Emblematica : an interdisciplinary journal for emblem studies [14] 0404647502, 0404647642

Citation preview

EMBLEMATICA An Interdisciplinary Journal for Emblem Studies Volume 14

Managing Editor

Daniel Russell Editors Peter M. Daly

David Graham

Michael Bath Editorial Assistants Alison Vort Halasz Robert M. Fagley

AMS Press, Inc. New York

EMBLEMATICA ISSN 0885-968X Manuscript submissions and other editorial correspondence should be addressed to Daniel Russell. Books for review should be addressed to Michael Bath; however, no obligation is recognized to review or return any book received. Articles and essays should conform to the house style sheet which is available upon request. General guidance may be obtained from the MLA Handbook for Writers and the Chicago Manual of Style. Authors should submit their work in duplicate, and will be expected to provide a computer file of their accepted article and high-quality glossy prints for any illustrations. Any text to be returned to the author should be accompanied by return postage. Subscriptions and remittances should be sent to the publisher: AMS Press, Inc., Brooklyn Navy Yard, 63 Flushing Avenue - Unit #221, Brooklyn, NY 11205-1005, USA.

Camera-ready copy of this volume of EMBLEMATICA was produced at the University of Pittsburgh.

International Standard Book Number Series: 0-404-64750-2 Volume 14: 0-404-64764-2

Copyright © AMS Press, Inc., 2005 All rights reserved

Manufactured in the United States of America

EMBLEMATICA An Interdisciplinary Journal for Emblem Studies Emblematica publishes original articles, essays, and specialized bibliographies in all areas of emblem studies. In addition it regularly contains review articles, reviews, research reports (work in progress, including theses, conference reports and abstracts of completed theses), notes and queries, notices (forthcoming conferences and publications), and various types of documentation. It is now published annually.

Managing

Editor

Daniel Russell Department of French and Italian University of Pittsburgh Pittsburgh, PA 15260 U.S.A.

Editors Michael Bath Review Editor Department of English Studies University of Strathclyde Glasgow Gl 1XH United Kingdom

Peter M. Daly McGill University Department of German Studies 680 Sherbrooke Street W. Montreal, PQ, НЗА 2M7 Canada

Editorial Barbara C. Bowen Vanderbilt University Pedro F. Campa University of Tennessee at Chattanooga Paulette Chone Universite de Bourgogne (Dijon) John Cull College of the Holy Cross Denis L. Drysdall University ofWaikato (New Zealand) Wolfgang Harms Ludwig Maximilians Uni.f Munich Karl Josef Holtgen Universitat Erlangen-Nurnberg Lubomir Koneeny Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic Jean Michel Massing University of Cambridge Sabine Modersheim University of Wisconsin at Madison

David Graham Memorial University of Newfoundland Department of French & Spanish St. John's, NF, A1B 3X9 Canada

Board Dietmar Peil Ludwig Maximilians Uni., Munich Karel Porteman Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven Stephen Rawles University of Glasgow Library Bernhard F. Scholz Rijksuniversiteit Groningen Mary Silcox McMaster University J. B. Trapp The Warburg Institute, London Egon Verheyen George Mason University Florence Vuilleumier Laurens Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, IVe Section, Paris Alan Young Acadia University

EMBLEMATICA An Interdisciplinary Journal for Emblem Studies Volume 14 Articles

Barbara C. Bowen Changing Places at the Crossroads

1

Daniel Russell Emblems and the Ages of Life: Defining the Self in Early Modern France

23

Valerie Hayaert Pierre Coustau's Le Pegme (1555): Emblematics and Legal Humanism

55

Gillian Austen Newyeres gyftes: Five Emblematic Devices by George Gascoigne

101

Susan North The Falkland Jacket: Sources, Provenance and Interpretation of an Emblematic Artifact

127

Georgianna Ziegler Devising a Queen: Elizabeth Stuart's Representation in the Emblematic Tradition

155

Mason Tung Thomas Jenner's The Soules Solace (1626): A Study of its Standing in the Development of the English Emblem Tradition

181

Peter M. Daly and Alan R. Young George Wither's Emblems: The Role of Picture Background and Reader/Viewer

223

Peter M. Daly The Sheldon "Four Seasons" Tapestries at Hatfield House: A Seventeenth-Century Instance of Significant Emblematic Decoration in the English Decorative Arts

251

Documentation Denis L. Drysdall Occurrences of the Word "emblema" in Printed Works before Alciato

299

Mason Tung Revisiting Alciato and The Greek Anthology: A Documentary Note

327

Review and Criticism Reviews Florilegio de estudios de emblematica IA Florilegium of Studies on Emblematics, by John Cull Mara R. Wade, ed., Digital Collections and the Management of Knowledge: Renaissance Emblem Literature as a Case Study for the Digitization of Rare Texts and Images, by Antonio Bernat Vistarini

351

357

Alison Adams, Webs of Allusion: French Protestant Emblem Books of the Sixteenth Century, by Ann Moss

367

Michael Bath, Renaissance Decorative Painting in Scotland, by John Peacock

369

Mundus Emblematicus: Studies in Neo-Latin Emblem Books. Eds. Karl A. E. Enenkel, and Arnoud S. Q. Visscher, by Michael Bath

372

Lina Bolzoni, The Gallery of Memory: Literary and Iconographic Models in the Age of the Printing Press, by Dennis Looney

378

Jean Terrier, Portraict des SS Vertus de la Vierge contemplees par feue S.A.S.M. Isabelle Clere Eugenie Infante d'Espagne. A Facsimile Edition with Critical Introduction by Cordula van Wyhe, by Agnes Guiderdoni

384

Eva Knapp and Gabor Tuskes, Emblematics in Hungary. A Study of the History of Symbolic Representation in Renaissance and Baroque Literature, by Aroud Visser

387

Janusz Pelc, S\owo i obraz. Na pograniczu literatury i sztuk plastycznych, by Danuta Kunstler-Langner

389

Research Reports, Notes, Queries and Notices Notes Averill Lukic Geffrey and Isabella Whitney

395

Lubomir Konecny An Emblematic Epitaph in Prague

409

Simon McKeown Death and a Maiden: Memorial Engravings from the Circle of Erik Dahlbergh

417

Volume Index

441

Changing Places at the Crossroads 1 BARBARA C. BOWEN Vanderbilt University, emerita

The mythological figure most sixteenth-century French, Italian, or German humanists would probably expect to encounter at a crossroad was Hercules; and it would be most likely at a Y-shaped fork in the road. The moral topos sometimes called the Choice of Hercules, or the Judgment of Hercules, occurs first in Xenophon, quoting Prodicus (Memorab. Socrat. II.1.21-33), and was retold by Cicero in the De Officiis (1.32.118). Xenophon's emphasis is on the appearance and character of the two ladies Virtue and Pleasure; Cicero does not mention ladies but describes two paths of Virtue and Pleasure. The Middle Ages, as Panofsky and Mommsen have explained, did not use this topos but knew a closely related one, that of the Pythagorean letter T, representing the choice between Virtue (the right-hand, narrower branch of the T) and Vice (the broader, left-hand one). The appellation "Hercules at the Crossroads" is thus a useful conflation of these two related but different topoi. Not surprisingly, the Renaissance resurrected the Choice of Hercules, along with many other Classical motifs. Hercules was a popular figure; both the Ideal Prince and the dedicated humanist could be seen as performing the Labors of Hercules (most notably perhaps in Erasmus's adage "Herculei labores," Ill.i.i), while Hercules Gallicus, or "Hercule gaulois," with chains attaching his mouth to his follow-

1. Earlier versions of this article were given as papers at the Kentucky Foreign Language Conference in April, 1997, and at the Newberry Library Emblem Conference in May, 1998. Warmest thanks to Tom McGeary, who contributed much time, expertise, and wise advice to the final version.

1

2

EMBLEMATICA

ers' ears as he drags them along, is a frequently recurring emblem of eloquence. 2 Curiously, Hercules at the Crossroads occurs less frequently in literature than these two topoi. Not one of Erasmus's sixteen Hercules adages mentions it, though another adage is related to it, as we shall see. Panofsky found 54 visual examples of Hercules at the Crossroads between 1497 and 1839 (to which Wuttke a d d e d another five), but none of these is from an emblem book. However, the topos is quite common in emblem books, but has not been studied in detail. This article will trace its history and discuss its reFig.l. Sebastian Brant, Shyp of Folys (1497), lationship to several other London, 1509, p. cclii. moral-choice topoi.

1. Hercules Panofsky's first dated example of Hercules at the Crossroads is a very well-known one, from the 1497 edition of Sebastian Brant's Narrenschiff. In this illustration from the London 1509 edition (fig. I), 3 Hercules, dressed as a contemporary knight, is dreaming in the foreground; the choice is between a broad, gently-sloping left-hand path, leading to a voluptuous (or presumably so intended) naked female figure, behind whom are rose bushes and a lurking skeleton, and a narrower, steep and stony right-hand path, leading to a soberly 2. Jung, chap. 3. In the 1531 illustration of Alciato's "Eloquentia fortitudine praestantior," the chain runs from Hercules's mouth to his followers' waists.

3.

Wuttke (no. 4) reproduces an earlier one, showing Hercules between a ragged Virtus pointing up a hill, and a sumptuously over-dressed Voluptas.

3

BARBARA C. BOWEN

dressed figure of Virtue, with distaff a n d s p i n d l e . The right-hand path is presumably intended to be longer, and behind Virtue are thistles, to contrast with Venus's roses (it is clear from a later Brant illustration that this is Venus). Numerous elements of this woodcut will recur many times in the emblem books. Still before 1531, the date of Alciato's first emblem book, Hercules' letter Y is twice illustrated

Fig. 2. Geoffroy Tory, 1529, Miij\

Champfleury,

in Geofroy Tory's 1529 Champfleury, ostensibly a manual for printers, in which he goes to great pains to describe the "correct" formation of Roman capital letters. His first, static Y (fol. lxiii) shows symbols of hell (knife, whip, birch-rods, gibbet, and fire) hanging from the left-hand branch, and from the other a laurel crown, palms, a scepFig. 3. C l a u d e P a r a d i n , Devises ter, and a crown. This explains why heroiques, Paris, 1614, p. 308. Photo the left-hand stroke of a capital Y courtesy of Rare Book and Special needs to be broader than the right. Collection Library, Universiy of The text describes the image faithIllinois, Urbana-Champaign. fully. Tory's second Y (fig. 2) is dynamic. Up the broad left-hand way, which has steps cut in it for easier ascent, climbs a well-dressed man with a rope to hold on to and a candle to light his way. The sin here is gluttony rather than lust, but the result is the same; he will fall into the flames of Hell below. The right-hand way is not only narrow but thorny, and before reaching

4

EMBLEMATICA

his throne of sainthood the barefoot and raggedly dressed climber, armed only with a stick, must confront three beasts reminiscent of the leopard, lion, and wolf who threaten Dante in Canto I of the Inferno, and who are labeled Libido, Superbia, and Invidia. Several pages ear­ lier (fol. lxii), Tory had briefly summarized Xenophon and Cicero, as­ suming that Pythagoras was thinking of Hercules when he discussed theY. So closely were Hercules and the Y associated that several later writers could use the Y without needing to mention Hercules. Claude Paradin's Devises heroiques (1557) includes the device of Pierre de Morvillier (fig. 3), a harrow attached to an upright letter Y, with the motto "Нас virtutis iter." Jean-Jacques Boissard's Emblematum Liber (1588) offers a superb upright Y reminiscent of Tory's (fig. 4), with the motto "Finis coronat opus" and a teacher (Pythagoras?) pointing with an air of severity. The background here is also relevant: a wicked city on the side of hell; a steep and dangerous mountain on the side of heaven. 4 And George Wither, in A Collection ojEmblemes, Ancient and Moderne (1635), using an earlier engraving by Crispin van de Passe for Gabriel Rollenhagen, reproduces a similar version of Paradin's har­ row attached to a letter Y. Rollenhagen's motto was "Нас virtutis iter," which Wither expands into: The Right-hand way, is Vertues Path, Though rugged Passages it hath. (160) His poem concludes: And, though the Left-hand-way, more smoothnesse hath, Let us goe forward, in the Right-hand-path.5 4.

Harms, in his comprehensive study of the Pythagorean Y in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, reproduces this illustration (no. 4), and also another from Boissard (no. 3), which has the same Y except that the right and left sides are reversed. The pointing figure is similar, but there are two students in the picture, and the back­ ground is mostly an interior.

5. I must at least mention the intriguing illustration in Russell (1995), from a plac­ ard published in France in the 1580s, which shows Milo of Crotona representing France's enemies attempting to demolish the tree representing France. This tree, above Milo's head, divides into two branches, apparently representing the two

BARBARA C. BOWEN

5

Fig. 4. Jean-Jacques Boissard, Emblematum Liber, 1588, p. 23 (C3).

But regarding Hercules and his choice in the emblem books, surprisingly, he does not figure in any edition of Alciato, though some closely related emblems do. His first emblem app e a r a n c e is in Fig. 5. Gilles Corrozet, Hecatomgraphie, 1540, K8v. Gilles Corrozet's Hecatomgraphie (1540) (fig. 5). Here there is no Y, no significant background, and the composition is not very satisfactory; Hercules is reaching over the head of Vertu towards his eventual laurel crown, while Volupte branches of France's royal family; the visual effect is precisely that of a capital Y, so that the reader's first reaction is to look for Hercules.

6

EMBLEMATICA

stalks sulkily off the stage. The emblem is titled "Election de vertu," the quatrain below the picture opposes the way of "perdition" to that of "salvation," and the explanatory poem follows Xenophon quite closely —except t h a t Vertu a d d r e s s e s H e r c u l e s as "fleur de chevallerie." The next appearance of t h i s topos is in P i e r r e Coustau's emblem book, p u b l i s h e d b o t h in L a t i n (Pegma, 1555) and French (Le Pegme, 1555) (fig. 6). The emblem's French title is "Le train de vertu en jeunesse," with a secondary title printed above it: "A la statue d'Hercules estant au desert, Selon Xenophon." The "statue" is baffling; there is no reference Fig. 6. Pierre Coustau, Pegma, Lyons, 1560, p. to it either in the sixteen-line 124. poem or in the prose "Narration Philosophique"; the latter in fact reports Xenophon as describing Hercules sitting down, whereas in this emblem he is standing. But there is a Y-shaped fork in the road, with some indication in the scenery that the right-hand path is the correct one; and as in Corrozet, we have a more or less correct mythological Hercules, with lion skin and club. The prose commentary stresses that the broad path to pleaFig. 7. Hadrianus Junius, Emblemata, Ant- sure will end in "mort obwerp, 1566, number 40, p. 50. Photo courtesy s c u r e , " w h i l e t h e r i g h t of Rare Book and Special Collection Library, choice will lead to "gloire" Universiy of Illinois, Urbana -Champaign. and "proesse." The poem, however, refers to 'Texemplaire & image . . d ' u n

BARBARA C. BOWEN

7

enfant." Humanists are having some trouble coordinating Hercules-hero-of-the-twelve-labors with Hercules-object-lessonfor-children. Hadrianus Junius's Emblemata (1565) provides a very rare example of an urban setting for his "bivium virtutis & vitii" (fig. 7). Hercules, still traditionally dressed, could be standing center-stage between Minerva and Venus, with a temple or Greek-plan church behind him, and symmetrical buildings on either side. This is the first emblem in which Virtue is represented by the goddess of war and wisdom, al­ though Raphael's Dream of Scipio (1504-05) had used the same three figures, creating, as Panofsky pointed out, 6 what is in fact a Hercules at the Crossroads. In the French version, Les Emblesmes du S. Adrian Le Jeune (1570), the poem describes the two women and mentions "sentiers," though none are present in the pictura. Geoffrey Whitney used this emblem for his A Choice of Emblemes, and Other Devises (1586), with an accompanying poem stressing fame and honor. The next version is that of Mikrokosmos. Parvus Mundus (1579) (fig. 8). In a setting in the countryside, with the title "Hercules elegit virtutis callem/' Hercules is asleep under a tree with the virtue and

Fig. 8. Mikrokosmos. Parvus mundus, Antwerp, 1644, no. 49. Photo courtesy of Rare Book and Special Collection Library, Universiy of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign.

t h o u g h ПО p a t h Jg v i s i b l e o n t h e \ett fbp w b e r e

Venus-figure dances in a cir6. Panofsky, 76-77, and no. 28.

8

EMBLEMATICA

cle of flowers, there may be a path on the right, and it may be strewn with thorns (if so, recalling Brant, among others). Nicolaus Reusner's very popular Aureolorum Emblematum Liber Singularis (1591) contains a Hercules at the Crossroads (fig. 9), with some i n t r i g u i n g features. It is rare for HerFig. 9. Nicolaus Reusner, Aureolorum Emblematum cules to have his back to Liber Singularis, 1591, A5v. Photo courtesy of Rare the audience, as it were. Book and Special Collection Library, Universiy of His attire looks more Illinois, Urbana- Champaign. medieval than classical; the virtue figure with distaff is traditional enough, but the other figure, with lute, bare breasts, and holding a goblet does not seem particularly alluring. The Latin couplet u n d e r the picture names Hercules, Virtus, and Voluptas, but the motto is "Virtutis comes gloria," reminding us of the fame mentioned by Coustau and Whitney. In the far background are two tiny figures, an angel above and behind Virtus, and a skeleton above and behind Voluptas; and they are identical to those in an engraving by Christoff Miirer of the Choice of Hercules, where they are labeled respectively "Via vitae" and "Via mortis." Murer's foreground figures are quite different from Reusner's, however. An even more intriguing image of Hercules is by Jacques de Fornazeriis and dated ca. 1600.7 It shows the good, young, Catholic nobleman rejecting the sumptuously dressed Whore of Babylon, seated on a peacock to his left, in favor of an angel. The motto is "Non coronabitur nisi qui legitime certaverit" [Only he who has fought aright shall be crowned], and overhead God, attended by eight angels holding laurel crowns, is saying "Veni coronaberis" [Come, thou shalt be crowned]. This is quite possibly the most obviously Christianized image of Hercules. 7. Reproduced by Matthews Grieco, 851.

BARBARA C. BOWEN

9

We m i g h t expect the seventeenth century to be losing interest in this well- worn topos, but this is not t h e c a s e . In 1618 Florent Schoonhoven's Emblemata contributed a highly original version (fig. 10). An obviously boyish H e r c u l e s , naked, is sitting under a tree between Virtus with a Fig. 10. Florent Schoonovius, Emblemata, 1618, no. b o o k a n d Voluptas 35, p. 108. Photo courtesy of Rare Book and Special with flowers. There Collection Library, Universiy of Illinois, Urbana- a r e t h o r n s b e h i n d Champaign. V i r t u s , flowers bej^hind Voluptas, and a 2 temple on a steep hill in the left background. The title is "Lubricum juventutis," not easy to translate because the adjective lubricus can mean both "slipery" and "lustful." he long prose commentary emphasizes wisdom and warns against prostitutes and parasites. In 1635 W i t h e r , w h o s e h a r r o w attached to a Y has alr e a d y b e e n ment i o n e d , also r e p r o Fig. 11. George Wither, A Collection of Emblemes, duced Rollenhagen's Ancient and Moderne, 1635, p. 22. Hercules in a highly unusual version (fig. 11). The choice is

10

EMBLEMATICA

between a hideous hag with a lute and mask (a skull and crossbones behind her reminds us of Brant), and a elderly, male wisdom-figure, not unlike Boissard's Pythagoras, with book and Mercury's caduceus. Rollenhagen's motto was "Quo me vertam nescio" [I know not which way to turn], to which Wither added a letterpress couplet: When Vice and Vertue Youth shall wooe, Tis hard to say, which way 'twill goe. (22) His lengthy poem is largely autobiographical and describes how "at thrice five yeares and three" he found himself in precisely Hercules' situation; Vice offered him pleasure, while Virtue promised wisdom, "And those brave things, which noblest Mindes doe crave." The poem ends with a prayer for grace to keep his mind on Virtue. A male rather than female figure of virtue is already unusual, and so is the assumption that the outcome is uncertain. Rollenhagen's pictura has the Greek word poteron [whether] over Hercules's head, and Wither's title couplet stresses that the outcome is not a foregone conclusion. This image was obviously popular; it occurs as late as 1732 in Nathaniel Crouch's Choice Emblems, Divine and Moral, Antient and Modern (1732). In his Toonneel des menschelikken levenes (1661) the Dutch emblematist Joost van den Vondel touched up the Mikrokosmos. Parvus Mundus Hercules, with a long prose commentary, but Wither's may be the last of the original Hercules-at-the-Crossroads emblems. We should not fail to mention perhaps the most thoroughly detailed explication of the Hercules topos: the third Earl of Shaftesbury's "A Notion of the Historical Draught of Hercules," an explication of the Choice of Hercules painting by Paulo de Matteis. 8 We have seen a number of variations in what might be termed the staging of this emblem: Hercules may be asleep or awake, standing, sitting, or lying, naked or dressed in a variety of styles, armed or not. Virtue, usually female, may be variously dressed and with various attributes, as may Vice/Voluptas, who is always female. Sometimes there are significant elements in the background (for example, skeleton, mountain, temple, roses) while sometimes there are not. And in cases where Hercules' relationship to the other figures is clear, the good choice is always on the right-hand side, the narrower branch of 8. Shaftesbury, 30-61; see also Freeman, 9-14, 17-19, and Bath, 256-58.

BARBARA C. BOWEN

Fig. 12. Erhard Schon, Tabula Cebetis Thebani, 1532.

11

12

EMBLEMATICA

the Y, if there is a Y. But no Renaissance topos exists in a void, and there are three closely related visual topoi which undoubtedly influenced Hercules at the Crossroads.

2. Cebes Of the numerous likely sources of sixteenth-century emblem books, the least-known and least often discussed is the so-called Tablet of Cebes. 9 This is the name given to an extremely popular visual representation of human life as an upward-moving pilgrimage through a variety of temptations and obstacles; only those who persevere, via True Education, will reach the goal of Happiness (Sider, 1), represented in this 1658 version (fig. 12) by a small edifice at the top of the mountain. This Classical topos was naturally very easy to Christianize, and in later versions the goal is usually a circular temple, sometimes situated at the summit of a barely accessible crag.10 The elaborately detailed frontispiece to Wither's 1635 emblem book, though obviously based on the Tablet of Cebes, culminates not in a temple but in mountain peaks representing heaven and hell.11 There are obvious differences between this topos and our Hercules. Whereas the latter depicts one crucial moment of choice, Cebes preents a long saga in which the "pilgrim" must confront and reject a variety of temptations (among them, as in Corrozet's version of Cebes, Fortuna, "concupiscences & voluptez," "Luxure, Avarice, Incontinence, & Flaterie" [see Sider, 85]). But there are also similarities: in both cases Virtue is the aim, the temptations often appear in the guise of beautiful women, and stress is often laid on good education. For Corrozet, "Vertu" and "Sapience" seem to be synonyms (as they were for Rabelais and his Stoic predecessors), and most versions of Cebes include a long section on the right use of the Liberal Arts; we have seen Virtue with a book or books in Boissard, Schoonhoven, and Wither. Of the Hercules emblems discussed here, only the one by Schoonhoven has a temple on a hill in the background (although Junius's has a large Greek-looking temple in the center background). But we know 9. The principal modern studies are Schleier (1974) and Sider (1979). See also Shaftesbury's translation, ' T h e Picture of Cebes," 64-87.

10. See Schleier, nos. 44 and 45. 11. See the detailed description in Bath, 112-13, and plates nos. 4 and 5.

13

BARBARA C. BOWEN

that this temple did become firmly associated with Hercules at the Crossroads, because nine illustrations provided by Panofsky show it, in the far right or far left background. 1 2 So it seems reasonable to suppose that the reader automatically associated these two moral-choice topoi. But the same reader was also familiar with other figures liable to frequent a crossroads. 3. M e r c u r y

Fig. 13. Andrea Alciato, Emblematum ' D8v-

Liber,

1531

In Wither's Hercules emblem, a male Wisdom figure with Mercury's caduceus recalls both Mercury's role as patron of the Liberal Arts and an emblem that, unlike those already discussed, occurs in all versions of Alciato (fig. 13). Here is Mercury in the first edition (1531), with the motto "Qua Dii vocant eundum" [We must go where the gods call] and a Latin epigram that reads: Where three ways meet there is a pile of stones; above it rises a truncated statue of the god, from the chest up. It must be the tomb of Mercury; oh traveller, hang up garlands to the god so that he may show you the right way. We are all at the crossroads, and in this path of life we err, unless the god himself shows us the way.13 Alciato is probably remembering, among many other sources (see Bowen), Erasmus's adage "In trivio sum" (I.ii.48), although Erasmus mentions neither Hercules, the Pythagorean Y, nor Mercury. 12. See Panofsky, nos. 52, 61, 62, 63, 83, 84, 87, 88, and 89.

13. In trivio mons est lapidum supereminet illi, Trunca dei effigies pectore facta tenus, Mercurii est igitur tumulus, suspende viator, Serta deo, rectum qui tibi monstrat iter. Omnes in trivio sumus, atque hoc tramite vitae, Fallimur ostendat ni deus ipse viam.

14

EMBLEMATICA

Alciato's 1531 Mercury is pointing at the middle of three roads, but in later editions this is by no means always the case. Frequently there appears to be only one road, so that we wonder why a pointing figure is necessary; this is true also of the version in Sebastian de Covarrubias Horozco's Emblemas morales (1610; fol. 246r), whose motto is "Medio tutissimis ibis." If the middle way is always the best, it is not clear what Mercury's function is. In any case, this advice seems different from that of Hercules; where he was recommending

Fig. 14. Jean Baudoin, Recueil d'emblemes di-

vers, 1638, p. 518.

V OCant

e u n d u m , " w i t h the ex-

ception of the perfectly hideous 1618 Paduan one. Mercury is almost always seated and pointing, usually wearing an attractive helmet with wings or plumes. In one late example (fig. 14), there is a fascinating conflation of Mercury and Cebes. Jean Baudoin, in Recueil d'emblemes divers (1638), depicts Mercury pointing, not at the easy middle road, but at the steep left-hand one leading to the temple

BARBARA C. BOWEN

15

crowning the hill. His long prose commentary learnedly explores Mercury's attributes and his function as "Term" and as protector of travelers, and then expands on the moral significance of the topos. We should in all things follow the path created for us by God and Nature. Since Mercury was the messenger of the gods, this Mercury must mean either Holy Scripture, or the Prophets and Holy Doctors who interpret it for us. We all need a Mercury to guide us through life, so what we must do is take Christ as our Mercury. This "Mercury at the Crossroads," as I labeled the topos, is astonishingly close both to some Hercules emblems, and to some of the artistic renderings of Hercules at the Crossroads reproduced by Panofsky. But we have not yet exhausted the possibilities of encounters at the crossroads.

4. Paris Mercury also has a fairly frequent walk-on part in a topos far more durable than those discussed so far: the Judgment of Paris —a recurring literary subject from Homer through the Renaissance, and a theme of innumerable paintings and other art works from the Middle Ages to Picasso (see Damisch). It is a subject of particular interest to the sixteenth century, as recent critical works by Ann Moss and Herve Campangne have explained in detail. Jean Lemaire de Belges's "Prologue" to Book 1 of the Illustrations de Gaule et singularitez de Troye, ostensibly written by "Mercure, jadis repute Dieu d'eloquence" to Margaret of Austria, explains that the work's three books are dedicated respectively to Pallas, Venus, and Juno, who represent the three "ages" of Paris, as well as Prudence, Plaisance, and Puissance (and Margaret herself is, of course, Pallas). Later in the book it becomes apparent that the three goddesses are also three kinds of style (Moss, chap. 2). Other French authors of the period, more or less familiar with the speculations of Ficino and other Neoplatonists on Venus and her functions, discussed the Judgment of Paris and related subjects: Francois Habert (who like Lemaire connects reading with choosing; Moss, 71), Aneau, Ba'if, and Ronsard; Moss's information is expanded by Campangne into a detailed theory of rhetoric, where Venus is "le plaisir du texte" and Pallas "l'edification allegorique" (Campangne, 57). After all this lofty speculation, which space does not allow us to pursue here, we may find emblematic versions of the Judgment of

16

EMBLEMATICA

P a r i s , t h e topos of "choice" par excellence, d i s a p p o i n t i n g . It is scarcely recognizable in the version (fig. 15) by the 1531 Alciato illustrator (who might, we feel, have made more success of a different profession). The essential elements are all here: Paris dreamFig. 15. Andrea Alciato, Emblematum Liber, 1531, ing, w i t h Mercury beD6r. hind him; and from left to right Venus with a heart, M i n e r v a with a book, and Juno with a scepter. Mercury has horns and a beard quite like those of the Mercury-at-theCrossroads emblem, and r e m i n i s c e n t of h i s r o u g h l y contemporary a p p e a r a n c e in one of many Judgments of Paris by Cranach the Elder. Dreaming Paris reminds us of dreaming Hercules, in v e r s i o n s by Brant, Mikrokosmos, and some painters including Raphael. Minerva, goddess of wisdom as well as of Fig. 16. Andea Aalcito, Emblematum libellus, Paris, 1542, no. 71, p. 75. Photo courtesy of Rare Book war, holds a book (as do a and Special Collection Library, Universiy of Illi- number of our Virtue fignois, Urbana-Champaign. ures), while Juno's scepter p r e s u m a b l y represents temporal power, and as we have seen, Venus was already present in Brant's Hercules at the Crossroads. Damisch (203) is sarcastic about the standard late Medieval and Renaissance interpretation of this scene, which is that we have here a choice among three very different ways of life: the active (Juno, some-

BARBARA C. BOWEN

17

times accompanied by a treasure-chest), the contemplative (Minerva), and the sensual (Venus). But could not most people be described as primarily active, contemplative, or sensual in temperament? The Renaissance was also, of course, making a moral comment: Paris made the wrong choice, as is charmingly illustrated in Niklaus Manuel Deutsch's rendering of the scene (Damisch, 205), where over Paris's head hovers a diminutive Cupid firing at him —and wearing asses' ears. The motto of the 1531 Alciato emblem, and of the same in all future editions, is "In studiosum captum amore." The French version of the epigram in the 1536 Livret des Emblesmes reads: A man learned in all letters, Devoted to Pallas, Gives his heart to foolish love: And for that, no remedy has been found. Venus, you have studied too hard To vanquish Pallas once again. Paris was anguished by it. It is enough; indeed, it is a great deal. 14 This conveys the general sense of the 1531 epigram, but omits some interesting details: the 1531 studiosus is specifically described as skilled in rhetoric (dicundo) and law (jure), and as a most excellent notary (libellio). Did Alciato have a specific person in mind? 15 The epigram certainly seems to state that love is particularly dangerous for legal scholars, and the Judgment of Paris is only briefly alluded to in the last line. The 1542 Alciato (fig. 16) has a quite different pictura for this emblem: Paris, no longer dreaming, is now a king; Mercury has disap14. Ung scavant homme en toute letre Estant a Pallas desdie Va son coeur en folle amour mettre: Et n'y a Ton remedie. Venus c'est trop estudie Pour vaincre encore Pallas ung cop. Paris en fut attedie C'est asses voire cest beaucoup.

15. Mignault and Guichiardini thought Alciato had Jerome Padouan in mind; see Alciato 1621, 455.

18

EMBLEMAMCA

peared, and the three goddesses are a little more recognizable (though it is not clear why Juno appears to be wearing Mercury's winged cap). The grouping, with Venus alone on the right and the other two on the left, is somewhat reminiscent of many Hercules-at-the-Crossroads depictions. This grouping is reversed in the later set of woodcuts attributed to Bernard Salomon for the Emblematum Libri Duo (1547). Venus, now clothed in flowing robes, is to Paris's right, while in 1621 Juno has disappeared, so that Paris has a straight choice between a warlike Minerva to his right and a naked Venus accompanied by Cupid to his left. As in the Salomon woodcut, this Paris, though centrally seated, is dressed as a scholar rather than as a king. The 1621 version may remind us of Montaigne's hope that his young student will choose for a mistress Bradamante or Angelique "travestie en gar^on" rather than a girl "vestue en garce" (1.26, p. 162). The conflation of these two topoi, already clear in Raphael's painting, becomes explicit in Hadrianus Junius's 1565 "Bivium virtutis & vitii" emblem (fig. 7). The basic paradox of the goddess Minerva is obvious in the two different interpretations of the same pictura by Junius and Whitney; the goddess can represent either wisdom (Junius and our various emblematists whose Virtue carries a book) or military valor (Whitney, with his emphasis on fame). Given the supposedly obvious correct decision, it may seem inappropriate that the man dressed as a scholar is shown hesitating. Some minor details confirm this conflation of topoi, or what Moss calls contaminatio (91). We noticed that Corrozet's Hercules (fig. 5) is reaching for a laurel crown being waved over the head of Virtue by an unnamed female figure. A similar laurel crown is being held by a winged female figure over Venus's head in the Judgment of Paris engraving by Marcantonio Raimondi after Raphael (Damisch, 72), and in later versions by Luca Penni (Damisch, 89), Anthonie Blocklandt (Damisch, 351), and a seventeenth-century Gobelins tapestry (Damisch, 267). The triumphal artistic career of the Judgment of Paris was only just beginning. In 1569 the English painter Hans Eworth's tribute to Queen Elizabeth I shows her routing all three goddesses and deserving to receive the apple herself; numerous more famous painters including Cranach, Rubens, Watteau, and Renoir produced their versions of the topos (sometimes many successive versions), and Picasso drew a hilarious brothel scene with an overcoated gentleman making his choice among three naked prostitutes (Damisch, 284). Why should this topos, rather than Hercules at the Crossroads —which also includes a moral

BARBARA C. BOWEN

19

choice and often a beautiful woman —have proved so durably attractive to artists? Damisch the Freudian psychologist would reply that sex is all-pervasive, and that beauty always implies sex,16 but I am not convinced. 5. Choices

Emblems were from their inception a didactic genre; have we learned anything useful from this crowd of moralists at the crossroads? Hercules has only two possible choices, and with the single exception of Tory's gluttony, the bad choice is always voluptas, lust. The good choice is more varied, although most authors assume that everyone can define Virtue. In the later sixteenth century two trends may be observed. First, Virtue may imply fame/glory (Corrozet's Vertu is already calling Hercules "fleur de chevallerie" in 1540). The nostalgia of Renaissance humanists for the Good Old Days when rhetoricians like Cicero could be active heroes has often been noted, so that Hercules dressed as a knight (Brant) or under the motto "Virtutis comes gloria" (Reusner) is not a surprising variation. Secondly, Virtue may imply wisdom, and specifically wisdom obtained from books. But wisdom, like Virtue, is never defined; we are presumably still in a reassuring time when everyone knows precisely what these concepts mean. And does comparison with the other visual topoi discussed here help us to understand Hercules? Like him, Cebes and Mercury present choices not yet made. The moral lesson of the Tablet of Cebes is surely identical to that of Hercules at the Crossroads: the path to Virtue (or Heaven) is a steep and arduous one, even if Hercules emphasizes the terrain, and Cebes the numerous temptations, to be overcome. Mercury, on the other hand, is extremely vague, unless the in trivio is to be taken in a narrowly educational sense. The middle road may be the easiest and safest of the three offered, but where precisely will it lead us? Is this simply an illustration of Aristotle's Golden Mean? Paris's choice has already been made, not always visually but in the minds of viewers familiar with the story of the Trojan War, so that it could be considered the flip side of Hercules. Hercules will make the right choice, whereas Paris has already made the wrong one, the 16. The last sentence of his book reads: "For it bears repeating: although the beautiful (le beau, masculine) is all gender, beauty (la heaute, feminine) is all sex" (310).

20

EMBLEMATICA

wrong choice in both cases being represented by a seductive woman. Our emblematists are apparently unaware of more complex literary readings, of the three ladies as three kinds of style, or of Hercules' choice as one between ornaments and content (Campangne, 190). But why, when the Judgment of Paris had such phenomenal success in painting and other arts, is it less common in emblem books than our Hercules? 17 Several times in this article I have used theatrical terms that seemed appropriate; one can often think of an emblem, as of many paintings, as a scene on stage with the reader as audience. 18 The Judgment of Paris, from this point of view, is by far the most successful of these topoi. Mercury is usually alone on stage, so not dramatically interesting; the Tablet of Cebes is so crowded with characters and action that one would need an enlarged reproduction to see them all; and Hercules, whether lying dreaming, standing, or (in one case) sitting, is usually in the same pose, between two other characters. Paris, on the other hand, can be standing, sitting, or lying, and the three goddesses in a variety of poses; Mercury is usually present, and sometimes quite a large supporting cast; Marcantonio Raimondi's celebrated engraving has a total of twenty characters. We still talk of "being at a crossroads," implying either a choice among various opportunities or a moral dilemma to be resolved. The choices of Hercules, Cebes, Mercury, and Paris may not seem relevant to our modern world, but they do provide insight into the mentalite of humanists of the Renaissance. Works Cited Alciato, Andrea. Emblematum Liber. Augsburg, 1531. . Livret des emblesmes. Trans. Jean Le Fevre. Paris, 1536. . Emblematum Libellus. Paris, 1542. . Emblematum Libri Duo. Lyons, 1547. . Emblemata cum Commentariis. Padua, 1621. Aneau, Barthelemy. Imagination poetique. Lyons, 1552.

17. The other emblem versions I know of are in Aneau, 87, Camerarius, 28-29, Conti, 1:129 and 371, Harsdorffer, 4)(8, and Sambucus, 131. 18. On the theatricality of the emblem, see Russell (1995) on the etymology of Coustau's Pegma/Le Pegme.

BARBARA C. BOWEN

21

Bath, Michael. Speaking Pictures: English Emblem Books and Renaissance Culture. London, 1994. Baudoin, Jean. Recueil d'emblemes divers. Paris, 1638. Boissard, Jean-Jacques. Emblematum liber. Metz, 1588. Bowen, Barbara C. "Mercury at the Crossroads in Renaissance Emblems. " Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 48 (1985): 222-29. Brant, Sebastian. Narrenschiff. Basel, 1497. Camerarius, George. Emblemata Amatoria. Venice, 1627. Campangne, Herve. Mythologie et rhetorique aux XVe et XVIe siecles en France. Paris, 1996. Conti, Natale. Mythologie. Paris, 1627 Corrozet, Gilles. Hecatomgraphie. Paris, 1540. Coustau, Pierre. Pegma. Lyons, 1555. . Le Pegme. Lyons, 1560. Covarrubias Horozco, Sebastian de. Emblemas morales. Madrid, 1610. Crouch, Nathaniel. Choice Emblems, Divine and Moral, Antient and Modern. 6th ed. London, 1732. Damisch, Hubert, The Judgment of Paris. Trans. John Goodman. Chicago, 1996. Freeman, Rosemary. English Emblem Books. London, 1948. Harms, Wolfgang. Homo Viator in Bivio: Studien zur Bildlichkeit des Weges. Munich, 1970. Harsdorffer, Georg-Philipp. Frauenzimmer Gesprechspiel, vol. 5. Nuremberg, 1645. Jung, Marc-Rene. Hercule dans la litterature frangaise du XVIe siecle. Geneva, 1966. Junius, Hadrianus. Emblemata. Antwerp, 1565. . Emblesmes [sic]. Antwerp, 1570. Lemaire de Beiges, Jean. Les Illustrations de Gaule et singularitez de Troye. Lyons, 1549. Matthews Grieco, Sara F. 1994. "Georgette deMontenay: A Different Voice in Sixteenth-Century Emblematics." Renaissance Quarterly 47:793-871. Mikrokosmos. Parvus Mundus. Antwerp, 1579. Mommsen, Theodore E. "Petrarch and the Story of the Choice of Hercules." Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 16 (1953):178-92. Montaigne, Michel de. Les Essais. Ed. Pierre Villey; rpt. ed. V.-L. Saulnier. Paris, 1965.

22

hMBLLMATICA

Moss, Ann. Poetry and Fable: Studies in Mythological Narrative in Sixteenth-Century France. Cambridge, 1984. Panofsky, Erwin. Hercules am Scheidewege und andere antike Bildstoffe in der neueren Kunst. Leipzig, 1930. Paradin, Claude. Devises hero'iques. Lyons, 1557. Reusner, N i c o l a u s . Aureolorum Emblematum Liber Singularis. Strasbourg, 1591. Rollenhagen, Gabriel. Nucleus Emblematum Selectissimorum. 2 vols. Cologne, 1611; Utrecht, 1613. Russell, Daniel. Emblematic Structures in Renaissance French Culture. Toronto, 1995. . "Illustration, Hieroglyph, Icon: The Status of the Emblem Pict u r e / ' In Polyvalence und Multifunktionalitat der Emblematik. Multivalence and Multifunctionality of the Emblem. Proceedings of the 5th International Conference of the Society for Emblem Studies. Pt 1. Ed. Wolfgang Harms and Dietmar Peil. Frankfurt am Main, 2002. Pp. 73-90. Sambucus, Johannes. Emblemata. Antwerp, 1566. Schleier, Reinhart. Tabula Cebetis; oder, Spiegel des menschlichen Lebens/darin Tugentund Untugent abgemalet ist. Studien zur Rezeption einer antiken Bildbeschreibung im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert. Berlin, 1974. Schoonhoven, Florent. Emblemata. Gouda, 1618. Shaftesbury, Anthony, Third Earl of Shaftesbury. Second Characters or the Language of Forms. Ed. Benjamin Rand. Cambridge, 1914. Sider, Sandra. Introduction to Cebes' Tablet: Facsimiles of the Greek Text, and of Selected Latin, French, English, Spanish, Italian, German, Dutch, and Polish Translations. New York, 1979. Tory, Geofroy. Champfleury. Paris, 1529. Vondel, Joost van den. Toonneel des menschelikken levenes. Amsterdam, 1661. . Theatre du monde, contenant divers excellens tableaux de la vie humaine. Amsterdam, 1682. Whitney, Geoffrey. A Choice of Emblemes, and Other Devises. Leiden, 1586. Wither, George. A Collection of Emblemes, Ancient and Moderne. London, 1635. Wuttke, Dieter. Nachwort, pp. 1-96 (second group), to Erwin Panofsky, Hercules am Scheidewege und andere antike Bildstoffe in der neueren Kunst. Leipzig, 1930; rpt: Berlin, 1997.

Emblems and the Ages of Life: Defining the Self in Early Modern France DANIEL RUSSELL University of Pittsburgh

Namque vir ipse bipesque, tripesque, et quadrupes idem est, Primaque prudentis laurea, nosse virum. Alciato, emblema 188.г Since time immemorial human life was divided into ages or seg­ ments. Only relatively recently has the model of human life come to be seen as a continuously flowing narrative. Until the seventeenth century, the Sphinx's question and Oedipus's answer governed the way human life was viewed. It was partitioned into three or more largely distinct and separate parts because people lived imprisoned in the present as a result of conceptions of time and space that did not permit people to perceive life as a continuous narrative construction. So the Sphinx's question and its answer was truly the emblem of man's condition, as it still was in the early nineteenth century in Frangois-Xavier Fabre's Oedipus and the Sphinx of 1806-08 (Dahesh Museum, New York, fig. 1), or the bourgeois ladder of success, or 1.

'Tor surely man himself is also two-footed, three-footed and four-footed/ and the foremost laurel of the prudent man is to know man." Earlier versions of this study were presented at the Second Minnesota Conference on Cultural Emblematics, Minneapolis, April 26-28, 1995, and at the Fourth International Emblem Conference, Leuven, August 18-23, 1996.

23

24

EMBLEMATICA

Fig. 1. Frangois-Xavier Fabre, Orpheus and the Sphinx, ca. 1806-08. Dahesh Museum of Art, New York.

again in the ever-fashionable Lebenstreppe (fig. 2). Cultures are conservative and retain the shapes of earlier characteristics even when these characteristics have more or less disappeared. *****

It is a commonplace of intellectual history that a new form of the individual emerged in the Italian Renaissance, and quickly became the model for modern identity. With a few exceptions like Agnes Heller, however, scholars have really done little to show how this new self was different from what came before, or from what followed. And even less has been done to show how this self manifested its identity in the production of western European culture of the late Renaissance. One of the reasons is that the disciplines and their canons have blinded us to the cultural specificity of texts and other artifacts of the time, and we have simply been left to wonder why no modern characters appear in theater and prose fiction before Shakespeare and Cervantes. The post-modern reaction to the radical difference between present and past only makes matters worse as it posits an unbridgeable gap separating us from the past. So, the postmodernist is often tempted to

DANIEL RUSSELL

25

Fig. 2. Lebenstreppe, ca. 1800. Musee des Arts et Traditions Populaires, Paris.

read the past only to confirm modern beliefs, or contemporary views of the self and the world. This approach to the past ultimately differs very little from that of the positivists with their belief in an inexorable teleology of progress driven by some Darwinian causality. The positivist credo insisted that the only difference between ourselves and the past is a matter of degree, and they studied the past only to learn how the present was produced. In the end, positivism and postmodernism meet in a present that denies the independent reality of the past. 2 This is where emblems come in. Having no place in the configuration of the disciplines established in the nineteenth century, nor in the canons they produced, emblems did not attract the attention of the positivists, and have only been of incidental interest to the modernists and postmodernists. 3 But emblems can, by their very nature, provide the historian with invaluable insights into the ways earlier people imagined the human condition and its relation to the world 2. See for example, Regosin, 9, and passim.

3.

But for a postmodern revival of the emblematic turn in English-speaking countries, see Russell 2003.

