and various proxies have therefore been suggested in the literature. In what follows, we draw from the literature’s theoretical and empirical insights with a special focus on those factors that might be relevant to the Tanzanian context. A first potential proxy of bargaining power is assets. Owning physical assets, either on her own or jointly with her husband, is expected to improve a woman’s options outside of the household and therefore her bargaining power. Land is often an asset of key importance in developing countries and research has found it to be crucial to women’s bargaining positions. Agarwal (1994) argues that owning land increases women’s intrahousehold bargaining position, and therefore also facilitates the support they can receive from relatives, thus establishing a link between physical and social capital. Also looking at bargaining outcomes, Friedemann-Sánchez (2006) includes social networks as a central type of asset. With urbanization and households’ declining dependence on agriculture, physical assets other than land are gaining importance, in particular house ownership (Doss 2013). Next to land and housing, many other types of physical assets might have an influence, including livestock, businesses, savings, agricultural tools and durable consumer goods like televisions and furniture (Doss 2006). A second proxy of bargaining power is work income or women’s employment. While some point towards endogeneity problems when using wage income (McElroy and Horney 1981), other researchers attach much value to the role of employment in improving women’s intrahousehold bargaining power. The latter is the case with, for example, the

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collective preference models, which consider income as an important determinant of bargaining power. Collective preference models using divorce as an outside threat point consider potential income-­earning possibilities outside of the home key, as these directly improve women’s breakdown positions, while models using a non-cooperative equilibrium within the household focus especially on women’s independent source of income and their control there-over, as this determines their welfare level in such a non-cooperative marriage (Fafchamps et al. 2009). Next to providing women with stronger fallback positions, women’s employment and earnings also give them a clearer perception of their own wellbeing, as well as an improvement in their perceived contributions to the household (Sen 1990). Sen’s focus on perceived contributions means that working outside of the home positively influences women’s bargaining power. Other forms of contributions such as investment of time and nonpaid labour—in particular care work—are typically less valued (Sen 1990) within the patriarchal system and do not in the same way increase women’s perceived contributions and the legitimacy of their claims. Outside income earning thus also indirectly benefits women through these perceptions, rather than only directly through improving their breakdown positions (see also Agarwal 1997). Another proxy of bargaining power is human capital. Sen (1999) establishes being illiterate as detrimental to women’s bargaining power. Higher educated women possess better outside options and therefore more intrahousehold bargaining power (Doss 2013). Iversen et al. (2006) on the other hand argue that having similar educational levels is what influences spouses’ cooperative behaviour. Drawing from experimental games in Uganda, they find that spouses with the same educational level contribute more to the common household pool. Moreover, wives allocate this pool more equally when their husband has the same educational level. However, the latter was not the case for men’s allocation behaviour, which seems to be independent of their wives’ socio-economic characteristics. Another factor that has been discussed in the literature as tightly associated with women’s bargaining and decision-making power is their phase in the life cycle and elements related to that such as age and having children. Iversen et  al. (2006) find that age influences both the pooling

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behaviour and allocation decisions of their experiment participants, although not in the same way. They establish that younger women contribute more to the common pool than older women and that women pool more when their husbands are young. However, when deciding on the allocation of the common pool, women distribute relatively more to their husband when he is older. A second life cycle element is having children. On the one hand, it is clear that reproductive success is linked to women’s status and power in many societies. Inhorn and van Balen (2002) distinguish the social power desire as one frequently cited reason for having children, next to social security and social perpetuity desires. Children hold the base for power, especially for women in patrilineal and patriarchal societies where—according to Johnson-Hanks (2006)—their status and respectability are associated with their “monetary, marital and reproductive achievements” (2006: 81). Hollos and Larsen (2008) find that the importance of bearing children holds even in an urban Tanzanian context. They argue that even in “an urban, highly-educated, low-fertility population… [m]otherhood continues to be a defining factor in an individual’s treatment by others in the community, in her self-respect and in her understanding of what it means to be a woman” (2008: 170). Having children can thus positively affect women’s decision-making power since a mother’s voice gains legitimacy. On the other hand, having young children is likely to aggravate women’s labour burden as domestic and care tasks are unlikely to be easily reallocated across the genders. This might especially jeopardize women’s voice in decisions related to the so-called productive domain outside of the home. Other contributions to feminist economics have highlighted the importance of differentiating among various types of decisions as decision-­making patterns and related factors of influence may differ between domains of decision-making (Holvoet 2005). We apply this approach by differentiating among various domains of adaptation decisions. This chapter also brings in another empirical novelty, namely explicitly distinguishing between actor and partner effects using the Actor-Partner Interdependence Model (APIM). The APIM (Kenny 1996) is an approach that is well-known and frequently used in other disciplines but that has not yet been applied in feminist economics. In this chapter, the APIM approach of intrahousehold adaptation

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decision-­making is explained and tested in Tanzania, a country where climate adaptation is high on the agenda.

Actor-Partner Interdependence Model Most intrahousehold studies do not take the interdependence of spouses’ (survey) data into account and consequently miss possible insights in terms of effects of men’s characteristics on women’s outcomes and vice versa. Methods such as pooled regression incorporating data of both spouses or excluding data from one of the spouses and estimation of separate regression models for each sex are subject to biases when data are non-independent (Kenny et al. 2006). In order to correct for this, we rely on the APIM, an approach to “dyadic relationships that integrates a conceptual view of interdependence in two-person relationships with the appropriate statistical techniques for measuring and testing it” (Cook and Kenny 2005: 101). The APIM takes the non-independence of spouses’ data explicitly into account and can therefore offer more optimal and realistic insights in intrahousehold bargaining and decision-making models. In our case the dyad refers to the household, which is the unit of analysis rather than the individuals that encompass it. A core idea of APIM is that when two persons form a dyad, next to actor effects (i.e. effect of a spouse’s own predictor on her or his own outcome) also partner effects exist (i.e. an actor’s characteristics or behaviour can predict her/his partner’s outcome), which can be simultaneously estimated. APIM applications are spreading rapidly, but to the best of our knowledge have not been applied in intrahousehold bargaining research. As we believe the approach can offer useful contributions to empirical studies of intrahousehold bargaining and decision-making, we develop our own APIM of intrahousehold climate adaptation decision-making. Consider a simplified example of the APIM in Fig. 5.1, where we depict wives’ and husbands’ employment outside of the home as the sole predictor variables and the spouses’ respective adaptation decision-making powers as the outcome variables. The disturbance terms of the outcome variables (U and V) have paths of 1, forcing the disturbance to be in the same unit as the outcome variable, and the correlation between both disturbances

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Fig. 5.1  Simplified Actor-Partner Interdependence Model. Note: U and V represent the respective disturbance—error—terms of the two outcome variables

indicates the non-independence of the dyad members. In APIM terminology, the path from wife’s employment to wife’s decision-making power is the wife’s actor effect, and the path from husband’s employment to husband’s decision-making power is the husband’s actor effect. The two intersecting paths represent the partner effects, that is, the effect of one spouse’s characteristics on the other spouse’s outcome. The path from wife’s employment to husband’s decision-making power is called ‘partner effect in husbands’, while the path from husband’s employment to wife’s decision-making power is labelled ‘partner effect in wives’. We address three research questions. First, we consider actor and partner effects of the spouses’ educational levels and of their employment outside of the home and farm. We ask whose education and/or employment drives women’s and men’s intrahousehold decision-making powers of climate adaptation strategies. Second, we incorporate the factors of women’s physical asset ownership and two of the wife’s life cycle elements (age and children) and ask whether these influence the spouses’ adaptation decision-making powers. Third, we test whether the drivers of women’s and men’s adaptation decision-making powers differ across diverse adaptation decision-making domains. Specifically, we compare the impact of the drivers on decision-making power of traditionally male, female, joint, individual and cash adaptation strategies. Finally, we also highlight implications for climate policy. While using APIM to explicitly take into account interdependencies among spouses’ characteristics on each other’s outcomes is contributing

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towards capturing better the complexities in household decision-making, we are aware of the fact that there is also a need to broaden intrahousehold analysis in other ways. More specifically, one of the shortcomings of bargaining models in general is the fact that they generally consist of two decision-makers while households in rural areas of many SSA countries often have multiple adult members, which also holds for our Tanzanian context (see e.g. Creighton and Omari (eds) 1995). Another limitation is our focus on monogamous marriages; while in terms of gender and household relations this is the norm across the villages in our sample, polygamous marriages did occur.

Context of the Study Our study is located in Tanzania’s central Morogoro Region. We used cluster random sampling and selected two pairs of two neighbouring villages for the purpose of comparative analysis along the lines of ‘ruralness’, access to labour markets and heterogeneity of the population. More specifically, Vikenge and Changarawe, two semi-rural villages of Mvomero district, are more highly populated, they have better access to Morogoro town and Mzumbe University with higher availability of (casual) labour opportunities. On the other hand, Kiwege and Sinyaulime are located in Morogoro Rural District, on average one-hour travel by car to the Morogoro-Dar es Salaam road, with less regular bus services and more reliance on forests and natural resources to sustain livelihoods. Farmers across the four villages grow similar crops, including maize, rice, cassava, yams, vegetables, millets, sesame and fruits like banana. In none of the villages do cultural norms prohibit women from partaking in income activities outside of the home. In our sample, women’s involvement in income-earning activities outside of the farm is quite unexceptional. Although men engage more frequently in such non-farm income-generating activities (75 per cent of men), 35 per cent of women were at the time of the survey also undertaking income activities outside of the home, ranging from casual non-farm activities, over wage employment to self-employment. In our villages formal land titling is scarce, and independent and joint title deeds held by women are relatively

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exceptional. Englert’s study on the region (2008) attributes this to lack of awareness about joint land registration on the one hand and the prioritization of marital harmony on the other. She argues that women are hesitant to claim their individual land rights since husbands are likely to think their wives are discontent with the marriage and are preparing for separation. In this study, we define climate adaptation as any (direct or indirect) action that facilitates farmers’ adaptation to climate change impacts. Elsewhere, we have extensively discussed local farmers’ climate change challenges (Van Aelst and Holvoet 2016, 2018). Specifically, farmers in the Morogoro Region have to adapt to increasing unpredictability of rainfall, more frequent and severe drought and periods of heavy and destructive rainfall. Furthermore, it is expected that the region will face warmer and longer dry seasons and that the flow of water in the Ruvu River will diminish (IPCC 2014; United Republic of Tanzania 2007, 2014; Paavola 2008).

Data and Methods A combination of quantitative and qualitative methods was used to triangulate data and research findings. Primary data collection was conducted by the first author and includes survey data, focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews in each of the four villages. Between March and May 2014, we conducted 41 group discussions across the four study villages, using tools such as Venn diagramming, problem ranking and scoring. Groups were separated into women-only (25 groups) and men-­ only (16) groups, but mixed in terms of age, marital status and class. The participants discussed the livelihood challenges that they are facing in their villages—including climatic changes—and the strategies they consider (potentially) useful in coping with and adapting to these livelihood challenges. The findings from discussion groups were coded and analysed in the Nvivo software and provided input for the optimization of the survey design to improve construct and internal validity. The survey data, which were collected between July and September 2014, include a random sample of 686 married or cohabiting

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respondents (corresponding to 340 couples).3 Selection of respondents was restricted to those married or cohabiting households involved in farming activities and took into account proportionate representation across sub-­villages by estimated population number. Questionnaire interviews of spouses took place simultaneously and in private and each was conducted by an interviewer of the same sex as the respondent. Six local enumerators (three females and three males) were trained by the first author to undertake the interviews. Respondents were interviewed in Kiswahili and received a small amount of cash as a sign of appreciation of their time spent in the interview, which is in accordance with local research practices.

Structural Equation Modelling An APIM can be estimated using various methods, including Multi-Level Modeling, Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) and Seemingly-­ Unrelated Regression (Carr et  al. 2016). We use SEM to estimate our APIM as this method is most appropriate when the dyad consists of distinguishable dyad members (such as spouses in a heterosexual couple, who can be distinguished by their gender) and when the dyad members have significantly different variances in the outcome variable, as is the case for the decision-making index (Kenny et al. 2006). SEM is a statistical approach to testing hypotheses, using Maximum Likelihood Estimation to estimate multiple regressions simultaneously. The approach consists of four basic phases in the analysis: model specification and identification, estimation, evaluation of fit and model modification and interpretation (Hoyle 1995). In what follows we describe in more detail the operationalization of first, the outcome variable ‘decision-making power’ and second, the predictor variables used in the estimation of the SEM models.

 Throughout this chapter, we use ‘spouse’ to refer to both married and cohabiting (heterosexual) partners. A total of 340 couples were selected, for six out of the 686 respondents we failed to interview the spouse. 3

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Operationalization of Decision-Making Power Wives’ and husbands’ decision-making powers are the outcome variables in our structural equation models. In the questionnaire, respondents were asked whether they adopted a range of adaptation strategies. These adaptation strategies were distinguished on the basis of regional literature (e.g. Paavola 2008) as well as our own focus group discussions that helped to shed light on locally relevant strategies. Of the 18 adaptation strategies included in this study (see Table  5.1), most deal with agricultural and crop management, while others relate to livelihood diversification and short-term coping such as relying on food support programmes. We expect potential diverging gender interests and preferences for different crops resulting from gendered division of labour, certain tasks being taboo to a specific gender, and social practices such as specific crops being sold by men or women only (e.g. Doss 2001). Concurrently, the questionnaire informed about the respondents’ recollection of the intrahousehold decision-making process, that is, who within the household had the final say in the actual decision to adopt each specific strategy or not. That is, we asked spouses about their self-­ perceived decision-making authority in the 18 adaptation decisions. Table 5.1  Strategies included in the general decision-making index and cash-­ related decision-making index (right-hand column)

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Answer options and their corresponding scores in the index calculation are ‘the respondent him or herself ’ (+1), ‘the respondent’s partner’ (−1), ‘it was a joint decision’ (+1 in case of adoption of the strategy; 0 in case of non-adoption)4 and ‘there was no decision made on this subject’ (0). The latter category takes into account the possibility of norm-following when the decision lies outside the bargaining area. Describing the role of social (gender) norms in demarcating what can be bargained about, Agarwal (1997) understands the ‘non-bargaining area’ as consisting of deep-rooted cultural and social practices that are felt to be non-­negotiable and hard to be imaginable as subject to change. To create a decision-­ making index, the scores attributed to all strategies are summed up and transformed into a percentage. A higher value of the decision-making index thus reflects a person’s higher perceived intrahousehold decision-­ making power over the adaptation decisions. To distinguish between meaningful areas of decision-making, we construct both a general decision-making index including all 18 strategies and a cash-related decision-making index that includes the seven adaptation strategies that require access to or a certain degree of control over cash resources (see Table 5.1). Besides the general and cash-related decision-making indices, we created four indices based on the adaptation domains shown in Table 5.2. These four adaptation domains were distinguished by considering the decision-making data of these practices, as derived from the questionnaire. Although for most practices the majority of the sample indicates that the decision was a joint one, much can be learned by looking at the frequencies of the answer categories ‘husband only’ and ‘wife only’. The frequencies of the latter categories across the 18 adaptation strategies provide insights into which separate domains of decision-making exist and over which areas men and women impose more sole decision-making  During interviews we noticed that in case of non-adoption of the practice women and men differently interpreted the answer categories of ‘joint’ and ‘no decision-making’. Where women tend to respond ‘no decision-making’, men mostly respond ‘joint decision-making’. During in-depth qualitative interviews, it became clear that there was in fact no bargaining process in case of non-­ adoption of the practice. We therefore chose to attach a score of +1 in case of joint decision-making of an adopted strategy and 0 if joint decision-making of a strategy that was not adopted by the respondent. 4

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Table 5.2  The four adaptation domains Male adaptation domain (3)

Female adaptation Joint adaptation domain (4) domain (5)

Fast-maturing seeds

Look for wild vegetables

Hire casual laborers Hire tractor

Vegetable cultivation Cover crops

Manure Fertilizers Fallowing

Individual adaptation domain (6)

Small-scale irrigation

Participate in farmer field schools Drought-resistant Non-farm income crops activities Mulching Work as casual farm labourer Mixed cropping Food support Sell assets to buy food

power.5 Strategies where significantly more husbands and wives agreed on higher degrees of male sole decision-making than female sole decision-­ making are considered as traditionally ‘male decision-making strategies’ and vice versa for female sole decision-making and ‘female decision-­ making strategies’. Strategies fall under the ‘joint adaptation domain’ when husbands and wives did not agree on who most frequently solely decided or when similar levels of sole decision-making were attributed to men and women. We argue that in the ‘joint decision-making’ strategies, more room for intrahousehold bargaining exists as strong gender imperatives are absent and strong association with either male or female decision-­ making authority is lacking. Finally, ‘individual decision-making strategies’ refer to those strategies of respondents’ individual time and labour allocation which were solely decided upon by relatively large portions of respondents (i.e. wives and husbands both indicated frequently making these decisions on their own).  These adaptation decision-making domains should however not be interpreted as strongly separated spheres in the sense of Lundberg and Pollak’s (1993) Separate Spheres bargaining model, but rather as traditionally grounded male and female responsibilities leaving a stamp on their respective degrees of decision-making power over these subjects. Strongly separate spheres where men and women produce different crops and provide labour for different production stages is not applicable to Morogoro where household farming plots are common and specialization along gender lines in farming tasks is relatively limited (lead author’s field observations; Mollel and Mtenga 2000; Englert 2008). 5

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Table 5.3  t-Tests of decision-making indices of husbands and wives Decision-making index

Mean husband

Mean wife

t-test statistic

S.E.

(1) General (2) Cash domain (3) Male domain (4) Female domain (5) Joint domain (6) Individual domain

44.09 42.39 46.78 40.51 41.03 48.37

35.81 26.32 27.59 64.29 30.28 36.20

3.44 ∗∗∗ 6.83 ∗∗∗ 7.86 ∗∗∗ −7.43 ∗∗∗ 4.18 ∗∗∗ 4.52 ∗∗∗

2.27 2.36 2.48 3.25 2.53 2.53

∗∗∗

Denotes statistical significance at the 1 per cent level

Note that these four domains are constituted as mutually exclusive, but that some overlap exists with the cash-related decision-making index. Specifically, the male and cash adaptation domains have five strategies in common (fast-maturing seeds, hiring casual labourers, hiring a tractor, using manure and using fertilizers), while the cash index also includes the strategies of small-scale irrigation and selling assets to buy food, which fall under the joint decision domain as well. Paired sample t-tests confirm statistically significant differences in the mean index values for wives and husbands for all of the indices (see Table  5.3). The general decision-­ making index indicates that overall—across all 18 strategies—men’s intrahousehold decision-making power with regard to adaptation is significantly higher than wives’. We use each of the six decision-making indices as an outcome variable, running six separate SEM models.

Operationalization of Predictor Variables In this section we provide an overview of the factors of influence that we include in our APIM as predictor variables, based on theoretical considerations (see above) and qualitative research in the form of focus groups on the local (intrahousehold) context. The identified model (see Fig. 5.2) specifies eight correlations between predictor variables to be zero (for those predictor variables where bivariate analysis indicated statistically insignificant correlations; see online table presenting bivariate correlations). All other correlations between predictor variables were estimated in our model.

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Fig. 5.2  SEM specification (W = wife; H = husband). Notes: U is the error term of DM power Wife (W) and V is the error term of DM power Husband (H). Correlations between the predictor variables are not visualized for reasons of clarity

We operationalize ‘working outside of the home’ as involvement in those income-generating activities that are performed outside of the house and outside of the farm, that is, ‘non-farm income-earning activities’. It is a dichotomous variable with value 0 if the respondent is not and 1 if he or she is involved in any non-farm income-earning activity. These activities range from casual non-farm jobs such as cleaning, washing clothes, guarding university facilities, charcoal production; over wage employment; to self-employment like owning a small shop or restaurant or selling bricks. We include both husbands’ and wives’ involvement in non-farm activities as separate—yet correlated—predictors. Furthermore, we acknowledge that longitudinal research is necessary to identify the direction of causality.6  There are indications that the direction of causality runs from employment to decision-making power, rather than the other way around. Qualitative research by the authors indicates that female decision-making power is not considered as a taboo in the study area and that female employment is common among both less and more empowered women: women can relatively easily access non-­ farm employment and employment opportunities do not remain limited to those women who already have more decision-making authority. 6

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We operationalize human capital (education) as a categorical variable: respondents score 1 if lacking formal education, 2 if having attained a lower level of primary education, 3 if a higher level of primary education and 4 if secondary education or higher. Education of both husband and wife are included in the model as separate predictors. Next, ‘children’ is measured as the number of children under the age of 18 who were at the time of the survey living in the household. Due to multicollinearity issues, we could not include the age of both husband and wife in the model, so we chose to include only women’s age, which is measured in years. Finally, we operationalized women’s asset ownership by asking wives whether they owned any physical assets in their own name (e.g. land, house, livestock, business). ‘Assets wife’ is a binary variable coded 1 in case of asset ownership and 0 if no asset ownership by women in their own names.

 esults: Actor and Partner Effects of Spouses’ R Adaptation Decision-Making In this section we discuss first the results of the non-independence test and second the findings of the SEM models. We pay specific attention to comparing actor and partner effects across the six models using the different decision-making indices.

Non-independence Test The first step in dyadic data analysis is to test for non-independence of the dyad members’ outcomes. Evidence shows statistically significant small-to-medium-sized correlations across the sexes for all decision-­ making indices.7 We find inverse correlation in the spouses’ general, female and joint decision-making indices. The partial Pearson Correlations—that is, controlling for all predictor variables in our model (see below)—equal −0.240∗∗∗ (general index; S.E. 0.057), −0.114∗∗  Cohen (1988) considers 0.1 a rather small correlation, 0.3 medium and 0.5 a large correlation.

7

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(female index; S.E. 0.055) and −0.165∗∗∗ (joint index; S.E. 0.055). This suggests a tendency of ‘compensation’ (Kenny et al. 2006: 29) with wives’ lower decision-making power, associated with husbands’ higher decision-­ making power and vice versa. However, partial Pearson Correlations of the male, individual and cash-related decision-making indices are positive, equalling 0.121∗∗ (male index; S.E. 0.056), 0.109∗ (individual index; S.E. 0.057) and 0.165∗∗∗ (cash index; S.E. 0.056).8 The correlation coefficients for these three domains thus suggest non-independence through positive correlation of the spouses’ outcomes. This seems to suggest that, for example, one spouse’s cash-related decision-making power does not come at the expense of her/his spouse’s cash-related decision-­ making power and there is thus no evidence for intrahousehold competition for decision-making power within these strategies. The smallest correlation coefficient is the one for the individual adaptation domain. This seems to confirm that this is the domain—out of the six—where spouses make their decisions in the most independent fashion. Table 5.4 shows model output with estimated unstandardized parameters for each of the six models, which were estimated using the Amos software. The Goodness of Fit statistics suggest a good fit of the specified models with the data as Chi2 equals 6, Chi2 p-value equals 0.41, RMSEA approximates zero at values between 0.002 and 0.009 and CFI equals 1.9

Non-farm Income-Earning Activities Female Actor Effects With regard to the actor effects of women’s income-generating activities on their own decision-making power, our empirical analysis shows significant improvements in all adaptation domains if wives engage in non-­ farm income-earning activities. These results are in line with much of the academic literature—including Sen (1990)—recognizing women’s 8 ∗ ∗∗

  , and ∗∗∗ denote statistical significance at the 10, 5 and 1 per cent levels respectively.  An insignificant Chi2-test indicates that the null-hypothesis that the specified model has a good model fit cannot be rejected. Alternative measures of goodness-of-fit: a RMSEA-value of 0 and CFI-­ value of 1 represent perfect model fit.

9

∗, ∗∗

15.47∗∗∗ −1.27 −4.40 1.42 2.16 0.85 1.46 1.10 6.89∗ 1.10 1.04 0.45 0.38∗∗∗ −0.03

S.E.

340

3.74 2.30 4.19 2.58 2.04 1.26 2.11 1.29 3.56 2.18 0.86 0.52 0.13 0.08

20.31∗∗∗ 5.44∗ −11.58∗∗ −3.01 5.29∗∗ 2.18 2.03 4.37∗∗ 7.74∗ −1.20 0.54 1.18∗ 0.55∗∗∗ 0.15

Coef.

(2) DM cash strategies

340

4.77 3.03 5.35 3.40 2.61 1.66 2.69 1.71 4.54 2.88 1.09 0.69 0.17 0.11

S.E. 19.48∗∗∗ 6.63∗∗ −14.00∗∗ −1.25 5.79∗∗ 1.63 5.52∗∗ 6.76∗∗∗ 7.68∗ −1.53 0.42 1.11 0.60∗∗∗ 0.30∗∗∗

Coef.

(3) DM male domain S.E.

340

4.88 1.73 5.47 3.55 2.67 1.73 2.75 1.78 4.64 3.01 1.12 0.72 0.17 0.11

8.68∗ −17.05∗∗∗ 0.58 −2.51 −1.13 3.80 1.56 −2.62 2.55 −6.75 2.20∗∗ −0.77 0.23 −0.14

Coef.

340

4.58 5.19 5.14 5.82 2.50 2.83 2.58 2.92 4.35 4.93 1.05 1.19 0.16 0.19

S.E.

(4) DM female domain

and ∗∗∗ denote statistical significance at the 10, 5 and 1 per cent levels respectively

Number of observations

Age of W

Children

Assets W

Education H

Actor Partner Partner Actor Actor Partner Partner Actor

Coef.

→W →H →W →H →W →H →W →H →W →H →W →H →W →H

Outcome variable

Predictor variables

Non-farm income W Non-farm income H Education W

(1) DM general 13.61∗∗∗ −3.15 −1.94 −2.69 0.74 −0.04 −1.01 −1.74 12.32∗∗∗ 4.63 1.13 0.58 0.43∗∗ −0.17

Coef.

(5) DM joint domain

Table 5.4  SEM output: actor and partner effects of the six decision-making indices (ML estimation)

S.E.

340

4.33 2.97 4.85 3.34 2.37 1.63 2.44 1.68 4.12 2.83 0.99 0.68 0.16 0.11

18.93∗∗∗ 2.95 −0.94 23.51∗∗∗ 1.93 −1.97 −1.15 −0.65 3.97 6.38∗∗ 0.47 0.57 0.01 −0.25∗∗

Coef.

340

5.05 3.10 5.66 3.48 2.76 1.69 2.84 1.75 4.80 2.95 1.15 0.71 0.18 0.11

S.E.

(6) DM individual domain

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economic activities outside of the home as a key determinant of bargaining power. However, it is contrary to the findings of Vyas et al. (2015) on Tanzania, who found that women’s informal employment did not improve their power over decisions traditionally outside of their reach. For indeed, our estimated models reveal differences in magnitude of the unstandardized parameters depending on the adaptation domain used as the outcome variable, and the largest improvements in women’s decision-­ making power are positioned exactly within those domains that are not traditionally considered as female. More specifically, women who are involved in income-earning activities have on average more decision-­ making power than women who do not undertake such activities: their decision-making power of cash-related strategies is 20.31 percentage points higher, of the male domain 19.48 higher and of the individual domain 18.93 percentage points higher. We also observe a somewhat smaller yet substantial difference in women’s decision-making power of decisions that are typically considered joint in nature (+13.61) and decisions of the typically female domain (+6.68). Since the cash and male decision-making strategies are those where sole male decision-making is most frequent, these also leave most room for changing decision-making mechanisms. In these domains, shifts to more female involvement in decision-making are more easily observable, while strategies where women are already intensively involved to start with are less likely to exhibit substantial improvements in bargaining power (e.g. the joint and female domain of decision-making) (see also Holvoet 2005). The rise in decision-making power of the individual domain can be understood in terms of an increased sense of agency resulting from one’s involvement in income-earning activities. This might take various forms: earned income implies opportunities for investment in other types of non-farm activities such as starting a business, but can also mean more choice of (non-)involvement in low-paid agricultural work on other people’s farms and so on. It seems that with involvement in non-farm activities, women are more likely to exercise—sole or joint—decision-making power over these individual labour and time allocation decisions.

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Male Actor Effects The latter effect is also found with regard to husbands’ actor effects of their involvement in non-farm activities. While none of the husbands’ other actor effects are statistically significant, the SEM output indicates a substantial rise of 23.51 percentage points in men’s individual decision-­ making index stemming from their involvement in income-earning activities. In other domains of decision-making husbands’ power to decide is independent of whether or not they are involved in non-farm activities.

Partner Effects in Wives Considering the partner effects, we are first of all interested in the effects of husbands’ non-farm income-earning activities on their wives’ decision-­ making power (i.e. partner effects in wives). Husbands’ involvement in non-farm activities does not significantly change wives’ decision-making power of certain decision-making strategies, including the individual, joint and female adaptation strategies. However, wives of husbands who are involved in non-farm activities have an on average lower decision-­ making power of first, typically male adaptation decision-making (−14.00 compared to wives of husbands not involved in non-farm activities) and second, cash-related adaptation decisions (−11.58). Considering Sen’s conception of perceived contributions is helpful in understanding these results. When both spouses are involved in farming activities, but neither is doing non-farm income-earning activities, the perception of their relative contributions is likely to be relatively equal. However, when solely the husband is involved in non-farm work, the wife’s perceived contribution to the household welfare is likely to be lower and the legitimacy of her voice in typically male- and cash-related adaptation decisions more contested.

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Partner Effects in Husbands We also established the existence of statistically significant partner effects in husbands, specifically wives’ participation in non-farm activities increases husbands’ decision-making power of cash (+5.44) and of the male domain (+6.63). A possible explanation lies in—as Bryceson (1995) points out—the fact that even non-pooled income indirectly benefits the other household members as it relieves pressure on the pooled income, allowing the pooled resource to be spent more freely. So, independent of whether the wife’s income is being pooled or not, the husband might feel more able to make decisions with regard to cash-related adaptation strategies, as the pooled resource becomes less constrained. Related to this is the often implicit association of women’s income, or their resource allocation behaviour, to household welfare. Jackson (2013: 34) argues, based on Ugandan experimental games, that “women’s control [over resources] was not associated with an expectation of selfish claims, and husbands displayed a willingness to trust wives as allocators”. We assume that similar perceptions exist in Tanzania as qualitative interviews by the first author indicate that women spend much of their own income on food and clothes for their children. Similar observations were made by Vyas et al. (2015) who found Tanzanian women in Mbeya to spend most of their income on the family and children’s education and nutrition. Thus, the different—more household-oriented—expenditure patterns of wives leads to (at least the perception of ) more pooled income or less strained pooled income when there is no (complete) pooling of the wife’s income. As the wife’s income contributes to provisioning the household’s basic needs, more money remains available for investment in agricultural adaptation options and so on (i.e. male decision-making power over cash-­ related decisions can increase). Finally, when wives are involved in non-farm activities, their husbands’ decision-making power over typically female adaptation decisions is on average lower (−17.05). This is in line with the previously discussed negative partner effects in wives for typically male strategies.

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C  onceptual Patterns Kenny and Ledermann (2010) and Kenny and Cook (1999) distinguish various conceptual patterns that are useful in discussing APIM results: actor-oriented, partner-oriented, contrast and couple-oriented. We distinguish several of these patterns in our analysis. First, we find evidence of a contrast pattern in wives’ cash and male adaptation decision-making power. A contrast pattern implies that actor and partner effects are similar in absolute magnitude but have opposite signs (Kenny and Cook 1999).10 Specifically, husbands’ non-farm involvement lowers wives’ cash and male decision-making power (negative partner effects in wives), while wives’ non-farm engagement improves their own cash and male decision-­ making power (positive female actor effects). When both spouses are involved in non-farm activities, we find a net positive effect of 8.73 and 5.48 for the cash-related and male adaptation decisions (actor minus partner effect) respectively. So even though the positive effects of women’s activities outside the home on their (cash and male domains of ) decision-­ making power are more substantial when they are the sole spouse involved in those non-farm activities, the positive effect is not entirely undone when the husbands are also involved. Rather, the net effect becomes less pronounced. This is in accordance with Sen’s (1990) Cooperative Conflict Model and confirms the role of women’s (perceived) contributions in improving their decision-making power. Second, for all other adaptation decisions, the effect of non-farm involvement on wives’ decision-making power is actor-oriented (i.e. there are actor effects but no partner effects) (Kenny and Cook 1999). This is also the case for husbands’ individual adaptation decisions. Nonetheless, in husbands, we find primarily partner-­oriented patterns, that is, husbands’ decision-making power is affected by their wife’s non-farm involvement but not by their own (Kenny and Cook 1999). Specifically, we find positive partner effects in husbands for cash and male adaptation decisions and negative partner effects for female decisions. These findings suggest that overall wives’  The contrast pattern typically implies spouses’ dissatisfaction with the ‘success’ of their partner (Kenny and Cook 1999). In this case, it indicates the relativeness of intrahousehold bargaining power in certain decision-making domains. 10

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(non-)involvement in non-farm income-earning activities is more decisive in spouses’ adaptation decision-making power than husbands’.

Educational Level Looking at education, we find actor effects of wife’s education for cash (+5.29) and male adaptation domains (+5.79). Each category increase in women’s educational attainment is thus accompanied by a rise in, for example, cash-related decision-making power by 5.29 percentage points. Higher educated wives have more decision-making power of those adaptation domains that are considered to be traditionally male or require (control over) cash. The analysis also shows that husbands’ educational level can have a positive influence on women’s decision-making power, specifically with regard to traditionally male adaptation domains (+5.52). A more educated husband is more likely to stimulate his wife’s involvement in decisions considered traditionally male ones.11 Thus, both wives’ and husbands’ higher educational attainment significantly improves women’s voice in previously male-dominated decisions and can be considered important drivers of more gender equal intrahousehold decision-­ making patterns. Finally, we find that men’s educational level also stands in a positive relation to their own decision-making power over cash (+4.37) and typically male domains of decision-making (+6.76). However, we do not find any partner effects in husbands, suggesting that husbands’ adaptation decision-making power is not influenced by their wives’ educational attainment.

C  onceptual Patterns With regard to education, we find evidence of actor-oriented patterns in wives’ cash decision-making, as well as for husbands’ cash and male decision-­making. That is, spouses’ decision-making powers of these adaptation domains do not depend on their partner’s educational level. However, findings indicate a couple-oriented pattern for wives’ 11

 In the SEM analysis we controlled for the correlation between the spouses’ educational levels.

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decision-making power of traditionally male adaptation decisions as education of both the wife and the husband improve wife’s power of male adaptation decisions. A couple-oriented pattern implies that actor and partner effects are similar in absolute magnitude and in sign. Such couple-­ oriented patterns come to the fore when spouses are concerned with both their own and their partner’s outcome (Kenny and Cook 1999).

Wife’s Ownership of Assets When wives own assets are in their name, their decision-making power rises in nearly all adaptation domains, the exception being the traditionally female and individual strategies. The rise in decision-making power is especially large (+12.32) in joint decision-making, while also substantial in the traditionally male (+7.68) and cash domains (+7.74). In the ‘joint’ category, which mainly consists of agricultural adaptation decisions, there is more scope for bargaining as there are no strict gender divisions of labour with regard to these strategies in the study area. Through improving their fallback positions, women’s individual assets ownership raises their bargaining and decision-making powers over joint (mainly agricultural), traditionally male and cash decisions. Finally, we find that women’s individual asset ownership does not influence men’s bargaining power, with the exception of the individual adaptation domain (+6.38).

Children Living in the Household Since bearing children is of substantial importance to Tanzanian women’s social status, it seems reasonable to assume that having more children goes hand in hand with more female decision-making power, also over those adaptation domains where women traditionally have less voice. However, this does not seem to be the case, as the presence of more children in the household solely improves women’s power over the female adaptation domain. Each additional child raises her decision-making power of female strategies by 2.20 percentage points. Outside of the

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traditionally female, there is no evidence that the number of children in the household affects women’s decision-making power. As women’s reproductive labour burden increases when there are (more) children in the household, women might become more ‘confined’ to the female sphere and therefore possibly miss decision-making power of the other adaptation strategies. In turn, we find that husbands’ decision-making power of cash strategies increases by 1.18 with each extra child in the household. The reason is ambiguous but might stem from men’s greater feelings of cash-related responsibilities when they have more children to look after, since being able to provide for children financially—especially with regard to school fees—is an important aspect of Tanzanian men’s provider identity and crucial to their masculinity. Further research on this topic is warranted.

Wife’s Age Wives’ age is positively related to their decision-making power over the cash (+0.55), male (+0.60) and joint (+0.43) adaptation domains. This means that an increase in wives’ age by 10 years amounts to an average rise of 6.00 additional percentage points in decision-making power of the male strategies. It is not entirely surprising that with age, women’s autonomy grows in making decisions outside of the traditionally female domain, and their voice gains more legitimacy. We also find a significant relation between age and husband’s decision-making power of male adaptation strategies (positive association) and of individual strategies (negative association). The latter might be related to the increasing difficulty of participating in the labour market with the couple’s older age.

Conclusions In this chapter, we have asked which factors drive rural Tanzanian women’s and men’s climate adaptation decision-making power at the household level. Our findings can be extended to other parts of rural Tanzania, especially where socio-economic and gender relations, and climatic

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challenges are similar. The external validity of our research therefore extends primarily to other areas of the Wami-Ruvu River Basin and the Morogoro Region. Our contribution to the climate change literature lies in the incorporation of the intrahousehold gender perspective. This issue has thus far not been comprehensively dealt with in the literature, while there is some related research investigating gender dynamics in adaptation behaviour in households or couples (see e.g. Twyman et al. 2014; Guloba 2014). The importance of women’s participation in climate change policies and negotiations has received wide support, but efforts to ensure this participation have largely been confined to the level of the state, formal institutions and community. Less attention has been paid to women’s local-level lived experiences of climate adaptation and to the decision-making unit closest to their everyday adaptation practices: the household. Our contribution within feminist economics lies primarily in our application of the APIM to the intrahousehold bargaining question. We have estimated our APIM models using SEM, calculating actor and partner effects simultaneously and thereby showcasing the importance of taking into account both sides of the picture to avoid misinforming policymakers. We have established differences in the magnitude of effects across different adaptation decision-making domains, which shows that different climate decisions are made according to different decision-­ making mechanisms and that using only a general decision-making index risks masking certain gendered effects. We established that for rural women in the Morogoro Region of Tanzania, the most influential drivers of their intrahousehold decision-making power of adaptation strategies are working outside of the home, especially when their husbands are not; attaining higher educational levels and being married to husbands who have attained higher educational levels; owning physical assets in their names; and life cycle elements, particularly being older, give women more voice and decision-making power. Climate change policies should facilitate the development of these drivers to ensure women’s full participation in household-level decision-making of climate adaptation.

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References Agarwal, B. (1994). A field of one’s own: Gender and land rights in South Asia. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Agarwal, B. (1997). Bargaining and gender relations: Within and beyond the household. Feminist Economics, 3(1), 1–51. Becker, G. (1981). Treatise on the family. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Bryceson, D. (1995). Gender relations in rural Tanzania: Power politics or cultural consensus? In C. Creighton & C. K. Omari (Eds.), Gender, family and household in Tanzania (pp. 37–69). Avebury: Aldershot. Carr, D., Cornman, J. C., & Freedman, V. A. (2016). Marital quality and negative experienced well-being: An assessment of actor and partner effects among older married persons. The Journals of Gerontology: Series B: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences, 71(1), 177–187. Carter, M. R., & Katz, E. G. (1997). Separate spheres and the conjugal contract: Understanding the impact of gender-biased development. In L.  Haddad, J.  Hoddinott, & H.  Alderman (Eds.), Intrahousehold resource allocation in developing countries. Models, methods, and policy (pp.  95–111). Baltimore/ London: The John Hopkins University Press. Cohen, J. (1988). Statistical power analysis for the behavioral sciences. Hillsdale: Erlbaum. Cook, W. L., & Kenny, D. A. (2005). The actor-partner interdependence model: A model of bidirectional effects in developmental studies. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 29(2), 101–109. Creighton, C., & Omari, C. K. (Eds.). (1995). Gender, family and household in Tanzania. Hampshire/Brookfield: Avebury. Doss, C. (2001). Designing agricultural technology for African women farmers: Lessons from 25 years of experience. World Development, 29(12), 2075–2092. Doss, C. (2006). The effects of intrahousehold property ownership on expenditure patterns in Ghana. Journal of African Economics, 15(1), 149–180. Doss, C. (2013). Intrahousehold bargaining and resource allocation in developing countries. World Bank Research Observer, 28, 52–78. Englert, B. (2008). Changing land rights and gendered discourses: Examples from the Uluguru Mountains, Tanzania. In B. Englert & E. Daley (Eds.), Women’s land rights and privatization in eastern Africa (pp. 83–100). Oxford: James Currey.