26

EMBLEMATICA

around them. Our early modern ancestors came to articulate their understanding of our common humanity and approach the world in which they lived in a variety of emblematic and proto- or para- emblematic forms in ways that are not canonical, but that we can access today in the fresh readings made possible only by approaching these documents in their own context and independently of any discipline or canon. Emblems are valuable resources for the cultural historian precisely because they have not been distorted by the requirements of particular disciplines. But how can we come to apprehend the early modern understanding of the human condition from the fragmentary glimpses available in such constructions? The understanding of the human condition at a particular moment in history is reflected in the way cultural constructions are b u i l t . In particular, the way e m b l e m s , p r o t o - and para-emblematic forms were constructed and organized into anthologies or more coherent ensembles provides keys to the understanding of the self in early modern France. After all, it is a commonplace that the impresa and the devise were emblematic compressions of messages expressing their owners' ideal conception of themselves, or the personal goal toward which they were striving. By the seventeenth century, complete biographies of Saints Ignatius Loyola (Imago) and Francois de Sales (Gambart), the Virgin Mary (Binet), and Anne of Austria (Chaumelz) had been developed in series of emblems and devices. What then could be a better place to search for the early modern conception of self than in the structure of emblems, para-emblematic practices, and proto-emblematic productions? Following Ernst Cassirer in his Essay on Man, I take the sense of space to be a universal characteristic of the human condition, and also like Cassirer I believe the way people apprehend and understand space is different at different times and in different places. But I would go farther than Cassirer and claim that the equally universal sense of self is also modulated into different conceptions of the self at different moments of human history. Being conditioned by a conception of space, and consequently of time, the conception of self that prevails at any given moment in history is also intimately linked to the organization of narrative and the construction of pictorial space. In what follows, I intend to explore this hypothesis about the triangular relation between the conception of space, time and subject in the comparison of two sets of tapestries, and through the study of several ways of presenting the Ages of Life. Most of my foundational examples will come from the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, up to about 1540.

DANIEL RUSSELL

27

Fig. 3. Le Miracle de Saint Quentin. Tapestry, ca. 1500. Musee du Louvre, Paris.

28

EMBLEMATICA

This period appears to be a privileged moment of transition between two conceptions of the subject, each of which is conditioned by a particular apprehension of space and time. A tapestry now at the Musee du Louvre in Paris presents the Miracle of St. Quentin (fig. 3). At first glance, and from a distance too great to permit the viewer to read the inscription running along the bottom, it would appear that this long tapestry, measuring a little over eight feet in height and twenty-four feet in length, and dating from the late fifteenth century, presents the various scenes of the narrative simultaneously, much as fifteenth-century Italian narrative paintings often did. But in fact, the intended viewer, if he or she could read, probably did not perceive the scenes simultaneously at all; rather, the explanatory text that runs along the bottom of the tapestry draws any viewer who wishes to read it much too close to the tapestry to register all the scenes simultaneously. The story contained in that text tells how a thief stole a priest's horse from its stable. The priest, having been informed of the robbery by a child, complains of his loss to a magistrate. First, we see a magistrate accompanied by a sergeant and a man-at-arms; these two officers are sent to catch the thief, and he is put in prison. Later, after some time has passed —as is clear from the different states of his growing beard —the thief is brought to trial. The priest, on his knees, begs forgiveness for the culprit. His request is denied; so he prays for intercession before the reliquary of St. Quentin. When the thief is led to the gallows to be hanged, a miracle occurs and the rope breaks, letting the thief fall, unharmed, to the ground. In the final scene we see the thief on his knees giving thanks before the relics of the saint. This presentation of the story provides an exceptionally interesting key for understanding the development of modern narrative time during a period of transition in the Renaissance. First, the text, like any consciously narrative text, is organized in a serial fashion, and the reading of that text fairly compels the viewer to begin perusing the tapestry at the left side, where the text begins. Since the reader needs to stand relatively close to the tapestry to be able to read this text, the entire legend in its various scenes is not simultaneously available to his or her view at any given moment. But that text deftly guides the viewer along the wall and from one scene to the one that follows in the narrative scheme. The passage of time is subtly underlined by such details as the growth of the thief's beard, and time is inherent in the unfolding of the narrative, but each scene in the tapestry, taken separately, is a static tableau, immobilized in time. So there is a tension

DANIEL RUSSELL

29

Fig. 4. Piero di Cosimo, Scenes from the Myth of Prometheus. Alte Pinacothek, Munich.

here between two kinds of time and space: the time and space of the tapestry leaves gaps between highly incarnate, static, scenes, each captured alone, in isolation, as if outside of time. Each scene taken alone tells as little about the whole narrative as a single piece of glass or stone conveys about the entire sense of a mosaic. The time and space of the text provide, through the flow of the narrative, the impression of seamless, inexorable passage. While such a double presentation is not common in late medieval tapestries, it is more often encountered in late medieval northern European woodblock prints such as Israhe van Meckenhem's Dance at the Court of Herod (Landau and Parshall, 59-60) where the dance, the beheading, and the presentation of John's head occur simultaneously in a single print (ca. 1500). But the text guides the viewer from one scene to the next within the picture. Sometimes these prints were very large and ostensibly served the same mural-like decorative purposes as tapestries, but often they were as small as emblem woodcuts, as for example Holbein's Old Testament illustrations. The period around the turn of the century, between approximately 1475 and 1525, was a transitional period, where the old habits are as much in evidence as the new, transitional, trends we can witness in this tapestry. Those old habits are very much in evidence, for example, in Piero di Cosimo's Scenes from the Myth of Prometheus,

30

EMBLEMATICA

now in the Alte Pinacothek in Munich (fig. 4). This painting dates from approximately the same time as the tapestry, or even a little later; here, the composition of the painting fairly forces the viewer into a position from which it is possible to see all the scenes simultaneously. In the absence of any text, the viewer is actually required to stand far enough away from the painting to see more than one, at least, of the scenes at once in order to unriddle the relationships between them, and understand the intention of the entire painting. Put another way, the viewer is left to work assiduously with the whole painting in order to find the relations between the various scenes that will permit him to spin a narrative thread that links them in such a way as to provide the painting with unity and meaning. Such compositions are often called "travel landscapes" since the viewer has to "travel" a discursive route to unravel the sense of the composition (Harthan, 100). Such combinations of sequential scenes presented simultaneously in a single composition continued until at least the middle of the sixteenth century as in Holbein's Old Testament illustrations. In one picture, Josiah is reading the book of Deuteronomy to the Jewish people while in the background a fire consumes the idols he was talking about in his reading (H2r). In another single picture, Holbein simultaneously presents the three moments of the transport of Elias to heaven (G4v). By the sixteenth century, action was, increasingly, more closely bound to a very self-conscious sense of time. The combination of narrative and image in the Miracle of Saint Quentin tapestry in the Louvre and others like it highlights two contrasting and conflicting tendencies in the conjunction of text and image in early modern France. On the one hand, the text could narrativize an image, but, on the other, to do so it had to fragment the illustrated scene so that it could be reorganized into a narratively ordered series of analyzable segments. That is what happens in the St. Quentin tapestry where each event in the sequence is clearly situated in a more or less separate and discrete space, even when the boundaries between them are vague or ambiguous. So, a true narrative flow can be achieved only at the expense of abandoning the unifying integrity of the pictorial image taken as a whole. We are not far here from the tension between text and image in an emblem. Such combinations of picture and text are analogous to a transitional mode of textual narration that is also fragmentary and built around a single, visually striking, event, or series of such events. The dominance of this narrative mode explains why the nouvelle was a

DANIEL RUSSELL

31

more typical form of prose narrative in the French Renaissance than any of the longer forms, and why the Renaissance produced nothing that can fairly, or usefully, be called a novel before Cervantes; the anecdote that forms the core of the nouvelle requires very little development in time, and usually takes shape around a single episodic moment. Such is the way fables were made into emblems (e. g., Alciato, 166: two pots with the motto Aliquid malipropter vicinum malum). Traditionally, the transition is situated with the Lazarillo de Tormes of 1554. Not surprisingly, this picaresque novel is sometimes grouped with "travel" literature, thus reminding one of the "travel landscapes" in painting discussed above. But this transitional type of narration is perhaps most self-consciously in evidence in the fragmentary and episodic unfolding of Rabelais's Gargantua and Pantagruel. Not knowing what to call this great work, and realizing that the term "novel" is entirely unsuited to characterizing the five books of stories from the career of the two giants, M. A. Screech settled a bit uncomfortably on the brilliant compromise term "chronicles"; the term is particularly apt because it presupposes a single narrative voice recounting a heterogeneity of stories, but the voice cannot produce an overview because it emerges from among the stories it tells and has perhaps participated in. As such, the chronicler does not have the overall unified and global view of the historian. As hard as one tries to impose some kind of narrative unity upon this long work, the text resists because of its fragmentary, episodic and anecdotal nature; it is a pure mosaic form. Hence, if one persists in calling it a novel, then it is a bad novel when judged against the genre-defining masterworks of the eighteenth, nineteenth, and early twentieth centuries. The life story of the giants and their friend Panurge took its model from a different conception of the human condition from that of a Balzac hero like Eugene de Rastignac in Le Pere Goriot, and the adventures this kind of hero can conceive and undertake are of a different nature and complexity too. Some tapestries or wall-hangings attempted to capture the drama of human experience in allegories of the kind we find in the series of fragments of the Franco-Flemish tapestry of "The Hunt of the Frail Stag" that Guy de Baudreuil commissioned in the early sixteenth century and that now hangs, in five fragments, in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York (see Cavallo). It seems likely that the sequence originally contained seven scenes, although only the five in New York are actually known to have existed, and like the Miracle of Saint Quentin, they may originally have formed a long choir hanging

32

EMBLEMATICA

Fig. 5. The Hunt of the Frail Stag. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Bequest of Adele L. Lehman, in memory of Arthur Lehman, 1965 (65.181.18). Photograph, all rights reserved, The Metropolitan Museum of Art.

of approximately the same dimensions as that tapestry. In the first scene (fig. 5) Nature sets her hound called Youth after the Stag; then Vanity sounds the horn, and Ignorance unleashes the hounds named Overconfidence, Rashness, and Desire; in the third scene (fig. 6) Old Age and the hounds of that condition, Cold, Heat, Anxiety, Vexation, Heaviness, Fear, Age, and Grief, attack the Stag; finally in scene four (fig. 7) the Stag stops to quench his thirst in a clear pond, and it is there that Sickness spears the Stag and Death sounds his horn to signal that the Stag has been taken; the fifth fragment presents the poet's epilogue on the human condition, where he compares human life to the Stag whose destiny is, in a pun upon the noun "cerf," to be "asservis" to a "chasse mortelle et soubdaine"; life is a short and deadly hunt, and man is the hunted deer.

DANIEL RUSSELL

33

Fig. 6. The Hunt of the Frail Stag. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Bequest of Adele L. Lehman, in memory of Arthur Lehman, 1965 (65.181.20). Photograph, all rights reserved, The Metropolitan Museum of Art.

This allegory of the human condition emerges as a narrativization —and its subsequent transposition into a visual register —of St. Augustine's commentary on the 41 st Psalm, where the psalmist in­ tones: "As the hart panteth after the fountains of water, so my soul panteth after thee, О God." Augustine develops the comparison of the human soul to the stag that becomes thirsty as he kills the ser­ pents he encounters on his path to the Fountain of Truth. Augustine understands these serpents to be man's vices that must be destroyed, for, he thinks, man must thirst after "the Fountain of Truth" if he is to find salvation. In this tapestry version, the artist has developed Au­ gustine's figurative expressions, with their fleeting allusions to the hunt, into full pictures by expanding the implied narrative of the

34

EMBLEMATICA

Fig. 7. The Hunt of the Frail Stag. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Bequest of Adele L. Lehman, in memory of Arthur Lehman, 1965 (65.181.21). Photograph, all rights reserved, The Metropolitan Museum of Art.

hunt to include an allegorization of all the details commonly understood to be part of the hunt, even when they are not mentioned by Augustine. This allegorization thus becomes a pictorial commentary on Augustine's textual meditation. In like manner, emblems were constructed by adding pictures to interpret and unpack the metaphorical density of a text by literalizing its figurative language as in emblem 45 of Georgette de Montenay's Emblemes ou devises chrestiennes of 1567/1571 (Sublato amove, omnia ruunt [After love is taken away, everything collapses]; cf. Adams, 52). In the first two lines of the text, for example, we read that "Par vray amour tout l'Univers est f aict, / Et par luy seul tout est entretenu" [By true love the entire universe is made, and by it alone is everything

DANIEL RUSSELL

35

string to translate the second line into a literalizing visual image. To understand the distance between allegory and emblem, however, a comparison between the allegory of the frail stag and early seventeenth-century religious emblems using the same image is particularly instructive. Both Herman Hugo and Francis Quarles used this image from the first verse of Psalm 41 to build emblems, and we find Hugo's image providing the model for an emblem (Amour altere, 115; fig. 8) in the contemporary Emblemes d'amour divin et humain ensemble. As in the allegory, the emblem develops the image so as to incorporate into it, or attach to it, some of the themes from the Psalm, or from Augustine's well known meditation upon it. In neither the Psalm, nor in Augustine's meditation, are any of the other elements expressed in vivid imagery. Attaching them to the vivid image of the

36

LMBLLMATICA

stag builds a unifying mnemotechnic structure for recalling the entire composition and holding it in mind, while also helping to see the relations between the different parts. The same thing could be done in poetry, as I have tried to show (Russell 1982). In a sonnet by Jean-Baptiste Chassignet, for example, the poet compares his situation to that of the stag in the quatrains: Comme le cerf lance a la meute soudaine Des clabaudans limiers, de destours en destours, Par l'espaisseur des bois tramant cours dessus cours, Souhaite le surjon d'une claire fontaine, Ainsi, moulu d'ennuis et froisse de la peine Que le monde me donne, a la mort je recours Et, fidelle, fattens le desire secours Qui me sauve la vie et me rende l'haleine. (506) [Like the stag set to flight by the sudden pack/ Of yapping hounds from detour to detour/ Through the thickness of the woods weaving course upon course/ Desires the spring of a clear fountain,/ Thus, shaped by troubles and bothered by the pain/ That the world gives me, I have recourse to death/ And, faithful, I await the desired help which saves my life and gives me back my breath.] The first tercet then offers a prayer for the liberation of the soul which is compared somewhat obliquely to the stag in the last tercet. The quatrains form an emblem with the first four lines providing the static picture, while the second quatrain sketches out the emblematic analogy. The verbs take for the most part participial forms and the only conjugated verb, "souhaite/' is in an a-temporal present. Then comes the prayer or meditation on the emblem. But there are many differences between these emblems and allegory; while the allegory builds a narrative around the image of the stag, all these emblems are built around the picture of an isolated scene where the details of sin and struggle are expressed in the guise of traditional signs within the static tableau. In Quarles's version (fig. 9), while the allegory equates the stag with enslavement to sin (cerf/serf: deer/slave), Quarles, like Hugo and his other predecessors, presents us with Anima or the human heart astride the stag or h-a-r-t. In each case, the generating pretext is a homonymous relation be-

DANIEL RUSSELL

37

the stag and some human condition or quality, depending on I ho language used in the text. The different focus thus provided is not, however, merely a linguistic accident: there is something quite anonymous about the serf i n the allegory, while the heart/hart comes across as particular and individual. Quarles's poetic persona self-consciously borrows the image from "David's muse" to represent himself, to help him express, as he puts it, his "desire, / Too intricate to be exprest by Art!" The link is not only one of homonymy, but also of contiguity, as Anima is presented astride the stag. Likewise, the imagery of hounds and hunt is particularized here in a way it was not in the allegory. One hound is merely a serpent in disguise, while the others form, as Quarles puts it, a "Pack of deep-mouth'd Lusts." In the allegory, each hound has a particular role representing one of the faults or vices, but, one senses, could just as well have played some other role at the whim of the creator of this organic allegory, so tenuous and general is the analogy linking the different hounds to the particular vices. For an allegory is an organic whole. Each member contributes to the overall design, but emblems are built from allegorical fragments that must stand alone to make their point and therefore need a much higher degree of nominalist particularization and mannerist articulation than the components of an allegory to express their message effectively. Without the narrative syntax of allegory, an emblem must elaborate its analogies in a more detailed manner that particularizes them. An emblem is built around an image; an allegory inserts that image into the syntax of a narrative. 4 In like manner, a Renaissance individual elaborates an identity around a central core, while the medieval individual derives identity by simply being inserted into some niche with a ready-made identity in the medieval social hierarchy. One might say that both the Renaissance emblem and the Renaissance individual are actually creations of the mannerist style and mentality. To return to our tapestries, the allegory of human life in "The Hunt of the Frail Stag" is presented differently from the story of the Miracle of Saint Quentin. Each stanza seems to be consciously separated from the rest of the text by its position on a separate scroll or banderole. Like most of the extant related tapestries, this wall hanging has IVVIHMI

4.

Perhaps this is why Renaissance humanists saw hieroglyphs as ideograms that could be used to construct narrative syntagms.

38

EMBLEMATICA

I5T7

NASCENDO MORIMVR

Fig. 10. Cornells Antonisz. Allegory of Man's Life.

DANIEL RUSSELL

39

been broken up into fragments, and this state of preservation seems to underline the fragmentary nature of the narration they present. There is no sense of time passing here, only a progression of states, rather of the kind of progression we find, for example, in Petrarch's Triumphs. But the first of Petrarch's triumphs is built, exceptionally, around a chariot, which moves in space, and in most if not all representations of the triumphs in art, this chariot provided the model for constructing all the other triumphs, perhaps because it helped express a newly emerging sense of a more seamless passage from one state of being to the next (Essling and Muntz). The sense of human time passing — as opposed to the unfolding of eschatological time—begins to make itself felt in the presentation of the human life span upon the wheel of fortune or in Vanitas compositions, where some text often underlined the passage of time through the use of finite verbs, or labels explicitly drawing attention to the theme of passing time and what it will bring. In a memento mori woodcut by Cornells Antonisz (fig. 10) several temporal motifs are evoked in various ways: the circle of life by the motto Nascendo morimur [We die for the one being born], in a variation on a line by Manilius, Nascentes morimur, which continues finis ab origine pendet [the end hangs on the beginning]; the Ages of Life by the presence of the child, of the old man (here representing Time), and the skeleton behind him pointing to the motto. 5 Just as in certain tapestries, this engraving contains different kinds of texts: labels, quotes, and explanations. But this is an emblematic representation of human life: time is evoked, but the presentation is, paradoxically, frozen in time; it is a set piece, a tableau, outside time. Man's condition is evoked here, rather than his individual destiny as it unfolds in time. The Renaissance consciousness of the relation between time and narration, and consequently some elements at the origin of modern narration in time, seems to emerge with the model of the Ages of Life. The life of the individual has always been understood in terms of some narrative model: the epic hero with his—for the epic hero was always a man —miraculous birth and precocious feats in childhood,

5. This motto was often used in emblems in combination with the putto and death's head surrounded by the serpent biting his tail, as for example in Rollenhagen, I, 45. In the convent of the Discalced Carmelites in Madrid, the putto and death's head represent Christ's triumph over death. On the theme, see Janson and Tervarent (s. v. tete de mort).

40

EMBLEMATICA

or Horatio Alger with his Balzacian success story, or the life of the saint turning about his or her defining miracles, or the modern biography whose narrative framework probably owes more to the model of the great bildungsromans and other panoramic novels centered on a single, eventually triumphant, hero than to any "objective" reality. One particularly prominent model for capturing the entire scope of the human experience at the end of the Middle Ages and through the Renaissance was the one provided by the theme of the Ages of Life. It had a prominent place in the ubiquitous Books of Hours, and it provided a narrative frame for pastoral compositions such as Edmund Spenser's allegorical Shepherd's Calendar. The model of the Ages of Life (see Chew, chap. 6: "The Path of Life") has existed in one form or another since antiquity, and Pythagoras is often given credit for its creation in the tetradic diagram which aligned the ages with the four seasons or the four humours. Later, the six days of creation or the seven planets provided the model, and the months of the year supplied a popular parallel, but only beginning in the late Middle Ages. There is, then, a tendency to break up the life-span into an increasingly numerous series of sections. At the same time, also in the late Middle Ages, the model began to be moralized through analogies to the wheel, the tree, or finally the steps of life. Such moralizations required, or at least implied, some narrativization to link the stages of life in such a way as to unify the series in relation to the moral message considered to be implicit in the construction. Once the individual life is narrativized in a continuous and consistent way, the movement toward a new conception of the self begins to take shape. In France the first manifestations of the expanded model using the months of the year occur in the fourteenth century, and they were built u pon analogies between the life of man and the sequence of the days of the week, or the months or seasons of the year, or again the decades, or on the model of the seven planets and their traditional character traits, as Guillaume de La Perriere did in the first seven emblems of his Morosophie of 1553.6 La Perriere places the first seven years under the 6. This unbroken sequence in a humanist collection of emblems with no explicit theme is an exception, as is clear from Bernat Vistarini and Cull's discussion of the Ages of Life in the emblems of Covarrubias and other Spanish writers. Generally, an emblem in this corpus presents one of the ages out of sequence, without a context, in a clearly emblematic way. It is true that the last seven emblems in Quarles's Hieroglyphikes of the Life of

DANIEL RUSSELL

41

si^n of the Moon to indicate the instability of early childhood, while Mercury takes over during the second seven because the child is then teachable. Mercury passes the adolescent to Venus, and Phoebus governs the middle of life. It is likely that La Perriere took the material for these emblems from Pedro Mexia's Silva de varia lection (Seville, 1540) that had just been published in Lyons in a French translation by Claude Gruget (1552). There, Mexia presents several schemes for the Ages of Life, beginning with the astrological one in seven stages. What is remarkable here is that each stage is of a different length: infancy lasts four years; "puerilite," ten; adolescence, eight; and so on. After he describes this system at some length, Mexia goes on to present several alternative sytems, including those of Pythagoras with four stages, of Varro with five, and of Aristotle's natural philosophy with three (167-72). The implications of this account are crucial to any understanding of the rise of the modern individual. First, the different length of each age, and the suggestion that these lengths are not fixed, together with a number of different systems to choose from, suggests the individualizing possibilities according to the star and the person's free will. Second, it appears at what is clearly a moment of transition; it is also around 1540 that the seasonal model of the ages began to be displaced by architectural models like the Lebenstreppe, Furthermore, Mexia's acccount was apparently very influential: Ronsard used it for a series of quatrains around 1580, and Ripa guaranteed its dissemination in his Iconologia of 1593, even if he did reverse Mexia's order of presentation of the different systems (pt. II, pp. 40-43). While the earliest of these portrayals of the human adventure were not allegorical —except to the extent that they used analogies to grasp the tension between transience and renewal in the human condition—they could be made into allegories by the use of the wheel of fortune to which the different ages were attached, or by the use of a step arrangement to suggest the ascent and decline of human powers over the course of an entire lifetime; this is the model of the Lebenstreppe that remained popular in folk culture from the Renaissance until the dawn of the twentieth century, as for example in the interesting French example, which dates from 1830, and is shown in figure 2. There the ten decades of life are presented dressed in the Man do present the seven ages of the life of man, but the main theme and organizing pretext is rather the candle which gets progressively shorter. The Ages of Life is a secondary theme in this collection of fifteen emblems.

42

EMBLEMATICA

style of the time, and echoed by the three stages of religious life: confirmation, marriage, and last communion. It is easy to see in this model the origin of the powerful bourgeois metaphor of the ladder of success that served to justify and preserve a hierarchical division of society in the nineteenth century by making human betterment a purely individual undertaking (Williams, 331). One of the most popular and typical versions of the medieval ages of man based on the months of the year was the illustrated Grand Kalendrier et Compost des Bergiers, published in 1491 by Guy Marchand, who was equally well known for his illustrated versions of the Dance of Death. This shepherd's calendar was often reedited until the early years of the seventeenth century. It moralized the twelve months of the year as a microcosm of the human life span. Each month presents itself in a huitain, while the corresponding age of six years is exposed in a piece of verse of varying length, generally measuring from five to eleven lines. The more or less standard text dates back to the fourteenth century, and in Marchand's edition the months and ages are accompaned by medical and dietary advice in Latin. This presentation of the calendar is followed by a variety of almanac material in prose, including astrological lore and recipes for preparing food. Another interesting rewriting of the prototype is found in a rhymed version from the 1480s called La comparaison faicte des douze moys de Van comparez aux .xij. eages de Vhomme, the comparison of the twelve months of the year to the twelve ages of man. Here each month speaks to describe itself, and is followed by a short speech by the comparable age period. It is interesting to observe here that, because of the variety of distinctly different voices, each age seems to be represented by a completely different person, as if there were no continuity in the human condition other than the one provided by the cycle of life and the months of the year. In fact, in the Middle Ages the human person possessed no continuity in time as we understand it; its only unity came from its place within the hierarchy of the society in which it has been situated at any given moment. 7 These rewritings provided a model for the presentation of the Ages of Life in the books of hours, where the months and ages are conflated and described, but do not speak for themselves, as in July from Thielman Kerver's Hours in the 1522 edition (fig. 11): Saige doibt estre ou ne sera iamais Lhomme quant il a quarante deux ans

DANIEL RUSSELL

43

Lors sa beaulte decline desormais Comme en Juillet toutes fleurs sont passans. [The man who reaches 42 years must be wise, or he never will be. From then on his beauty declines as in July all flowers are passing (my translation).] This impersonal warning about the passage of one's good looks (and by implication of health and vigor too) sets up an isolated portrait of a man at the age of 42, shown as a fragm e n t of h i m s e l f t h a t seems to have little to do with earlier moments in his life. Such attention to the precise dating of the ages is echoed in contemporary portraits where the age of the sitter was often inscribed in the painting, sometimes along with the d a t e of an i m p o r t a n t event in the sitter's life, as perhaps a marriage, or a memento mori alluding to t h e p a s s a g e of t i m e (Campbell, 35, 128, 195). P o r t r a i t u r e itself, as Fig. 11. Thielman Kerver, Book of Hours, 1522. M o n t a i g n e r e m a r k e d , The month of July. Cf. Rey-Flaud, 277: "Pour la mentalite medievale, la vie n'est point prise de possession par l'homme d'une certaine duree mise a sa disposition pour exprimer sa personnalite ou mettre sa marque dans le monde. La vie n'est que la juxtaposition de diverses etapes, qu'il parcourt sans en avoir conscience, vers le but ultime qui est la mort. C'est le sens profond de l'allegorie des Divers Ages de l'Homme: l'homme ne se realise jamais, il parcourt une route jalonnee a l'avance, ne prenant conscience de son etat qu'a chaque jalon."

44

EMBLEMATICA

commenting on the difference between two portraits of himself done at different times (111:13, 1102), bore witness to change and the passage of time, and the use of precise dating in such portraits only emphasized that passage. But difference still seemed to be recognized with only the occasional allegorical attempt to explain the change that produced it, as in Titian's emblematic Allegory of Prudence (Raman) or in portraits where the subject was presented in mythological disguise (Bardon). This presentation of the ages of man's life was still conditioned by an Aristotelian conception of space, in which, as Ernst Cassirer (1963, 181ff.) has explained, the difference between places or, in this context, moments in the life span, was as essential and absolute as the difference between physical elements. Narrativizing in time requires another conception of space, that of the homogeneous, systematic space which permits universal regularity of movement, and insures that the same construction is possible from all points in space. This is the kind of space that permitted the development of modern map-making, beginning around 1570, about the time Montaigne was starting to refine his study of himself and explore the implications of this new kind of time and space for his own ideal model of the self. As he says at the beginning of "Du Repentir" (III: 2, 805): "Je peints le passage: non un passage d'aage en autre, ou, comme diet le peuple, de sept en sept ans, mais de jour en jour, de minute en minute." [I portray passing. Not the passing of one age to another, or, as the people say, from seven years to seven years, but from day to day, from minute to minute, (trans. Donald Frame)]. And this passage follows hard upon a confession of his preoccupation with the movement, instability, and inconstancy of himself and the world around him. The model of the ages of man no longer fits the experience of Montaigne. He has broken the series of stages, or ages, down from the seasons of life into a mosaic of ever-smaller moments that has at least the potential for producing a continuous narrative line. Neverthelesss, Montaigne is still a transitional figure, as is clear when he falls back on the rhetoric of the Ages of Life, especially in "Sur des vers de Virgile" (III, 5). At the beginning of this chapter he asserts "Que l'enfance regarde devant elle, la vieillesse derriere . . ." [1965, 841; Let childhood look ahead, old age backward . . . trans. Frame] and toward the end he returns to this rhetoric in a passage quoted in his Maechden-plicht by the emblematist, Jacob Cats: " . . . l'amour ne me semble proprement et naturellement en sa saison qu'en l'aage voisin de l'enfance . . . " (1965, 895; Love does not

DANIEL RUSSELL

45

Fig. 12. Jorg Breu, the Younger, The Ages of Life.

seem to me properl у and naturally in its season except in the age next to childhood . . . trans. Frame). In this context, it is curious to find that the model based on the analogy between the months of the year and the Ages of Life did, in fact, serve as a frame for unifying an individual life and its adven­ tures and providing it with the coherence of a more truly narrative presentation. Such is the case in Spenser's Shepherd's Calendar, which does not actually present the ages of life, but still uses the cyclical model of the months as a vaguely allegorical outline for the narrative of an individual's adventures. By the late sixteenth century, that model had, evidently, become an empty vessel like much emblem im­ agery. The fact that Spenser's work has little to do with the traditional model simply shows how the new model of human destiny begin­ ning to take shape was actually quite different from the one proposed by the different versions of the Ages of Life.

46

EMBLEMATICA

Any presentation of the Ages of Life needs some narrative pretext and structure. The seasons or months of the year, the decades, the seven planets, or the inexorable rise and fall of Fortune's wheel served this purpose well in the late Middle Ages, when the human condition realized itself at an individual level in the communal forms of types and trades, or against the background of seasonal changes of weather, and the varieties of field work that they commanded in an agrarian society. But with the coming of the Renaissance, human destiny began to be played out in increasingly diverse ways. As a result, the representation of the ages of man's life began to take on forms that reflected less communal models and imperatives than the several human drives and weaknesses that shape an individualized destiny. This change began to become evident mainly during the sixteenth century. One particularly striking, if late, example is Raphael Sadeler, the Elder's, series of engravings of four allegories of the human ages of life: Amor, Labor, Honor, and Dolor. These divisions still correspond to the seasons of life, but they also provide the outlining coordinates of a structural model for a much more individualized narrative of an internalized development than earlier models based, for example, on the seasons or the months of the year. These passions reside in the individual, even if they can be shared by all members of the human kind, and they are modulated by the different circumstances in which they come into play; the seasons, on the other hand, exist only outside the individual and provide no more than a common ground for the unfolding of a life that is understood to be more or less the common lot of all men, depending on the will of Fortune; that is, one feels that he or she has been assigned a role in society, but could just as easily have been assigned another. And while Sadeler's model had no following before the eighteenth century, it does provide a particularly clear signal of a trend toward more narrative versions of the Lebensalter, the most prominent of which was the Lebenstreppe, with its implicit drama of the rise and fall of an individual destiny as that person climbed the steps to the glorious top of the monument arch, and then descended the other side toward death. The works of two sixteenth-century Northern European artists, Jorg Breu, the Younger, and Cornells Antonisz contain engravings that provide interesting contrasts to the late medieval versions of the Ages of Life discussed above. Breu uses what was to become the more conventional model of a bridge-like structure to create his path of steps, while Antonisz chose a monumental arch structure. But either model projects a different and more individualized kind of narrative

DANIEL RUSSELL

47

Fig. 13. Cornells Antonisz, The Ages of Man.

time than the model of the months or the four seasons. That time is a communal time, and in it, life is presented as a series of discrete fragments, each radically isolated from all the others, often by monumental frames as in the example from Kerver's book of hours presented above, or by more simple ones in the Marchand Kalendrier. The communal aspect of human destiny is also underlined in Marchand's work by the presence of more than one actor, and sometimes several, in each scene. Breu's version (fig. 12) dates from 1540 and shows the ten decades of the ages of man, each coupled with the animal that had typified it since the Middle Ages: these couplings replace a text, for it

48

EMBLEMATICA

is clear that a child is like a playful kid; the adolescent, like an awkward calf; the mature man, like a wise lion; and so on. Antonisz used a house-like structure (Armstrong, 81-84; fig. 13) thus making one think of the tradition of memory houses that stretched back through the Middle Ages to antiquity. Perhaps the artist chose it here to evoke the theme of the memento mori, or perhaps he wished to underline the role of individual memory in creating a unified idea of the self. In any event, the numerical divisions are again by decade, and it is interesting to remark as well that, by positioning the cradle next to the coffin, the artist has also evoked the circular form of the wheel of fortune while recalling Manilius's epigrammatic line cited in a variant form above: Nascentes morimur. The text, which is incomplete in all known copies of the print, is deployed in monumental frames that belie the homely proverbial expression of their message. The twenty-year old for example has a falcon and the usual calf. The text in the cartouche next to him explains: A proud young man Of twenty years Is merry in his Behavior Not knowing About saving, (trans. Armstrong) Although there is not much sense of connection between the scenes and texts, the shape of the house does provide some structural continuity, continuity of a kind almost entirely lacking in earlier versions of the theme. It has been my more or less explicit contention throughout this essay that the emblem shares certain characteristics with the transitional model of the self in evidence throughout the Renaissance. In summary, the relations between the evolving sense of self in early modern Europe and emblem literature may be described as follows. First, it is plain that, like the Dances of Death, which were also popularized in France by the versions Guy Marchand published in the late fifteenth century, the French versions of the shepherd's calendar were early forerunners, with their combinations of picture and text, of the first emblem books. Indeed, Robert Farley actually shaped the shepherd's calendar into an emblem book in England early in the seventeenth century. And by the middle of the seventeenth century, certain circular engravings of the months and ages, attributed to Henry

DANIEL RUSSELL

49

Vaughan and destined to be pasted on the bottom of wooden trenchers, actually referred to themselves as emblems (Bath and Jones). Second, as I have argued elsewhere (Russell 1995), the emblem was part of the residue of a break-up of the great medieval allegories and the symbolic systems that subtended them. As a result, these fragments were no longer restricted in their meaning by the narrative syntagm of a unified allegory, but required some text to explain how they were intended to be read. Likewise, I believe that Renaissance individualism was partly the result of a break-up of the medieval conception of the self that took its integrity and unity from its closely delimited and defined place in the rigidly immobile hierarchy of medieval society. Like emblematic imagery, the different scenes of an individual life needed some moralizing explanation as they sometimes find in the representations of the Ages of Life. Third, just as the Ages of Life began to be narrativized in new ways that concentrated on the individual rather than the cycle of the months and the seasons, for example in the Lebenstreppe, so too did emblem books, especially in the seventeenth century, begin to be organized along thematic lines that suggest a new spatial organization and a unified construction capacious enough to accommodate all the emblems in the book. This trend is in particular evidence in those biographies of the Virgin Mary, or of famous people such as Anne of Austria, constructed entirely out of emblems and emblem-like devices. In Jakob Cats's Silenus Alcibiadis of 1618 a series of 50 engravings are each given three readings, amorous, moral, and religious in a way that embeds them in the model of the three Ages of Life: youth, maturity, and old age (see Henebry 2003). Francis Quarles's Hieroglyphikes of the Life of Man of 1638 conflates several of the models studied above. Each of the fifteen emblems is built around a candle, and each of the last seven candles becomes progressively shorter as Quarles moves through the seven Ages of Life. But he also uses the model of the Lebenstreppe when he claims in Hieroglyph. 1 that "Man is the stayres whereby his knowledge climes/ To his Creator, . . ." (Quarles 1993, 3). But Man needs a true light that the author hopes will come from God to guide his pen. This is the light of the fifteen candles that turn into a metaphor for the shortness of man's life. In the twelfth Hieroglyph man is reaching the middle of his course: "The number'd Steps that we have gone, do show/ The number of those steps we are to goe" (Quarles 1993,47). By the time we reach the thirteenth emblem "Our blazing Tapour now hath lost/ Her better half..." (51). The metaphor of the candle, which

50

EMI3LEMATICA

routinely represented the life of man, has been fragmented here into multiple metaphors following the dual model of the Ages of Life and the Lebenstreppe. To conclude, then, it is possible to see in the evolving presentations of the Ages of Life a movement toward a new conception of the individual self built upon a new conception of system space which made possible the construction of a personality along the lines of an internally organized and regulated unity, rather than in relation to a place, and identifying, or even characterizing, status within a particular social hierarchy or natural destiny. That is very much in evidence in the great theatrical constructions of the seventeenth century, where the unity and continuity of character and action contrast with sixteenth-century theater which often consists in a series of set pieces, where the tableau is complemented by sententious monologues, or long-winded choruses. Even in the seventeenth century, action is sometimes stopped, as in plays by Marlowe or the German baroque dramatists, by an emblematic tableau that interrupts the flow of action and prepares the leap to another stage in the drama (Duer). But by the time we reach the career of Racine, the emblem no longer reflects any profound cultural reality and no more emblematic tableaux stop the action to reflect from without upon the course of events. It is an interesting testimony to the cultural conservatism of human societies that one of Racine's tasks, late in life, as historiographer of Louis XIV, was to compose emblematic devices for the medals that were struck and distributed at the New Year (Jacquiot). 8 Such are the ironies of cultural change! Works Cited Armstrong, Christine Megan. The Moralizing Portraits of Cornelis Anthonisz. Princeton, NJ, 1990. Bardon, Franchise. Le Portrait mythologique a la cour de France sous Henri IV et Louis XIII. Mythologie et politique. Paris, 1974. Bath, Michael, and Malcolm Jones. "Emblems and Trencher Decorations: Further Examples/ 7 Emblematica 10 (1996): 205-10. Bernat Vistarini, Antonio, and John T. Cull. "Las edades del hombre en los libros de emblemas Espanoles." Criticon 71 (1997): 5-31.

8. Boileau and Racine were appointed historiographers of the king in 1677.

DANIEL RUSSELL

51

Binet, Etienne. Meditations affectueuses sur la vie de la tressainte Vierge Mere de Dieu. Antwerp: Martin Nutius for Theodore Galle, 1632. Campbell, Lome. Renaissance Portraits. New Haven CT and London, 1990. Cassirer, Ernst. An Essay on Man. 1944; New Haven and London, 1963. . The Individual and the Cosmos in Renaissance Philosophy. Trans. Mario Domandi. New York, 1964. Cavallo, Adolfo Salvatore. Medieval Tapestries in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York, 1993. Chaumelz, Leonard. Devises panegyriques pour Anne d'Autriche. Bordeaux, 1667. Chassignet, Jean-Baptiste. Le Mespris de la vie et consolation contre la mort. Ed. Hans-Joachim Lope. Paris and Geneva, 1967. Chew, Samuel C. The Pilgrimage of Life. An Exploration into the Renaissance Mind. New Haven, CT, and London, 1962. Dal, Erik. The Ages of Man and the Months of the Year. Copenhagen, 1980. Duer, Leslie T. "The Painter and the Poet: Visual Design in The Duchess ofMalfi." Emblematica 1 (1986): 293-316. Emblemes d'amour divin et humain ensemble. Paris: Jean Messager, n. d. (ca. 1631). Essling, Prince d', and E. Muntz. Petrarque, les etudes d'art, son influence sur les artistes . . . Paris, 1902. Farley, Robert. Kalendarium vitae humanae. The Calendar of Man's Life. London, 1638. Gambart, Adrien. La Vie symbolique du bienheureux Frangois de Sales. Paris, 1664. Harthan, John. The History of the Illustrated Book. The Western Tradition. 1981; London, 1997. Heller, Agnes. Renaissance Man. Trans. Richard E. Allen. New York, 1981. Henebry, Charles W. "Wrestling Proteus: Explication as Metaphoric Struggle in Jacob Cats's Silenus Alcibiadis, sive Proteus." Emblematica 13 (2003): 131-72. Holbein, Hans. Images from the Old Testament. Historiarum Veteris Testamenti Icones. London and New York, 1976. Hugo, Herman. Pia desideria. Antwerp, 1624. Imago primi saeculi Societatis Iesu a Provincia Flandro-Belgica. Antwerp, 1640.

52

EMBLEMATICA

Jacquiot, Josephe. Medailles el jetons de Louis XIV d'aprcs le mamiscrit de Londres Add. 31.908. 4 vols. Paris, 1968 [1970]. Janson, H. W. "The Putto with the Death's Head/ 7 Art Bulletin 19 (1937): 423-49. Landau, David, and Peter Parshall.T/ie Renaisseance Print, 1470-1550. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994. La Perriere, Guillaume de. La Morosophie. Introduction by Alison Saunders. 1553; Aldershot, England, 1993. Mexia, Pedro. Les Diverses Lecons de Pierre Messie. Trans. Claude Gruget. Lyons, 1580. Montaigne, Michel de. Les Essais. Ed. Pierre Villey and V.-L. Saulnier. Paris, 1965. Montaigne, Michel de. The Complete Works. Trans. Donald M. Frame. Stanford, CA, 1948. Montenay, Georgette de. Emblesmes, ou devises chrestiennes. 1571; rpt. Menston, England, 1973. Quarles, Francis. Emblemes and Hieroglyphikes of the Life of Man. 1635, 1638; London, 1696. Quarles, Francis. Emblemes and Hieroglyphikes of the Life of Man. 1635, 1638. Introduction by Karl Josef Holtgen and John Horden. Hildesheim: Olms, 1993. Raman, Shankar. "Performing Allegory: Erwin Panofsky and Titian's Allegory of Prudence." Emblematica 13 (2003): 1-38. Regosin, Richard L. Montaigne's Unruly Brood. Textual Engendering and the Challenge to Paternal Authority. Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1996. Rey-Flaud, Henri. Le Centre magique. Essai sur le theatre en rond a la fin du Moyen Age. Paris, 1973. Ripa, Cesare. Iconologie. Trans. Jean Baudoin. 1643; facsimile rpt. Paris, 1989. Rollenhagen, Gabriel. Nucleus emblematum. 2 vols. Cologne/Arnheim, 1611-1613. Ronsard, Pierre de. Oeuvres completes. Vol 18. Ed. Paul Laumonner. Paris, 1967 Russell, Daniel. "Conception of Self, Conception of Space and Generic Convention: An Example from the Heptameron." Sociocriticism 4/5 (1986-87): 159-83. . "Emblematic Structures in Renaissance French Poetry." Jahrbuchfiir Internationale Germanistik (1982): 54-100. . Emblematic Structures in Renaissance French Culture. Toronto, 1995. . "Icarus in the City: Emblems and Post-Modernism." Emblematica 13 (2003): 333-58. Screech, M. A. Rabelais. Ithaca, NY, 1979.

DANIEL RUSSELL

53

Sears, Elizabeth. The Ages of Man. Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle. Princeton, NJ, 1986. Tervarent, Guy de. Attributs et symboles dans I'art profane. 1450-1600. Geneva, 1958. Williams, Raymond. Culture and Society. 1780-1950. 2 nd edition. New York, 1983.

53

Pierre Coustau's Le Pegme (1555): Emblematics and Legal Humanism VALERIE HAYAERT ENS Lyon

Unlike the flumen abundans of editions of Andrea Alciato's emblems, the collection of Pierre Coustau, a contemporary of this famed Milanese jurist, has until now sparked little interest; however his work provides a veritable laboratory of esthetic experimentation at the heart of the sixteenth century when this new genre was born in a European context. It is my project here to reconstitute the range of a scholar like Pierre Coustau, in a context of exchanges, reciprocal influences, borrowings, in short, of everything that goes into forming the complex relations of a network of scholars. This Parisian jurist does not seem to have been less erudite than his learned contemporary, M. Gilles Bourdin, according to the description of him found in Loisers Dialogue des avocats: II estoit tres-docte en toutes bonnes lettres et sciences; il entendoit parfaitement les langues grecque et latine; il n'estoit point ignorant en l'hebraique, lisant ordinairement les auteurs en leurs langues; il estoit sgavant en theologie, en medecine, aux mathematiques; il avoit bien estudie en droict, et de bonne fa?on; car il avoit les textes fort en main, et lisoit quasi tous les ans le Corps de droict, et pareillement les ordonnances . . . (84-85) [He was very learned in all good letters and sciences; he understood perfectly the Greek and Latin languages; he was not ignorant of Hebrew. He usually read authors in their own language; he was learned in theology, medicine 55

56

1:MBL[:MAIICA

and mathematics; he had studied the law well and in the right way, for he had the texts well in hand, and just about every year read the body of the law and similarly the ordinances . . . ] The figure whose picture we are trying to re-establish here is that of a particularly learned scholar. The gloss, the emblem, and the "philosophical narration" are the different facets of a single body of thought, and, by attentively examining the multidisciplinary margins of a body of knowledge whose anchor remains the man and his work, we intend to reconstruct, as far as possible, the form of thought of this polyglot humanist, who was insatiably in love with truth in all its forms. While revealing as far as possible the poly valence of the applications of mental images contained in the Pegme, but also in Pierre Coustau's other work, we will try to reconstitute a more accurate view of what characterizes the emblematic and philological mentality of one humanist jurist of this period. Very close attention to the manner in which fragments are inserted into texts, whether they betray their origins or not, will perhaps permit us to demonstrate how the citation is as valuable as a proof and fits into the nested discourse of a rhetorical exercise. 1. Coustau, Costalius

and Costus: the onomastic enigma

In order to carry this analysis to a successful conclusion, we will first study the paratext 1 of the work of Pierre Coustau to uncover a body of unanticipated convergences. It will then be necessary to illuminate the most significant intratextual elements within the framework of our argument: it is a matter of the phenomena of quotation that prove the recurrence of the same emblematic grammar and the innutrition of the same hypotexts in the writings of Petrus Costalius and Petrus Costus. In 1557 the jurist, Pierre Coustau, addressed an epigram to his friend Philibert Bugnyon in honor of Phidie, the heroine of the latter's Erotasmes de Phidie et Gelasine. His name, in those days spelled Pierre Costau, is followed by the initials LC. Parisiensis. He was therefore a 1. We are borrowing this term from Gerard Genette for whom the word "paratexte" includes, among other things, indications such as the name of the author, of the editor, the place and date of publication; we would add the indication of a translator, of the engraver, and any introductory pieces. A hypotext is the earlier text which is varied or changed in the hypertext.

VALERIE HAYAERT

57

man of law (Juris Consultus), and came from Paris. Material in the National Archives in Paris permit a precise description of the socio-cultural milieu of our author. Pierre Coustau, a parliamentary lawyer in Paris, was named after his father, Pierre Coustau, a commissioner at the Chatelet, and the husband of Jeanne Courtin. They lived in the rue de la Grande Truanderie in the Chatelet quarter in Paris. 2 Pierre Coustau, the younger, had three brothers: Jean, also a parliamentary lawyer who was, along with others, included in the introductory dedication of Adversaria Pandectis by Costalius, as well as in the postscript letter of Petrus Costus's Targum Qoheleth. Antoine, collector of "Aides et Tailles" in the city of Nemours, was the husband of damoiselle Catherine Migault. Nicolas was an elected official in Paris. In addition, he had three sisters: Marie, the wife of the parliamentary lawyer Pierre Tanneguy, Madeleine Guillou, the wife of Guillaume Lenormant (or Normant), a prosecutor at the Chatelet, and lastly, Claude, the wife of another Chatelet prosecutor, Nicolas Guynet. Listed in the donation for the marriage certificate of Jean Coustau, 3 a parliamentary lawyer and Marguerite Beauclerc, for whom Guichard Courtin was the guardian, were the following witnesses for both the husband and wife; our author is among Jean's witnesses: For her: Me Aubert Beauclerc, father. Me Aubert Beauclerc, parliamentary lawyer, first cousin. Me Conaud de Vallee, General of Monnoyes, brother-in-law. Me Jherosme Savyn, Lord of Myramyen, brother-in-law. Me Didier de Ramere, cousin. Me Loys Hubault, accounts auditor, cousin. Me Denys Denise, accounts prosecutor, cousin. Me Nicolle Jacquet, cousin 2.

Our deep thanks to Mr. Robert Descimon, who generously provided us with invaluable archival assistance. See National Archives, Paris LXVIII, 23,11 February 1558: "Nobles personnes Jehanne Courtin, veuve de Pierre Coustault, commissaire examinateur au Chatelet de Paris, et de Me Pierre Coutault, avocat au Parlement, son fils, constituent a 50 H de rente nt 600 H sur une maison a Paris, rue Grande Truanderie ou ils demeurent. . . ."

3.

Ibid. XLIX, 105, first document in the packet, IV.1557.

58

FMBLbMATICA

Me Nicolle Courtin, cousin. Me Berthrand Hemon, prosecutor at the Chatelet of Paris, cousin and godfather. Me Jeh. Rodin, cousin Me Leonard Goulas, cousin. 4 For him: Me Pierre Coustaut, his brother, a lawyer in the aforementioned court Me Pierre Tanneguy, prosecutor in the aforementioned court, brother-in-law. Mes Jacques Dumoullin and Guil. Normant, prosecutors at the Chatelet of Paris, and brothers-in-law of Coustaut. 5 Pierre Coustau is generally known only for being the author of a collection of emblems whose title is translated as Pegme. The editio princeps in Latin 6 offers a rather distinctive variant in comparison to Andrea Alciato's prototype, as it adds to the canonical form of the emblem (motto, picture, and epigram) the novelty of a "philosophical 4.

Leonard Goulas is mentioned by Etienne Pasquier in the Dialogue des advocate du Parlement de Paris parAntoine Loisel, p. 75 of the revised 1844 edition. Here Loisel and Pasquier mention many well-known names of jurists contemporary with Pierre Coustau: Du Faur de Pibrac, De Thou, Du Mesnil and lastly, the late Leonard Goulas, a cousin of Pierre Coustau who is described this way: "C'etoit un scavant et docte personnage, et non seulement en droict, mais aussi en theologie et autres bonnes lettres, ainsi que j'ay pu reconnoistre par le reste qui s'est sauve de sa bibliotheque, et surtout tres homme de bien et fort devot en vers Dieu; ce qui doit servir d'exemple et de consolation a sa posterite, laquelle dure a present avec honneur."

5. The investigation of the archives begun here will subsequently be expanded, by a more systematic study of the notarized deeds of the Coustau family, itemized in the papers of the lawyer Bergeon, in order to propose a conjectural reconstruction of the genealogy of Pierre Coustau.

6. Petri Costalii Pegma, cum narrationibus philosophicis (Lyons: Mace Bonhomme, 1555). The acheve d'imprimer is dated January 10th, 1555; Le Pegme de Pierre Coustau, mis en Francoys par Lanteaume de Romieu gentilhomme d'Aries (Lyons: Mace Bonhomme, Michel Bonhomme, and Barthelemy Molin, 1560). Concerning the precise bibliographical description of the cited works, see Adams, Rawles, and Saunders, F.200-202. The edition cited here is the facsimile of the translation of the Pegme of 1560 published by Garland in 1979. Le Pegme is digitally available as well {editio princeps and last edition), on the website: www.bnf.gallica.fr;

VALERIE HAYAERT

59

narration/' The second edition is a vernacular translation of the em­ blems alone by Lanteaume de Romieu, a gentleman from Aries, and was published just nine days after the first. Lastly, the third edition is a complete French translation of the Latin work, also by Lanteaume de Romieu, including the philosophical narrations and dated 1560. All of these editions were printed by the famed Mace Bonhomme in Lyons; with the exception of,the third which was printed jointly with Barthelemy Molin, a printer in Avignon. The life of Pierre Coustau is not well known: the few biographical notices that are dedicated to him are altogether incomplete, even er­ roneous. The biographers of the history of the Dauphine region, Adolphe Rochas, Leon Cote, and Paul Berthet, wrongly agreed that he came from Dauphine. Rochas wrote on this matter: "COUSTAU Pierre: Vivant au XVIe, originaire du Viennois, 7 il a laisse trois ouvrages sous le nom de Petrus Costalius." The first is entitled Adversariorum ex Pandectis Justiniani imperatoris liber prior, ad quinque et viginti antecedentes libros. It is a commentary on the Pandects, which gives additional proof of his ca­ reer as a jurist, which Alison Saunders doubted in one of the rare arti­ cles dedicated to Coustau. That the Parisian jurist Pierre Coustau would write a commentary on the Pandects in addition to a collection of emblems is quite under­ standable, given Alciato's model. The various biographies of jurists consulted have not shed any significant light on our subject. The name of the jurist Petrus Costalius is mentioned in 1692 by Attorney Denis Simon, 8 biographer of renowned men of law since Irnerius: Petrus COSTALIUS ecrivoit vers l'an 1554 a Vienne en Dauphine. И a fait Adversaria sur les 25 premiers Livres du Digeste, ou il explique les principales avec beaucoup de

7.

This origin in Vienne was probably deduced from Coustau's correspondence.

8. Nouvelle Bibliotheque historique et chronologiquel/Des principaux auteurs et interpretes du Droit Civilf/Canonique et Particulier de plusieurs Etats et Provinces// depuis IRNERIUS, avec les caracteres de leurs esprits /let des jugements sur leurs Ouvrages.//Ensemble Vldee d'un bon jugellet d'une Dissertation touchant les coutumes. By Maitre Denis Simon, Conseiller au Presidial, et Assesseur en la Marechaussee de Beauvais (Paris, chez Robert Pepie, rue Saint Jacques, 1692), 100.

60

EMBLEMATICA

пеНлЧсЧЧ d'erudition, et par rapport a I'usage. Ceux qui ont ecrit apres luy, ont beaucoup tire de ses Ouvrages. [Petrus COSTALIUS was writing around 1554 in Vienne in the Dauphine. He prepared Adversaria on the first 25 books of the Digest, where he explains the principal ones with geat clarity and erudition, and in relation to practice. Those who have written in his wake have taken much from his works.] Petrus Costalius nevertheless seems to have sunk quite soon into complete oblivion because in 1721 he is no longer mentioned by Pierre Taisand, another biographer of famous jurists, even though he made extensive reference to Denis Simon's book. After setting forth a wealth of bibliographical information from his various sources, and touching on the problem of legal writers living in the sixteenth century, the work of Denis Simon explains in great detail the biographical and philological method he followed: I have had the greatest difficulty discovering the age and the time of death for our French authors from before the year 1543 and those of this century because we only have Monsieur de Thou who spoke about some of them between 1543 and 1607. Sainte Marthe and Pierre Masson only speak of a very few. Nothing is remarked about the time in the Di­ alogue of the Lawyers and I have often been obliged with respect to the others to have recourse to epitaphs, paintings and prefaces to their books, in addition to what I could de­ duce from their writings. 9 It is this method, for lack of a better one, that we have adopted as well. The second work attributed to Petrus Costalius is his collection of emblems which is more particularly the object of our research. Finally, the last work listed under this name is an ode to peace, De pace carmen 9. Nos Auteurs Francois avant Tan 1543 et ceux de ce Siecle, ont ete ceux dont j'ai eu plus de peine a decouvrir l'age et le tems de la mort, dautant que nous n'avons que Monsieur de Thou qui a parle de quelques-uns depuis 1543 jusqu'en 1607. Sainte Marthe et Pierre Masson ne parlent que d'un tres-petit nombre. II n'est rien marque des tems au Dialogue des Avocats; et j'ay ete souvent oblige a regard des autres d'avoir recours aux Epitaphes, Tableaux et Prefaces de leurs Livres, outre les inductions que j'ay tirees de leurs Ecrits.

VALERIE HAYAERT

61

of 1559, published by Anet Briere, in Paris. It is an occasional piece, part of a vast body of odes and songs to peace, all in honor of the Treaty of Cateau-Cambresis of 1559, of which the most famous were composed by the poets of the Pleiade: du Bellay, Remy Belleau, Mellin de Saint Gellais, etc. According to Augustin Renouard, Anet Briere was renowned as a printer and bookseller and worked in Paris from 1551 to 1566. Beyond the biographical and topographic uncertainties, which — we fully understand —can only exceptionally be of real interest, it is especially important to show that these three works, sometimes noted in a summary fashion by bibliographers under the name of Costalius, are perhaps only the tip of the iceberg of a vaster written production, touching on fields other than law and emblems, traditionally associated since Alciato, one being the negotium, the other the otium of one and the same form of thought. As such, Latin emblems and their mnemonic resources are both leisure activities and study aids useful as memory exercises for jurists often needing to deal with long mosaic compilations of ancient legal texts, which, we recalled earlier, are hermeneutically unreliable. In order to reconstitute the work of our humanist, it is advisable to conduct an onomastic inquiry by reestablishing the string of names to which our author can be related. For phonetic reasons and according to the variable spelling of the sixteenth century, we will keep: Cousteau, Coustau, Coustault (archives), Costau, Costal (according to the questionable gallicizing of Costalius by the biographer Adolphe Rochas), and in Latin, Costalius, but also Costus. Through this complicated case, the question of the latinization of the names of French intellectuals during the Renaissance becomes unavoidable. Pierre Coustau seems to have latinized his name in two different ways, one seemingly less orthodox than the other, although at the time there was no precise rule regarding the matter: 1) Costalius: The name Coustault was probably latinized by working back through the vocalization of the I into u; 2) Costus: The diphthong au, still alive in Middle French, is abandonned for the advantage of the ending -us, according to a dialectal evolution. This hypothesis led us to a brief incursion into historical phonetics. 10 10. Why and according to what kind of evolution of historical phonetics could Coustau have latinized his name in this way? The question is rather tricky because it requires us to take the reverse route to the one we are accustomed in the

62

EMBLEMATICA

So, this double latinization, far from being preposterous or prob­ lematic, is perfectly explainable from the point of view of historical phonetics. But why Coustau adopted two Latin names can not be re­ duced to a simple question of historical phonetics: the question of the choice of a name is as old as the Bible. Two traditions can explain Pi­ erre Coustau's name change: a form of cratylism as understood by Eusebius and the Stoic conception of the name, that presupposes that the person always escapes from the name. We will not explore these hypotheses here. This hypothesis of the double latinization of his name has appeared defensible to us after the investigation of a number of unexpected convergences, confirmed by our ongoing research. A priori, nothing allows one to say that Costus and Costalius are one and the same per­ son. Baudrier made a list of the works of Petrus Costus, but he wrote that this author is not identified. The first is Typus Messiae et Christi Do­ mini ex veterum prophetarum praesensionibus contra Judaeorum, authore Petro Costo, Lugduni apud Matthiam Bonhomme, 1554. This text pro­ ceeds from a typological reading of the Bible which seeks the types and antitypes that allow a re-reading of the New Testament in the framework of the phonetic evolution from Classical Latin to Modern French. We must try to understand why the French forms of his name, attested to in his dedi­ cation pieces (Coustau, Costau), could be latinized into Costalius and Costus. The first form is a completely orthodox latinization: the palatalized 1 (1 + yod) at the end of the word had lost its palatalization in Old French before an inflected s (transformed into ts, written z) and it was then vocalized; this vocalization of the 1 is one of the notable traits of French phonetics: Latin charts from the tenth cen­ tury already used the notation au for al in Germanic proper names (ex: Rainaudus). The second Latin form of his name (Costus) is only explainable by a dialectal evolution mentioned by the phoneticians E. and J. Bourciez and by Genevieve Joly. Costau can be latinized into Costus because in front of an s (fading at the end) the open о comes from the diphthong au. This diphthong, contrary to the origi­ nal Latin au, became a closed о in the period of Middle French, without a doubt by lengthening and segmentation then reduction (closed ao, closed oo), for ex­ ample, that already seemed to have been dialectal at that time. The closed о in this situation became so closed that dialectally it changed to a u. In the sixteenth century, grammarians attributed this pronunciation to the inhabitants of Lyons, Touraine, and Orleans: Henri Estienne and Tabourot of the Accords noticed that in the Court people also said " c h o u s e / "j'ouse." . . . This brief incursion into historical phonetics explains the double latinization according to two phonetic hypotheses, the second being dialectal: Costalius would be therefore the Latin form that would be above a normal phonectic evo­ lution, whereas Costus would be the Latin form from a dialectal evolution.

VALERIE HAYAERT

63

light of the Old. It is followed by Targum Qoheleth, hoc est Chaldaica paraphrasis Ecclesiasticis Latine facta authore Petro Costo cui Salomonis Ecclesiastem ex translatione Vulgata cui Salomoni Ecclesiastem ex translatione vulgata adversum posuimus. Accessit Epistola in eandem sententiam.u What are the laws or habits of the time concerning the latinization of names? In the sixteenth century, with Latin being dethroned everywhere by vernaculars, intellectuals still gave their names a Latin form. It was a style, and they followed it; but those who adopted it took great care not to distort their real name too much: Erasme became Erasmus, Juste Lipse became Justus Lipsius.Then came the moment in 1654 when Jean Fronteau, a canon of St. Genevieve, in all seriousness published a treatise entitled De nomine suo latine vertendo. In the Middle Ages, certain theologians adopted in turn as many as ten names and nothing was easier or more legitimate at the time. Each individual received a name at birth (nomen) which represented what we today call the first name. Then, the necessity of distinguishing between all the bearers of the same name in the same town led to the creation of the cognomen, the surname. Certain individuals appended successively to their cognomen the name of the place where they were born, the city where they were raised, where they professed their faith, or the bishopric or archbishopric which belonged to them. To all these surnames also came to be added those which eminent professors received from their audience. In this way, Thomas Aquinas had at least six names. In the case we are studying, one name seems to apply to the career of the exegete, while the other inaugurates a career as jurist. Many indications, coupled with surprising convergences, lead us to hazard the hypothesis that we are dealing with one and the same author: 1) Both used the great Lyons printer, Mace Bonhomme, and at an interval of one year; 2) Both addressed their introductory dedication to their brother Jean.12 3) Costus is the author of a number of 11. Type of Christ Our Savior based on the anticipated views of the ancient prophets against the Jew. The second text figures in the same volume: Targum Qoheleth. This is a Latin paraphrase of the Hebrew text of Ecclesiastes by the author Petrus Costus, to which we can compare Salomon's Ecclesiastes as translated in the Vulgate.

12. Cf. Baudrier, X: 238-48: See the liminary epistle of the commentary to the Pandects by Petrus Costalius (1554) : Petrus Costalius, Joanni Cost alio fratri S.P.D. epistle dated Viennae Allobrogum nonis Novembris 1554, whereas the Targum Qoheleth is also preceded by a long epistle from Petrus Costus to his brother Jean.

64

EMBLEMATICA

introductory pieces in honor of the famous jurist Emilio Ferretti to w h o m he dedicates a funeral emblem, one of whose verses enjoins "Whoever w a n t s to acquit himself of the just honors of the tomb of the learned Emile" to " p u t the Latin toga on civil l a w " and to "add the painted language of chiseled emblems." 1 3 It is precisely this e p i g r a m , p u b l i s h e d by Mace B o n h o m m e in 1553 at the b e g i n n i n g of the p o s t h u m o u s edition of Ferretti's Praelectiones, that one finds again in the Latin edition of the Pegme from 1555, this time signed Costalius.14 We must emphasize in this regard that in the Pegme, Costalius mentions only one contemporary, the illustrious lawyer Emilio Ferretti. The n a m e Petrus Costus also a p p e a r s a m o n g the i n t r o d u c t o r y pieces of the w o r k of the famous doctor G u i l l a u m e Rondelet, professor of m e d i c i n e at the College of Montpellier, a n d i m m o r t a l i z e d by Rabelais in t h e Tiers-Livre in the character of t h e d o c t o r Rondibilis. In A u g u s t 1554, Mace B o n h o m m e h a d p u b l i s h e d his Histoire des Poissons, one of the first treatises of ichthyology. A m o n g the i n t r o d u c t o r y pieces of this magnificent w o r k illustrated by G u i l l a u m e Reverdi, we note the verses by Petrus Costus. He w r i t e s a piece in p r a i s e of the emin e n t doctor, as well as an e k p h r a s t i c e p i g r a m on his portrait, d r a w n by Pierre Vase, the e n g r a v e r for the Pegme. The n a m e Costus also appears in his c o r r e s p o n d e n c e with A n t o n i o Vacca, 15 a n o t h e r s t u d e n t of Coustau also had another brother, Antoine, to whom he addressed the introductory dedication of the first Latin edition of the Pegme: Petrus Costalius Antonio Costalio fratri S.D. Epistle dated: Lugduni nonis Januaris, 1555.

13. P.COSTUS Parisiensis, in tumulum Aemylii Ferretti Jurisconsult! Clarissimi: "Qui justos tumuli persolvere quaerit honores . . . docti Aemylii . . . ponat Latinae civica jura togae Adjungat pictae caelatae emblemata linguae. . . ." 14. Compare the encomiastic piece written by Costus and cited in note 13 and the 1555 version of the tombeau deddicated to the illusrious maaster: In tumulum Aemylij Ferretti, p. 330 de l'edition de 1555, Pegma cum narrationibus philosophicis: the two pieces are identical.

15. The introductory epistle to the commentary on the Pandects of Antonio Vacca is signed Petrus Costus, and it is Petrus Costalius who mentions Vacca's commentary on the Pandects in the parergon which precedes his own commentary on the first 25 books of the Pandects: Antonio Vaccae, Jureconsulto clarissimo et Venayssinae Provinciae Praesidi, by Petrus Costus: Quod tu Sarmaticos, juris Trasibule, tyrannos Sollicitus legum de statione moves, Reddis et antiquo tertissima jura nitori,

VALERIE HAYAERT

65

I'lmilio Ferretti. The liminary poem of the commentary on the Pandects by Antonio Vacca is signed Petrus Costus, whereas it is Petrus Costalius who mentions Vacca's commentary on the Pandects in the Parergon juris scientiae libellus which precedes his own commentary on the first 25 books of Pandects. Finally, and this is probably the most surprising convergence, the Parergon Juris scientiae libellis of Petrus Costalius cites the Talmud in Hebrew (sig. a2), just as in the first edition of the Pegme, the emblem on the celibacy of priests presents a brief quotation of biblical text in Hebrew characters. Finally, the preliminary epistle to the Typus Messiae by Costus is addressed to the Vicomte of Cadenet, baron of Oraison, while Lanteaume de Romieu addresses his first translation of the Pegme to Claude d'Oraison, bishop of Castres: there exist obvious family ties between the two patrons. 16 To support our argument, we have therefore at our disposal many crucial elements: on the one hand, the fact that the editio princeps of the Pegme contains a memorial piece in honor of Ferretti which appears elsewhere in the same form but signed Petrus Costus; on the other hand, there is the double latinization of Coustau into Costus and Costalius that seems to permit no doubt for Janus Gruterus, who compiled poetry from this circle of jurists in the following century. In fact, among the miscellaneous poetry of forgotten authors collected by Ranutio Ghero (a pseudonym for Janus Gruterus), this author assembled all the memorials written in honor of Emilio Ferretti under the name Petrus Costalius, both those of Costalius, and those by Costus, as well as a selection of epigrams drawn from the Pegme.17 Et veterum explodis sommnia va na senum, Scitaque prudentum natalibus addere priscis Niteris, et Latiae prodere jura togae: Accipe gramineam, victricia dona, coronam, Est refer e Scythicis barbara signa Getis. Tu mihi in Orchestra lato spectabere clavo, Dignus et in nostris aureus esse focis.

16. See Baudrier (X, 241). Claude d'Oraison was also the patron of Marc-Antoine de Vigerone (See the liminary epistle by the author of his Alphabetum Legale, published in Avignon in 1555 by Barthelemy Bonhomme), whom Coustau probably knew in Avignon, in the circle of Emilio Ferretti. 17. Under the title Deliciaepoetarum Italorum, Gallorum, Belgicorum, Gruter gathered the "best" Latin poems of the Italians, French, Flemish, and Dutch. In the frontispice of this collection, he took the name Ranutius Gherus, an anagram of

66

EMBLEMATICA

Gruter, widely known to be a Protestant, lived principally in Geneva during the second half of the sixteenth century. According to him, it seems that Costus was therefore only a pseudonym of Costalius. Finally, the quotations in Hebrew characters which adorn the Parergon juris of Costalius are quite rare, and it would be wrong to underestimate their originality. If we follow the hypothesis to which this posthumus compiler has led us, we can re-establish a list of the work of Pierre Coustau this way. Under the name Costus we have the Typus Messiae and the Targum Qoheleth, and some liminary pieces addressed to Guillaume Rondelet and Emile Ferretti. Under the name Costalius are his commentaries on the Pandects, his Pegme and his Ode a la paix. By way of concluding on this point, we can propose the following alternative: Pierre Coustau, following a medieval tradition, wrote under two names to better emphasize his versatility: Costus would deal with rabbinical and biblical exegesis, Costalius with law and emblems, two areas traditionally associated, like two sides of the same coin, ever since Andrea Alciato reserved his hours of otium for the composition of his emblems. The division of disciplines, indicated by two distinct names, would correspond to the existence of two different careers. Simler's Bibliotheque18 lists the two names one after the other, either unaware or pretending to be unaware, that they are the same author: ° Petri COSTALII Pegma, cum narrationibus philosophicis. Lugduni apud Matthiam Bonhomme, 1555. Eiusdem Liber adversariorum ex quinque et viginti libris Pandectarum Justiniani Imperatoris, Lugduni impressit Matthias Bonhomme in folio, anno 1554. ° Petri COSTI Typus Messiae et Christi Domini ex veterum prophetarum praesensionibus contra ludaeorum. Item Chaldaica paraphrasis Ecclesiastis, Latine verso. Lugduni, anno 1554.

Janus Gruterus. Likewise, he hid under the initials A. F. G. G., which, read backwards, can signify Gruterus Gualtheri filius Antwerpianus. In this work, he truncated Coustau's emblems, citing only their epigrams and including only some of them. 18. Simler continues the work of Conrad Gesner and his Bibliotheque; he published a supplement to the work by Gesner in 1574.

VALERIE HAYAERT

67

The bibliographer Antoine du Verdier does not mention either of them. As for La Croix du Maine, he does not even relate the Pegme to the name of Coustau but to that of Lanteaume de Romieu, the gentleman from Aries, who was twice translator of the Pegme. The other alternative is a working hypothesis for research: it was in Coustau's interest that his writings under the name Costus not be attributed to his name as jurist insofar as his paraphrase of Ecclesiastes lies within the controversial context of the examination of "apocrypha" (sagesses exterieures), or actually of rabbinical commentaries from the Aramaic versions of the Bible called the targumin. What is the status of this targum in the exegetical controversies of the time? Contemporary lists of books blacklisted by the various representatives of the Catholic Church do not include the targum of Costus; only a similar work, the targum of Paulus Fagius19 is on the Index. The exegetical career of Costus was short-lived, as we will soon see, and it gave a particular resonance to one of his emblems in the Pegme entitled "Sur la Fleur de Rhododaphne" [On the flower of Rhododaphne]. This paradoxical herb, poisonous for animals, but a powerful remedy for humans, is a warning of the danger run by all biblical exegesis, which is like a poison for the ignorant, but proof of health for true intellectuals. This emblem would therefore be an essential preparation for all exegetes, and it would have biographical bearing, if one recalls the controversial exegetical experience of our author. Up to now, we have only taken into account the paratext; from now on we will compare the possible intertextual resonances of the works cited: the long epistle by Petrus Costus to his brother Jean (65), which served as a postscript to his targum, is embellished with certain "rhetorical commonplaces" found in the Pegme. Two examples are particularly convincing, insofar as they are not very common in the emblematic doxa of the time. The epistle mentions the figure of Grillus, changed into a swine, who appears in the emblem "On the portrait Grillus while still a pig" ("Sur le pourtrait de Grillus etant encor pourceau"; 1560, 224) whose motto is "Le vice plait au mechant" [vice pleases the evil man] as well as the no less rare Anaxarchus who is the subject of the emblem "Sur Anaxarchus" with the motto: "Douleur n'est point mal" [Pain is not bad] (1560, 276), concerning 19. In the list of books put on the Index by the Spanish inquisitor Valdes in 1559, the following work is mentioned: Targum, hoc est, paraphrasis Conrelii Chadaicum in sacra Bihlia, Paulo Fagio autore.

68

EMBLEMATICA

the dignity which the stoic philosopher Anaxurchus maintained despite all opposition and facing the terrible death inflicted upon him by his executioners. So, there is certainly a rhetorical use of the emblem designed as a removable adornment, a piece of "carved" marquetry, as Coustau, faithful to the etymology of the word, recalls in an epitaph to E m i l i o F e r r e t t i . 2 0 The p r e s e n c e of t h e s a m e r h e t o r i c a l commonplaces such as the fables of Anaxarchus and Grillus in the Pegme and in this epistle shows an affinity of thought and a permanence of the symbolic grammar of emblems in the various works of Pierre Coustau. The most striking convergence is the mention of one of the very first loci of the Pegme in the postscript to the Targum Qoheleth by Costus: after having, like Saint Paul, stigmatized greed as being the "root of all evil," Costus sets forth three embryos of emblems, which will all be developed in the Pegme: Will there then be someone among them who will raise up next to the Sirens of wealth, the importance of love of country, of religion, and of justice in order to abolish by volontarily forgetting and by the combination of divine and human law those who are under the influence of their attractions? Who in truth is as supple, as tender as the man who follows you everywhere and whom you command most naturally, if not the man whose mind is enflamed by the cupidity of money? It is for this reason that Paul cleverly and very artistically designates avarice as the root of all evil. In effect, it softens our nature by weaknesses, it makes the mind and body of the man impregnated with this harmful drug effeminate, and he no longer has any dealings with virtue. And, regarding Heraclitus, it is this truth that pushed him into the well; it is also this truth that 20. By way of epitaph to the "tombeau" of Emilio Ferretti, which appeared in the posthumous publication of his work by Mace Bonhomme, Coustau evokes the memory of the great man who can only be praised as he deserves by the "langue peinte des emblemes ciseles": P.Costus parisiensis in tumulum Aemylij Ferretti Jurisconsulti Clarissimi "Qui justos tumuli persolvere quaerit honores Extinctis docti manibus Aemylij, . . . Adjungat picta caelata emblemata linguae . .." It is useful to recall the etymology of the word emblemata as an inlaid and thus removable ornament. See in this regard, the seminal articles by Miedema and Balavoine.

VALERIE HAYAERT

69

led the illustrious goddess Astrea to announce her di­ vorce from mortals and forced her to fly off into the heav­ ens. She is also the one who returned hands and eyes to judges (whom Hesiod rightly calls "donivorous") and as I shall soon show, it is avarice which completely ruined the stability of the Christian Church. 21 The goddess Astrea's retreat from the world is the subject of em­ blem two "In sordide judicantes"; the word "donivorous," applied to judges who have regained the use of their hands, was created by Lanteaume de Romieu for the translation of the emblem "In Judices бсороФаубС, quibus plus placent libelli ferentarij quam supplices," from Hesiod's neologism, whereas the last embryonic emblem (the fall of Heraclitus into a well) is the subject of the embllem"Veritas in puteum demersa. Ex Democrito" (Pegme, 247-50). This letter then al­ ready contains the seeds of certain future emblems in the Pegme and, as such, constitutes a stock of mental images ready for use. Supposing we have identified all of Coustau's written works, we can now better assess how the emblem represents a specific form of thought that is decontextualisable and recontextualisable ad infinitum thanks to its gnomic and general scope, which belongs to the domain of rhetoric and mnemonics. But, more radically, we must focus on how the same mens symbolica founded all kinds of glosses: philo­ sophical narration, legal gloss, or exegetical controversy against the Jews, but with their own linguistic weapons. The exegetical enter­ prise of Petrus Costus is at once both rich in potential and risky. It is rich in potential insofar as Costus "penetre rapidement et facilement les chambres du Targum" [penetrates quickly and easily 21. Quis igitur erit apud eos pietati, quis religioni, quis justitiae locus, qui ita ad divitiarum Sirenes constiterunt, ut omnia jura divina et humana illarum illecebris deliniti, voluntaria oblivione contriverint? Quid vero est tam flexibile tumque tenerum, quodque quocunque ducas propensius sequatur, quum hominis animus cupiditate pecuniarum incensus? Scite igitur et perquam graphice avaritia ё Paulo omnium malorum radix appellata est. Ea enim innata nobiscum naturae feminaria restinguit, ea malis venenis imbuta corpus animumque virilem effoeminat, et nullum habet cum virtute commercium. Haec est quae veritatem in Heracliti puteum praecipitem egit: haec Astraeam illam deam mortalibus libellum repudij mittere, et in caelum evolare compulit: haec judicibus(quosapte "dorophagos." Hesiodus vocat)oculosetmanus restituit, atque ut brevi dicam, haec omnino Christianae Ecclesiae statum labefactavit (84-85).

70

EMBLEMATICA

the chambers of the Targum] 2 2 and, by his perfect mastery of two Semitic languages, Hebrew, and Aramaic, the language of the Targumin as well; and he therefore intends to combat Judaism on its own ground, with its own linguistic weapons. It is risky because, as the letter from Antesignanus suggests, Costus, who had concluded with the latter a partnership to translate the whole of this "sagesse exterieure" is, it seems, obliged to stop, and is forced to go back to his homeland without finishing the group project with his "schoolmate/' Pierre Antesignan. In fact, Philibert Bugnyon, in one of the numerous editions of his Traite sur les lois abrogees, gives us another crucial piece of information for our demonstration: Antesignan and Coustau were fellow students of Bugnyon in Avignon for three years; 23 therefore Bugnyon along with his fellow students, Maure, Antesignan, and Coustau, would have had the illustrious Emilio Ferretti as a professor for three years in Avignon. 24 The two epistles in Hebrew by Costus and Antesignanus25 still remain enigmatic, but these two letters, as well as the compilation of Targumin on Ecclesiastes and, among them, that oi Petrus Costus which the Jesuit Pineda published in the following century, reveal a certain number of rather easily deducible details. First of all, Costus had the courage to examine the apocrypha, and his straying from dogma brought down upon him the wrath of religious orthodoxy. As the Jesuit Pineda recalls very pertinently, Costus had the courage to examine the Books of Wisdom, not only the books of the Bible, but also the apochrypha: the wise man will test what is good and evil for everyone (Ecclesiasticus 39:4). That is the way he used these books after making them available in order to examine attentively what each can contribute to a veritable tranquility and happiness of the soul. 26 Here 22. As his friend and colleague, the Protestant Petrus Antesignanus, recalls in his letter entitled "Que Petrus Costus me devienne un ami intime."

23. "Aemilius ille Ferretus, quem doctorem apud Cavares per triennium cum Mauro, Antesignano, et Costalio habui, in libello quem scripsit de mora nume. 21. etc." 24. Cavarum oppidum indicates Avignon, according to the Orbis Latinum.

25. My thanks go out to Sigrid Acker, lecturer in Hebrew at the E. N. S. of Lyons for her help translating these epistles.

26. Pineda, 1197. See the commentary in chapter 12, verse 9: "Costus Prudentiae libros investigavit non solum sacrorum scriptorum, sed etiam externorum volumina;

VALERIE HAYAERT

71

the quotation of this verse from Siracide resounds like a veritable maxim for living. This is the program the wise man, loving truth, sets for himself: to examine what is outside the books whose authority is recognized in order to judge in full knowledge of the facts after looking at unorthodox texts and disproving their arguments. When Father Jacob belong categorized the work of Costus in 1785, as belonging to the Adversus refor mat ores,27 he probably meant to "save" the highly controversial writings of Petrus Costus, as Pineda seems to have done before him. Costus clearly provoked a lively controversy, which was further spread with the liminary epistle that he addressed to the Vicomte of Cadenet. What, in the end, is the coherence of the body of work of Pierre Coustau, supposing it exists? His humanist calling ceaselessly pushed him to test the solidity of the maxim of Siracide cited above. In fact, just as his exploration of the apocrypha permitted him to test the ideas of good and evil for everyone, the philosophical narration of each of his emblems is a reflection on a range of philosophical doctrines which he patiently and energetically tries out. In his moral and hermeneutic exploration, Pierre Coustau takes several discursive paths: the gloss, the commentary, and the philosophical narration, but also short-cuts like the emblem, the mental image, the "trouvaille" in short, whether or not it is developed or rendered enigmatic by an engraved image. If the rabbinical exegesis of the sacred text appears as an outgrowth, grafted onto Holy Scripture, our translator undertakes the task of "revealing" the tenor of these texts that were incomprehensible to most of his contemporaries in order to combat them on their own terms. The narration of each emblem of the Pegme very often presents itself as the scene of a philosophical controversy very much like the "essai" in its form and whose point of departure is the emblem itself. It is this permanence of exegetical intention which characterizes both the translation of the rabbinical gloss, its polemical positioning, and the hermeneutic path of the philosophical narration. As Jean-Marc Chatelain has pointed out (42), the term narratio is borSapiens enim bona et mala omnibus tentabit. (in the margin: Eccles. 39:5) turn praeterea ita rebus oblatis utebatur, ut attente exploraret quid singulae conferre ad veram animi tranquillitatem et felicitatem possent."

27. Bibliotheca Sacra de versionibus librorum sacrorum Jacobi Le Long and C. F. Boerneri. Halae, sumptibus Joannis Jac. Gebaveri, 1785, vol. 41.

EMBLEMATICA 72 rowed from the vocabulary of exegesis; the Enarrationes in psalmos of Saint Augustine "indicate in effect the discursive development of commentary as opposed to the inspired word in whose instantaneity the spirit descends." So what did this term narratio mean for Coustau? The narratio philosophica would be for the Pegme what the erudite, but polemical, paraphrase of the Hebraic text is to the sacred text: that is, not a gloss, since Coustau, in the continuation of his fight against the weakening of the hypotexts by the scholastic method (whether it concerns theology, law, or emblems) clashes with a certain method of commentary which was not very faithful and insufficiently erudite, but rather a form of essay, halfway between the "sauts et gambades" [leaps and gambols] of Montaigne and a pref iguration of the narration at the heart of Jesuit apologetics. It is a matter of giving room to external voices and a polyphonic turn to the development of the voice. A pegma is also a theatrical stage in this sense: the enemy must be evoked in order to combat him, and doctrines must be made to dialogue among themselves. Pierre Coustau's juridical rhetoric evokes the controversy at the heart of his "narrations philosophiques" in taking by turns the role of accuser and defender. Everything happens as if he were mentally miming a trial in order to advance his demonstration. Furthermore, it will be interesting to show how Ecclesiastes is, in many respects, one of the major sources of the Pegme. In this regard, we notice here how this onomastic enigma recalls another, which continues to raise questions and attempts to answer them. It casts a dark veil over the writing of the very text of Ecclesiastes. Within the corpus of sacred texts there is in fact no more extensivse controversy than the one about the composition of this book. Ecclesiastes struck readers by its disjointedness and its lack of apparent logic: hence the divergent opinions on the question of its cohesiveness or the possibility of a plurality of successive authors. Gregory the Great supposed that the author of Ecclesiastes either quoted the thoughts of others in his book, or else mentions them as a subject of temptation which he afterwards rejects.28 Everything happens as if Coustau increased the enigma of authorship of the source-text by his own onomastic splitting in two: uncertainty of authorship 29 becomes in this way a matrix, since neither the holy text, nor its commentary is connected to a single, fixed and 28. See Halle, 1798; Staudlin, 1868.

29. On the question of the author of a book of emblems, see Russell 1988.

VALERIE HAYAERT

73

unchanging authority. The question of auctoritas is in this manner made self-referential by palimsestic writing. 2) Pierre Coustau's Circle a. Avignon and the Italians Pierre Coustau's origins in Vienne (Rochas, Cote, and Berthet) are only a supposition, since he claimed to be from Paris in the epigram, cited above, in honor of Phidie. However, his stay in Vienne is attested in his letters, and permits especially the hypothesis that Coustau met Mace Bonhomme there. Bonhomme temporarily installed his printshop in Vienne for 14 months in 1541 and 1542,30 later to return to Lyons, abandonning the business there to Gaspard Treschel who had already established his business in this city before Bonhomme. We must locate our author above all within the entourage of this great printer from Lyons. After his stay in Vienne, where Mace Bonhomme was warmly welcomed by Archbishop Pierre Palmier, the printer returned to Lyons, and it was at the time of the transfer of his equipment in early 1542 that he went to Avignon in search of new outlets. He spread his influence by opening a branch in the papal city, thanks to his brother, Barthelemy, who had opened a shop there. The Bonhomme brothers were able to maintain profitable relationships with the University and the intellectuals of Avignon, and the Rhone valley offered the printer from Lyons a natural outlet for his activities in a city which did not have a university at the time (Baudrier, X, 185-88). There, Coustau frequented the famed Italian jurist Emilio Ferretti. The funeral of this scholar in 1552 provided Pierre Coustau and his circle the opportunity to produce a wide range of poetry, epitaphs, and memorial poems. This verse was published as liminary pieces to the posthumous works of the master. Pierre Antesignan, Pierre Coustau's fellow student, is also the author of an encomium in honor of Emilio Ferretti, found in Praelectiones by Julius Rondelinus in the fragment "de edendo": the volume contains a portrait of Emilio

30. Baudrier, X, 185-92. After being an ardent defender of the rights of the master printers during the dispute between masters and journeyman printers in 1539, and not wanting to accept the consular edicts, he closed his shop in Lyons and went to Vienne, following Gaspard Treschel's example.

74

EMBLEMATICA

Ferretti embellished with a distich in Greek by Petrus Antesignanus, and translated into Latin as follows: In Magni Aemylii Ferretti effigiem distichon Petri Antesignani: Nativam Aemylij Ferretti icona cernis: Muta quidem est icon, haemylus ast is erat. [You recognize the living portrait of Emilio Ferretti (nativus: innate, natural vs artificial) The image is certainly mute, but this was Emilio.] The name Petrus Costus appears alongside that of Antonio Vacca (1520-1581), Marc-Etienne Vigerone, and Pierre Antesignan. The career of Antonio Vacca seems to be a reverse image of that of Pierre Coustau. Born in Castello, Antonio Vacca devoted himself first to the study of Law and had the famed Andrea Alciato as a private tutor. He was later called to celibacy and ordained as a priest in Rome during the pontificate of Paul HI. This did not prevent him from pursuing his career as jurist and diplomat, and he was employed by the Cardinals Cornaro, Maffei, and Alexandre Farnese. When he was sent as a pontifical legate to the province of the Comtat Venayssin (at that time a papal enclave), he published his first book, a commentary on the Pandects that was published in 1554 in Lyons by Mace Bonhomme. The book is dedicated to Alexander Farnese, vice chancellor of the Holy Roman Church. Pierre Coustau also published on an identical subject there. The two men knew and estimed each other and both seemed to experience a similar hesitation: whether to pursue both careers at the same time or choose between a career as a jurist or as a theologian. Janus Gruterus was also interested in his written work. The first circle, it seems, to which our author belonged was therefore the one formed around Emilio Ferretti (Ferrary, 271-76).31 Emilio Ferretti (1489-1552) was born in Castel-Franco in Tuscany, and praticed law brilliantly at the University of Avignon from 1547 to 1552. Among his students were Vigerone, Vacca, Bugnyon, and Coustau, among others. Ferretti's legal career was particularly precocious. Having brilliantly defended his theses before an assembly of 31. Jean-Louis Ferrary corrected the errors and biographical discrepancies which appeared in his life written by Helenus Ribittus, which Denys Drysdall (1997) translated and put back into context.

VALERIE HAYAERT

75

bishops and cardinals, he became a lawyer at the age of nineteen. It was at that time that he took the first name Emilio in place ofDomenico, which he had received at birth. It was therefore the day that he embraced the career of jurist that he changed his name. A brilliant diplomat, he was successively secretary to Leo X, parliamentary councillor in Paris, and was employed in many negotiations by Francis I, by various Italian princes, and by the city of Avignon. He was, then, an important figure in the entourage of Pierre Coustau, and the numerous cities he frequented (Bologna, Florence, Paris, Lyons, and Avignon) put him at the center of multiple exchanges. In the numerous poems written for the occasion of his funeral, he is compared to the greatest jurists, such as Andrea Alciato, and is truly regarded as an oracle, under the changing traits of a Phoenix, Ulysses, or Chiron. Here one must emphasize the friendship and collaboration between the two famed jurists, attested to by Alciato's correspondence (Drysdall). Ferretti is one of the fervent readers of the emblems of the Milanese master; he approved of them, and judged them well conceived. b. Lyons In April 1554 Coustau was in Lyons (Baudrier, X, 241). He was passing through Vienne in November 1554. Lyons was first and foremost the city where Pierre Coustau and his entourage published, thanks to the presence of a printer and bookseller on the scale of Mace Bonhomme. Antonio Vacca and Pierre Coustau published their commentaries on the Pandects in Lyons, and it is probably their studies in Avignon and their similar interests that led them to the same printer. The influence of the Lyons printing industry was dominant. But Lyons was also where Petrus Costus's religious works appeared in April 1554, again published by the same Mace Bonhomme. The volume also contains a letter from Petrus Antesignanus to Petrus Costus in Hebrew. Petrus Antesignanus was Pierre Coustau's other teacher; he was a Protestant grammarian, who taught Latin, Greek, and Hebrew in Lyons. His real name was Pierre Davantes. 32 But it is only the Latin form of his surname, that he himself took and that his contemporaries used, that served as his pen-name; the gallicizing of this Latin 32. As is indicated by the Middle French word "davantie," which means "celui qui marche en avant," whence the choice of the latinization of his name into Antesignanus.

76

EMBLEMATICA

name to Pierre Antesignan that is found in certain biographers seems doubtful to us. This Latin surname was given to him by his disciples, as he recalls in the preface to his translation of the works of Terence, which Mace Bonhomme had published in 1556.33 Lyons is also the place where Coustau was in contact with Philibert Bugnyon, a jurist from the Macon region, whom he had known in Avignon. In fact, Barthelemy Molin, the successor to Barthelemy Bon­ homme, then deceased, took over Mace Bonhomme's branch there and published Bugnyon's Nuptiale Sestine in 1554. Furthermore, the careers of Bugnyon and Coustau later led them back to Paris, and to publish there. In addition to the verses in honor of Phidie, composed when a collection of Bugnyon's romantic poems, Les Erotasmes de Phidie et Gelasine, was published. Pierre Coustau is also referred to in the legal works compiled by Philibert Bugnyon who reveals their deep friendship and the esteem he had for Pierre Coustau. Bugnyon's treatise is invaluable insofar as he uses emblems developed by Coustau in the Pegme to adorn his discourse. We encounter many ex­ amples of the re-use of an emblem as a source of dialogue between two interlocutors. Bugnyon (227) writes, for example: "The emperor Jus­ tinian, a magnanimous prince, was not unaware . . . that all things de­ teriorate over time, if they are not maintained just as ferrum content rubigo, si поп in opere exerceas. Gellius lib XJ." Bugnyon is probably making an allusion here to Coustau's emblem entitled "Sur le fer" [on iron] whose motto is: "Le piteux etat de la vie humaine" [The piteous state of human life]. Here Coustau's emblem is discussed and used for different purposes by Bugnyon. Elsewhere, Bugnyon alludes to a re­ reading of ouroboros by his friend who had used this symbol of eternity in order to denounce the eternity of legal proceedings. In Costus's epistle to the Vicomte de Cadenet, the same image appears in outline. "Thus it is full of joy that we have gotten you to make the judicial in­ quiry and that we have managed to get the whole business brought be­ fore your tribunal so that such a great heap may arrive at justice to the cause that I defend strictly in the present book, thanks to your author­ ity and obligingness . . . . "34 The circle of scholars to which he be33. Terentius Dictionibus hyperdisyllabis a P. Antesignano Rapistagnensi affixi sunt in puerorum gratiam nativi accentus:atque ad marginem oposita est singulorum versuum dimensio поп minus utili quam artificiosa methodo Uteris et notis, brevissimisque; scholijs designata (Lyons, 1555).