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Fafchamps, M., Kebede, N., & Quisumbing, A. R. (2009). Intrahousehold welfare in rural Ethiopia. Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics, 71(4), 567–599. Friedemann-Sánchez, G. (2006). Assets in intrahousehold bargaining among women workers in Colombia’s cut-flower industry. Feminist Economics, 12(1–2), 247–269. Guloba, M. (2014). Adaptation to climate variability and change in Uganda. In Are there differences across households? (WIDER working paper 107). Helsinki: UNU-WIDER. Hollos, M., & Larsen, U. (2008). Motherhood in sub-Saharan Africa: The social consequences of infertility in an urban population in northern Tanzania. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 10(2), 159–173. Holvoet, N. (2005). The impact of microfinance on decision-making agency: Evidence from South India. Development and Change, 36(1), 75–102. Hoyle, R. H. (1995). Structural equation modeling. Concepts, issues, and applications. London/New Delhi: Sage Publications. Inhorn, M. C., & van Balen, F. (2002). Infertility around the globe. New thinking on childlessness, gender, and reproductive technologies. Berkeley/Los Angeles: University of California Press. IPCC. (2018). Annex: Glossary (Matthews, J.B.R (Ed)). In V.  Masson-­ Delmotte, P. Zhai, H. O. Pörtner, D. Roberts, J. Skea, P. R. Shukla, A. Pirani, W. Moufouma-Okia, C. Péan, R. Pidcock, S. Connors, J. B. R. Matthews, Y.  Chen, X.  Zhou, M.  I. Gomis, E.  Lonnoy, T.  Maycock, M.  Tignor, & T. Waterfields (Eds.), Global Warming of 1.5°C. An IPCC Special Report on the impacts of global warming of 1.5°C above pre-industrial and related global greenhouse gas emission pathways, in the context of strengthening the global response to the threat of climate change, sustainable development, and efforts to eradicate poverty. Geneva: IPCC. IPCC [Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change]. (2014). Fifth assessment report. Geneva: IPCC. Iversen, V., Jackson, C., Kebede, B., Alistair, M., & Verschoor, A. (2006). What’s love got to do with it? An experimental test of household models in east. Uganda: CSAE Working Paper Series. Jackson, C. (2013). Cooperative conflicts and gender relations: Experimental evidence from Southeast Uganda. Feminist Economics, 19(4), 25–47. Johnson-Hanks, J. (2006). Uncertain honor. Modern motherhood in an African crisis. Chicago/London: The University of Chicago Press.

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Kenny, D. A. (1996). Models of non-independence in dyadic research. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 13(2), 279–294. Kenny, D.  A., & Cook, W. (1999). Partner effects in relationship research: Conceptual issues, analytical difficulties, and illustrations. Personal Relationships, 6, 433–448. Kenny, D. A., & Ledermann, T. (2010). Detecting, measuring, and testing patterns in the actor-partner interdependence model. Journal of Family Psychology, 24(3), 359–366. Kenny, D.  A., Kashy, D.  A., & Cook, W.  L. (2006). Dyadic data analysis. New York/London: The Guilford Press. Lundberg, S., & Pollak, R. A. (1993). Separate spheres bargaining and the marriage market. Journal of Political Economy, 101(6), 988–1010. Manser, M., & Brown, M. (1980). Marriage and household decision-making: A bargaining analysis. International Economic Review, 21(1), 31–44. McElroy, M. B., & Horney, M. J. (1981). Nash-bargained household decisions: Towards a generalization of the theory of demand. International Economic Review, 22(2), 333–349. Mollel, N. M., & Mtenga, N. A. (2000). Gender roles in the household and farming systems in Tchenzema, Morogoro  – Tanzania. The South African Journal of Agricultural Extension, 29, 73–88. Paavola, J. (2008). Livelihood, vulnerability and adaptation to climate change in Morogoro, Tanzania. Environmental Science & Policy, 11, 642–654. Sen, A. (1990). Gender and cooperative conflicts. In I. Tinker (Ed.), Persistent inequalities. Women and world development (pp. 123–149). New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. New York: Anchor Books. Twyman, J., Green, M., Bernier, Q., Kristjanson, P., Russo, S., Tall, A., Ampaire, E., Nyasimi, M., Mango, J., McKune, S., Mwongera, C., & Ndourba, Y. (2014). Gender and climate change perceptions, adaptation strategies, and information needs preliminary results from four sites in Africa (CCAFS working paper 83). Copenhagen: CGIAR research program on climate change, agriculture and food security (CCAFS). United Republic of Tanzania. (2007). National Adaptation Programme of action (NAPA). Dodoma: Vice President’s Office, Division of Environment. United Republic of Tanzania. (2012). National Climate Change Strategy. Dodoma: Vice President’s Office, Division of Environment.

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United Republic of Tanzania. (2014). Tanzania Agriculture Climate Resilience Plan (2014–2019). Dodoma: Ministry of Agriculture, Food Security and Co-operatives. Van Aelst, K., & Holvoet, N. (2016). Intersections of gender and marital status in accessing climate change adaptation: Evidence from rural Tanzania. World Development, 79, 40–50. Van Aelst, K., & Holvoet, N. (2018). Climate change adaptation in the Morogoro region of Tanzania: Women’s decision-making participation in small-scale farm households. Climate and Development, 10(6), 495–508. Vyas, S., Mbwambo, J., & Heise, L. (2015). Women’s paid work and intimate partner violence: Insights from Tanzania. Feminist Economics, 21(1), 35–58.

6 On the Possibilities and Politics of Feminist Energy Analytics in University Campus Spaces Ingrid L. Nelson

Introduction University campus spaces are sites of contested energy transition experimentation and knowledge production. Professors studying and auditing aspects of their campus energy consumption with their students is not new (Smith and Gottlieb 1992). But Elizabeth Davey (2017) argues that the practice of gathering this data has largely left the classroom and has become the purview of professional campus sustainability officers who must regularly report sustainability data in order to participate in multiple ‘green’ rating and ranking systems. These systems include the US Green Building Council’s (USGBC) Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED) rating system for buildings, the Arbor Day Foundation’s Tree Campus USA® program, Princeton Review’s Guide to Green Colleges and the Sustainability Tracking Assessment & I. L. Nelson (*) Department of Geography and the Environmental Program, University of Vermont, Burlington, VT, USA © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_6

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Rating System™ STARS® reporting framework of the Association for the Advancement of Sustainability in Higher Education (AASHE) among others. Such rating and ranking systems produce incentives to experiment with campus design and behavioural change interventions, as well as promise marketable ‘green’ branding to attract a dwindling population of potential students in some regions. Couched within a broader set of sustainability goals, many campus spaces in especially fossil fuel–dependent countries are part of a discursive trend, becoming so-called living laboratories where the proliferation of energy and other data provide learning opportunities for students and others (see Cohen and Lovell 2013; Koch 2018a, The Trustees of Princeton University 2018). While Davey hopes faculty and students will make deeper use of abundant STARS data in capstone courses for their campuses, other professional campus sustainability staff are aware of the increasingly political role of systematic energy data collection on campus. According to Sam,1 a sustainability officer employed on a campus in the US State of Vermont, “with so much turnover in college presidents and upper admin[istrators] going on these days, STARS gives us a longer-term record of our work in a language they understand so that we don’t have to reinvent the wheel every time they bring in a new strategic plan.” In this regard, translating sustainable practices for the eyes of an administrator trained in proper auditing has its advantages. In his recent book titled The Nine Elements of a Sustainable Campus, Mitchell Thomashow draws on his experiences as a former president of Unity College and as a consultant with Second Nature, Inc., to normalize the use of calculative rationalities in achieving sustainability goals: Carbon neutrality is essentially an accounting procedure. A campus balances the carbon it releases with sequesters and offsets. This is a peer-­ reviewed process with a rigorous but flexible protocol requiring greenhouse-gas inventories, a climate action plan approved by the college’s leadership, and periodic progress reports. (see pp. 28–9 Thomashow 2014)

 I use pseudonyms for all persons interviewed in the course of this research, excepting those functioning in a public capacity. 1

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Such a matter-of-fact and banal framing of sustainability accounting procedures as merely technical ignores the long histories of technocratic, expert-centred environmental interventions that render particular spaces apolitical and ignores larger questions of who must labour to produce so much data in positions of relative precarity (Mitchell 2002; Li 2007; Cidell 2009; Lave 2012; Freidberg 2014). Basic accounting is a technique of power (Foucault 1980; Merry 2011). It demands further investigation even if we expand what we count to include gender disaggregated data or to include aspects of energy systems that have historically been invisible to policy-makers. As AASHE’s STARS and other rating systems regularly undergo version upgrades, the labour required to manage, critically interpret and communicate ever more required data in a timely manner is a growing pressure point for many institutions of higher education. At the 2015 Smart and Sustainable Campuses Conference (SSCC) in Baltimore, Maryland, Dave, a leader in community college campus sustainability circles, explained to me during a coffee break between programmed sessions that, “I used to spend a lot more of my time with students helping them to figure out their sustainability ideas and turn them into realistic projects…now though I spend a lot of my time staring at spreadsheets.” Like many other sustainability professionals, Dave uses various software to track facilities repairs, energy consumption and other information that largely did not exist a decade ago. As so much data make Sam feel empowered amidst administrative turnover and Dave feel nostalgic for a different form of daily campus sustainability labour, abundant data also present opportunities for big business. As I analysed the exhibitor halls at the 2015 and 2016 AASHE Conference and Expos, a particular kind of exhibitor enthusiastically marketed their wares to me: those offering time-saving solutions for sustainability data production, management and analysis. As a professor, I could join forces with facilities and operations staff and a company called MAMAC Systems, Inc., to pressure my institution to install sub-­metering devices to monitor the energy and water usage of different buildings on my campus. A representative from the company Lucid pitched their integrative platform and customized consulting services to transform my data into meaningful visualizations that could be displayed on an energy

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dashboard in public areas of my university. Lucid’s website (2019) pitches their Building OS platform and services with powerful language such as, “We make it easier—and faster—to transform building operations data into performance improvements that save money, enhance sustainability, and drive employee productivity,” “complete visibility into your building portfolio,” “faster, data-driven energy management decisions” and “one platform for all of your streams of data.” Other vendors coaxed me with digital monitoring systems, services to outsource my data analysis needs, reporting tools for external assessors and platforms that could convey ‘real-time’ information on demand to a variety of stakeholders. Turning to the private analytics sector and other resources for strategic management of so much data makes logical sense if such services are affordable. In this regard, institutions of higher education share an important trend with institutions of international development in that they increasingly face pressures to rely upon professional data analysts from the private sector to ensure the continuation of their daily work. I see these kinds of proliferating analytics services as shapers of an emergent technical politics of sustainability expertise, which raises questions about what kinds of inclusions and exclusions such data production and analytics practices create in specific places. What kinds of labouring comes to be seen as essential or extraneous in energy transitions and in sustainability endeavours more broadly? Technology assessment and financial analytics are yet another expansion of a pervasive ‘audit culture’ that yields frequent cycles of version upgrades, ratings and rankings (Shore and Wright 2015). Recent literature critiquing audit culture argues for caution, as governing through numbers can move decisions affecting particular places and people from political spheres of governance to a technical realm of algorithms, experts and administrators (Strathern 2000; Shore and Wright 2015). But what do energy analysts and other experts do in relation to those labouring in different institutions with sustainability goals and why should different feminists care? Do we have effective and accessible ways to challenge how the data are produced and interpreted? This is a feminist issue. I argue that networks of sub-metering devices, popular equations signifying measures of energy usage and efficiency, interactive energy dashboard platforms and other features of an emerging energy analytics industry all

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demand collective critical feminist inquiry. Energy analytics is an important, crosscutting site of emerging claims to expertise and to power. In this chapter, I argue that feminist political ecologists should include critical analyses of ‘audit cultures’ in their working toolkits. We need feminist scholars to analyse the analysts in order to trouble the politics of the production of knowledge and claims to expertise in energy transition(s).

F eminist Political Ecology Methods and Critical Analyses of ‘Audit Culture’ As a feminist political ecologist, I study the power relations that make spaces ‘green’ or ‘sustainable.’ This requires understanding who exactly determines which spaces need what kinds of environmental improvements and who might benefit or be excluded from these interventions. As an emerging community of feminist praxis, feminist political ecology (FPE) does not always centre gender as the primary lens of inquiry, as postcolonial, anti-racist and many more intersectional perspectives are necessary to understand and refute dominant tropes of saving nature (Mollett and Faria 2013; Harcourt and Nelson 2015; Rocheleau 2015). As Dianne Rocheleau explains, FPE is more about a feminist perspective and an ongoing exploration and construction of a network of learners than a fixed approach to a single focus on women and/or gender. This constant circulation of theory, practice, policies and politics, and the mixing of various combinations of gender, class, race, ethnicity, sexuality, religion, ontologies and ecologies, with critique of colonial legacies and neoliberal designs, has characterized many feminist political ecologists. It is a work in process (not progress) and hopefully on a path, however circuitous, to decolonization. (see p.  57  in Rocheleau 2015)

Most generally, my FPE work addresses the challenge of creating ‘just’ spaces and informed political subjects amidst ostensibly ‘positive’ nature-­ society discourses such as the ‘green economy,’ ‘sustainability’ and ‘sustainable development.’ I analyse the conflicting environmental discourses

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and practices of expertise expressed in maps, rumours, scientific reports, social media commentary, community development trainings, conference presentations, institutional documents, algorithms, energy dashboards and other sites of knowledge production, communication and consumption (see Nelson 2013, 2015, 2016, 2017a, b). These conflicting knowledge claims produce particular kinds of ‘green’ landscapes, citizens and relationships. As highlighted in the other chapters in this volume and in the critical energy literature more broadly, energy transitions are environmental interventions with their own sets of expectations, actors and emerging norms (Bridge et al. 2018). ‘Audit Cultures’ I argue that while energy transitions have many unique and contemporary characteristics, they draw upon similar sets of power relations, assumptions and discursive techniques to those operating in the international development and higher education sectors where I have conducted ethnographic research for more than a decade. One such commonality across these vibrant sectors is the expanding reach and importance of ‘audit cultures.’ Cris Shore and Susan Wright draw on a debate in anthropology to define audit culture: Increasingly, the principles and practices of modern accounting and financial control are being applied to contexts far removed from the world of bookkeeping and corporate management. It is the widespread proliferation of these calculative rationalities of modern financial accounting and their effects on individuals and organizations that we term ‘audit culture.’ (see p. 421 in Shore and Wright 2015)

The critical literature on audit culture broadly asserts that mundane technical practices can draw attention away from the realm of contestable politics (see Shore 2008; Strathern 2000). Shore and Wright (2015) trace the origins of certain patterns in audit culture in the military and higher education, its expansion into the corporate sector and its return again to the university. They examine credit rating agencies such as Moody’s, Standard and Poor’s, and Fitch and large international accounting firms such as what are known as the ‘Big Four’: Deloitte, PricewaterhouseCoopers, Ernst and Young, and KPMG (ibid.). These

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firms have branch offices in urban centres in the Global South and North as they audit work by NGOs, government offices, higher education institutions, private firms and others playing key roles in energy transition. As institutions engaging in energy transition work proliferate, chances are that significant aspects of their work beyond basic accounting will undergo auditing and analysis by one of these major firms or a sub-contracting affiliate through project monitoring and evaluation (M&E) consultancies and other increasingly mandatory assessment practices. Accountants from one of the Big Four companies usually audit a public university’s financial reports, while sustainability professionals in concert with facilities managers and others are learning to apply the logics of audit culture to an ever-expanding stream of energy, water and other data. Shore and Wright draw on philosophers and historians of science, knowledge and accounting, such as Michael Power in his book, The Audit Society: Rituals of Verification (1997) to trace the perverse effects of the rise of mistrust in professional judgement as the emphasis on formal systems of auditing and inspection increases. Framing accounting practices as ‘rituals of verification’ is crucial to bringing our indicators and metrics “back down to earth,” to quote a phrase from one of my FPE mentors, Dianne Rocheleau (2011), because this highlights the fact that accounting procedures are cultural and ritualistic as much as they are ‘rational.’ Just as feminist critics of the practices of Western science offer us examples of how to read the production of science critically—I am thinking of Carolyn Merchant (1980), who pointed out that scientific writings such as those of Francis Bacon, drip with masculinized fantasy language of raping and controlling nature—feminist scholars have called for situating science in its cultural contexts and assumptions and in enduring legacies of colonialism and capitalism (Haraway 1988; Harding 1991; Jasanoff 2004). In his analysis of audit culture in British universities, Chris Shore (see p. 280 in Shore 2008) argues that the formalization of previously “informal relations of trust” in contexts in the UK, Australia and New Zealand emerged out of broad public outcry upon discovering serious wrongdoing by professionals in banking, medical and religious institutions (following Power 2004). The growth of audit culture as part of the spread of neoliberal logics in universities in the United States has its own set of

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drivers. In her analysis of the production of knowledge under ‘neoliberal science regimes’ in the United States, geographer and science, technology and society studies (STSS) scholar, Rebecca Lave, argues: The policies and practices that stem from neoliberalism’s very distinctive set of claims about epistemology and the university take forms that are nationally specific and operationalized differently by discipline and even by campus…Despite this variation, there are commonalities…reduction in public funding for universities, separation of teaching and research, the replacement of peer review with market-based mechanisms, the tyranny of relevance, and the formidable strengthening of intellectual property protections. (see pp. 21–2 in Lave 2012)

An existing scholarly literature offers thorough analyses of the mechanisms, effects and responses to the neoliberalization of universities in the United States and beyond (see Slaughter and Rhoades 2004; Canaan and Shumar 2008), with feminist scholars highlighting strategies for addressing work precarity and exhaustion amidst the onslaught of metrics-driven restructuring (see Mountz et  al. 2015; Ahmed 2017; Bottrell and Manathunga 2019). A second historical driver shaping university campuses as logical settings for ‘green accounting’ emerged out of broader global debates concerning sustainable development (Wright 2002). Influential individuals such as Anthony Cortese, former dean of Environmental Programs at Tufts University, Massachusetts, Senator John F. Kerry and philanthropist Teresa Heinz Kerry joined forces to support some of the major organizations shaping sustainability in higher education today. Cortese convened a core group of university administrators in Talloires, France, in 1990 for a conference and formal Talloires Declaration of University Leaders for a Sustainable Future (UNESCO 1990). Out of their shared conversations at the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, in 1993 Cortese, Kerry and Heinz founded Second Nature, Inc., an organization “committed to accelerating climate action in, and through, higher education” (Second Nature 2019). AASHE emerged out of the work of Second Nature, Inc., and numerous smaller conferences and campuses contributed to efforts to treat universities as obvious sites for demonstrating

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sustainable practices, including an emphasis on ‘green accounting’ (Wright 2002; Davey 2017). The nuances of audit culture in campus sustainability and in campus energy management in particular reflect these broader debates about social relations in neoliberal contexts. In a regional networking session at the 2016 AASHE conference in Baltimore, Maryland, one sustainability officer lamented the intensifying role of auditing systems on her campus: “I used to be able to call Bob in facilities to get a work order done and now that personal connection is gone. Now that we have this whole new system helping us meet our sustainability goals, I don’t even know if Bob works here anymore and I can’t remember the last time I spoke to him.” Taylor, another sustainability officer who was listening in on our conversation, then interjected: Yes, but at [institutional name removed] it got really bad as the number of work orders became overwhelming at certain times. Our ‘Bob’ would only fill your work order if he knew you and the others would be left undone. The fact that there is a computer system now tracking everything ensures that people are aware of which orders are still outstanding and need filling and we can see how long it is taking to get things completed. The old boy’s network needs to be broken down to make things more transparent and efficient…We also used to have contractors bringing reels of copper wire purchased by [institutional name removed] home with them for their buddies and other projects…now it is harder to do that.

Taylor’s colleague Brady added, “this systems approach has helped reduce abuses of the college’s resource purchases.” But are these attempts to improve efficiency and root out waste and abuse of resource access through new ‘rituals of verification’ in the form of sustainability and facilities information management systems actually as neutral as they sound? Power relations still permeate this system of severed relations with ‘Bob in facilities’ and replaces such interactions across job titles in campus spaces with a new expert in the form of a sustainability officer or other audit culture figure who exerts power through the promise of transparent data. While this might appear to be a potentially feminist process of breaking down entrenched power hierarchies at prestigious institutions

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by opening up more space for a predominantly woman-identified professional workforce, a feminist political ecology perspective demands a deeper analysis of these emerging power relations embedded in the ostensibly positive notion of sustainability. Analytics is a highly performative practice dependent upon professionalized social capital and demands a great deal of effort from lay people if they want a deeper look into who becomes a believable expert in this field. Critical work on audit culture is one of many sets of tools that can help us to situate not only science but our current neoliberal rituals of accounting and the production of evidence as they shape energy transitions and their gendered logics and impacts. The spaces of contestable politics highlighted by many of the other chapter authors in this volume can become through the practices of audit culture merely technical sites for management by experts. FPE draws on collaborative and participatory methods with marginalized groups, as well as different strategies for studying institutions exemplified in the science, technology and society studies (STS) field in which researchers examine chief executive officers (CEOs), bureaucrats, scientists, technicians and other professional experts in the context of other marginalized sites and sources of knowledge production (Lave 2012). In my broader project concerning the green ‘techno-politics’ of university campus spaces, I examine three overarching questions: How do campus spaces serve as sites of enacting specific normalizing views of nature and gender and what new geographies emerge from such views? How do intersectional dynamics shape campus techno-politics and how can a decolonial feminist political ecology approach challenge white supremacy in campus spaces? In what ways do energy and other analytics services constrain, reinforce and/or expand the actual and possible practices and discourses of sustainability, safety and wellness and to whose benefit or harm? For the purposes of this chapter, I focus on some of my findings regarding the third question using a multi-method FPE approach involving discourse analysis of materials produced by the energy/analytics sectors

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for campus managers and users, event ethnography of key higher education sustainability conferences and follow-up interviews.2 Event ethnography is an important method for studying experts and others at environmental summits and other gatherings (Campbell et  al. 2014; Corson et al. 2014). Short-term campus sustainability events are key networking spaces where professionals, vendors, students and other campus stakeholders debate and share their experiences with various energy and broader sustainability indicators. Although conference events are brief, they allow “an intensified interaction among individuals, ideas and infrastructures” (see p. 2014 in Koch 2018b) who normally work in a much more dispersed network in their day-to-day lives. As both an observer and at times as a participant involved in collaborative presentations on justice and sustainability, event ethnography allows me to assess the productive tensions that emerge as analytics vendors encounter campus sustainability officers, professors, students and others in the same spaces and follow the conversations and professional networking that ensue. Such tensions reflect anxieties, hopes and gendered assumptions that emerge in the context of increasing pressure to produce meaningful sustainability data.

 I began at first as a participant of multiple sustainability workshops on my own campus as a Sustainability Faculty Fellow in early 2014. In mid-2015, I launched two linked studies guided by the three core research questions above: The first study focuses on event ethnography, interviews and discourse analysis at sustainability conferences such as AASHE’s Conference and Expo, the Smart & Sustainable Campuses Conference (SSCC), the Northeast Campus Sustainability Consortium (NECSC) meetings and smaller regional workshops while the second focuses on the unique place-based factors shaping the greening of campuses in the ‘Green Mountain State’ (Vermont). Both studies are ongoing as of August 2019. I maintain a database with thousands of photographs, maps, advertisements, archival materials, posters, screen captures of social media posts, de-identified interview transcripts and conference programme documents and reports, all of which I have coded through an iterative process according to the themes highlighted in the three overarching research questions and several sub-questions. While I track basic quantitative information regarding the coded material, particularly to help me identify dominant buzzwords and analytical frameworks, my primary approach remains qualitative as I look for voices and modes of inquiry typically left out of conferencing spaces and visual and textual materials and as I am asked to draw from this material in collaborative writing, teaching and other projects with those working towards campus sustainability. 2

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 xamples of Campus Energy Transition E Power Dynamics Energy Dashboards and Assumptions About Audience On October 11, 2016, in a fairly cramped convention centre meeting room in Baltimore, Maryland, students, professors, facilities managers, sustainability officers and company representatives convened for an hour-­ long AASHE Conference ‘Energy Dashboards Meetup’ session. The brief structure of the introductory session over the lunch hour signalled its emphasis on networking among these different participants as opposed to a special fee-based, post-conference workshop in the ‘curriculum’ track of the conference titled Using Real-Time Campus Data to Explore Management and Behavior: Introduction to Teaching with Building Dashboard Technologies. In this shorter networking session, I wanted to understand how those providing energy analytics services approached potential clients over a focused and concrete topic such as energy dashboards. Most dashboards consist of screens mounted in areas of high pedestrian traffic on campuses and they display selective information about building energy usage on a campus. The type, timing and scope of data, visualization techniques and contextual information vary depending on the kinds of data available, the software used and other factors. The first half of the session focused on identifying common challenges or questions for discussion and the second half of the session consisted of flash presentations of leading examples in energy dashboard innovation. Star examples included the linked Citywide Dashboard and Oberlin College Building Dashboards in Oberlin, Ohio, which uses “An animated display of current electricity and water use and environmental conditions in the entire community. ‘Flash’ the energy squirrel and ‘Walley the Walleye’ narrate the dynamic story” (See Petersen et  al. 2014; Environmental Dashboard 2019). In this example, presenters made the case that outsourcing the platform setup, data management and analytics capabilities enables stakeholders to spend more of their time working on outreach and doing the hard and long-term work of social engagement. Reactions

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ranged from admiration and excitement to frustration. One participant quipped, “well those screens we set up for students were cool for one month, then they started walking right by them and people are immune to screens now…the screen uses a lot of energy and other resources too….” I can best describe the dynamics at play in the energy dashboard session as awkward. Analytics vendors wanted quick and easy access to potential clients in a forum to better understand emerging trends in client demands. In side conversations at various tables, many of these potential ‘clients’ expressed mild annoyance that the session was open to vendors. Gradually, select participants opened up and became quite frank about their needs. One professor suggested that folks in the room get together and crowd source different data management and visualization applications…what are your major successes? We need to move beyond a single institutional approach…but then there are politics to this…IP issues, licensing, we have a bootstrap solution for now…there are annual maintenance fee issues….

Another participant added, Getting real-time access to the sub-meters is a problem. You need the right software package that only the company provides…the data is not available unless they sell you something. Protocols can be proprietary and some folks give you tiers of data access. This is the antithesis of open source. We spend a lot of money…so there are guys building up their own system, breaking into…the data with some reverse engineering…

These statements provoked audible whispering among select vendors. Here were their ‘clients,’ admitting to trying to break into their analytics products to access what their clients viewed as rightfully theirs: the abundant data streaming from energy and water systems on their own campuses. The sticky political issues of who owns data when it otherwise would not have existed without a proprietary sub-metering device producing it, or when different analysis outputs of these data would not exist without proprietary software making such outputs, were not lost on many of the

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participants in the room. Eight of the participants with whom I spoke appeared to believe that “raw data” exist and are valuable for a variety of strategic purposes, while at the same time they struggled with a nagging reality that what kinds of data become essential in the construction of sustainability ratings and rankings lie within several professional and institutional realms beyond their control. In the edited volume “Raw Data” is an Oxymoron, Lisa Gitelman draws on work by Geoffrey Bowker (2005) to argue, At first glance data are apparently before the fact: they are the starting point for what we know, who we are, and how we communicate. This shared sense of starting with data often leads to an unnoticed assumption that data are transparent, that information is self-evident, the fundamental stuff of truth itself. If we’re not careful, in other words, our zeal for more and more data can become a faith in their neutrality and autonomy, their objectivity. Think of the ways people talk and write about data. Data are familiarly “collected”, “entered,” “stored”, “processed,” “mined,” and “interpreted.” Less obvious are the ways in which the final term of this sequence— interpretation—haunts its predecessors…Data need to be imagined as data to exist and function as such, and the imagination of data entails an interpretive base [emphasis in the original]. (See pp. 2–3 in Gitelman 2013)

Building on and accepting these assumptions of data’s neutrality, autonomy and objectivity, several proponents of open source data solutions in the room were particularly critical of institutions of higher education pursuing contracts with companies such as Lucid. Particularly for public institutions, shouldn’t these data belong to a broader citizenry anyway? An open data perspective might at first appear to align with feminist political ecologists’ efforts to broaden access to resources, information and claims to expertise across gendered and other categories. Yet concerns also arose regarding what kinds of data were deemed important to produce alongside issues of privacy and the need for differential access to potentially sensitive information. Indeed, several authors in this volume demonstrate that it’s not enough to merely open up access to energy data, it’s critical that we change the kinds of data we make in order to

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understand dynamics within households and along other relations of importance to daily life. During the dashboard session, I shared some of the perspectives that different people living and working in campus spaces have expressed through the course of my research in Vermont. Students on my campus have mentioned their frustration with efforts to install energy dashboards while at the same time feeling as though they have very little ability to ‘speak back’ to let facilities operators know “hey, I’m really cold” or “I’m so overheated in my room” or to comment on the accessibility of a specific ‘green’ social space on campus. This is one of the promises of analytics algorithms under experimentation on campuses at the moment, although the dominant narrative is one of creating greater peer pressure for behavioural change (Petersen et al. 2015). Eventually, ‘real-time’ data might be viewed on an app on a student’s phone, and more efficient pathways for reporting problems or more social tools might gain widespread acceptance to build competitive behavioural pressure among students to reduce their energy footprint by putting on a sweater during the winter rather than bringing down the chances of their dormitory winning a campus sustainability competition (see Petersen et al. 2015 as an example of behavioural research along these lines). I finished my comments by reporting frequently expressed desires not to be metered and monitored. At another university, a group of graduate students attempted to disrupt their campus sustainability office’s work with facilities to monitor energy usage in their building, which had several computer science labs. They typically devoted several sleepless nights to achieve parts of their research and then would break for a few days to recover and then go back to the lab for another energy-intensive work session. They were worried that if data became available about their actual usage of the lab, that a central planner somewhere would either make them stop their overnight energy binges or push to allow others to use the lab space while they were away. Given the intensity of territorial fighting among scientists on many campuses, I’m not sure how successful a sustainability officer might be in trying to promote efficiency in the use of space and energy if it might affect the working tempos of certain privileged scientists, flush with millions in grant monies.

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Regarding gender and the right to privacy as sub-metering expands, three undergraduate women in my research group expressed concerns about safety in terms of whether or not data about building energy use and possible occupant presence might be ‘hackable’ by potential stalkers. One sustainability officer in the dashboard session noted that his campus is working on a tiered access approach with Lucid’s dashboard systems so that companies contracted for specific services such as dining cannot access the dashboard systems. Lucid can then enable other stakeholders to access select data such as for a faculty Geographical Information System (GIS) project or for a student-led energy competition. With more controlled access, perhaps this will reduce possibilities for abuse of these systems. Surveillance, security and data availability with respect to energy transitions and gender clearly present significant avenues for further research. Thus far, however, analytics service providers broadly understand these critical issues as merely technical challenges that can be resolved by offering new features to their products purchased at substantial cost. This is an ongoing area of my research as I continue to study how energy and other analytics services constrain, reinforce and/or expand the actual and possible practices and discourses of sustainability, safety and wellness and to whose benefit or harm.

 nergy Innovations, Expertise and Belonging E on Campus Companies offering innovative hardware for improving energy efficiency monitoring must work to convince university facilities managers and procurement officials to devote limited funds to their products. Vendors market their wares to students who demand that campuses become more sustainable, to faculty looking for interesting research and classroom projects, to sustainability professionals looking to provide practical solutions for campus administrators and to facilities staff trying to bring operations costs down and achieve real efficiencies. Vendors have multiple strategies for demonstrating that their products can and should belong in a campus space and that they are worth the cost. In conference exhibit halls, vendor strategies varied partly according to embodied performances

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and perceptions of expertise across attendee status. In online and print advertisements, vendors rely upon specific visual references to demonstrate that their product or service belongs in campus spaces. In the AASHE and other conference exhibit halls, the majority of vendors did not bother pitching ‘green’ consumable products such as reusable cups, waste sorting bins and compostable graduation gowns to me once I introduced myself as a faculty member. In contrast, vendors eagerly pitched these products to my undergraduate student research assistants. One student assistant recalled during a 2015 AASHE exhibit hall post-­ observation debrief, “Most everyone wanted to talk with me…I kept hearing phrases like…‘as a student you have so much power’…‘you can pressure your administrators to take your demands for your school to go green seriously’…‘they listen to you, since you are the ones paying tuition,’ and ‘you vote with your dollars.’” She also observed, however, that vendors pitching data management platforms and sub-metering devices tended to quickly dismiss her while devoting their energetic attention to sustainability officers, faculty and procurement officials. While there are exceptions to this pattern of reactions to differently positioned researchers, we noted a predominant framing of students as ‘green’ product and amenity consumers while the status of sustainability experts and/or professionals applied more to faculty, sustainability officers and procurement officials in particular from the perspective of many vendor representatives. Beyond sustainability exhibit halls, in online and print advertisements vendors rely upon specific visual references to demonstrate that their products and services belong in campus spaces. I analysed different periodicals with potential campus sustainability-focused audiences such as the National Association of College and University Business Officers (NACUBO) Business Officer Magazine, the Association of Physical Plant Administrators (APPA) Facilities Manager Magazine, AASHE publications and conference programmes, the Sustainable Purchasing Leadership Council’s (SPLC) programmes and resources and local university campus student newspapers among others. Strategies for demonstrating campus belonging can at times reinforce gendered tropes about what typical campus spaces should look like and the kinds of technologies and expertise that are required for a sustainable campus and effective energy transition.

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Figure 6.1 is an example of using gender relations and tropes to convey that a specific energy product belongs in campus spaces. Published in the 2015 March/April volume (31) of Facilities Manager Magazine, the Amerlux company touted its SmartSite LSN® or Light Sensory Network, which offers light fixtures designed in the shape of aesthetically traditional street lamp posts that are also wirelessly controlled and have motion detection capabilities. The advertisement asserts: “Control. Operate. Manage. Wirelessly. Efficient lighting without limits.” The light fixture commands the viewer’s attention at the top of the full-page and bright light emanates beyond it to the campus landscape below. The light is efficient, but it is also so bright that it is safe enough for two white women students with their backpacks to walk in the dark along a recognizable brick path on a campus green with a picturesque wooden bench. This imagery of light as safety for young white women walking along a brick path at night can inadvertently reinforce tropes of campuses as sites of potential sexual assault from strangers lurking at night when in fact, the majority of sexual assaults on campus are committed by fellow students known to the person(s) they violated in socializing spaces, dorm rooms and other sites (Sinozich and Langton 2014). The symbols of the brick path, the green monoculture grass, the young white women with backpacks, all signal common ideas about recognizable campus users and spaces. While the technology on offer appears to be innovative and a useful tool for achieving sustainability goals with new technologies that produce sufficient data for campus energy experts, the spatial signifiers deployed to help potential clients imagine this technology operating within their respective campus landscapes is quite limiting and gendered in ways that miss an opportunity to imagine campus spaces differently following principles of justice and genuine diversity. In this example, energy expertise emerges directly from technologies that produce and respond to proliferating energy data and not in challenging norms of who can belong in campus landscapes imagined differently.

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Fig. 6.1  Amerlux (2015). SmartSite® LSN Advertisement. (Source: Facilities Manager Magazine, 31(2), 5)

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 owards Energy Analytics Informed by T Feminist Politics In this chapter I have provided examples of how feminist political ecology can draw from the critical literature on ‘audit culture’ to inform our understanding of power relations shaping data production and analysis in energy transitions. I argue that feminist praxis can and should ‘count’ but in trouble-making ways that find new possibilities for rapidly expanding technologies to shape energy relations (Haraway 2016). How we count matters, as this can affect who can be seen as a knowing expert capable of counting and how different communities accommodate and utilize new technologies and kinds of data. After meeting anti-racist and feminist sustainability professionals early in my event ethnography research—who recounted their struggles to be seen and taken seriously as knowledgeable sustainability professionals at conferences and other similar settings beyond moments of identity tokenization—I was asked to collaborate in creating space for critical and justice-centred approaches to sustainability at two of AASHE’s conference events beyond the organization’s typical attempts to invite diverse charismatic, high-profile keynote speakers to open and close the conference. I initially assumed that adding a ‘critical sustainability studies’ approach into professional sustainability events would be difficult, but I found that AASHE’s conference is so big that critical voices can and do speak and create subversive spaces amidst the more dominant and ostensibly positive campus greening discourses. For example, at the 2016 conference, I co-presented in a panel session titled Exploring the Confluence of Race, Class and Gender Issues and our Campus Sustainability Work.3 Attendees  This panel session (event 1642), occurred on October 10 from 10:00 to 11:00 am in the Baltimore Convention Center (room 331) with co-presenters Michelle Gabrieloff-Parish (Energy & Climate Justice Manager at the University of Colorado Boulder), Heather Hackman (Founder and President of Hackman Consulting Group, LLC) and Indrani Singh (Director of Community Health Partnerships at the University of Rochester). We described the session as follows in the programme: “This panel session explores the powerfully important ways that dynamics of race, class and gender (RCG) impact the efficacy of our campus sustainability work, and then explains how a racial justice, economic justice, and gender justice framework can substantially deepen that very same work. The session begins with a brief explanation of how we are framing the connection between RCG issues and sustainability, followed by the outlining of the social justice lens through which we are 3

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exceeded the room’s 60-person capacity and shared their experiences and frustrations with the many exclusions produced in their different campus contexts. Our conversations with AASHE participants continued later in smaller groups. Several current and former students invited us to see how they were shifting dominant approaches to issues such as energy and waste away from audit culture practices and towards justice-centred approaches (see the work and ‘mandate’ of the Post-Landfill Action Network (PLAN) as one example from the ‘New Movement for Zero Waste’ (PLAN 2019)). Political pressure among some members of AASHE subsequently led the organization to develop and release a Diversity, Equity and Inclusion statement in 2018 (AASHE 2018) and their preliminary 2019 conference schedule reflects continued and growing attention to critical and justice-centred approaches to sustainability, although these are by no means the dominant focus of the event. On my own university’s campus, some students, faculty, staff and other community members are challenging the effects of audit culture, but they are doing so using different terms and without focusing explicitly on campus energy innovation. They are criticizing the neoliberalization of the university more broadly (see Neubauer 2018) and/or challenging white supremacy on campus, particularly in the aftermath of the 2016 US presidential election (see Aloe 2018). Directly highlighting and critiquing ‘audit culture’ in energy innovation and campus sustainability is so difficult and rare precisely because practices as banal as accounting methods are broadly dismissed as “prosaic and dull” (see p. 279 in Shore 2008) compared with identity-centred activism that clearly names and shames various high-level decision-makers. More common forms of resistance to on-campus energy transition audit culture involves merely walking by and ignoring energy dashboard displays, installing fans in dorm windows to prevent triggering smoke alarms, which reduce a dorm’s energy efficiency or moving off campus to spaces with little to no monitoring beyond paying a monthly energy bill among other practices. Romanticizing resistance to the disciplinary techniques that typify ‘audit culture,’ however, is not my aim. Scholarship critiquing ‘audit addressing them. We will utilize case study examples, small group dialogue, and an open question and answer period to foster participant engagement….”