VALERIE HAYAERT

77

longed, then, also brought a rereading of his emblems: resonances of the Pegme nourished the writings of this circle of scholars, insofar as the reading of these emblems initiated new compositions, which was quite common at the time. с Geneva The two figures in Pierre Coustau's entourage who can be associ­ ated with Geneva are Pierre Davantes (alias Antesignan) and Pierre Eskrich. Pierre Davantes, a former classmate of Coustau in Avignon, taught, or at least was a private tutor, in Lyons before going to live in Geneva, where he was listed in the municipal registers as "Antesignanus" in 1559. When he died in 1561, Calvin (XVIII, col. 674) in­ formed Beze of the death of Antesignanus in his correspondence. The engravings conceived for the Pegme are attributed to Pierre Eskrich (ca. 1530- ca. 1590) also called Eskreich, Cruche, or Vase, a Genevan painter and engraver who worked in Paris, Lyons, and Geneva. In 1548, he produced the illustrations and frames for Mace Bonhomme's first Latin edition of Alciato's emblems, which he shared with Guillaume Rouille, as well as the frames for Bonhomme's first Latin edition of the Heures de la Vierge, with illustrations drawn by Holbein, then in 1552, three illustrations for Stichostratia epigrammatum centuraie quinque by Jean Girard. Bonhomme entrusted to him as well the illustrations for the translation of Ovid's Metamorphoses and for Picta Poesis by Barthelemy Aneau. In short, Pierre Eskrich was one of Mace Bonhomme's favorite engravers, and he was a prolific conduit for exchanges between Lyons and Geneva. 35 The onomastic inquiry around the figure of Pierre Coustau, to­ gether with the analysis in context of certain rhetorical topoi present throughout his work, has permitted the restoration of the complete picture of an intellectual of the Renaissance, whose mastery of the 34. " . . . Itaque alacres cognitionem impetravimus, et rem totam in auditorium tuum induci fecimus, ut ad aequitatem causae, pro qua nobis omnis in hoc libro propugnatio est, tantus cumulus accedat authoritate et gratia t u a . . . " Nobilissimo et Doctissimo Vicecomiti de Cadenet, Baroni d'Oraison et caetera. Petrus Costus salutem plurimum dat.

35. He was in Lyons between 1548 and 1551, then from 1565 to 1590. In 1552, Eskrich was in Geneva, and he professed the Protestant religion; he settled definitively in Geneva in 1554 and petitions at the end of 1555 to be accepted there as a bour­ geois, or ctiizen.

78

EMBLEMATICA

three languages of the Bible (Latin, Greek, and Hebrew), along with Aramaic, gave him a theological breadth of the first order. This inquiry makes the term "narration" appear more complex and suggests a new perspective on how the emblems of the Pegme were composed. More radically, we need to show how the complicated question of the name of the author leads more broadly in the case of the production of a collection of emblems to that of the notion of the author itself. The genre of emblem collections makes the very notion of the author difficult. The collection of emblems, as we know it today, was in effect produced collectively by engravers, writers, artists, printers, and readers. Far from being an isolated case, Coustau's collection is exemplary of the indeterminancy of authorship inherent in the genre of the emblem itself. Sometimes a bookseller is at the origin of a collection, but this could as well be attributed to an engraver or an emblemist. Earlier, we noted that La Croix du Maine attributed the Pegme to its translator, Lanteaume de Romieu. According to editorial circumstances, the composition of the emblems would be attributed to the author of the text (for example, the case of Picta Poesis by Barthelemy Aneau), or to the engraver, whose name would then serve as the name of the author. In these circumstances, it can seem improper to use such a restrictive notion as that of one author for a book of emblems which very often is born less from the impulse of one and the same person than from a nucleus of authorial initiatives. If it is difficult then to assign the creation of the Pegme to Pierre Coustau who claimed to be from Paris, to Mace Bonhomme from Lyons, or to the Genevan engraver Pierre Eskrich, it is because we are unaware of the editorial circumstances of the conception of this collection. Moreover, in the case of the Pegme, we can prove that the translation by Lanteaume de Romieu (who, in the second edition, moves rather markedly away from his original) makes the relationship of the work to its "authorities" even more complex: if the translation by the gentleman from Aries is indeed a creation, then La Croix du Maine was right to list the work under the name of the translator. The reputation of the printer Mace Bonhomme leads us to believe that this collection is above all the initiative of the humanist printer concerned with developing the emblematic line which he consistently pursued in the multiple Lyons editions of Alciato's emblems in many languages. The privilege indicates that Mace Bonhomme had the engravings done especially for this new work; it also mentions that Mace Bonhomme is the one who anticipated its translation into many vernacular languages (the Pegme never had a polyglot edition and as such consti-

VALERIE HAYAERT

79

tutes a semi-failure from an editorial point of view). The case of the Pcgme is this improbable "site" where various "authorities" compete: Coustau having neglected to appear as the author (no preface or foreword) not only abandonned the place to other instances of co-authorship, but also brought into question the notion of authorship itself, in the manner of an Alcofrybas Nasier, who shows in Gargantua and Pantagruel that the author's name is not self- evident.

3. Legal Humanism and Emblematic Mentality Or how the legal profession, during the Renaissance, predisposed a certain category of intellectuals to invent emblems in their hours of leisure (otium). The jurists of the Renaissance, even if they were drawn principally to practice, did not for that reason neglect the general theory of the law. Their method, based above all on the commentary of Roman texts, led them quite naturally to theory. The Institutes, the Digest, opened with the title: Dejustitia etjure, and contained the definitions of basic notions of justice and law, jus naturale, jus gentium, and jus civile. The task of jurists undertaking the study of the compilations of Justinian therefore necessarily begins with the examination and the interpretation of these fragments. Coustau sought above all to adapt Roman law to the realities of his time. Commenting on Roman laws was not the backward looking program of an "attarde," which would constitute a pure and simple return to scholastic practices; on the contrary, it is a matter of examining Roman texts according to very different procedures that are mainly philological and historical. From the beginning, it seems important to emphasize the coherence of the work of Pierre Coustau and the continuity of applications of the mental images which populate his collection of emblems. For example, the ruler of Lesbos, the point of departure for an emblem on the Aristotelian notion of epikeia (equity), is in effect a "legal adage" which appears at the beginning of his Adversaria on the Pandects: * On this matter we follow the ruler of Lesbos and we apply what is appropriate. The good judge is duty-bound to decide differently according to the causes and individuals, and while distancing himself from the greater justice, he seems to be the greater jurist. But on these matters one

80

EMBLEMATICA

must consult Bude in his Annotationcs Priores, to see a few things on our institutions and duties. 36 One aspect of our research consists in showing the link between the legal profession and the creation of emblems. It is not only a matter of noticing how this genre, born in the hours of otium of the great jurist Andrea Alciato, was praticed abundantly by a given professional category, but it is more broadly advisable to isolate what permits the establishment of a link between the legal practice and thought of the humanists of the Renaissance and the mens symbolica which prevailed at the creation of emblems. Here, Coustau gives us a good example of the manner in which the ruler of Lesbos, a mental image he claims to have borrowed from Guillaume Bude's Annotations on the Pandects, is in fact a principle applicable to his idea of the law, and which he develops at length in his Parergon juris scientiae libellus, where he sets forth his own vision of the law, following Alciato's example from some thirty years earlier. The ruler of Lesbos is above all a legal adage, a maxim created for the benefit of a profession which devoted itself to establishing this type of image as a federative principle of their profession. This type of borrowing assumes an entirely specific community of interpretation, whose functioning principles we will attempt to demonstrate. At the heart of the legal culture of Coustau, Alciato, or even Ferretti, the emblem is above all a mental image, a maxim, a principle of behavior. When, for example, Philibert Bugnyon cites the emblems of his friend Pierre Coustau, he explicitly characterizes them as "adages." In his Traite sur les Lois Abrogees, Bugnyon also inserts an emblem by Alciato, 37 among the laws and the adages of Erasmus, this insertion of 36. In Adversariorum ex libris quinquaginta Pandectarum Justiniani Imperatoris, Pars Prima: De ]ustitia et jure. Juri operant daturum. Lex 1 . In his normam Lesbiam sequemur, et to epikeia adhibemus: idque bonijudicis officio sane continetur, utvarie ex causis personisque constituat, hocque assequetur, ut dum a snmmo jure recedit, summus tamen jureconsultus videatur. Sed de his videndus est Budaeus (Hie in annotatio prioribus), parum ad institutum munusque nostrum. 37. XXXI: " Any challenge of a judge or judges must be made before the litigation under consideration . . . Today before and after pending litigation, it is permissible to challenge a judge although one has voluntarily proceeded before him, sijusta et nova causa emerserit quae ilium suspectum reddat. And the judge himself should recuse himself of his case, if he knows that there is a valid reason to step down, like a relationship, malevolence or some particular interest which touches him.

VALERIE HAYAERT

81

an emblem in the very middle of a legal gloss is remarkable insofar as it attests to the manner in which Bugnyon utilizes the emblem. For h i m i t is a proof in the form of an illustration within the framework of his legal argumentation; we should note in passing that the image is absolutely not evoked here. More radically, the creation of emblems is based simply on the same principle of composition as legal hermeneutics. Bugnyon mentions this in passing (224: CLXXI) in his Traicte lies loix abrogees: Par ce discours se void que par textes de droict se faict preuve contraire d'un mesme subject: ce qui me fait condescendre a l'opinion de maistre Etienne Pasquier, en son Pourparler au prince: auquel il se persuade que les loix sont motif, par lequel nous entrons en un labyrinthe de proces, parce que n'estans le droict basty d'une seule piece, ains recousu de divers eschantillons, un chacun s'en faict une couverture a sa guyse. Et ne se trouva iamais proces, qui n'eut d'une part et d'autre assez de loix pour le soustenir. [By this discourse it is evident that legal texts can prove the opposite of the same subject. This makes me accept But it happens most often that by contrariety or avarice the judge, even though he is legitimately challenged, wants nonetheless to hear the case and often it happens that one is constrained to say and propose facts that bring more dishonor to the judge affected than profit and reputation, of those who are in contempt, those qui odorem bonum existimant esse ex re qualibet etiam turpi iam inhonesta etfoetida: quod ex eo tempore in proverbium abiit, quofaceata quidem sed pestilens vox Vespasiani ex lotio vectigal facientis ad auresfilij sui pervenit, cuius naribus postea collectam ex lotio pecuniam ille admovit, rogavitque ecquid ilia puteret. Erasm.ChiL3.cent.vij.pag.767.adag.13. Avaritiam ipsius Vespasiani Augusti detegit Sueton.Tranquillus cum procuratorum rapacissimum quemque ad ampliora officia ex industria solitum eum esse promovere testatur, quo locupletiores mox condemnaret: quibus quidem vulgo pro spongiis dicebatur uti, quod quasi et suos madefaceret, et exprimeret humentes. Quod versibus peritissime admodum expressit Andreas Alciatus Mediolanensis emblemate 62. Exprimit humentes quas iam madefecerat ante Spongiolas cupidi principis arcta manus. Provehit ad summum fures quos deinde coercet, Vertat ut infiscum quae male parta suum. Utinam Henricus Galliae ac Sarmatiae Rex huius modi vultures harpyasque quae pecunias publicas domesticis usibus accomodant, ad rationem reliquorum ageret.

82

EMBLEMATICA

Etienno Pasquier's opinion in his Pourparler au prince where he is convinced that laws are the means of entering a labyrinth of cases because, since the law is not built of a single piece of whole cloth but sewn together with various samples, anyone can make himself whatever blanket he wishes. There has never been a case where there has not been enough laws to support both sides.] This quotation permits the isolation of two traits essential to legal hermeneutics at this time. First, the "legal text" can serve to prove one thing and its opposite, as the antagonistic justifications of judge Bridoye on the question of knowing if Panurge should take a wife or not in Rabelais's Tiers Livre remind us in the farcical comic style. It is therefore part of a complex, fragmented, and ambivalent tessitura. Second, Roman and customary law do not constitute in any case a coherent whole but, quite the contrary, a mosaic of scattered texts, constantly updated, interpreted, and commented on, while the two prefaces of the Digest expressly forbid any gloss. The trivial image of the blanket that is redone as one pleases to better accommodate its object presents the same characteristics as that which Russell (1985) and many others who followed would qualify as "emblematic tinkering" (bricolage). If the task of Renaissance jurists is precisely to reinterpret a problematic corpus of fragments with the aid of more effective philological and historical tools, it is characteristic, in the end, of the emblematic mentality, the conjunction of the "symbolic, the fragmentary and the marvelous," in Claudie Balavoine's words. If the creation of emblems is indeed the favorite otium of men of the law, it is perhaps because it opens a breach in the marvelous and allows each reader to become an author and create a "trouvaille" [windfall]. Nothing is easier in fact than this activity of symbolic creation if we admit that this legal practice relies above all upon the ability to sew fragments together to make words and things coincide. The analysis of the jurist Pierre Coustau's collection of emblems permits us, on the one hand, to question the interpretation of laws in themselves, since this brings into play the social and legal system. On this subject, Coustau, like many of his contemporaries and notably Montaigne, vehemently denounced the dysfunction of the judicial apparatus of his time in its entirety (length of the procedure, venality of the charges, corruption of judges). But it also plunges us into the heart of a specific mentality, which consists in competing with philology in commenting tirelessly on fragments, whether they be of legal or bibli-

VALERIE HAYAERT

83

ел I origin, or belong more broadly to ancient literature. In fact, at the hea rt of th is laborious task which fell to legal humanism, the jurists of the time had to face two stumbling blocks. First, the linguistic context since the Ordonnance of VillersCotterets prescribed the use of French in proceedings, whereas the legal texts used in Paris as well as the commentaries and legal trea­ tises were written in Latin. Montaigne recalls the abuse that is done to those to be tried this way. As Benedicte Boudou recalls it, "justice is set in 'trafique,' it is handed over to interpreters (etymologically, the word designated commercial brokers), while no one is supposed to be ignorant of the law." And the Traite des lois abrogees by Philibert Bugnyon is entirely symptomatic in this respect: it presents itself pre­ cisely as a linguistic mosaic and the insertion of texts in French con­ tinually upsets the flow of Latin legal commentary, itself encased in the abbreviated jargon of jurists of the time, and its nomenclature was far from fixed. Second, the infinite diversity of the corpus of legal fragments, whose interpretation is often rendered problematic insofar as the original context is sometimes twisted, inflected, or manipulated: the chimera of a natural law which would allow a consensus on the no­ tion of the just is far off, and confronted with the infinite abyss of these laws, which are often arbitrary and variable at the same time. The relationship of legal exegesis to its object continued to change with the times, and that is the fundamental presupposition which permits us to guage the lability of legal hermeneutics. As Montaigne recalls, laws do not stop changing: "Le pis que je trouve en nostre estat, c'est l'instabilite, et que nos loix, non plus que nos vetements, ne peuvent prendre aucune forme arrestee." (II, 17; 656a, cited by B. Boudou) [The worst thing I find in our state is instability, and the fact that our laws cannot, any more than our clothes, take any settled form. Trans. Donald M. Frame]. Likewise, the only object of the cre­ ation of emblems is variation. Mending, arranging, sewing and resewing incessantly is thus necessarily the methodological predispo­ sition towards which the jurists of the time like Coustau, Montaigne, or even Pasquier, naturally inclined.

84

EMBLEMATICA

On the unequal trade between Glaucus and Diomedes: the problem­ atic insertion of a fragment of the Iliad into the second preface to the Digest: We will now look at the functioning of one of the emblems from the Pegme more in detail. The point of departure is an implicit quotation from the Digest. It deals with the emblem entitled by the French trans­ lator: "Sur l'accord de Glaucus et Diomede. Paix achetee." [On the agreement between Glaucus and Diomedes: Peace bought]. This par­ ticularly typical example of the philological culture of Renaissance ju­ rists will allow us to highlight some of what is at stake in the hermeneutic functionning of the Pegme. In order to propose a reading of this emblem in context, it is advisable first to propose a translation from its original Latin (see Appendix I). The topos of the purchase of peace between Glaucus and Diomedes is not an ordinary fable: at the heart of the culture of the new legal hu­ manism of the time, it aroused controversy. In fact, this fragment ap­ peared in the second preface of the Digest without commentary, and it had a very different sense from the one given by Homer and Martial. The extraction of this quotation from the Iliad poses a problem be­ cause different readings of it are possible. Glaucus is sometimes the dupe of Diomedes, and sometimes the wise man who knew how to put the interests of peace before his own immediate interests. Homer does not resist a certain irony towards his character. In verses 232-35 of Book VI of the Iliad he writes, Having spoken thus, they leap from their chariots, shake hands, and engage their good faith, but at that moment, Zeus, the son of Cronos, also deprives Glaucos of his sanity because in trading arms with Diomedes, the son of Ту deus, he gives gold in exchange for bronze —the value of one hundred oxen against that of nine! Horace insinuates in his satires that it is from cowardice that Glaucus yields to this iniquitous deal; Martial emphasizes how "stu­ pid and crazy" he is. So for our three interpreters of this Homeric frag­ ment inserted in the Digest, Nebrija, Alciato, and Coustau, but also in the corresponding adage, developed at length by Erasmus, the stakes are considerable when they approach the reinterpretation of this frag­ ment from the second preface. Moral stakes, first and foremost, since this conduct of retreat and submission in order to preserve the peace is

VALERIE HAYAERT

85

compared to the manner in which the young jurists must be put on I he right track. If Nebrija and Alciato itemized the ancient readings of this fable above all to show, as good humanists, how much Accursius and the glossators had gone astray, Coustau, for his part, meant to rectify the accusations made against Glaucus: the Lycian chief is neither stupid, nor crazy, nor cowardly; he is wise enough to scorn wealth for the benefits of peace. Therefore, there are two states of the interpretation of this passage from the Digest. The first concerns the first generation of humanist jurists'concern for philological accuracy: Alciato, along with Nebrija, rose up against Accursius and his "chimeras." The second is that of the commentary by Pierre Coustau: he moralizes this fable by showing where the true sage stands. Coustau gives an interpretation of the fable more in keeping with its insertion in the second preface of the Digest: Glaucus's exemplary conduct must be the paragon of virtue, the model and standard on which the new generations of apprentice jurists must model their behavior. The stakes now being clear, we will show precisely how the insertion of this fable works for the Spaniard Nebrija, the Italian Alciato, and the Frenchman Pierre Coustau. The first text which permitted us to contextualize the emblem of Coustau figures at the beginning of his legal vocabulary, under the following title: "Among the observations of Aelius Antonius de Nebrija on the books of civil law. On the chimera of Accursius, a propos of Glaucus and Diomedes." (For the Latin text, see Appendix II) In the preface of the Digest, one finds the following conclusion of the discourse: Begin then to instruct, with God's help, schoolchildren in the science of laws, and lead them in the path that we have opened to them, to make of them good officers of justice and of the state. Thus you acquire for yourselves an infinite glory for all posterity, for having had the pleasure to see in your lifetime a change in the laws similar to the one forged by Glaucus and Diomedes in The Iliad by Homer, who was the father of all science, in changing together very different things and one finds below lines from Homer, taken from Canto 7 of The Iliad:

86

LMBI

i млисл

" G o l d for c o p p e r , t i l i n g s w o r t h one

luiiuhrtl

Im «HIUM'S

worth nine/' Where H o m e r tells how, d u r i n g the siege о I" Troy, Diomedes found himself grappling with Glaucus, son of Hippolochus, and how Diomedes began to question him on his birth and genealogy. To which Glaucus responded that he was the grandson of Bellerophon and the son of Hippo­ lochus. Diomedes understood then that Bellerophon had been one of the former guests of Oeneus, one of his two grandparents. He then abstained from combat, and thus they each returned to their encampment after having ex­ changed their armor, each bringing back with him a token of affection.38 There are some who say that Glaucus, find­ ing himself at the seashore, had an abundance of wine and was lacking horses, but he himself had numerous horses that he had won in combat, 39 and thus he gave to him the horses which were of no use to himself, in exchange for the wine which was necessary and useful for him, and thus we made an exchange, let us say, of the useless for the useful. Up to that point, it is a matter of Accursius's remarks. I omit to mention how much his expression is corrupted by a thousand improprieties of language and (is) completely deformed. Where does this good man read these marvel­ ous stories, by ignorance of which he had to prophesy? In­ deed, as the divine Jerome writes, it is one thing to be a prophet, but it is another to be an interpreter. For the one, the individual announces without taking sides, for the other the erudition and abundance of words which make explicit, interpret. And if Accursius reserved judgment, he either would have remained completely silent with regard to the things of which he was ignorant, or else he would have written that which was handed down in memory by authors concerning Glaucus and Diomedes, and notably Homer, w h o m Justinian cites as a w i t n e s s . And if Accursius was ignorant of Greek letters, he could at least 38. This passage is nearly incomprehensible, and what follows is an attempt to re­ constitute the general meaning. 39. Praelium for proelium?

VALERIE HAYAERT

87

have been able to learn Latin letters, and would have read in them in the first book of Horace's discourses, "If war causes two adversaries of unequal valor to fight, like Diomedes and Glaucus, the Lycian, may the less brave withdraw while giving, in addition to everything else, gifts"(Satires, VIII, 16-18). And in Martial's Book IX of the Epigrams (94), "The same act of foolishness, Glaucus, I am sure of it, you yourself have never committed, you who gave gold to someone who gave you bronze." Or since he interpreted law books: he could at least have recalled what Aristotle wrote in Book Five of the Ethics in order to show the difference between justice and law. Or he could at least have imitated the reserve of Saint Thomas who, in reporting these facts, does not in any way take to daydreaming like Accursius, but is not for all that deceived by his ignorance as an interpreter: he says that Diomedes received armor worth one hundred oxen in exchange for armor worth nine oxen. Or as Pliny affirms it in Book XXXIII [Natural History, XXXIII, sec. 7], "Although Homer was," he says, "himself an admirer of gold, he estimated the value of things in terms of heads of livestock, saying that Glaucus had exchanged his weapons of gold which were worth one hundred oxen, for Diomedes' weapons which were worth nine," and here is what Justinian said: "such an exchange of ancient laws for new ones was made, in the same manner as the exchange that occurred between Glaucus and Diomedes, things worth one hundred for others worth nine." 40 Nebrija's text is a good example of the way the intertextual weaving functions. This commentary on the fable of Glaucus and Diomedes functions first as a manifesto against the extravagance of Accursius, a jurist from the school of glossators, a professor in Bologna like his predecessors Irnerius, then the four doctors who succeeded him: Bulgarus, Martin Gosia, Jacobus, and Hugo of Ravenna (see Savigny). Accursius had the idea of combining all the glosses of these predecessors beginning with Irnerius into a vast compilation which he called the Great Gloss, subsequently entitled Gloss ordinary. 40. Nebrija, 695.

88

EMBLEMATICA

Accursius died i n 1260.41 Here Nebrija openly criticizes Accursius's method; being unfamiliar with Roman literature and even less so with Greek letters, he not only did not understand the sense of this fable, but moreover invented a completely whimsical interpretation of it. Nebrija very explicitly informs us about what he thinks legitimizes an interpretation of this type of fragment: illic spiritus neutra praedicit, hie eruditio et verborum copia quae intelligit interpretatur. Contrary to the prophet, who delivers an utterance which is neither good nor bad, it is Veruditio et la verborum copia which legitimizes the interpretation because erudition here is presented as an understanding: verborum copia quae intelligit. This is fundamental in order to define the manner in which erudition functions for Coustau and Nebrija; what can appear to be a gratuitous display, which would resemble that of the most ill-mannered pedant, is perhaps only, in the end, a particularly tenuous manner of legitimizing the interpretation of a fragment. The collection of thoughts of different authors on one commonplace is, certainly, a memory activity, but it is also a form of cogitation, of thought, as Mary Carruthers has brilliantly shown for monastic rhetoric: Monastic rhetoric emphasized "invention," the cognitive procedures of traditional rhetoric. Rhetoric was thus practiced primarily as a craft of composition rather than as one primarily of persuading others. . . . Meditation is a craft of thinking. People use it to make things, such as interpretations and ideas as well as buildings and prayers. Since I focus on the craft and its tools, I am not particularly concerned in this study with hermeneutics, the validity or legitimacy of an interpretation, but rather with how an interpretation, whatever its content, was thought to be constructed in the first place. The complexity of this cognitive craft renders even more problematic . . . the question of "validity" in interpretation, and though I will not argue this matter directly in this book, I hope that my readers will come to the same conclusion. (3-5) The hermeneutic question of the validity of any given interpretation is complicated and must therefore be rethought in the case of the 41. On the school of Italian glossators, which continues until Bartolo de Sassoferrato, a professor at Pisa, then at Perugia, who died in 1357, see Savigny, III, 378-403.

VALERIE HAYAERT

89

I'cgHtc in relation to the utilization by these jurists from the first part ol I he sixteeth century of their "antiquisante" erudition. If the importance of the machina memorialis described by Mary Carruthers is quite obvious, how does the rhetoric of these erudite jurists account for the hormeneutic question? How can the rhetorical constructions which are the emblems of Coustau or the observations of Nebrija be interpreted? For Nebrija, the complex tessitura of his mosaic of fragments evoked here demonstrates very clearly the polemical role that the hermeneutics of eruditio and verborum copia can assume. We would like to move from this example to show how each philosophical narration in the emblems of Coustau functions like a meaningful tessitura: they are, in the end, "machines a prouver et a moraliser" [machines for proving and moralizing!, and Coustau makes use of his prolific erudition to support an underlying rhetoric of persuasion. The hermeneutic question is not self-evident because the narration functions "a sauts et gambades" on an accumulative and cornucopian turn (Cave). Beyond a critique of scholastic obscurantism, which had been in fashion among the humanists since Lorenzo Valla, these "observations" reveal the manner in which a jurist conceived the interpretation of a passage from Homer inserted into the Digest. Here these notes are in reality presented in the rough: it is a mosaic of ancient literary fragments which readily indicate their provenance, even when quotation marks do not appear in Nebrija's text margins. It is a collection of commentaries on an enigmatic commonplace: these passages are all possibilities which Accursius could have used in order to comment on the passage from the Digest. Here these recollections assume the role of potential tools, and the veritable literary "innutrition" evident in Nebrija appears as a process of progressive composition. This literary memory involves above all a painstaking study of texts, which then leads to an infinity of abridgements. If this list of fragments is truly a demonstration of an uncertain process of composition, the logical connector aut is the most obvious proof. The striking recurrence of this coordinating conjunction "or" shows that the fable of Glaucus and Diomedes is anything but univalent: it is a matrix of several "valences" and its essentially fleeting nature permits it to escape continuously from a rigorous interpretation in an exclusively comparative style. Hence, the difficulty in establishing an adequate reading of the passage from the Digest', hence, on the other hand, its inexhaustible capacity to suggest.

90

EMBLEMATICA

To conclude, we will examine Alciato's remarks on this passage in his Praetermissorum:42 In the same preface (In Homer, father of all virtue, Diomedes and Glaucus make peace by exchanging presents of unequal value) the following line is added: "He gave against a value of nine, a value of one hundred, gold for iron." This quotation is taken from Book VI of the Iliad where Glaucus, the Lycian, and Diomedes prepare to fight in single combat. When Glaucus had named his ancestors, "Why then" Diomedes said to him, "not compete with me rather by good deeds than by arms? As a sign, let us exchange arms." Hence the stupidity of Glaucus, who accepted, gave rise to a proverb on the subject of the unequal exchange. Cicero, Ad Atticum, Book 6. And Pliny too recalled it in book XXXIII of his Natural History, when he talks about commercial exchanges. Likewise Aulus-Gellius (Book II) and Martial: "A similar folly, you, Glaucus, I am sure you never committed it, you who gave gold to the man who was giving you bronze." Pliny the Younger in Book V of his correspondence states: You are going to receive, he said, letters which will not be accompanied by presents and are very simply ungrateful: they do not even imitate the cleverness of Diomedes in the exchange of presents. These things are sufficiently attested by the authors, but Accursius however was unaware of them. (679) Like Nebrija's text, that of Alciato demonstrates a concern for accuracy in the assignment of sources, and henceforth, we can assess the originality of Coustau's emblem: no mention is made of the second preface of the Digest and of what is at stake in the interpretation of this passage. However, Coustau attempts here to clear the name of Glaucus, whose foolishness had been proverbial since antiquity; by making Glaucus the figure of a wise man, preferring peace to gold, Coustau hit two birds with one stone, since he was also giving a mor42. Andreae Alciati Mediolanensis jureconsulti clarissimi, Paradoxorum ad Pratum, Libri Sex. Eiusdem in libros quorum nomina in sequenti pagina reperies. On the verso of the frontispiece: Dipunctionum, lib.IIII. De eo quod interest, liber unus. In tres libros Codicis, lib.III. Praetermissorum, lib.II. Declamatio una. De Stip.divisionib. Commentariolus.Lugduni, Apud Jacobum Giunta. M.D.XLVI.

VALERIE HAYAERT

91

ally satisfying interpretation to the insertion of this fable into the second preface of the Digest: "This unequal exchange is not a fool's bargain; quite to the contrary, it is an educational program for young 'school boys in the science of the laws' to 'lead them into the way we have opened for them and to make them into good officers of justice and of the state.' They will thus acquire 'an infinite glory for all posterity for having the good fortune to see in their time a change in the laws like the one made by Glaucos and Diomedes . . . by exchanging very different things'." Coustau rereads the ruling given in Constantinople in 533 CE under Justinian in moral terms and rectifies the sense of the fable. We lose Homer's irony regarding his character, but the interpretation of an addition that was posing a problem is more legitimately established. The last document in our inquiry is Erasmus's adage entitled "The exchange of Diomedes and Glaucus." He is the first author who explicitly connects the fable, which had become proverbial in antiquity, with its insertion in the second preface of the Digest and its meaning there. Here we will quote only the end of the adage, which concludes a cornucopian repertory of uses of this fable. It is, in short, at the expense of a meticulous, if not laborious, contextualizing that one can assess the extent to which the Pegme is directed to a very specific interpretative community. If we must admit that the content of the moral teaching in these emblems is often predictable, the legal culture and the compositional practice which gave birth to them, however, is not unimportant. There is also a mention of this adage in the introduction to the Pandects of Roman law, in these words : 'In our times a change in the laws has been devised, like that which in Homer, father of all virtue, Glaucus and Diomede effect between themselves, exchanging dissimilar things.' Thus far Justinian, a man, if I may speak frankly, too full of self-love and unjustifiably conceited, who valued his own patchwork and even flights of fancy about the laws higher than so many complete volumes by the most learned men. As to the comment on this passage by some commentator or other, it does not surprise me, but it fills me with shame. What wonder is there, if ignorance is shown here by those who have the whole of antiquity in contempt? But what the legal profession itself ought to be ashamed of is the clown-

92

EMBLEMATICA

ish imprudence of one who claims to interpret the law, but is not afraid to adduce the most foolish story, not from the authorities but from his own fancies, in a matter completely unknown. Most of all do I find it shameful and ext r a o r d i n a r y to meet d o c t o r s w h o will teach in all seriousness, and as a noble invention —and teach in our universities —a blunder so crass (I won't say merely ignorant) and never see that this figment does not at all square with the words of Justinian. For he means that the useless boring volumes have been abandoned, and better and shorter writings have been adopted, that is to say, a really unequal exchange has been effected. The commentator, whoever he may have been, interpreted this story as meaning that the gifts of the exchangers were equal, but each gave what he had in superfluity and received what he needed." Attentively examining how the emblems of Coustau were composed allows us to reopen the question of legal hermeneutics which arises at every level, whether it be that of language, society, or even the symbolic mentality of a given professional category. 43 (Trans. M. M. Philips) It is, in short, at the expense of a meticulous, if not laborious, contextualizing that one can assess the extent to which the Pegme is directed to a very specific interpretative community. If we must admit that the content of the moral teaching in these emblems is often predictable, the legal culture and the compositional practice which gave birth to them, however, is not unimportant. Attentively examining how the emblems of Coustau were composed allows us to reopen the question of legal hermeneutics which arises at every level, whether it

43. "Fit huius adagij mentio etiam in proemio Pandectarum Juris Caesarei his verbis. Nostris temporibus talis legum inventa est permutatio, qualem apud Homerum patrem omnis virtutis, Glaucus et Diomedes inter se faciunt, dissimilia permutantes. Nam ille significat pro relictis inutilibus, ac fastidiendis voluminibus, recepta sunt meliora, turn breviora, hoc est, permutationem factam vehementer inaequalem. Ergo conveniet uti, quoties officium aut munus longe impari muner pensatur, aut contra. Aut quoties aliquis rem pecuniariam auxit, sed dispendio famae: magistratum assecutus est, sed jactura bonae mentis: lautam fortunam reperit, sed amisit animi tranquilitatem. , , (Adage, Li.100: Diomedis et Glauci permutatio).

VALERIE HAYAERT

93

be that of language, society, or even the symbolic mentality of a given professional category. The Pegme by Pierre Coustau encourages reflection on the relations which can exist between a new practice of legal texts, that of philological humanism, and emblematic creation. This assumes the junctio between the Law and the study of Humanities, initiated by great figures such as Alciato or Ferretti and the use of the interdisciplinary margins in support of a legal practice ever closer to history, philosophy, and ancient letters. Through the case of this collection of emblems, it is necessary, of course, to show the constitution of a community of interpretation which reflects the mentality of a given profession, but one must not restrict the field of application of mental images which populate the culture of this erudite jurist; the career of universal humanist to which Coustau aspired in fact makes him a figure outside the norm, one whose emblematic and theological posterity would be represented very well by the Spanish Jesuits of the following century. Translated by Alison Halasz and Daniel Russell

Appendix I "On the exchange between Diomedes and Glaucus. Peace regained by gold." Here is a prose translation of the epigram: "While Glaucus rushes toward Diomedes, his enemy, and toward this combat of uncertain end, the two cruel adversaries throw themselves, the duel remains unfinished, an oath of agreement is sworn, once the ensigns are lain down, and they take each other's right hand in sign of alliance. Glaucus gives golden weapons and receives in exchange iron weapons, which represent an eternal pledge. Buy peace with gold, fix a price to settle the combat, for it is useful to the homeland that peace acquired by money." Philosophical Narration "Glaucus, son of Amphilochus, who went to Troy to aid Priam, then overwhelmed by a siege which lasted for so long, was seen as be-

94

EMBLEMATICA

ing worthy of praise in the eyes of posterity, for when he had pro­ voked Diomedes into s i n g u l a r combat, he sent him away well disposed and carrying a gift of great value. This man, although not lacking any of that im­ petuosity which in the greatest of souls is en­ tailed by the ardor of combat, judged it nev­ ertheless meritorious rpuie GldHCW'lJiowedrm'fenvr in hoH and that it was not con­ JJ.t didnam in pit gum (лит ytvrqnc mil: tdndcminjclhijoPitr(te- у pau[m]phlett have passed with mee in all my perilles" (Gascoigne 1910, 514). Gascoigne's decision not to use Fig. 5.The device illustrating Gascoigne's emblems in the Griefe of Joye letter to Sir Nicholas Bacon, 1 January forms a part of its "fine Inven­ 1577 (Ray 25, Norwich Record Office). By tion." But he returned to the k i n d p e r m i s s i o n of t h e M a r q u e s s genre and created further em­ Townshend. blematic devices in the set of letters he presented to various prominent courtiers this New Year. The unique surviving manuscript is his letter to Sir Nicholas Bacon, Keeper of the Queen's Seal, to whom Gascoigne was related by mar­ riage. This letter is particularly notable because in it Gascoigne uses a very different self-presentation to the one in the Griefe of Joye, even though both manuscripts are dated 1 January 1577. Although he uses his motto, "Tarn Marti quam Mercurio" when addressing Elizabeth, it does not appear in the letter, in which even his name is adapted to its French form, "George le Gascoigne." There can be no doubt that Gascoigne was keeping a number of different identities in play. Gascoigne's agenda is explicit: he opens by referring not only to his recent royal service but also to the letters and emblems he has sent to other courtiers: c

n

122

EMBLEMATICA

Beinge latelye receavede into Her Majesties service (wherin I hope to recover my decayede estate) I devisede to presente all my lordes and good frendes in Cowrte with certayne Emblems for their Newyeres gyftes, an exercyes (as I judge) neyther unplesante nor unproffitable. (Smith and Baker, 3) The letter to Bacon has, in the words of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, an "emblem beautifully sketched in ink of a man on horseback and a man about to mount a barebacked colt" (HMC Townshend, 3; see fig. 5). Above is the motto, "Aliquando tamen proficit qui sero sapit" [He who becomes wise late in the day, eventually, nevertheless, becomes serviceable]. 41 The verse which accompanies the motto and illustration expands upon this proverbial image of the unruly colt, from which "comes a good horse": 42 Before the sturdye colte will byde the bytt, he beares oftymes the broont of many blowes But when at laste he letts his ryder sytt, he learnes to rayne, and forwarde then he goos Some men be coltes: they friske & flynge at firste Yett (onse well broke) suche men prove not the worst: The tamed colt was, then, another variant of Gascoigne's reformed or Repentant Prodigal persona, rejecting the wildness of youth: 43 . . . At laste it hath pleasede God to make reasone my ryder, and he havinge firste corectede me, nexte enstructede me, and laste of all encoragede and coyed me, I begynne to beare the brydle pretelye well, and hope so to goe forwardes as I may deserve inthende to be well placed in a prynces stable. 41. I am grateful to Professor Pigman for this translation.

42. Tilley has "Of a ragged Colt comes a good horse" [C522].

43. Other related proverbs emphasized the unruliness of the colt: Tilley has, "There is no Colt but will break some halter" [C523] and "When you ride a young Colt see your saddle be well girt" [C524]. The image is directly echoed in the First Song of the Grief of Joye (1, 21); see Ward, 40n.

GILLIAN AUSTEN

123

The sequence of correction, instruction, and finally encouragement and reward suggests the process he hopes to go through as a penitent seeking patronage. Nonetheless, although he focuses on the need to deserve such favor, it is still the "prynces stable" he hopes for. But the tone suddenly changes as the horse is presented as starving and weak: But (my good Lorde) my colltyshe and jadishe trickes have longe sithens broughte me owte of fleashe, as withowte some spedye provysione of good provender I shall never be able to endure a longe jorneye, and therfore am enforcede to neye and braye unto your good Lordship and all other which have the keye of Her Majesties storehowse, beseachinge righte humblie that you will voutchsaffe to reamember me with some extreaordynarye allowaunce when it fallethe. (Smith and Baker, 3-4) It is clear that Gascoigne was once again in urgent financial straits. He had been paid £20 in November for his trip to Antwerp, a figure worth perhaps four months' expenditure at a gentlemanly rate, but he was always in debt and would almost certainly have depended on credit to finance his journey. Although both the Spoyle of Antwerpe and the Grief of joye reflect unmistakable royal favor, this had evidently not yet generated more tangible rewards, and he was forced to make a direct appeal to all his "lordes and good frendes in Cowrte" for urgent financial help. There is no record of how his letters were received and nothing else is known of his movements or activities until his death on 7 October 1577 at Stalmford, as recorded by George Whetstone. 44 Gascoigne's success as a courtly poet is most evident in the manuscripts and performances of his last two years. In the Hemetes manuscript and his letter to Sir Nicholas Bacon, Gascoigne exploited the complexity and allusiveness of emblematic devices to build on his courtly opportunities through 1575-76. He apparently found them ideal vehicles for courtly lobbying, offering rich opportunities for self-presentation and the cultivation of multiple personae by which to manoeuvre within the system of patronage. Gascoigne's modern 44. See Prouty, 99-100; Gascoigne 2000, xli. For a text of Whetstone's elegy, A Remembraunce of the wel imployed Life, and godly end of George Gascoigne, see Arber, 17-29.

EMBLEMATICA 124 reputation as a courtly poet has never been as strong as his reputation as a moralist, which may attest to the success of his various satirical personae in print, most notably the Repentant Prodigal. 45 But his participation in the entertainments at Kenilworth and Woodstock, and these manuscripts, associate him with the very early development of the taste for emblems and imprese at Elizabeth's court, which culminated before the end of the decade in the institution of the Accession Day Tilts and the full development of the cult of Elizabeth.

Works Cited Alciato, Andrea. Andreas Alciatus: Index Emblematicus. 2 vols. Ed. Peter M. Daly, with Virginia Woods Callahan and Simon Cuttler. Toronto, 1985. Austen, Gillian. "The Literary Career of George Gascoigne: Studies in Self-presentation." Unpublished D.Phil, thesis, Oxford, 1996. . "George Gascoigne and the Transformations of Phylomene." In Elizabethan Literature and Transformation. Ed. Sabine Colsch-Foisner. Tubingen, 1999. Bates, Catherine. The Rhetoric of Courtship in Elizabethan Language and Literature. Cambridge, 1992. Bath, Michael. Speaking Pictures. English Emblem Books and Renaissance Culture. London and New York, 1994. Berry, Herbert, and E. K. Timings. "Spenser's Pension." Review of English Studies 11 (1960): 254-59. Caldwell, Dorigen. "Studies in Sixteenth-Century Italian Imprese." Emblematica 11 (2001): 1-257. Callahan, Virginia Woods. "Ramifications of the Nut Tree Fable." In Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Turonensis (Universite Frangois-Rabelais, 6-10 Sept. 1976). Ed. Jean-Claude Margolin. Paris, 1980. Castiglione, Baldassare. The Book of the Courtier. Trans. George Bull. Harmondsworth, 1967. Clements, Robert J. "Pen and Sword in Renaissance Literature." Modern Language Quarterly 5 (1944): 131-41; rewritten as a chapter in Picta Poesis. Rome, 1960. Corbett, Margery, and Ronald Lightbown. The Comely Frontispiece. The Emblematic Title Page in England 1550-1600. London, 1979.

45. Gascoigne's emblems were not printed until the 1910 Cunliffe edition (which did not include the letter to Bacon).

GILLIAN AUSTEN

125

Cunliffe, J.W. " T h e Q u e e n e s M a j e s t i e s E n t e r t a i n m e n t at Woodstocke." Publications of the Modern Language Association 26 (1911): 92-141. Daly, Peter, and Mary V. Silcox. The English Emblem. Bibliography of Secondary Literature. Munich, 1990. Erasmus. "Commentary on Ovid's Nut-Tree." Trans. A. G. Rigg. In Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 29. Literary and Educational Writings 7. Ed. Elaine Fatham and Erika Rummel. Toronto, 1989. Freeman, Rosemary. English Emblem Books. London, 1948. Gascoigne, George. The Tale of Hemetes the Heremyte. Royal MS 18 A xlviii (British Library). . Letter to Sir Nicholas Bacon, 1 January 1577. Ray. 25 (Norfolk Record Office). . The Complete Works. Ed. J.W. Cunliffe. 2 vols. Cambridge, 1907-10. . A Hundreth Sundrie Flowres (1573). Ed. G. W. Pigman. Oxford, 2000. Greg, W. W., and E. Boswell. Records of the Court of the Stationers' Company. London, 1930. Gundesheimer, Werner L. "Patronage in the Renaissance: An Exploratory Approach." In Patronage in the Renaissance. Ed. Guy Fitch Ly tie and Stephen Orgel. Folger Institute Essays. Princeton, 1981. Heale, Elizabeth. Autobiography and Authorship in Renaissance Verse: Chronicles of the Self. New York, 2003. Historical Manuscripts Commission. HMC Townshend (XI, 4). London, 1887. Pollard, A. F. The Queenes Majesties Entertainment at Woodstock. 1575. Oxford, 1903/1910. Prouty, Charles T. George Gascoigne. Elizabethan Courtier, Soldier, and Poet. New York, 1942; rpt. New York, 1968. , and Ruth Prouty. "George Gascoigne, The Noble Arte ofVenerie, and Queen Elizabeth at Kenilworth." Joseph Quincy Adams Memorial Studies. Washington, 1948. Robertson, Jean. "George Gascoigne and The Noble Arte ofVenerie and [sic] Hunting." Modern Language Review 37 (1942): 484-85. Root, Robert K. "Publication Before Printing." Publications of the Modern Language Association 28 (1913): 427-28. Rosenberg, Eleanor. Leicester, Patron of Letters. New York, 1955. Salter, Elizabeth, and Derek Pearsall. "Pictorial Illustration of Medieval Poetic Texts: The Role of the Frontispiece or Prefatory Pic-

126

EMBLEMATICA

Hire." In Medieval Iconography and Narrative: A Symposium. Ed. Flemming G. Anderson, et al. Odense, 1980. Sargent, Ralph. At the Court of Queen Elizabeth. The Life and Lyrics of Sir Edward Dyer. Oxford, 1935. Sidney, Sir Philip. The Countess of Pembroke's Arcadia. Ed. Maurice Ev­ ans Harmondsworth, 1977. Smith, A. H., and G. M. Baker, eds. The Papers of Nathaniel Bacon of Stiffkey. 3 vols. Vol. II. Norwich, 1983. Surrey, Earl of. Poems. Ed. Emrys Jones. Oxford, 1964. Tottel, Richard. Songs and Sonettes (Tottel's Miscellany) 1557. Leeds, 1966. Trapp, J. B. "The Owl's Ivy and the Poet's Bays. An Enquiry into Poetic Garlands." Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 21 (1958): 227-55. Ward, В. М. "George Gascoigne and his Circle." Review of English Studies 2 (926): 32-41. Whetstone, George. A Remembraunce of the wel imployed Life, and godly end of George Gascoigne. In George Gascoigne. The Steele Glas &c. (Eng­ lish Reprints). Ed. E. Arber. London, 1868. Wilson, Katharine. " 'The Ironicall Recreation of the Reader': the Con­ struction of Authorship in the Prose Fictions of John Lyly, Robert Greene, and Thomas Lodge." Unpublished D.Phil, thesis, Oxford, 2000. Yates, Frances A. Astraea. The Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth Century. London, 1975; rpt. London, 1993. Young, Alan R. Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments. London, 1987.

The Falkland Jacket: Sources, Provenance and Interpretation of an Emblematic Artifact SUSAN NORTH Victoria and Albert Museum, London

The subject of this article is an early seventeenth-century embroi­ dered woman's jacket, Т.80-1924, in the collection of the Victoria and Albert Museum( figs. 1 & 2). Known as the "Falkland jacket," it came to the Victoria and Albert Museum from Viscount Falkland as a loan in 1897 and was purchased in 1924. It has long been acknowledged as a superlative example of applied emblems in embroidery. When the jacket arrived at the Victoria and Albert Museum in 1897, the Keeper of Circulation, H. M. Cundall, recognized the similarity of two im­ ages, Bacchus and the pelican-in-her-piety, to emblems from Geffrey Whitney's A Choice ofEmblemes of 1586 (Victoria and Albert Museum, Falkland). These were most likely identified in reference to a facsim­ ile reprint of A Choice ofEmblemes edited by Henry Green, published in 1866, held in the Museum's library. Literature on both emblematics and embroidery history acknowledge the significance of the Falk­ land jacket, including A. F. Kendrick (78-79), Rosemary Freeman (94-95) and more recently Peter M. Daly (1988, 25). This article will re-examine the emblem sources for the jacket's embroidery, its attrib­ uted provenance and date, as well as explore the relationship be­ tween printed source and needlework design. The Falkland jacket is an extraordinary piece of embroidery, al­ though now in very poor condition due to the iron mordant used in the dyeing process of the black silk thread. Over time the iron has oxi­ dized and caused the threads to disintegrate which is clearly visible 127

128

EMBLEMATICA

1 т. ...