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culture’ draws heavily from the work of Michel Foucault (1991) and others who challenge more commonly accepted notions of ‘resistance’ as the logical political response to negative forms of power (see Barry et  al. 1996; Veyne 1997; Koch 2013; Nealon 2008). Rather, ‘audit culture’ is primarily an example of ‘positive’ practices of power that produce new techniques for management and daily activity and renders such practices as neutral and obvious. Feminist engagement with the practices and discourses of ‘audit culture’ requires more than merely obstructing a limited scope of negative forms of power within higher education and other institutions. Doing feminist work will continue to require close attention to the political dynamics of expertise and technological innovation in the energy transition. Feminist scholars have an opportunity to work together to question, trouble, reframe and create many alternatives amidst these banal auditing practices and related discourses within energy analytics across diverse contexts. As I continue to research and participate in networks of sustainability professionals on and beyond campuses, I find hope and inspiration and many possibilities for co-creating a feminist energy analytics.

References AASHE (Association for the Advancement of Sustainability in Higher Education). (2018). Diversity, equity & inclusion. https://www.aashe.org/ about-us/diversity-equity-inclusion/. Accessed 20 March 2019 Ahmed, S. (2017). Living a feminist life. Durham: Duke University Press. Aloe, J. (2018, February 20). UVM student group demands resignation of university President Sullivan. Burlington Free Press. https://www.burlingtonfreepress.com/story/news/2018/02/20/uvm-student-group-demandsresignation-university-president-sullivan/355962002/ Amerlux. (2015). SmartSite® LSN Advertisement. Facilities Manager Magazine, 31(2), 5. Barry, A., Osborne, T., & Rose, N.  S. (1996). Foucault and political reason: Liberalism, neo-liberalism, and rationalities of government. London: UCL Press. Bottrell, D., & Manathunga, C. (Eds.). (2019). Resisting neoliberalism in higher education, volume I. Cham: Palgrave.

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Bowker, G.  C. (2005). Memory practices in the sciences. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Bridge, G., Barca, S., Özkaynak, B., Turhan, E., & Wyeth, R. (2018). Towards a political ecology of EU energy policy. In C. Foulds & R. Robison (Eds.), Advancing energy policy: Lessons on the integration of social sciences and humanities (pp. 163–175). Cham: Palgrave Pivot. Campbell, L.  M., Corson, C., Gray, N.  J., MacDonald, K.  I., & Brosius, J. P. (2014). Studying global environmental meetings to understand global environmental governance: Collaborative event ethnography at the tenth conference of the parties to the convention on biological diversity. Global Environmental Politics, 14(3), 1–20. Canaan, J. E., & Shumar, W. (Eds.). (2008). Structure and agency in the Neoliberal University. London: Routledge. Cidell, J. (2009). Building green: The emerging geography of LEED-certified buildings and professionals. The Professional Geographer, 61(2), 200–215. Cohen, T., & Lovell, B. (2013). The campus as a living laboratory: Using the built environment to revitalize college education (A guide for community colleges). Washington, DC.: American Association of Community Colleges. Corson, C., Campbell, L. M., & MacDonald, K. I. (2014). Capturing the personal in politics: Ethnographies of global environmental governance. Global Environmental Politics, 14(3), 21–40. Davey, E. (2017). Recapturing the learning opportunities of university sustainability indicators. Journal of Environmental Studies and Sciences, 7(4), 540–549. Environmental Dashboard. (2019). https://environmentaldashboard.org/. Accessed 20 Nov 2018. Foucault, M. (1980). Power/knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings, 1972–1977. New York: Pantheon Books. Foucault, M. (1991). Governmentality. In G. Burchell, C. Gordon, & P. Miller (Eds.), The Foucault effect: Studies in governmentality (pp. 87–118). London: Harvester Wheatsheaf. Freidberg, S. (2014). Footprint Technopolitics. Geoforum, 55(1), 178–189. Gitelman, L. (Ed.). (2013). “Raw Data” is an oxymoron. Cambridge, MA: MIT University Press. Haraway, D. (1988). Situated knowledges: The science question in feminism and the privilege of partial perspective. Feminist Studies, 14(3), 575–599. Haraway, D. (2016). Staying with the trouble: Making kin in the Chthulucene. Durham/London: Duke University Press.

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Harcourt, W., & Nelson, I. L. (Eds.). (2015). Practising feminist political ecologies: Moving beyond the ‘Green Economy’. London: Zed Books. Harding, S. (1991). Whose science? Whose knowledge?: Thinking from Women’s lives. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Jasanoff, S. (Ed.). (2004). States of knowledge: The co-production of science and the social order. New York: Routledge. Koch, N. (2013). Technologising the opinion: Focus groups, performance and free speech. Area, 45(4), 411–418. Koch, N. (2018a). Green laboratories: University campuses as sustainability “exemplars” in the Arabian Peninsula. Society and Natural Resources, 31(5), 525–540. Koch, N. (2018b). The geopolitics of sport beyond soft power: Event ethnography and the 2016 cycling world championships in Qatar. Sport in Society, 21(12), 2010–2031. Lave, R. (2012). Neoliberalism and the production of environmental knowledge. Environment and Society: Advances in Research, 3, 19–38. Li, T.  M. (2007). The will to improve: Governmentality, development, and the practice of politics. Durham: Duke University Press. Lucid. (2019). Solutions. https://lucidconnects.com/solutions. Accessed 23 July 2019. Merchant, C. (1980). The death of Nature: Women, ecology, and the scientific revolution. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Merry, S. E. (2011). Measuring the world: Indicators, human rights, and global governance. Current Anthropology, 52(3), S83–S95. Mitchell, T. (2002). Rule of experts: Egypt, techno-politics, modernity. Berkeley: University of California Press. Mollett, S., & Faria, C. (2013). Messing with gender in feminist political ecology. Geoforum, 45(1), 116–125. Mountz, A., Bonds, A., Mansfield, B., Loyd, J., Hyndman, J., Walton-Roberts, M., Basu, R., Whitson, R., Hawkins, R., Hamilton, T., & Curran, W. (2015). For slow scholarship: A feminist politics of resistance through collective action in the neoliberal university. ACME: An International E-Journal for Critical Geographies, 14(4), 1235–1259. Nealon, J. T. (2008). Foucault beyond Foucault: Power and its intensifications since 1984. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Nelson, I. L. (2013). The allure and privileging of danger over everyday practice in field research. Area, 45(4), 419–425.

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Nelson, I. L. (2015). Feminist political ecology and the (un)making of ‘heroes’: Encounters in Mozambique. In W. Harcourt & I. L. Nelson (Eds.), Practicing feminist political ecologies: Moving beyond the ‘green economy’ (pp. 131–156). London: Zed Books. Nelson, I. L. (2016). Responding to technologies of ‘fixing’ ‘nuisance’ webs of relation in the Mozambican woodlands. In W. Harcourt (Ed.), The Palgrave handbook of gender and development: Critical engagements in feminist theory and practice (pp. 251–261). London: Palgrave Macmillan. Nelson, I.  L. (2017a). Interspecies care and aging in a gorilla 2.0 world. Geoforum, 79, 144–152. Nelson, I. L. (2017b). Gendered orphan kits, authority, power and the role of rumor in the woodlands of Mozambique. Gender, Place & Culture, 24(9), 1263–1282. Neubauer, K. (2018, February 4). UVM union criticizes ‘obsession with image’, and larger classes, fewer faculty. VTDigger. https://vtdigger.org/2018/02/04/ uvm-union-criticizes-cuts-in-classes-and-positions/ Petersen, J. E., Frantz, C., & Shammin, R. (2014). Using sociotechnical feedback to engage, educate, motivate, & empower environmental thought and action. Solutions, 5(1), 79–87. Petersen, J. E., Frantz, C. M., Shammin, M. R., Yanisch, T. M., Tincknell, E., & Myers, N. (2015). Electricity and water conservation on college and university campuses in response to National Competitions among dormitories: Quantifying relationships between behavior, conservation strategies and psychological metrics. PLoS One, 10(12), 1–41. Post-Landfill Action Network (PLAN). (2019). Our diversity, equity and inclusion mandate. https://www.postlandfill.org/diversity-equity-inclusion-mandate/. Accessed 20 July 2019. Power, M. (1997). The audit society: Rituals of verification. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Power, M. (2004). The risk management of everything: Rethinking the politics of uncertainty (Vol. 5, p. 58). London: Demos. Rocheleau, D. (2011). Rooted networks, webs of relation, and the Power of situated science: Bringing the models Back down to earth in Zambrana. In M.  J. Goldman, P.  Nadasdy, & M.  D. Turner (Eds.), Knowing Nature: Conversations at the intersection of political ecology and science studies (pp. 209–226). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Rocheleau, D. (2015). A situated view of feminist political ecology from my networks, roots and territories. In W.  Harcourt & I.  L. Nelson (Eds.),

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Practicing feminist political ecologies: Moving beyond the ‘green economy’ (pp. 29–66). London: Zed Books. Second Nature. (2019). Mission. https://secondnature.org/mission/. Accessed 24 July 2019. Shore, C. (2008). Audit culture and illiberal governance: Universities and the politics of accountability. Anthropological Theory, 8, 278–298. Shore, C., & Wright, S. (2015). Audit culture revisited: Rankings, ratings, and the reassembling of society. Current Anthropology, 56(3), 421–444. Sinozich, S., & Langton, L. (2014). Rape and sexual assault victimization among college-age females, 1995–2013 special report. U.S.  Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics. https://www.bjs.gov/ content/pub/pdf/rsavcaf9513.pdf. Accessed 20 Nov 2018. Slaughter, S., & Rhoades, G. (2004). Academic capitalism and the new economy. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Smith, A. S., & Gottlieb, R. (1992). Campus environmental audits: The UCLA experience. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers. Strathern, M. (2000). Introduction. In M.  Strathern (Ed.), Audit cultures: Anthropological studies in accountability, ethics, and the academy (pp. 1–18). London: Routledge. The Trustees of Princeton University. (2018). Explore Campus as Lab. Office of Sustainability, Princeton University. https://sustain.princeton.edu/lab. Accessed 10 Jan 2019. Thomashow, M. (2014). The Nine Elements of a Sustainable Campus. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. UNESCO. (1990). The Talloires Declaration. Gland: UNESCO. Veyne, P. (1997). Foucault revolutionizes history. In A.  I. Davidson (Ed.), Foucault and his interlocutors (pp.  146–182). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Wright, T. S. A. (2002). Definitions and frameworks for environmental sustainability in higher education. Higher Education Policy, 15, 105–120.

7 How Gender Equality Principles Are Integrated in National Energy Policies and Frameworks Ana Rojas and Maria Prebble

Introduction Energy frameworks—understood as policies, plans and strategies developed for the energy sector—are generally perceived to be technical interventions with little to no social content or implications, in spite the essential role energy has in supporting all human activities, from cooking and heating—to sustaining production processes and services. The risk of drafting and implementing gender neutral frameworks is that the national energy frameworks may inadvertently discriminate against women, as women in general have less access to modern energy sources, face barriers to financial resources to invest in modern technologies and participate in lesser numbers from labour opportunities in the sector. If not corrected, this trend could mean that the frameworks regulating the energy transitions will also

A. Rojas (*) • M. Prebble IUCN, Global Programme on Governance and Rights, Washington, DC, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_7

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lack a gender perspective and could continue to i­nadvertently discrimate against women. In recent years, the discourse linking energy access to the delivery of development goals—including its potential to support gender equality and women’s empowerment—seems to be grounding itself in the design of energy frameworks. To understand the extent to which gender is being mainstreamed in these frameworks at the national level, the authors conducted an assessment of 192 energy frameworks from 137 countries between 2016 and 2017, as part of a joint research by the International Union for Conservation of Nature’s (IUCN) Global Gender Office (GGO), in collaboration with ENERGIA, the International Network on Gender and Sustainable Energy. The authors have conducted additional analysis of 67 SEforALL country action documents as well as different mitigation actions to identify, in a similar manner, how gender considerations are included and characterized in these frameworks. This chapter captures and expands on the main findings of the 2017 research, including cross-cutting gender issues which help identify the priority areas of action for governments, in a manner that the findings of this research can be used as guidance and reflections to achieve a more gender-responsive energy transition. For this purpose, this chapter briefly introduces the concept of energy transitions in combination with an analytical framework proposed by Feenstra (2002), on the characteristics and elements required for an energy framework to be gender sensitive. This chapter further explains the methodology used for conducting the 2017 research and aligns the research findings with Feenstra’s framework for assessing the gender responsiveness of energy policies, seeking to both identify if those elements are found in existing energy frameworks, including those found in the other two researches conducted by the authors. Finally, this chapter provides examples of how gender considerations can be addressed in future policies, plans and strategies with the goal to support decision-makers in the development of a more gender-­ responsive energy transition.

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F raming the Gender Equality Conversation Within the Current Energy Transition  he Energy Transition and Its Implications T for Gender Equality Energy transitions are fundamental structural changes in the energy sector. These transitions are experienced globally and differ in terms of motivation and objectives, drivers and governance and provide diverse sets of challenges and opportunities (WEC 2014). The energy transition we are currently in is driven by the goal to transform the global energy sector from being fossil fuel-based to becoming zero-carbon by the second half of this century (IRENA 2018a)—as a recognition of the effect greenhouse gases, including carbon dioxide, have on climate change—and ensuring universal access to modern energy technologies—as part of the commitments to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), mainly SDG 7 on energy—including doubling renewable energy sources and ensuring universal energy access—and SDG 5 on gender equality and women’s empowerment. The above, in combination with a price decrease of renewable energy technologies, has meant that investments in renewable technologies are growing on a yearly basis. This trend seems to favour utility scale generation—that is, wind farms and solar parks accrued investments of US$216.1 billion in 2017—with relatively marginal investments in distributed capacity—rooftop and other small solar projects of less than 1  MW benefiting from US$49.4 billion in the same year (Frankfurt School of Finance and Management 2018). Increased investments in renewables results in an increase in the labour force of this specific energy sector. According to IRENA (2018b), employment in the renewable energy sector reached 10.3 million jobs in 2017— an increase of 5.3% compared with 2016. Moreover, IRENA projects that the energy transition will add 19 million jobs in renewable energy, energy efficiency and grid enhancement; noting that the transition is expected to generate the loss of 7.4 million direct and indirect jobs in

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fossil fuels, the net gain in jobs will be of 11.6 million by 2050, all in the renewable energy sector (IRENA 2018b). Within this transition, policy-makers are required to keep up with the technological developments and investment trends, while seeking manners to ensure these trends can guide sustainable development, ensuring a just transition1 or as a minimum avoiding the perpetuation or increase of social and gender gaps. This means that a just transition in the energy sector will be tasked, among others, with the maximization of benefits derived from the deployment, installation and maintenance of renewable energy technologies. Knowing that high-skill job creation is one of the direct results of the energy transition, it is up to policy-makers to guide this process and ensure women can join this new and expanding labour force in equal terms as their male counterparts. Moreover, expanding the benefits of the energy transition to society at large requires understanding the energy needs of different social sectors and ensuring that investments in utility scale generation can also benefit the lowest quintiles in their countries. It also requires the acknowledgement that investment in utility-scale energy infrastructure can have important social and gender impacts in the affected and surrounding communities, which need to also be addressed in policy processes and guide investments. Still, an estimated 2.8 billion people do not have access to clean cooking technologies, of which 2.5 billion rely on solid biomass, 120 million on kerosene and 170 million on coal, to cook their meals (IEA 2018). The current energy transition therefore presents an opportunity for policy-­makers and investors to eradicate the use of inefficient and hazardous fuels for cooking and heating.

 According to Rosemberg (2010), the “[…] ‘Just Transition’ can be understood as the conceptual framework in which the labour movement captures the complexities of the transition towards a low-carbon and climate-resilient economy, highlighting public policy needs and aiming to maximize benefits and minimize hardships for workers and their communities in this transformation” (p. 141). 1

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 lements for Planning for a Gender-Responsive E Energy Transition Miller and Richter (2014) recognize the social dimensions of energy systems, socio-energy systems, and identify in their work four elements of social change that accompany transitions in the energy system. Although they identify gender relations as part of the social elements that shape the energy system, they do not elaborate further on the manner in which women and men experience and are impacted differently by the energy system or its transition. Hence, their proposal for social planning strategies for energy transitions would greatly benefit from acknowledging how existing gender analytical tools can ensure that women’s needs, desires and visions of their energy future—in terms of access to labour opportunities, technologies, mobility and so on—are properly identified and included in the policy frameworks that shape the present energy transition. In this regard, it will be appropriate to consider Feenstra’s (2002) reflections on what constitutes a gender aware energy policy, meaning a policy that (i) ensures that the energy needs and energy concerns of both women and men are considered; (ii) increases the participation of women in the energy sector; and (iii) relies on gender-disaggregated data on energy uses and needs to guide policy implementation. Gender-aware policies can be a means to inform the planning and policy framework of the energy transition in a gender-responsive manner. Gender-responsive policies go a step further than gender-aware policies to address one or several underlying gender equality principles, namely welfare (or well-­ being), empowerment, equality/equity, efficiency and anti-poverty (Feenstra 2002). In her analysis, Feenstra (2002) proposes five characteristics for energy policies to be gender responsive. Mainly these would need to (i) be developed using sex-disaggregated data as a basis, recording women’s and men’s differentiated uses, needs and so on; (ii) have a commitment to mainstreaming gender (e.g., by ensuring gender is addressed at all levels) from objective definition to activity design and budgetary support for implementation; (iii) be developed in a participatory manner, ensuring women’s participation in the policy-making process; (iv) recognize women’s

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role in energy provision and use; and (v) apply an integrated energy planning approach, which recognizes the multi-dimensional character of energy2 and promotes a demand-driven approach towards energy planning (Feenstra 2002). Feenstra (2002) also gives consideration to the conditions required to enable an environment where gender-responsive energy policies can be drafted and implemented. These six conditions include the existence of participatory, methodological, legal, political, institutional and financial frameworks that ensure women’s and men’s participation and recognize gender equality as a guiding principle (Feenstra 2002).

The Scope of This Chapter The authors have conducted a series of document analyses between 2015 and 2017 in order to identify and understand the degree to which gender considerations are addressed in energy policies, plans and strategies worldwide. These analyses had the intent to provide insights to the degree and manner in which gender considerations are addressed in energy frameworks and in energy-related mitigation actions, specifically national energy policies, Sustainable Energy for All (SEforALL) country action documents and national mitigation strategies under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Although these analyses did not intend to assess nor rank the gender awareness or gender responsiveness of these frameworks, the authors were able to identify policies that include one or more of the characteristics of gender-­ aware policies as proposed by Feenstra (2002). This chapter is dedicated to present some of those findings in a manner that they align, where appropriate, with Feenstra’s framework for  The multi-dimensional character of energy requires policies to address the political aspects of use, production, provision and distribution of energy services, their prioritization and organization; economic aspects, including the allocation of financial resources for implementation; environmental aspects, including addressing local environmental impacts and how energy interventions could contribute to global and local environmental improvements; and finally, social aspects which require governments to reconcile conflicting and convergent societal interests, redressing inequalities and leading to societal and economic transformations which should also include those related to gender equality (Skutsch et al. 2006). 2

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gender-responsive energy policies. It focuses strongly on the 2017 analysis national energy policies and therefore provides information closely related to Feenstra’s original focus of study. The other two assessments will be mentioned in order to expand other elements identified by Feenstra (2002) in her framework and to recognize the existence of processes that relate to energy transition which may be guided by international development processes or agendas.

Identifying Gender Equality in National Energy Frameworks The authors conducted an analysis of 192 national energy frameworks in 2017. The findings of ‘Energizing Equality: The importance of integrating gender equality principles in national energy policies and frameworks’ (Prebble and Rojas 2017a) offer insights into the ways in which governments are recognizing gender considerations in the context of their energy policy-making and planning. The analysis also identifies trends with respect to key cross-cutting gender issues and provides regional comparisons that can be used to further understand the degree in which gender considerations are—or can be—addressed in the actions shaping the current energy transition. The analysis covered frameworks from 137 countries, included 31 countries from the Asia and Pacific region, 25 Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries, 28 sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries, four Middle East and North African (MENA) countries, 30 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries and 19 non-OECD Eurasia countries. All documents included in this analysis, herein referred to generally as national energy frameworks, were the policies, plans or strategies approved by national governments and still in effect in 2017.3  National energy frameworks were retrieved from national energy and environment ministries, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) website or from the Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency Partnership (REEEP) platform. This chapter does not attempt to be conclusive of all national energy sector frameworks, as not all energy frameworks are publicly available. 3

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The analysis entailed the use of a gender dictionary4 curated by the IUCN, where 68 unique English, Spanish and French terms were used to determine whether or how often a framework addressed gender equality considerations in its text. Once these references were identified, the context of the keywords was analysed to identify the manner in which gender considerations were characterized in each framework. Afterwards, the keyword counts were tabulated to determine the overall frequency of keywords mentions and identify regional trends.

 nergy Frameworks Containing Gender E Key Words The 2017 assessment revealed that 61 (32%) frameworks include gender keywords. This main finding shows not only the many diverse opportunities in which countries are integrating gender, but also that many countries are seizing the opportunity. Including gender keywords indicates a country’s awareness that energy policy should not be “gender-blind” and not consider or distinguish the different gender implications of interventions in the energy sector (Fig. 7.1). There are regional trends for policies that recognize gender considerations as key in energy planning. In this respect, half (32) of the frameworks that include gender keywords are from sub-Saharan Africa, with the Asia and Pacific region closely following, with 22 frameworks. Although a separate analysis will be required to further understand the elements that enabled the strong recognition shown by these two regions, one can speculate some of this recognition comes from the acknowledgement that energy poverty has a strong impact on the lives of women and girls. For one, of the world’s 1.1 billion people living without access to electricity, 95% live in these two regions (IEA and World Bank 2015), as

 This gender dictionary is used by the Environment and Gender Information (EGI) platform, which aims—through data and analysis—to convey the value of gender-responsive environmental conservation and sustainable development. 4

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Fig. 7.1  Presence of gender keyword mentions in national energy frameworks. (Prebble and Rojas 2017a)

well as a large number of the world’s 2.8 billion people living without access to clean cooking technologies.5 Gender equality in the energy sector is commonly contextualized as development challenges, such as in disparities in energy access or time poverty. Consequently only four—out of 43—frameworks from countries belonging to the OECD include gender considerations, all in the context of increasing women’s participation in the energy sector (Fig. 7.2). Globally, six frameworks acknowledge universal energy access as a recognized human right,6 and five of these frameworks come from the Latin American and Caribbean region. Of these five, only the framework from Dominica includes gender keywords. It is worth acknowledging that the  According to the International Energy Agency (IEA) almost 80% of the population in sub-­ Saharan Africa still cooks with traditional fuels—solid biomass—with 20 out of the 25 countries worldwide where more than 90% of the population cooks with solid biomass are located in sub-­ Saharan Africa (IEA 2018). 6  The Maldives is the only non-LAC country to also recognize universal energy access as a human right in its energy framework. The LAC countries that address energy access as a human right are Brazil, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Dominica and Uruguay. 5

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Fig. 7.2  Regional comparison of national-level energy documents. (Prebble and Rojas 2017a)

only policies to explicitly mention ‘social inclusion’ come from this region (Brazil, Bolivia and Uruguay) although these three do not mention gender keywords.

 ender Equality Elements That Can Guide G a Just Energy Transition The 2017 analysis was able to identify the manner in which elements required for gender-aware energy policies are being addressed. In order to align the findings of the analysis with Feenstra’s characteristics, this section will briefly address how policies: (i) use sex-disaggregated data to track progress, (ii) commit to mainstream gender from objective definition, to activity design, to budgetary support, (iii) advocate for women’s participation in the policy-making process, (iv) recognize women’s roles and needs in energy provision and use and (v) apply an integrated planning approach. As the authors’ interest is to explore the degree to which the research findings align themselves with Feenstra’s (2002) gender framework, the following subsections have been developed in order to showcase different

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characteristics required for energy policies to be gender responsive, understood as those frameworks in which all five elements of Feenstra’s framework can be identified.

 eliance on Sex-Disaggregated Data and the Use R of Gender Indicators Twelve frameworks contextualize gender within the energy sector through the use of sex-disaggregated data. For example, Botswana’s ‘Biomass Energy Strategy’ (2009) states that women are three times more likely to be tasked at collecting fuelwood than their male counterparts. (Botswana 2009: p.  52). Three frameworks—from Botswana, Mauritius and Nauru—call for sex-disaggregated data to be collected for energy project design, implementation or evaluation. Translating gender-responsive action into measurable indicators is necessary for informing policy development, tracking progress and evaluating progress. Thirteen energy frameworks propose to develop and/or employ gender indicators for energy project design, implementation or evaluation. Four frameworks, from Bangladesh, Benin, Botswana and Nigeria, identify gender indicators for either the framework or for a specific activity. Examples of gender indicators include (i) number of jobs created for women and men as a result of renewable energy generation; (ii) number of maintenance technicians trained in the production of energy technologies designed to alleviate women’s domestic tasks; and (iii) accessibility to loans to purchase solar technologies, disaggregated by sex.

 ainstreaming Gender in National M Energy Frameworks In this respect, it is noteworthy that 20—a little more than 10%—of the frameworks either included gender equality or gender mainstreaming as a guiding principle for the policy or committed to supporting a gender mainstreaming process across the energy sector. Although a policy’s

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commitment for gender mainstreaming—one of the key elements of a gender-aware gender policy (Feenstra 2002)—is encouraging, there is a large gap between text and ensuring that policies effectively address gender equality and women’s empowerment in the implementation of their actions.

Budgeting for Gender Responsiveness Mainstreaming gender in energy frameworks requires for gender considerations and activities to have designated funding, which ensure that the government’s action aligns with its proposed commitments. Of the 192 energy frameworks only one made this explicit recognition: the ‘National Energy Policy’ (2014) of Zimbabwe states that the Ministry of Energy and Power Development will “… adopt gender-sensitive budgeting in energy-sector planning and programing” (Republic of Zimbabwe 2014: p. 54).

 omen’s Participation in Policy Development W and Implementation The analysis finds that 38 of the energy frameworks identify women as important stakeholders in energy sector governance and decision-­making, at both the local and national levels. This is particularly important, as women tend to be underrepresented when it comes to participating in energy policy planning and decision-making processes. When women are not included as stakeholders, they lose the opportunity to share their knowledge and advocate for their needs and rights to prioritize inclusive policies and actions. Furthermore, two energy frameworks (from Nigeria and Mauritius) recognize women agents of change—a key actor for driving energy sector activities or having a voice in policy reform. The Republic of Mauritius’ ‘Long-Term Energy Strategy’ (2009) recognizes the role of women both as energy consumers and producers, as imperative to achieving the energy savings and energy efficiency objectives of the strategy. Meanwhile,

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Nigeria’s ‘National Energy Masterplan’ (2014) has an ‘Action Plan for Gender Issues’, which specifically includes an activity to organize meetings between women, grassroots-level development partners and other stakeholders to make energy policy recommendations to governments. In some instances, energy policy frameworks call for improvements to be made to the governance structure of their national energy sectors. For example, Fiji’s ‘National Energy Policy Document’ (2006) mentions in it section titled ‘Energy Sector Institutions’ that the “… operation of these institutions will become more accountable and transparent, and their membership will become more representative, particularly in terms of participation by women” (Republic of Fiji 2006: p. 34). Furthermore, 14 energy frameworks identify women’s ministries—or their equivalent—and women’s organizations as implementing partners in the energy sector. In some instances, these institutions are even mentioned directly as the main responsible actors for specific activities. One such example is Nigeria’s ‘National Energy Masterplan’ (2014), which tasks the Federal Ministry of Women Affairs and Social Development with nearly 40 unique activities, such as conducting trainings on the installation of renewable energy technologies (RETs) and conducting awareness campaigns on energy-related environmental problems. Additionally, two energy frameworks—from Benin and Zimbabwe— designate in their text gender focal points for relevant energy ministers to direct and coordinate gender-mainstreaming activities.

 ecognizing Women’s Energy Needs as Part R of Policy Planning Nearly half (32 of 61) of the energy frameworks that include gender keywords mention women as the beneficiaries of energy services. Ten frameworks identify women as a vulnerable population that requires specific consideration to meet energy goals. Many of these frameworks go further to develop concrete actions to ensure that women’s specific energy needs, as users, are met. Twenty energy frameworks mention time spent by women conducting drudgery tasks—such as fuelwood collection or cooking on inefficient or

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traditional stoves—as an important gender dimension of energy access. Similarly, 22 energy frameworks recognize that households’ use and reliance on biomass for cooking and heating purposes are detrimental to women’s health. From those, 19 energy frameworks specifically propose interventions designed to address modern cooking technologies as a means to improve women’s health and reduce their exposure to fumes. In few of these cases, such as in Rwanda’s ‘Energy Sector Strategic Plan’ (2015a), the energy frameworks also allude to the environmental co-­ benefits generated by modern cooking technologies, such as the potential to alleviate pressure on nearby forests and reduction of greenhouse gas emissions. Global access to electricity is increasing and policy frameworks are capturing gender considerations, with 19 energy frameworks including gender references in the context of rural energy access and electrification. For example, Namibia’s ‘Policy Goals’ (1998) notes that the country’s rural population has a high proportion of female-headed households— due to the migration of men to cities to find employment—and states that it is “crucial that energy policies reflect a clear understanding of the energy needs of different rural women, the problems and constraints they face and the impact that energy policies and interventions may have on them”(Republic of Namibia 1998: p. 14). The analysis has shown that women’s access to energy is largely considered an issue for rural areas, with only two energy frameworks acknowledging gender-related challenges in urban settings. Namibia’s energy ‘Policy Goals’ (1998) identifies the need for more research into energy use in urban spaces, adding that all empirical information resulting from this research “should address, or be sensitive to, gender relations at the household level” (Republic of Namibia 1998: p. 13). Meanwhile, the Marshall Islands’ ‘National Energy Policy and Energy Action Plan’ (2009) includes a series of recommendations set forth by a women’s organization during the development of the policy and action plan, including that “… all households, particularly those located in urban centres, are equipped with energy-production units for lighting, heating and cooking” (Marshall Islands 2009: p. 28). The potential benefits from electrification in terms of the improvement of women lives are addressed in the policies in different manners.

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For example, two frameworks, from Mauritius and Burundi, acknowledge the link between improved electrification and the increase in women’s physical security. Furthermore, Mauritius’ ‘Long-Term Energy Strategy’ (2009) recognizes that “women’s empowerment and political development also depends [sic] on their mobility and access to evening study, community meetings and attending work” (Republic of Mauritius 2009: p. 44) and proposes additional lighting in public spaces to increase their personal security while accessing these spaces at night. In two frameworks (Liberia and Zambia), improved electrification is seen critical for the provision of health services that can improve the lives of women, particularly reducing maternal mortality, supporting access to vaccines and increasing care for patients during the night. Certainly, providing energy access to women is a fundamental development goal, and understanding women’s roles and needs as energy users is important to develop policy to meet their unique needs. Two policies only recognize women as vulnerable energy users, without mainstreaming gender equality or identifying specific gender actions and activities. It is important for policies to go beyond regarding women as just the passive users of energy and recognize their potential as energy managers, producers and as vitals in the energy sector labour force.

 ecognizing Women’s Role as Energy Managers R and as Part of the Labour Force in the Energy Sector Opportunities are opening up particularly in the renewable energy labour market, with women’s role as energy entrepreneurs increasingly being recognized as a key strategy for increasing energy access in the last mile. Recent years have also seen an increase in the attention provided to women joining and remaining in the more formal energy sector labour market—within utilities, as crew members of generation projects, as regulators, investors and so on. The analysis showed that 19 frameworks either identified women as being underrepresented in the energy industry or proposed actions to close this gap. For example, Liberia’s ‘National Energy Policy’ (2009)

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recognizes the potential women as strong influencers in marketing campaign roles or as teachers for energy technology use. With regards to women’s role as entrepreneurs and distributors of renewable energy technologies, Rwanda’s ‘Energy Policy’ (2015b) proposes developing credit enhancement and micro-finance programmes specifically targeting women for driving investments in clean energy technologies. On a similar line, Myanmar’s ‘National Energy Policy’ (2014) framework recognizes the role women can play as consumers and investors in renewable energy technologies. The framework includes a programme to increase women’s participation in community-based renewable energy development, under which rural women entrepreneurs qualify for microfinance credits and favourable financing terms to invest in renewable energy development for their businesses. Women’s participation in formal energy sector careers is a topic also addressed in the energy frameworks analysed. For example, it is interesting to note that two—Canada and the United States—out of the four references from OECD countries occur in the context of programmes designed to increase women’s and minorities’ representation in energy-­ sector training and careers. In addition, South Africa’s ‘Energy Policy’ (1998) states that the Department of Minerals and Energy will develop an employment equity plan to assist with attracting appropriately skilled people and correcting gender imbalances of the past. Meanwhile, Swaziland’s ‘National Energy Policy’ (2003) claims that national efforts exist to promote women in energy-related disciplines, including by encouraging the study of science while in school.

F indings on Gender Considerations in Additional Frameworks Relevant to the Energy Transition As previously mentioned, the ‘Energizing Equality’ (2017a) analysis is one of three efforts conducted by the authors to further understand the manner in which gender considerations are being addressed in renewable energy and climate change frameworks. The additional analyses include

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country action process documents7 generated by countries under the SEforALL initiative and mitigation actions under the UNFCCC.

SEforALL Country Action Documents The purpose of the SEforALL document analysis was to understand the extent to which gender considerations are being mainstreamed in SEforALL-related activities. The findings and trends of the SEforALL country action documents analysis are similar to the results and findings from the ‘Energizing Equality’ analysis, in terms of identification of cross-­cutting gender issues. However, the SEforALL results showed at least two differences which may deserve attention in this chapter. The first difference is that from the 67 documents analysed, 56 (84%) included gender keywords in their text, which is more than double the percentage of energy frameworks that address gender considerations worldwide (Prebble and Rojas 2017b). Perhaps one of the reasons for this stark difference may be found in the origins of SEforALL and the fact that when the initiative was launched in 2012, it acknowledged the fundamental role gender equality has for achieving universal energy access. The initiative’s call to mainstream gender into national actions was further strengthened with a two-year campaign (2014–2015) to highlight the impacts of energy poverty on women and girls and the benefits that universal access could provide to their well-being and economic empowerment. Additionally, two high impact opportunities (HIOs)—or intervention lines—were specifically devoted to women’s energy needs.8 The attention brought to the gender and energy nexus both through the two-year campaign as well as the identification of concrete implementation opportunities may have contributed to a wider recognition of the gender implications of securing universal energy access.  The SEforALL planning process is composed of three subsequent country action process documents: rapid assessment and gap analysis (RAGAs), action agendas (AAs) and investment prospectus (IPs). 8  These were the Energy and Women’s Health High Impact Opportunity and the Modern Cooking Appliances and Fuels High Impact Opportunity. 7

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In other words, SEforALL, as an initiative had identified concrete gender equality goals—that is well-being, poverty alleviation and empowerment. Feenstra (2002) considers the existence of gender objectives that guide a policy process a requisite for establishing an enabling environment for drafting gender-responsive policies. In the case of the SEforALL country action documents, these objectives may have contributed to an increase in awareness by policy-makers, and therefore in mentions to gender considerations. Moreover, under the SEforALL initiative, policy documents were developed following a participatory process, where members from different sectors, including government and civil society organizations, came together to discuss national and regional priorities. During these processes it was possible for gender experts and organizations, such as ENERGIA and IUCN (Siles 2015), to contribute to the policy discussions, with their gender recommendations being taken on board in the final planning documents. According to Feenstra (2002), reliance on participatory frameworks is another requisite for having an enabling environment for drafting gender-responsive energy policies and the use of such tools during this process may have also been a contributing factor for including gender considerations in SEforALL country action documents. The second difference is that, given the nature of the country action documents, the authors were able to identify instances in which once gender considerations were included in the first process document—the rapid assessment and gap analysis—these mentions were reiterated in the subsequent process documents—action agendas and investment prospectuses. This was an important contrast with the findings under the energy policy analysis, where such coherence was not evident in the countries where more than one energy framework was analysed, as gender considerations could very well be restricted to only one framework. Here, again, the difference may lay on the existence of at least two of the elements that build up an enabling policy environment at the outset of the initiative— having identified gender objectives and use of participatory processes— and therefore permeating the subsequent steps and products of the policy planning.

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Gender and Mitigation Actions During a 2016 gender assessment of mitigation actions under the UNFCCC, including nationally determined contributions (NDCs), low-emission development strategies (LEDs) and nationally appropriate mitigation actions (NAMAs), the authors identified a timid, though important, trend in terms of the increase in gender mentions in different mitigation opportunities. Of the NAMAs and LEDs publicly available in 2015, seven out of eight NAMAs and 12 out of 27 LEDS addressed gender considerations. The analysis also revealed that 65 of the NDCs submitted by parties in preparation to 21st Conference of the Parties (COP) addressed gender considerations (Prebble and Rojas 2016). This analysis represented progress from a 2012 report on the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), where only five of 3864 projects referenced gender considerations (Kirkman et al. 2012). Noting that prior to 2010 there were little to no gender references under the UNFCCC mandates, the findings and comparison of the 2015 analysis may provide further proof of how the identification of a concrete gender mandate is required as stimulus for addressing gender considerations in national energy and climate change policies. Given the fact that the current energy transition is strongly driven by the desire to decouple development from fossil fuels and reduce greenhouse gas emissions, the signals and—most importantly—the guidance that come from the UNFCCC decisions and instruments have an important influence in the way this transition will be shaped. The ‘Further guidance in relation to the mitigation section of decision 1/CP.21 Decision FCCC/CP/2018/L22’ or ‘Paris Rulebook’, agreed during COP 24  in Katowice, Poland, in late 2018, has two very important gender references that can further influence the energy transition and future energy frameworks (UNFCCC 2018a). The first is found in the decision that guides transparency of the NDCs, where governments are called to ensure planning and implementation processes include gender-­responsive public participation and engagement with local communities and indigenous peoples (UNFCCC 2018a), an element necessary for establishing

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an enabling environment for addressing gender considerations in energy policies. Moreover, the technology mechanism calls on governments to promote gender-responsive technologies (UNFCCC 2018b), which includes the appropriateness of the technologies as well as the necessary soft skills required to utilize them. These guidelines can be used by policy-makers to further increase the participation of the ministries of women affairs— an important step for ensuring institutional frameworks that enable addressing gender equality in policy-making processes—and women organizations in the development of mitigation and energy-related policies, as well as further research and provide solutions to the needs, desires, priorities and challenges faced by women in terms of accessing renewable energy technologies and the energy labour market.

Conclusion The analysis conducted by the authors during 2015 and 2017 reveals that gender considerations are gradually and increasingly being incorporated in energy frameworks. Although the analyses were not intended to be an evaluation or produce an index on the degree to which these frameworks are gender responsive, it was possible to identify characteristics that align with what would constitute a gender-aware policy, as per the guidance proposed by Feenstra (2002) as well as identify elements that may have enabled the inclusion of gender consideration in policy development processes. In this sense, the analysis of a global sample of 192 energy frameworks from 137 countries reveals that nearly one-third of these documents take gender considerations into account. The analysis shows that in spite of the strong emphasis on the identification of women as passive users of energy services, there is an important number of energy frameworks that view women as key stakeholders and several which even seek to formally engage the Ministries of Women’s Affairs/equivalents and women’s organizations in the planning and implementation of energy interventions. Furthermore, several frameworks recognize the need to increase women’s participation as members of the energy sector labour force, which is a clear mandate to address social

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stereotypes and institutional structures to enable more women to join the energy sector and benefit from future job opportunities. Furthermore, several of these policy frameworks show reliance on sex-­ disaggregated data and the identification of gender-relevant indicators, which are appropriate tools for mapping existing socio-energy relationships, while the identification of women’s energy needs and their aspirations are indispensable elements for envisioning an energy future that does not replicate existing inequalities. Furthermore, the engagement with Ministries of Women’s Affairs/equivalents in energy planning, as well as the recognition of women’s groups as key stakeholders for implementation, are examples of how gender approaches can both ensure that governing energy structures address the social dimensions of the energy transition and build on women’s machineries to further increase socio-­ energy partnerships and civil society’s engagement. The comparison of the energy framework analysis with similar studies identifies coincidences in terms of identification of characteristics of gender-­aware energy policies, with the study of 67 SEforALL country action documents confirming the findings of Energizing Equality. Moreover, the analysis showed that recent international policy processes, and particularly the guidance their gender-equality goals provide, are generating an increase in policy frameworks that address gender equality and women’s empowerment. Furthermore, the reliance of these international mandates on the use of participatory methodologies as part of the policy development process may prove to be, as highlighted by Feenstra, a key element for enabling gender equality principles to be integrated in energy policies. The elements identified through the energy framework analysis—use of sex-disaggregated data, commitment to mainstream gender in activities and budgets, ensure women’s participation in policy-making processes, recognition of women’s role in energy provision and use and identification of women’s demands in energy planning—may provide practical guidance to governments seeking to translate these mandates into their national policies and further into implementation of actions in the energy sector. Moreover, the analysis seems to reiterate the need for ensuring a policy-making environment that enables discussions on gender equality—including the identification of one or more gender

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objectives, the reliance on participatory processes and the active involvement of institutions working on gender equality—as a prerequisite for developing gender-responsive policies. Finally, the authors would like to mention that, although gender considerations are increasingly being incorporated in energy frameworks, there are still important gaps—particularly when bringing policy into implementation—which need to be addressed to ensure women can benefit from the energy transition in equal terms as their male counterparts.

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Kirkman, G., Seres, S., Haites, E., & Spalding-Fecher, R. (2012). Benefits of the clean development mechanism. UNFCCC. https://cdm.unfccc.int/about/dev_ ben/ABC_2012.pdf. Accessed 25 Aug 2019. Miller, C.  A., & Richter, J. (2014). Social planning for energy transitions. Current Sustainable/Renewable Energy Reports, 1(3), 77–84. Prebble, M., & Rojas, A. (2016). Gender in mitigation actions: EGI brief. IUCN and USAID. http://genderandenvironment.org/resource/gender-in-mitigation-actions-egi-brief/. Accessed 25 Aug 2019. Prebble, M., & Rojas, A. (2017a). Energizing equality: The importance of integrating gender equality principles in national energy policies and frameworks. IUCN, ENERGIA and USAID. http://genderandenvironment.org/resource/energizing-equality-the-importance-of-integrating-gender-equality-principlesin-national-energy-policies-and-frameworks/. Accessed 25 Aug 2019. Prebble, M., & Rojas, A. (2017b). The enabling power of energy in promoting gender equality: Gender in the SEforALL country action process documents. November 2017 edition. IUCN and USAID. http://genderandenvironment. org/resource/report-the-enabling-power-of-energy-in-promoting-genderequality-gender-in-the-seforall-country-action-process-documents/. Accessed 25 Aug 2019 Republic of Botswana. (2009). National energy policy. Botswana Biomass Energy Strategy. Ministry of Minerals, Energy and Water Resources. Accessed 2017. Republic of Fiji. (2006). National energy policy document. National policy document. Fiji Department of Energy. Accessed 2017. Republic of Liberia. (2009). National energy policy: An agenda for action and economic and social development. National policy document. Ministry of Lands, Mines and Energy. Accessed 2017. Republic of Mauritius. (2009). Long-term energy strategy. National policy document. Ministry of Renewable Energy & Public Utilities. Accessed 2017. Republic of the Marshall Islands. (2009). National Energy Masterplan. Accessed 2017. Republic of Namibia. (1998). Policy goals. National policy document. Ministry of Mines and Energy. Accessed 2017. Republic of Rwanda. (2015a). Energy sector strategic plan. National policy document. Ministry of Infrastructure. Accessed 2017. Republic of Rwanda. (2015b). Energy policy. National policy document. Ministry of Infrastructure. Accessed 2017. Republic of South Africa. (1998). Energy policy. National policy document. Department of Minerals and Energy. Accessed 2017

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Republic of Zimbabwe. (2014). National energy policy. Ministry of Energy and Power Development. Accessed 2017. Rosemberg, A. (2010). Building a just transition: The linkages between climate change and employment. International Journal of Labour Research, 2(2), 125–161. http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/@ed_dialogue/@ actrav/documents/publication/wcms_153352.pdf. Accessed 23 Sept 2019. Siles, J. (2015). Sistematización del proyecto mujeres como agentes de cambio en el sector energético. IUCN, ENERGIA, Hivos. https://portals.iucn.org/union/ sites/union/files/doc/sistematizacion.pdf. Accessed 25 Aug 2019. Skutsch, M., Clancy, J., & Leeuw, H. (2006). The gender face of energy: Module 3. Gender and energy policy: Trainers manual. http://energia.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/Module3-TrainersNotes-EngenderingEnergyPolicy. pdf. Accessed 25 Aug 2019. The Republic of the Union of Myanmar. (2014). National energy policy. National policy document. National Energy Management Committee. Accessed 2017 UNFCCC: United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. (2018a) Further guidance in relation to the mitigation section of decision 1/ CP.21 Decision FCCC/CP/2018/L22. Policy document. https://unfccc.int/ sites/default/files/resource/l22_0.pdf. Accessed 25 Aug 2019. UNFCCC: United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. (2018b). Technology framework under Article 10, paragraph 4, of the Paris Agreement. Decision FCCC/CP/2018/7. Policy document. https://unfccc. int/sites/default/files/resource/l07_2.pdf. Accessed 25 Aug 2019. WEC: World Energy Council, AT Kearney. (2014). Global energy transitions. A comparative analysis of key countries and implications for the international energy debate. https://www.atkearney.com/documents/10192/5293225/ Global+Energy+Transitions.pdf/220e6818-3a0a-4baa-af32-8bfbb64f4a6b. Accessed 25 Aug 2019.

8 A View from the North: Gender and Energy Poverty in the European Union Mariëlle Feenstra and Joy Clancy

Energy poverty in the EU has a gender face; more women than men are struggling to afford the energy services which they need. The structural causes of energy poverty between European countries vary as well as the policies to address access to energy services. A metric approach dominates attempts to define and measure energy poverty which overlooks social characteristics within and between households. While the existing data are limited, this chapter shows that there are clear gender differences, linked to other social characteristics, in the causes of energy poverty and the derived outcomes. This chapter shows that while economic factors are a contributor to energy poverty there are also biological/physiological and socio-cultural factors which are more difficult to capture quantitatively. When tracking policy initiatives to address energy poverty, arguments are presented for including an indicator which reflects the gender dimension of energy poverty and the intersectionality of this issue. M. Feenstra (*) • J. Clancy CSTM, University of Twente, Enschede, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_8

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Introduction Energy poverty is a recognised issue in the Global South, but is a less well-known issue in the Global North.1 It is easy to assume that the figures cited by the United Nations (UN) of three billion people living in energy poverty, without access to electricity or cooking on biomass, relate to people living in the Global South. It therefore comes as a surprise to many people in Europe, including politicians, to find that some of these three billion energy poor are actually living in Europe. Within Europe, a significant part of the political discussion in the energy sector is dominated by two interlinked themes: energy security and climate change which has led to focusing on policies to promote the transition to more sustainable energy systems. However emerging revelations2 about energy poverty as a lived reality within Europe is causing a re-evaluation of energy policies, also in line with the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and Sustainable Energy for All (SEforAll). A sign that energy poverty has been recognised by policy makers within the European Union (EU) can be seen in the vocabulary of the EU institutions when preparing for the Third Energy Package of 2009 (Bouzarovski et  al. 2012). Indeed, between 2009 and 2018, a number of pieces of legislation designed to address energy poverty were enacted by the European Parliament (see Table  8.1). The link with gender came in December 2016 when the European Parliament, having acknowledged the existence of vulnerable consumers in energy poverty, adopted a resolution on access to energy which called for the EU to include a gender dimension in all its energy policies. This is in line with the EU’s gender policies which require social inclusion for all European citizens in all EU  The Global South and Global North are concepts not used in a strict geographic sense but in a political economy sense of large disparities in wealth and political instability. There are pockets of the Global North in the South and vice versa. A universal definition is elusive, evolving and contested (for an overview see Clarke 2018). The origin of the concepts is in the Brandt Report (Brandt 1980) which made the link with countries emerging from colonialism and their economic situation although for many their economies have changed significantly over the last 30 years. In this chapter, the intention is to use the term in a descriptive way. The Global North can be taken to include United States, Canada, Europe (i.e. EU and non-EU), Israel, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, Australia and New Zealand. 2  See for example Bouzarovski et al. (2012). 1

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Table 8.1   Overview of EU legislation relevant to addressing energy poverty Energy poverty in EU legislation 7/2009: Third Energy Package:  develop definitions, elaborate action plans and strategies to tackle energy poverty  protect vulnerable customers 11/2010: EC: call on MS to replace direct subsidies for high energy bills with a support for improving the energy quality of the buildings EU Cohesion Policy 2014–2020: innovation, low-carbon economy, social inclusion 11/2016: regulation on the Governance of the Energy Union: meeting the 2030 energy and climate targets Internal Market in Electricity Directive 05/2018: Energy Performance of Buildings Directive: 2050 decarbonisation objective for EU buildings 06/2018: Energy Efficiency Directive: article 7 more explicit requirements to tackle domestic energy poverty in the annual savings objectives and Governance Regulation by mandatory monitoring of domestic energy poverty in the Nation Energy and Climate Plans Renewable Energy Directive: new rights for communities to set up local energy projects and to facilitate participation by households in energy poverty 12/2018: Clean Energy for All Europeans Package

legislation and policy implementation. The gender link was further strengthened in December 2018, when the Parliament adopted the package ‘Clean Energy for All Europeans’ in accordance with the EU’s commitment to the SDGs and SEforAll. The SDGs are intended to be mutually reinforcing. Therefore, based on the recognised gender dimension of energy poverty (see e.g. Clancy et  al. 2003; Sovacool 2012; Pachauri and Rao 2013), an initiative on energy poverty (SDG7) would be expected to include a gender dimension (SGD5). This chapter is based on a commissioned study for the EU Parliament FEMM Committee (Clancy et al. 2017). The study explores the existing situation within the EU with respect to the way energy poverty is experienced by women and men. The aim of the study was to provide recommendations on appropriate policy measures to address energy poverty

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and to relieve the burden on vulnerable consumers in the European Union struggling to afford the energy services3 they need. The objectives of this chapter are to: (i) explain the drivers, causes and effects of energy poverty within the EU; (ii) provide insights into the gender dimension of energy poverty within the EU; (iii) demonstrate an analytical approach that shows energy poverty has not only a gender dimension but is multi-dimensional over a range of social characteristics. The chapter is structured as follows: after a brief description of the methodology used in the study for the FEMM Committee, there is an overview of how energy poverty is conceptualised as a basis of policy making. We then look at current understanding of the gendered nature of energy poverty in the European Union with a suggested analytical approach. The concluding section summarises the main insights and reflects on the theoretical, methodological and practical contribution of this chapter to the existing body of knowledge on energy poverty.

Methodology The data gathering methodology used in the research, which forms the basis of this chapter, was a mix of literature review, desk review of policy documents (from both EU and national levels) combined with mapping the selected case study countries to identify positive examples of addressing issues related to gender and energy poverty. The seven EU Member States (Bulgaria, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and the UK) were selected as case studies to identify existing initiatives on eradicating energy poverty and improving gender equal access to energy services. The seven have different political backgrounds and institutional differences which are reflected in differences in legislation and policy measurements to eradicate energy poverty and to change energy policy to  There is no universally agreed definition of the concept of an energy service. Based on a systematic review of the literature, Fell proposed the following: energy services are those functions performed using energy which are means to obtain or facilitate desired end services or states (Fell 2017: 137). An example of a desired end service is ‘heating’ with the desired state ‘to be warm’. This is the definition we use. 3

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reflect social realities. The geographical spread of the case study countries reflects the different climate conditions in the EU which can be divided into three distinct groups: relatively mild sea climate without severe winters or extremely hot summers (France, the Netherlands and the UK), cold winters and hot summers (Bulgaria) and mild winters and hot summers (Italy and Spain). The findings from the first phase of the research were combined with the insights from interviews conducted at the end of 2017 with 25 key informants representing a mix of academics, decision-­ makers, policy makers and stakeholders. A small number of experts from the European Institute of Gender Equality (EIGE)4 also contributed to the data gathering. We consider gender to be a social construct of a system of ‘defined roles, privileges, attributes and relationships between men and women which are learned and not biologically determined’ (Khamati-Njenga and Clancy 2002). Gender relations are a dynamic concept depending on time, place and context. Hence, we consider that the gender dimensions of energy poverty will vary across social, cultural, economic and political contexts. We recognise that women and men do not belong to two homogeneous groups—they vary across a range of social categories (e.g. age, class, ethnicity, social status, marital status, economic group and sexual identity) and are influenced by personal and contextual factors in choices they make. These differences exist not only between the two groups, but also within them, and so they  may require specific targeted forms of action rather than generic policy instruments. Nevertheless, we are rather constrained by the available data to discuss gender differences in energy poverty other than mainly in terms of ‘women and men’ rather than a more nuanced analysis.

 The EIGE is an autonomous body of the European Union, established to contribute to and strengthen the promotion of gender equality, including gender mainstreaming in all EU policies and the resulting national policies, and the fight against discrimination based on sex, as well as to raise EU citizens’ awareness of gender equality. http://eige.europa.eu/about-eige (accessed 1 May 2019). 4

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Defining Energy Poverty Although energy poverty exists in all EU countries, there is, as yet,  no  EU-wide accepted definition of energy poverty5. Developing a pan-European definition of energy poverty would form part of the standard policy making processes in the European Union in which an European standard will be formulated by the European Parliament. Once the standard is formulated, responsibility for its implementation passes to the National Governments of the EU Member States.6 A definition of energy policy is an important step in the planning process to enable policy makers to develop indicators and metrics in order to establish baselines and measure progress towards reaching the set policy objectives. In research and policy documents, a range of definitions of energy poverty are used. However, two broad categories can be identified in which their focus is on either (1) households that spend a high share of their income on energy; or (2) households that have insufficient expenditure in energy.7 Table 8.2 gives an overview of the energy poverty policies in seven EU Member States which formed the case studies in the research conducted by Clancy et  al. (2017). At the time of the study, two countries (the Netherlands and Sweden) had no energy poverty policy, while Italy and Spain were in the process of drafting one. Analysing national energy poverty definitions at the Member State level, three categories of approaches measuring energy poverty can be identified. (i) A metric approach, in which deprivation is linked to energy prices, is the most commonly used approach (Pye and Dobbins 2015).

 Indeed, there is no agreed use of terminology, with some documents using the term ‘fuel poverty’ rather than ‘energy poverty’. 6  The formulation of policy at the central level, to be further developed at the national level is the principle of subsidiarity which is the basis for the relationship between the European Parliament and the Member States. The principle of subsidiarity makes the European Parliament reluctant to interfere with Member States decision making. 7  Indeed, the formulation using ‘high’ or ‘insufficient’ are also problematic since these terms are pejorative. 5

Bulgaria

France

Italy

Netherlands

Spain

+ +

++ ++∗ ++ + ++ + ++ + + ++ ++

++ + ++ ++ + nd ++ + + +

+ + ++ ++

++ ++ + +

+

++

++

++

1958 84.6

1958 92.3

2007 79.5

+ ++ ++ -

+ ++ ++

-

+

-

++

1958 95.4

+ ++ ++ ++

++ ++ nd ++

+

++∗

++

++

1986 81.2

7,127,820 66,896,110 60,600,590 17,018,410 46,433,960 11,751 31,722 25,866 39,346 23,746

Legend: +   limited reference to gender issues ++  more than one measure, or level of awareness with specific reference to gender issues ∗   gender-disaggregated data available -  no reference to gender issues and/or energy poverty nd  no data – not known Source: Clancy et al. (2017: 55)

Population (2016) (World Bank 2016) GDP per capita (in Local Currency Units) (World Bank 2016) EU member Gender income gap (%, EIGE 2017) Gender and Energy policy conditions Non discrimination and equality legislation Institutional cooperation on energy poverty Energy poverty relief budget Energy poverty policy Energy poverty definition Energy poverty indicators used   Vulnerable consumers   Energy expenditure gap   Housing quality Energy poverty data Energy poverty policy measures   Financial relief energy costs   Energy consumer protection   Energy efficiency programme   Monitoring energy poverty

Table 8.2   Overview of the energy poverty policies in seven EU Member States Sweden

+ ++ ++ nd

++ ++ ++ ++

-

++

nd

++

1995 93.1

9,903,120 405,921

UK

++ ++ ++ ++

+ ++ ++ ++

++

++

++

++

1973 85.6

65,637,240 26,925

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The UK8 has a strong metric-driven approach, as can be seen in the official energy poverty definition of Wales stating that ‘Fuel poverty is defined as having to spend more than 10% of income (including housing benefit) on all household fuel use to maintain a satisfactory heating regime. Where expenditure on all household fuel exceeds 20% of income, households are defined as being in severe fuel poverty’ (Welsh Assembly Government 2010). (ii) A second approach is a consensual one, which makes use of self-reported experiences of people living in energy poverty. The French official energy poverty definition uses this approach. It states that energy poverty is the situation in which a person who encounters in his/her accommodation particular difficulties in having sufficient energy supply to satisfy his/her basic needs (ONPE 2016). (iii) A third approach is an outcome-based approach in which the consequences of energy poverty are the basis upon which to develop an energy poverty eradication policy, for example, that individuals or households are able to heat or cool their homes to a level of desired comfort. A pan-EU map of energy affordability, based on energy expenditures shares, shows large variations across the EU which questions the appropriateness of a pan-EU fuel poverty metric (Deller 2016). Deller (2016) concludes that the best way that the European Commission can support policy synergy is by making available high-quality data on pan-EU energy affordability and collating robust impact assessments that identify effective policy interventions. As we describe below, this type of data is lacking. To identify and to have a deeper understanding of the circumstances of the potential targeted population group of a policy, sufficient data on key indicators are necessary as an input for policy design. The current data available within the EU Member States on energy poverty are limited, not sex-disaggregated and tend to be quanitative. This creates difficulties in identifying target groups and the cause of their energy poverty. For example, Eurostat shares energy expenditure data that are only available at five years intervals with a focus on household averages (Eurostat  Responsibility for energy poverty policy in the UK is devolved to the regional governments in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. England has no devolved government, so energy policy falls under the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy. 8

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2017). This time interval means a slow response to one of the major causes of energy poverty: energy price increases. Focusing on households is also problematic since what constitutes a household is contested. Households are fluid entities with a dynamic structure, varying in income, class, ethnicity and education (Bell et al. 2015). Divorce, where children are involved, creates families living across multiple households. Demographic changes in the EU have led to a strong increase in the number of registered single-headed households. For example, in the Netherlands, 37% of the households have only one member.9 Additional arguments to demonstrate the inadequacy of a metric definition to fully address energy poverty comes from the conceptual map of the drivers, causes and effects of energy poverty in the European Union developed by Trinomics (2016) (Fig.  8.1). The focus is the household energy system, consisting of energy service demand, energy use and expenditure, which is influenced by a range of variables. A household can afford

Fig. 8.1  Conceptual map of the drivers, causes and effects of energy poverty in the EU. (Source: Trinomics 2016)

 http://statline.cbs.nl/statweb/publication/?vw=t&dm=slnl&pa=37296ned&d1=0-2,8-13,19-21, 25-35,52-56,68&d2=0,10,20,30,40,50,60,64-65&hd=151214-1132&hdr=g1&stb=t (accessed 23 May 2019).

9

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a particular level of energy services depending on earned income as well as other factors such as expenditure priorities other than energy and any policy measures to support households identified as vulnerable to energy poverty (e.g. the UK’s Winter Fuel Allowance (National Audit Office 2009)). How much a household spends on energy influences specific negative outcomes related to household finances (indebtedness, disconnection, etc.) and the levels of energy services enjoyed, which, if insufficient, can result in negative outcomes (e.g. hypothermia or heat stress). Trinomics identified six main drivers of energy poverty: income; socio-­ political system; policy framework; climate; market system; and state of the economy. These drivers particularly influence the affordability of household energy services, such as heating and cooling, which can lead both directly and indirectly to energy poverty. The previous and current political and economic systems influence energy market development, institutional structures, heating and cooling infrastructure, housing stock and tenure and energy supply. The type of energy market, including the extent of liberalisation and level of competition, influences the range of energy service tariffs/products available and the type of measures for assisting with energy affordability. For example, the countries in Eastern Europe made the transition from a centrally planned economy with state owned utilities to a market based economy with privatised utilities which has been accompanied by significant increases in energy prices. The social support measures targeted at groups regarded as vulnerable to these price increases have had limited success (Bouzarovski et al. 2012). Also within countries with an established market economy, there have been significant price increases. For example, in the Netherlands, due to an increase of taxation on natural gas implemented in 2019, energy prices for Dutch households are estimated to increase by around 17% (Pricewise 2018). The ambient climatic conditions influence energy demand for heating and cooling, which in turn is influenced by the energy efficiency of the building. A building’s physical structure, including construction materials, influence its energy efficiency and the cost of energy services. What people can afford to pay is directly affected by current economic performance for those in work and the past economic performance for retired people. Income level influences where a person or family can afford to live in terms of the type of house, both the physical structure and the

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form of tenure (owner/tenant). To adequately address energy poverty would require embedding these factors, not all of which are easy to measure numerically, into the policy framework. Trinomics classify the key factors influencing or causing energy poverty into three groups: (i) physical infrastructure (particularly the building stock); (ii) policies that determine the types of measures to support households in energy poverty; and (iii) socio-economic and demographic factors (such as retirement age, restricted mobility, rural communities, single parent households, etc.). Trinomics (2016) identified four characteristics of indicators which would enable addressing energy poverty: 1. Support a definition of energy poverty that is broadly accepted across key stakeholders; 2. The ability to be updated over time without excessive effort or cost; 3. Provide comprehensive spatial coverage, at least at the Member State level but potentially with additional spatial granularity; 4. Allow for comparability of the indicator(s) across Member States and their effective implementation. The one issue missing in this list, as with all of the EU countries’ policies related to energy poverty, is gender. Nevertheless, an entry point for incorporating gender into the analysis is the concept of the vulnerable energy consumer which has been used both at the European Parliament level and within a number of Member States (e.g. UK and Bulgaria). Some states already recognise the differentiation in the social characteristics of vulnerable energy consumers. For example, for assessing people’s vulnerability to energy poverty and entitlement to support, Bulgaria uses a number of social characteristics, such as age (70+), living alone, pension as sole income source, children with mobility issues.10 To take this a step  Translated from Bulgarian from the Ministry of Energy website (News) ‘Министър Петкова: Задължително условие зa успешно преминаване към пълна либерализация на електроенергийния пазар е защитата на уязвимите клиенти в България’ (Minister Petkova: An essential requirement for successful transition to full liberalization of the energy market is the protection of vulnerable consumers in Bulgaria). https://www.me.government.bg/bg/news/ministar-petkova-zadaljitelnouslovie-za-uspeshno-preminavane-kam-palna-liberalizaciya-na-elektroener-­2264.html. (Accessed 23 May 2019). 10

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further to incorporate a gender dimension into energy poverty interventions requires a level of awareness of the nature and extent of the issues. In the next section, we provide an overview of the current understanding of the gender issues of energy poverty within the European Union.

 ender Dimensions of Energy Poverty Within G the European Union Member States In this section, we present the existing data to show that there is a relationship between gender inequality and energy poverty. We consider that the link between energy poverty and capacity to pay energy bills should automatically draw attention to gender, since, within the EU, there is a distinct gender income gap at all stages in the life cycle. By implication, it would be expected to find more women living in energy poverty than men. Having good data is the basis of policy making—it helps set the agenda and prioritises target groups and interventions. Although the data on gender and energy poverty in the EU are limited, that which exist point not only to a gender dimension of energy poverty but also a more complex disaggregation of characteristics which reflect people’s lived reality. For example, analysis of data from France, sampled in 2013, indicates that single parent families and people living alone (often in older age groups) are the types of households more likely to be living in energy poverty. Out of the 5.6 million households who reported themselves as being cold, the largest category (38%) was women-headed households with or without children. Further disaggregation of the data shows that 65% of this group were tenants of a private landlord. More than a third were retired or in a pre-retirement phase (ONPE 2016). To present the data, we use the framework used by Clancy and her co-­ workers (Clancy et  al. 2017) which proposed three categories for data analysis: economic, biological/physiological, and socio-cultural. The factors described are either causal or consequential. The factors can be linked both within and between the three categories. We consider that this presentation of the data assists not only in the framing of the policy responses but also helps identify where responsibilities to act lie which may not always be in the first instance within the energy sector.

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Economic Perspective As was pointed out above, the macro-economy has a direct effect on income which in turn affects the type of accommodation an individual or family can afford to live in, both in terms of tenure (owner-occupier or tenant) and the physical structure. The physical structure directly influences the energy efficiency of the dwelling in its response to the external climatic conditions creating heating or cooling demands. Creating a comfortable indoor ambient temperature will probably form the main part of a household’s energy bills. How households respond to energy bills has specific outcomes in terms of energy poverty. For example, paying the energy bill can lead to indebtedness due to insufficient residual income to pay other bills, while failure to pay the energy bill can lead to disconnection. As we show below, energy poverty can also have negative health outcomes. The economic factors influencing energy poverty, occur both at the micro- as well as the macro-level. At the macro-economic level, the past and current political economy influences the energy market, institutional structures, the housing stock quality as well as the balance between home ownership and renting. The housing stock quality will influence a building’s energy efficiency. Measures a landlord takes towards maintenance of the building infrastructure, including any requirements for compliance with energy efficiency targets, will depend on national laws. Home owners capacity to finance energy efficiency investments will depend on their income as well as policies providing financial support. The type of energy market, including the extent of liberalisation and level of competition, influences the organisation of the energy supply and the range of energy service tariffs and energy efficient products available. At the microeconomic level, household income is considered one of the most significant factors in determining whether or not a household will live in energy poverty. Here there is a distinct gender issue. Women with low incomes are disproportionately found as heads of households either as single parent families or, due to their greater longevity than men, living alone at pensionable age. The EU average for single female headed households is 18.4% with significant geographical differences: the

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highest percentage is in the Nordic and Baltic Member States and the lowest in Ireland, Malta, Cyprus and Spain. Eurostat data show that in 2016, in the EU, 32.5% of households11 were single-person households, with the elderly accounting for four out of every ten (Eurostat 2017). Interestingly, over the last few years, there has been an increase in the number of single male households (14.1% in 2016). A range of factors, such as higher divorce rates and ageing of the population, contribute to the increase in numbers of Europeans living alone. One of the few quantitative studies providing insights into the links between household income, gender, age and energy poverty comes from Spain (Tirado Herrero et al. 2016). Under the age of 65, there is not a strong difference in energy expenditure between woman-headed and man-headed households. However, when retirement age of 65 is reached, woman-headed households relying solely on pensions spend from 10% to 15% of their annual income on energy which reflects an increase in their energy expenditure. A gender income gap is found across all EU Member States which has changed little since 2003 (EIGE 2017). In 2014, the gender gap in earnings was an average of 20%. However, this increases significantly on retirement, when the gender pension gap is an average of 40%. As the next section shows, there are health issues related to ambient indoor temperature which are more significant for older women than men in the same age group, although they are less likely to be able to afford appropriate levels of heating or cooling which promote good health. A less well-­ recognised issue of energy poverty relates to where a person is born. For people living within the EU, being born outside the EU, means that the risk of living in poverty is more than twice as high as among people born within the EU. In 2015, in the UK, 16.4% of ethnic minority households were living in fuel poverty12 compared to 10.4% of white households living in fuel poverty (EIGE 2017).  Eurostat uses the term ‘household’ to mean a unit that has common arrangements to meet daily needs and pooling expenses in a shared residential space. This definition of a household excludes institutions such as prisons, military barracks, student accommodation, hospitals and residential care homes. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/Glossary:Household_-­_ social_statistics. (accessed 13 August 2019). 12  The UK official documents used the term fuel poverty rather than energy poverty. 11

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Biological/Physiological Perspective European climates create the need for space heating and cooling for significant parts of the year. The ambient temperature has an impact on human physiology and its functioning. Human beings can function, with varying degrees of efficiency, across a range of temperature due to the body’s self-regulatory mechanisms. However, there comes a point where the self-regulatory functions find it difficult to respond when the ambient temperature is too low or too high and people experience cold or heat stress both of which have serious impacts on the body’s physiological functioning. Age is found to be a significant factor in dealing with heat and cold stress, with young children and older people being particularly vulnerable (Chard and Walker 2016). In northern temperate climates, more people die, particularly from circulatory and respiratory diseases, in the winter months compared to the summer months, a phenomenon known as excess winter mortality or excess winter death (EWD).13 Ambient temperature, particularly in cold energy inefficient homes, is recognised as a factor in EWD, although it is not the only cause of death (Boardman 2010). There is a link between EWD and Alzheimer’s disease and dementia since an aspect of these conditions can be lack of attention to self-care which could include regulating ambient temperature. The energy poverty conceptual map by Trinomics indicates that a building’s physical structure (materials and spatial design) have an influence on energy poverty and its outcomes. Certainly, with EWD there is a clear link. The highest EWD levels are found in the countries with the poorest quality housing stock (Portugal, Greece, Ireland and UK) (Healy 2004). The data for the EU show that more women heads of household live in older, less energy efficient homes (Elnakat and Gomez 2015). The age of these buildings is also significant in terms of levels of energy efficiency. Pre-1970s homes are likely to be made of building material with poor thermal efficiency. In England and Wales, in 2015/2016, the gender distribution of the excess winter deaths was 47% men (11,400 EWDs)  The concept has its origins in the UK in which the government compares the number of deaths that occurred in the winter period (defined as December to March) with the average number of deaths occurring in the preceding August to November and the following April to July (Office of National Statistics 2014). 13

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and 53% women (12,900 EWDs). The explanation for this gender difference is in part due to age. In England and Wales, 65% of the population aged 85 and above is female. Another factor is women’s greater sensitive to ambient temperature than men’s. Insufficient levels of heating can produce other conditions such as damp or mold which have negative effects on people with existing health conditions and restricted mobility (Snell et al. 2015). Deaths related to heat waves also exhibit age and gender differences. For example, in France, between 1 and 20 August 2003, when day time temperatures in many parts of the country reached 400C, 15,000 excess deaths were reported (Fouillet et al. 2006). Excess mortality is found to increase at 35 years of age. Although it is only at age 45 that a gender difference becomes more pronounced, at which point the number of excess deaths is 15% higher for women than men of comparable age. Self-­ reporting data for the eight EU states bordering the Mediterranean show that 30% of the population are unable to keep their homes adequately cool in summer. Of this group, 70% are above 65 years of age (Bouzarovski and Tirado Herrero 2014).

Socio-Cultural Perspective Many of the household care tasks, such as cooking, washing clothes and cleaning, are energy intensive. The gender division of labour across the EU Member States is similar to elsewhere in the world, women bear the burden of care work (80% of women are involved daily in unpaid household work compared with only 45% of men) (Brodolini 2011). While many of these tasks are mechanised, the outcome is not necessarily women spending less time on household tasks. For example, washing machines have not reduced women’s time spent on laundry. Increased disposable income can result in family members owning more clothes with higher social standards of cleanliness requiring more frequent garment washing. Another aspect of gendered care work and energy use relates to providing the household’s meals. In the EU in 2016, 79% of women cooked and/or did housework on a daily basis, compared with 34% of men

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(Eurostat 2018). A health issue relates to the energy source used. There is evidence to show that throughout the EU, particularly in Eastern Europe, wood can be the energy source for cooking (Bouzarovski 2009). The concern here relates to the significant body of epidemiological evidence related to the health impacts of exposure to household air pollution (HAP) from burning wood inefficiently. Prolonged exposure to HAP is linked to a range of medical conditions including cardiovascular disease, eye diseases including cataracts and blindness, asthma, nasopharyngeal and lung cancers, low birth-weights and perinatal mortality (World Bank 2012). Although the data are primarily from the South, it is not unreasonable to assume that these findings would be universally applicable. The evidence indicates that, if using wood as a fuel, women’s health, because of their role in the household as cooks, are more likely to be affected than men. However, men can be affected by HAP if they spend time, for example as part of family socialisation, in a smoky kitchen or in households which use wood fuel for space heating. Men’s health can be seriously impacted if they have underlying health conditions particularly linked to smoking tobacco. Household energy use within the EU shows gender differences which cut across age and socio-economic status. In Germany, elderly women tend to consume less energy than younger women (EPSECC 1997). Researchers offer a number of behavioural and socialisation patterns to explain this observation (Preisendoerfer 1999). Women of pensionable age change their behaviour patterns, for example, they cook less frequently. Many of these women grew up in a time of austerity when coping strategies might have been frugality, which remerge if they find themselves in later life with constrained finances. Younger women have grown up with a greater familiarity with technologies than older women, so using new pieces of energy efficient equipment, such as a microwave oven, is less daunting. In Sweden and in the UK, households with an older demographics own a small number of pieces of equipment compared to younger households. The former are more inclined than the latter to switch off appliances when not in use (Carlsson-Kanyama and Linden 2007). The gender differences in energy consumption are also linked to household composition. Single-woman households in Germany, Norway,

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Greece and Sweden have a lower level of direct and indirect electricity consumption compared to single-man households which is attributed to differences in the level of appliance ownership (Räty and Carlsson-­ Kanyamaa 2010). However, in households with more than one family member, the reverse is found; woman-headed households consume more energy than man-headed households. The explanation links to a factor pointed out earlier—the type of buildings inhabited: woman-headed households are more likely than man-headed households to be living in pre-1970s homes, which are considered less energy efficient (Elnakat and Gomez 2015). In households of similar demographic composition and living in buildings of similar construction, behaviour is considered an important factor in explaining variations in electricity consumption (Bell et al. 2015). Household composition also influences energy demand, in terms of quantity and the energy services required. Research in the Netherlands found that energy use per capita was more with a working female partner than when the female partner did not work or was a working woman living alone (Broek et al. 1997). Time at home also influences energy use for unemployed or retired people since both groups tend to spend more time at home. The energy poor are found statistically more likely, than those people not living in energy poverty, to report poor health and emotional well-­ being (Thomson et al. 2017). Research by Snell et al. (2015) finds people living in energy poverty with a range of mental health issues such as anxiety, stress and depression which are associated with living in poor housing conditions, heating needs, balancing bills, and debt. Anecdotal evidence from the energy poor shows feelings of isolation and loneliness, due to the shame of not being able to invite people to visit because of the uncomfortable ambient temperatures in their homes.14 In households with a range of age groups there can be intergenerational tensions. Older household members consider that younger members use energy services (such as hot water for showers and electricity for computer use) without regard for their levels of energy consumption. Research in Greece (Petrova 2017), Sweden (Carlsson-Kanyama and  http://www.coldathome.today/ (accessed 13 August 2019).

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Linden 2007) and Germany (Roehr 2001) finds that women are responsible for energy management in the household. If a coping strategy is to reduce energy consumption, it is possible that women will bear the brunt of any resentment at measures to reduce equipment use. A gender issue arises when determining the setting the thermostat, given women’s greater sensitivity to ambient temperature than men’s. Coping strategies towards energy poverty or its avoidance (e.g. through energy management) show variations between genders and across social categories. In the Netherlands, motivation to invest in energy efficiency for men was based on environmental reasons, reducing energy wastage and cost-saving. Whereas women were motivated to improve comfort of their homes and to become more independent of utility companies (Tjalma 2016). Women were considered to be more likely than men to respond to social pressure to adopt energy efficiency measures (Straver et al. 2017). Whether or not you own your own home has an influence on your capacity to act to avoid energy poverty. In the UK, owner-occupiers were strongly motivated to invest in energy efficiency when it increased the value of their property (Sunikka-Blank et al. 2018). However, social tenants had no control over investments to improve the energy efficiency of their homes. The data from France cited above give an indication that the majority of social tenants living in energy poverty were women.

Conclusion and Reflections With one out of seven European households struggling to pay their monthly energy bill, it can be concluded that energy poverty in the European Union Member States is an existing problem and an emerging concern for policy makers. There are signs at the level of the European Parliament and in some Member States, that there is a growing awareness of the social dimension of energy poverty with a focus on the protection of vulnerable energy consumers. However, recognising that these consumers are not a homogeneous group is taking time to emerge, in particular that there are gender-related issues within the group of vulnerable consumers influencing the access to clean and affordable energy services.

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Indeed, the language of the policy documents related to energy poverty tends to be gender neutral, for example, ‘consumer’. The outcome is a lack of understanding that the causes of energy poverty can be different for women and men. This understanding is needed to ensure that the correct policy initiatives are put in place to ensure that all vulnerable women and men energy consumers are removed from energy poverty. Commitment to the SDGs is not leading to a more integrated approach to improved outcomes for all citizens. The first step to greater awareness by policy makers of a societal issue is to have data on the nature and the scale of the problem. The unfamiliarity with the gender dimension of energy poverty is partly caused by the lack of sex-disaggregated data that move beyond the household as the entity of analysis. Eurostat, the main source of data for EU policy makers, does not collect sex-disaggregated data across the European Union on the gender dimension of energy poverty. Good data are the basis of policy making; data allow the setting of goals, establish baselines for monitoring and enable comparison of policies and tracking progress of implementation. In this chapter, we have shown that sex-disaggregation of data is only the first step in the analysis of energy poverty. Gender combines with other social characteristics, such as age, to create a typology of energy users at the household level for whom the causes of energy poverty and their responses vary—both between and within households. To aid in increasing the awareness of policy makers, we recommend to add a fifth characteristic to Trinomics’ list of characteristics of indicators to measure energy poverty: reflect the gender dimension of energy poverty and the intersectionality of this issue. Even though the data on energy poverty in the EU are limited and even more so in respect of gender, this chapter has shown that there is clearly a gender dimension. The EIGE Index (EIGE 2017) has shown that the gender gap that persists across all thematic policy fields, in all EU Member States, is intersectional. Based on the existing data, Fig. 8.2 indicates the particular aspects of the drivers and causes of energy poverty which have a distinct gender dimension. We accept that there could be more aspects which may emerge when more comprehensive sex-­ disaggregated data, presented intersectionally, are available.

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Fig. 8.2  Gender gaps operating in the drivers, causes and effects of energy poverty. (Source: Clancy et al. 2017 (adapted from Trinomics 2016))

What Fig. 8.2 does not show are how the effects of energy poverty are influenced by economic, physiological and socio-cultural factors which also need to be taken into the analysis. As shown in the section on the gender dimensions of energy poverty in the EU Member States, all these three dimensions influence the experience of energy poverty between men and women and the impact energy poverty has on everyday lives. We recommend the use of the framework developed by Clancy et  al. (2017) for the formulation of indicators and framing of the policy responses which helps identify where responsibilities to act lie. This framework shows that the energy sector is not always the sole actor responsible for addressing the causes of energy poverty which has a range of drivers, causes and effects with complex, cross-sectoral interlinkages. For example, energy poverty can be the result of poor quality housing with inappropriate insulation and low incomes which would require actions from the housing sector and economic policy. Further research is needed to create a deeper understanding of the gender dimensions of energy poverty. Existing policy measures aiming at elevating vulnerable consumers out of energy poverty are too generic and do not reflect the gendered differences. The current emphasis of European

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energy policy on climate change mitigation by stimulating increased energy efficiency and the energy transition to cleaner energy sources is lacking a demand-driven approach which reflects addressing the social inequalities of energy consumers. The energy policy transition from a supply-oriented towards a demand-driven approach requires a more holistic understanding about energy consumers, moving beyond a model, as the basis for policy making, of the household as a homogenous entity with only household income as a variable to influence energy poverty. Adding gender analysis to the existing theoretical frameworks used by energy policy researchers will enlarge the knowledge base on the gender and energy nexus. Furthermore, adding the gender component to the existing methods to measure energy poverty will increase the availability of sex-disaggregated data giving greater insight into  the gender face of energy poverty. As a contribution to a more holistic understanding of the social dimensions of energy poverty we recommend the use of indicators that include a gender dimension, linked with other social characteristics.