Fig. 1. The Falkland jacket, front, Т.80-1924, V&A Museum.

Fig. 2. The Falkland jacket, back, Т.80-1924, V&A Museum.

129

SUSAN NORTH

Ш

Ш^ЯЙ.'С* . Fig. 3. The Falkland jacket, sleeve, Т.80-1924,

in the photograph (fig. 3). The materials used were modest, black silk and l i n e n , no s i l v e r - g i l t thread or colored silks as often found in needle­ work of this period. It is the design and execution of the embroidery that create the jacket's impres­ sive v i s u a l effect. An overall pattern of scroll­ ing vines bears the out­ lines of roses and eglan­ tine, with leaves of vari­ ous sizes. Within these outlines are an extensive array of motifs: animals, birds, insects, and emblematic scenes. The very graphic representation of these images is striking; the extremely thin threads of black silk on pale linen mimic with rem a r k a b l e accuracy the Й П е

^

°f l

Р

Г

°П

?*"

P e r - Although the particular style and the subjects of this jacket are unique among surviving examples of blackwork, it conforms to the charac­ teristics of English embroidery of this era. The history of this specific form of needlework over a period of about seventy-five years is an important aspect of the visual arts in Britain during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. In fact, the first reference to the con­ trasting nature of blackwork dates from a much earlier period, ap­ pearing in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. He describes the smock worn by the carpenter's wife, Alison, as follows: "White was hir smock, and broiden all before / And eek behind, on hir coller aboute, / Of col-black silk, within and eek withoute (Chaucer, 108).

V&A Museum.

130

EMBLEMATICA

English blackwork embroidery received fresh impetus and influence from Spain when Katherine of Aragon arrived in 1501 (Geddes and McNeill, 13). Called "Spanish work," the new style was a form of counted thread needlework, which suited the abstract nature of the patterns. These were primarily geometric, based on interlacing squares, rectangles, and quatrefoils, with highly stylized interpretations of plants and heraldic beasts. It was not just the method of needlework that dictated an abstract style; the influence of Islamic art on the Moorish culture of Spain during the fourteenth century favored such non-representational patterning. The embroidery was used mainly as an edging for the collars, cuffs, and neck openings of men's shirts and women's smocks, in other words, the parts of the fine linen underwear that would show when fully dressed. English blackwork soon developed into a style uniquely its own; by the 1530s, a preference for abstract floral patterns began to dominate. Hans Holbein's portrait of Jane Seymour in 1536 illustrates a cuff embroidered in a pattern of stylized flowers. Less than ten years later, a much more dynamic naturalism can be seen in the blackwork illustrated in Holbein's portrait of Catherine Howard from 1541. The patterns remained fairly small in scale, as the extent of the work was still limited to the cuffs and collars of undergarments. The increasing realism in floral design of blackwork can be credited to the influence from published herbals and their woodblock engravings. Perhaps it was the similar tonal effect of black on white that made blackwork embroidery so susceptible to associations with printed images. The illustrations included in herbals were very realistic, because identification of the plant in question was crucial. Restrictions of space required tall or rambling plants to be portrayed with curving stems and branches, and partially overturned leaves. This unique combination of precision and stylization found its way to embroidery designs as early as the 1550s. By the 1580s, whole sleeves were covered with blackwork and the scale of the embroidery grew with the fullness of the sleeve and featured huge vine leaves, roses, carnations, and pomegranates realistically rendered in a dynamic pattern of scrolling stems. By the end of the sixteenth century, new influences from the graphic arts on both content and style developed in blackwork embroidery. Insects, such as caterpillars, butterflies, spiders, ants, bees, and wasps, the natural companions of flowers, appeared among the plant life of blackwork embroidery in the 1580s. By the 1590s, they were joined by a variety of birds and animal life. Along with the

131

SUSAN NORTH "f& tim сel eras, Duxgenerof^ т&Ш ? not bring herself to sugSottkiititpetatis pernor геЛттщ 6"* dm& gest that a Catholic ReUigkrieulm con^kieni^fmfo. queen should rebuild с Nate her church in the state (Bath 2004, 10-11). I want to add that the im­ Fig. 4. Emblem from Georgette de Montenay, age itself shows an at­ Emblematum Christianorum, (Zurich, 1584). Repro­ tempt to individualize duced by permission of the Folger Shakespeare Li­ the portrait for Mary. brary, Washingon, DC. Just as Inglis turns the woman's body more for-

173

GEORGIANNAZIEGLER

INSIGNI P I E T A T E HEROINE МА1ШЕ SVEWAKTM FR/EDIC: L L L V S T R I S S : C O M I T ГУХСЖТ L E C T 1 SSI M l CASTISSIШЕО.: EMBI.EMA CHRIST! ANV.M.

| !

i

!

i

|r и /; djt, fie ijiltcis atitn, fdJiam/ii Lmnr/fL^ \ Lasd taa. ccimis, ТУкх. (je/icr/rfdt мама ? bofuatatpictatb (mar/шш/ш, 6t aJj/id^ \ Щеща~10, ctdftzi ctfflspiciejiaajacty, Voycz. comment ccfte Dames efibrce 13c coeiu" nou reiricr dawaiicar i edifice X)u temple tamer, pour detoute fa force Logcrverlu,ctdcckafl!cr tout rice. ISTotons qucDiC-U la rend ainn propice, A fm qu'if fott giorifie'en ef{e; Ht cm on fott prompt (atnfi an eltc)au feruicc Dont fe foyer eft la vie dternellc, ф

\ s j j

Щ0

Fig. 5. Emblem by Esther Inglis, "Insigni Pietate Heroinae Mariae Stewartae" [1622]. Huntington Library RB 283000 V:III. Reproduced by permission of the Huntington Library and Art Gallery.

EMBLEMATICA 174 ward and adds the head of Elizabeth Stuart to the figure in the British Library manuscript, in this emblem she keeps the body turned more toward the figure's left, but draws a head with black cap and crown that obviously represents Mary. Thus, while she pictorially shows Mary as queen, she verbally demotes her in the verse below. It appears then that since Inglis was already copying the Montenay emblems for her larger manuscript gift project, she may have drawn the one for Elizabeth, then thought of recycling it in commemoration of Elizabeth's grandmother as a gift to a high ranking Scottish noble. This association of Elizabeth with Mary Queen of Scots was not without precedents that Inglis might have known. We have already examined Peacham's 1612 emblem for Elizabeth using the marigold associated with her grandmother. In that same year the Protestant scholar James Maxwell published a prayerbook for the young princess Elizabeth entitled Queene Elizabeths Lookingglasse of Grace and Glory (STC 17705). Here he relates Elizabeth both to her godmother, the old queen, whose name is in the title, and to her grandmother, Mary Queen of Scots, to whose memory he dedicates the book. Maxwell calls the queens: "two of the most excellent Princesses, that either eye hath seene, or eare hath heard tell of these many ages" (A6v). Maxwell again evokes Mary Queen of Scots, along with queens Elizabeth and Anne in his poem on the marriage of the princess Elizabeth to Frederick in 1613: A Monument of Remembrance (STC 17703). Like Esther Inglis, Maxwell was a Scot, and he must have realized the importance to James of keeping alive a good memory of the king's mother. In fact, James had Mary's b o d y moved from Peterborough to an elaborate tomb in Westminster Abbey in October 1612, which by its placement symbolically linked him with the Lancastrian dynasty of Henry VII.24 Maxwell's two books were printed around this time, 1612-13. Furthermore, James had encouraged the English historian, William Camden, to write a more positive account of Mary in his history of the reign of Elizabeth, in order to counter George Buchanan's History of Scotland that denigrated James's mother. Camden would also have been working on his history at this time, because it was published in Latin in 1615. In fact, an abridged version of the history was published in English, not as The History of Elizabeth, but with the title History of the Life and Death of Mary Stuart,

24. On the re-burial of Mary, see Guy, 504-05. For further discussion of the politics of James's displacement of Elizabeth's tomb and reburial of his mother, see Walker 1996.

GEORGIANNAZIEGLER

175

Ошч'н of Scotland in 1624 — the year of Inglis's book of emblems (See Trevor-Roper, 9-11, and Guy, 505). With their roots in Scotland but their eye on the new king of England, both Inglis and Maxwell were thus undoubtedly well aware of the political impetus to restore the memory of Mary Queen of Scots. Turning to consider the author portraits that Inglis added to her 1624 manuscript, we can see that she certainly identified herself with Georgette de Montenay, as she reproduces the portrait of that author in her own manuscript, then adds a self-portrait modeled on it. This portrait shows her sitting at her desk, pen in hand over an open book, with calipers and ruler to her left. These last two items do not appear in Montenay's portrait, but they do appear prominently in the lower right side of the emblem for Jeanne/Elizabeth. I suggest that Inglis identifies herself and her own work with the wise woman building a holy temple. 25 As I have shown elsewhere, most of her own manu­ scripts over the years were based on religious texts —especially Psalms, Ecclesiastes, and Proverbs, the same books alluded to in this emblem —and given primarily to members of the court who sup­ ported the Protestant cause (Ziegler, 23, 29-30). Between 1608 and 1612 she presented three manuscripts to Prince Henry who paid her a stipend (Scott-Elliot and Yeo, 12, 14, 64-69). Given the closeness of Henry with his sister Elizabeth, it is likely that she would have seen these beautiful gifts as well. This 1624 manuscript is one of the last and most ambitious ever made by Inglis. By this time, Elizabeth of Bohemia was isolated from her family on the continent, forbidden to return to England by her father King James; yet Inglis makes a point of including her as the only woman in this book of emblems, other­ wise directed to all male members of the court, including James and Charles. In her dedication she congratulates Charles on his "blessed, 25. See Scott-Elliot and Yeo, plate 30. In their catalog of Inglis manuscripts, they identify four portrait types, only the last of which they see as based on Georgette de Montenay. They further suggest that Inglis used the 1619 Frankfurt edition of Montenay's Emblemes. Given the fact that Montenay's portrait by Woeriot ap­ peared from the first edition in 1567, and that many of Inglis's earlier portraits are obviously based on that of Montenay, I would like to suggest that Inglis knew at least the 1584 edition of the Emblemes (see Adams 2002, 2:177,180). Fur­ thermore, in those earlier portraits she reproduces the lute and music found in Montenay's portrait. As far as I can ascertain, only in this case —BL Royal MS. 17.D.XVI —does she incorporate the calipers and ruler. (Scott-Elliot and Yeo 18-19, 81).

176

EMBLEMATICA

saif, and most happie returne," a reference to his trip to arrange a Catholic marriage in Spain. Neither Elizabeth nor her supporters in England had been favorable to such a match, but she had not actually taken steps to subvert the negotiations, as the Spanish ambassador to England accused her of doing. Fortunately, her father King James did not believe the accusation, and in the event, the marriage fell through (Oman, 284-85). In this emblem, Inglis seems still to be hoping that Elizabeth with her husband, Frederick of Bohemia, might yet rally the Protestant cause in Europe and "advance the building of the holy temple/ 7 The four items discussed here —printed emblems, medallion, and manuscript emblem —all depict Elizabeth Stuart in her years of "becoming." The first, designed by Peacham when she was sixteen evokes the possibilities open to her; she is yet a blank tablet, waiting to write her own destiny. The second, designed on the event of her marriage, depicts it as a union blessed by God and her as embodying the virtues of Faith, Hope and Truth —here, true nobility. The third, an emblem by the mysterious H. G., represents the hope associated with her as a second Phoenix, descended mythically from Elizabeth I. By the time of the Inglis manuscript, all of her virtues had been severely tried, but strengthened, and Inglis depicts Elizabeth as a female ruler who can still build a personal, internal temple and political, external state to God's glory. Works Cited Adams, Alison, et al. A Bibliography of French Emblem Books of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Vol. 2. Geneva, 2002. . "Georgette de Montenay's Emblemes Ou Devises Chrestiennes, 1567: New Dating, New Context." Bibliotheque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 63 (2001): 567-74. . "Les Emblemes Ou devises Chrestiennes de Georgette De Montenay: Edition de 1567." Bibliotheque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 62 (2000): 637-39. . Webs of Allusion: French Protestant Emblem Books of the Sixteenth Century. Geneva, 2003. Auerbach, Erna. Nicholas Hilliard. London, 1961. Barclay, Craig, and Luke Syson. "A Medal Die Rediscovered: A New Work by Nicholas Hilliard." Medal 22 (1993): 3-11. Bath, Michael. "Esther Inglis and Georgette de Montenay." In Society for Emblem Studies. Newsletter. No. 34 (January 2004): 9-12.

GEORGIANNAZIEGLER

177

. Speaking Pictures: English Emblem Books and Renaissance Culture. London, 1994. Bath, Michael, and Daniel Russell, ed. Deviceful Settings: The English Renaissance Emblem and its Contexts. New York, 1999. Brown, Cynthia J. "The Reconstruction of an Author in P r i n t . . . . " In Christine de Pisan and the Categories of Difference. Ed. Marilynn Desmond. Minneapolis, 1998. Pp. 215-35. Bryson, David. Queen Jeanne and the Promised Land. Leiden, 1999. Camden, William. Remaines concerning Britain. London, 1657 (Wing C374A). Casey, Brian. "The Hidden Meaning of Georgette De Montenay." In Society for Emblem Studies. Newsletter. No. 35 (July 2004): 7-8. Daly, Peter M. "England and the Emblem: The Cultural Context of English Emblem Books," in The English Emblem and the Continental Tradition. Pp. 1-60. , ed. The English Emblem and the Continental Tradition. New York, 1988. . Literature in the Light of the Emblem. 2nd ed. Toronto, 1998. . "Where Are We Going in Studies of Iconography and Emblematics?" In Iconography in Cultural Studies: Papers from the International Conference "Iconography East and West" Szeged 1993. Ed. Attila Kiss. Szeged,1996. Pp. 5-28. De lezabelis Anglae [sic] Parricidio Varii Generis Poemata Latina et Gallica. [Brussels, 1587?]. Donne, John. Complete Poetry. Ed. John T. Shawcross. New York, 1967. Dufresne, Laura Jean. "An Assembly of Ladies: The Fifteenth Century Pictorial Tradition of Christine de Pizan's La cite des dames and Le tresor de la cite des dames." Diss. U of Washington, 1989. Estienne, Henry, sieur des Fossez. The Art of Making Devises. Trans. Thomas Blount. London, 1646 (Wing E3350A). Freeman, Rosemary. English Emblem Books. London, 1948. G., H. The Mirrour ofMaiestie. London, 1618 (STC 11496). Ed. Mary V. Silcox. "The English Emblem Tradition." Vol. 4. Toronto, 1998. Guy, John. My Heart is My Own: The Life of Mary Queen of Scots. London, 2004. Harington, John. A Tract on the Succession to the Crown. Ed. Clements R. Markham. London, 1880. Hind, Arthur M. The Reign of James I. Cambridge, 1955. Vol. 2 of Engraving in England in the Sixteenth & Seventeenth Centuries. 3 vols.1952-64.

178

EMBLEMATICA

Inglis, Esther. "Cinquante Emblemes Chrestiens." 1622. British Library, Royal MS. 17.D.XVI. King, John N. Tudor Royal Iconography. Princeton, NJ, 1989. Lange, Thomas. "A Rediscovered Esther Inglis Calligraphic Manuscript in theHuntington Library." Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 89 (1995): 339-42. Luborsky, Ruth S., and Elizabeth M. Ingram. A Guide to English Illustrated Books 1536-1603. 2 vols. Tempe, AZ, 1998. Malcolmson, Cristina. "Christine de Pizan's City of Ladies in Early Modern England." In Debating Gender in Early Modern England, 1500-1700. Ed. Cristina Malcolmson and Mihoko Suzuki. New York, 2002..Pp. 15-35. Manning, John. The Emblem. London, 2002. Maxwell, James. A Monument of Remembrance. London, 1613 (STC 17703). . Queene Elizabeths Looking-glasse of Grace and Glory. London, 1612 (STC 17705). Meiss, Millard. French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry. 2 vols. New York, 1974. Montenay, Georgette de. Emblematum Christianorum. Zurich, 1584. Murdoch, John, et al. The English Miniature. New Haven, CT, 1981. Nixon, Anthony. "Hymens Holiday." In Great Brittaines Generall loyes. London, 1613 (STC 18587). Oman, Carola. The Winter Queen: Elizabeth of Bohemia. London, 1938; rpt. London, 2000. Oxoniensis Academiae Funebre Officium in Memoriam . . . Elisabethae. Oxford,1603 (STC 19018). Paradin, Claude. The Heroicall Devises of M. Claudius Paradin (1591). Intro. John Doebler. Delmar, NY, 1984 (STC 19183). Peacham, Henry. Minerva Britanna. London, [1612]. Rpt. The English Experience, no. 407. Amsterdam; New York, 1971 (STC 19511). . Prince Henrie Revived. London, 1615 (STC 19514). Petrarca, Francisco. Lord Morley's Tryumphes ofFraunces Petrarcke. Ed. D. D.Carnicelli. Cambridge, MA, 1971 (STC 19811). Phillips, James Emerson. Images of a Queen: Mary Stuart in Sixteenth-Century Literature. Berkeley, CA, 1964. Roelker, Nancy Lyman. Queen of Navarre: Jeanne d'Albret 1528-1572. Cambridge, MA, 1968. Saunders, Alison. "Montenay Comes to Edinburgh: A French Emblem Book SeenThrough Franco-Scottish Eyes." In The Emblem in Renais-

GEORGIANNA ZIEGLER

179

sance and Baroque Europe. Ed. Alison Adams and Anthony J. Harper. Leiden; New York,1992. Pp. 132-53. . The Sixteenth-Century French Emblem Book. Geneva, 1988. Scott-Elliot, A. H., and Elspeth Yeo. "Calligraphic Manuscripts of Es­ ther Inglis (1571-1624): A Catalogue." Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 84 (1990): 11-86. Silcox, Mary V. Introduction. In H.G. The Mirrour of Maiestie (1618). "The English Emblem Tradition." Vol. 4. Toronto, 1998. Smith, С N. Introduction. In Georgette de Montenay. Emblemes ou Devises Chrestiennes 1571. "Continental Emblem Books." No. 15. Menston, 1973. Strong, Roy. Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I. Oxford, 1963. Swain, Margaret. The Needlework of Mary Queen of Scots. Carlton, Bed­ ford, 1986. Trevor-Roper, Hugh. Queen Elizabeth's First Historian. London, 1971. Walker, Julia M. "Bones of Contention: Posthumous Images of Eliza­ beth and Stuart Politics." In Dissing Elizabeth: Negative Representa­ tions of Gloriana. Ed. Julia M. Walker. Durham, NC, 1998. Pp. 252-76. . "Reading the Tombs of Elizabeth I." ELR 26 (1996): 510-30. Yates, Frances A. Astrea: The Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth Century. Harmondsworth, England, 1977. . The Rosicrucian Enlightenment. London, 1972. Young, Alan R. The English Tournament Imprese. New York, 1988. . Henry Peacham. Boston, 1979. . "Jacobean Authority and Peacham's Manuscript Emblems." In Deviceful Settings. Ed. Bath and Russell. Pp. 33-53. Ziegler, Georgianna. "'More Than Feminine Boldness':The Gift Books of Esther Inglis." In Women, Writing, and the Reproduction of Culture in Tudor and Stuart Britain. Ed. Mary E. Burke, et al. Syra­ cuse, NY, 2000. Pp. 19-37.

Thomas Jenner's The Soules Solace (1626): A Study of Its Standing in the Development of the English Emblem Tradition MASON TUNG University of Idaho

The purpose of this essay is to examine Jenner's work more thoroughly than what Sidney Gottlieb has done in his introduction to the reprint of Jenner's three so-called "emblem books" (ix-xxvi). Moreover, in order to determine the position that The Soules Solace occupies in the English emblem tradition, emphasis will be given to the cultural forces that prompted Jenner to produce this illustrated religious handbook to help Christians find solace in the struggle to stay true to their faith. But first, a brief review of the corpus of major English emblem books is in order. 1 It is well known that English emblem books are highly derivative. From Thomas Palmer (1565) to John H. Wynne (1772), a majority of the twenty emblem writers borrowed both text and picture from continental sources of one form or another (Tung 1997, Appendix A). The sources of the minority of four works have not so far been traced: Andrew Willet's Sacrorum emblematum centuria una, 1592(7); Henry Goodyere's The Mirrour ofMaiestie, 1618; Robert Farley's Lychnocausia sive Moraliafacum emhlemata, 1638; and, John Bunyan's A Book for Boys and Girls, 1686.2 Six emblem books, sources of which are obvious be1. For recent surveys, see Holtgen 1985, Bath 1994, Manning 2002.

181

182

EMBLEMATICA

cause they are translations of their continental authors, are:S. P.'sThe Hcroicall Devises of M. Claudius Paradin (1591), Thomas Combe's The Theater of Fine Devices (1593) of La Perriere, Henry Hawkins's The De­ vout Hart (1634) of Etienne Luzvic, Christopher Harvey's Schola Cordis (1647) of Benedictus van Haeften, Edmund Arwaker's Pia Desideria (1686) of Herman Hugo, and James Astry's The Royal Politician (1700) of Diego Saavedra Fajardo. Two more works are not translations as such but are freer renditions of their originals. George Wither's A Col­ lection of Emblemes (1635) is a paraphrase of Gabriel Rollenhagen's mottoes, Wither adding his own epigrams and John Hall's Emblems with Elegant Figures (1648) is an adaptation of Michael Hoyer's Flammulae amoris (1629). All eight books reuse the plates for the most part that have been printed with their originals. The remaining eight works, which are collections though individual emblems may well be translations or paraphrases of their originals, may be divided into three evolving groups. The first group, which is anthological and sec­ ular for the most part, but not irreligious, consists of Palmer's Two hundred poosees (BL, Sloan MS 3794,1565), Geffrey Whitney's A Choice of Emblemes (1586), and Henry Peacham's Minerva Britanna (1612). The second group features a single, erotic theme and is represented by Philip Ayres's Emblemata amatoria (1683). The third group is devo­ tional and meditative and is made up of Henry Hawkins's Partheneia sacra (1633), Francis Quarles's Emblemes (1635) and Hieroglyphikes of the Life of Man (1638), E. M.'s Ashrea or the Grove of Beatitudes (1665), and Robert Whitehall's Hexastichon hieron (1677). Jenner's work ap­ peared on the scene before the beginning of the third movement in the development of the English emblem traditiori. Inasmuch as English emblem books are derivative of and depend­ ent upon their continental models, their progression from anthology to devotional literature also mirrors the evolution of continental em­ blem books. Moreover, some of these European productions are initi­ ated not by men of letters but rather by engravers and printers. Sev­ eral notable examples are: Gerard de Jode, whose 74 engravings in Микрокосмос;, Parvus mundus (Antwerp, 1579) are explained by Laurentius Haechtanus; ^Egidius Sadeler, whose 882 engravings in Symbola divina & humana (Prague, 1601-03) are commented on succes­ sively by Jacobus Typotius and Anselmus de Boodt; and Crispin II de 2. See, however, Roger Sharrock's brief mention of Bunyan's possible sources (114, 116) and Michael Bath's certain knowledge that Goodyere stole from Lodovico Petrucci's emblems (2002, 12).

MASON TUNG

183

Passe's 52 copperillustrations in Thronus cupidinis, sive Emblemata amatoria (1616?) with text by an unnamed and thus unknown author. Otto van Veen, a painter by training, designed illustrations (engraved by Cornelius Boel) for Amorum emblemata (1608) and Amoris divini emblemata (1615). Anton Wierix's eighteen pictures with Latin verses in Cor lesu amanti sacrum (1600) established the vogue of cardiomorphic emblems. The influence of these latter works upon the development of both the erotic and the devotional emblems is well known (Praz, 83-168). The upshot of this practice is that engraved pictures precede the production of the literary text, rather than the other way around. Of course, engraver- or painter-initiated publications are not confined to emblem literature. For instance, the influential engraver of emblems, Bernard Salomon, originated two series of engravings to illustrate Ovid's Metamorphoses, and emblematists like Barthelemy Aneau and Gabriele Simeoni wrote texts respectively for the French and Italian editions, giving them a distinctly emblematic appearance (Tung 2002, 408). In this respect, Jenner, who was both a painter and an engraver, may be regarded as an English follower of this continental practice, although he seems to have established his text first. Now to place Jenner in his immediate cultural milieu. Printseller, publisher, and engraver, Thomas Jenner was above all a shrewd businessman. Printselling as a profession originated in the middle of the sixteenth century with the rise in the demand for engravings, a demand created by the era of great discoveries and of political and religious strife that lasted well into the second half of the next century. In A History of Engraving & Etching, Arthur M. Hind elaborates on its origin as follows: "There has never, perhaps, been a period more prolific in prints of all sorts. The traveler —and this was the great era of discoveries —must have his engravings of topography, the annalist his series of portraits, the political agitator his broadsides. Moreover, in this epoch of religious upheaval the value of engravings as a subsidiary to propagandizing, was being realized by the religious orders, and illustrations of Scripture stories and small devotional prints were disseminated broadcast." Incidentally, the epoch was also known in England as the golden age of sermons (Mitchell, 3), the impact of which upon Jenner's work will soon become apparent. "The enormous increase in the demand for engravings," Hind continues, "greatly changed the conditions of their production. With the prospect of sound business the middle-man of necessity enters, and there gradually grew up the new and soon flour-

184

EMBLEMATICA

ishing profession of print-seller" (118). In the Netherlands, some of the printsellers were also engravers, e. g., Hieronymous Cock, Philippe Galle, and Crispin de Passe, all of whom also became their own publishers, the middlemen having "merged" with both management and labor, as it were, to increase their profit margins. Jenner not only followed this lucrative practice but also produced works that met the demands of his native country. For the travelers, he printed A new booke ofmapps exactly describing Evrope (1645?) with twenty-two maps, and signed the engraved title with his own name. For the political agitators, being one of sorts himself, he printed London blame, if not its shame manifested by the great neglect of the fishery . . . Dedicated by Thomas }enner to the Corporation of the poor, in the city of London (1651), in which he urged the city to increase its fish catches and to give the millions from the sale of the same to the poor. As England lagged behind the continent of Europe in graphic arts (Hind, 134), he published Albert Durer revived, A book of drawing, limning, washing, or colouring of maps and prints;. . . or, The young mans time well spent, printed by M. Simmons (1652), to help train a new generation of painters who could supply designs for engravers. 3 This twenty-two-page manual became so popular that it was reprinted twice during his lifetime (1660, 1666) and subsequently five more times (1679, 1685, 1698, 1718, 1731) by other publishers (NUC, vol. 279, pp. 352-53). Finally, for propagating his brand of radical Protestantism, he produced The Soules Solace (1626), a devotional book of thirty spiritual "emblems," which was so well received that three more editions (1631,1639,1651) were called for. Prompted by this success, he published two more illustrated doctrinal exegeses in 1656: The Path of Life and The Ages of Sin, The last two titles along with The Soules Solace were reprinted by "Scholars' Facsimiles & Reprints" in 1983 with an introduction by Sidney Gottlieb. That Jenner is "by no means a long-lost English Alciati" and that Jenner's verses are far inferior to those of Donne, Herbert, or Milton, Gottlieb first concedes (ix). He goes on to suggest that both poetry and illustrations are nevertheless worth studying so as to understand Jenner's "peculiar but valuable contribution to the develop3.

Henry Peacham was the first English author to launch this effort at improving native graphic skills by publishing The Art of Drawing with the Pen and Limning in Water Colours (1606). He subsequently enlarged and reissued the book with variant titles of either Graphice or The Gentleman's Exercise (1612) and included parts of it in his famous courtesy book, The Compleat Gentleman (1622).

MASON TUNG

185

ment of the English emblem book" as well as to catch "the English emblem tradition at one of its peaks" (ix-x). Through the illustrations of a few verses (xii), he reveals the secret of Jenner's popularity with his Christian readers (xiv), describes the manner in which Jenner "tinkered" with his source engravings from Rollenhagen's emblem book (x), and elucidates Jenner's political and religious mindset— his Parliamentarian leaning and anti-Catholic animus (xix-xx) —during the reign of King Charles I that culminated in the Puritan revolution. But, by not focusing on the role sermons played in the writing of Jenner's verses and by not comparing them with those of Whitney and Peacham who precede him and those of Wither and Quarles who come after him, Gottlieb's introduction offers the reader no clear idea as to what contributions Jenner actually made nor how to place Jenner's book in the history of the English emblem tradition. These questions may be answered by studying in detail how Jen­ ner constructed his poems and his illustrations in The Soules Solace, by evaluating its successes and failures thus to ascertain its true na­ ture (i. е., whether it is a bona fide emblem book or something else), and by comparing it with the works of the other English emblematists before and after him so as to fix its standing in the English tradi­ tion. It will be seen that he goes about making his book, in the same way he does his publishing business, with a true entrepreneurial spirit, savvy of what his readers want and unafraid of taking risks. Although his skills for versifying and engraving might not be first rate, his composition nevertheless so delighted his chosen audience that it became very popular, far more so certainly than those of Whit­ ney and Peacham. In what follows I shall examine first the poems, in light of the sermons Jenner heard, with regard to their form and for­ mat, source and background, and content and impact. I shall next an­ alyze the illustrations with respect both to their assimilation of parts from different sources, their resultant iconography, and their rela­ tion to the titles and the poems. I shall finally compare Jenner's work with that of Whitney, Peacham, Wither, and Quarles in order to deter­ mine its standing in the English tradition.

1. The Verses a. Form and Format By 1626, the year The Soules Solace was published, epigrams in Eng­ lish emblem books have changed from being irregular in both type

186

EMBLEMATICA

(poulter's measure, quatrain, sestet, and dizain) and length (from two to as many as thirty lines) as in Whitney's A Choice ofEmblemes to both being more or less regular (two to three sestets or septets) as in Peacham's Minerva Britanna. Both books, however, maintain the tripartite emblem format, begun in the emblem book of Alciato, of a motto or title above the woodcut and an epigram below, hereafter referred to as the humanist emblem. 4 And both have most of their emblems in the layout of one emblem per page. Again, by virtue of their irregular length, more of Whitney's emblems than Peacham's run over to the next page and two emblems sometimes share a single page. Reverting to Whitney's irregular length, Jenner varies his texts between twenty and forty lines, but uses the regular form of iambic pentameter couplets and places them immediately below the title (he uses no mottoes), puts the illustration (varying from 50x72 mm to 56x83 mm) at the top of the next page and two lines of verse below the illustration; he continues the rest of the text on the third paage. Being a small quarto, a single page of The Soules Solace can hold a maximum of sixteen lines including the title, or the illustration with only two lines beneath it. For example, the first poem, entitled "Justification by Faith," begins on A3r with thirteen lines, continues on A3v under the illustration with lines 14-15, and ends on A4r with lines 16-24. At the end of the poem a decorative bar is used to fill up the remaining space on the page so that the next poem starts on top of the next page. This format is followed even when the forty lines of verse in no. 5 run on to the fourth page. When the last two lines of text no. 16 end up at the top of the fourth page, however, a rule is used to separate them from the beginning of the next poem on the same page. This new ar4. The study of the humanist emblem has progressed by leaps and bounds since the Society for Emblem Studies was formed in 1987. Despite the rapid growth of the field into many subfields: proto-emblematics, para-emblematics, applied emblematics, and extra-literary emblematics, the humanist emblem itself faces some as yet unanswered questions. Are all emblems created equal? Do they all meet the ideal of the humanist emblem? If they do not, can they still have a tripartite form? Are emblems with mottoes different from, or superior to, those with titles. Are emblems with titles of moral types (such as the adulterer, the flatter, the prostitute) different from, or superior to, those with titles of personifications (such as Prudence, Envy, Chastity, Pride)? Does one read naked emblems (that is, emblems without pictures) the same way as one reads emblems without mottoes or titles (such as those of La Perriere and de Beze)? These questions need to be answered in order to determine the degrees of excellence in a humanist emblem book.

MASON TUNG

187

rangemi?nt is obviously necessary for economic reasons and is repeated seven more times among the remainder of the emblem texts (nos. 18-30). The result of this practice causes Jenner to regress to the layout of Alciato's first edition of 1531 printed by Steyner at Augsburg in which most of the emblems are printed continuously. 5 Thus, in terms of the letterpress, there are a good many variations and much unpredictability. What remained constant in appearance, however, are the illustrations and the two lines beneath them on single pages. This constant feature resembles Rollenhagen's emblems in Nucleus Emblematum (1611-13) after which Jenner models many of his illustrations (see below). Under each medalion-shaped engraving by Crispin I de Passe is usually a Latin distich (sometimes a tetrastich), although Rollenhagen's motto encircles the illustration, keeping the three parts together, whereas Jenner's title is separated by intervening lines of his text from his illustration. Be that as it may, this presence of an "emblem" look is not accidental but deliberate. Jenner must have been aware that emblem books still sold well although his understanding of the term "emblem" was different from that of his predecessors (see below). But the look disappears in th second edition of The Soules Solace in 1631 where all thirty-one poems and their illustrations are printed continuously, separated only by rules. From a historical perspective the layout is regressive, reverting to that of 5.

On the layout of emblem books, it should be noted that Alciato not only disliked many illustrations in the Steyner edition that did not fit his epigrams but perhaps also wanted to change this continuous layout (which resulted in the separation of the motto from the picture and the epigram or the motto and the picture from the epigram) into a layout that would keep motto, picture and epigram together to the extent feasible on one page. This was accomplished in 1534 with the cooperation (a fact hitherto unnoticed and unappreciated) between Christian Wechel the printer and publisher and Mercure Jollat the engraver who made the vertical rectangular woodcuts in this first authorized edition variable in length to accommodate the irregular length of the epigrams. If the epigram was two to six Latin verses long he maintained the length of the woodcut; if it was eight or more verses long, he shortened the woodcut, sometimes reducing it to a square or even to a horizontal rectangle. This format with one emblem per page became so popular that it was followed by many other publishers and printers of emblem books as well as imitated by those of the illustrated literature such as fables, herbals, bestiaries, personifications, mythologies, and, as mentioned above, Ovid. There is, however, an exception to this dominant trend. As early as 1539 or 1540, Denis Janot in Paris printed La Perriere's Le Theatre desbons engine with the engraving on the left hand (verso) and the text on the right hand (recto) page, a layout later employed in both the erotic and the devotional emblems.

188

EMBLEMATICA

Alciato's 1531 edition. By abandoning the layout of his first edition, Jenner seems to have taken no interest in maintaining the emblem look, which had earlier made good business sense to him. Further­ more, the change of layout does not seem to make his book less useful or popular as further editions prove. As we shall see, his book did not have to look like an emblem book to be either popular or useful. The reason for its success has much to do with its source and how Jenner used it. b. Source and Background Jenner tells his "Loving and Christian Reader" that "Hearing many Ministers, I haue pluckt from some of their Gardens, flowers which I haue put altogether, and made a Posie" (A2r). In other words, he has turned into poems choice ideas and sometimes even scriptural quota­ tions and illustrative examples from the sermons he had heard. 6 In or­ der to authenticate the sermons, he identifies the ministers with the initials of their last names (e. g., Master В., M. C, M. D., M. F., M. L., M. M., M. S., M. Т., M. V., and M. W.) and places them at the end of each poem. It is impossible to overemphasize the important role sermons played not only in determining the form and the content of Jenner's poems, but also in gauging their influence upon all Englishmen in this century of religious turmoil and revolution. As church attendance on Sunday was compulsory (Davies, 10), Englishmen of all walks of life had to sit, "willynilly," through ser­ mons at least once every week. Schoolmasters were quick to use the listening and recording of sermons as a means to help students master the rhetoric of theme writing because sermon composition was also based on rules of classical rhetoric. According to Mitchell, ". . . from their earliest years children of the period were encouraged to memo­ rise carefully or preserve by means of notes the sermons which they heard. . . . The intention [of note-taking] . . . was rather a distinct fea­ ture of the public education of the day on its rhetorical side, and had in view not only the religious welfare of the young note-taker, but his worldly welfare also, which was most likely to be ensured by a thor­ ough mastery of the theme" (Mitchell, 31-32; Freeman, 87). Since little

6. The relation between sermon and emblem has been noted in connection with Claude Villette by Russell, 91; in connection with Johan Michael Dilherr by Falkner, and in connection with Alard le Roy and Casimirus Fuesslin by Manning 2002, 120, 220.

MASON TUNG

189

is known of Jenncr's life beyond his published works, we can only assume that he attended at least one of the public schools. So when he said that he turned the sermons into poems, we should have no doubt that he recorded them with the skills he had learned during his school days. In terms of the form and the content of contemporary sermons, their history and development are a topic far too complex to be rehearsed here (see Charles Smyth, Millar Maclure, and Trevor Owen). Only the briefest summary will have to suffice. Insofar as Jenner 's poems are concerned, the sermons he heard have changed from the complicated five parts of classical rhetoric (exordium, narratio, confirmatio, confutatio, and conclusio) preferred by learned audiences in court and universities to the simpler three parts of doctrine, reason, and use (Davies, 66, 83) favored by large mixed audiences in cathedrals and by Puritan preachers. "The pulpit, consequently, which for long had been the refuge of antiquated modes of rhetorical expression and a prime corrupter of style, not only assented to a reform too frequently attributed solely to the Court acting under French influence and the growing exigencies of natural science, but was itself a pioneer in the movement for a simplification of style" (Mitchell, 401-02). In the context of this historical evolution, Jenner's style, characterized by Gottlieb as a "simple, direct, homely way of illustrating and explaining basic points of Protestant doctrine and opinion" (xvii), has to be the result of having followed those sermons he had heard and recorded. Jenner himself might have often been a member of the audience in one of the cathedrals, where "there were not only representatives of the professions but also tradesmen, and the affluent as well as the poor. Because of social and educational differences in the congregation of the cathedral, the preaching had to be more popular, the teaching had to be simpler and more easily remembered, and the illustrations had to be drawn from a wider range of experiences and observations of life" (Davies, 423). What Jenner had almost certainly learned from the ministers was how to catch his readers' attention with anecdotes or images familiar to their lives. Like them, Jenner aims his poems at a more exclusive, less educated, audience, one whom he specifies as "Christian thou oughtest to be, else canst thou not conceiue of the matter herein contained" ("To the Reader," A2r). This concept of the superiority of the believer is familiar to the ministers themselves, however, based as it is on 1 Corinthians 1:18, "For the preaching of the crosse is to them

190

EMBLEMATICA

that perish, foolishnes: but vnto vs, which are saued, it is the power of God/' a verse quoted in the title of an early manual for preachers (Hemminge). 7 Accordingly, Jenner could assume that his readers would know the rudiments of biblical teaching and would be familiar with proof texts upon which sermons are invariably based. He could also assume that they would be cognizant of the preachers' two main goals: to teach, and to exhort by persuading, rebuking, and comforting (Hemminge, 17). All these assumptions are indispensable to a proper understanding of the content and impact of Jenner's poems. c. Content and Impact Each poem generally consists of four sections: 1) introduction, 2) equation, 3) application, and 4) conclusion. In the first section, Jenner always uses an anecdote familiar to his readers. For instance, in the first verse, he narrates the story of a father being escorted to prison because of his debt, whereupon his child begs the father's friends to find the money to set him free. In the second section, Jenner compares this experience with what happens to a Christian who sins and needs forgiveness by equating the father with the sinner, the child with faith, and the money with Christ's righteousness, his blood. So, when the reader sees the illustration, he gets a visual confirmation of the narrative. The illustration illustrates the text completely because Jenner labels the father with the word "sinner," the bailiffs with "devils," the child with "faith," and the man with two bottles of blood with "Christ's righteousness." In the third section which is omitted in the first example, Jenner applies this truth to the betterment of a Christian's life, warns him of the consequences of erring from it, and illustrates them with scriptural examples. In the concluding section he refers to the child again: "When faith (his childe) forth stepping. . ./ And breaketh through the clouds, to fetch from thence, / The price of Christ his blood, a Recompence " This act of "faith" sounds too much like "works"; consequently, Jenner concludes the first poem with the following four lines: Not that the Act of Faith can doe't alone, The worke is Christs, whom Faith layes hold vpon; 7. As noted by Alston, Hemminge's manual is the source for William Perkins's Prophetica 1592, translated by Thomas Tuke as The Arte of'Prophecying, 1606. For a later, post-revolution manual, see Chappell.

MASON TUNG

191

The Boy frees not the Man, but money payd; So frees not Faith, But, as on Christ t'is layd. When the reader recalls that the title of this poem is "Iustification by Faith," he cannot but be persuaded of its truth, impressed by its rhetorical forcefulness, and at the same time entertained by its images (both verbal and iconic) and delighted by its apt comparison. If he is reminded by the minister's initials at the end of the poem, he should be able to recall some proof texts which would likely be either "Therefore we conclude that a man is justified by faith without the workes of the Law" (Romans 3:28), or "For by grace are ye saued through faith, and that not of your selues; it is the gift of God. Not of workes, lest any man shoulde boaste himself" (Ephesians 2:8-9).8 More likely than not Jenner himself might have one or the other text in mind when he began composing the poem and designing the illustration in order to teach the reader by word and image the doctrine of justification. In the second poem, "The way to get Riches," we find an example of the third section missing in the first poem. Jenner narrates a maid's experience of using her small jar of water to prime the pump in order to get twenty or more pails of water. Instead of comparing the pumping with spiritual wealth gathering, Jenner urges those who yearn for wealth to learn a lesson from this maid and goes on to cite scriptural examples, gleaned perhaps from the sermon he is turning into this poem. These consist of 1) the widow's inexhaustible cruse of oil from 1 Kings 17:8-16; 2) Jenner's own experience with the more he sows the more he reaps from Matthew 13:7; and 3), quoting verbatim from Luke 6:38, Jesus's admonition, "Giue, and it should be giuen unto you; good measure, pressed down, and shaken together, and running ouer, shall men giue into your bosom. For with the same measure that ye mete withal it should be measured to you again." Saving the equation of the maid's story with its spiritual truth until the penultimate couplet, Jenner concludes the second poem with The Pumpe's the Poore, the Water that's thy riches, Giving is pumping, which together fetches,

8. Quotations from Scripture are based on The Geneva Bible rather than on the King James Version because both its syntax and orthography are closer to those of Jenner's.

192

EMBLEMATICA

And drawes such blessings from Gods hand aboue, Thou shalt abound through his free grace and loue. The delayed equations, following the biblical examples, affirm not only their apt comparison, and increase their power of persuasion, but also exhort the reader to conviction and action. Other delayed equations are found in poems nos. 3, 10, 22, 28. The first two poems exemplify Jenner's basic method of composition, with variations in the placement of equation and the use of biblical illustrations. Furthermore, influenced no doubt by their source sermons, they show the regular use of introductory anecdotes, which may have been modeled after the parables of Jesus in the Gospels. 9 For instance, there is the Parable of the Sower in which the seeds fall on different types of soil with varying results. When the disciples asked him of the parable, Jesus answered: "To you it is giuen to knowe the 9. Parable, defined as one of three moralistic literary types, is "a short narrative, whereof the characters are usually human beings; the incident has little point without the moral, which is always closely attached. In the fable the characters are animals or plants or even inanimate objects, but the incident is self-sufficient without the moral; in the allegory the names of the participants are abstract qualities, and the application is always evident. The best examples of parables are those of Jesus in the New Testament" Dictionary of World Literature. In an emblematic context, Thomas Blount in The Art of Making Devises defines a parable as "a similitude taken from the forme to the forme, according to Aristotle: that is to say, a Comparison in one or many affections of things, otherwise much unlike. Those Grammarians are mistaken, that affirme, that a Parable cannot be taken but from things feigned, for it may be drawne from any History, as well Naturall as Morall, and sometimes from Fables, but in such case Parables are properly called Apologues, such are those of ALsop" (8). In the context of using parable in a sermon, writes Hemminge ". . . in parables, resolution is to be added that first thou maist put down the parts vnfoulded, & then apply the same by the comparison of the thing, to the which the parable doth appertaine, & afterwards frame the lessons and exhortacions, as in the parable which is in the Gospell of the seede" (34v). Horton Davies quotes from a sermon preached at Paul's Cross in 1607 by Daniel Price, Chaplain to Prince Henry, James I, and Charles I, urging ministers to imitate Jesus's use of parable in their preaching, " . . . in performance of their calling, not only nakedly to lay open the trueth, but also to use helps of wit, invention, and art, good gifts of God, which may be used in Similitudes, Allusions, Applications, Comparisons, Proverbs, and Parables, which tend to edification and illustrating of the word" (453). For parable's connection with emblem, see Manning (2002, 16, 54, 133), who instances (277) the use of the Parable of the Wise and the Foolish Virgins by Georgette de Montenay in emblem no. 51 of her Emblemes ou devises chrestiennes (Lyons, 1571).