References Bell, S., Judson, E., Bulkeley, H., Powells, G., Capova, K.  A., & Lynch, D. (2015). Sociality and electricity in the United Kingdom. Energy Research & Social Science, 9, 98–106. Boardman, B. (2010). Fixing fuel poverty. Earthscan. Bouzarovski, S. (2009). East-Central Europe’s changing energy landscapes: A place for geography. Area, 41, 452–463. Bouzarovski, S., & Tirado Herrero, S. (2014). The energy divide: Integrating energy transitions, regional inequalities and poverty trends in the European Union. European Urban and Regional Studies, 24(1), 69–86. Bouzarovski, S., Petrova, S., & Sarlamanov, R. (2012). Energy poverty policies in the EU: A critical perspective. Energy Policy, 49, 76–82. Brandt, W. (1980). North-South: A programme for survival: Report of the independent commission on international development issues. Cambridge: MIT Press. Brodolini, F. (2011). Gender equality in caring responsibilities over the lifecycle. European Commission DG Justice. Brussels.

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Fouillet, A., Rey, G., Laurent, F., Pavillon, G., Bellec, S., Guihenneuc-Jouyaux, C., Clavel, J., Jougla, E., & Hémon, D. (2006). Excess mortality related to the August 2003 heatwave in France. International Archives of Occupational and Environmental Health, 80(1), 16–24. Healy, J. D. (2004). Housing, fuel poverty and health: A Pan-European analysis. Aldershot: Ashgate. Khamati-Njenga, B., & Clancy, J.S. (2002). Concepts and issues in gender and energy. Paper prepared for ENERGIA. https://research.utwente.nl/en/publications/concepts-and-issues-in-gender-and-energy Ministry of Energy. Government of Bulgaria. https://www.me.government.bg/ bg/news/ministar-petkova-zadaljitelnouslovie-za-uspeshno-preminavanekam-palna-liberalizaciya-na-elektroener-2264.html. Accessed 23 May 2019. National Audit Office. (2009). The warm front scheme. London: The Stationery Office. Available at: http://www.nao.org.uk/report/the-warm-front-scheme/. Accessed 23 May 2019. Office of National Statistics. (2014). Excess winter mortality in England and Wales: 2013 to 2014 (provisional) and 2012 to 2013 (final). https://www.ons. gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/birthsdeathsandmarriages/deaths/ bulletins/excesswintermortalityinenglandandwales/2014-11-28. Accessed 27 May 2019. ONPE. (2016). Les chiffres clés de la précarité énergétique. Edition 2, Novembre 2016: http://www.onpe.org/sites/default/files/pdf/tableau_de_bord/chiffrescles-precarite-energetique-novembre2016.pdf. Accessed 1 May 2019. Pachauri, S., & Rao, N. D. (2013). Gender impacts and determinants of energy poverty: Are we asking the right questions? Current Opinion in Environmental Sustainability, 5(2), 205–215. Petrova, S. (2017). Illuminating austerity: Lighting poverty as an agent and signifier of the Greek crisis. European Urban and Regional Studies, 1–13. Preisendoerfer, P. (1999). Umwelteinstellungen und Umweltverhalten in Deutschland. Empirische Befunde und Analysen auf der Grundlage der Bevoelkerungsumfragen „Umweltbewusstsein in Deutschland 1991–1998“. Herausgegeben vom Umweltbundesamt. Leske und Budrich: Opladen. Pricewise. (2018). Nieuwe tarieven drie grootste leveranciers: energierekening huishouden stijgt met gemiddeld € 327,- in 2019. https://www.pricewise.nl/energieprijzen/verwachting-energieprijzen/. Accessed 1 May 2019. Pye, S., & Dobbins, A. (2015). Energy poverty and vulnerable consumers in the energy sector across the EU: analysis of policies and measures. INSIGHT_E. European Commission 7th Framework Programme.

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9 Climate Finance Allocation Practices to Support Gender Responsive Energy Transitions: GCF Case-Study Svetlana Frenova

Introduction Over the last 15 years, the international climate finance institutions have been undergoing transformations to address the need for scaled-up and effective investments (Gomez-Echeverri 2013). In parallel to this, policymakers, development organisations, civil society, women’s groups and scientists have been advocating that climate investments made with the consideration of gender equality and women’s empowerment issues enhance development impact and facilitate transformation to sustainable development (European Institute for Gender Equality 2016; Kronsell 2013; Tanaka and Bhandari 2016; UN WOMEN 2016; Raney et al. 2011). The Green Climate Fund (GCF) is the largest multilateral climate finance fund, which is the financial mechanism created under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) to support transformational projects aimed at low-emission and climateresilient development that deliver beyond business-as-usual approaches S. Frenova (*) CSTM, University of Twente, Enschede, Overijssel, The Netherlands © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_9

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in developing countries. The Governing Instrument of the GCF states that the fund will aim at maximising impact of its funding including inter alia by taking a gender sensitive approach. This statement is in line with the UNFCCC Decision 8/CP.19 (2014) that the extent of gender sensitive approaches defines the effectiveness of the funds disbursed by climate finance funds. The inclusion of women and overall integration of gender issues into the GCF is guided by the existing Gender Policy (introduced in 2015), which highlights the importance of pursuing low-carbon and climate-­ resilient development based on the principles of gender equality. The Gender Policy specifies that resource allocation for adaptation and mitigation projects and programmes has to contribute to gender equality and women’s empowerment (GCF/B.09/23: 88 2015). This complementarity is also in line with Sustainable Development Goals, which the GCF’s Gender Policy follows. Furthermore, the updated GCF Gender Policy1 states that climate change initiatives are more sustainable and effective if women’s empowerment considerations are integrated into the design and implementation of projects (GCF/B.20/07 2018). While there is clear recognition of the importance of gender equality at the international treaties and fund’s level, there is little knowledge on how the GCF’s policies and operating frameworks shape resource allocation practices that support gender equality and women’s empowerment. The study, which this chapter is part of, takes the first step in analysing resource allocation practices for supporting women’s empowerment outcomes using the example of the GCF energy generation and access portfolio. The study looks specifically at how women’s empowerment considerations vary across different types of energy investment categories in order to understand gender responsiveness patterns across these categories and potential factors that could influence the gender responsiveness of investments.  The chapter was finalised in October, 2019. At that time the updated GCF’s Gender Policy was not adopted. The policy was adopted during the 24th Board Meeting of the GCF and could be accessed from this link: https://www.greenclimate.fund/sites/default/files/document/gcf-genderpolicy.pdf. This does not change in any significant way the findings presented in this chapter. 1

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The findings of the study reported here provide insights for the climate finance community (including policymakers, project developers and beneficiaries of climate finance) on existing gaps for gender responsive energy transitions. The study identifies opportunities for further research to improve gender responsiveness of climate finance and effectiveness of climate finance funds’ gender policies and resource allocation practices.

Problem Statement Women and women’s organisations have been increasingly recognised as important actors within climate finance governance (Figueres et al. 2013). There are a number of studies linking the engagement of women and women’s organisations with good climate governance (Wakefield 2017), more inclusive decision-making that considers diverse vulnerabilities and needs (Kronsell 2013), and effectiveness and efficiency of climate finance (UNDP 2013; Adams et al. 2014; Wong 2016; Schalatek 2018), including through the involvement of women in specific sectoral interventions to support climate change mitigation and adaptation (Mishra and Pede 2011; Siulemba and Moodley 2014; Marshall et al. 2017; Jerneck 2018; Mcleod et al. 2018). Besides contributing to climate finance governance through participation, women are often perceived as targeted beneficiaries of climate justice. On the other hand, some researchers look beyond women’s vulnerabilities and perceive women as agents of change who own traditional knowledge (Salehi et al. 2015), provide significant contribution to economies (Doss et al. 2011), and drive transformation and innovation (Alston 2013; AroraJonsson 2011; Resurrección 2013; Tuana 2013; Wong 2016). Climate finance funds play an important role in mobilising and disbursing resources to support low-carbon and climate-resilient development. The GCF is the largest climate finance fund and the main operating entity under the UNFCCC financial mechanism with an overall initial pledged capitalization of over USD 10 billion. The GCF is perceived as an innovative climate finance mechanism, including allowing engagement with nonparty stakeholders and civil society in decision-making (Bowman and Minas 2018). This links with the recognition that women’s involvement in decision-making and access to resources is necessary to address inequalities

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and vulnerabilities that are exacerbated by climate change (Capello and Harcourt 2009; Cameron et  al. 2013; Bonewit and Shreeves 2015; Colenbrander et al. 2018; Arend and Lowman 2011; Shonkoff et al. 2009; Bond 2012; Kronsell 2013; Randall 2016). As a consequence, women are recognised as a key stakeholder by the Governing Instrument of the GCF, which was approved by the UNFCCC Conference of the Parties.2 Furthermore, the GCF Gender Policy calls for a gender sensitive approach and explicitly notes that climate finance disbursed by the GCF needs to contribute to gender equality and women’s empowerment (GCF/B.09/23 2015). The objectives of this chapter are to: • review gender mainstreaming approaches of the GCF; • analyse existing practices for the allocation of climate finance to support women’s empowerment outcomes within the context of energy generation and access portfolio; • define gender responsiveness patterns of the GCF energy generation and access portfolio (using women’s empowerment considerations as a proxy indicator of gender responsiveness) across various investment categories that are defined by the scale of technologies, type of implementing entities, and sectoral approaches; • highlight possibilities for further research that would enable a more nuanced understanding of gender mainstreaming challenges in this type of context. I argue that while GCF Gender Policy provides a guiding framework that incentivises gender responsive climate finance and advocates for women’s empowerment, there are a number of circumstances that may influence the scope of gender mainstreaming. There is an increasing need to understand the role and contribution of various institutional, capacity, and finance factors that could affect gender mainstreaming practices in climate finance investments. This knowledge would be necessary for improving gender mainstreaming practices and increasing the effectiveness of climate finance. 2  https://www.greenclimate.fund/documents/20182/1246728/Governing_Instrument.pdf/ caa6ce45-cd54-4ab0-9e37-fb637a9c6235 (Accessed 27 October, 2019)

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Methodology The policy analysis section of the study is concerned with a broader review of existing policies and guidelines of the GCF that support gender responsive resource allocation. The considerations for women’s empowerment are assessed more specifically within the context of the energy generation and access portfolio. The energy generation and access portfolio presents the largest investment portfolio of the GCF, in terms of both the total number of projects and the volume of investments. As of February 2019, the energy and access portfolio covered 40% of total GCF (equivalent of USD 2 billion) (GCF/B.23/Inf.1 2019). Gender responsiveness as a concept is based on broader gender equality principles and an ability of a given investment to address specific needs not only for women, but also for men, boys, and girls (GCF/UN Women 2017). However, this study is focused on women’s empowerment issues only, and, specifically, how current resource allocation within the energy generation and access portfolio of the GCF supports women’s empowerment results. There is neither a commonly accepted broader definition of women’s empowerment nor a consensus on how women’s empowerment can be measured in the academic literature (Raj 2017). Nevertheless, some women’s empowerment indicators have been developed and widely applied by the development organisations, including the UN and international aid agencies (Malhotra et al. 2002; Chung et al. 2013; Sundström et al. 2017). The study reported here uses the concepts of gender sensitive and gender responsive approaches, using the definitions noted in the GCF’s interim Gender Policy and the updated Gender Policy. Specifically, the existing Gender Policy notes a gender sensitive approach as a “consideration of women and men’s potential contribution to societal changes, as well as methods and tools used to promote gender equity, reduce gender disparities, and measure the impact of climate change and other development activities on men and women” (GCF/B.09/23: 85 2015). The updated Gender Policy notes that “gender-responsive means that instead of only identifying gender issues or ensuring a do no harm approach, a process will substantially help to overcome historical gender biases in line with the language used in UNFCCC decision Paris Agreement and Lima Work Programme” (GCF B.20/07: 4 2018).

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Table 9.1  Women empowerment results areas in climate investments Impact area

Description

Economy

The investment project creates specific opportunities for women’s access to energy services and provides access to financial and development opportunities associated with clean energy markets. The investment project provides educational opportunities for women in clean energy sector. The investment project creates opportunities for women’s involvement in the decision-making processes for the implementation of project and broader climate finance decisions at the national/ regional/ local levels The investment project creates health or well-being related outcomes and benefits Women are involved in consultations related to the implementation of projects and climate investments

Education Governance

Health Access to information

Adapted from Chung et al. (2013)

Table 9.1 presents a framework for analysing gender responsiveness of GCF projects and investments in line with their potential to deliver women’s empowerment outcomes across select impact areas, that is, the creation of economic opportunities, improved access to education, increased participation in decision-making and information, and improved access to health services. The proposed assessment framework is also in line with the GCF guidelines, which refer to and provide examples of specific economic, capacity, governance, and participatory results associated with climate investments (GCF/UN Women 2017). A review of the GCF portfolio of projects targeting energy access has been undertaken by the author. As of June 2019, there were 32 energy generation and access projects. For each project, screening of the public information has been completed. Specifically, completed funding proposals, gender assessments, and gender action plans (GAPs) have been studied using content and thematic analysis methods. Furthermore, in-­ depth analysis of the GCF project documents has been conducted to provide insights into how women’s empowerment considerations are integrated across various categories of investments within the GCF energy portfolio.

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Themes of Analysis GCF energy investments have been grouped into the three key categories to support the analysis of gender responsiveness patterns across different types of investments and projects. 1. Sectoral approach: Mitigation versus cross-cutting The distinction between mitigation and cross-cutting projects is important from the perspective of acknowledging differences in narratives and possibilities for women’s empowerment outcomes (Morgan and Waskow 2014; Williams 2016; Wong 2016; Ebi 2009; Roberts 2009; Marshall et al. 2017). As per the Governing Instrument of the GCF, the fund will have thematic funding windows for adaptation and will apply an integrated approach for cross-cutting projects. The GCF’s Results Management Framework clearly refers to low-carbon and climate-resilient results areas and provides a basis for selecting specific funding windows and labelling projects as mitigation, adaptation and/or cross-cutting (e.g. see Annex 9.1). While all energy generation projects contribute to the mitigation results areas, some energy investments are presented as cross-cutting interventions, which besides Green House Gas Emissions (GHG) reductions deliver certain resilience benefits.3 2. Scale: Small scale versus utility scale Utility-scale projects imply that energy generated by a project feeds into the grid. However, there is no agreement on the size of a project that can be regarded as utility scale. The categorisation proposed for this study is based on the definition given by the United States Department of Energy4 and (Pearl-Martinez 2014), which refer to projects with larger than 10 MW developments as utility-scale projects. 3. Implementing entities: (a) direct access versus international access and (b) public versus private  https://www.greenclimate.fund/what-we-do/projects-programmes (date of access: 25 October, 2019).  https://www.energy.gov/eere/slsc/renewable-energy-utility-scale-policies-and-programs (dates of access: 25 October, 2019). 3 4

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The GCF’s Governing Instrument distinguishes between two types of accredited organisations, that is, international and direct access entities, and highlights specific opportunities for the private sector. Direct access entities are represented by national or regional organisations from the public and private sector, who are nominated by National Designated Authorities (NDAs). The GCF considers that the role of direct access entities is to enhance country ownership and to ensure better alignment of climate investments with national climate change needs. Countries can access climate finance through a range of international organisations (including Multilateral Development Banks, UN agencies, or international private companies) which are often operating across a number of countries and regions.

Approach to Content Analysis To support the content analysis of gender responsive patterns, the study utilises two variables, that is, (1) specific references, indicating project commitments, in the project documents and (2) targets in the results framework and gender action plans related to women’s empowerment outcomes across five impact areas, for example, education, health, governance, access to information, and economy. It is worth noting that the distinction between targets and references is important from the perspective of accountability and the likelihood that women’s empowerment outcomes will materialise. Targets demonstrate the presence of specific commitments to support women’s empowerment, while references point to general acknowledgment of an opportunity to create women’s empowerment outcomes. For the analysis of references, the texts of full funding proposals, gender action plans, and gender assessments are screened for the presence of the words “women” and/or “female”. In addition, the fragments of texts associated with the use of the search word are analysed to understand the relationship between the search word and specific impact areas highlighted in Table 9.1. For the analysis of targets, the projects’ results frameworks, including those in projects’ gender action plans, are analysed for the presence of the

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words “women” and/or “female”. Similarly, to the analysis of references, identified targets, which refer to women, are further analysed to identify the relationship of women related targets to the women’s empowerment results areas.

Reflection on Methodology and Its Limitations It is worth noting that the GCF energy access and generation has a significant potential to contribute to the reduction of energy poverty given its ambition to improve access to clean energy sources (discussed further in section “Review of the GCF Framework for Supporting Gender Just Transitions”). Within this context, the purpose of the study is to assess how improving access to energy is framed with the consideration of women’s empowerment issues, which should be one of the resource allocation criteria according to the GCF’s interim Gender Policy. The methodology provides insights into the policy tools and frameworks that support gender responsive climate finance allocations and into the gender responsiveness patterns across different types of energy investments. However, the following limitations exist, which need to be taken into account for further interpretation and use of the findings of this study: 1. The methodology helps identify evidence of consideration of women’s empowerment through specific references and targets in climate finance project design. However, it does not allow the evaluation of the extent of gender responsiveness and the quality of women’s empowerment outcomes as per the five impact areas (as above). Further in-depth analysis of the quality of empowerment outcomes within specific project contexts would be beneficial for a nuanced understanding of women’s empowerment impacts of climate investments. 2. The study is based on the assumption that activities proposed within project design will materialise and deliver women’s empowerment outcomes. On the other hand, there is a possibility that project activities could be re-shaped and result in limited or potentially greater

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women’s empowerment outcomes in light of changing circumstances during the project implementation course. 3. The methodology is concerned with women’s empowerment issues only, which are presented as a proxy indicator of gender responsiveness. However, gender equality considerations integrated in project design need to be analysed for the broader assessment of gender responsiveness. 4. The study is limited to the analysis of publicly available project documents, which do not present the full package of information required for the approval of a funding proposal.

 eview of the GCF Framework for Supporting R Gender Just Transitions The GCF is a multilateral fund, which encourages country ownership and increased participation of civil society, including women’s organisations and gender related groups. From the perspective of the disbursement of climate finance, the following operational principles are outlined in the GCF Governing Instrument: • Climate finance is disbursed through accredited entities, including international and direct access entities. • Resource allocation needs to be made with the consideration of additionality to support investments using a results-based approach; and • Additional capacity building resources need to be provided to enable countries to directly access the fund, meet the fund’s requirements and develop project pipelines. While the GCF Gender Policy presents an overarching framework for gender mainstreaming, there are other operational policies that support gender mainstreaming practices, that is, the Environmental and Social Safeguard Policy (GCF 2018a) and Indigenous Peoples Policy (GCF 2018b). Both policies prescribe the inclusion of a gender perspective while designing project activities and estimating potential impact, as well

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as gender responsive stakeholder engagement for the preparation and implementation of projects. The initial GCF Gender Policy was adopted in 2015 along with the three-­year GAP. The objectives of the GAP are to Achieve greater, more effective, sustainable, and equitable climate change results; contribute to reducing the gender gap of climate change-exacerbated social, economic, and environmental vulnerabilities; and ensure that women and men will equally benefit from activities supported by the fund (GCF/B.09/23 2015). The policy clearly links gender mainstreaming efforts with more sustainable gender equitable climate change results and makes explicit references to the importance of a gender sensitive approach and need for women’s empowerment (GCF/B.09/23 2015). The GCF Gender Policy mandates that gender considerations need to be mainstreamed through the investment cycle, including accreditation, provision of readiness support, and project implementation. The discussion below reviews specific practices that support gender mainstreaming across the above mentioned areas.

Gender Considerations in Accreditation Practices The GCF disburses climate finance through accredited entities and the accreditation is designed to ensure that entities acquiring and implementing climate finance have specific knowledge and experience that can be utilised to mobilise climate finance on the ground.5 For accreditation, interested entities are required to have policies, procedures, and competencies in place to demonstrate that they are capable of integrating gender issues within projects funded by the GCF. Lack of gender experience or/and insufficient gender policies postpone accreditation, and entities who are not able to meet the GCF’s standards may be accredited conditionally, which implies that disbursements could not be made until an accredited entity addresses existing Gender Policy and/or expertise gaps. As concluded by an independent study (E Co 2018), by introducing a gender accreditation standard, the GCF brought attention  GCF website, Accreditation, Assessment: http://www.greenclimate.fund/gcf101/getting-­accredited/ accreditation-process#faq-why-does-gcf-use-accredited-entities (Date of access: 25 October, 2019). 5

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to the consideration of gender issues and the need for the increased capacities of international, regional, national, and sub-national organisations for gender mainstreaming.

Gender Mainstreaming Through Readiness Support It is widely recognised that accessing and implementing climate finance requires capacities, procedures, and systems to enable climate finance programming, budgeting, monitoring, and reporting. Readiness support offers resources to build the capacities of national governments and regional, national, and sub-national entities who may be implementing climate finance projects on the ground (so called direct access entities). The GCF’s Readiness and Preparatory Support Programme provides grants and technical assistance for strengthening the institutional capacities of National Designated Authorities (NDAs), focal points, and direct access entities (DAE) for accessing climate finance from the GCF. Countries are eligible for readiness support, and at least half of the readiness support is intended to target countries considered to be particularly vulnerable to climate change impacts, including the least developed countries (LDCs), small island developing states (SIDS), and African States (GCF 2018b). Among the key areas of readiness support are climate finance programming and national adaptation planning; the development of institutional capacities and coordination mechanisms to program climate finance; engagement of stakeholders, including the integration of gender issues in consultations; the accreditation of direct access entities. According to the Independent Evaluation of the Green Climate Fund’s Readiness and Preparatory Support Programme (RPSP) (GCF 2018a), the extent of gender mainstreaming has varied within the GCF readiness portfolio. The evaluation concluded that RPSP support had an effect on advancing gender equity and inclusiveness in climate adaptation and mitigation more broadly. Furthermore, the evaluation found that the role of the GCF Gender Policy is perceived as important for bringing attention to gender issues and increasing gender mainstreaming efforts;

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however, the awareness and capacity of countries to integrate gender issues is still low. In line with the Readiness and Preparatory Support Guidebook, the following gender mainstreaming approaches within readiness proposals may be utilised6: • Gender sensitive framing of project objectives, activities, and targets • Allocation of resources for gender responsive activities • Inclusion of gender experts in budgets and procurement plans Based on the analysis of the text of the Readiness and Preparatory Support Guidebook, the following gender related outcomes are noted: • Creation of gender balanced coordination mechanisms, which include gender machineries • Development of gender sensitive stakeholder engagement mechanisms • Provision of training on gender mainstreaming and the development of gender mainstreaming outcomes • Development of gender responsive policies and strategies • Assessment of gender sensitive vulnerabilities to climate change

 ender Considerations for Resource Allocation in Full G Funding Proposals The decisions on allocating funds and supporting specific investments are made with the consideration of the investment framework, which was adopted by the Board’s decision GCF/B.07/06. The investment criteria include (1) country ownership, (2) paradigm shift potential, (3) sustainable development potential, (4) impact potential, (5) needs of recipients, and (6) efficiency and effectiveness. The investment framework has been reviewed by the GCF Secretariat and a small number of updates to the investment framework were proposed in GCF/B.09/07 (2015) and  https://www.greenclimate.fund/documents/20182/574766/Guidelines_-­_ Readiness_and_ Preparatory_Support_Guidebook.pdf/9eea580f-a109-4d90-b281-c54695114772 (25 October 2109).

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GCF/B.20/Inf.14 (2018). While the six main investment criteria have remained unchanged, additional details have been developed in regards to the investment criteria indicators. For instance, according to the latest update (GCF/B.20/Inf.14 2018), a women and gender perspective is recognised only within the context of one investment criteria, that is, sustainable development potential. Specifically, the document notes that funding proposals must identify at least one positive co-benefit in addition to the impacts of the project. Gender empowerment, the creation of jobs, poverty alleviation, and enhancement of income and financial inclusion especially among women are noted as potential co-benefits. The GCF’s Result Management Framework (RMF) has been under ongoing development and review (GCF 2016). The expected results of investments are considered as one of the key criteria for allocating resources for mitigation, adaptation, and cross-cutting investments (GCF 2014). According to an evaluation of the existing results framework (GCF 2018c), the existing indicators do not encourage a gender responsive project design, but are mainly concerned with gender sensitive reporting. The GCF Gender Policy prescribes that: • All climate investments should be screened for gender sensitivity at the various stages of the project preparation, appraisal, approval, and monitoring process, by the relevant bodies, for example, NDAs, accredited entities (AEs), the Secretariat. • All climate investments should include a mandatory initial socioeconomic and gender assessment. • Accredited entities should conduct gender equitable stakeholders’ consultations for the design and implementation of investments, and women and men should be provided with equitable opportunity to be included in decision-making. • All climate investments should include a gender perspective in the application of the mandatory project/programme social and environmental safeguards. An overall conclusion of the content analysis of the existing policy frameworks is that women’s empowerment is clearly noted as an ambition of the GCF Gender policy. However, the language of the policy is

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prescriptive and does not imply that consideration of women’s empowerment outcomes is mandatory. Furthermore, according to the GCF Gender Mainstreaming Guidelines (GCF 2017), there is a recognition that the GCF’s resource allocation practices need to be guided by the potential to deliver women’s empowerment outcomes. On the other hand, there is little evidence on how this ambition is reflected in the investment framework, which lack references to specific women’s empowerment results.

Findings of Energy Portfolio Analysis As of February 2019, the GCF has supported 32 projects which target energy access and generation. Figure 9.1 shows representation of different categories of investments in the GCF energy portfolio. In relation to investments in energy access and generation, all projects in this investment category contribute to reduced emissions through increased low-emission energy access and power generation (in tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent (tCO2eq) reduced or avoided from gender sensitive energy access and power generation (as per GCF results area 1.0;

Fig. 9.1  Overview of the GCF energy generation and access portfolio. (Source: Author’s analysis)

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(GCF 2016)). Additionally, 28 projects out of 32 aim at increasing the number of small, medium, and large low-emission power suppliers, including an increase in the number of households and individuals (males and females) with improved access to low-emission energy sources (GCF results area 6.0). Improving access to clean energy is critical for addressing energy poverty and has various value propositions from the perspective of women’s empowerment (Deloitte 2014). However, further analysis of the project documents shows that in many cases women’s empowerment benefits are not fully explored and/or recognised. Figure 9.1 shows that at least half of the GCF energy projects do not commit to measurable women’s empowerment targets. Education appears to be the most popular area, with 50% of the GCF energy projects committing resources and setting targets to support the development of skills and knowledge among women. Economy is the second area with a relatively high level of commitments to support gender responsive lending, creation of employment opportunities, and development of women led businesses (Fig. 9.2).

Fig. 9.2  Analysis of GCF energy portfolio from the perspective of women’s empowerment. (Source: Author’s analysis)

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Health appears to be the least accountable area for women’s empowerment in the design of energy projects—none of the projects track or target gender specific health impacts. However, about 65% of the GCF energy projects provide clear references to health benefits associated with improved air quality and, in some cases, improved access to health services in conjunction with improved infrastructure, for example, the construction of roads that improve access to health care. Economic opportunities for women are well referenced in the design of energy projects—87% of projects referred to economic opportunities for women as a result of investment. Education and access to information are also popular areas, where climate finance provided by the GCF creates opportunities for women’s empowerment, that is, around 75% of investments refer to educational opportunities or inclusion of women in consultations related to the implementation of investments. Women’s empowerment in governance areas is rarely targeted or referenced. Frequently, the inclusion in decision-making is interchangeably used with the involvement of women in consultations. However, it is not clear whether projects are committed to engaging women in the steering processes and in shaping key decisions associated with a project.

 omparison of Small- and Utility-Scale Energy GCF C Investments from the Perspective of Women’s Empowerment Both utility-scale investments and small-scale investments acknowledge empowerment outcomes across five impact areas. Based on the content analysis (Annex 9.1), the design of small-scale investments is more oriented towards less served beneficiaries including small enterprises, women, individuals in remote areas, and more vulnerable communities. For instance, in the case of economic empowerment, utility-scale projects promote gender equality activities in the workplace and gender balanced employment practices, provide equal access to services such as energy, water, and housing, in some cases with specific attention to female-headed households. In terms of the access to energy, most

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utility-­scale investments use gender disaggregated targets to comply with the requirements of the GCF Gender Policy, for instance, 50% of men and 50% of women benefitting from generation of clean energy. However, these targets are reflective of the demographics of consumers benefitting from dispatched clean energy through the grid and the approach does not imply that an investment will undertake specific measures to support the needs of women. Based on the analysis of the GCF energy portfolio (Annex 9.1), small-­ scale investments also provide employment opportunities for women. However, they propose more focused activities, in comparison to utility-­ scale investments, supporting the development of women led businesses and entrepreneurs and reduce energy poverty in remote areas not connected to the grid. The ability of small-scale energy investments to provide the most remote regions with energy creates a wide array of co-benefits related to improved well-being and health (e.g. through access to medical facilities). Where empowerment of women through education is concerned, both utility-scale and small-scale projects aim at increasing awareness on gender equality and providing training to support the development of technical knowledge and skills among women. Overall, small-scale projects refer to and target women’s empowerment including through education, provision of economic opportunities and health benefits, and governance approaches more frequently than utility-­ scale projects (Fig.  9.3). The only result area where

Fig. 9.3  Variations in the integration of women’s empowerment issues in energy generation projects implemented at utility and small scales. (Source: Author’s analysis)

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utility-scale energy projects are better than small-scale projects at integrating women’s empowerment outcomes is access to information. The large-scale utility projects are frequently associated with higher environmental and social risk categories, and therefore have stricter regulations concerning the disclosure of information and the engagement of local stakeholders (GCF 2018a). This situation can explain the higher sensitivity in this area of utility-scale investments in comparison to small-scale investments.

 omparison of Climate Investments Implemented by C Different Types of Accredited Entities from the Perspective of Women’s Empowerment Besides a clear distinction in the reach of operations (national/regional vs. international), accredited entities could be represented by private or public organisations and be different in terms of the value of the projects for which they are accredited by the GCF. Based on the analysis of the GCF entity portfolio,7 DAEs are accredited to implement projects under USD 50 million, which appear to be lower risk investments. On the other hand, international access entities implement investments over USD 50 million, which appear to be a greater risk than those in the portfolio of DAEs (Fig. 9.4). In line with the findings of the analysis of the energy generation and access portfolio, almost 60% of projects are implemented by private sector entities. As noted by the GCF,8 DAEs frequently have less developed capacities and experience with climate finance. To address capacity gaps, the GCF provides technical assistance and resources to support direct access entities including to meet the requirements of the GCF Gender Policy as well as to increase the DAEs knowledge about gender mainstreaming.

 As of October 2019, the GCF website refers to 88 accredited entities, of which 51 are direct access: https://www.greenclimate.fund/how-we-work/tools/entity-directory 8  https://www.greenclimate.fund/documents/20182/194568/GCF_in_Brief__Direct_Access. pdf/8112c210-54a6-44bc-a084-ef25e71dc965 (Date of access: 25 October, 2019). 7

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Fig. 9.4  Variations in the integration of women’s empowerment issues in energy generation projects implemented by international and direct access entities. (Source: Author’s analysis)

Within the GCF energy portfolio, nine projects out of 32 are implemented by direct access entities, of which only two projects target large-­ scale technologies. The majority of direct access modalities within the energy access and generation portfolio are implemented by private sector organisations, that is, eight out of nine entities are represented by the private sector. DAEs appear to consider, more frequently than international access entities, women’s empowerment issues through education (Fig.  9.4). However, international access entities have more frequently than DAEs targets for the delivery of educational outcomes. DAEs, in comparison to international access entities, fare slightly better in acknowledging the impact of investments on women’s health and well-being. On the other hand, international access entities more frequently than DAEs target women’s empowerment outcomes in governance, economic development, and access to information. The analysis of projects that are implemented by private and public entities clearly points that public sector projects recognise better women’s empowerment issues in project design (Fig.  9.5). A large percentage of public sector projects include references and targets to women’s empowerment across five results areas, while the most striking differences with IAEs are in education, governance, and access to information.

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Fig. 9.5  Variations in the integration of women’s empowerment issues in public versus private energy generation projects. (Source: Author’s analysis)

 omparison of Climate Investments Implemented C in Strictly Mitigation Energy Projects Versus Cross-­Cutting Energy Projects In contrast to strictly mitigation type of projects, cross-cutting projects address climate vulnerability and increase the resilience of infrastructure and built environment, livelihoods of people and communities and improve health, food, and water security. Only 11 projects in the current GCF energy portfolio aim at providing access to energy and delivering additional resilience outcomes. Out of these 11 projects, only four projects target utility-scale energy technologies. As is shown in Fig. 9.6, the design of energy investments which are labelled as strictly mitigation appear to be more committed to women’s empowerment through the development of specific targets for the provision of educational and economic opportunities. These type of energy investments also have better acknowledgment of women’s empowerment issues than those investments classified as cross-cutting, which is evident through the presence of specific references to potential economic, education, and health benefits, as well as improved access to information. In terms of health, projects with additional resilience benefits refer more frequently to health benefits for women associated with climate investments. Furthermore, cross-cutting energy projects more frequently include targets and references to women’s empowerment through governance approaches and access to information.

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Fig. 9.6  Variations in the integration of women’s empowerment issues in cross-­ cutting versus strictly mitigation energy generation projects. (Source: Author’s own analysis)

Discussion The GCF governance instrument and the investment framework define key avenues through which the investment and resource allocation decisions are being made. The GCF Gender Policy provides opportunities for gender mainstreaming across the avenues mentioned in section “Review of the GCF Framework for Supporting Gender Just Transitions”, which are guided by gender sensitive accreditation practices, capacity building support, and project development. While women’s empowerment is noted as one of the outcomes of GCF finance, there is limited recognition of this perspective in the GCF investment framework. Among six GCF investment criteria, only one criterion (sustainable development potential) acknowledges opportunities for women’s empowerment. The GCF Gender Policy has sensitised climate finance by suggesting that GCF’s investments need to demonstrate women’s empowerment outcomes and encouraging accredited entities to integrate gender responsive activities within the design of projects. However, based on the results of the study, the framing of the policy is recommendatory which could explain why only a very small share of energy projects are committed to specific and measurable targets to support the achievement of women’s empowerment outcomes within the GCF energy portfolio.

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For instance, 60% of GCF energy projects failed to present targets for the economic empowerment of women, similarly 80% of projects do not include targets for women’s empowerment in the governance area; 50% have no targets for women’s empowerment through education; 75% have no measurable commitments for women’s access to information. This could be explained by the absence of strict requirements for specific and measurable targets, as well as capacities of implementing entities and limited knowledge of methodologies for calculating project impacts on women’s empowerment. Based on the analysis results of the GCF energy portfolio, there are considerable variations in how economic, education, governance, women’s empowerment outcomes, as well as health benefits and access to information for women, are integrated within the design of energy projects. The outcomes vary by type of entities and within different scales of energy technologies. This finding points to the conclusion that gender responsiveness of climate finance, and specifically energy investments, may depend on a number of factors, which could influence the scope of interventions to support the delivery of women’s empowerment outcomes. These factors may include the scale of technology targeted by the investment and capacities of implementing entities. Based on the content analysis of the GCF energy portfolio, there is evidence that small-scale investments appear to be more considerate of women’s empowerment outcomes in comparison to utility-scale investments. On average investments implemented by international entities appear to be more frequently committed to women’s empowerment targets in comparison to DAEs. However, DAEs appear to have better acknowledgment, than international entities, of women’s empowerment outcomes in education and health. Indeed, DAEs may lack capacities for integrating gender issues within investment design, nevertheless they are likely to have better understanding of national contexts and women’s needs.

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Another key observation is that public sector entities have a better  rate of commitments and references to women’s empowerment results in comparison to private sector entities. This finding suggests that a more in-depth exploratory study would be necessary to understand comparative advantages of public sector entities and explore how private sector entities could be encouraged to be more gender responsive.

Conclusion The study reviews the approaches for increasing gender responsiveness of climate finance disbursed by the GCF and conducts an assessment of the energy access and generation portfolio to understand the extent of integration of women’s empowerment considerations within the GCF energy investments. The GCF Gender Policy provides a policy framework that covers the various operational areas of the GCF, starting with the provision of a readiness support program, to ensuring that accredited entities are committed to gender mainstreaming and increasing overall gender sensitivity of project design. On the other hand, the updated Gender Policy, which is under review, acknowledges the need for more gender responsive interventions that would be additional to a gender sensitive approach and allow for more tangible results related to gender equality. Project design is indicative for assessing resource allocation practices and understanding the potential of investment for achieving gender responsive impacts and delivering women’s empowerment outcomes. There are indications that attention to gender issues within project design

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has increased since the adoption of the Gender Policy. However, the approach to women’s empowerment is mostly cursory and accredited entities do not appear to commit to measurable targets to support women’s empowerment. The study found the most significant variations in the extent of considerations of women’s empowerment issues can be observed while comparing public and private sector projects and projects that target utility- and small-scale technologies. A detailed analysis of the quality of gender mainstreaming approaches within individual investments is needed to allow for a more nuanced assessment of various challenges associated with the range of implementation modalities. Specifically, the following issues could be further investigated to understand gender mainstreaming gaps and approaches for increasing the gender responsiveness of climate finance across different types of investment categories: 1. technical approaches for increasing the gender responsiveness of utility-­scale energy investments, especially to promote women economic empowerment; 2. for improving gender responsiveness of climate investments, an analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of different types of accredited entities, including the factors which influence direct access entities and public sector entities to be more gender responsive; 3. methodologies for estimating and projecting the impact of climate finance on women’s empowerment, including approaches for integrating health and well-being related women’s empowerment targets in energy investments.