MASON TUNG

193

mysterie of the kindome of God: but vnto them that are without, all things be done in parables, That they seing, may se, and not discerne: and they hearing, may heare, and not vnderstand, lest at any time they shulde turne, and their sinnes shoulde be forgiuen them." The same special privilege is reserved for their select audience by Jenner and the preachers. After this explanation as to why he used parables to teach them, Jesus went on to make clear to the disciples the equations in this parable. The sower soweth the worde. And these are they that receiue the sede by the waye side, in whome the worde is sowen: but when they haue heard it, Satan cometh immediatly, and taketh away the worde that was sowen in their hearts. And likewise they that receiue the sede in the stonie grounde, are they, which when they haue heard the worde, straight wayes receiue it with gladnes. Yet haue they no roote in them selues, and endure but a time: for when trouble and persecution ariseth for the worde, immediatly they be offended. Also they that receiue the sede among the thornes, are suche as heare the worde: But the cares of this worlde, and the disceitfulnes of riches, and the lustes of other things entre in, & choke the worde, and it is vnfruteful. But they that haue receiued sede in good grounde, are they that heare the worde and receiue it, and bring forthe fruite, one corne thirtie, another sixtie, and some an hundred. (Mark 4:1-20) This is the gold standard by which other equations in the other parables are measured. It is obvious from the equations in his poems Jenner again has learned the method of equation and explication well. Some Gospel parables like The Good Samaritan (Luke 10), The Prodigal Son (Luke 15), The Unmerciful Servant (Matthew 18), The Talent (Matthew 25) are lengthy, elaborate, and story-like. Others are short, concise, and task-oriented like The Leaven, The Hidden Treasure, The Pearl of Great Price, The Drag Net (Matthew 13), The Lost Sheep (Matthew 18), The Lost Coin (Luke 15). The story of the father in Jenner's first poem resembles a long parable, whereas the maid pumping water in the second poem belongs to a short one. Other long parables in The Soules Solace are the following:

194

EMBLEMATICA

No. 6, "The tryall of a true broken heart/' modeled after the Parable of the Good Samaritan with a strange twist, will be examined in section 2b below. No. 12, "A remedy against spirituall pride," describes a man who delights in looking at his garden, but is blinded when he gazes upon the sun —to teach Christian humility (Jeremiah 49:16). No. 15, "The cause why wicked men, die either suddenly, sullenly, or desperately," tells the story of children wasting their time in getting into bed — to exhort Christians to redeem their time (Colossians 4:5). No. 16, "The impediments of Christian conversation," shows the fate of riders who mistreat their horses and are unable to go home — to comfort Christians who look not on the Gospel but on the rigors of the Law and are often saddened by their own sins (Philippians 4:4). No. 18, "The Reprobates utmost bounds," unfolds the tale of a merchant who comes to the city to purchase merchandise and bargains prices for a certain goods, refuses to pay the set price and leaves only to return to find them no longer available and "grieves too late" —to persuade sinners to give up their sins (Titus 1:16). No. 25, "The right carriage of a Christian in his calling," describes a child who, sent by his parents to gather chips, brings them back cheerfully even though some fell out of his lap —to show that obedience is better than sacrifice (1 Samuel 15:22). No. 26, "The danger of wicked men abiding in the Church," narrates the experience of rich garden owners hiring gardeners to keep their gardens free of weeds —to rebuke hypocrites in the Church who refuse to rid themselves of their sins (Acts 20:29). No. 30, "The equality of Justification by Christ," tells the story of passengers on a ship, no matter how rich or poor, strong or weak, old or young they may be, they will all reach shore together —to teach another aspect of justification by faith; namely, God is no respecter of persons (Acts 10:34), therewith returning the reader to the doctrine of the first poem. The remaining poems use shorter parables to depict the performance of a task: No. 9, "Reconciliation to God," teaches the doctrine of reconciliation (2 Corinthians 5:18f) by a carpenter fitting pieces of wood together to make a frame. No. 23, "The opposition of sinne and grace," inculcates the doctrine of grace (Romans 6:1-2) by the buckets in the great well of Amsterdam being kept apart by an iron chain.

MASON TUNG

195

No. 10, "The Touch-stone of Spiritual life," exhorts the reader by consoling him when a physician judges a man dead if no breath is seen on the mirror placed in front of his nose, but a Christian has spiritual life if he has the breath of faith (Romans 1:16). Nos 11,17, and 28 exhort the Christian by rebuking the false models: the Catholic priests, the Pope, and the belief in transubstantiation. Nos. 19-21, "The false putting on of Christ/' expose Christian hypocrites. Based on the text from Galations 3:27, "For all ye that are baptized into Christ, haue put on Christ," each poem deals with the false putting on of Christ with increasing degrees of hypocrisy. In the first a rustic takes off his hat every time he meets a friend. As the hat is equated with Christ, the man has no real share in Him, so declares the final couplet: "Flesh of thy flesh make Christ, Bone of thy bone, / If but thy Hat, in Him part thou hast none." In the second Christ is the cloak which the owner puts on only when he goes out; its final couplet rebukes him in no uncertain terms: "He that at home is one, abroad another, / Is not adorn'd with Christ; with Sathan rather." In the last travellers who put on hoods and coats to weather the storm return to their old merry ways when weather becomes fair; they represent Christians who are not bettered by their trials. True Christians are admonished by the last couplet: "Not only as a coate, they Christ put on; / But Storme, or Calme, Him weare thy soule vpon." At the end of this poem, Jenner appends a Latin distich with the following English translation: "The Divell was sicke; The Divell a Monke would bee: / The Divell was well; the, Divell a Monke, was hee." Whether this little ditty belongs to Master L. or to Jenner it is impossible to tell; nevertheless, the evil of false putting on of Christ by hypocrites is driven home, with a parting shot at the Catholics added for good measure. No. 24, "The Bridle of the wicked," rebukes the sinner who, like a dog kept at bay by the cudgel, refrains from sin not because he fears God but because he fears the rod. No. 29, "The Ruine of spirituall comfort," chides the forgetful hearer of God's word who, like a peasant abandoning a load of firewood on the road because it is too heavy, loses the warmth of spiritual comfort, a variation on the Parable of the Sower. From this survey of the parables in Jenner's verses, it is clear that sin and repentance are their main preoccupation. This persistent concern is understandable because all Protestants believe that after a person is saved by God's grace through faith and by Christ's sacrifice

196

EMBLEMATICA

on the cross, he must try to live a sanctified life that is beset with sins because he lives still in a depraved and corrupt body, tempted constantly by Satan, the world, and the flesh. The sermons do teach and exhort both positively the need to repent and to ask for forgiveness when one sins and negatively the need to refrain from sinning not because of the fear of God exacted by the rod but because of the willing obedience to God and his law inspired by his limitless love. Not surprisingly Jenner's poems reflect the same concerns and offer the same remedies: Divine love solaces human soul. There are, to be sure, a few poems which do not deal with the subject of sin. No. 13 teaches the benefit of doing one's holy duties, part of one's calling, as a farmer who s h a r p e n s his scythe daily reaps great gains when harvest time comes; no. 14 urges one to love only God by the example of an archer who aims his crossbow at a Fig. 1. Thomas Jenner, The Soules Solace. No. 3, A6v

-

target by closing

one

eye; no. 22 exhorts the keeping of Sun-day holy by an astronomer looking at the sun and realizing the warmth and life-giving power of its rays; and no. 27, using an out-of-tune lute, teaches the need to become a new creature in Christ by forsaking old ways (2 Corinthians 5:17). These positive lessons, exemplified by familiar experiences of life, seem to be less urgent or passionate than when sin is causing a believer despair. In contrast, nos. 4 and 5 deal with the hardness of heart because of sin and the means to keep the heart soft. In the first a diamond is being smashed by a hammer on a pillow, suggesting that God's love (equated with the soft pillow), not the unresponsive anvil, makes the softening of the heart possible, while in the second a man stirs a pond with an iron bar to keep it from freezing, which act, keeping a heart soft, entails the need to pray, to moan for sin, to practice daily the Christian way, to hear, read, confer or meditate on, God's word. But the most inspiring poem that epitomizes The Soules Solace is no. 3, "A Remedy against Dispaire." It describes a man pouring a bucket of water on the floor of his room and

MASON TUNG

197

shows, in an inset on the illustration, two hands from a cloud holding a bucket and pouring water into the ocean. Again, on the illustration the words "ON VS" are inscribed on the floor where the water is gathering depth and on each side of the stream of water in the inset the words "ON CHRIST" inscribed on the sea wave (fig. 1). In what way is this picture an explanation of "A Remedy against Dispaire"? The last four lines of the poem provide the solacing truth: Christ is this great all-comprehending maine, Which able is, thy sinnes to abolish plaine: Doe them through Faith sound Repentance drown, They shall like drops in Him be swallowed downe.

Thus, a man's sins, like water in the bucket being poured over his life, cannot be paid for by himself and they overwhelm him and cause him to despair, but if he should put them on Christ, like pouring water into the ocean, they are completely absorbed (Isaiah 53:6; 2 Corinthians 5:21). The understanding of this truth cannot but provide great solace to the reader's soul. 2. The Illustrations a. Source and modeling It must be emphasized at the outset that Jenner is interested only in the illustrations of his two main sources (Schoonhovius and Rollenhagen) but not at all in their emblems. The model of the man pouring water from a pail onto the floor in Figure 1 is based on that in emblem LXVII of Schoonhovius's Emblemata (Gouda, 1618). The 74 copperplate illustrations are the work of C r i s p i n II de P a s s e , whose father and memFig. 2. FlorentSchoonovius, Emblemata. LXVII, p. bers of his family en199. graved the two hundred

198

EMBLEMATICA

illustrations for Rollenhagen's Nucleus emblematum selectissimorum (Arnhem and Utrecht, [1611]- 1613).10 The figure of the man is closely modeled, in re­ verse as all the copyings are, after de Passe's. Jenner makes a minor Bat yet the foole is dead гоо9фтЫлйу% alteration in the shape Whcjj as vpon its face, yoa (hall apply of the water pot, but he Ckrijt allows the water to fall С % Fig. 3. Thomas Jenner, The Soules Solace. No 10, s t r a i g h t d o w n to the f l o o r , w h e r e a s de C2r. Passe's man is trying to pour water from a large pot through the neck of a small vase (fig. 2). Jenner keeps no part of de Passe's background scene nor Schoonhovius's moral implied in the motto "Paulatim" [little by little]. In­ stead, he invents his own background of a room with a table and a drape and of course the inset to show an outdoor scene (fig. 1). The lifting of a figure, or sometimes more than one, from his source with modifications, and putting it or them in a setting of his own design is just one (but the most in­ novative) of the ways in which Jenner fabricates his illustrations. The same technique is used in the illustration of no. 5, "The course to keepe a continuall soft heart," in which a man stirs a pond with an iron bar is based on Schoonhovius's emblem XL, "Morosis cedendum" [One should yield to fretfulness]; in the illustration of Fig. 4. Gabriel Rollenhagen, Nucleus no. 15, "The cause why wicked Emblematum. 1,33. men, die either suddenly, sul10. For simplicity's sake, we will attribute the Rollenhagen engravings to Crispin I de Passe hereafter.

MASON TUNG

199

Ienly, or desperately," in which a group of five children is based on Schoonhovius's emblem XXVII, "Semper pueri" {Always boys]; in the illustration of no. 2 (see section 1 с above) in which the maid with a jar of water is based on Rollenhagen's emblem 2.84, "Ne quid nimis" [Nothing too muh]; and in the illustration of no. 4, "The meanes to get a soft heart," in which a hammer striking a diamond on a pillow is based on Rollenhagen's emblem 2.37, "Virtus inexpugnabilis"[Un­ conquerable virtue]. The most ingenious exercise in this mode is found in no. 10, "The Touch-stone of Spiritual life," based on Rollenhagen's emblem 1.33, "Persequar exstinctum" [May I pursue to the end] in which the prone figure of Pyramus is lifted out of de Passe's engraving, transplanted to an indoor scene, and to Pyramus now representing Everyman is added the kneeling figure of a lady who holds a mirror in front of his face (figs. 3 and 4). This manner in general and that in the last example in particular represent the more daring aspect of Jenner's use of his sources. However, he is not above following his model closely when doing so suits his immediate purposes. The illustration of no. 14, "The way to please God in all our actions," copies faithfully that of Rollenhagen's emblem 1.25, "Non quam crebro sed quam bene" [Not how often but how well]. Rollenhagen's moral is again ignored by Jenner, who uses the illustration to exhort his reader to love God only by emulating the archer's closing one eye when aiming at his target. Jenner's next step towards more independent usage is by keeping the background scene in his model but changing the foreground subject. For instance, in the illustration for both no. 8 and no. 30, the ship in which a king and a commoner are sailing in Rollenhagen's emblem 1.37, "Dum clavum rectum teneam" [While I hold a straight rudder], are changed to represent ordinary sailors who must steer clear of dangers marked by two buoys which Jenner adds near the ship. The buoys are used in no. 8 to admonish Christians not to repeat "The fail­ ings of Gods Children," whereas in no. 30 in which the same illustra­ tion is used again they become part of the background in showing that in Christ all Christians are spiritually the same, "The equality of Justification by Christ." Furthermore, Jenner adds new figures to the modified foreground subjects but retains all or part of the back­ ground scenes as in no. 7 from Rollenhagen's emblem 2.66 and in no. 11 from Rollenhagen's emblem 1.77, which have been dealt with by Gottlieb (xvii & xv respectively), and in no. 29 from Rollenhagen's emblem 2.74, "Gaudet patientia duris" {Patience rejoices in hard­ ship], in which the new figure of a peasant collecting firewood is

200

EMBLEMATICA

added to the main figure of a man treading on thistles. St. Christopher with the Christ child on his shoulder in the backg r o u n d of R o l l e n h a g e n ' s illustration has been omitted. Two more examples show Jenner going back to lifting figures out of his sources And dares not once to ftdsfie his lo^Ti b u t r e t a i n i n g p a r t of Well knowmgcUe whatpuniftmcM be raafr Scucrcly t h e i r background Fig. 5. Thomas Jenner, The Soules Solace. No. 24, scenes. One is no. 24, in E8r. which a man wielding a club is d e l e t e d from among a group of five men beating a cat in Schoonhovius's emblem X, "Desperatio audaces reddit" [Despair turns back the bold] while the farm house and the large tree are retained but a dog threatening a lamb are added (figs. 5 and 6). The other is no. 12, where a man gazing up at the sun in front of a large tree is from Schoonhovius's emblem XIII, "In Deo laetandum" [One should delight in God], but Jenner for his particular purposes adds two fenced formal gardens, one of which may be modeled after that in Rollenhagen's emblem 2.25, "Ad regis n u t u s " [At the command of the king]. The significance of the garden is that it represents man's delight in self but w h e n he gazes u p o n Christ the sun he becomes blind. This borrowing of background Fig. 6. Florent Schoonovius, Emblemata. 1618. X, p. s c e n e s from s o u r c e s other than the one from 199. which the main figure is extracted continues in no. 26, its main figure of a gardener planting a small tree is from Rollenhagen's emblem 1.35, "Posteritati" [For posterity],with background scenes of a formal garden near a mansion

MASON TUNG

201

from Rollenhagen's two emblems, either 1.28 or 1.95, or a combination of both. Another clever use of background scenes, a reversal of what has become the d o m i n a n t m e t h o d , is in n o . 22 where the illustration c o m b i n e s t w o back­ Thofc/^w/aw?^%/,andtbi$^thcjr#r// g r o u n d s c e n e s from Which they obfcurc * aod will it not afford Rollenhagen's emblems Vnto 1.73 and 2.29, eliminat­ Fig.7. Thomas Jenner, The Souks Solace. 1626. No. ing their central sub­ 17, D4v. jects: in the former a globe from its crack smoke rises; in the latter a king with sword and book stands on a globe. Jenner keeps only the right-hand scene from the former and the left-hand scene from the latter. But the most ingenious use of background scenes from three dif­ ferent illustrations is found in no. 17, "The cause of ignorance in lay Papists/' The main figure of a ^tyWjF у rich thief is taken from Rol­ lenhagen's emblem 2.33, "Fures privati in nervo publici in auro" [Private thieves in fetter, public thieves in gold] (figs. 7 and 8). Al­ though the large money chest at the back of the rich man should belong to him, Jenner is inter­ ested in him alone and puts him in an indoor scene. For another chest in front of a canopied bed, he borrows it along with the bed from Rollenhagen's emblem 1.71, "Non te sed nummos" [Not you Fig. 8. Gabriel Rollenhagen, Nucleus but your m o n e y ] . In Rollen­ Emblematum. 1611-13. 2, 33. hagen's illustration the chest and the bed are situated to the right of a couple sitting together, with the man dipping his fingers into a basin full of coins, suggesting that he is interested more in the money than in the lady (fig. 9). To their left are

202

EMBLEMATICA

a table with two cups and a wine ewer with two handles. Jenner extracts the ewer and places it on a table with an unlit candle w h i c h he b o r r o w s from R o l l e n h a g e n ' s e m b l e m 1.64, " C o s i de b e n a m a r p o r t o tormento" (Henkel & Schone, col. 910). The c a n d l e in Rollenhagen, however, is lit and a moth is heading towards the flame, which would not serve Jenner's immediate purpose, so he removes the moth and the n Fig. 9. Gabriel Rollenhagen, Nucleus flame (figs. 7 & 10). The two Emblematum. 1611-13.1, 71. lines below Jenner's plate identify the crux of this poem: "Those theeues are Popelings, and this light the word / Which they obscure; . . . ." In front of the table, covered by a tablecloth, and below the extended left hand of the thief, Jenner inscribes "GOD'S WORD" and surrounds the word "GOD" with bright rays, which may be extracted from Rollenhagen's emblem 2.47, where they surround the wick of a candle in front of a table (fig. 11). The bright rays in Jenner's illustration radiate out like a floodlight, exposing what the thief (representing the Pope and the Antichrist) is doing (fig. 7). In spite of the Popelings' efforts, God's word is all powerful as the concluding lines declare: For as a lantharne serveth shining bright, In places darke, so doth Gods word giue light. As curst he was, of old, who drew astray 11. It is a mystery as to why they are also removed in the same illustration used in Wither (2.14) and its motto changed to "Cui bono" [For whose good?], which Wither paraphrases in his usual tetrameter couplet as "A Candle that affords no light, / What profits it, by Day, or Night?" The only plausible explanation would be that there are different states of Rollenhagen's edition. Some copies would have "Cosi de ben amar porto tormento" with the lit candle and the moth as emblem 1.64; others would have "Cui bono" with the unlit candle. If that is indeed the case, then Jenner did not have to remove either the flame or the moth. Since the state of Rollenhagen's edition I used (Glasgow University Library, SM920.1) has the lit candle and the moth, fig. 10 is based on the illustration from Wither.

MASON TUNG

203

The blind man, which was going in right way. So curst for ever be that man of sinne That thus do mens damnations travell in. Jenner's Christian readers would probably not have appreciated the trouble he had taken to make this illustration or any of the other illustrations for that matter. What interested and delighted them would certainly be the anti-Catholic sentiment expressed against the Popelings and the Pope; furthermore, they would have cherished its spiritual truth as expounded in John 3:19, "And this is the condemnation, that light is come into the worlde, & men loued darknes rather then light, because their dedes were euil," the proof text of this sermon on "The cause of ignorance in lay Papists." In sum, of the thirty illustrations eighteen have been traced to either Crispin I de Passe in Rollenhagen or Crispin II de Passe in Schoonhovius. The remaining twelve may be divided into two groups. The first group of eight illustrations (nos. 1,13,16,18, 20, 21, 27, and 28) share a stylistic feature in the men wearing broad-brim hats. No sources have been found for these illustrations, but such a common feature suggests the work of a single artist, who could very likely be Jenner himself. Jenner may also be responsible for the simple parallel-line shadings used in drawing the interior of a room. For such a technique has appeared in illustrations where Jener puts in a room the main characters whom he has taken from outdoor scenes in either Schoonhovius or Rollenhagen (see figs. 1 and 3). There are two minor reservations in regards to nos. 21 and 27. In no. 21 the rider on the h o r s e is w e a r i n g his rain-gear, thus not in his usual broad-brim hat as worn by the man on horseback in no. 16, but Fig. 10. George Wither, A Collection of the two horses are definitely Emblemes 1635. 2,14. drawn by the same artist. In no. 27, the man tuning the lute at a table has a different kind of hat from those in the other illustrations of this group. This calls into question whether this illustration is also by Jenner, even though the lute

204

EMBLEMATICA

tuner's room has the same simple parallel-line shadings as in the others by him. There is lute playing in both Schoonhovius (LIX) and Cats, Proteus, 43,1, but the modeling of the hands and their position on the instruments are not very close. More research is obviously needed to make the attributions in this group more certain and based on more solid evidence. Although Cats has been mentioned by Gottlieb as one of Jenner's three sources, except the Fig. 11. Gabriel Rollenhagen, Nucleus dubious one mentioned above, Emblematum. 1611-13. 2, 47. the only other equally dubious example from Cats is found in no. 3, where two hands emerge from a cloud holding a bucket and pouring water might be based on Cats's Moralia Mconomia, no. 18. The second group of four plates (nos. 6, 19, 23, and 25) all show characters wearing costumes different from those in the first g r o u p . The cost u m e s are p r o b a b l y D u t c h or F l e m i s h in style. Number 6, portraying a modified version of the Parable of the Good S a m a r i t a n , has been a s s u m e d to have a source in some il- Thc wicked crying mightily,folies, lustrated Bible (see sec- Voder the fcarc ofwrath]) diipayrs,and diet. a*di tion 2b below). To identify the exact edition Fig. 12. Thomas Jenner, The Soules Solace. 1626. No. and its artist/engraver 6, B3v. will require further research. The other three illustrations remain untraced and untraceable. To return to the traced illustrations. Although Jenner's readers appreciated the pictorial and spiritual effectiveness of his illustrations, they would, in general, have been less concerned with how the illus-

MASON TUNG

205

trations often made the verbal descriptions of the parables redun­ dant, or vice versa. In order to determine how much his poems resem­ ble emblems, it is necessary, however, to discuss the relations among the title, poem, and illustration, applying to them standards which Jenner may not have set out to observe. Consequently, the following critique may not be fair or just to him, yet the comparison is necessary if we are to understand his work in light of the humanist emblem tra­ dition. b. Relations among Title, Poem, and Illustration In a humanist emblem the three parts should complement one an­ other; each should not try to explain by itself the full meaning of the emblem. To represent an ideal humanist emblem, Alciato's Medea emblem (no. 54) may be chosen. The motto, "Ei, qui semel sua prodegerit, aliena credi non opportere" [He who has once been prod­ igal with what is his, should not be trusted with what belongs to oth­ ers], does not name the character or event, nor describe or explain what happened in the epigram or the wodcut. The picture shows a statue of Medea killing her child and a swallow nesting in her bosom. The epigram asks a series of questions of the swallow: "Why do you build your nest in the arms of the Colchian woman? Alas, О ignorant bird, why do you entrust your chicks so badly? Most savage Medea, a wicked parent, killed her own children, and do you expect that she would spare yours?" (Translation of the motto and epigram is based on that in Daly et al.). The motto begins to make sense, but the reader has to determine in what grossly understated sense Medea is a prodi­ gal and what is the role of the swallow in this emblem. Only then will he realize that the moral is that men, sometimes just as gullible as birds, tend to entrust valuables to prodigal relatives or friends and need a shocking example such as Medea to shake them up to learn the lesson (Tung 2002, 408). In contrast, Alciato's emblem on Envy (no. 71), one among many such personifications in his emblem book, is not an ideal emblem. The title names the character, and the picture portrays her various characteristics, which the epigram enumerates: "A dirty woman chewing on viper's flesh, whose eyes are painful, and who is eating her own heart, and who is thin and pale, and who carries a thorny staff in her hand: that is the way Envy is painted." If there is an unstated moral, it has to be: Envy is bad. The reader has nothing to do but to acknowledge that all three parts explain the

206

EMBLEMATICA 12

same thing. If judged by the ideal represented by the Medea emblem, all of Jenner's poems fall far short of it and resemble more, though they are not identical to, the Envy emblem. Each part competes with the other parts in trying to explain the full meaning; each reinforces the others as we have seen in the first two poems. The titles often announce the subjects, name the characters, and explain the events; the poems present verbal pictures of the parables which the plates graphically illustrate with labels to point out spiritual significance. The plates function more like book illustrations of, say, the Bible, Aesop's fables, or Ovid's Metamorphoses. As a result, except to recall the scriptural text, the reader is left with little else to do (Gottlieb, xvii). This does not mean that because Jenner's work is essentially an illustrated book, all his poems are perfectly illustrated. Not so. Although most of the illustrations succeed in illustrating the poems, the illustration of no. 6 fails. "The tryall of a true broken heart" is based on the sermon by M.F. who uses a parable of two travellers wounded and left to die by highwaymen. As the poem narrates, one traveller, a wicked man, perishes as the two lines below the illustration state: "The wicked crying mightily, so lies, / Vnder the feare of wrath, dispayrs, and dies." The other, a good man, refusing to give in to despair, crawls to seek help, and finds a doctor who heals him. In spiritual terms, both are wounded by Satan with sins, both cry, but the good man, equated with God's servant, "comes to God aboue, / that he would for Christs only sake, and loue, / Heale him from this his sinne." Not only that but also "... giue him due refreshing; / And ne're will leaue him, till he hath attaind, / Pardon for's sinne; and Gods sweete favour gaynd." In other words, God's servant has followed the advice offered by the concluding couplet, "Sue thou for grace, Then art thou in the number / Of those, whose hearts are rightly rent in sun12. As I suggested in note 4 above, there are unanswered questions even about emblems of personifications. Is the Envy emblem unique among other personifications in Alciato's emblem book in that it is a pure personification whereas these others may retain certain elements of an ideal emblem? In what way can the personification of Envy still be considered an emblem? Is it really true that the reader has nothing to do? What about questions raised by the picture? Why is Envy chewing on viper's flesh and eating her own heart at the same time? Why are her eyes painful, why is she thin and pale, and why is she carrying a thorny staff? Did Alciato count on his readers to know the answers to these questions? Or, did he count on scholars later to provide commentaries? More study of Alciato's personifications is certainly needed.

MASON TUNG

207

der." These words affirm the truth of the title. But the poem never once mentions the good Samaritan, nor does it have cause to. However, for reasons known only to himself, Jenner borrows a illustration probably from a biblical illustration of the Parable of the Good Samaritan, adds the naked figure of the wicked man in the background (and labels him as such), labels the other traveler as the good man, and leaves the label of the Good Samaritan unchanged (fig. 12). This makes nonsense of the illustration. Had he changed the label to "Christ/' a label he has used in many other illustrations, this illustration would still have not been able to support the text, which still forces the reader to imagine the wounded good man crawling away from the scene, while the illustration shows him in the arms of Christ (or the Good Samaritan) who tries to help him. The only excuse one could think of would be to say that even Alciato's emblems often have inaccurate illustrations (Tung 1994, 41). On the other hand, if the reader ignores the disfunctional illustration, he still may find the parable and its explication quite to the point and spiritually edifying. Such a proviso reminds us of Jenner's main purpose of solacing the souls of his Christian readers, and the reminder leads us to a consideration of the true nature of his work and its standing in the English emblem tradition. 3. Nature and Standing

Jenner's unique achievement lies in bringing solace to his readers' souls by turning sermons into poems with illustrations (or prints as he prefers to call them) the parables that introduce the poems, which, in explicating and applying their meaning, affirm the truths of the biblical texts of the sermons. In and of itself, it is quite an accomplishment irrespective of any convention or tradition, although in the book trade it is in truth a chapbook, an illustrated pamphlet, inexpensive and attractive to a mass audience. Nothing in the following analysis, based mainly on comparisons with the English emblem makers, should diminish in any way the significance of what he has actually done. By virtue, however, of the spiritual nature of his subject and the manner of his composition, he does deviate in certain significant ways from both the English and the continental emblem traditions. The truth is that he stands in the tradition of homiletic illustrations, rather than in the tradition of the meditative branch of English emblem books.

208

EMBLEMATICA

a. Nature. The problem with the illustration in Figure 12 accentuates a compositional procedure that is contrary to what has been and will be used in English emblem books. This is the result of his turning ser­ mons into rhyming couplets, a practice which compels him to begin with titles and poems, and then to design illustrations for them, whereas Whitney and Peacham before him, and Wither and Quarles after him, either used (Whitney) or will use (Wither) existing illustra­ tions, either copied them (Peacham) or will have them copied (Quarles), and then translated or composed or will compose their po­ ems afterwards. Insofar as the English emblem tradition is concerned, Jenner's manner of composition must therefore be considered as atyp­ ical. In light, however, of continental practice, Jenner's way is not un­ like those of La Perriere and Giovio who first published unillustrated versions of their emblem books. Whether or not Alciato had intended his emblem book to be illustrated is still being debated (Scholz, 250-54; Cummings, 245-56), whereas there is no question that Jenner fully intends to use illustrations as an essential visual aid. He explains the intention in the brief letter "To the Reader": "because men are more led by the eye, then eare, it may be thou looking vpon these little printes, mai'st conceiue of that which many words would not make so plaine vnto thee" (A2v). Unlike them, however, he did not intend to place the illustrations below the titles as they did or would do later (Silcox, 83-85), but inserted them into his texts as illustrations of the preceding verbal descriptions or parables. Aside from their pedagogi­ cal and homiletic value, the prints also make his book more attractive and its sale more lucrative, incentives that a shewd businessman like Jenner knows all too well. This is why, taking advantage of a current hot topic, he adds the thirty-first poem on "Tobacco" to the second edition of 1631; its anti-smoking arguments would be the envy of to­ day's U.S. Food and Drug Administration. 13 Another non-traditional and trend-setting practice is that he does not reveal his knowledge of, or familiarity with, either English or con­ tinental emblem books. Nor does he ever mention by name any of the 13. The seventeenth-century anti-smoking campaign involved no less a person than his majesty King James I of England, whose diatribe against the smokers in Л countablaste to tobacco (London: R. В., 1604) would also put the modern campaign to shame. See Cats's tobacco emblem ably analyzed by Henebry, 142-43.

MASON TUNG

209

emblematists familiar to Whitney (Reusner, Junius, Sambucus, Alciato, La Perriere, and Bocchius) and Peacham (Whitney, Giovio, and Samuel Daniel). In practice, of course, he borrows freely from the engravings of Crispin de Passe, father and son, but perhaps never bothers with the emblem texts of RoUenhagen and Schoonhovius, as we have seen. Unlike his two predecessors, Jenner is not a university-educated man. The lack of education might explain his silence; however —how can we explain the same reticence on the part of the university-educated Wither and Quarles? To this question I have no ready answer, but I do have some observations based on several historical changes. The first is that by the third decade of the seventeenth century, emblem books, no longer a novelty, have enjoyed a widespread popularity for three quarters of a century. Between 1549 when Alciato's emblems reached the full complement of 211 and 1621 when they were accompanied by the "monster" commentary of Thuilius, no less than eighty-seven editions were printed (Tung 1989). Countless editions of emblem books by his imitators mushroomed during the same period. There is therefore no need to rehearse its history and theory or to express one's familiarity with its practitioners. The second is that the nature of emblem collections changed from being anthologies of various types —historical, moral, social, political, satirical, erotic, religious —to being more specialized in fewer kinds. To name but a few, Wither's moral and divine illustrations, Michael Maier's alchemical emblems, Daniel Heinsius and Otto van Veen's erotic emblems of Cupid's escapades, or the latter's sacred love emblems, as can be further seen from titles in bibliographies of emblem books (Praz, Landwehr, Young 1986, Campa, Adams et al). As a result, the new generation of emblem makers believed that their works are different if not unique and feel less obliged to follow the tripartite format of the humanist emblem. The third is that the audience for emblem books has changed from being educated, elite, and in high society to being less well educated, common, and in ordinary circumstance. Thomas Combe aims his translation of La Perriere at the "ordinary individual" (Silcox, 70), Wither directs his moral and divine illustrations to enlighten "Vulgar Capacities" ("To the Reader," A2), Jenner shares his spiritual insights with fellow Christians of his social circles, and Quarles's letter to his readers lacks sophistication (see below) because they are not meant to be of the sophisticated kind.

210

EMBLEMATICA

The third possible break with tradition is in how Jenner understood the meaning of the word "emblem/' By the time Jenner composed The Soules Solace, the word "emblem" was no longer used to refer exclu­ sively to the tripartite entity of the humanist emblem. Instead, it was used more often than not to refer to the picture or engraving (Praz, 170; Russell, 158-59). Could Jenner have been the first to use the word in that sense? Probably. As a subtitle to The Soules Solace, Jenner uses the phrase "Thirtie and one Spirituall Emblems." Paralleling the word "Emblems" is the word "printes" in the letter "To the Reader": "it may be thou looking vpon these little printes" (p. 208 above). It is highly likely that by "Emblems" Jenner meant "printes," i. е., engravings. The truth is that apart from the word "Emblems" in the subtitle, Jen­ ner never uses it again anywhere else in the book; in fact, he does not number his poems as "Emblem no. 1 or no. 2, and so on." If this infer­ ence is valid, he might be the forerunner in England of such a change in the usage of the word. This change is triggered, according to Rus­ sell, by the trend to spiritualize secular morals in "a type of popular il­ lustrated books generally classified as figures de la Bible. The trend to­ wards this kind of emblematic presentation of Biblical lore began with the publication in 1538 of Holbein's Historiarum Veteris Testamenti icones and, after 1550, attracted such other famous artists as Bernard Salomon. The texts for these popular books were often composed by emblematists like Corrozet, Paradin, Gueroult and Simeoni" (91-92, nn. 74-75). Once more, when engravers get into the act of producing il­ lustrated books of one kind or another, can emblematists be far be­ hind? In his lengthy letter "To the Reader," Wither firmly equates the word "emblems" with de Passe's engravings (Alv; Bath, "Introduc­ tion," 3-4). Moreover, referring specifically to the engraving, Wither also uses "type" and "hieroglyphicke" (Bath, "Introduction," 10), as Quarles also does (see below). Is there a personal connection between Jenner and Wither? Accord­ ing to Mario Praz, the gentleman smoking a pipe in the illustration of no. 31, "Tobacco," was "supposed to be the portrait of G. Wither" (383). To my knowledge, this attribution has not so far been ques­ tioned or challenged. In the poem of "Tobacco" there is a reference to George Wither as well: "Answered by G.W. thus, / Thus thinke, then drinke no Tobacco." Accordingly, the resemblance of the illustration to Wither's portrait by John Payne in A Collection of Emblemes (A3v) and the reference to his initials in the poem should together be grounds enough to entertain at least the possibility that Wither may have known Jenner. Wither might (speculating now) have given him

MASON TUNG

211

permission to draw his picture for the tobacco illustration, and have road the letter "To the Reader" in The Soules. If so, it follows that he might also know how Jenner used the word "emblem" as he himself will soon do. 14 Perhaps it is less important to establish whether they knew each other or who used the word first to refer to the engraving than to affirm that both understood the term in the same sense. On the other hand, by publication dates alone (1626 vs. 1635), Jenner has a legitimate claim for being the first. How does Quarles use the word? The two scholars most familiar with Quarles's works are Karl Josef Holtgen and John Horden. In their introduction to the reprint of Quarles's emblem books, they ob­ serve the same reticence on the part of Quarles: "The poet's preface 'To the Reader' is not very helpful and rather unsophisticated. He is not much interested in the theory and history of the emblem." They then quote from the preface Quarles's definition of emblem: "An Embleme is but a silent Parable. Let not the tender Eye checke, to see the allusion to our bless SAVIOUR figured, in these Types" (A3r). They go on to explain this somewhat surprising and enigmatic state­ ment: "this is the old emblematic topos of poesis tacens (i. е., the pic­ ture as silent poetry), adapted for religious purposes. . . . The word Type in the preface is perhaps best understood in its double meaning of picture or emblematic engraving, as an allegorical representation of Christ or God" (14*). In view of Jenner's use of parables and the word "emblem," Quarles's definition is most interesting. But we should let this brief preface speak for itself as it continues: In holy Scripture, He is sometimes called a Sower; some­ times, a Fisher; sometimes, a Physitian: And why not pre­ sented so, as well to the eye, as to the eare? Before the k n o w l e d g e of l e t t e r s , GOD w a s k n o w n e by Hierogliphicks; And, indeed, what are the Heavens, the Earth, nay every Creature, but Hierogliphicks and Em­ blems of His Glory? I have no more to say. I wish thee as much pleasure in the reading, as I had in the writing. Fare­ well Reader.

14. Wither claimed that he had written the epigrams twenty years earlier but could not publish them until he acquired the illustrations in 1635. It is unlikely, how­ ever, that he wrote the letter to the reader for the book that long before.

212

EMBLEMATICA

From this, it seems not unreasonable to infer that emblem is a silent parable because an emblem is a picture which, in Quarles's case, refers to the engravings he has William Marshall and William Simpson copy from Typus Mundi and Via Desideria, his two main sources. Parable refers to the story enacted by Amor Divinus and Anima (Divine Love and Human Soul), which Holtgen and Horden characterize as "semi-dramatic, masque-like tableaux vivants or allegorical scenes" ("Introduction," 20*). The characterization of the scenes as allegorical is a correct one because "in the allegory the names of the participants are abstract qualities" (see p. 191n9 above). In Jenner, parables, like those in the Bible, use human experiences of ordinary men and women from different walks of life to reveal spritual truths of divine love for human souls, whereas in Quarles the actors of the parables (I should say "allegories") are Divine Love and the Human Soul, spiritual truths incarnate, reenacting human experiences. Be that as it may, the important point to stress here is the new meaning attached to such terms as "emblem," "hieroglyphike," "type," and Jenner's possible connection to their initial and continual usage. Although Jenner is unconventional in the above three areas, he is traditional when it comes to making innovative use of his sources whether of sermons or of engravings. In borrowing from his models, he may follow them closely, make changes in them to form something uniquely his own, which may become something better than their models. He is but practising the art of modeling, or of imitation, which his countrymen all know and practice. 15 As I have shown elsewhere, Whitney, like Jenner, constructs a composite woodcut (225) by using elements from three separate illustrations of Montenay's Emblemes ou devises chrestiennes (Tung 1976, 73-74 & figs. 42-45).16 It is not known whether Wither alters Rollenhagen's illustrations except for excising the latter's "meane verses," although at least on one occasion the butterfly and the candle flame may have been cut out of one illustration (see n. 11 above). His contributions are the addition of a thirty-line epigram of his own to each of Rollenhagen's 200 emblems and converting each motto into a couplet of iambic tetrameter, not a mean feat.

15. For more on the art of imitation, see Tung 1997.

16. For more recent studies of Whitney, see Manning 1988 & 1990, Bagley, Borris & Holmes, Tuskes. Peacham does the same thing as Whitney, with his Philautia based on three separate descriptions of Prudenza in Ripa's Iconologia (Tung 1997, 204-07, figs. 1-2; for a recent study of Peacham, see Young 1998).

MASON TUNG

213

Quarles's altering his source engravings has been noted by Holtgen and Horden (18*-20*), changes that are necessary to make the images more palatable to his Protestant audience. Jenner, as we have seen, makes more daring and innovative modifications of his source illustrations. Perhaps he has greater freedom than his countrymen in that he is a skillful engraver and knows how to provide background scenes for, or add new figures to, figures he has taken from his sources. Although his illustrations are in general inferior in artistic quality to those of de Passe, they nevertheless serve his spiritual purposes well. That his book is a great success is due in no small measure to the expressiveness and native charms of these illustrations that facilitate the readers' understanding of his poems. b. Standing Religious verse and spiritual or devotional verse are not the same. The former expresses "an undogmatic form of Christianity," whereas the latter aims "at a religious [or spiritual] conversion" (Holtgen and Horden, "Introduction," 17*). Whitney includes religious verses in his largely secular collection. This is the result of his borrowing several emblems from Montenay (see above). Toward the end of his book, after three consecutive emblems (223-24) all based on Montenay, Whitney decides to compose a spiritual emblem of his own. The motto, "Superest quod supra est" [What is above is the best], sits above the woodcut which shows a pilgrim looking at heaven and walking away from a globe, and is elucidated by a poulter's measure: "Adue deceiptfull world, thy pleasures I detest: / Nowe, others with thy showes delude; my hope in heauen doth rest" (225). As if this brief epigram fails to express fully what he intends to say, he adds five sextets with the caption of "Inlarged as followeth." On the margin Whitney cites eleven times from the Scripture. The last sextet assumes a homiletic tone that is hard to miss: This worlde must chaunge: That worlde, shall still indure. Here, pleasures fade: There, shall they endlesse bee. Here, man doth sinne: And there, hee shalbee pure Here, deathe hee tastes: And there, shall neuer die. Here, hathe hee griefe: And there shall ioyes possesse, As none hath seene, not anie harte can gesse. (226)

214

EMBLEMATICA

Although the text as a whole remains close to "an undogmatic form of Christianity," the subtext is one of earnest spiritual longing for heavenly rest tempered with earthly sin and grief, a sentiment he voiced earlier in his prayer to God: "Since man is fraile, and all his thoughtes are sinne, / And of him selfe he can no good inuent, Then euerie one, before they ought beginne, / Should call on GOD, from whome all grace is sent" (***2v). Similarly, Peacham has written two dozen or so religious emblems in Minerva Britanna. They are the result of his converting King James I's fatherly advice to Prince Henry into emblems in Basilicon Doron. These counsels are in essence sermonettes full of quotes from Scripture. Peacham also tries to write a few religious emblems of his own. As an example that echoes well Whitney's sentiment, the emblem, "Super terram peregrinans" [Being a stranger over this earth, 196], pictures simply a tent and in the second sextet, Peacham, quoting from Matthew 6:19, urges his reader to lay up treasure in heaven: Betime hence learne we wisely to supplie Our inward wantes, ere hence we flit away: And hide in Heauen, that treasure carefully, Which neither Moth, nor Canker shall decaie: In following state, eke not to spend our stock, Where oft for merit, we but gaine a mock. In order to determine Jenner's place in the development of the English spiritual emblem, it has been necessary to quote at length from the works of his predecessors. Both show the potential for turning religious emblems into something more, something resembling homily and spiritual conversion. It would not have occurred to Whitney and Peacham, however, that they should convert religious emblems and make of them spiritual emblem books. They were both busy dedicating their mainly secular amalgams to their respective patrons in order to gain court preferments. Peacham's profound disillusionment over his fruitless efforts is all too apparent in the last line. But times have changed since William Cartwright and Richard Hooker debated over church polity in the 1580s and since King James I openly opposed the Puritans' demand for change and Archbishop Bancroft practised a strict policy of conformity after 1603. Two years after the publication of The Soules Solace, Archbishop Laud's oppressive measures would turn the Puritans into revolutionaries. In the meantime, the Puritan ministers sought to further reform and to fight

MASON TUNG

215

for liberty of conscience through preaching and pastoral care (Haller 1938, 6; 1955, 4), and Puritan preachers from the pulpits exhorted the faithful Sunday after Sunday to turn away from sins, repent and ask for forgiveness, and live sanctified lives. Responding to this call as it were, Jenner skillfully turned some of their sermons into poems and illustrated them with illustrations from different sources, and his enterprise, by no means risk free, turned out to be a great success both spiritually and commercially. His probable influence upon Wither and Quarles has been suggested above. It must be admitted that the main influence upon Quarles comes not from Jenner but from the Jesuit meditative tradition of his two main sources. In that connection the reader should consult the writings of the two afore-mentioned scholars. In regards to Wither, there is a remote possibility that he might know The Soules Solace. In the elaboration of his title, Wither states that his collection is "Quickened With Metricall Illustrations, both Morall and Divine/' The so-called "divine illustrations" occur usually towards the end of his long, thirty-line epigrams, which read very much like those devotional thoughts in Jenner's poems. Two examples based on the same engravings from Rollenhagen must suffice. Unlike Jenner who alters Rollenhagen's illustration (1.77) by adding the name of Christ above the head of a minister, Wither calls the original illustration "This modern Emblem" (2.27). By this phrase he means that the picture is a realistic portrayal of a cathedral scene in which a minister is preaching to a crowded congregation. The scene has no symbolic or allegorical meaning. As a result he paraphrases rather loosely Rollenhagen's motto "Deus nobis haec otia fecit" [God made these leisures for us] into "The Gospel, thankefully imbrace; / For God, vouchsafed us, this Grace." After reviewing the history of persecution suffered by the early churches in spreading the Gospel, Wither warns the reader not to be complacent and not to complain about the Gospel as the Israelites did about the eating of manna in the wilderness. He then concludes with these words: . . . And, I fear, That, of those Christians, who, more often heare, Then practise, what they know, we have too many: And, I suspect myselfe, as much as any. Oh! mend me so, that, by amending mee, Amends in others, may increased be:

216

EMBLEMATICA

And, let all Graces, which thou hast bestow'd, Returne thee honour, from whom, first, they flow'd. Jenner would certainly have agreed with Wither's emphasis on the importance of preaching and hearing the Gospel. While both dwell on sin and the need for repentance, Wither's confession is more introspective and meditative (Bath, "Introduction," 5).17 Similarly, in 3.37, based on Rollenhagen 2.37 which Jenner again alters to show the means to get a soft heart (see p. 197 above), Wither stays with the original illustration which shows the diamond's hardness by its being hammered on an anvil. "Good God!" Wither concludes his epigram with a prayerful meditation, . . . vouchsafe, ev'n for that Diamond-sake, That, I may of his pretiousnesse, partake, In all my Trialls; make mee alwayes able To bide them, with a minde impenitrable, How hard, or oft so'ere, those hamm'rings bee, Wherewith, Afflictions must new fashion mee. To summarize, Jenner uses God's limitless love to solace his Christian readers' souls through the use of parables in his illustrated verse homilies. In the process he deviates from the English emblem tradition by emphasizing the primacy of his texts, which his engravings illustrate, by and large, in the manner of book illustrations, reverting to the earlier method of labeling characters or their symbols as well as to the earlier layout of continuous printing of his poems. Wither takes the same engravings from one of Jenner's sources and meditates on them from time to time in personal devotions and uses the lottery as a means to alleviate his readers' moral and spiritual malaise. Quarles, under the influence of the Jesuit meditative tradition, transforms the humanist emblem into five or six parts to effect Protestant meditative exercises, using the iconographical topos of Divine Love and the Human Soul. In Quarles's hand, the merging of emblematic and meditative traditions creates a new para-genre of devotional emblem which is further removed from the humanist emblem tradition begun by 17. Wither, on the whole, follows the emblematic pattern of representation and interpretation in his verses among the moral illustrations, as Peter Daly has shown (212-17). Daly, however, does not deal with Wither's divine illustrations. For a more recent study of Wither, see Young 1993.

MASON TUNG

217

Alciato and his immediate followers (Holtgen and Horden, "Introduction," 16*-17*). If the interpretation of this evolving process is correct, then Jenner may be credited with taking the first step in the general direction of this unique development of the English emblem tradition, even though his own work, The Soules Solace, is not an emblem book. It is, instead, in the main stream of what Hind has called "small devotional prints" (118), a species of the vast genus of didactic illustrative literature, of which the emblem is also but a part. Works Cited Adams, Alison, Stephen Rawles and Alison Saunders. A Bibliography of French Emblem Books of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. 2 vols. Geneva, 1999-2002. Bagley, Ayers. "Geffrey Whitney's 'Education' Emblems." In The Emblem in Renaissance and Baroque Europe. Eds. Alison Adams and Anthony J. Harper. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1992. Pp. 118-31. Bath, Michael. "Introduction" to George Wither's A Collection of Emblemes (1635) in a new facsimile reprint edition. Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1989. . Speaking Pictures: English Emblem Books and Renaissance Culture. London and New York: Longman, 1994. . Review of Malcolm Jones's article, "Engraved Works Recorded in the Stationers' Registers, 1562-1656: A Listing and Commentary." Journal of the Walpole Society 64 (2002): 1-68, in the Society for Emblem Studies Newsletter No. 32 (January 2003): 11-12. Blount Thomas. The Art of Making Devises. London: John Holden, 1650; rpt. New York: Garland Publishing Co., 1979. Borris, Kenneth, and M. Morgan Holmes. "Whitney's Choice of Emblemes: Anglo-Dutch Politics and the Order of Ideal Repatriation." Emblematica 8,1 (1994): 81-132. Campa, Pedro F. Emblemata Hispanica. An Annotated Bibliography of Spanish Emblem Literature to the Year 1700. Durham: Duke University Press, 1990. . "Emblemata Hispanica: Addenda et Corrigenda." Emblematica 11 (2001): 327-76. Chappell, William. The Preacher or the Art and Method of Preaching. London: Edward Farnham, 1656. Cummings, Robert. "Alciato's Emblemata as an Imaginary Museum." Emblematica 10,2 (1996 [2000]): 245-81.

218

EMBLEMATICA

Daly, Peter M. "The Arbitrariness of George Wither's Emblemes: A Reconsideration/' In The Art of the Emblem: Essays in Honor of Karl Josef Holtgen. Eds. Michael Bath, John Manning, and Alan Young. New York: AMS Press, 1993. Pp. 201-34 , et al. Andreas Alciatus (Index Emblematicus), vol. 1: The Latin Emblems: Indexes and Lists. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985. Davies, Horton. Like Angels from a Cloud: The English Metaphysical Preachers 1588-1645. San Marino, CA: Huntington Library Press, 1986. Falkner, Silke R. "Hens and Snails: Emblematic Representations of Women in Johan Michael Dilherr's Sermons on Matrimony." Emblematica 12 (2002): 185-221 Freeman, Rosemary. English Emblem Books. London: Chatto & Windus, 1948. Geneva Bible,The. AFascimile of the 1560 edition, with an introduction by Lloyd E. Berry. Madison, Milwaukee, and London: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1969. Gottlieb, Sidney. Introduction to The Emblem Books of Thomas Jenner: The Soules Solace, The Path of Life, The Ages of Sin. Delmar, NY: Scholars' Facsimiles & Reprints, 1983. Haller, William. The Rise of Puritanism. New York: Columbia University Press, 1938. . Liberty and Reformation in the Puritan Revolution. New York: Columbia University Press, 1955. Hemminge, Nicholas. THE PREA-cher, or Methode of preaching, vvrytten in Latine by Nicholas Hemminge, and translated into Englishe by LH. Very necessarie for all those that by the true preaching of the word of God, labour to pull downe the Sinagoge ofSathan, and to buylde vp the Temple of GOD. 1 Corinth. 1.18. The preaching of the Crosse, is to them that perishe foolishnesse: but vnto vs which are saued, it is the power of God. Seene and alowed according to the Queenes Maiesties Iniunction. Imprinted at London by Thomas Marshe. Anno. 1574. Cum Priuilegio. Rpt. Menston, England: The Scolar Press, 1972 with a note by R. C. Alston, editor of the "English Linguistics 1500-1800 Series." Henebry, Charles W. "Wrestling Proteus: Metamorphic Stsruggle in Jacob Cats's Silenus Alcibiadis, sive Proteus." Emblematica 13 (2003): 131-72.. Henkel, Arthur, and Schone, Albrecht. Emblemata: Handbuch zur Sinnbildkunst des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts. Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler, 1967, 1976,1996.

MASON TUNG

219

Hind, Arthur M. A History of Engraving & Etching. 3rd edition. Lon­ don: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1923; rpt. New York: Dover Pub­ lishing, Inc., 1963. Holtgen, Karl Josef. "Francis Quarles: Emblem V,ll: As the Hart panteth after the Water-brooks."Iin Die Englische Lyrik, I. Ed. К. Н. Goller. Dusseldorf: Bagel, 1968. Pp. 156-58, 506-07. . Francis Quarles (1592-1644). Meditativer Dichter, Emblematiker, Royalist: Fine biographische und kritische Studie. Tubingen: Niemeyer, 1978. . Aspects of the Emblem: Studies of the English Emblem Tradition and the European Context. Kassel: Reichenberger, 1986. . "Francis Quarles's Second Emblem Book: Hieroglypikes of the Life of Man." In Word and Visual Imagination: Studies in the Interac­ tion of English Literature and the Visual Arts. Eds. Karl Josef Holtgen, Peter M. Daly, Wolfgang Lottes. Erlanger Forschungen, Reihe A, Geisteswissenschaften, vol. 43. Erlangen: Universitatsbibliothek Erlangen, 1988. Pp.183-207. . "Catholic Pictures versus Protestant Words? The Adaptation of the Jesuit Sources in Quarles's Emblemes." Emblematica 9,1 (1995): 221-38. . "Religious Emblems (1809) by John Thurston and Joseph Thomas and its Links with Francis Quarles and William Blake." Emblematica 10,1 (1996): 107-43. . "Two Francis Quarleses: The Emblem Poet and the Suffolk Parson." English Manuscript Studies 1100-1700 7 (1998):131-61. . "New Verse by Francis Quarles: The Portland Manuscripts, Metrical Psalms, and the Bay Psalm Book (with text)." English Liter­ ary Renaissance 28 (1998): 118-41. , and John Horden. Introduction to the reprint of Francis Quarles's Emblems (1635), Edward Benlowes Quarleis and Hieroglyphikes of the Life of Man (1638). Emblematisches Cabinet. Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1993. Horden, John. A Bibliography of Francis Quarles. Oxford: Bibliographi­ cal Society Publications, 1953. , ed. Francis Quarles, Hosanna and Threnodes. English Reprints Series. Liverpool, 1960. . "Introduction" to Francis Quarles, Hieroglyphikes of the Life of Man, London, Printed by M. Flesher, for Iohn Marriot, 1638. Reprinted as No. 14 of the "English Emblem Books Series," Se­ lected and Edited by John Horden. Menston, England: The Scolar Press, 1969.

220

EMBLEMATICA

. "The Christian Pilgrim, 1652, and Francis Quarles's Emblemes and Hieroglyphikes, 1643/' Emblematica 4,1 (1989): 63-90. Landwehr, John. Dutch Emblem Books. A Bibliography. Utrecht: Haetjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1962. . Emblem Books in the Eow Countries: 1554-1949, A Bibliography. Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1970. . German Emblem Books 1531-1888, A Bibliography. Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, & Leyden: A. W. Sijthoff, 1972. . French, Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese Books of Devices and Emblems 1534-1827, A Bibliography. Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1976. . Emblem and Fable Books Printed in the Eow Countries, 1542-1813. A Bibliography. Third revised and augmented edition. Utrecht: HES Publishers, 1988. Maclure, Millar. The Paul's Cross Sermons 1534-1642. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1958. Manning, John. "Unpublished and Unedited Emblems by Geffrey Whitney: Further Evidence of the English Adaptation of Continental Traditions."In The English Emblem and the Continental Tradition. Ed. Peter M. Daly. New York: AMS Press, 1988. Pp. 83-107. . "Whitney's Choice of Emblemes: A Reassessment." Renaissance Studies 4 (1990): 155-200. . The Emblem. London: Reaktion Books, Ltd., 2002. Mitchell, W. Fraser. English Pulpit Oratory from Andrewes to Tillotson. A Study of its Eiterary Aspects. London, 1932; rpt. New York: Russell & Russell, 1962 National Union Catalog Pre-1956 (cited in the text as NUC). Owen, Trevor A. Eancelot Andrewes. Twayne English Authors Series, 325. Boston: G.K. Hall & Co., 1981. Peacham, Henry. Minerva Britanna or A Garden ofHeroical Deuises, furnished, and adorned with Emblemes and Impresas . . . London: Wa: Dight, [1612], reprinted as No. 5 of the "English Emblem Books Series/' Selected and Edited by John Horden. Menston, England: The Scolar Press, 1969. Praz, Mario. Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery. Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Litteratura, 1964; rpt. St. Clair Shores, MI: Scholarly Press, 1979. Rollenhagen, Gabriel. Nucleus Emblematum selectissimorum, qux Itali vulgo Impresas vocant... Coloniae E Museuo Coelatorio Chrispiani Passaei. P r o s t a n t A p u d I o a n n e m I a n s o n i u m Bibliopolam

MASON TUNG

221

Arnhemiensem. [1611J-1613. (Copy used from Glasgow University Library, SM920.1.) Russell, Daniel S. The Emblem and Device in France. Lexington, KY: French Forum Publishers, 1985. Scholz, Bernhard F. "The 1531 Augsburg Edition of Alciato's Emblemata: ASurvey of Research." Emblematica5,2 (1991): 213-54. Schoonhovius, Florentius. Emblemata . . . Partim Moralia partim etiam Civilia. Cum latiori eorundem ejusdem Auctoris interpretatione . . . Gouda: Andreas Burier, 1618. (Copy used from Glasgow University Library, SM965.) Sharrock, Roger. "Bunyan and the English Emblem Writers." Review of English Studies 21 (1945): 105-16. Silcox, Mary V. "The Translation of La Perriere's Le Theatre des bons engins into Combe's The Theater of Fine Devices/' Emblematica 2,1 (1987): 61-94. Smyth, Charles. The Art of Preaching: A Practical Survey of Preaching in the Church of England 747-1939. London: SPCK, 1940. Tung, Mason. "Whitney's A Choice ofEmblemes Revisited: A Comparative Study of the Manuscript and the Printed Versions." Studies in Bibliography 29 (1976): 32-101. . "Towards a New Census of Alciati's Editions." Emblematica 4,1 (1989): 135-76. . "More on the Woodcuts of Alciato's Death Emblems." Emblematica 8,1 (1994): 29-41. . "From Theory to Practice: A Study of the Theoretical Bases of Peacham's Emblematic Art." Studies in Iconography 18 (1997): 187-219. . "Notes on Alciato's Medea Emblem." Emblematica 12 (2002): 403-11. Tuskes, Gabor. "Imitation and Adaptation in Late Humanist Emb l e m a t i c P o e t r y : Z s a m b o k y ( S a m b u c u s ) and W h i t n e y . " Emblematica 11 (2001): 261-92. Whitney, Geffrey. A Choice ofEmblemes, and Other Devises,... Leyden: In the house of Christopher Plantyn, by Francis Raphelengius, M. D. LXXXVI, reprinted as No. 3 of the "English Emblem Books Series," Selected and Edited by John Horden. Menston, England: The Scolar Press, 1969. Wither, George. A Collection ofEmblemes, Ancient and Moderne: With Metricall Illustrations, both Morall and Divine: And disposed into Lotteries London, Printed by A.M. for Robert Allot, MDCXXXV, reprinted as No. 12 of the "English Emblem Books Series," Se-

222

EMBLEMATICA

lected and Edited by John Horden. Menston, England: The Scolar Press, 1968. Young, Alan R. "Fascimiles, Microform Reproductions, and Modern Editions of Emblem Books." Emblematica 1,1 (1986): 109-56. . "Wither's Second Emblem Book: Divine Poems." Emblematica 7,1 (1993), 189-99. . Henry Peacham 's Manuscript Emblem Book. Index Emblematicus: The English Emblem Tradition. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998.

George Wither's Emblems: The Role of Picture Background and Reader/Viewer PETER M. DALY and ALAN R. YOUNG McGill University/Acadia

Universisty

George Wither's A Collection ofEmblemes (1635) contains two hundred emblems, each comprised of a letter-press couplet in English that acts as a motto (inscriptio), a letter-press poem (subscriptio), also in English and usually thirty lines in length, and a copperplate engraving that contains a picture within a circle bounded by a Latin, Greek, French, or Italian motto. The story of the origin of Wither's plates, which first appeared in Gabriel Rollenhagen's Nucleus Emblematum Selectissimorum (Arnhem and Utrecht, 1611? and 1613) has been recounted elsewhere by a number of scholars, most recently by Daly and Young in the material that forms part of their 2002 Studiolum digital edition of Wither's and Rollenhagen's emblems. 1 1. In Daly and Young's edition the two emblem books are digitally linked to permit easy comparisons. For information regarding this edition, see www.studiolum.com. As Daly and Young explain, the plates were engraved by the Crispin van de Passe family of engravers which had workshops in Utrecht, Arnhem, and elsewhere. The plates were originally created for and first printed in various editions of Gabriel Rollenhagen's Nucleus Emblematum Selectissimorum (Arnhem and Utrecht, 1611? and 1613). Shortly after, Wither, as he himself explained, obtained a copy (A Collection ofEmblemes, ' T o the Reader," sig. Al v). In Wither's judgment, Rollenhagen's original verses that accompanied the plates were both "meane" and inexact "in observing the true Proprieties belonging to every Figure, . . ." For his own amusement, Wither wrote his own verses ("Illustrations") to accompany a number of the engravings. Because the engravings themselves were "judged very good, for the most part; and the rest "excus-

223

224

EMBLEMATICA

Already noted elsewhere, too, is that, although he omitted Rollenhagen's verse subscriptiones that were part of the original en­ graved plates, he made few other alterations to what he took from Rollenhagen. 2 In comparing Wither's emblem book with that of able," some of his friends, admiring both Crispin van de Passe's plates and Wither's verse "illustrations," then urged him "to Moralize the rest." This he did, and the resulting emblem book would have been published "many yeares agoe, but that the Copper Prints (which are now gotten) could not be procured out of Holland, upon any reasonable Conditions" (sig. Alv). Unfortunately, Wither does not make it clear whether he eventually was able to bring the copper plates to England. Possibly, the engravings were first made abroad and the re­ sulting sheets then brought to London where the letterpress was added. How­ ever, Thomas Blount's translation of Henri Estienne's The Art of Making Devices (London, 1646) used a Rollenhagen plate (Wither emblem 3,20), evidence per­ haps that Rollenhagen's plates had at some time been brought to London (Young, 207). The plates when reused in A Collection of Emblemes no longer con­ tained the original verse subscriptiones that Wither had complained about. Ac­ cording to Wither in his epistle "To the Reader," "The Verses were so meane, that, they were afterward cut off from the Plates" (sig. Alv). That Wither is being quite lit­ eral here is confirmed by the plate marks in Л Collection of Emblemes. These reveal that the engraved verse subscriptiones were not just rubbed out, but the plates were physically cut and consequently reduced in size. The Glasgow University Library copies (SM 1902 and BD16-blO) demonstrate this very clearly, a point confirmed by Michael Bath and Stephen Rawles, whom we would like to thank for independently examining these copies on our behalf

2. The most significant change concerns Rollenhagen's emblem 64, which has an engraved Italian inscriptio "Cosi de ben amar porto tormento." The pictura shows a lighted candle, and a moth flying into the flame. Wither (one assumes it was he) had both engraved inscriptio and pictura altered, converting Rollenhagen's love emblem into a new moral emblem. The engraved Latin inscriptio now reads "Cui bono," and the flame and moth have been removed from the pictura. As has also been noted, the original sequence of emblems in Rollenhagen is slightly changed in Wither's work. Rollenhagen 1,11 becomes Wither 1,19, and Rollenhagen 1,14 becomes Wither 1,22. See Freeman, vii-viii nb. 3; Bath, 6; and Daly and Young's digital edition cited above. As we suggest in our edition of Wither and Rollenhagen, because Wither's folio book pages are in gatherings of four, Rollenhagen's plates (originally numbered 19 and 14 but now on Wither's pages 11 and 22) are in a contiguous relationship (sigs. C2r and D3v). Similarly, Rollenhagen's plates (originally numbered 11 and 22 but now on Wither's pages 19 and 14) are in a contiguous relationship (sigs. D2r and C3v). It thus seems likely that at some stage in the print shop when the engravings were printed, and before the letterpress was added, the sheets with sig. C2 and D2 were inter­ changed during the printing of one side. This error may have occurred because

PETER M. DALY and ALAN R. YOUNG

225

Rollenhagen, a number of questions arise. What is the relationship of W i t h e r ' s English l e t t e r - p r e s s inscriptiones to the e n g r a v e d inscriptiones associated with Rollenhagen's picturae? Did Wither derive any of his material from Rollenhagen's subscriptiones even though these are all absent from the newly-created emblem book? How does Wither's verbal material (inscriptiones and subscriptiones) relate to the picturae? In what follows, brief comments will be made in answer to these questions, but the main focus will be upon the last question, and in particular the matter of how Wither responded, not to the main foreground symbolic subject-matter of the picturae, but to their backgrounds, which may contain other details and little scenes (fatti), often involving figures in some action. In answer to the first question, one may note that Wither usually provides a close, if expanded, rendering of the sense of Rollenhagen's motto. Wither will depart from this procedure occasionally when it suits his purpose to reinterpret the picture as in 1,18 bearing the Latin motto "Matura" [Make haste], which Wither renders as: "From thence, where Nets and Snares are layd,l Make-hast; lest els you be betray 'd." However, even here he incorporates an English translation of Rollenhagen's "Matura" [make-haste] in his expanded couplet motto. Wither's departures from the Latin mottoes appear dictated by his desire to make the picture closer to the motto, as in 1,20. Rollenhagen's Latin reads simply "Transeat" [It should pass]. The "it" is not specified in the Latin motto, but the pictura and subscriptio refer to a rain storm. Wither's new motto describes the picture and identifies the storm: "A Sive, of shelter maketh show; I But ev'ry Storme will through it goe." Rollenhagen often writes an incomplete Latin inscriptio that receives symbolic representation in the pictura, which in turn is explicated abstractly in the subscriptio. Rollenhagen 2,10 (Wither 3,10) may serve as an example. Wither retains the engraved Latin motto "Evertit et aequat" [He / It overturns and makes equal], but he writes a different English motto which describes the picture: "Ere thou a the sheet with sig. D2 was at an early stage incorrectly marked as sig. C2. Presumably, Wither then had to alter the sequence of the letterpress additions to match. At first the erroneous signature C2 remained in the letterpress for page 19, but then was later crudely overprinted with the correct signature D2. Another change that occurred (see, Bath, 6-7) is that whereas Rollenhagen arranged his 200 emblems into two centuries, Wither divided his two hundred emblems into four books of fifty emblems each, employing an architectural metaphor as explanatory justification.

226

EMBLEMATICA

fruitfull-Cropp shalt see, I Thy ground must plough'd and harro' wd be." A peculiar situation exists in Wither 2,14 where there is a significant alteration in the plate. Rollenhagen 1,64 has a lighted candle with a large flame. A moth approaches the flame. Around this image of unfolding drama is the Italian motto "Cosi de ben amar porto tormento" [On account of good love I bear torment]. Wither's plate is identical, but he makes the crucial omission of both the flame on the candle and the moth. Wither also replaces Rollenhagen's Italian motto with a new Latin motto "Cui bono" [Good to whom], and he writes as his English motto a verse couplet that accords with his altered plate: "A Candle that affords no light / What profits it, by Day, or Night!" Some of Wither's mottoes are echoed in the last lines of his epigram, thus rounding out the emblem and creating a closed argument.This was already an unusual feature of Rollenhagen's emblems. As Ilja Veldman and Clara Klein note, this incorporation of the motto into the epigram was also a feature of De Passe's Arcus Cupidinis, which they hypothesize was also a collaboration between De Passe and Rollenhagen (273). A good example in Wither's emblem book is the last line of emblem 2,14, "The question is, for what good use they are" which picks up Wither's new Latin motto, "Cui bono" [Good to whom], and the phrase "What profits it . . ." in his English motto. 3 In general, however, Wither's English couplet motto is a close, if expanded, version of Rollenhagen's engraved inscriptio. The answer to the second question, which concerns how Wither's subscriptiones relate to those of Rollenhagen, is by contrast easy to provide. Wither does not appear to have drawn at all upon Rollenhagen's subscriptiones. Perhaps, having taken such a disparaging view of Rollenhagen's verses, Wither felt it would be hypocritical to make use of them in any way. Presumably, he still had his copy of Rollenhagen when he wrote his English verses, even if by then the original subscriptiones had been cut from Rollenhagen's engraved plates. Even so, that he should so completely ignore such a key component of Rollenhagen's emblems is somewhat surprising. This brings us to the much more complex issue of the relationship of Wither's inscriptiones and subscriptiones to the picturae. We need to differentiate between foregrounded motifs and background scenes. 3. There are many examples of this kind of closure in Wither's emblem book: 2,28, 2,30, 2,33, 2,35, 2,42, 2,48, 3,3, 3,9, 3,15, 3,17, 3,18, 3,24, 3,26, 3,27, 3,28, 3,38, 3,40, 3,42, 3,46, 4,2, 4,5, 4,7, 4,13, 4,16, 4,18, 4,27, 4,31, 4,35, 4,37, 4,39, 4,40, 4,42, 4,43, 4,45.

PETER M. DALY and ALAN R. YOUNG

227

In general, Wither pays close attention to the foregrounded motifs, which he almost invariably correctly identifies, i. е., names, and then interprets in his long subscriptiones.* Occasionally, Wither also names the motif in his English couplet motto. The background scenes are another matter. A first question concerning the background scenes is whether, and to what extent, Rollenhagen's inscriptiones and brief Latin subscriptiones refer to any of the background scenes. None of Rollenhagen's inscriptiones refers to a background scene. Rollenhagen's brief epigrams, largely couplets, never explicate these scenes and their m e a n i n g s . The most recent discusssion of Rollenhagen's emblem books comes from Ilya Veltman and Clara Klein who note the presence of backgoound scenes in the picturae (274,276, and 281). But they do not deal with them in any detail. Their purpose in the essay was different. Do Wither's new English couplet mottoes ever refer to the back­ ground scenes? A second question concerning the background scenes is whether, and to what extent, Wither's longer English subscriptiones refer to any of the background scenes. Did Wither have before him the complete Rollenhagen emblem, including the original Latin subscriptiones, when he penned his own English inscriptiones and subscriptiones? If he did, then Wither can also be considered a close reader, as well as an emblematist. Reception and intention over­ lap here. There are many background motifs in Rollenhagen's emblems. 5 The subject matter of these background scenes tends to be biblical, Christian, Classical, or contemporary, and to the extent that these are symbolic rather than decorative, they convey religious or moral meanings. Veldman and Klein observe that these "little scenes in the background add useful information and clarify the meaning of he maain representation and the texts" (274). But they provide no exxamples.

4. For a more detailed examination of this question, see Daly 1993, 201-34. 5. The following is a list of significant background motifs in Rollenhagen's plates: Part 1: 3; 5; 11; 16; 17; 18; 20; 21; 23; 26; 31; 33; 34; 40; 41; 44; 48; 49; 51; 54; 56; 57; 59; 61; 63; 64; 65; 66; 67; 68; 69; 70; 72; 73; 74; 76; 77; 80; 81; 90; 93; 95; 96; 97; 98; 99; 100. Part 2:1; 2; 3; 5; 7; 8; 9; 10; 11; 13; 15; 16; 17; 18; 19; 20; 23; 24; 25; 26; 27; 29; 30; 31; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 38; 40; 41; 42; 43; 44; 45; 46; 48; 52; 54; 55; 56; 58; 59; 60; 64; 65; 66; 68; 69; 70; 71; 72; 74; 75; 76; 77; 79; 80; 81; 82; 83; 84; 86; 87; 88; 91; 95; 97; 98; 99; 100.

228

EMBLEMATICA Beholbyou may, the Pi£urc, here. Of Ъ hat, keepes Man, andChildc, in feare*

ILLVSTR.

gHefc, arc the great'ft AffliQions, moft men have, • Ev'n from their Nurfwg-cradU, to their Grave .* Yet, both fo needfull are, I cannot fee, How either of them, may well /pared bee. The Rod is that, which, mod our Childhood feares j And, feemes the great'ft Affliftion that it beares: Thar, which to Man-hood, is a plague, as common С And, more unfurlerable) is a Woman. Yet,blufh nor Ladies j neither f rowne, I pray, Thar, thus of women ^ I prcfumc to fay ; Nor, number mec^ as yet, among your foes • For, 1 am more yourfriend, then you fuppo/e: Nor (mile ye Men, as if, from hence, ye had An Argument, that Woman fade were bad. The Bircb,[$bUmz\cttc (yea, by nature, fweer, And gentle,) till, withftubborneBoyes, it meet: Bu% then, it fmarts. So, Woment will be kinde, Vnrill, with froward Husbands, they are joyn'd: And, then indeed (perhaps) like Birchen boughes, ( W h i c h , clfc, had becne a trimming, to their Houfc} They, fomctimes prove, (harpe whips, and /W^tothcm, That Wifdome, and, lnflruBitn doc contcmne. A Woman, was not given for СопеШрп • But, lather for a furtherance to Perftfiion : A precious Balm of lovetto cure Mans griefeAnd, of his Pleafnres, to become the chiefe. If, therefore, (he occafion any frnarr, The blame, he merits, wholly, or in part: For, li ke fwect Honey, (lie, good Stomackcs, pleafes But, pa ncs the UHj9 fubjed to Difesjet* Death's

j I j j j '

Fig. 1. George Wither, A Collection of Emblemes. London, 1635, 2,31 (Glasgow University Library. Stirling Maxwell Collection, SM 1903).

PETER M. DALY and ALAN R. YOUNG

229

Occasionally the background scene is no more than another stage in the foregrounded action. Wither's emblem 3,49 is a case in point. The pictura shows two men cutting with a saw into a tree against which an elephant is leaning. In the background we see an elephant that has fallen to the ground beside a collapsing tree. In this case the background scene is merely a second stage of the action depicted in the foreground scene. Whether the many background scenes are symbolically relevant or merely decorative is often a judgement call. Landscapes, seascapes, and towns often appear decorative rather than symbolically relevant. Where death is the theme, background scenes of funeral processions merely repeat the primary thrust of the emblem as a whole. Wither's emblem 3,34, for example, shows an owl perched on a skull. The background scene is of a funeral procession with a coffin, approaching a church. Some background scenes of couples or lovers may not appear to call for special attention where the foregrounded motif symbolizes love. Similarly, an emblem on woman (2,31) shows a well dressed young woman holding a birch switch and a small bouquet of flowers (fig. 1). The Latin motto indicates the theme of the emblem: "Pueros castigo virosque" [I punish boys and men]. Woman, who in Wither's view ". . . keepes Man and Childe, in fear" (the English motto) is a scourge to "froward Husbands'" but she is also a "precious Balme of love . . ." The background shows two couples who are related positively to the theme. A small number of Rollenhagen's foregrounded motifs are repeated in background scenes. Wither (3,26) takes over with no change Rollenhagen's harrow chained to a "Y". The middle ground shows a farmer harrowing a field with the same implement, now drawn by a team of horses. Rollenhagen's bundle of hay is repeated in a hay-making scene (Wither 4,48). Similarly, Rollenhagen's pictura of Terminus as a boundary stone (Wither 3,27) repeats the boundary stone motif in the background scene of a farmer digging, and to the right of the foregrounded bust of Terminus we see another large upright stone, which must be a boundary stone. There is no metaphoric or symbolic extension in such background scenes. However, many of Rollenhagen's, and therefore Wither's, background scenes are important restatements of the sense of the motto or the emblem as a whole, but often in a different register. A case in point is Wither 3,31. The pictura foregrounds a burning candle in a candlestick on a stone block. The background shows a port city, and a knight on a rearing horse in a cloud of smoke. This was probably intended by the artist as the Roman hero Marcus Curtius who rode his

230

EMBLEMATICA

>7*

My W ic got Ъ b igs, an dyhigb hadflowncBi*> Poveftie did клере meedome.

ILLVSTR.

Xtih

Book11

Ou little thinke, what plague it is to bee» ^' In plight like bm, whom pi6ur*d here you fee* $ I Us тп^Агте,тй his uf iiftei-eyet, ттяяят Declare, that hee hath Wit, and Will, to fife : The Stmt, which clogs his other hand, may mow That, Bifvmiewad Fortune, kcepe iiimlow: And, twixt thefe tw, the Bedie and the Mind, Such labours, and fuch great vexations finde, That, if you did not fuch mens wants contemnc. You onild not chufe but heipc,or pitic them. All Ages had (and, this I know hathfome) Such miny as to this mifcry,doe come: And, many of thcm,at their let, fa grieve, As ii' they knew, (or &d at leaft bcleevc) Thar, had their Wealth IbmVd them to afpire (To what the i Wim defcrve. $nd fhey dtjm) The г-г-.'лг Ajc a*-d funirc Ages too, Might game havs bad. from what they thought to doe* Pc: h i p * dream'd Cr> once; But, God be prais'd» ThccJaz which kept medowne, from being rais'd, VVas cbafe'd »ofril,ihat( ir fuch Dreams I had) My thoughts^ :\nd longings, arc not now fo mad. For. plaine 1 fte,th t, had my Fmnnes brought SvchWraM*, atfirft,as my fmall Wit hath foughtI michr my feife, and ethers, have undone, Infrcad of Cturfes, which I rhorght to tunne. I Hndc my Ptvertitf lor met wasfie• Yea and a Bbfiwg, greater than my Wit: An^, whether, now, I rich or peon become, lis not muchpltspng, nor much trti&lefimt*

Ш

Fig. 2. George Wither, A Collection ofEmblemes. London, 1635,3,42 (Glasgow Uni­ versity Library. Stirling Maxwell Collection, SM 1903).

PETER M. DALY and ALAN R. YOUNG

231

horse into the fire in the chasm that had opened up in Rome, thereby saving Rome and its citizens. This is not commented on by Wither, but the Roman hero is a Classical exemplum of the original Latin motto "Aliis in serviendo consumor" [I am consumed in serving others]. Rollenhagen does not explicate this either in his subscriptio. How does Wither treat these background motifs? First it should be stated that he does not refer to them all. In fact, he ignores more than he incorporates. The majority of Van de Passe's engravings contain background scenes, sometimes two or more, which often go beyond the merely decorative. They frequently make silent comments on the foreground cluster, almost like fugal variations, or visual glosses. Of these Harms writes: "In an act of visual self-interpretation, the background imagery shows in which direction the reader, who is thereby involved in the interpretation, has to seek the meaning of the emblem as intended by the authors/' 6 Harms discusses, for example, the pelican-in-her-piety emblem (1,20) in which the background scene of a crucifixion with its eucharistic details requires a christological interpretation nowhere referred to in Rollenhagen's texts. These background scenes are not always as easy to identify. The reader, then and now, has to know the Bible and Classical literature. For example, Rollenhagen treats the famous motif, popularized by Alciato, of poverty restraining genius, which is illustrated by a figure whose winged right hand points to the heavens while his left hand is weighed down by a stone block (fig. 2). In the background there is a scene of combat between two figures of unequal size. Charles Moseley (227) suggests that the larger figure "might be the wise goddess Athena," but closer examination shows the smaller figure operating a sling while the larger warrior leans on his spear. Like Carsten-Peter Warncke and Wolfgang Harms (Warncke, 296; Harms, 49-64), we regard this as the battle scene between David and Goliath. Whereas Rollenhagen's texts indicate a worldly moral meaning, the background scene of David's fight with Goliath not only requires a spiritual interpretation, but presupposes that the reader recognizes the typological significance of the battle as a prefiguration of the struggle between Christ and the devil as tempter. As Harms com6. Harms, 52: "zeigt die Hintergrundbildlichkeit in einem Akt innerbildlicher Selbstauslegung des Emblems, in welcher Richtung der Leser, der damit an der Auslegung beteiligt wird, die von den Autoren intendierte Bedeutung des Emblems zu suchen hat/ 7

232

EMBLEMATICA

ments: "The silent reference leads the reader to grasp the contrast of ingenium and paupertas also in a spiritual sense; the unspoken intention may be the interpretation of the contrast between damnation and grace, temporal and eternal order, the flesh and the spirit in the sense of the New Testament." 7 Readers can often be expected to disagree about what is depicted in some of these background scenes. Warncke (384) identifies the winged figure flying over a hunter wearing a plumed helmet as St. Eustachius (Rollenhagen 2,86, Wither 4,36), whereas we can see no identifying marks of the patron saint of hunters. For us the figure is simply an "angel." Warncke (386) is probably right when he identifies the background scene to Rollenhagen 2,87 (Wither 4,37) as an allusion to the Roman custom of offering a sword for suicide to the person responsible for a military defeat. The original Latin motto reads: "Pro me si mereor in me" [For me, but if I deserve it, against me]. Wither does not comment on the background scene, but correctly interprets the foregrounded motif, and Rollenhagen's Latin motto, in his own English Motto: "Protect mee, if I worthy bee; I If I demerit, punish mee." Again, Warncke is probably right in identifying the background scene to Rollenhagen 2,88 (Wither 4,38) as men standing outside a brothel. Rollenhagen does write of "meretrix" [whore] in his subscriptio. Wither writes of the "babling Tongue," the "tatlers tongue" and the "whorish woman." Whether Wither was guided by the background brothel scene or, less likely, by the original Latin subscriptio mentioning "meretrix" we cannot know. As we have said, Wither took over the 200 engraved pictures from Rollenhagen's emblems with only one alteration. Wither appears to have ignored most background scenes. But he does refer to some fat t i in his long subscriptiones. The background to emblem 1,3, for example, has Moses on Mount Sinai with the tablets of the law, and Wither refers to this scene in the opening four lines of his subscriptio. Emblem 1,21 is another example. It has a scene of a funeral procession on the right, and farmers reaping corn on the left. Wither writes of both scenes in his subscriptio. Likewise, the background to emblem 1,41 shows believers around a sacrificial altar, which Wither writes of in a 7. Harms, 53-54: "Dieser stumme Hinweis fuhrt den Leser dazu, den Gegensatz von ingenium und paupertas auch in spirituellem Sinne zu erfassen; das unausgesprochene Ziel diirfte eine Auslegung auf den Gegensatz von Verdammnis und Gnade, Zeitlichem und Ewigem oder Fleischlichkeit und Geist in neutestamentlichem Sinn sein."

233

PETER M. DALY and ALAN R. YOUNG By Guiltines, Death entred Ы* JndyMibhicfcJUllpitrfrab Sinnc.

ILLVSTR.

VII.

69

BW*. ;

X/«/whccIe,andhehimfelfc thereon \ Is figur'd, and (by way of Embltm) here, Set forth, for Guilty mm t o lookc u p o n ; That, they, their wicked Courfes might forbeare» T o gainc a lawlcffr favour he defired, And, in his wicked hopes beguiled w a s : For, when to clsfpe with turn, he afpired, Inft»,ad of her, a cU»d, he did embrace. He, likcwife,did incurrc a dreadfull Votntt, ("Which well befitted his prcfumptnous Criraej A tenor, and, a warning, t o become, For wicked men, through all fucceeding time. As did his longings, and hisafcer Ferine, So, theirsarTe•

^

Fig. 1. The "Spring" tapestry. Reproduced by courtesy of the Marquess of Salisbury.

259

PETER M. DALY

, mk щ ^R :

?&®fv ;':|i||I

.

В

;

ш1Щ

,:

'W~$

ш| ^ W l l ^ ^ :JL у Я Н Д Р

ИРЙГ^Ш*^»!

'

1

:

•

•

•

.

'

•

-

•

•

.

.

:

.

/

.

'

.

;

;

,

Л

-

'

"

•

•

\

'

"

-

.

>

•




rm * •

*^#%1

Fig. 3 The "Autumn" tapestry. Reproduced by courtesy of the Marquess of Salisbury.

261

PETER M. DALY

v.n

'r§

Fig. 4. The "Winter" tapestry. Reproduced by courtesy of the Marquess of Salisbury.

262

EMBLEMATICA

how long it took to complete the four tapestries. Consequently, we do not know the precise datings of "Spring," "Summer" and "Autumn." As was already noted, the designs for these tapestries are based on engravings by Maarten de Vos (Figures 5-8). The Designer Francis Hyckes Francis Hyckes interests us because he is assumed to have been the designer of the "Four Seasons" tapestries. Francis Hyckes had enjoyed a classical education at Oxford, and he retained a life-long interest in Latin and especially Greek. During what his son Thomas de-

Fig. 5. Maarten de Vos, "Spring." Reproduced from E. A. Barnard and A. J. B. Wace, " The Sheldon Tapestry Weavers and Their Work," Archaeologia 78 (1928), plate LX.

scribes as a "countrie retirement" Francis Hyckes translated Thucydides' History of the Peloponesian Wars and selected dialogues of Lucian. Manuscripts by Francis Hyckes, which were donated to the university by his son, are still preserved in the library of Christ

PETER M. DALY

263

Church, Oxford. In the preface to his father's translation of Lucian, Thomas states: hee was a true lover of Schollers and Learning,... Нее was indeed no profest scholler nor took any more than one de­ gree in this famous Universitie, having beene sometime of Oriell Colledge . . . His studie or rather his recreation, was chiefely in the Greek tongue . . . (Barnard and Wace, 277) It is believed that Francis Hyckes designed the "Four Seasons" tapestries —the "Winter" panel bears the date 1611 — during the time of his retirement when he was translating from the Greek. He evi­ dently took pleasure in incorporating Latin and Greek inscriptions into his designs. A tapestry cushion cover, attributed to him, depicts a griffin standing on a cliff edge looking out to sea, which Barnard

Fig. 6. Maarten de Vos, "Summer." Reproduced from E. A. Barnard and A. J. B. Wace, " The Sheldon Tapestry Weavers and Their Work/' Archaeologia 78 (1928), plate LX.

264

EMBLEMATICA

Fig. 7. Maarten de Vos, "Autumn." Reproduced from E. A. Barnard and A. J. B. Wace, " The Sheldon Tapestry Weavers and Their Work," Archaeologia 78 (1928), plate LX.

suggests "would appear to be an emblem" (292). Beneath this stands the Greek inscription EXQN OTK EXOMAI [holding on, I do not hold to] which was evidently inserted after the tapestry was finished. Barnard lists a number of small cushion covers depicting Faith, Hope and Charity, Justice and Temperance in which the allegorical personi­ fications are identified by means of either Latin or English mottoes (Barnard, 296ff.). But who was this Francis Ну ekes? Was he an Englishman, or had he come from the Continent? How did he become arrasmaker to Queen E l i z a b e t h I? The p r e v a i l i n g v i e w d e r i v e s from the seven­ teenth-century antiquarian Anthony Wood, and the scholarship of Barnard and Wace, dating from the 1920s. But the old "evidence" and newly discovered documents have led to a reappraisal. Hilary L. Turner (2002a, 138) summarizes the new evidence as follows:

PETER M. DALY

265

Fig. 8. Maarten de Vos, "Winter." Reproduced from E. A. Barnard and A. J. B. Wace, " The Sheldon Tapestry Weavers and Their Work," Archaeologia 78 (1928), plate LX.

1. The grant of the headship of the royal arras works in January 1569; its extension in May 1575 to associate his son Francis in survivorship . . . 2. Four documents in the Public Record Office not examined by Barnard; one completes the story of Sir George Calveley's order for tapestry from Hyckes around 1570, three others are concerned with and amplify personal details in the tithe dispute cases heard in 1588 in which Hyckes was involved 3. The writ removing the headship of the royal arras works from Hyckes, both father and son, in 1609 4. Details contained in the account book of Ralph Sheldon, acquired by Warwick Record Office in 1988 5. Wendy Hefford's use of printed records relating to alien settlers in London which provide much information about the composition

266

EMBLEMATICA

of the royal arras repair shop in the Great Wardrobe and an importan I reference to a Fleming working for William Sheldon (Turner, 138-39). Turner notes that many of the printed sources available were not used by Barnard and Wace. Based on circumstantial evidence, but compelling argumentation, Turner suggests that Richard Ну ekes was more likely to have been Flemish than English (139). At the time the tapestry trade was dominated by foreigners. The details of the argu­ ment relating to Ну ekes, father and son, do not concern us, fascinating as they are, because they have no direct bearing on the use of emblems in the tapestries. The Sources of the Tapestry Emblems The four tapestries contain a total of 170 two-part emblems, i. е., Latin mottoes and symbolic pictures. Anyone with a knowledge of the European emblem tradition will immediately recognize some of the tapestry emblems as deriving from Whitney, Alciato, and Sambucus. 11 In fact, it would be difficult to imagine a tapestry designer in the first decade of the seventeenth century making up all these em­ blems with no reference to the established printed tradition. Emblems had become fashionable in England during Elizabeth's reign, and the "Winter" tapestry bears the date 1611. As a consequence, if one is looking for sources, one has in the year 1611 a latest date for printed books of emblems and imprese. I have therefore concentrated on books published before 1611. There is no reason to assume that Ну ekes limited himself to the handful of books published in England, or abroad with English texts up to 1610.12 Clearly, Ну ekes was capable 11. Gabor Tuskes does not deal with the tapestries in his useful study of Sambucus and Whitney.

12. These were Jan van der Noot, A Theatre for Worldlings (London: Bynneman, 1569); Samuel Daniel, The Worthy Tract of Paulus Jovius (London: Waterson, 1585); Geffrey Whitney, A Choice of Emblemes (Leyden: Plantin, 1586); P. S., The Heroicall Devises ofM. Claudius Paradin and The Purtratures or Emblemes of Gabriel Simenon, A Florentine (London: William Kearney, 1591); Andrew Willet, Sacrorum Emblematum Centuria Una (Cambridge: John Legate, [1592]); Thomas Combe, The Theater of Fine Devices ([London: Richard Field, 1593?], 2nd ed. 1614); William Camden, Remaines of a Greater Worke Concerning Britaine (London: Waterson, 1605); R. V., [Richard Verstegen / Richard Rowlands] Amorum Emblemata. Emblemes of Love (Antwerp: Swingenij, 1608) and Wits Laberynth, or The Exercise ofldlenesse (London: Budge, 1610). The number of English titles does

PETER M. DALY

267

of reading Latin and Greek. He would have had little difficulty with the Latin and Greek texts of English and Continental emblem books. We must also remember that the tapestry designer only used Latin mottoes, so that may well indicate that he wrote his own mottoes where the original printed sources had, say, English or French mot­ toes. Which Continental books of emblems and imprese were known in England at the time? The reception of Continental emblem books in England takes many forms, direct and indirect. Direct evidence is found in library collections, in the printed statements of writers, in school curricula, in manuscript compilations, and in some printed books. At times English versions are acknowledged to derive from Continental sources, as is sometimes the case with Thomas Combe, Geffrey Whitney, George Wither, and Thomas Heywood. At other times, the English "translations" and borrowings remain largely un­ acknowledged, as in Thomas Palmer's manuscript collection, and as is sometimes the case with Whitney. But Continental emblem books did find their way into England indirectly through acknowledged borrowing. George Wither tells us that he used the plates of Gabriel Rollenhagen. Continental emblems also do service as printer's de­ vices, appear on title-pages and frontispieces. Finally, motifs from certain Continental emblems will be discovered in various decora­ tive arts in the material culture. The English use of Continental emblems is documented in certain manuscript collections. The most important is Palmer's Two hundred poosees (1565?). The two hundred emblems —Palmer calls them "pooses"— are divided into two books. Many of the emblems in the first book are illustrated, either with pen-and-ink drawings or with illustrations cut out of printed books. John Manning's edition and earlier essay are the only recent detailed discussions of these early English emblems, which predate Whitney's printed collection by twenty-one years. If Palmer's book was in fact written in 1565, it means, as John Manning observes, that Palmer "introduced the em­ blematic mode into England, and he offered the first English translagrow slowly as more books are recognized to have employed emblematic tech­ niques. In a lecture at the sixth conference of the Society for Emblem Studies at La Coruna in Spain Mary V. Silcox has shown that Stephen Bateman's Л Christall Glasse of Christian Reforme (1569) is emblematic. But even adding Fraunce's Insignium, armorum, embleniatum, hicroglyphicorum et symbolorum explicatio (Lon­ don: Orwin, 1588), the total number of English printed works, or works wilh English texts still does not exceed л dozen.

268

EMBLEMATICA

tions of the principal continental emblematists"(Manning 1988, viii). Manning shows that Palmer used Alciato, and that he evidently also knew Aneau, Coustau, Paradin, and Valeriano. Although Palmer's borrowings are unacknowledged, the collection demonstrates the extent of this one man's knowledge of the Continental tradition. Some two decades later, Whitney would dedicate a manuscript version of his printed Choice to the same Earl of Leicester. It takes little effort to compile a list of the most frequently encountered Continental emblem books in England during the period. They include Alciato, Aneau, Bargagli, Camerarius, Contile, Coustau, Govio and Simeoni, Junius, La Perriere, Montenay, Paradin, Reusner, Ruscelli, Rollenhagen, Sambucus, Strada, Typotius, Valeriano, and Van Veen. But hunting for precise sources is a daunting task. According to the statistics in the database known as The Union Catalogue of Emblem Books13 789 titles were published between 1531 and 1610. This number includes reeditions and reissues of books of emblems and imprese, and some doubtful items. 14 Even removing editions of Alciato and his translators leaves 665 items. Eleven of the titles were printed in Poland, and it seems unlikely that Hyckes would have had access to these rare books, found today only in a few Polish libraries. It is also unlikely that Hyckes would have used Jesuit sources, which number at least 63 titles. The biblical and fable collections number thirteen. But subtracting all these titles still leaves 578 items. A present-day scholar takes what ever short cuts are possible, especially bibliographical short cuts. That includes consulting the Index Emblematicus volumes devoted to the English tradition that have so far appeared, 15 the three large-scale compendia by Henkel and 13. For an earlier discussion of the project, see Daly 1988a. 14. I do not pretend to have read each of these books from cover to cover. It is likely that some of these books, especially collected works, may have few or no emblematic illustrations. There is always the question of genre. Included in the total are three biblical collections, and ten collections of fables, which have but a loose connection with the emblem genre. Of the known total of some 6,400 items, I can claim to have seen and therefore verified at least a half of them.