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GCF. (2018a). Environmental and social policy. https://www.greenclimate.fund/ documents/20182/574763/GCF_policy_-_Environmental_and_Social_ Policy.pdf/aa092a12-2775-4813-a009-6e6564bad87c. Accessed 27 Oct 2019. GCF. (2018b). Indigenous peoples policy. https://www.greenclimate.fund/documents/20182/953917/GCF_B.19_05_-_GCF_Indigenous_Peoples_Policy. pdf/cebd8ee3-c175-4f35-b847-e0a7cbf3e1dc. Accessed 27 Oct 2019. GCF. (2018c). Results management framework: Independent Evaluation Unit recommendations to improve the Results Management Framework Final Report. https:// www.greenclimate.fund/documents/20182/1270184/GCF_B.21_20_-_ Results_management_framework__Independent_Evaluation_Unit_recommendations_to_improve_the_Results_Management_Framework_-_Final_Report. pdf/17a4ccbb-b891-53bf-55b1-b4d4c8a7a734. Accessed 27 Oct 2019. GCF/B.09/07. (2015). Further development of the initial investment framework: Sub-criteria and methodology. https://www.greenclimate.fund/documents/20182/24949/GCF_B.09_07_-_Further_Development_of_the_ Initial_Investment_Framework__Sub-Criteria_and_Methodology. pdf/18db33f8-a55b-488f-8a6b-5df68f39a137. Accessed 27 Oct 2019. GCF/B.09/23. (2015). Decisions of the board  – Ninth meeting of the board. h t t p s : / / w w w. g r e e n c l i m a t e . f u n d / d o c u m e n t s / 2 0 1 8 2 / 2 4 9 4 9 / GCF_B.09_23_-_Decisions_of_the_Board___Ninth_Meeting_of_the_ Board__24_-_26_March_2015.pdf/2f71ce99-7aef-4b04-8799-15975a1f6 6ef. Accessed 27 Oct 2019. GCF/B.20/07. (2018). Updated gender policy and action plan 2018–2020. h t t p s : / / w w w. g r e e n c l i m a t e . f u n d / d o c u m e n t s / 2 0 1 8 2 / 1 0 8 7 9 9 5 / GCF_B.20_07_-_Updated_Gender_Policy_and_Action_Plan_2018_2020. pdf/9bd48527-6e35-a72a-2f52-fd401d16d358. Accessed 27 Oct 2019. GCF/B.20/Inf.14. (2018). Investment criteria indicators. https://www.greenclimate.fund/documents/20182/1087995/GCF_B.20_Inf.14_-_Investment_ criteria_indicators.pdf/69363c9f-c893-0fc7-953b-d75504bd4870. Accessed 27 Oct 2019. GCF/B.23/Inf.1. (2019). Status of the GCF portfolio: Approved projects and fulfilment of conditions. https://www.greenclimate.fund/document/gcf-b23-inf01. Accessed 27 Oct 2019. Gomez-Echeverri, L. (2013). The changing geopolitics of climate change finance. Climate Policy, 13(5), 632–648. https://doi.org/10.1080/1469306 2.2013.822690. Jerneck, A. (2018). Taking gender seriously in climate change adaptation and sustainability science research: Views from feminist debates and Sub-Saharan

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Roberts, J. T. (2009). The international dimension of climate justice and the need for international adaptation funding. Environmental Justice, 2(4), 185–190. https://doi.org/10.1089/env.2009.0029. Salehi, S., Nejad, Z. P., Mahmoudi, H., & Knierim, A. (2015). Gender, responsible citizenship and global climate change. Women’s Studies International Forum, 50, 30–36. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2013.01.016. Schalatek, L. (2018). Gender and climate finance. Climate funds update. Climate Finance Fundamentals 10. Washington, DC: Hentich Böll Stiftung. https:// climatefundsupdate.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/CFF10-2018-ENGDIGITAL.pdf. Accessed 27 Oct 2019. Shonkoff, S. B., Morello-Frosch, R., Pastor, M., & Sadd, M. (2009). Minding the climate gap: Environmental health and equity implications of climate change mitigation policies in California. Environmental Justice, 2(4), 173–177. https://doi.org/10.1089/env.2009.0030. Siulemba, G., & Moodley, V. (2014). A gendered analysis of sustainable agricultural practices with changing climate in the Chankumba Agricultural Community, Zambia. Agenda, 28(3), 135–146. https://doi.org/10.108 0/10130950.2014.932126. Sundström, A., Paxton, P., Wang, Y., & Lindberg, S. I. (2017). Women’s political empowerment: A new global index 1900–2012. World Development, 94, 321–335. Tanaka, S., & Bhandari, P. (2016). Building gender into climate finance: ADB experience with the Climate Investment Funds. Metro Manila: Asian Development Bank. Tuana, N. (2013). Gendering climate knowledge for justice: Catalyzing a new research agenda. In M. Alston & K. Whittenbury (Eds.), Research, action and policy: Addressing the gendered impacts of climate change (pp.  17–31). Dordrecht: Springer. UN WOMEN. (2016). Leveraging co-benefits between gender equality and climate action. http://www.greenclimate.fund/documents/20182/574766/Guidelines_-_ Leveraging_Co-Benefits_between_Gender_and_Climate_Action.pdf/b3764dcccb41-4219-87f9-5f81dfb11dc6. Accessed 27 Oct 2019. UNDP. (2013). Overview of linkages between gender and climate change. Global Gender and Climate Alliance/UNDP. https://www.undp.org/content/dam/ undp/library/gender/Gender%20and%20Environment/PB1-AP-OverviewGender-and-climate-change.pdf. Accessed 27 Oct 2019. UNFCCC Decision 8/CP.19. (2014). Report of the conference of the parties on its nineteenth session. Warsaw, 11–23 November 2013. https://unfccc.int/ resource/docs/2013/cop19/eng/10a01.pdf#page=20

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Part II Reflections on Engendering the Energy Transition

10 Reflection on “Energy Transition and Gender in the Informal Street Food Sector in Africa” Henny A. Romijn

The lack of attention for gender issues in energy research and policy in the Global South is a phenomenon of long standing (e.g. Sovacool 2014; Clancy et  al. 2012; Osunmuyiwa and Ahlborg 2019). This needs to change if SDG7 is to be taken seriously. The paper by Diouf et al. points the way towards an obvious entry point for doing this, by directing the focus of energy research to the huge urban street food sector in Africa, in which many women participate. In the countries where the study data were collected (South Africa, Rwanda, and Senegal) the sector accounts for 50% to 75% of total urban employment and women make up a big proportion of that employment. The authors’ surveys also reveal the prevalence of traditional energy sources and inefficient appliances. Effective energy policies geared towards this sector could thus potentially benefit many women, combating adverse health and environmental effects and drudgery along with promoting gainful local employment. The paper sets

H. A. Romijn (*) Faculty of Industrial Engineering and Innovation Sciences, Eindhoven University of Technology, Eindhoven, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_10

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out a comprehensive set of arguments in favour of support which policy makers should heed. But choosing the most effective support policies is still not easy. African women face manifold constraints in the pursuit of income-generating activities. The key question should be which constraint is experienced as most binding in their local situation, so that this can be addressed with first priority. Resources and governance capabilities of policy makers are limited, so researchers must prioritise when giving recommendations, avoiding what Dani Rodrik has typified as an inefficient “spraygun approach” in the hope that some recommendations will hit the target (Rodrik 2006). This is where I feel that research on gender and energy could still go further. It is hard to disagree with all the sensible ingredients listed in the present paper’s policy discussion, but policy makers are bound to ask where they should start. A brief attempt is therefore made here to elaborate on this question. One can envisage different—admittedly highly stylised—problem scenarios of gender inequality, each of which would call for a somewhat different orientation in policy design and implementation: Scenario 1. Energy access problems by women in Sub Saharan Africa are predominantly part of a more serious general resource access problem they face, compared to men. Scenario 2. Women might not always be particularly disadvantaged compared to men in terms of general resource access as in scenario 1, but they could benefit disproportionately from improvements in clean energy technology access because of their gendered roles in the household and community. Scenario 3. Women in the informal street food sector basically face the same problematic energy access conditions as men do, but they are relatively more deprived in terms of their user capabilities, implying that gaining mere access to improved energy services does not translate easily into productive use benefits and improved wellbeing. What are the logical policy implications of these different scenarios? Scenario 1 is clearly a problem with gender-related unequal access to new and improved technologies and other resources in general,

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emanating from problems in the women’s context. In this scenario, policy needs to be geared towards improving access to different types of resources to allow women to catch up with men. This policy does not need a heavy focus on energy technologies as such, or on measures that will address differing energy needs between men and women. These differences may not be so significant and would not address the core general resource access problem that women face. This scenario mainly requires a strong gender and enterprise development policy that is inclusive of the street food sector, rather than a strong energy policy. Substantial input in policy design will be needed from business development experts along with gender experts who have insight in intra-household division of labour and decision making processes, as unequal access issues can be rooted in informal institutional structures in the household (Meikle and North 2005). Policies can borrow from gender-­informed approaches in small and micro-enterprise development in general, on how to deal with gender divisions in access to resources. Such programmes should heed the usual (non-energy technology-­ specific) barriers to reaching out to women small-scale entrepreneurs with schemes offering a menu to improve technology access, information, training, user support, and appropriate financing mechanisms. In scenario 2, women are not disadvantaged compared to men in terms of general resource access, but they can benefit more than their male counterparts from improvement in clean energy technologies as a result of gendered roles. Scholars and institutions—several referenced in the paper—have argued that men and women indeed have different energy needs and priorities. Policies to realise gendered benefits require gender experts to work in teams with energy experts, to identify relevant activities and practices that could be targeted with devices such as efficient cookers for food preparation activities that women might typically specialise in, so that they will save on fuel spending from their limited household budget, and simple drudgery-reducing devices designed to lighten typical women’s tasks such as grating, pounding, and grinding, thus realising valuable time and human energy savings for women who tend to work very long hours on commercial as well as household tasks. It is also possible that women and men in the street food sector are basically facing the same problematic energy conditions to more or less

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the same extent; this is scenario 3. Inserting a special focus on the street food sector in a country’s energy policies is a logical option in this case, because one can reach out to many women in this way. However, well-­ intentioned gender-neutral sectorial energy interventions can reinforce traditional gender roles and entrench intra-household gender inequalities. Technologies are generally not gender-neutral (Fernández-Baldor et al. 2015; Skutsch 1998). The design and implementation of such policies thus cannot be left to energy experts alone. Gender-sensitive implementation is called for. So, gender experts have a role in this scenario too, to identify where women’s skills, knowledge, and information requirements need a boost in order to facilitate effective assimilation in view of existing gender inequalities in literacy, numeracy, and reach of business networks. What can we deduce from the paper by Diouf et  al. regarding the prevalence of these different scenarios in urban Africa? Interestingly, there is no strong evidence pointing towards scenario 1. Both genders in majority still use traditional energy sources and primitive appliances (Fig. 2.1). Moreover, respondents state that the use of the source and device is highly task- and food specific; full switching from a traditional to a modern device and clean fuel will not be a realistic option for many in the short term for this reason alone. What this does suggest is that policy makers should steer clear of pursuing policies that single-mindedly aim for the wholesale replacement of traditional energy devices by modern ones. Energy stacking affords flexibility for energy users in the intermediate phase of an energy transition process. Regarding scenario 2, the paper presents evidence that women and men appear to have in fact quite similar energy priorities. This runs counter to widely held views in the literature regarding the importance of gender differences in energy priorities and needs. Further research would clearly be useful here. This leaves scenario 3, but the survey methodology used by the researchers is not very suited to uncovering subtle evidence of gender differences in energy user capacities. We cannot conclude from their paper that such differences do not exist. Future research will need to take further steps towards the development of testable hypotheses and gather sufficient empirical evidence to test these.

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References Clancy, J., Winther, T., Matinga M., & Oparaocha, S. (2012). Equity in access to and benefits from modern energy and improved energy technologies. World Development Report background paper. ETC/ENERGIA in association Nord/Sør-konsulentene. https://ris.utwente.nl/ws/portalfiles/portal/5131975/WDR_Norad_ENERGIA_Main_Paper.pdf. Accessed 11 June 2019. Fernández-Baldor, Á., Lillo, P., & Boni, A. (2015). Gender, energy, and inequalities: A capabilities approach analysis of renewable electrification projects in Peru. In S. Hostettler et al. (Eds.), Sustainable access to energy in the Global South (pp. 193–204). Springer: London. Meikle, S., & North, P. (2005). A study of the impact of energy use on poor urban women and girls’ livelihoods in Arusha, Tanzania. R8321. Development Planning Unit, University College London. https://assets.publishing.service. gov.uk/media/57a08c60ed915d3cfd001352/r8321.pdf. Accessed 11 June 2019. Osunmuyiwa, O., & Ahlborg, H. (2019). Inclusiveness by design? Reviewing sustainable electricity access and entrepreneurship from a gender perspective. Energy Research and Social Science, 53, 145–158. Rodrik, D. (2006). Goodbye Washington consensus, hello Washington confusion? A review of the World Bank’s economic growth in the 1990s: Learning from a decade of reform. Journal of Economic Literature, 44(4), 973–987. Skutsch, M. M. (1998). The gender issue in energy project planning. Welfare, empowerment or efficiency? Energy Policy, 26, 945–955. Sovacool, B.  K. (2014). What are we doing here? Analyzing fifteen years of energy scholarship and proposing a social science research agenda. Energy Research & Social Science, 1, 1–29.

11 Reflection on “Gender, Firewood and Health” María Cristina Osorio Vázquez

The transition toward the use of clean energies in the developing world is one of the most important objectives of international organizations and governments. For example, United Nations (UN) including energy among its global challenges which the UN intends to address through the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). There is a specific goal for energy (SDG 7) which aims to ensure access to affordable, reliable, sustainable, and modern energy for all. SDG 7 is not only as a critical goal in itself but in the contribution to reaching other goals, for example the relation with SGD 3 about good health and well-being, SDG 5 about gender equality and SDG 6 about clean water and sanitation. These four goals combined together contribute to the provision of food and household water which is the primarily responsibility of women in the developing world. This key facilitating role of energy has attracted national and international funds toward SDG 7 and the implementation of public policies in developing countries, often based on models that have been developed in other contexts. M. C. Osorio Vázquez (*) CSTM, University of Twente, Enschede, Overijssel, The Netherlands © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_11

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However, on some occasions, these initiatives yield less than optimal results because they do not take into account the point of view of the local population. This is discussed in the chapter Gender, firewood and health, which analyzes interactions between cooking energy and daily life in two rural villages in Eastern Cape, South Africa: Cutwini and Tsilitwa, describing specific aspects of the way of life of its inhabitants, its economy, health, and social aspects. The populations of the two villages differ in their characteristics. Cutwini is considerably under-resourced in terms of infrastructure and public services, while Tsilitwa is relatively well resourced. At the time of the study, only Tsilitwa had electric power supply. Matinga and Clancy show how the use of biomass, such as fuelwood, charcoal, dung, and agricultural residues, to cook food and carry out other habitual household activities is rooted in cultural aspects inherent to the tradition in South African villages. In this study, it was found that the use of fuelwood in rural areas, particularly for cooking, brings health consequences particularly to women, such as body pain, accidents such as broken bones, cuts and bruises, animal attacks, and possibly physical attacks including rape. Nevertheless, if they have access to subsidized or even free electricity, women in the community prefer to cook with biomass since it is the traditional way of baking bread and food, as they expressed tastes better. These insights, the authors consider could only have been unpacked in this way through ethnography. The ethnographic approach shows how complex issues such as culture, together with historical and normalized conditions, as well as intersections of a range of social factors interact to affect modern energy use (Matinga and Clancy 2020, p. 1). Given the exclusion of many rural societies from contributing to mainstream policy making at all level, researchers spending time in the villages and participating in their daily rituals can help provide insights for policy makers to understand more comprehensively their way of life, their interpretation of their conditions and choices, and what they recognize as problems or not (Matinga and Clancy 2020, p. 18). This process of listening to intended beneficiaries is crucial if policy makers are to propose locally viable solutions to challenges faced by these populations and if they are to efficiently meet the objectives of global commitments such as SE4ALL.

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Matinga and Clancy importantly highlight the danger of collecting wood in isolated places, which makes people, particularly women and children since it’s usually their task to collect fuel, vulnerable to being physically or sexually attacked. This is an issue that is often overlooked in current research and debates. The authors also caution that there is a likelihood of underestimating the prevalence of such dangers due to cultural barriers to reporting about such sensitive matters. Some families in Cutwini and Tsilitwa, as is the case in other regions of the world, have been abandoned by their men, who have migrated to other regions looking for job opportunities not available in their villages or close by. While in many cases the resources they remit to their villages/ families are critical and can be the only income for their families, in some cases, the resources are insufficient or might not be sent at all. Certainly, this type of experience is not uncommon in my own research in Mayan areas, where it is common to find communities majorly composed of women, children, and elderly people (Osorio 2017). Migration of men to tourist areas of the southeast of Mexico and to the USA and Canada appears to be the only source of subsistence viable for families in the rural area. Consequently, we find disproportionately large numbers of women as head of the household, responsible of children and the elderly, with few or no employment prospects. In such contexts, a lack of income makes the purchase of LPG beyond many households, so the collection of wood and other forms of biomass is the only possible way to cook the food to feed their families. As in Cutwini and Tsilitwa, biomass materials are generally transported on the heads and backs of boys, girls, and women. Although wood collection as a fuel for cooking is part of the indigenous Maya culture, as research has shown, their use has affected the health and integrity of the population. Reflecting on this chapter as a researcher focusing on indigenous women in my own country, Mexico, I recognize the issue of energy, health, and women’s time in polluted kitchen as described by Matinga and Clancy. Exposure to wood smoke children and women contract respiratory diseases, which are seen as normal or even as a symbol of strength when in reality such exposure is detrimental to their healthy growth and women’s long term health (Troncoso et  al. 2007). This

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situation has led to a number of seminal research studies on energy and health, including among indigenous populations (Ramirez-Venegas et al. 2006; Regalado et  al. 2006). Tellingly, much of this research has been from the outsider’s perspective similar to the situation described by Matinga and Clancy. Several research projects have been developed to introduce clean energies to isolated communities into the Mayan region in the Yucatan Peninsula in Mexico. However, many of these initiatives have not been sustainable, since they do not integrate the views and traditions of the Mayan people. Another underreported area that the authors draw attention to is that of women living with HIV and tuberculosis who, due to the symptoms of their disease, have problems colleting and cooking with biomass and other agricultural products. Switching to clean cooking, such as electric cookers or LPG stoves, which would be the best alternative, however is too expensive for most of these women. Matinga and Clancy highlight in both Cutwini and Tsilitwa the vulnerability, and at the same time, the strength of women to deal with illnesses and accidents. Visiting clinics for treatment contributes to women’s time poverty. In the case of Cutwini, it is necessary to travel several hours to reach the nearest clinic, while in Tsilitwa, where there is a clinic, the wait to be attended by the doctor can last several hours. The chapter Gender, firewood and health addresses from cultural aspects, health, infrastructure, and public policies related to energy and health. Paying attention to the cultural aspects of firewood is essential to broaden the understanding of the issues related to gender, health, and energy. The authors findings demonstrates the importance of social capital which Bourdieu defines as resources, actual or virtual, that accrue to an individual or a group by virtue of possessing a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition (Bourdieu cited in Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992, p. 119). Thus, in Cutwini or Tsilitwa, by being members of specific groups, for example, as firewood collectors, women can accrue from social capital resources such as help for physical work, friendships, knowledge, and even physical resources such as firewood or money which they can use for their daily needs.

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Social capital can be a very important resource in underserved communities since it is a form of social support already used as a resource when economic means are not sufficient to provide education, health services, and food to an impoverished population. Bonding social capital is considered positive for underpinning specific acts of reciprocity and mobilizing solidarity (Putnam 2000). Matinga and Clancy briefly allude to the social capital as part of the energy-gender equation when they refer to it as one of the reasons for collecting firewood. However, the wider energy-gender literature largely neglects the issue of the need to maintain and enhance such social capital and how that affects energy use and the transition to clean energy. The type of ethnographic approach used by the authors can be adopted for studying other rural contexts in any part of the world, especially among populations living in poverty and isolation. For example, in the Yucatan Mayan region, located in southeast Mexico, women still cook using wood despite the negative health consequences, especially respiratory diseases caused by the smoke the women inhale when they cook (Osorio et al. 2018). Yet with economic, energy, and cultural transitions, new generations hope for, and are open to, new ideas including cleaner forms of energy. Despite this desire for cleaner energy forms, it should not be taken for granted that the energy transitions will happen and in a linear way. Even with a desire for change, it remains crucial to understand the intersectional gender issues shaping such processes. Matinga and Clancy’s chapter should serve as a reminder to always take the voices, experiences, and understanding of the user groups into consideration when trying to understand energy and gender transitions.

References Bourdieu, P., & Wacquant, L. J. D. (1992). An invitation to reflexive sociology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Matinga, M., & Clancy, J. (2020). Gender, firewood and health. Clancy, J. et al (eds.) Engendering the energy transition. UK: Ed. Springer.

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Osorio, M. (2017). Understanding girls’ education in indigenous Maya communities in the Yucatán Peninsula. Implications for policy and practice. Washington, DC: Brookings. Osorio, M., Bressers, H., & Franco, L. (2018). Promoting Food Sovereignty through cooperative model in the Maya Region. Géneros, 23, 35–78. Putnam, R. (2000). Bowling alone. The Collapse and Revival of American Community. https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/books/first/p/ putnam-alone.html Ramirez-Venegas, A., Sansores, R. H., Perez-Padilla, R., Regalado, J., Velazquez, A., Sanchez, C., & Mayar, M. E. (2006). Survival of patients with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease due to biomass smoke and tobacco. American Journal of Respiratory and Critical Care Medicine, 173, 393–397. Regalado, J., Perez-Padilla, R., Sansores, R., Paramo Ramirez, J. I., Brauer, M., Pare, P., & Vedal, S. (2006). The effect of biomass burning on respiratory symptoms and lung function in rural Mexican women. American Journal of Respiratory and Critical Care Medicine, 174, 901–905. Troncoso, K., Castillo, A., Masera, O., & Merino, L. (2007). Social perceptions about a technological innovation for fuelwood cooking: Case study in rural Mexico. Energy Policy, 35, 2799–2810.

12 Reflection on ‘Gender-Sensitive Analysis of Water Governance: Insights for Engendering Energy Transitions’ Morag Goodwin

This chapter by Özerol and Harris provides the reader with an excellent overview of how gender has been included within research on water governance. It highlights the pitfalls of simple assumptions that we may make about how gender functions in concrete settings, such as the common belief that inclusion of women in management automatically leads to better outcomes for women in the distribution of resources; and presents the steps that research in this one area has taken towards addressing the growing awareness that the world is constructed in a gendered space. The result is helpful advice for researchers in other fields, such as energy transition but also others. My comment comes out of a growing realisation, personal and professional, that climate change is going to be a game-changer in almost every aspect of human social life over the next hundred or so years. In my work, both teaching and researching Law and Development, I have often chosen to ignore environmental questions and focus instead, as I saw it, on

M. Goodwin (*) Global Law and Development, Tilburg University, Tilburg, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_12

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the human. Indeed, I have tended to see the environment and the human as antithetical out of fear that environmental protection often works to deny the most vulnerable their needs in the here and now. It is now clear, even to me, that we have entered a new geological age that is characterised by human climatic dominance and that it calls for an urgent rethink of our how we understand and frame our interactions with the environment: philosophically, economically, socially, and legally. What I am therefore taking from Özerol and Harris’s chapter here is the idea of water management and gender as an important crucible for reflecting on the relationship between nature and humans more broadly. In particular, I wish to draw on the chapter’s excellent analysis of gendered rights to water. Law, like other disciplines, is grappling with the implications of climate change. One response by different legal communities, from India to Ecuador, has been to establish legal personality, and hence legal rights, for nature (Naffine 2012). In 2011, for example, a form of legal rights was introduced in the Australian state of Victoria to protect its rivers, and in 2017, the Whanganui River (in Maori: Te Awa Tupua) in New Zealand, and the Ganges and Yamuna rivers in India were all granted legal personality (O’Donnell and Talbot-Jones 2018). In 2011, the Vilcabamba River in Ecuador was successful in seeking a constitutional injunction against the government as plaintiff before the Provincial Court of Justice of Loja as a result of changes in 2008 to the Ecuadoran Constitution enshrining the rights of nature (Greene n.d.). Moreover, the Court recognised the right of the Vilcabamba River to exist and maintain itself. A more sweeping example of environmental personhood can be seen in the 2010 changes to the Bolivian constitution that recognise the legal personality of ‘Mother Earth’. Legal rights are widely seen as empowering, as giving the vulnerable the tools to assert their interests and needs (UN 2006). In the Age of the Anthropocene, nature is the weaker party and thus it makes sense to grant it rights (see, for a pre-Anthropocene assertion of this, Stone 1972). Of course, one can argue that the rights of nature are akin to collective rights rather than the individual rights so beloved of liberals. Yet by drawing on the work of Ahlers and Zwarteveen (2009), Özerol and Harris underline that the fluid nature of water means that rights to water are especially like to be contested and that this contestation takes place at

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multiple levels and across social and legal domains (Ahlers and Zwarteveen 2009). While in the one example rights are being granted to access water, and in the other they are being granted to the water itself, it is arguably the nature of rights themselves that ensures contestation—and it is the nature of water, that it flows, that determines that the contestation is broad. If both assertions are true, we can expect nature rights to lead to a great deal of dispute and discord. Contestation can, though, be a good thing if it leads to the vulnerable having their say, literally and metaphorically. Here, too, Özerol and Harris’s analysis suggests that this may be too optimistic. The authors highlight that gender is conceptualised as a social relation and a social identity. However, they show that gender rights to water have in practice frequently proved to be irrelevant because water is not allocated on the basis of gender; that is, individuals have multiple identities and that it is a critical combination of these identities that ensure, at particular moments and in particular places, privileges in accessing water. Nature, too, is embedded culturally and socially. It has multiple identities, depending on who is interacting with it. Given that we have yet to establish a means by which a river can communicate its interests independently, its rights must by necessity be asserted by a human other. For example, the Te Awa Tupua/Whanganui River acts and speaks through a representative body that consists of a Maori representative and a Crown representative (De Vries-Stotijn et al. 2019). This entails that the multiple identities of the individuals or communities claiming rights on a river’s behalf will make a claim about the river’s identity and what that means for its relationship with the many humans that rely upon it. Just as in the context of gender, it is important that we recognise and explore the multiple role of identity in the application and interpretation of the rights of nature. My final observation, building on the previous suggestion that nature’s identity is determined by those interacting with it, suggests that our relationships with the environment can themselves be gendered. That is, different genders, as with different other identities, interact differently with nature as a consequence of their assigned social roles. In those parts of the world where women are assigned responsibility for water collection and water management at the household level, for example, they develop a

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particular relationship to, and knowledge of, nature. This unique, gendered form of environmental knowledge—in relation to drought patterns or moving water sources, for example—must be seen and acknowledged. What Özerol and Harris’s contribution makes clear for me is that endowing nature with legal personality cannot help us sidestep the issue of complex human identities and interests, including gender.

References Ahlers, R., & Zwarteveen, M. (2009). The water question in feminism: Water control and gender inequities in a neo-liberal era. Gender, Place & Culture, 16(4), 409–426. De Vries-Stotijn, A., Van Ham, I., & Bastmeijer, K. (2019). Protection through property: From private to river-held rights. Water International. https://doi. org/10.1080/02508060.2019.1641882. Accessed 16 Aug 2019. Greene, N. (n.d.). The first successful case of the Rights of Nature implementation in Ecuador. Global Alliance for the Rights of Nature. http://therightsofnature.org/first-ron-case-ecuador/. Accessed 16 Aug 2019. Naffine, N. (2012). Legal personality and the natural world: On the persistence of the human measure of value. Journal of Human Rights and the Environment, 3, 68–83. O’Donnell, E., & Talbot-Jones, J. (2018). Creating legal rights for rivers: Lessons from Australia, New Zealand, and India. Ecology and Society, 23(1), 7. Stone, C. D. (1972). Should trees have standing? Towards legal rights for natural objects. Southern California Law Review, 45, 450–501. UN: United Nations. (2006). Frequently asked questions on a human rights-based approach to development cooperation. New  York/Geneva. https://undg.org/ wp-content/uploads/2016/09/FAQen2.pdf. Accessed 16 Aug 2019.

13 Reflection on “Bargaining Climate Adaptation Through a Gender Lens: An Inquiry into Decision-Making Processes in Tanzanian Farm Households” Charlotte Ray

The chapter by Van Aelst and Holvoet sets out to understand how farmers are currently adapting their livelihoods amidst climate variability and in turn how they make decisions in relation to climate adaptation. In order to effectively understand this, the main premise of this chapter is to focus on the “nexus of gendered intra household decision-making and climate adaptation” as it is imperative to understand how men and women make adaptation decisions and who in the household makes those choices. Overall, the chapter is well written and clearly structured, providing the reader with enough background literature, methodology (albeit difficult in places if not used to quantitative methods of analysis), results, and conclusions. It addresses the overall aim to: “investigat[e] gendered intrahousehold decision-making patterns of climate adaptation in rural Tanzania”, taking into account how “men and women are deciding about

C. Ray (*) Unconventional Solutions Ltd, London, UK © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_13

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adaptation within the household and who within the household makes adaptation decisions”. After reading the chapter, there appears two main contributions. First, from an empirical perspective, this chapter tells an interesting story around intrahousehold decision-making patterns. Table  5.2 presents four main domains derived from adaptation strategies identified in both the literature and empirical data and highlights (perhaps somewhat unsurprisingly) that most cash-related decisions were classed within the male adaptation domain and the remaining were joint-adaptation domain. Interestingly, the quantitative data suggests that these cash-­ related decisions were overwhelmingly accepted by wives without question and/or competition (though the inclusion of more qualitative responses may shed greater light on this). This perhaps speaks to the everyday socio-economic gender biases that pre-exist within households and, the traditional roles of men and women responsible for overseeing certain tasks. In addition, and perhaps more importantly, joint-­ adaptation domain is not necessarily as a result of gender equality or power balance between husbands and wives but because no consensus could be drawn from the data on who controlled the decision-­making. It would suggest from this data that women (spouse) are not necessarily overruled in the decision-making process regarding climate adaptation strategies but are somewhat accepting of the household status-quo most likely stemming from patriarchal traditions and practices within communities. It would be interesting to understand these perceptions further. In addition, the paper highlighted that the engagement in non-farm activities is considered an individual adaptation domain whereby husbands and wives can choose what activities they are involved. It is the individual adaptation domain where women’s decision-­making power improved (correlating to the literature e.g. Paudel Khatiwada et al. 2018; Bezu and Barrett 2010). This is perhaps one of the key empirical takeaways from the data presented in this chapter as the engagement in nonfarm income activities is key for women’s household bargaining power and decision-making ability. While this engagement does not necessarily impact on women’s decision-making ability on male adaptation strategies (especially when husbands are engaged in non-farm income activities too), it also suggests that men also have a lower decision-­making ability

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over predominantly female adaptation strategies. Somewhat unsurprisingly (but no less relevant), farming strategies are more heavily gendered and so when husbands and wives are involved in these activities and not engaged in non-farm activities, women’s decision-­ making abilities become more “contested”. Overall, it would be better for intrahousehold bargaining if wives were solely engaged in non-farm activities (especially in the case where the husband wasn’t) but this raises questions around burden of labor. As interestingly pointed out in this chapter, if husbands are also involved in non-farm activities, it does not necessarily erase the positive effect of a wife’s own perception of improved decision-­making, nor that of cash-related or male adaptation domains of decision-making. Other empirical findings in this chapter also highlight that higher levels of education in husband and wives have positive impact on women decision-making ability especially in traditional male dominated domains or some that require cash control. At the same time, if wives own physical assets such as land and shelter, their decision-making power rises especially within the joint and male adaptation domains (including cash strategies). While ownership of assets and a higher level of education give wives great bargaining power and decision-making abilities, it is important to add that these do not influence husbands’ own decision-making abilities, which largely still give men the majority of household power/ influence and decision-making ability. The study also found that having children improves the decision-making ability in the female adaptation domain but not anywhere else. Finally, and perhaps owing to traditional household/community hierarchy, as women become older it is acknowledged that they have improved influence on male adaptation decision-making. Second, from a methodological perspective, the application of the Actor-Partner Interdependence Model (APIM) using Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) has highlighted the importance of statistically aggregating opinions of both husbands and wives regarding climate change adaptation strategies. This chapter makes a very convincing argument for the use of this methodology and importantly highlights the need to utilize and adapt methodologies from other disciplines (such as climate

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change and feminist economics) to effectively gender mainstream the energy sector. The qualitative methodological framework highlighted in this chapter is also something that should be documented in the broader “energy for development” literature, especially in terms of positionality, project make-up, and wider gender considerations prior to research commencing. It is something that is widely acknowledged but only briefly (if at all) documented as part of organisational/project strategy. Key socio-cultural and gender considerations (such as make-up of research team e.g. gender of enumerators/translators, etc.) allow gender to be a prominent part of the research process from the outset. Saying that, it would have been perhaps even more useful to integrate some of the more qualitative empirical data into this chapter to really reiterate the importance of using this type of methodology in the energy sector. Although the use of qualitative methods and approaches is gaining momentum in the energy sector, projects still often focus on more quantitative and/or technological approaches to better understand access to energy (Ray et al. 2014; Watson et al. 2012; Troncoso et al. 2007). It is here that the energy sector can learn from the broader social sciences or even disciplines such as geography/anthropology/development etc. to better understand socio-economic and cultural contexts (Yemtim et al. 2018; Dowling et al. 2017; Shove et al. 2015; Shove and Walker 2014; Sesan 2014). To some readers (who perhaps come from other disciplines such as development), the findings here reconfirm much of the existing literature around gender power-relations in rural and semi-rural contexts where farming (especially subsistence) is a key factor for household income and survival (Leach et al. 1995; Crewe 1997; Leach and Fairhead 1994). The quantitative data also correlates with much of the previous literature around household decision-making and bargaining (much of which is drawn from the large body of qualitative evidence). This chapter however does well and rightly justifies the importance of a mixed methods approach to climate-related and energy studies highlighting its importance for future research (however including more of the data from the qualitative aspect of the research would reinforce certain findings). The empirical data from this chapter fits into and can be incorporated into the broader literature around Sustainable Livelihood Approaches

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(Scoones 1998; Carney 1998; Carney 2003; Unruh 2008) as well as much of the literature on livelihood diversification (Hussein and Nelson 1998; Ellis 1998; Ellis 2000). This chapter also speaks to many aspects of the energy sector and can specifically speak to energy interventions that are categorised as “genderspecific”. For example, using this methodological approach on intrahousehold bargaining in relation to the dissemination of improved cookstoves would add to the discussion around power-relations and decision-­making in relation to stove/fuel use in the household. While we know that interventions and technologies are often aimed at women, many financial decisions regarding the purchase of a cookstove are largely made by husbands and so this approach would go further to unpack this more. It would also be interesting to see how to adapt this approach to account for multiple voices in the household (as the authors rightly point out as a limitation) especially polygamous households or other voices such as household elders/youth, and so on. The use of statistical data to greater highlight gender is almost certainly warranted and crucially important in the energy sector where there is still a desire (especially by wider policy makers and donors) to provide techno-centric, sex-­ disaggregated data. This comes with the final caveat that quantitative data surrounding gender only tells part of the story and this chapter highlights the importance of using mixed methods to better understand intrahousehold bargaining and power-relations more broadly.

References Bezu, S., & Barrett, C. B. (2010). Activity choice in rural non-farm employment (RNFE): Survival versus accumulative strategy. Munich Personal RePEc Archive, Paper No. 55034. Munich: University Library of Munich. Carney, D. (1998). Sustainable rural livelihoods: What contribution can we make? London: Department for International Development. Carney, D. (2003). Sustainable livelihood approaches: Progress and possibilities for change. London: Department for International Development.

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Crewe, E. (1997). The silent traditions of developing cooks. In R. D. Grillo & R.  S. Stirrat (Eds.), Discourses of development: Anthropological perspectives (pp. 59–81). London: Berg. Dowling, R., Lloyd, K., & Suchet-Pearson, S. (2017). Qualitative methods II: ‘More-than-human’ methodologies and/in praxis. Progress in Human Geography, 41(6), 823–831. Ellis, F. (1998). Household strategies and rural livelihood diversification. The Journal of Development Studies, 35(1), 1–38. Ellis, F. (2000). Rural livelihoods and diversity in developing countries. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hussein, K., & Nelson, J. (1998). Sustainable livelihoods and livelihood diversification. IDS Working Paper No. 69. Brighton: IDS. Leach, M., & Fairhead, J. (1994). Ruined settlements and new gardens: Gender and soil-ripening among Kuranko farmers in the forest-savanna transition zone. In I. Yngstrom, P. Jeffery, K. King, & C. Toulmin (Eds.), Gender and environment in Africa: Perspectives on the politics of environmental sustainability (pp. 193–209). Edinburgh: Centre of African Studies. Leach, M., Joekes, S., & Green, C. (1995). Gender relations and environmental change. IDS Bulletin, 26(1). Sussex: IDS. Paudel Khatiwada, S., Deng, W., Paudel, B., Khatiwada, J., Zhang, J., & Wan, J. (2018). A gender analysis of changing livelihood activities in the rural areas of central Nepal. Sustainability, 10(11), 4034. Ray, C., Clifford, M. J., & Jewitt, S. (2014). The introduction and uptake of improved cookstoves: Making sense of engineers, social scientists, barriers, markets and participation. Boiling Point, 64, 2–5. Scoones, I. (1998). Sustainable rural livelihoods: A framework for analysis. IDS Working Paper No. 72. Sussex: IDS. Sesan, T. (2014). Global imperatives, local contingencies: An analysis of divergent priorities and dominant perspectives in stove development from the 1970s to date. Progress in Development Studies, 14(1), 3–20. Shove, E., & Walker, G. (2014). What is energy for? Social practice and energy demand. Theory, Culture and Society, 31(5), 41–58. Shove, E., Watson, M., & Spurling, N. (2015). Conceptualizing connections: Energy demand, infrastructures and social practices. European Journal of Social Theory, 18(3), 274–287. Troncoso, K., Castillo, A., Masera, O., & Merino, L. (2007). Social perceptions about a technological innovation for fuelwood cooking: Case study in rural Mexico. Energy Policy, 35, 2799–2810.

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Unruh, J. D. (2008). Toward sustainable livelihoods after war: Reconstituting rural land tenure systems. Natural Resources Forum, 32, 103–115. Watson, J., Byrne, R., Morgan Jones, M., Tsang, F., Opazo, J., Fry, C., & Castle-­ Clarke, S. (2012). What are the major barriers to increased use of modern energy services among the world’s poorest people and are the interventions to overcome these effective? CEE Review, 11-004. www.environmentalevidence.org Yemtim, A., Lebongo Onana, A. S., Ray, C., Cross, J., Martin, C., & Verhoeven, A. (2018). Methods across borders: Reflections of using design-led methods in Burkina Faso. In Design Research Society: Design as a Catalyst for Change. Design Research Society Conference Proceedings: DRS2018, vol. 2, pp.  629–645, Limerick, 25–28 June, 2018. https://doi.org/10.21606/ drs.2018.599.

14 Why a Feminist Political Ecology Approach Is Relevant for Assessing Energy Access in Developing Countries Annemarije Kooijman

Ingrid Nelson provides a feminist political perspective on audit culture. By applying this approach in the context of energy and sustainability, which is governed by technical and economical argumentation, she provides an innovative and provocative perspective that produces relevant insights into the risks of a focus on measurement. This short note reflects on this discussion in relation to indicators of energy access and benefits of energy access in a developing country context. Although Nelson’s case studies draw upon campus environments in the USA, many of her messages are relevant for the discussions of energy access in international development. The premise that sustainability of a campus environment is considered to be a clear and objective goal, in which measurement can support progress towards this goal and in which the decision making about why what is measured is not transparent, is also assumed in the field of energy access.

A. Kooijman (*) ENERGIA, International Network on Gender and Sustainable Energy, The Hague, Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_14

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 hat is Missed by Taking a Technical Approach W to Energy Access? A key message from the paper that speaks to a broader interest is that the technical face of governing through numbers hides the political decisions and removes the discussion away from inclusion and exclusion of impacts. ENERGIA, the International Network on Gender and Sustainable Energy, is familiar with this discussion through its involvement in the development of indicators to increase the focus in the energy sector on issues that matter to women. Our engagement on indicators takes place for international and national policy and donor communities through our work in advocacy and projects in the gender and energy nexus, with non-­governmental organisations (NGOs), financers, and utilities through implementation of energy access through women energy entrepreneurs, and with researchers in our research programme. Here we provide a brief discussion of the factors that influence the dominant technical approach to energy access and provide examples of what may be missed, especially from a gender perspective. For the measurement of energy access and gendered benefits, different stakeholders use different approaches and sets of indicators. For national and international policy, indicators function in target setting and monitoring of progress at country level. To minimise the costs of assessments, indicators are based on data that is available from existing recurring national surveys as far as possible. For example, for overviews of global status and trends in energy access, and national progress, the World Bank’s Global Tracking Framework and the International Energy Agency gather and analyse such data. Another stakeholder group in the development of indicators is that of investors and financiers in energy supply who seek to minimise risks of detrimental impacts or to quantify benefits at project level. Another stakeholder group in indicator development is that of investors and financiers in energy supply who seek to minimise risks of detrimental impacts or to quantify benefits at project level. To respond to this demand, the reporting framework for practitioners follows that of investors and financiers. Standardisation  of reporting is a large advantage for practitioners to avoid different monitoring for each financer. The above mentioned requirements of standardisation and efficiency entail a risk of missing crucial gender issues in energy access and

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distribution of benefits. We mention three prominent examples of what is missed. Firstly, data for energy access is typically collected at household level, missing the intra-household dynamics. What are captured are issues related to differences between male- and female-headed households, such as those in poverty due to female headed households often having fewer adult household members, and possible biased regulation towards males as household heads. However, this level of analysis misses the opportunities to improve equity of benefits of energy access by taking into account the differences in priorities for energy services and financial and social assets within households. Secondly, the focus on household level data for energy access risks missing information on the benefits that energy supply can bring to many forms of income generation that are relevant to women. Informal enterprises, which may be based in or outside of the home, are important to many poor, and especially to women, who have fewer means to access formal enterprise and employment. Further, the energy demands for these types of enterprises are missed where they fall between household consumption and formal enterprise, such as for heat in small restaurants and food processing, or appropriate pumps for irrigation for small scale agriculture, which are typically activities with high representation of women. The third example we mention is that of employment and representation. Here, issues of gender equality are typically assessed through indicators of per cent of women employed, per cent of women in boards, and so on. The ENERGIA research programme finds that specific targeting of women through training and business development services (BDS) are important approaches to promote women taking high quality and sustainable positions and to increase inclusivity of the benefits of energy sector jobs. Such outcomes may be missed by taking a technical approach.

Pathways to More Inclusive Assessment A more inclusive assessment of energy access and of energy interventions requires an approach that is open to including social and economic factors, including gender norms. Although many of such factors are relevant across countries and continents, such as high expectations on roles and

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responsibilities for women in household cooking, and lower expectations on roles of women as household income providers, many issues will depend on country or local context. For example, the mobility of women to purchase fuels or to run enterprises is influenced by norms that differ for religious, local, and economic societal groups. One way to allow for local differences in priorities and opportunities is to include processes and institutional design as indicators. Such approaches form the basis of the Gold Standard for gender sensitive and for gender responsive climate projects, and are also used in the international database for Impact Reporting & Investment Standards (IRIS). The Gold Standard requires gender experts to be part of the project design and development of monitoring frameworks and representation of local women in the project assessment. An example of a process indicator in IRIS is the availability of a company policy and monitoring framework as indicator for gender equality at the workplace. Researchers also play an important role in the development of inclusive indicators—through providing insights into gendered priority issues, and in assessing whether existing indicator sets recognise these. Researchers are also by further needed to identify which context factors related to the gender and energy nexus are crucial for meaningful interpretation of indicators. By developing evidence on rigorous, credible indicators, researchers have an opportunity to influence measurement frameworks. Combinations of quantitative with qualitative evidence, and combining insights from different disciplines, are found to be convincing for these purposes. As indicated in this discussion piece, a feminist political ecology approach also has a contribution to make to the inclusion of gender perspectives in modelling of energy access and of benefits of energy access.

15 Reflection on “How Gender Equality Principles Are Integrated in National Energy Policies and Frameworks” Maryse Helbert

Ana Rojas and Maria Prebble have been very successful at laying down the nexus between gender and energy transition. Throughout their chapter, they analyse the gender dimension of the energy transition concept in energy policies and frameworks. While the chapter is an outstanding guide to understand progress in matters of gender mainstreaming, the efficiency of such gender mainstreaming and the concept of just transition require further questioning. The authors investigated 192 energy frameworks in 137 countries between 2016 and 2017. The investigation aimed at analysing the gender dimension of these energy policies and frameworks. For each of them, the authors wanted to know how far the energy frameworks were going in matters of processes and gender mainstreaming. This study is timely as the elaboration of energy frameworks are happening at the crossroad of several challenges, one of them being the transition to a post-carbon society. The burning of fossil fuel for producing energy has led to increase M. Helbert (*) Institute of Social Studies, Erasmus University Rotterdam, The Hague, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_15

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carbon emissions into the atmosphere. The level of carbon is such that it has disrupted temperatures on the planet with long-term negative consequences. As such, many countries are planning for a source of energy which does not involve burning fossil fuels. The just transition concept conceptualises this energy transition. It suggests moving away from non-­ renewable energy sources and directs forces towards renewable energy sources such as wind and solar while guaranteeing environmental and social justice. Energy frameworks for enabling energy transition and the gender mainstreaming of these frameworks follow recommendations of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The SDGs are a platform of action to end poverty, protect the planet and ensure that all people enjoy peace and prosperity by 2030. The platform for action has been adopted by all United Nations Member States. It has 17 goals and the 5th one is devoted to the promotion of gender equality through gender mainstreaming. Particularly, the two authors rightly point out that the production of energy frameworks offers a unique opportunity to fully integrate women at every point of the processes and practices of these frameworks. The main contribution of the chapter and this is what stands out in this research is to show that indeed, gender has been taken seriously into account in many of these energy frameworks, albeit with different degrees. Moreover, the authors acknowledge that there are always gaps between the promise of integration and the reality of integration, particularly in matter of gender mainstreaming. The integration of gender as an analytic tool into these frameworks shows that countries have understood the need to better address the underrepresentation of women in energy policies. This underrepresentation is addressed through different initiatives such as enhancing women’s role in decision-making process related to energy or accessing to electrification as a critical tool to the provision of health services, a key mechanism to women’s empowerment. The authors have to be commended for analysing the gender dimension of frameworks and policies in an era of energy transition. From an ecofeminist point of view, the integration of gender as an analytic tool is welcomed, but far to be sufficient. Ecofeminism is a conceptual umbrella concerned with the connection between different forms of oppression, such as the unjustified domination of women, children, people of colour, indigenous people, poor people and the unjustified domination of nature (Nhanenge 2011; Warren 1996). These structures

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of domination are tools to externalise the contradictions of capitalism: the endless quest for capital accumulation based on limited, cheap, non-­ renewable resources. For ecofeminists, these different structures of oppression typically coalesce into a matrix. This conceptual coalescence requires that all oppressive structures be addressed at the same time and in their totality in order to have meaningful changes (Ruether 1975). In other words, while gender as an analytic tool for energy frameworks does address a gender deficiency, it does not address all the oppressive structures that exist in society. While it is understandable that an energy framework cannot address all the deeds of a society at once, the full efficiency of the framework may be hampered as other oppressive structures are not addressed. For instance, while key mechanisms may be implemented to better involve women in decision-making process about the energy transition, the efficiency of the mechanism may be impeded by poverty or gender-based violence. Race, ethnicity and class can also be factors that undermine the full efficiency of the frameworks. Additionally, the concept of the energy transition needs to be questioned. The just transition concept posits that societies need to switch from a fossil fuel-based energy sources to low-carbon, such as solar- and wind-based energy sources, while being mindful of social and environmental justice (Heffron and McCauley 2018). However, the lessons from fossil fuels extraction teach us that global warming needs far more than just changing technologies and fuels to mitigate emissions. Energy transition frameworks address the need to decrease carbon emission at the point of consumption but fail to address carbon emission at the point of production. For example, wind and power renewable energy sources, while reducing CO2 emissions, also need non-renewable natural resources to be extracted in the production zones. In other words, the energy transition as posited by the two authors does not challenge the full scope of environmental justice as it does not fully address the complex relationship between human and non-­human nature (Helbert 2016). According to ecofeminists, the environmental crisis that the world is suffering nowadays is not only due to its excessive emission of carbon but to the exploitative relationship that the capitalist model of economic development has with non-human nature (Plumwood 1993). The extraction of fossil fuels has created environmental, social and economic disruptions in the extractive zones that go beyond carbon emissions. For example, in previous works,

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I have shown how fossil fuel extraction in the Niger Delta of Nigeria has been associated with structural conditions that have contributed to the poverty and vulnerability of the local population through dispossession (Helbert 2016). Fossil fuel extraction in the Niger Delta and other countries on the planet has degraded the environment, polluting drinking water and the air, jeopardising the survival of the local population. A post-carbon society based on solar and wind needs to have a more ecocentric philosophy in order to guarantee environmental and social justice (Eckersley 1992). For instance, the production of energy based on solar and wind needs to be stored in batteries. Batteries are made of different metals such as cobalt and lithium. Research shows that the Democratic Republic of Congo has one of the largest reserves of cobalt. However, the extraction of cobalt is obtained through slavery, particularly children. Additionally, there are struggles for the control of its natural resources. Women are the battleground of these struggles. For instance, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, it has been shown that the violence associated with the struggle for the control of natural resources had trickle-down effect on violence against women. A war legacy of rape, precocious marriage, forced prostitution and sexual and gender-­based violence has been perpetuated—during and after the war—as a weapon by different forces to control natural resources (Hayes and Perks 2012). Lithium is mostly found in the lithium triangle at the frontier of Argentina, Chile and Bolivia. The local population struggles to access much needed natural resources which are captured to produce lithium. For instance, it has been shown that the extraction of lithium requires large amount of water in an area where water is very scarce. It then depletes the freshwater availability for the local population. Additionally, processing lithium is also a source of water pollution. Consequently, the health risks of the environmental externalities of lithium extraction are high (Wanger 2011; Agusdinata et al. 2018). In conclusion, the two authors rightly engage in an analysis of energy policies and frameworks as many governments are planning their next move in matters of source of energy. It is crucial to understand how women are fully integrated into the planning and at many levels to avoid the gender discrimination of the past practices. However, while the energy transition concept has its merits, it does not address all the

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associated structural conditions. The failure to address all gendered structural conditions may impede the efficiency of the gender mainstreaming of the framework. Additionally, efforts to address the environmental crisis cannot be reduced to the point of consumption, which is in that case consuming energy from renewable sources instead of fossil fuel. Energy transition may also consider the point of production of non-renewable natural resources that provide batteries the capacity for solar and wind to produce energy that can be used in household. A transition to a post-­ carbon society needs to fully challenge the complex relationship between nature and non-human nature.

References Agusdinata, D.  B., Liu, W., Eakin, H., & Romero, H. (2018). Socio-­ environmental impacts of lithium mineral extraction: Towards a research agenda. Environmental Research Letters, 13(12), 2–14. Eckersley, R. (1992). Environmentalism and political theory: Toward an ecocentric approach. Albany: State University of New York Press. Hayes, K., & Perks, R. (2012). Women in the artisanal and small-scale mining sector of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In P. Lujala & S. A. Rustad (Eds.), High-value natural resources and peacebuilding. London: Routledge. Heffron, R. J., & McCauley, D. (2018). What is the ‘just transition’? Geoforum, 88, 74–77. Helbert, M. (2016). Women in the oil zones: A feminist analysis of oil depletion, conflict and environmental degradation. School of Social and Political Sciences. Parkville: University of Melbourne. https://ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/ login?url=https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=cat0000 6a&AN=melb.b6444059&site=eds-live&scope=site Nhanenge, J. (2011). Ecofeminism: Toward integrating the concerns of women, poor people, and nature in development. Lanham: University Press of America. Plumwood, V. (1993). Feminism and the mastery of nature. London: Routledge. Ruether, R. R. (1975). New woman/new earth: Sexist ideologies and human liberation. New York: Seabury. Wanger, T. C. (2011). The lithium future – resources, recycling, and the environment. Policy Perspective, 4(3), 202–206. Warren, K.  J. (1996). Ecological feminist philosophies. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.

16 Reflection on ‘A View from the North: Gender and Energy Poverty in the European Union’ Mariama Williams

The chapter by Feenstra and Clancy presents findings, observations and insights on the gender dimensions of energy poverty in the European Union. According to the authors (and the European Commission), energy poverty is a multi-dimensional phenomenon linked to socio-­economic factors such as household income, building condition and energy prices (identify as secondary factor). There is a growing awareness of the phenomenon confronting Europe: this, has, thus far culminated in the 2018 ‘Strengthening European Clean Energy for All Europeans’ framework (proposed by the EC 30th November 2016 and adopted by the EUP) and the launch of European Commission’s Energy Poverty Observatory in January 2018. Increasingly, as the chapter shows, there is a growing recognition of the gendered dimension to energy poverty in Europe. This has become part of the literature since 2016 (further developed with work by Clancy et al.,

M. Williams (*) Sustainable Development Climate Change and Gender (SDCCG), South Centre, Geneva, Switzerland e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_16

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2017 for the FEMM Committee)1. Building on the framework of Clancy et al. (2017), the authors examined three interlinked perspectives on gender and energy poverty: the economic, the biological/physical and the socio-cultural, to draw out the clear structural causes of the underlying gendered dimension of energy poverty in the European Union. Addressing the issue of gender and other well-nuanced social interlinkages on energy poverty in Europe raise attention to the challenges surrounding policy measures and tools that focus on the ‘protection of vulnerable energy consumers’, who are not a homogeneous group. Rather, as the chapter points out, there are distinct and pervasive gender and social dynamics among this group that directly impact how targeting of energy policy should be undertaken. Primarily, among this, are the gender issues among the ‘groups of vulnerable consumers’ and what factors condition their access to clean energy and to affordable energy services. Hence, energy poverty policy cannot continue to be gender neutral, focusing simply on the ‘consumer.’ Effective and sustainable policy requires the enhanced understanding of the different causes and manifestations of energy poverty between and among men and women in their various identities and places in the society. Ultimately, the authors recommend adding a fifth characteristic to the list of characteristic indicators to measure energy poverty in the Trinomics framework (2016): the gender dimensions of energy poverty and the intersectionality of this issue in policy measurement. They also affirm the point made in Clancy et al. (2017) that sex disaggregated data, that moves beyond the household as an entity of analysis, is of the utmost importance in moving forward appropriate policy measures to tackle energy poverty. Overall, the chapter provides a practical overview of the report to the FEMM Committee of the European Parliament the authors were involved with. In trying to bring these findings and analysis to a broader audience, it does a great service to the academic debate on policy and gender and women’s advocacy communities. However, I would recommend that for future research the authors take the work a step further by providing a more detailed elaboration of the conceptual map of the drivers and so on in Fig.  8.1. This elaboration would provide a good grounding for the  Women’s Rights and Gender Equality Committee of the European Parliament.

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addition of the proposed fifth element of the gender dimensions. Policymakers and practitioners would also benefit from a more detailed suggestion of indicators, measures and policy frameworks on how to incorporate the gender dimension into their work. There are quite clear connections and useful interlinked policy interventions in this discussion of energy poverty in the North with work ongoing in the South. These include the obvious connection of gender and energy access and the imperative to mainstream gender issues and the concerns of women’s and men’s lives, considering their distinct lived realities, in the formulation of energy policies. The connections between lack of access to energy and its impact on women’s health, time and overall economic and social empowerment are extremely important. It is a shared concern relevant for women in both the North and the South. Other shared dimensionalities of the energy poverty discussion include the impact of women’s lowered access to income and economic assets and their capacity to pay (for energy services) and how that impacts households that are headed by women as well as the lives of individual women along the life-cycle. Both women in the North and those in the South are impacted by the high costs of connecting to electricity grids and the consequent impacts and opportunity costs of this on their education and health. Here, subsidy is a quite useful cross-cutting tool for both South and North and a clear case for gender considerations in targeting subsidies to meet the desired impact. One example from the South that could be examined and assessed is the Lao PDR rural electrification programme that seeks to address the low connection rates among female-headed households to village electricity by proposing gender sensitive subsidy to target female households (World Bank 2012). In this context, women must be consulted and included in decision-making if the targeting is to be successful. Both women in Europe and in all developing countries can benefit from advances in energy efficiency. This is particularly so for women in the South where this can constitute a matter of life or death as when they are able to switch from inefficient energy source such as charcoal and paraffin which are toxic and can be quite deadly overtime. Yet another area of deep similarity is the clear imperative to integrating gender into the development of indicators looking at energy management, use and efficiencies.

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But there are striking divergences where there does not seem to be (any?) room for North-South lessons. In the South, energy access has a specific trajectory. It mostly traverses from the focus on and/or advocacy to secure small household items such as a solar lantern, kerosene, improved cook stoves to small solar home systems, diesel generation to community-based mini-grid option and/or connection to national grids (O’Dell et al. 2015). So, while electricity is key, it is the functions that it support that is important and that makes meeting effectively the demand of the end users: lighting, cooking, mobile phone charging and refrigeration imperative. While these are not dramatically different for women energy end-use needs in Europe, the circumstances and the constraints behind the demand and the survival responses are quite different. Hence, the end-use of energy and the constraints and adaptability of different, but clearly identificable groups of women in developing countries, particularly Africa and Asia, may leave little room for good comparisons. In developing countries, there are at least fourfold end-use issues that need to be measured, monitored and assessed on a regular basis. Despite the discussions and verbal commitments made at international, regional and national levels around energy and gender, from the Millennium Development Goals to now Sustainable Development Goal 7 (SDG7: Affordable and Clean Energy) and Sustainable Energy for All (SE4all), there has not been good momentum in improving women’s access to affordable and available modern energy services for cooking fuel, fetching water, fodder management and home-based micro-entrepreneurial activities which constitute the main need for energy by women in these countries. ENERGIA et  al. (2018), commenting on progress of SDG7, highlight that ‘(n)eligible progress has been made on access to clean cooking, which affects women and households deeply’. In some areas, women seem to have been making progress, this is so especially in the diffusion of small- and mini-grids that are making improvement to women’s lives in many countries in Africa. But it remains the case that women in the South continue to face the constraint of scarce fuelwood, environmental degradation that depletes water sources (springs, wells), loss of commons for securing fodder and increasing scarcity of biomass. This impacts women’s and girls’ time and effort spent on collecting water, cooking practices and food habits and continues to have pervasive effects

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on health as women in the face of lack of connection to grids or the availability of community-based energy services must continue to resort to traditional coping methods (Lambrou and Piana 2006). For many poor women in developing countries the big policy challenge and issues are around rural electrification programmes. Hence, much effort and programming seemed to be focused around seeking to improve access to technology such as LPG, pressure cookers and clean cooking stoves. See for example Jagriti NGO work in Northern India,2 which uses its core business model focused around women savings group to securing access to improved cooking technology for women (UNDP 2013). Women also benefit from improved fuel efficiency that decreases time-use and decreases negative health effects from indoor pollution (UNDP 2013). Another area of focus is on integrating women in the energy value chain from installation to distribution/billing and collection. Thus, the set of indicators and measurement tools will be different than those that are needed for the specific forms of gendered energy poverty and access issues in Europe. Time poverty is a major causality of traditional coping methods in developing countries. It stymies women’s potential for income earning, increasing productivity and innovating. Indicators need to be developed and designed to address issues at multiple levels: at the macro level around productivity and innovation issues; at the meso level institutional constraints and opportunities around electricity provision at large and downstream impacts, small and mini scale as well as energy efficiency impacts and at micro level. Micro-level indicators are particularly important as they must be attuned to quantifying components that permit measurements and evaluation that captures the causality and impacts for women as end users, on particular issues such as incidence of respiratory diseases, ill-health and morbidity with shifts in energy efficient technologies as well as impacts on community caretakers, business owners and employers. (See, for example, work by the Climate Investment Fund that ‘provides practical guidance, including checklists and indicators, on integrating gender into the renewable energy project cycle’ (Nelson and Kuriakos (2017).  http://www.jagritikullu.org/ (accessed 23 October 2019)

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References Clancy, J., Daskalova, V., Feenstra, M., Franceschelli, N., Sanz, M. (2017). Gender perspective on access to energy in the EU.  Study for the FEMM committee of the EU parliament. PE 596.816. Brussels. ENERGIA, World Bank Group/ESMAP and UN Women. (2018). Global progress of SDG7. Energy and Gender Policy Brief, 12. https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/content/documents/17489PB_12_Draft.pdf. Accessed 18 Sept 2019. Lambrou, Y., & Piana, G. (2006). Energy and gender issues in rural sustainable development. Rome: FAO. Nelson, S., & Kuriakose, A. T. (2017). Gender and renewable energy: Entry points for women’s livelihoods and employment. Climate investment funds. Washington, DC: CIFs. O’Dell, K., Peters, S., & Wharton, K. (2015). Women, energy, and economic empowerment. Deloitte University Press. https://www.theatlantic.com/sponsored/deloitte-shifts/women-energy-and-economic-empowerment/261. Accessed 16 September 2019. Trinomics. (2016). Selecting indicators to measure energy poverty, https://ec. europa.eu/energy/en/studies/selecting-indicators-measure-energy-poverty. Accessed by 23 May 2019. UNDP (United National Development Programme). (2013). Gender and energy policy brief 4. New York: UNDP. World Bank. (2012). Lao PDR power to the people: Twenty years of national electrification. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTEAPASTAE/ Resources/LaoPDR-PowertoPeople.pdf. Accessed 19 November 2019.

17 Reflection on “Climate Finance Allocation Practices to Support Gender Responsive Energy Transitions” Andrea Rodriguez Osuna

With the adoption of a gender policy by the Green Climate Fund (GCF), the process of climate project and program design requires a more elaborated and detailed understanding of gender-related issues that are important to comprehend the context in which a climate solution is proposed. Gender assessments help navigate gender-specific circumstances in each proposal and guide the design of adequate climate solutions that are gender-­sensitive and climate responsive. Most financial mechanisms that operate under the United Nations Convention Framework on Climate Change (UNFCCC), including the GCF, provide financial support for climate adaptation and mitigation measures to be implemented in developing countries. Thus, genderrelated matters need to be addressed in the context of concrete climate change interventions brought forward by a project/program proposal. When preparing project/program proposals, accredited entities are required to elaborate gender assessments. These are conducted with the

A. Rodriguez Osuna (*) Fundación Avina, Mexico City, Mexico e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_17

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view to provide information on gender local circumstances that need to be taken into consideration during project design. The most common findings in gender assessments show that most gender needs have strong and concrete development connotations. For example, in many developing countries, gender issues respond to social/economic/cultural/religious aspects. Addressing core gender issues is a paramount condition to the effective design of climate responses. In addition to gender assessments, GCF project and program proposals are required to present gender action plans (GAP) that address findings established in the gender assessments. However, in order to elaborate an effective GAP that fully promotes gender mainstreaming, many of the interventions proposed would need to combine both elements of development and climate. This combined approach will increase gender responsiveness in a broader sense, while addressing gender considerations that are particular relevant for the climate solution proposed. Given the clear interlinkages between climate and development, the latter approach may seem as the right one in terms of increasing gender responsiveness throughout GCF project/program portfolios. In fact, the GCF investment framework requests that all projects/programs provide multiple co-benefits with the proposed activities and the sought results, which include social, environmental, economic and gender benefits. However, climate finance only supports additional costs of development interventions that make a development activity, climate resilient. For example, access to sanitation is considered a development intervention and so would not receive financial support from the GCF. However, if access to sanitation were combined with water saving systems that contribute to climate change adaptation, then the GCF would accept proposals for consideration if financing the additional costs makes the development intervention climate resilient. The GCF will cover full costs when an intervention can clearly demonstrate its climate rationale. Thus, all proposals submitted to the GCF for funding support could only propose gender-related activities that are climate specific or that are integrated within projects/programs that seek to make development interventions climate resilient. In the energy sector, there is a more evident opportunity that gender disparities can be partially addressed when projects and program proposals seek to provide access to energy benefiting women. However, it is also

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crucial not to underestimate the fact that in order to make the energy sector gender responsive, it requires other multiple interventions beyond access to energy. Providing effective climate-relevant solutions that are country driven and that are gender sensitive requires combining climate and development interventions. Nonetheless, for many accredited entities, in particular the direct access entities (DAEs), the financial implications have a strong say in the extent to which an effective gender-sensitive activity can be proposed as part of a project/program proposal to be considered by the GCF.  DAEs have limited capacities to mobilize additional financial resources for interventions outside the funding scope of the GCF when compared to those of international accredited entities. Yet, according to the research provided in this book, direct access entities do better at including gender mainstreaming than their international peers despite their limited capacities. This may have to do with their capacity to better understand and work within the local context. Either way, if financial resources are made available to support the inclusion of both climate and development interventions (with the understanding that often gender inequalities are structural and linked and rooted into other issues and are not necessarily climate related) in GCF projects, the results could be a game changer in securing effective and integrated solutions that fully achieve gender responsiveness. Although climate policy requires that the climate and development agendas are to be implemented separately due to requirements established by global climate finance policy on climate finance enshrined in international agreements, combining interventions that are both climate and development in nature is essential for effective gender responses and for promoting better conditions for women in developing countries. However, there are cases in which when gender measures proposed are climate exclusive, these can be counterproductive to the attainment of gender goals given the social/cultural nature of the problem (UNDP 2011). For example, introducing solar and wind technologies to make agriculture more climate resilient can support both women and men’s different farming roles and tasks. These technologies have multiple benefits, such as increasing food output, reducing drudgery and freeing time, which could combine to allow for income-generating opportunities. For

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women, participating in income-generating activities contributes to women’s empowerment, both the economic and broader dimensions. However, interventions have to take into account the social/cultural context of the intervention where women may have more restricted access to key resources such as information about the technology which may be due to literacy levels or restricted mobility outside the home. Another barrier for women’s access to technology is their lack of financial assets to pay for a relatively expensive piece of equipment compared to their normal household purchases. They face an additional barrier with credit institutions, which tend to assume that women want to borrow money for consumption rather than productive purposes, which leads to the conclusion that they likely to have trouble repaying any loans as well as not having assets to use as guarantee (van Staveren 2001). This negative assessment of women’s capacity to repay loans conflicts with the evidence that women have a good repayment rates, often better than men—(van Staveren 2001). While it is important to recognize that significant efforts are being made by the international community to place gender mainstreaming in the core of the climate and energy agendas, it is crucial to be mindful of the importance of understanding and fully responding to local context needs and the special circumstances in which gender issues are enshrined. Policies defined by financial institutions can provide guidance that strengthens the role and commitments of governments and accredited entities in deploying the right climate solutions that are gender sensitive. However, if financial resources are to deliver effectiveness and impact, funding agencies need to ensure that integrated and crosscutting approaches are part of submitted proposals.

References UNDP. (2011). Ensuring gender equity in climate change financing. New York: United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). van Staveren, I. (2001). Gender biases in finance. Gender and Development, 9(1), 9–17.

18 Reflections on Kick-Starting Lasting Change: From Policy to Practice and Beyond Charlotte Taylor

For decades, Practical Action has worked with and alongside energy-poor communities around the world, enabling them to challenge and change the systems that have disadvantaged them. Our experience shows that women have often been overlooked, and thus underserved, by energy service provision in comparison to their male counterparts—a situation the authors throughout this book explore. In ‘Gender and energy poverty, view from the North’, Feenstra and Clancy assert that “three gendered dimensions of energy poverty can be distinguished in the EU: an economic, a biological/physiological and a socio-cultural dimension”. Arguably, these three factors can be seen the world over. While the deep links between our pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), in particular universal energy access (SDG7) and gender equality (SDG5), are increasingly understood, energy access policies and programmes have historically assumed that interventions benefit men and women equally (or, simply not considered the gendered

C. Taylor (*) Practical Action, Rugby, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_18

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impacts at all). The reality, however, is that ‘gender neutral’ initiatives serve to reinforce inequalities that should have long ago been quashed. Alongside delivery of ‘on-the-ground’ energy access programmes, exploring the situation and context, in order to better understand the needs of marginalised groups such as women, refugees and displaced people, and the ‘last mile’1 is an important part of Practical Action’s approach. It is excellent to see this ‘people-first’ value reflected throughout the book; for example, in ‘Energy transition and gender in the street food sector: a focus on informal enterprises’ which acknowledges the challenge posed to the energy transition by persistent stove stacking, yet balances it with the realities of cook’s needs, cultural practices, food preferences and affordability. ‘Firewood, gender and health’ also takes as its starting point the lived realities of two rural communities in Eastern Cape, South Africa, highlighting that women are the experts on their energy needs and priorities—yet, they are too often “treated as passive subjects of studies” (Matinga and Clancy, Chap. 3 of this volume). Quite the opposite: women are integral stakeholders in the shift to universal energy access in line with SDG7. Accordingly, in some projects, Practical Action works directly with women to help build their capacity to participate in energy access markets. We have done this in Kenya through the Women’s Energy Entrepreneurship in Kenya (WEEK2) programme and in Sudan as part of a project to increase uptake of LPG cookstoves, which trained and supported local Women’s Development Associations to manage revolving funds to enable households in extreme poverty to afford LPG stoves and canisters. Critical to these programmes was (a) a deep sense of partnership—for instance with funding and support from ENERGIA, the International Network on Gender and Sustainable Energy, and with delivery partner Sustainable Community Development Services (SCODE)—in Kenya, and (b) an advocacy component running alongside. These approaches helped to influence key stakeholders to proactively and meaningfully mainstream gender considerations throughout their work, such as LPG  Those who remain unserved by business as usual approaches due to remoteness, low income and/ or social discrimination. 2  https://www.energia.org/what-we-do/practical-action. Accessed 22 October 2019. 1

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suppliers in the case of Sudan. Relevant across chapters within this book is thus the need to take into account and actively address the dynamics of the wider system and those operating within it. Doing so can help to identify the key blockages, bottlenecks, leverage points and means for change within a given context—and stimulate innovative and exciting ways to gain buy in, galvanise cross-sectoral support and create valuable energy and gender champions. As Prebble and Roja discuss in ‘Energizing Equality: reflections on how gender equality principles are integrated in national energy policies and frameworks’, mainstreaming gender in energy policy is often a pre-­ requisite to seeing gender-sensitive activities take root—but it is important to remember that a favourable policy is no guarantee for action. At Practical Action we believe lasting change can be brought about through five channels. Each one may be important at different times, or they may work in parallel. These channels are civil society capacity building and mobilisation; technical expertise; evidence and learning; stakeholder networking, engagement and alliance building; and building the skills and capacities of those seeking to drive change. Our work in Kenya over the past decade has demonstrated this approach—from our first substantive intervention in implementing the Ministry of Energy’s gender audit in 2006 (Mbuthi et al. 2007) to helping to ensure the voices of civil society and the most marginalised people were heard during development of the SEforAll Action Agenda and Investment Prospectus.3 By working with stakeholders at different levels, cultivating important relationships and building on our technical expertise and credibility, Practical Action has supported a gender-sensitive shift in the energy sector. Likewise, our work in Malawi and Nepal has helped to educate and better equip actors, including government and the private sector, to consider gender and social inclusion in relation to the way they work on energy access policies and programmes. A critical part of all these initiatives has been building the capacity and confidence of staff to understand and identify gendered dynamics and how to address them. Thus, as Prebble and Roja attest, while the formulation of a policy is important to galvanise momentum,  https://www.se4all-africa.org/seforall-in-africa/country-actions/investment-prospectus. Accessed 23 October 2019. 3

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hold decision-makers accountable, and as an indication of the wider trajectory of a country’s position on gender, a wealth of additional ‘background’ activities are essential. These help to embed forward-thinking sentiment within the hearts and minds of the people who it often falls on to implement change in their day-to-day work while simultaneously providing them with the tools they need. Practical Action’s work is founded on a Total Energy Access approach which challenges us all to consider energy needs beyond the household, to include energy for community services such as schools and health clinics, as well as ‘productive uses of energy’ including for small-scale enterprises, irrigation, milling and threshing; all of which we know are highly gendered activities. As Diouf and her co-authors emphasise in relation to informal enterprises, “it’s imperative not to lose sight of the role of energy in income generation”—and the gendered implications this can have. Practical Action strives to do this in our work from Southern Africa to Latin America and beyond, given the gendered roles and responsibilities of women and men and the way in which women’s work has traditionally been under-valued. Additionally, the need to use a nexus lens in energy planning and delivery—which considers the cross-cutting aspects of energy, water, agriculture and education, among others—cannot be underestimated. Seeing this reflected in Özerol and Harris’ ‘Gender-­ sensitive approaches to analysing water governance: Insights and lessons for engendering the energy transition’ demonstrates the change in narrative that has occurred over time, and increased recognition of energy’s central role in a wealth of additional development and wellbeing outcomes. Similarly, the clear efforts to dedicate time and space to the various aspects of clean cooking within the book—from health to income generation—are commendable. Practical Action also strives to raise clean cooking on a par with electricity access as this is an issue which, despite receiving increasing levels of attention globally (largely due to the efforts of the Clean Cooking Alliance4), is still chronically underfunded—with international financial institutions committing just 1.6% of total energy finance to clean cooking (Oil Change International 2018).  https://www.cleancookingalliance.org/home/index.html. Accessed 22 October 2019.

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A common thread runs through the work presented here and Practical Action’s own experiences: gender equality and women’s empowerment (SDG5) and universal energy access (SDG7) are mutually reinforcing. When women are enabled to participate in energy access value chains as more than mere consumers, and when planners, policy-makers and programmatic teams are equipped to understand and integrate aspects of gender and social inclusion from the very beginning of their interventions, the possible benefits are significant. Not only can wider empowerment outcomes for women be potentially be gained (for instance, in helping to rebalance power dynamics within the household as a result of increased income generation) but so too can improved energy access for women’s families, communities and wider networks. Yet, systemic changes are not guaranteed. To help achieve this, we must continue to push for cross-sectoral collaboration, new and different partnerships, and initiatives that strengthen the participation of civil society and amplify the voices of those who are too-often silenced.

References Mbuthi, P., Odongo, F., Machera, M., Imitira, J. K. (2007). Gender audit of energy policy and programmes in Kenya.. Report prepared for the TIE-­ ENERGIA Project. Oil Change International (2018). Short-changing Energy Access: A Progress Report on Multilateral Development Bank Finance, Washington, DC: Oil Change International. http://priceofoil.org/content/uploads/2018/10/MDBEnergy-Access-Finance-03a-1.pdf. Accessed 22 Oct 2019.

19 Reflections from a Feminist Political Ecology Perspective Wendy Harcourt

The chapters in this collection call for and show how to move away from gender-blind approaches to energy by applying and developing a gender analysis to the existing theoretical frameworks used by energy policy researchers. In this brief reflection I respond to three of the chapters which resonated in particular with my feminist political ecology approach. They help to illuminate the challenges facing activist scholars interested in contributing to the creation of just spaces which question the mainstream discourses of green economy and sustainable development in order to address the gender and energy nexus. The chapters by Nelson (2020), Özerol and Harris (2020); Matinga and Clancy (2020) focus on understanding gender and energy by scrutinizing how power relations and discursive techniques operate in international development practice and policy. Taken together, they set out how

W. Harcourt (*) International Institute of Social Studies of Erasmus University Rotterdam, The Hague, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_19

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energy transitions need to be viewed critically in order to unpack the gendered effects of developmental and environmental interventions. In her study of universities, Nelson looks at what she calls ‘audit cultures’, arguing that we need to scrutinize accounting practices to better understand the impact of our current green techno-politics and its impact on gender and energy. Özerol and Harris explore how insights from literature on water and gender can contribute to unpacking how to approach energy poverty and gender bias through a conscious engendering of energy transitions. Matinga and Clancy look at a case study in rural South Africa in order to provide insights into the gaps in energy scholarship and policy addressing the intersectional issues of gender and health. In all of the contributions, the authors are careful to situate energy in its cultural context showing how what Nelson calls our current neoliberal ‘rituals’ in scholarship and practice shape energy transitions and their gendered logics and impacts. The authors reveal how energy cannot be understood simply as the provision of better access to resources, more adept technology or efficient management practices. Instead, they ask us to see how gender and energy operates as part of a context-specific socio-nature. Current energy practices due to gender bias or over emphasis on technological and economic improvements might not be opening or expanding possibilities but reinforcing and constraining in negative ways sustainability, safety and wellness, for marginal groups, particularly women. The chapters make the case for careful analysis based on long-­ term ethnography in order to better understand the affects and dynamics within households and communities and in daily life in order to determine what kinds of energy are produced and accessed by whom according to whose policy (and profit). These are the kinds of in-depth questions Nelson seeks to address as she scrutinizes the modern university campus in order to identify the practices and discourses within energy analytics that could open up spaces for a diverse and intersectional feminist energy politics that work to benefit not constrain users. Özerol and Harris (2020) add to this framing of an intersectional feminist energy politics by setting out why an in-depth understanding of gender is key to an understanding of energy in the domain of environmental change and governance. What stands out as key in their

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discussion for gender and energy nexus is how gender has to be understood as relational and contextual with reference to the processes and relationships that differentially affect people and communities. In addition, they show how gender is intersectional and needs to be understood alongside age, class, race, religion and culture in order to address the broader categories of social difference and inequality. They argue, citing a host of scholars, that gender differentiated knowledges are embedded in the existing institutions and politics. It is unpacking that embeddedness that produces analysis that allows for the possibility of a more meaningful participation of affected communities in designing their own energy needs and practices. Crucial to this, like Nelson, they argue it is important to deconstruct neoliberal language and discourses which see energy as a process based on a science that is gender neutral. Based on lessons from gender analysis of water, they argue that gender and energy is complex and nuanced. They underline it is important for successful and sustainable policy to look at the social and emotional aspects rather than frame everything from an economic perspective. For example, instead of promoting women as entrepreneurs and operating on the assumption that better energy access ‘saves time’, good studies and policy on gender and energy need to take into account the social, economic and institutional barriers and burdens that can make women vulnerable rather than empowered. Matinga and Clancy along with Özerol and Harris argue for both qualitative and quantitative methodologies that allow an intersectional understanding of energy use that takes into account the experiences and emotions of the users as well as the implicit gender bias often built into management and governance practices. Matinga and Clancy bring these insights into play in their case study from South Africa looking at gender, firewood and health. Their study shows the complex social issues at play in rural areas in South Africa in relation to the continued use of fuel wood. In order to understand how better to formulate energy policy solutions that consider not only gender but also health, their ethnographic approach brings out what can be learned from the village women. Listening over time to the women of all ages, they pinpointed how chronic ill health and stress is part of the hidden cascading health impacts which are, alarmingly, perceived by the women as normal. Their

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qualitative study picks up the significant energy-health and gender linkages that could not be captured in statistics as women fail to report these health issues in surveys as they think the myriad of health issues they endure is just part of their everyday norm. By observing daily life and through in-­depth interviews, Matinga and Clancy show how the relationship between energy access and gender informed almost every aspect of life: age, health, religion, personal relationships including marriage and wellbeing. These three engaging and informative chapters show how feminist analysis, including scrutiny of audits, management and governance policy and ethnography, provides a new understanding of energy unpacking hidden gendered realities. Their analysis encourages energy policy experts working towards the SDG 7 to consider how to respond more appropriately and sensitively to on-ground realities. Each of these chapters helps to bring out theoretical, methodological and practical insights that can help to engender the energy transition beyond the neoliberal discourse, bringing to the fore the gendered social and emotional aspects of access to natural resources and participation.

References Matinga, M., & Clancy, J. (2020). Gender, firewood and health: The potential of ethnography to inform policy and practice. Nelson, I. L. (2020). On the possibilities and politics of feminist energy analytics. Özerol, G., & Harris, L. M. (2020). Gender-sensitive analysis of water governance: Insights for engendering energy transitions.

20 Reflection on Gender Research Informing Development Policy on Energy and Climate Frank van der Vleuten

Gender stands out in the policy of the Netherlands on foreign trade and development cooperation. The 2018 policy note “Investing in Global Prospects” includes two bright red gender pages, while the rest of the 108 pages document is composed of white pages with pale green text boxes (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2018). The policy note includes fifteen photos with people: ten with only women, three with both women and men and two with only men. The message could not be clearer: gender is important, policy should deal with gender challenges and especially should acknowledge the potential of women, and gender is everywhere. Our ambition to invest in global prospects starts from the recognition that investing in women is investing in development and growth. We strive for gender equality and empowerment of women and girls in all aspects of our foreign policy. We work with four specific sub-targets: (1) increased participation of women in (political) decision making and women in leadership, (2) economic empowerment and improved F. van der Vleuten (*) Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, The Hague, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_20

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economic climate for women, (3) prevent and eliminate violence against women and girls and (4) strengthened role of women in conflict prevention and peace processes. Gender plays an important role in our work on energy and climate change. Climate change has a higher-than-average impact on women. Women play an important role in the energy transition. Clean cooking is a particularly challenging part of the global energy transition agenda. Men and women have different needs and vulnerabilities, and different capacities. Climate action is most effective when it builds on the capacities of both genders and addresses both their needs and vulnerabilities. Our challenge, as policy officers in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, is to translate this recognition of the differences in women and men’s vulnerabilities and capabilities into meaningful action. The nexus between development policy making and the academic world is challenging. Recommendations from scientific work can be quite remote from the questions and dilemmas that policy makers struggle with. Nevertheless, academics can provide valuable insights into women and men’s vulnerabilities and capabilities, provided they translate their findings into the reality of policy makers, as done in this book. At the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, we work along three specific action lines regarding gender, climate and energy: 1. gender diplomacy, in particular advocating for specific focus and policy on gender in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change negotiations, the international climate funds and the Nationally Determined Contribution Partnership; 2. asking our implementing partners to mainstream gender in the projects that we fund and 3. making gender results more visible to the general public and to the Dutch parliament. It is important to critically reflect: does this approach to gender actually work? In practice, there is a risk that the ambitions lead to merely ticking the boxes of having a gender analysis and gender policy, working

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with gender disaggregated indicators, and so on. It is especially in handling dilemmas where choices are made and where gender sensitivity can be most influential. But are such choices driven by policy, or is policy merely describing change that is already happening? It would be naïve to only look at decision making in a top-down way; all actors in a project-­ result-­chain take decisions that may be relevant, from the donor/funder, through the implementer and the field staff and all the way to the target groups. Climate policy stands out because it is about transformational change to low carbon, climate resilient development pathways. To what extent can investments in such transformations change gender relations and visa versa, and to what extent can investments in gender drive such transformations? A transformational climate project, however, is never completely “greenfield” and new (although most projects are presented as such to the donors). Sustainable energy needs are for instance so fundamental that people have coping mechanisms, entrepreneurs are driving innovations that have been coming up for years (sometimes decades), and the marginal contribution of climate finance is often to facilitate what is happening and take away bottlenecks in order to accelerate an ongoing innovation process. This implies that gender actions will not be effective unless they are based on proper understanding of current gender challenges and already emerging gender solutions in the project context. Adding to the complexity of the challenge is the perspective that policy making on transformation to low carbon, climate resilient development pathways is ultimately about triggering tipping points in the political economy. For instance, in the energy sector there have been strong political economy interests obstructing change. Autonomous technology development plays a dominant role (such as the drastic price reduction of solar), but can gender be a relevant element to tip the balance? With these questions in mind, it has been incredibly useful to read the chapters of this book and the policy recommendations that the authors draw from their findings. Some questions have been answered, but more questions have been raised. One valuable conclusion is that more work is needed in this important field where academics and policy makers should jointly improve their understanding and look for the best way forward.

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Reference Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2018). Investing in global prospects. Policy Document on Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation https://www.government. nl/documents/policy-notes/2018/05/18/investing-in-global-prospects

21 Reflection on Engendering the Energy Transition Joy Clancy

Introduction The chapters and discussant pieces in this book represent attempts at learning across disciplines and localities. The editorial team wanted to promote understanding between a broad cross section of people—drawn from academia, policy and practice—who are involved in research either as users or as generators of data and analysis. A commonality of the contributors is their involvement from a ‘gender’ perspective and not necessarily from an ‘energy’ perspective—there are chapters on experiences from water and climate change finance—so that from our different experiences we could contribute to engendering the energy transition. As the authors and editors of this book, we believe that through dialogue and working together we increase the likelihood of achieving a gender-­ equitable energy transition. Our common aim is to influence the way gender is interpreted in policy. Our expectations of an engendered energy J. Clancy (*) CSTM, University of Twente, Enschede, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4_21

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transition are multifarious: from more gender-equitable outcomes, both in terms of promoting energy access and the impacts that this can have on everyday life, to changes in gender roles and relations at all levels of society. This chapter is my reflection, as the lead editor of the book, on the contribution of the research presented in this book to engendering the energy transition. On reading the chapters and discussant pieces, I see two major overarching themes: (i) the way that gender mainstreaming is playing out in policy and (ii) how we do ‘gender research’. These two themes provide the framework of the chapter which closes with some remarks about areas for future research and the way in which we should carry out that research.

Gender in Energy Policy The research presented in this book shows a shared concern for women, in both the Global North and the Global South, of the connections between a lack of access to energy and its impact on women’s health, time and overall economic and social development—not only as individuals but also in relation to men. Women in the North and in the South have to address the high cost of an electricity connection and the comparable consequences for the impacts on their lives and opportunities. There are similarities in the impacts of energy poverty on households that are headed by women, as well as on the lives of individual women depending on their age in the life cycle (Williams 2020). Nevertheless, Williams warns us that there are significant differences in the lived experiences and capacities to act of women in the South and the North which might limit the opportunities for cross-learning. Capturing these differences will require a set of indicators and measurement tools for energy access or energy poverty. However, there is South in the North and vice versa. Women in parts of eastern Europe cook and heat their homes with fuelwood (Bouzarovski 2009) and face similar health issues to women in the South, which appear to be largely unrecognised (Clancy et  al. 2017). Likewise, women in the North can send a warning message that access to a sufficient and reliable electricity supply can power household gadgets

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which reduce drudgery but do not necessarily reduce time poverty  or change gender relations. This is a conversation we need to continue. Energy policy does appear to have become more responsive to the gender differences in society, although the North has been slower to respond than the South. The motivations for mainstreaming gender in energy policy vary. There is an instrumentalist argument in which women are recognised as a key stakeholder group to be involved in energy sector governance and decision making at both the local and national levels, not only to share their knowledge and experience as energy users but also to make decision making more transparent and accountable (Rojas and Prebble 2020). There is a political argument related to social justice when addressing the significant negative impacts that energy poverty has on the lives of women and girls. This argument is seen in the way that legislation in the European Union must support social inclusion for all Europeans and to protect vulnerable consumers (Feenstra and Clancy 2020). There are similar arguments used to address gender issues in climate change programmes (Frenova 2020). As Goodwin (2020) emphasises, several countries from the Global South and the North have started to recognise ‘rights to nature’, which are aligned with, but not sufficient for, addressing the gendered impacts of climate change. Nevertheless, there is a large gap between gender-aware text in a policy statement and the implementation of the policy as illustrated by a number of authors in this book (see Section 13.3.2 for discussion on implementation). Without an understanding of what causes this policy evaporation, policies will be incorrectly formulated and implemented and hence will not achieve any targets set (Rojas and Prebble 2020; Taylor 2020). Amongst policymakers there appears to be limited understanding that the many causes of gender inequalities are structural, with other deep-rooted issues such as racism, colonialism and neo-liberalism (Özerol and Harris 2020). The inadequate involvement of women in the planning process is considered a practical barrier to gender mainstreaming in policy formulation and implementation (Rojas and Prebble 2020). However, Helbert (2020) considers that there are broad institutionalised barriers, such as poverty and a culture of gender-based discrimination and violence, which also act as barriers to women’s effective engagement in policy processes.

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In trying to bridge the policy gulf and implementation evaporation, we can learn from experiences linked to addressing climate change in making policymakers more gender responsive rather than gender sensitive (Frenova 2020). A policy which is gender responsive not only identifies and acknowledges the existing differences and inequalities between women and men but also articulates policies and initiatives which address the different needs, aspirations, capacities and contributions of women and men. In other words, gender responsiveness takes the concept of being gender sensitive a step further, moving from policy statements to action. Global financial initiatives to address climate change, such as the Green Climate Fund, require proposals to include a gender perspective when designing project activities and estimating potential impacts. Project proposers are also required to hold gender-responsive stakeholder engagements for the preparation and implementation of projects. Throughout the book, there are examples of how gender is mainstreamed into policy on the basis of implicit and explicit assumptions about the characteristics of a situation and what works to promote a gender-­equitable energy transition with little attempt to verify these assumptions theoretically or empirically. An example from the water sector is that when gender and other forms of inequality are addressed, water resources will be managed more equitably and sustainably (Özerol and Harris 2020). As a consequence, certain management models, such as participatory water management, are often proposed as universal panaceas, which are seen as applicable irrespective of the social and political contexts. Increasingly women’s participation in service delivery is advocated either from a gender equality goal or from an efficiency goal. However, does participation reflect the priorities of women? If they do get involved, then what are the consequences of participation? Özerol and Harris draw attention to a rather underexplored aspect of women and water management—the stress associated with not being able to access safe water. Providing water for the household has an emotional dimension linked directly to gendered norms and expectations—failure to meet the family’s water needs means that women are not fulfilling the gendered expectations of what it means to be a good mother. Matinga has made a similar observation in respect of fuelwood collection in rural South Africa which continues despite government efforts to promote

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alternatives. Where gender norms are strongly embedded fuelwood collection enables having a neat wood stack next to your home as a visible measure of your capacity as a good wife or mother (Matinga 2010). From a different perspective, having insufficient energy to meet your daily needs can be a contributory factor in stress, anxiety and depression, as well as contributing to social isolation (Feenstra and Clancy 2020). An outcome of improved energy access is the reduction of women’s time and effort spent on fetching fuelwood and water which is lamented as a missed labour source or an ‘opportunity cost’ to the household since women cannot participate in income-generating activities. However, it is widely assumed that women feel that swapping one task for another is a benefit—that perhaps they might prefer to rest or spend time with their children seems not to be part of the argument. It is also not clear as to whether participating in income-generating activities takes any less time or effort than the substituted tasks of fuel and water collection. In other words, there appears to a reluctance to assertain if there is any reduction in women’s burden of labour (Ray 2020). To run an enterprise outside of the home requires the agency of being able to leave the house, which for women is governed by the prevailing gender norms that differ across societal groups. There are other institutional barriers to overcome such as financial organisations’ assumptions that, despite evidence to the contrary, women are only interested in loans for consumption and not production (Rodriguez Osuna 2020). Context matters (Kooijman 2020, Özerol and Harris 2020)! There are also assumptions about the outcomes of participating in income-generating activities including enabling women to meet the basic needs of the family (e.g. food and water) and gaining respect and status within households and in society, which in turn enables them to contribute to decision making (Diouf et  al. 2020, Özerol and Harris 2020). However, the consequences of women’s income generation may not always be what feminist researchers aspire to. Van Aelst and Holvoet (2020) provide evidence from rural households in Tanzania about income generation and intra-household decision making related to investment in adaptation options for agriculture in response to climate change. When both the wife and husband are earning an income, if the wife’s income contributes to meeting the household’s basic needs, then male decisionmaking power over cash-related agricultural adaptation decisions can

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increase since more money remains available for investment in the adaptation options. Women’s influence over adaptation decisions is particularly high when they are involved in non-farm activities while their husbands are not. However, when men’s income comes from non-­farm activities, women’s influence over adaptation decision making tends to be lower, particularly when they are not involved in non-farm activities themselves. An issue of concern from research reported elsewhere is that when women start to contribute to household basic needs, men can absolve themselves of responsibility to financially support their families (Pueyo et al. 2018). Given the attention paid to promoting women’s income generation by many development agencies, there seems to be comparatively little attention given to understanding women’s requirements and aspirations. Women’s enterprises are often located in the informal sector and a widely held view in the literature is that these enterprises are ‘survivalist’ with little aspiration to grow (Mohlakoana et al. 2018). Nevertheless, as Diouf and her co-researchers show, at least in the case of the street food sector (SFS), surviving is far from the minds of the women (who dominate the sector) and the men running informal enterprises. SFS entrepreneurs want their businesses to grow and they have ideas about what they need in terms of modern energy services. However, this not insignificant group of service providers (in terms of both the numbers of people working in the sector and the numbers of people who use their services) are overlooked by policymakers and other institutions, for example, from the business and finance sectors, which could help entrepreneurs realise their aspirations  to up-grade their businesses. Energy policy has tended to focus on delivering access to grid electricity, which is not the most widely used source in the African informal SFS, at least not for cooking and food preparation. Rather, the SFS fuel-use patterns are similar to low-income households in the South, in which fuel stacking using multiple energy sources and services is common. The reasons for fuel stacking vary but are not always price-related (Kooijman et al. 2018). This, as Romijn (2020) points out, should send a signal to policymakers that it is unrealistic to aim for the wholesale adoption of modern energy devices and expect traditional ones to be discarded quickly. There is a need for policymakers to better understand the lived experiences of the intended beneficiaries.

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For example, an analysis of the chain of production and food distribution of the SFS would show variations in the demand for modern energy services for specific uses at each link in the chain (Practical Action 2014). Generalisation can also lead to incorrect actions. The authors in this book and elsewhere point out the importance of gender differences in energy priorities and needs. These differences between women and men about energy choices are found in the SFS in Senegal and South Africa. However, it would be a mistake to consider that gender differences related to energy are universal in the SFS as the evidence from Rwanda shows there women and men appear to have very similar energy priorities. These differences in the evidence are an argument for providing more data and being cautious with generalisations. This point about data leads to the second theme running throughout the book—the nature of the data and how data are produced.

 ow We Research Gender in the Energy H Transition and Why It Matters?  eanings of Gender and Its Operationalisation M in Energy Research, Policy and Practice In this book, it is possible to see two important developments in feminist and gender research in the way we conceive the concept of gender and how we operationalise it. Gender is not a binary classification of people into two homogeneous groups called ‘women’ and ‘men’. Real life is more complex. Women and men differ across a range of social categories (such as age, class, ethnicity, social status, marital status, economic group and sexual identity) which influence the choices they make. Choices are influenced by time, place and the multiple dimensions of context (social, cultural, ecological, environmental, economic and political). Özerol and Harris (2020) draw attention to another dimension of context—that of history—which they illustrate using the concept of coloniality, bringing into focus the particular vulnerability of indigenous peoples and communities. Many of the authors in this book argue for the use of

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intersectionality to bring a more focused understanding of how gender intersects with other axes of power and identities together with associated social processes and outcomes. Such an approach helps highlight differences not only between groups, but also within them, which may require specific targeted forms of action rather than generic policy instruments. In the broader realm of human–nature interactions, the relationship between a specific  community of humans and nature is by necessity defined by other humans, and these definitions are inevitably gendered and context-dependent (Goodwin 2020). However, Feenstra and Clancy (2020) voice a frustration faced by many researchers: that we are rather constrained by the available data being expressed mainly in terms of ‘women and men’ or only providing data on women. Özerol and Harris (2020) point out that even if an intersectional and processual understanding of gender is favoured in the analysis, there is a methodological tendency (particularly in quantitative studies) to use ‘gender as a discrete variable’ narrowly construed in terms of ‘women’ and ‘men’. To promote learning from each other, two approaches could be usefully employed by gender researchers. Taylor (2020) considers that the three-dimensional gender framework (economic, biological/physiological and socio-cultural) used by Feenstra and Clancy (2020) in the context of energy poverty within the EU could be applied in the South as well. Each dimension has a range of factors which are either causal or consequential. The factors can be linked both within and between the three categories. Feenstra and Clancy consider that this presentation of the data not only assists in the framing of the policy responses but also helps identify where responsibilities to act lie which are not always in the energy sector but in other areas such as health, education, buildings and economic development. The recognition of shared sectoral responsibility for addressing gender and energy issues can be seen in  the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) which are framed with a mutually supporting structure, which indicates that responsibility in the first instance for reaching SDG7 may not be within the energy sector  while the energy sector has a significant part to play in reaching SDG5. There are a number of drivers and causes of energy poverty, for example, low income which results in households struggling to pay bills and having to make

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difficult choices, such as cooking less frequently and switching off cooling/heating systems. Governments’ economic policies influence income distribution and employment and hence a household’s capacity to pay. The second research approach comes from outside of the energy sector. Özerol and Harris (2020) describe four core themes used in a gender analysis of water governance which has parallels in conducting gender analysis for the energy transition: 1. Differentiated access to and uses of water 2. Knowledge production and expertise in water management and governance 3. Participation in decision- and policy-making processes for water management and governance 4. Experiences and emotions in relation to water use, access and governance In terms of the energy transition, themes (1) and (3) focus on research, policy and practice, as can be seen in this book, while themes (2) and (4) are under-researched but are commented on elsewhere in this chapter.

What We (Don’t) Count The book is written in the context of informing and influencing the way progress towards reaching the SDGs—particularly SDGs 5 and 7—is implemented. For policymakers, an important step in the planning process is to develop indicators and metrics in order to establish baselines and measure progress towards the set policy objectives. What we count and how we count have important implications for outcomes. A lack of certified and disaggregated quantitative and qualitative scientific data results in ineffective implementation (Diouf et  al. 2020). This section raises issues about what we count, and the next section looks at how we count. While most of the research which forms the basis of the book uses qualitative data, there is a recognition that quantitative data have an important role to play in informing policymakers. Large surveys are, in principle, a good instrument to discover evidence of the presence (or absence) of gender-inequality scenarios (Romijn 2020). On the other

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hand, Nelson (2020), supported by Kooijman (2020), warns that an over-reliance on numbers can depersonalise decision making by moving political spheres of governance away from impacts to “a technical realm of algorithms, experts and administrators” and remove discussions about the roles and contributions of people involved as makers, implementers and beneficiaries of energy policy. Another danger of quantitative indicators is that they can be reduced to mere box ticking. For example, taking a measure of gender equality in the workplace as the availability of a company policy and monitoring framework rather than undertaking a more detailed gender analysis of organisational policy and practice (van der Vleuten 2020). Such an approach misses opportunities for learning about and improving gender mainstreaming. The requirement for quantitative data is in part driven by funding agencies setting performance indicators for project monitoring which are often linked to outputs or short-term outcomes, such as the number of solar panels installed in homes. However, there are consequences of neglecting to monitor long-term performance of project outputs and the extent to which they contribute to reaching predicted outcomes. Project beneficiaries and participants in service delivery may need longer term support than the duration of a project. For example, what are the outcomes of women’s participation in project committees—does it contribute to their empowerment? A recent study which looked at the lessons learnt from mainstreaming in 40 gender and energy projects could not find evidence of the collection of monitoring and evaluation data by the implementing organisations after the formal ending of the project (Clancy et al. 2016). This is an issue of concern since implementing organisations are not learning about what works and does not work, with consequences similar to those mentioned at the end of the last paragraph: ensuring that we do not make the same mistakes in policy formulation and implementation. To counter the reliance on numbers, Feenstra and Clancy (2020) describe two alternative types of indicators to a metric approach: a consensual one using self-reported experiences and an outcome-based approach. The use of these alternative indicators would be supported by a switch from a supply-oriented approach towards a demand-driven one, which requires a more holistic understanding about energy users. Such an understanding needs a different type of data which would allow insights

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into the dynamics within households together with other relations of importance in daily life (Nelson 2020, Romijn 2020). Indeed, it also requires a rethinking of the unitary model of the household which forms the basis of much thinking around policy making. For example, to move beyond a model of the household as a homogenous entity with only household income as a variable that influences energy poverty. Feenstra and Clancy (2020) point out that, within European research, the concept of ‘a household’ is contested. Households are fluid entities with a dynamic structure, varying in income, class, ethnicity and education (Bell et al. 2015). There are also families living across multiple households or tenants unrelated by kinship. In the North, divorce and employment patterns lead to this type of fragmentation, while in certain parts of the South (e.g. Nepal and India) male migration is a contributing factor (MSSRF and CRT Nepal 2019). There are feminist researchers who are challenging the unitary model of the household. One of the major criticisms of the unitary household is a failure to address issues of power vested in gender relations and bargaining over household resources. In their chapter, van Aelst and Holvoet (2020) describe a model which aims to address these weaknesses and takes into account the effects of personal and bargaining power. They point to the danger of pooling spouses’ data and thereby missing gender issues. An innovative aspect of their model is that it takes into account the effects of men’s characteristics on women’s bargaining power and vice versa. Their data analysis shows that the outcomes of women’s earned income contribute to improving their bargaining power and decision-­ making ability. The most influential drivers of women’s intra-household decision-making power, at least in relation to climate adaptation strategies, are working outside the home, especially when their husbands are not working off-farm, owning physical assets in their own names, attaining higher education levels and being married to men with higher educational levels. These findings are generally in line with the literature, much of which draws on a large body of evidence from qualitative studies (Ray 2020). However, they point out that their analysis is also limited by assumptions about household composition. They assume that there are two decision-makers in a monogamous marriage, despite there being multiple adult members in many Sub-Saharan rural households as well as

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polygamous marriages. These issues around household construction draw attention to the limited understanding of data based on female- and male-headed households which is typical of much of the available sex-­ disaggregated data for energy access. As a consequence, the issues related to differences between male- and female-headed households tend to be the ones that are captured, such as energy poverty due to the number of adult members with an income, and possible biased regulation towards males as household heads. Ray (2020) also raises some interesting questions about when households state that a decision was taken jointly. Is this ‘joint’ decision a result of gender equality within the household or a power balance between husbands and wives around certain strategies related to the issue under investigation which does not extend into other areas? Also, to what extent do wives silently disagree but do not contest their husband’s decisions? Quantitative data do not explain these issues.

How and What We Count Nelson (2020) raises two interesting points in relation to doing research: how we count and what gets counted. These topics do not appear to be widely discussed in the literature, yet they have consequences for researchers and for the intended beneficiaries of research and policy interventions. How we count matters in terms of outcomes. A requirement for quantitative data, particularly where a device is involved in the counting of the data, begins to shape who is regarded as competent to collect the data. What is required to be collected is standardised in the name of efficiency which can result in missing crucial gender issues in our context of energy access and distribution of benefits (Kooijman 2020). Governing through numbers hides political decisions, including about what is to be measured. However, once the data have been collected, who owns the data and who decides what happens to the data—the subject of the data collection or the collector of the data? This question raises the issue of the connection between power and knowledge (Özerol and Harris 2020). In the water sector, knowledge about water is created by those who control

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the water, that is, the planners, administrators, managers and policymakers who take on the status of ‘the experts’. These actors are also responsible for the framing of the problem, in which water shortages are often described as a natural phenomenon, and not as a mismanagement of resources, a situation which results in a de-politicisation of water knowledge and the problems of water shortages (Özerol and Harris 2020). Matinga and Clancy (2020) question, in the context of gender and health related to fuelwood use, who decides the research agenda, its priorities and to what ends. The framing of health issues related to fuelwood has centred on household air pollution from inefficient combustion systems with very little attention given to muscular-skeletal damage linked to carrying wood and the physical and sexual abuse women suffer while out collecting. Is this because the former can be measured in situ (see for example WHO 2005) while the latter is more difficult to measure because of asking questions about sensitive matters? Much of the knowledge generated on energy, health and gender is from the outsider’s perspective, while the insiders who experience this nexus daily are treated as passive subjects of studies. As Taylor (2020) posits, women are surely the experts on their energy needs and priorities. However, it is the outsider who draws the policymakers’ attention to the identified problem. Matinga and Clancy (2020) report that the knowledge generated about the nature and the framing of the problem, and how to address it, appears to remain within formal medical or energy circles and is not shared with those well placed to use the information, including the ‘subjects’ of the studies. The composition of a research team also reflects who is regarded as an expert in the make-up of the research team, which cuts across not only gender but also specialisations (e.g. enumerators and translators). Discussing and making transparent how gender is incorporated in the research process is, according to Ray (2020), something that is “widely acknowledged but only briefly (if at all) documented as part of organisational/project strategy”. However, if gender considerations are clear prior to research commencing, then gender is a more prominent part of the research process. Whether the type of initiative Kooijman (2020) mentions, in which an accreditation standard requires gender experts to be

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involved in project design and development, as well as including representation of local women in the project assessment, works as a gender mainstreaming tool remains to be seen.

Closing Remarks The body of work presented in this book does demonstrate that we can learn from each other—no matter our geographical focus and location, our discipline, whether we are academics, activists, policymakers or practitioners, and the research methods and approaches we use. As an overall conclusion to draw from the book, it would be difficult to summarise it better than Wendy Harcourt (2020) in her reflection piece: “energy cannot be understood simply as the provision of better access to resources, more adept technology or efficient management practices”. Indeed, we need to view the energy transition through critical gender/feminist lenses to identify and unpack the gender effects of developmental and environmental/climate interventions related to energy access as currently promoted in the international development agencies. Authors in this book have drawn attention to two issues which need further consideration. First, we need to demonstrate how power relations and discursive techniques operate in policy, practice and research. Power relations and the way they shape research are not extensively discussed as an issue in the academic context where, as Nelson notes, we are under increasing pressure to produce meaningful sustainability data. The second issue is to situate gender and energy in its cultural and ecological context. For feminist researchers, particularly those who use feminist political ecology as a guiding framework, this might be an obvious statement. However, for many energy researchers, it is less obvious that gender is more than a binary categorisation of women and men, that there are contextual social processes and relationships that differentially affect women, men and communities. Indeed, a theme throughout this book is a call for data to be collected and analysed intersectionally: to move from the binary of gender to an analysis which reflects the complex socioeconomic identities of the women and men who are the focus of

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energy access interventions. There are calls to extend the analysis to one that highlights colonial legacies (Nelson 2020; Özerol and Harris 2020). Authors also underline the need for mixed methods in data collection. Quantitative data can provide evidence of the presence (or absence) of particular factors as the research by van Aelst and Holvoet (2020) demonstrates. Indeed, I strongly recommend that their research is extended to other aspects of intra-household decision making to help create a more comprehensive understanding of the processes and outcomes involved in gendered decision making. However, qualitative data are required to unpack the complexities of lived experiences which, if missing, fail to reveal how best to address the identified problem, as is described by Matinga and Clancy (2020) on health issues surrounding fuelwood collection and use. To unpack the complexity of lives, there are also strong arguments for ethnographic approaches to data gathering, which despite being time consuming, are revelatory (Osorio 2020). Gender and energy is an emerging field in academic research and has much to contribute, as well as much to learn from colleagues working in other fields, to ensuring that policy interventions are effective in delivering a gender-equitable energy transition. I hope that what preparing this book and the earlier associated Symposium have done is to establish a network of learners of the sort that Dianne Rocheleau had in mind when describing feminist political ecology—an approach used consciously or unconsciously by several authors in this book (Rocheleau 2015). Rocheleau conceived of a network of learners as a work in process (not progress) with a continuing circulation of theory, practice, policies and politics using various combinations of social identity which will contribute to a better understanding of how we engender the energy transition. This is the type of dialogue and form of working together that I believe we envisaged when we set out to write this book. I hope that the conversation continues. Acknowledgements  A personal thank you is due to all the authors who have contributed to the book and to my co-editors who have helped to produce it. A draft of this chapter was circulated to all the contributors and their feedback has been most helpful in correcting any misunderstandings on my part of their research, as well as providing suggestions for strengthening the arguments presented here.

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References Bell, S., Judson, E., Bulkeley, H., Powells, G., Capova, K.  A., & Lynch, D. (2015). Sociality and electricity in the United Kingdom. Energy Research and Social Science, 9, 98–106. Bouzarovski, S. (2009). East-Central Europe’s changing energy landscapes: A place for geography. Area, 41, 452–463. Clancy, J., Daskalova, V., Feenstra, M., Franceschelli, N., Sanz, M. (2017). Gender perspective on access to energy in the EU. Study for the FEMM committee of the EU parliament. PE 596.816. Brussels. Clancy, J., Mohlakoana, N., Diagne Gueye, Y. (with Muchiri, L., & Shakya, I.).(2016). Mainstreaming gender in energy sector practice and policy: Lessons from the ENERGIA international network. Commissioned Study for ENERGIA Gender and Energy Research Programme, ENERGIA, The Hague. pp.1–74. Diouf, M., Mohlakoana, N., Sarr, S., Seydi, B. (2020). Energy transition and gender in the informal street food sector in Africa. Feenstra, M., & Clancy, C. (2020). A view from the north: Gender and energy poverty in the European Union. Frenova, S. (2020). Climate finance allocation practices to support gender responsive energy transitions: GCF case-study. Goodwin, M. (2020). Reflection on “gender-sensitive analysis of water governance: Insights for engendering energy transitions”. Harcourt, W. (2020). Reflections from a feminist political ecology perspective. Helbert, M. (2020). Reflection on “how gender equality principles are integrated in national energy policies and frameworks”. Kooijman, A. (2020). Why a feminist political ecology approach is relevant for assessing energy access in developing countries. Kooijman, A., Cloke, J., Clancy, J. (2018). Needs, wants and values: Integrating gender with energy access. LCEDN briefing paper 3. Loughborough: Low Carbon Energy for Development Network (LCEDN). Matinga, M.N. (2010). We grow up with it: An ethnographic study of the experiences, perceptions and responses to the health impacts of energy acquisition and use in Rural South Africa. PhD thesis, University of Twente, Enschede, The Netherlands. Matinga, M., & Clancy, J. (2020). Gender, firewood and health: The potential of ethnography to inform policy and practice.

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Mohlakoana, N., Knox, A., Ranzanici, A., Diouf, M., Bressers, H., de Groot, J., Pailman, W., Sanfelice, V. (2018). Productive uses of energy and gender in the street food sector in Rwanda, Senegal and South Africa. Report prepared as part of the gender and energy research Programme of the international network on gender and sustainable energy (ENERGIA). The Hague: ENERGIA/HIVOS. MSSRF and CRT Nepal. (2019).The gender factor in political economy of energy sector dynamics. Report prepared as part of the gender and energy research Programme of the international network on gender and sustainable energy (ENERGIA). The Hague: ENERGIA/HIVOS. Nelson, I. L. (2020). On the possibilities and politics of feminist energy analytics. Osorio, C. (2020). Reflection on “gender, firewood and health: The potential of ethnography to inform policy and practice”. Özerol, G., & Harris, L. M. (2020). Gender-sensitive analysis of water governance: Insights for engendering energy transitions. Practical Action. (2014). Poor people’s energy outlook 2014: Key messages on energy for poverty alleviation. https://infohub.practicalaction.org/bitstream/handle/11283/556929/PPEO_English_2014_LowRes_New.pdf?sequence=9. Accessed 24 Feb 2019 Pueyo, A., Maestre, M., Carreras, M., Bawakyillenuo, S., Ngoo, G. (2018). Unlocking the benefits of productive uses of energy for women in Ghana, Tanzania and Myanmar. Report prepared as part of the gender and energy research Programme of the international network on gender and sustainable energy (ENERGIA). The Hague: ENERGIA/HIVOS. Ray, C. (2020). Reflection on “bargaining climate adaptation through a gender lens”: An inquiry into decision-making processes in Tanzanian farm households. Rocheleau, D. (2015). A situated view of feminist political ecology from my networks, roots and territories. In W.  Harcourt & I.  L. Nelson (Eds.), Practicing feminist political ecologies: Moving beyond the ‘green economy’ (pp. 29–66). London: Zed Books. Rodríguez Osuna, A. (2020). Reflection on “climate finance allocation practices to support gender responsive energy transitions: The case of global climate facility”. Rojas, A.V., & Prebble, M. (2020). How gender equality principles are integrated in national energy policies and frameworks. Romijn, H. (2020). Reflection on “energy transition and gender in the informal street food sector in Africa”.

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Taylor, C. (2020). Reflections on kick-starting lasting change: From policy to practice and beyond. van Aelst, K., & Holvoet, N. (2020). Bargaining climate adaptation through a gender lens: An inquiry into decision-making processes in Tanzanian farm households. van der Vleuten, F. (2020). Reflections on gender research informing development policy on energy and climate. WHO. (2005). Indoor air pollution and household energy monitoring. Geneva: World Health Organisation (WHO). Williams, M. (2020). Reflection on “a view from the north: Gender and energy poverty in the European Union”.

Index1

A

B

Access to resources, 126, 191, 227, 276, 296 Actor-Partner Interdependence Model (APIM), 87–90, 92, 96, 104, 108, 243 Agency, 5, 68, 101, 287 Anthropocene, 238 Aspiration, 5, 159, 286, 288 Asset ownership, 89, 98, 106 Audit culture, 116–123, 132–134, 249, 276

Bargaining models, 84, 85, 90, 95n5 Biomass, vi, 12, 18, 33, 34, 49, 142, 147n5, 152, 164, 232–234, 262 C

Capabilities, 24, 124, 130, 226, 280 Climate change, 5, 12, 29, 83, 83n1, 91, 108, 141, 154, 157, 164, 190, 192, 193, 196, 199–201, 237, 238, 243–244, 265, 280, 283, 285–287

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s) 2020 J. Clancy et al. (eds.), Engendering the Energy Transition, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43513-4

301

302 Index

Climate change adaptation, 243, 266 Climate change mitigation, 184, 191 Climate finance, vi, 189–213, 265–268 Collaboration, 68, 140, 273 Coloniality, 62, 66, 289 Context, 8, 9, 35, 40, 41, 52–54, 60, 62, 64, 69, 75–77, 85, 87, 90–91, 96, 118, 119, 121–123, 133, 134, 145–147, 152, 154, 167, 192, 193, 197, 202, 211, 227, 231, 233, 235, 239, 244, 249, 252, 261, 265, 267, 268, 270, 271, 276, 281, 286, 287, 289–291, 294–296 Contextual factors, 75, 167 Culture, v, vii, 34n3, 49, 232, 233, 277, 285 D

Decision making power, 85–89, 92–96, 95n5, 97n6, 99, 101–108, 242, 243, 287 Development policy, 227, 279–281 Differentiation, 65, 72, 173 E

Ecofeminism, 8, 254 Empowerment of women and girls, 26, 206, 211, 279 Energy access, 7, 14, 19, 27, 35, 40, 74, 140, 141, 147, 147n6, 152, 153, 155, 194, 197, 203, 208, 212, 226, 249–252, 261, 269–271, 273, 277, 278, 284, 287, 294, 296, 297

Energy analytics, 113–134, 276 Energy frameworks, viii, 139, 140, 144–146, 147n6, 149–152, 154–160, 253–255 Energy mix, 19, 20 Energy policy, viii, 35, 37, 38, 39n6, 40, 50, 52, 143, 145, 146, 150, 151, 154, 156, 168, 170n8, 184, 227, 260, 271, 275, 277, 278, 284–289, 292 Energy-poor communities, 269 Energy poverty, v, 12, 146, 155, 163–184, 197, 204, 206, 259–263, 269, 284, 285, 290, 293, 294 Energy poverty indicators, 173, 182, 260 Energy stacking, 228 Energy system, 4, 5, 7–9, 115, 143, 164, 171 Energy transition, v–vii, 3–6, 8, 11–29, 52, 59–77, 113, 116–119, 122, 124–134, 139–145, 148–149, 154–160, 184, 189–213, 225–228, 235, 237–240, 253–257, 265–268, 270, 272, 276, 278, 280, 283–297 Energy value chain, 4, 5, 263 Engendering, vi, 4, 6, 59–77, 237–240, 272, 276, 283–297 Entrepreneurship, 29 Ethnography, 33–54, 123, 123n2, 132, 232, 276, 278 European Union (EU), 163–184, 259–263, 269, 285, 290 Event ethnography, 123, 123n2, 132 Experts, 121, 122, 132, 295

 Index  F

Feminist political ecology (FPE), 8, 66, 117–123, 132, 249–252, 275–278, 296, 297 Firewood and health, 33–54, 231–235, 277 Firewood collection, 36, 43–45, 47–51, 53 Fuel poverty, 168n5, 170, 176, 176n12 G

Gender analysis, vi, 5, 61, 66, 184, 275, 277, 280, 291, 292 Gender and energy, v, vi, 5, 8, 155, 163–184, 226, 250, 252, 253, 259–263, 269, 275–277, 292, 296, 297 Gender aware, 143, 144, 150, 158, 159, 285 Gender-blind, 146, 275 Gendered approach, 12, 159 Gendered benefits, 227, 250 Gendered roles, 226, 227, 272 Gender-energy nexus, 3, 7, 74 Gender equality, viii, 8, 26–29, 37, 60, 71, 139–160, 167n4, 189, 190, 192, 193, 198, 205, 206, 212, 231, 242, 251, 253–257, 269, 271, 273, 279, 286, 292, 294 Gender equity, 61, 193, 200 Gender framework, 148, 290 Gender indicators, 149 Gender mainstreaming, 4, 9, 60, 149, 150, 167n4, 192, 198–201, 207, 210, 212, 213,

303

253, 254, 257, 266–268, 284, 285, 292, 296 Gender policy, 150, 190, 190n1, 192, 193, 197–200, 202, 206, 207, 210, 212, 213, 265, 280 Gender-responsive, 71, 140, 143–145, 146n4, 149, 156–158, 160, 193, 286 Gender sensitive, 59–77, 140, 150, 190, 192, 193, 199, 201–203, 210, 212, 228, 237–240, 252, 261, 265, 267, 268, 271, 272, 286 Global North, v, viii, 6, 164, 164n1, 284 Global South, v, viii, 6, 17, 119, 164, 164n1, 225, 284, 285 Governance, vi, 7, 37, 59–77, 116, 141, 150, 151, 191, 194, 196, 205, 206, 208–211, 226, 237–240, 272, 276–278, 285, 291, 292 Green economy, 117, 275 H

Head-loading, 34 Higher education institutions, 119 Household, v–vii, 16, 17, 21, 23, 33, 34n1, 36–42, 39n6, 47, 51, 83–108, 95n5, 127, 152, 163, 168, 170–182, 176n11, 184, 204, 205, 226, 227, 231–233, 239, 241–245, 251, 252, 257, 259–262, 268, 270, 272, 273, 276, 284, 286–288, 290, 293–295

304 Index I

N

Implementation evaporation, 286 Inclusive indicators, 252 Income-earning activities, 90, 97, 99–102, 105 Income generation, 251, 272, 273, 287, 288 Indicator, 119, 123, 149, 159, 163, 168, 170, 173, 182–184, 192, 193, 198, 202, 249–252, 260, 261, 263, 281, 284, 291, 292 Indigenous people, 62, 157, 254, 289 Informal food sector, 12, 15–21, 23–25, 27–29 Institutional barriers, 74, 277, 287 Intersectionality, viii, 64, 65, 76, 163, 182, 260, 290 Intra-household decision making, 241, 287, 297

Neoliberalism, 73, 120 North-South perspective, 6

L

Labour, vii, 49, 67, 73, 86, 87, 90, 93, 95, 95n5, 101, 106, 107, 115, 139, 141–143, 142n1, 153–154, 158, 178, 227, 287 Legal personality, 238, 240 Legal rights, 238 Low-carbon energy technologies, 4, 8

O

Oppressive structures, 255 P

Participation, vii, 36, 37, 60, 67, 69, 71–72, 74, 76, 77, 103, 108, 143, 144, 147, 148, 150–151, 154, 157–159, 191, 194, 198, 273, 277–279, 286, 291, 292 Participatory processes, 156, 160 Partnerships, 28, 159, 270, 273, 280 Policy gulf, 286 Political economy, 61, 175, 281 Post-carbon society, 253, 256, 257 Power relations, v, 68, 117, 118, 121, 122, 132, 244, 245, 275, 296 Productive uses of energy, 12, 13, 29, 272 R

Rights of nature, 238, 239 S

M

Male-owned enterprises, 16 Mixed-methods studies, 74 Modern energy services (MES), 14, 15, 18–21, 23–29, 37, 49, 262, 288 Multidisciplinary, 8 Multiple energy sources, 13, 21, 288, 289

Sex-disaggregated data, 143, 149, 159, 182, 184, 245, 260 Social categories, 167, 181, 289 Social characteristic, 5, 163, 166, 173, 182, 184 Stakeholders, 19, 116, 123, 124, 128, 150, 151, 158, 159, 167, 173, 191, 192, 199–202, 207, 250, 270, 271, 285, 286

 Index 

Stress, 44, 50, 63, 72, 172, 177, 180, 277, 286, 287 Structural equation modelling (SEM), 92, 96–98, 100, 102, 108, 243 Subsidies, 14, 23, 25–27, 42, 261 Sustainability, 113–117, 119–124, 123n2, 126–130, 132–134, 132n3, 249, 276, 296 Sustainable development, 117, 120, 142, 146n4, 189, 201, 202, 210, 275 Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), 8, 12, 19, 35, 38, 49, 52, 60, 141, 164, 165, 182, 190, 225, 231, 254, 262, 269, 270, 273, 278, 290, 291 Sustainable Energy for All (SEforAll), 8, 140, 144, 155–156, 155n7, 159, 164, 165, 271 T

Tanzania, vi, 24, 28, 65, 84, 88, 90, 101, 103, 107, 108, 241, 287 Techno-politics, 122, 276 Traditional energy sources, 15, 26, 225, 228 Traditional fuels, 17, 18, 147n5 Transformative change, v, 4

305

U

Universal energy access, 35, 141, 147, 147n6, 155, 269, 270, 273 University campuses, 113, 120, 122, 129, 276 User capabilities, 226 V

Vulnerabilities, 62, 65, 173, 191, 192, 199, 201, 209, 234, 256, 280, 289 W

Water access, 61, 62, 65, 67, 72, 73 Water governance, vi, 7, 59–77, 237–240, 272, 291 Women-owned enterprises, 16, 17 Women’s empowerment, v, 4, 140, 141, 150, 153, 159, 189, 190, 192–199, 202–215, 254, 268, 273 Women’s energy needs, 151–153, 155, 159 Women’s groups, 159, 189 Women’s health, 152, 179, 208, 261, 284 Women’s role in the labour force, 142, 153–154, 158