15. Volume One in the English Tradition (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988) contains the emblems or imprese, as the case may be, of Jan van der Noot, Paolo Govio, and Ludovico Domenichi (in Samuel Daniel's translation) and Geffrey Whitney. Volume Two in the same series (Toronto: University of To-

PETER M. DALY

269

Schone, Bernat Vistarini and Cull, and Jose Manuel Diaz de Bustamente, in two volumes with lists of mottoes and their main Classical sources. But, invaluable as these compendia are, problems remain. The numbers look impressive. Henkel and Schone report that the Handbuch contains a total of 3,713 emblems, some 2,428 of which are complete. The Handbuch contains 47 books, of which 31 fall into the period in question, 1531-1610. These include the emblems of Alciato, Aneau, Beze, Bocchi, Boissard, Borja, Camerarius, Corrozet, Coustau, Covarrubias, Haechtanus, Holtzwart, Horozoco, Junius, La Perriere, Leebey de Batilly, Montenay, Reusner, Rollenhagen, Sambucus, de Soto, Taurellus, Van Veen, Whitney, and Zincgref. But the Handbuch does not contain all the emblems from the 47 books in­ cluded. Furthermore, neither the mottoes nor the epigrams are in­ dexed. Although the 31 titles from 1531-1610 may belong to the most important, that still leaves perhaps 560 unaccounted for. Checking the largest compendia listed above is not that easy for several reasons. The mottoes on the tapestries do not always corre­ spond to the printed sources. Sometimes Ну ekes modified slightly a source motto, sometimes he wrote a completely new motto. Con­ sulting the indexes for pictorial motifs in the printed compendia re­ quires a good knowledge of German and Spanish. Even if one pos­ sesses such a knowldege, it is necessary to work within a given word-field. For instance, the tapestry image in "Summer" no. 31 shows a path leading through a temple to a castle beyond. But "cas­ tle" might correspond in German to "Schlofi," "Burg" or "Festung." One has to consult all three. The mottoes listed in Bustamente are or­ ganized quite properly by lemma. That means one needs to know enough Latin to look for "credas" under "credo." But what may be regarded as constituting a source? The clearest case of a source relationship exists where a correspondence can be es­ tablished between the motto and picture of the tapestry and those of a printed book. But this is not always the case. Starting with the tapesronto Press, 1993), contains the emblems or imprese, as the case may be, of Paradin and Simeoni (in the translation by P. S.), Andrew Willet and Thomas Combe's translation of Guillaume de La Perriere's Theater des bons engins. Vol­ ume Four in the same series (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998), con­ tains the emblems or imprese, as the case may be, of Camden and Van Veen's Amorum Emblemata. The volume also contains H. G.'s The Mirrour of Majestic, which was not consulted since it appeared in 1618, after the presumed dating of the tapestries. With the exception of some Combe versions of La Perriere, and some Whitney emblems Hyckes did not use any English sources at all.

270

EMBLEMATICA

try mottoes it soon becomes evident that Hyckes modified some» printed mottoes in different ways, and he occasionally wrote completely new ones. Sometimes the new mottoes can be shown to incorporate key words from the printed books. There are examples where the motto has not been found in a printed emblem book at all, but the phrase was a commonplace for the educated. Picinelli, Valeriano, Horace, Virgil and Erasmus have provided quotations and phrases used by many emblem writers. The Greek Anthology and Erasmus's Adagia were the most important sources used by Alciato. It is none too surprising that Hyckes should also have used such phrases as mottoes. A very few of the tapestry pictures appear in no printed emblem book. Again, some are commonplace and require no printed source. The different medium, tapestry weaving rather than engraving and woodblock illustration, imposed certain limitations, even though the tapestry emblems are large, and bounded by nine inch loops. A certain simplification was none the less often required. As was already noted, Kendrick (1913) determined that of the 170 emblems in the tapestries "twenty-nine of the subjects are to be found in Whitney's volume" (1913, 93). He also noted that several Alciato emblems represented in the tapestries are not contained in Whitney's collection, "while some borrowed from Whitney are not in Alciat" (1913, 94). This led Kendrick to surmise that the designer might have "drawn from the original, perhaps foreign sources" (1913, 96). Since we now know that less than a dozen 16 emblem books or books directly concerned with the creation of emblems and imprese had been published in English or in England by 1611, the date on the "Winter" tapestry, it is likely that the majority of the sources were in fact Continental and not English, to the extent that the emblems were not original creations. But some were. I initially compared the tapestry emblems with the emblem books and concluded that there are three apparent sources for the 42 emblems that frame the "Spring" panel. These are: Geffrey Whitney's A Choice ofEmblemes (Leyden, 1586), as Kendrick had suggested earlier, but even more importantly, Johannes Sambucus's Emblemata, the Antwerp second edition of 1566,17 and Andrea Alciato's Emblemata, in all 16. See note 2 above. 17.

A comparison of the motto of Spring no. 35 "Animi sub vulpe laetentcs" with Sambucus's texts shows that the source is not the first edition of 1564, where the

PETER M. DALY

271

likelihood a Plantin edition. 18 There is some doubt whether Whitney was a source at all for the "Spring" tapestry since all of the fifteen Whitney emblems that Kendrick regarded as sources derive either from Alciato or Sambucus. In addition, I discovered that Hyckes included in the tapestry borders a further ten of Alciato's emblems not to be found in Whitney's collection, and a further sixteen of Sambucus's emblems that do not feature in Whitney at all. To be precise, the emblems I have designated as "not in Whitney" are emblems that are either totally absent from Whitney's collection, or are used by Whitney in a different way. In such cases the motto on the tapestry represents a return to the wording in the original emblem book, which Whitney had altered. The remaining emblem, no. 27 "Iustitia," depicts the personification of Justice with her usual attributes, blind-folded with sword and scales. There is no precise parallel in Whitney, Alciato or Sambucus, but the subject is so common as to make it unneccesary to hunt for a book source. I assume that Hyckes composed this justice emblem without referring to an emblem book. The justice emblem may be a compliment to Sir John Tracy of Toddington. Knighted at the siege of Rouen in 1591 by the Earl of Essex, Sir John was elected to Parliament in 1597, and became Sheriff of the county in 1609. This suggests that justice was, or became, of concern to him. Since all the "Spring" emblems derive directly or indirectly from Alciato and Sambucus, and none is an original creation of Whitney, it seems reasonable to conclude that Hyckes drew on these two Continental sources. Interestingly enough, Plantin was the publisher of Sambucus and the some of the most influential Alciato editions, probably the one used by Hyckes. Plantin also put out the Whitney

same emblem (124) bears the motto "Fictus amicus" but the edition of 1566, or perhaps one of even later date, with the identical motto "Animi sub vulpe laetentes" (171). Whitney could not have been the source since he modified the 1564 motto to read "Amicitia fucata vitanda" (124). 18. "Spring" emblem 10 may be taken as evidence of Hyckes's use of the Plantin edition of Alciato. Whereas the earlier Augsburg 1531 editions had depicted a stork in flight with another stork on its back (A3v), andWechel Paris editions (emblem 5), and the Rouille/Bonhomme Lyons printings (emblem 30) had depicted a stork in flight carrying another on its back and feeding it a worm, the Plantin editions and the tapestry depict a stork flying with food in its beak to its nest on a rooftop where three young birds are waiting.

272

EMBLEMATICA

compilation, which drew heavily on plates that Plantin had already used for Alciato, Sambucus and others. Whitney may not have always been source for the "Spring" tapes­ try, but there is evidence to suggest that on occasion Ну ekes did draw directly on Whitney's emblems for the other tapestries. "Summer" emblem 19 uses the Latin motto to be found in Whitney 175, "Otiosi semper egentes" [The idle always destitute]. Whitney had taken the emblem from La Perriere's emblem 100, which is also in Combe with an English motto. All three books and the tapestry have the same pic­ ture of Diligence, holding a cornucopia and switch, sitting in a chariot drawn by ants. A similar situation is discovered in "Summer" 39, which uses Whitney's Latin motto (179) "Auri sacra fames quid non?" [What does the accursed greed for gold not (prompt a man to do)?l Again, Whitney had borrowed La Perriere's emblem 70, which in Combe 70 has an English couplet motto. All three books and the tapes­ try have the same picture of a man swimming with burden on his back.19 There is no reason to assume that each and every tapestry emblem must have a printed source for both its motto and picture, although the majority do. Certain personifications such as Justice, and such bib­ lical images as Jacob's ladder, 20 Jacob wrestling with the angel, and Elijah being transported in a fiery chariot to heaven are so common as to require no printed source. Again, some of the emblem pictures de­ pict scenes that would have been common in rural England of the pe­ riod. Especially those scenes of hunting and fishing, which feature on the main body of the tapestries. Also some mottoes would have been included in the commonplace books of most students, and schoolboys for that matter. Hyckes may well have kept a commonplace book, 19. There are several other examples. "Autumn" emblem 16 uses a Latin motto "cum tempore mutamur" [we are changed with time], which introduces an em­ blem in Whitney (167). "Winter" emblem 27 has a motto "Veritas invicta" [Truth unconquered] that derives from Whitney (166). Whitney took over the plate from Montenay (no. 72) without acknowledgement. In Montenay's emblem there is no motto beyond the longer inscription on the picture of the open book, which occurs in Whitney and the tapestry. "Winter" emblem 35 has a Latin motto found in Whitney (227) "Sic aetas fugit" [So our age flees]. Whitney had taken over the image from Symeoni (see the translation by P.S. p. 345), who, however, had a different motto "Solus promeritut" [One alone is deserving of praise].

20. The fact that Willet also has an emblem on this topic (emblem 14) does not indi­ cate that Willet was a source for Hyckes.

PETER M. DALY

273

which was encouraged of all grammar schoolboys. In at least six in­ stances, Ну ekes seems to have altered slightly a well-known Classi­ cal quotation from Erasmus or Virgil.21 That having been said, I have been able to identify all the sources but one for the emblems in the border of the "Spring" tapestry, and most of the rest. The "Spring" tapestry contains emblems only from Alciato and Sambucus, although some of these were also taken over by Whitney. In some cases Hyckes returns to Alciato's or Sambucus's original wording of the motto, which Whitney had changed. Twelve derive only from Alciato and a further eight are also found in Whitney. Four­ teen derive from Sambucus and a further six of Sambucus's emblems are also found in Whitney. In one case it is not clear whether Sambucus or Whitney was the source. And then there is the justice emblem. Unlike the "Spring" tapestry, the "Summer" tapestry shows no ev­ idence of emblems from Sambucus. Hyckes continued to use Alciato in either six or ten instances, but four of these ten also occur in Whit­ ney. However, six do not, and so it is evident that Alciato continued to be a valuable source book. Hyckes also continued to use La Perriere or Combe's translation in ten instances ("Summer" 1, 5,19, 22,30, 37, 39, 40,42, and 44). Whitney becomes more important in the "Summer" tapestry. No fewer than thirteen tapestry emblems will be encountered in Whit­ ney, and in one instance (no. 6), the emblem copied was an original creation by Whitney. Four of Whitney's emblems will also be found in Alciato (nos. 2, 5, 14, and 17), two in Faerno's fables (nos. 4 and 24) —Faerno will only be encountered again in "Winter" no. 33 —two in Montenay (nos. 10 and 13), and nine more in La Perriere or Combe (nos. 1,19,22,30,37,39,40,42, and 44). The situation with La Perriere and Combe is complicated by the fact that Thomas Combe translated into English Guillaume de La Perriere's Theatre des bons engins, which had enjoyed four printings. In most cases Hyckes seems to have used Combe's English translation, for which he wrote new Latin mottoes ("Summer" nos. 1, 22, and 44). Sometimes, the tapestry picture is closer to Combe than La Perriere, as in "Summer" 30 in which a fish­ erman in a boat draws in his net. La Perriere's picture (emblem 23) has no boat. "Summer" no. 19 shows Diligence holding a cornucopia and 21. See "Summer" emblems 7 and 31, "Autumn" emblems 12 and 36, and "Winlcr" emblems 6 and 9.

274

EMBLEMATICA

switch, in a high-backed chariot drawn by ants. The pictures in both Whitney (175) and Combe (no. 100) show Diligence seated in a high backed chariot, whereas La Perriere has Diligence standing on a flat chariot. On occasion it is not clear which of the possible printed emblem books were sources for the tapestry emblems ("Summer" nos. 5 and 42). There are also some doubtful cases. This is especially so where a well-known phrase or a pair of words derive from a Latin or Neo-Latin source. The motto of "Summer" emblem 7 may derive from Horace, or Erasmus, or indirectly via Picinelli. There are also com­ monplace activities for which no printed source has been found, nor is one necessary —two dogs chase a hare, a man fishes with a rod. And then vague correspondences seem to exist with Haechtanus ("Sum­ mer" no. 7), with La Perriere's La Morosophie ("Summer" no. 12), with Camerarius ("Summer" no. 15), with Covarrubias ("Summer" no. 23), with Beze ("Summer" no. 26), and with Reusner ("Summer" nos. 27 and 29). Is it likely that the designer took only one or two emblems from each of these books when the borders contain 170? And how many emblem books can we assume that Ну ekes had open on his desk as he designed the tapestries? He probably worked on one tapestry border at a time, and I for one find it difficult to imagine him working with half a dozen or a dozen emblem books open in front of him. The "Autumn" tapestry contains eight emblems from Alciato, and a further five of Alciato's emblems that can also be found in Whitney. There is only one emblem that may derive directly from Sambucus (no. 28). But since it carries a new motto it is not a clear case. La Perriere seems to have provided one source (no. 4), and Combe a fur­ ther four instances (nos. 21, 24, 25, and 26). The tapestry mottoes are closer to Combe in nos. 21 and 24, and the tapestry pictures are closer to Combe in nos. 25 nd 26. Whitney certainly provided sources for three tapestry emblems (nos. 16, 37, and 40). And Whitney may also have provided the intermediary source for one of La Perriere's em­ blems (no. 27). Montenay is the source for two tapestry emblems (nos. 32 and 39). Six seem to be too commonplace to require printed emblem book sources (nos. 7,12,14,18,30, and 36), and eight remain unidenti­ fied. Rollenhagen may have provided one source (no. 1), Reusner one (no. 5), Camerarius, or more likely Borja, one (no. 6), and de Soto one (no. 14). Occasionally it is not clear which of the possible printed sources were used for the tapestry. "Autumn" tapestry no. 33 may derive from Alciato or Whitney, since Ну ekes penned a new motto. Also in the case

PETER M. DALY

275

oi "Autumn" tapestry emblem 42 on poverty restraining genius, it is impossible to tell whether Alciato or Whitney was the immediate source, since the tapestry emblem has a new motto, and the tapestry picture has a new encoding of the stone as "world" and the image in the sky is inscribed "IEHOVA." The "Winter" tapestry contains emblems from Alciato, Whitney, and Combe, but none from Sambucus. Alciato provided six emblems: nos. 7, 8, 10, 29, 31, and 32. Whitney was used at least seven times: nos. 27, 34, 35, and 39; and again for no. 1 (which Whitney took from Paradin where the motto is shorter), no. 3 (which Whitney took from Sambucus), and emblem no. 33 (which Whitney took from Faerno). "Winter" also contains three emblems from Combe (nos. 15, 17, and 40). Hyckes may also have used Holtzwart for no. 2. Also in the case of the "Winter" tapestry, it is not always clear which of the possible printed sources were used for the tapestry. Hyckes may have used Whitney or Alciato for nos. 4,13,14,16,24,29, 32, and 37. Again either La Perriere or Combe provided emblems 11, 23, 26, 38, and 42. Four seem to be too commonplace to require printed emblem book sources (nos. 5, 6,9 and 12). Six remain unidentified (nos. 19, 20, 21, 22, 28, and 30). For the 170 tapestry emblems I have found sources for all but 23. Commonplace images and mottoes that represent a modification of a well known Classical phrase were omitted. The certain emblem book sources for the "Four Seasons" tapestries are: Alciato, Andrea. Emblemata (Antwerp, 1577). I number Alciato's emblems according to the 1621 Padua edition as printed in the Index Emblematicus series, which is readily available. Combe, Thomas. The Theater of Fine Devices (London [1593]). La Perriere, Guillaume de. Le Theatre des bons engins (n. d.). The printing history of La Perriere's emblems is complicated, but well explained in volume 2 of the illustrated Bibliography of French Emblem Books by Alison Adams, Stephen Rawles, and Alison Saunders (Geneva: Droz, 2002). See F. 364-F. 381. The first undated editions by Janot, four in number, had either 100 or 101 emblems with no inscriptiones. However, the undated and unillustrated Harsy edition (F. 366) has inscriptiones, which are either mottoes or titles. The editions put out by de Tournes in Lyons in 1545 and 1546 (F. 370 and F. 371) have inscriptiones, some of which differ from those in the Harsy edition. Sambucus, Johannes. Emblemata (Antwerp, 1566).

276

EMBLEMATICA

Whitney, Geffrey. Л Choice of Emblemes (Leyden, 1586). Most of W h i t n e y ' s emblems were Pax. culled from source books al­ E M 8 L E M A CLXXVI1 ready printed by Plantin. These sources, largely unacknowl­ edged (unackn.), are shown. I asked earlier: how many emblem books can we assume that Hyckes had open on his desk as he designed the tapes­ tries? There is no information available to answer that ques­ tion with any certainty. But it s e e m s to m e u n l i k e l y t h a t Hyckes would have taken one or two emblems only from a source book, when he can be shown to T f Ж RIG E R 1 S kxmtriijtntu qmqut Ултгш thurm, have taken dozens from Alciato, ^Mt fitterлп fcrtx Udttid hft4 f»l(tt S a m b u c u s , La P e r r i e r e or SupfHfmt nunc с$йл lug», П1тм1йл\/мЬаГ1ш, Сл[лгсн currut ddpid temp U vthit. Combe, and Whitney. In most ytl/сгл cgMifctt cencurdiwvmdtaut gtntts, cases the relationship between Prticflisf\ srmit тшш$л ftcu §bitt a p e s t r y a n d such p o s s i b l e Fig. 9. Andrea Alciato, Emblemata (Padua: sources is slim at best. Rather Tozzi, 1621), no. 177. uncertain as sources are:

гашвдюи

Borja, Juan de. Empresas morales (Prague, 1581). Holtzwart, Matthias. Emblematum Tyrocinia (Strasbourg, 1581). Montenay, Georgette de. Emblemes, ou devises chrestiennes (Lyons, 1567). R o l l e n h a g e n , G a b r i e l . Nucleus Emblematum selectissimorum (Arnheim, [1611]). Soto, Hernando de. Emblemas moralizadas (Madrid, 1599). Wherever possible, I also refer to the Henkel/Schone Handbuch.The Handbuch contains La Perriere's emblems but not Combe's translation. It contains most of these emblems, and should be available at most large libraries. How did Hyckes use his book sources? Most of the tapestry em­ blems remain close to the originals in both motto and picture, but oc­ casionally there are divergences that represent a conscious angliciza-

PETER M. DALY

277

tion of the Continental sources. In one instance Hyckes's modifications appear to reflect a specific English political situation. "Spring" emblem 30 on the subject of peace bears the motto "Pax pax" and is flanked on both sides by a pair of roses, two red and two white. The picture shows a man whipping an elephant harnassed to a chariot; a pennant of war lies nearby on the ground. In the top right corner, a flock of black birds may be seen flying in formation. The source is Alciato's emblem 177 (fig. 9). Alciato has the single word "Pax" as the motto. Hyckes has not only doubled the word but added a kind of visual gloss through the two red roses and two white roses, which can only be understood as a reference to the houses of Lancaster and York.22 The combination of word "pax" and the motif of roses signifies peace within the realm, a peace brought about during Tudor times through the unification of the warring houses. The Tudor rose, that combination of the red rose of Lancaster and the white rose of York, remained a powerful symbol of political unity in England, a unity that was as fragile as it was deeply desired. The elephant, a symbol of violence in war, is here domesticated, and put into the service of peace. Francis Hyckes added a further significant detail in the flock of black birds flying in formation, which itself could be an emblem of a united people. As such it is found in emblem 6 of the Paris, 1542 edition of Alciato's emblems (figure 10), which depicts two crows supporting a vertical scepter. As I have suggested elsewhere (Daly 1988b), the flock of crows is a visual gloss on the meaning of crow in the stylized and hieroglyphic combination of crow and scepter. One of the positive meanings associated with the crow was harby extension to the nation or race. Alciato's emblem 6 bears the genemony, which could be applied to matrimony and the family, and ral moral and political message that the power of the prince derives from the unity of his people. In my view a similar situation is found in the tapestry emblem. With its doubling of the motto keyword "pax," supported on both sides by the double roses of Lancaster and York, which leads visually down through the flock of crows, signifying a united people, to the elephant of war harnessed for peace, the whole complex emblem is a statement on the need for peace and unity. It may be understood as a perhaps nostalgic hearkening back to the glories of Elizabeth's reign as the golden age in which the nation was pre22. The two roses feature in the engraved title-page to Samuel Daniel's The Civile Wares (London, 1609), reproduced in Johnson's plate Cockson No. 2.

278 a8

EMBLEMATICA

served from civil war, and the

A N D . A L C . E M B L E M , L I B , s t r i f e b e t w e e n the g r e a t

houses was healed. A further example of anglic i z a t i o n can be found in "Spring" emblem 32. Hyckes's motto makes a gen­ eral statement about tyrants: " T y r a n n u s n u l l u m nisi que[m] timet amat" [The ty­ rant loves no-one but him whom he fears]. Hyckes de­ vised a new motto to replace Sambucus's original wording of "De Turcarum tyranno" (200). This may also be con­ strued as a conscious alter­ a t i o n of t h e C o n t i n e n t a l source. With the fall of Con­ stantinople in 1453 the Otto­ Corniatm mira Inter fe concordи nit dicta, quod significat immitto, interseroque. Unde et in structuris pavimentorum. et in opere tignario emblemata nuncupantur, quae inserta sunt intextaque graphice et decenter. Verres e m b l e m a t a o m n i a ex v a s i s S i c u l o r u m r e v e l l e b a t auferebatque. Scribit Plinius 42 pitheam fecisse phialam in cuius emblemate erant Ulysses, et Diomedes Palladium surripientes. Aelii Antonii Nebrissensis grammatici Lexicon ex sermone latino in hispaniensem impressum Salamantic[a]e Anno a natali christiano. Mccccxcii [1492], e[vii] v: Emblemma [sic] -atis. por el esmalte. Id., luris civilis lexicon ([Bologna]: Benedictus Hector, 1511), 19 v: Emblemata sunt quaedam ornamenta vasorum quae addi atque detrahi possunt, dicta ab emballo [sic] quod est impono sive intersero. Plinius lib. xxxiii, Ulysses inquit et Diomedes erant in phialae emblemate. Cicero quoque in Verrem emblematum in vasis meminit. Vulpianus [sic] in titulo de auro et argento legato [D. 34.2.17] . . . lex si gemma [D. 34.2.17], emblemata recte legantur et separantur et 42. Naturalis historia, 33.156-157.

314

EMBLEMATICA

praestanda sunt. Et in eodem titulo lex si quae est Pomponii: Ea quae inaurata sunt non deberi n e q u e aurea emblemata [ D . 3 4 . 2 . 1 9 . 6 ] . I t e m V u l p i a n u s [sic] l i b r o x, t i t u l o ad exhibendum, lex tigni: si ansam cypho in iunxeris [sic] vel emblemata phialae. Id., Lexicon id est dictionarium nuperrime ex hispaniense in gallicum traductum eloquium . . . (Lyon, 1511), c[vii]: Emblemma [sic] -tis. esmail: ornement que on fait es choses dor. Vocabularium nebrissense: ex latino sermone in Siciliensem hispaniensem denuo traductum . . . (Venice, 1520), Pt I, XCV v:

et

S m a u t a di a r g e n t e r i - Emblema, tis . . . S m a u t a t a cosa - E m b l e m a t i c u s Raffaele Regio in [Quintilianus*3 cum commento] (Venice: B. Locatello, 1493), [d v] v: S u m p t a est a u t e m similitudo a vasis, q u a e et g e m m i s et variis coloribus exornantur. Quae q u i d e m dicuntur e m b l e m a t a а т о той e|iPaAAeiv, h o c est ab iniiciendo. Iniecta n a m q u e et affixa videntur. Lorenzo Valla and Pomponio Leto in Quintiliani Institutiones L. de Pasqualis, 1494), [f iv] v:

(Venice:

LAU[RENTIUS]. Servius: emblemata d i c u n t u r signa i m p r e s s a u t a p u d Virgilium, Cratera i m p r e s s u m signis. D i c u n t u r a u t e m [атсо тоб i[i$dXXeiv] i m p r i m o vel infigo. POM[PONIUS]. [ецРаЯЯа)] id est imprimo vel infingo [sic] et dicuntur impressa ut a p u d Virgilium cratera impressum signis. 44

43. Institutiooratoria,2A.27;

9.4.113.

44. In this edition spaces have been left where there should be Greek characters. The phrase or word in square brackets is therefore only a suggestion.

DENIS L. DRYSDALL

315

Francesco Mario Grapaldi, De partibus aedium (Parma: Angelus Ugoletus, 1494), h[vi] r: Tesserulas autem quibus instrata dum Versicoloria fiunt Emblemata Sculptiones insertas, cum Emballo lignis etiam fieri decenter videmus

Pavimenta variantur quidam dixere veluti sit intersero, quae in . . .45

Id., Traductio vocabulorum de partibus edium in Linguam Gallicam ac Vasconicam ex Francesco Mario Grapaldo per Joannem Maurum Constantianum (Montauban: in edibus Gilberti bibliopole, 1518), 1 v: Emblemata, -turn: les petites pieces qui sont de diverses couleurs qui sont miseset'sculpees [sic] par dessus le pave. Pio Antonio Bartolini, "Pii Antonii Bartolini in leges castigationes" [1495] in Annotationes virorum doctorum (Paris: J. Badius, 1511), fol. CCVII r, caput xliiii: In lege si quis. ff. de tritico vino et oleo legato[D. 33.6.3.], locus depravatus est quern nunc corrigimus. Verba legis ita exarata sunt. Si acetum quis legaverit non continebitur legato a c e t u m q u o d vini n u m e r o t e s t a t o r h a b u i t . Emblema autem continebitur, quia aceti numero fuit. Quo loco non emblema sed embama est scribendum. Est nam embama liquaminis genus quo panem vel obsonium intingimus, dictum a graeco, nam PocTtieiv est tingere, et inficere. Emblemata autem sunt poculorum ornamenta quae affigi et refigi poculis possunt, quae et aurea et argentea et gemmis fieri solebant. De quibus habetur in lege si g e m m a , de a u r o et a r g e n t o legato. Paulus iurisconsultus in lege pediculis, de auro et argento legato[D. 34.2.32.1]. Aurea emblemata quae in lapidibus 45. On folio a[i] r of this edition there is a liminary poem by Filippo Beroaldo, whom Grapaldi refers to elsewhere as "praeceptor meus." Grapaldi's note, which is reminiscent of Giorgio Merula's, also clearly has connections with Crinito and Junius. Alciato knew him as a pedant: "Sed haec Grammaticis subtilius disputanda relinquamus, ne in nostra haec male feriatus aliquis Grapaldus impetum faciat" [But let us leave these things for more subtle disputation to the grammarians, lest some Grapaldi or other, with too much leisure, attack these ideas of mine]. (Alciato 1548, lib. VII, cap. 3)

316

EMBLEMATICA

assidibusque argenteis essent et replumbari possent deberi Gallus ait. Embama ergo est legendum . . . . Francesco Colonna, Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (written about 1467, published in 1499), ed. G. Pozzi and L. A. Ciapponi (Padua: Antenore, 1964), vol. 1:

p. 74: La p a v i t a t a a r e o l a s o t t o l ' a q u a , di v a r i a emblematura di petre dure tessellate in meravigliosi graphidi per diversi coloramenti vedevosi. p. 195: Gli reliqui parieti del templo cum multiplice et variforme de emblemature erano operosamente de pretiosi marmori i n c r u s t a t i . . . . p. 203: II residuo dil spectatissimo pavimento tra l'orificio puteale et il peristylio era di mirabile emblemature di minutali di tessellulato di fine petre . . . . p. 206: Quivi trovassemo uno nobile pauso overo areola di uno quadrato di petra nigerrima et indomabile, che tale non s ' a r i t r o v e r r e b e nella p a t r i a e u g a n e a , a e q u a b i l e et lucidamente perfricata, in bellissima emblemature sepita. p. 295: Nello i n s t e r s i t o m e d i a n o dilla c o a e q u a t a emblematura solistima dil peristylio . . . . p. 319: Et quivi era circumvallato una sectiliata, spatiosa et expedita et complanata area cum mirifico invento di tessellato emblematico . . . . p. 355: In fronte anteriore solamente se vedevano due litere, cum sotiale emblemature d'oro cum elegante politura intersecta . . . . Ant. Calepinus, Dictionarium . . . (Reggio: Dion. Bertochi, 1502), s.v. "Embamma": Emblemata sunt opera quae ex tesserulis structa sunt quale est museatum in parietibus seu pavimentis, et tarseatum in lignis, той e\ift&XXZ) dub quod est intersero. Emblematum quaedam dicuntur vermiculata sive museaca, ut quae in parietibus fiunt, quaedam Segmentata quae in lignis, et

DENIS L. DRYSDALL

317

q u a e d a m tesselata quae in p a v i m e n t i s . Sed saepe confunduntur. Unde a quibusdam accipiuntur emblemata pro sigillis ex auro uel argento vasis impressis illigatisque. Cicero de signis taxat Verrem qui vim emblematum c o a c e r v a v e r i t quae omnia vasis Siculorum celatis impudenter abstulerat. Virgilius Cratera impressum signis a graeco e[i$XeQ> [sic] imprimo: vel infigo. Plynius lib. xxxiii: Ulysses et Diomedes erant in phialae emblemate Pal­ ladium surripientes. 46 Pietro Crinito, De honesta disciplina [1504] (Paris: J. Bade, 1508), lib. XXII, cap. 1: Neque idem est vermiculatum pavimentum et asarotum ut quidam falso existimant, siquidem post Lucilium poetam asarota in urbe coepta sunt. Vermiculatum opus vocamus, quod et si crustis variis coemento illitis fiat. Non tamen vitro constabat. Quae res a Lucilio designatur, cum dixerit in Satyris: Lexim bene compositam, ut tesserulas omnes Arte pavimento, atque emblemate vermiculato. Hoc est orationem variis figuris atque coloribus eleganter compositam. С Plinius, in perquirenda antiquitate diligens, vermiculatum opus iccirco dictum existimat, quod esset variegatis crustis atque maculosis ad effigiem vermiculi. Ut minime sit improbanda Nonii sententia, qui pro minuto vermiculatum exponit. Guillaume Bude, Annotationes in quattuor et viginti Pandectarum libros [1508], in Opera omnia (Basle: N. Episcopus, 1557), HI 168: Ex lege Tigni in titulo, Ad exhibendum [D. 10.4.7.2]. Vel ansam scypho iunxeris, vel emblemata phialae) Emblema vermiculatum opus significat ex tessellis insititiis aptum atque consertum. Inde illud Ciceronis in Bruto de Marci 46. Calepinus has obviously taken something from Beroaldo as well as Perotto, and is a source for Catelliano Cotta.

318

EMBLEMATICA

Calidii oratione, Nullum nisi loco positum et tamquam in vermiculato emblemate (ut ait Lucilius) structum verba videres. Et in Oratore perfecto [ie. De Oratore] de collocatione verborum loquens ex Lucilio, Quam lepide lexeis compostae, ut tesserulae omnes Arte pavimento, atque emblemate vermiculato. Lexeis, inquit, id est dictiones in oratione tarn lepide compositae, quam in pavimentis vermiculato opere factis tesserulae. De quibus Plinius libro 35 [i. e. 36]. Interraso, inquit, marmore, vermiculatisque ad effigies rerum et animalium crustis. Huiusmodi hodie visitur in Italia in aede Senensi pulcherrimum opus. Emblemata etiam in vasis argenteis aureisque et Corinthiis ornamenta erant apud antiquos, exemptilia cum libitum erat, cuiusmodi aetas ista non novit ut arbitror. Id autem ex Marco Tullio intelligi facile potest in Verrem actione v, in qua Verrem Siciliae Praetorem criminose refert Haluntinos vasa omnia quae turn apud Haluntium erant, in unum acervum conferre coegisse. Quo facto Verrem ex omnibus vasculis emblemata, id est preciosissimam partem revellisse. Ita ut Haluntini domum pura nudaque vasa referrent, id est emblematis abstersis: et toreumata, id est caelaturae et emblemata apud Verrem remanerent, impudentissimo latrocinio. Propter quod factum Verrem per paronomasiam verriculum appellat. Verba Ciceronis haec sunt: Vasa autem ad Verrem deferuntur, Cybiratae fratres vocantur. Раиса improbant. Quae probarant, iis crustae aut emblemata detrahebantur. Sic Haluntini excussis deliciis cum argento puro domum revertuntur. Quod unquam iudices huiusmodi everriculum ulla in provincia fuit? Et paulo post: Turn ilia ex thuribulis et patellis quae vellerat, ita scite in aureis poculis illigabat, ita apte in scyphis aureis includebat, ut ea ad illam rem nata esse diceres. Emblema, insertum quid et insitum significat, i n i u n c t u m q u e ; ideo factum ut emblema pro ornatu temporario et exemptibili ponatur. Inde illud Fabianum libro secundo Institutionis oratoriae, de locis communibus loquentis: Hoc, inquit, adeo manifestum est ad forenses actiones pertinere, ut quidam nee ignobiles in officiis civilibus, scriptos eos, memoriaeque diligentissime

DENIS L. DRYSDALL

319

mandatos, in promptu habuerint; ut quoties esset occasio, extemporales eorum dictiones his velut emblematis exornarentur. Id., De Asse [1514] in Opera, p.136: Sequitur apud Plinium 47 loco superiore: Fuit dein Pytheas cuius duae unciae xx venierunt. Ulysses et Diomedes erant in phialae emblemate Palladium surripientes . . . . In vetusto e x e m p l a r i non viginti, sed decern legitur. utrobique tamen deesse summa videtur. Oportet autem opus preciosum fuisse in quo tale fuit emblema . . . . De emblematis in Annotationibus in libros iuris editis dicere memini, cuiusmodi artis exempla hodie non visuntur. Id., in a letter to Erasmus of 26 November 1516, "Epistolarum latinarum liber quintus," Opera omnia, I, 372: Hoc tamen deprecor ne mihi fraudi sit uno aut altero longiusculas disgressiones [sic] fecisse, easque res velut emblemata 48 locis quibusdam hiulcis inseruisse, quae sibi non perinde opportunum locum privatim dicatis operibus vindicavissent [var.: invenissent]. Id., Commentarii linguae graecae [finished about 1520, published in 1529], in Opera omnia (1557), IV 603: et ё^рЯгцаа emblema, de qua dictione in Annotationibus in Pandectas diximus olim. Significat etiam immitto et insero. Ibid., 1420-1421: Nee vero versuras modo a Graecis M.Tullius fecit, sed etiam quae mutuatos esse maiores suos ipse noverat, quaeque idem ipse tamquam utenda rogaverat, abiurare posteritatem suam docuit, pro suisque tueri et possidere. Ita enim Graecis permultis dictionibus usus est, quasi aut 47. Naturalis historia, 33.156-57. 48. Both Bude and Erasmus recall Quintilian (2.4.27) with this phrase.

320

EMBLEMATICA

plane Latinis, aut certe communibus. Etiam (quod fortasse mireris) in orationibus, in librisque oratoriis. Cuiusmodi sunt syngrapha, chirographum, xystus, acroama, diploma, bibliotheca, hypodidascalus, peristroma, emblema . . . . Id., Lexicon graecolatinum [1530] (Geneva: apud lo. Crispinum et Nic. Barbirium, 1554): ецРАгцш, остос;, то ab e[i$dXXeiv significat insertum quid et insitum iniunctumque. Unde pro insitione nitioris surculli in sylvestrem ponitur. Item ornamenta vasorum, dicta and той Ые[1$Хт\ова.1, quod vasis adiicerentur, et revelerentur, quum libitum erat. Huiusmodi quoque sunt, quae in parietibus vermiculata, sive museata dicuntur, in lignis segmentata, et in pavimentis tessellata, Caelius lib. 6 [i. e. 7], cap. 19/ 9 et Bud. in Annot. Id., De studio literarum recte instituendo (Paris: J. Bade, 1532), XXVr: Q u o circa cum p o e m a t a sua v e t e r e s h u i u s c e m o d i i n s i g n i b u s v e r i t a t i s , quasi accersitis e m b l e m a t i b u s exornanda duxerint, cur gentilitiam illam supellectilem in m e d i o iacentem et expositam, sacrae p h i l o s o p h i a e a c c o m m o d a r e , vel piaculare esse vel d i s s e n t a n e u m credemus? Catelliano Cotta, С Catelliani Cottae Legum Scholastici Memoralia . . . (Pavia, Iacobo de Burgofranco, 1511), sig. 10 v: 50 Emblemata: Signa. Aurum muliebre et cetera que his rebus similia. Sed si infectum legatum est, quod eius ita factum est ut eo ad rem ad quam comparatum est non possit uti sine refectione, quodque ab eo patrefamiliae infecti numero fuerat id videtur legatum esse. Si autem aurum legatum est, id paterfamilias videtur testamento legasse, quod eius aliqua forma est expressum, veluti que Philippi sunt. Itemque Numismata et similia.

49. See Ludovicus Caelius Rhodiginus below.

50. Copies in BL (C.142.d.l) and the University Library of Pavia (M.N.24.B.18).

DENIS L. DRYSDALL

Paulus in lege pediculis, § 1, eodem titulo. Auro facto annumerantur gemme anulis incluse, quippe hec anulorum sunt. Cymbia argentea Crustis aurea illigata. Margarite que ita ornamentis muliebribus contexte sunt, ut in his aspectus auri potentior, sit auro facto annumerantur. Aurea emblemata que in lapidibus assidibusque argenteis essent et replumbari possent deberi Gallus ait, sed Labeo improbat. Tubero autem quod testator auri numero habuisse legatum videri ait: alioquin aurata et inclusa vasa alterius materie auri numero non habenda. Ibid., fol. 54 r: Emblemata appellantur opera quae ex tesserulis structa sunt, quale est Museatum in parietibus seu pavimentis, et Tarseatum in lignis and той ецРаААо), quod est intersero vocitata. Accipiuntur etiam pro sigillis ex auro vel argento vasis impressis illigatisque. Cicero in actione quinta de signis taxat Verrem quod emblematum vim coacervaverit, quae o m n i a vasis Siculorum caelatis i m p u d e n t e r abstulerat. Plinius lib. xxxiii Ulisses (inquit) et Diomedes erant in phiale emblemate Palladium surripientes. Lucilius arte pavimento atque emblemate vermiculato, quern citat Cicero dum inquit: Nullum nisi loco positum et tamquam in vermiculato emblemate (ut ait Lucilius) structum verbum videres. Et de his apud nos intellexit Paulus lureconsultus. In lege pediculis, §§1 ff. de auro et argento legato [D. 34.2.17]. Meminit etiam Ulpianus in lege Q. Mutius, § cui aurum. eodem titulo [D. 34.2.19.5]. Erasmus, Encomium moriae [1509] ASD, IV-3, p. 76: Visum est enim hac quoque parte nostri temporis rhetori imitari, qui plane deos esse sese credunt, si hirudinum ritu bilingues appareant, ac praeclarum facinus esse ducunt latinis orationibus subinde graeculas aliquot voculas velut emblemata intertexere, etiam si nunc non erat his lo­ cus.

321

322

EMBLEMATICA

Id., De duplici copia [1512], lib. I, cap. XI. ASD, 1-6, p. 44: Prisca gratiam addunt, si modice et apte velut emblemata intertexantur. Id., in the letter to Alexius Turzo of 30 April 1525 which forms the preface of his translation of the De поп irascendo and the De curiositate of Plutarch, in Opus epistolarum, ed P. S. Allen, VI, 71-72: Mihi certe n o n m e d i o c r e n e g o c i u m e x h i b u i t ipsa Plutarchicae phraseos subtilitas, sensusque reconditi ex retrusis omnium autorum ac disciplinarum apothecis sic deprompti connexique, vt non orationem sed centonum aut, ut melius dicam, musaicum opus existimes, ex emblematibus exquisitissimis concinnatum. Id., in the introduction of his edition of Origen, "De ratione docendi et phrasi Origenis: [1536] (Basle: Froben, 1557), g 2 r: sed totus huius sermo sacrorum voluminum sententiis seu gemmeis emblematibus distinctus est, sed adeo commode et in loco insertis, ut nihilo secius curat oratio . . . . Ludovicus Caelius Rhodiginus, Sicuti antiquarum lectionum commentarios. . . (Venice: Aldus, 1516), lib. VII, cap. 19, p. 329: Olearum species aliquot. Emblemata quid . . . . Si vero sylvestri oleae domestica inseratur, fient, quae vocantur Cotinades. In quo obiter scitu dignum, urbana omnia sylvestribus insita dici Emblemata. Apud Ulpianum, Digestis ad exhibendum, Emblema phialae omnino aliud est. Meminit Plinius quoque. Id., Lexicon graecolatinum ... (Paris: apud Collegium Sorbonae, 1530): ецРЛгща, атод, то. Significat incertum [sic: insertum] quid et insitum iniunctumque accipitur pro ornatu temporario atque exemptili. Apud veteres i\x^Xr\[iaxa ornamenta erant in vasis argenteis, aureisque et Corinthiis, exemptilia cum li­ bitum erat, u n d e Cicero refert Verrem ex omnibus Halutinorum vasculis emblemata, id est, preciosissimam partem revelisse. Significat item ецРАгцаа vermiculatum opus ex tessellis insiticiis aptum atque consertum,

DENIS L. DRYSDALL

323

q u e m a d m o d u m videre licet in quibusdam pavimentis et anulis, atque id genus aliis. Item insitio mitioris [sic] surculi in sylvestrem. Vide priores annotat. Budaei. Celio Calcagnini, "Rhetoricae c o m p e n d i u m " [date u n k n o w n , but p r o b a b l y after 1519] in Opera aliquot (Basle: H. F r o b e n a n d N. Episcopum, 1544), p. 446: Alii v u l s a m et f u c a t a m o r a t i o n e m s e c t a t i s u n t , alii cacozeli, alii a n t i q u a r i i habiti sunt, alii versicolorem illam D e m e t r i i P h a l e r i i v e s t e m s u n t i m i t a t i : et e m b l e m a t a v e r m i c u l a t a q u a e Lucilius r e p r e h e n d i t , in a d m i r a t i o n e habuerunt. Id., "De a n n u l o e x p o l i e n d o " [date u n k n o w n ] in Carmina illustrium Poetarum Italorum, ed. J. Bottari (Florence, 1719-26), III, 105-06,11.29-30: H a e c signa, et h a e c e m b l e m a t a tornabis a n n u l o mihi. Boniface Amerbach in a reply to Alciato's letter of 1523 (Barni, no. 32) in Die Amerbachkorrespondenz, ed. Alfred H a r t m a n n (Basle, 1943), vol. II, no. 925, 11. 46-48: Pro E m b l e m a t i s h a b e o gratiam. C a r m i n a sunt, etiam si ab inventionis a c u m i n e discesseris, e r u d i t u m illud Albutii i n g e n i u m ad assem exprimentia. Lazare de Baif, Eruditissimi viri Lazari Bayfii opus de re vestimentaria . . . . Eiusdem de vasculorum materiis ac varietate tractatus . . . . [1526] (Basle: Froben, 1531) —the second work in this volume, p. 18 (separate pagination): O r n a b a n t u r etiam vasa emblematis, quod vasis a d i i c e r e n t u r et revellerentur, c u m libitum erat. De q u i b u s dicere s u p e r s e d e o , q u a n d o de his copiose tractavit G. B u d a e u s in a n n o t a m e n t i s .

Jan Dantyszek (Ioannes Dantiscus) in Epitaphia epigrammata et elegiae aliquot illustrium uirorum in funere Mercurini Cardinalis, Marchionis Gattinariae, Caesaris Caroli Quinti Augusti Supremi Cancellarii (edited by

324

EMBLEMATICA

1I ilarius Barrel) (Antwerpiae: ex officina I. [Graphei], [1531]), 51 sig. Bl v - B2 r: R. D. I o a n n e s D a n t i s c u s C. episc. c u l m e n . . . . Aliud in e m b l e m a ex altera p a r t e i m a g i n i s illius ad v i v u m sculptae. Sola fides terris P h o e n i c e m sustulit u n a m Sustulit ad s u p e r o s h a n c q u o q u e sola fides. Works Cited Abbondanza, R."Alciato, Andrea." In Dizionario biografico degli Italiani [DBI], 1960. 2:69-77. . " J u r i s p r u d e n c e : the Methodology of Andrea Alciato." In The Late Italian Renaissance, 1525-1630. Ed. Eric Cochrane. London, 1970. Pp. 77-90. Alanus de Insulis. De maximis theologiae. Basle: Jacobus Wolf, 1492. BL IA 37701. Alciato, Andrea. Parergon iuris libri decern, in Omnia opera. Basle: Officina Isengriniana, 1548. 2: [ l r ] - yy 2v, cols. 467-94. . he Lettere di Andrea Alciato giureconsulto. Ed. G. L. Barni. Florence, 1953. Bude, Guillaume. La Correspondance d'Erasme et de Guillaume Bade. Ed. M. M. de la Garanderie. Paris,1967. Contemporaries of Erasmus. A Biographical Register. Eds. P. G. Bietenholz and Т. В. Deutscher. 3 vols. Toronto, 1985-87. Corpus iuris civilis. Ed. Mommsen and Kreuger, with an English transla­ tion edited by Alan Watson. Philadelphia, 1985. Curtius, E. R. European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages. New York, 1953. Dizionario biografico degli Italiani [DBI]. Ed. A. M. Ghisalberti et al. Rome, I960-. Drysdall, Denis L. "Bude on symbole, symbolon (text and translation)," Emblematica. 8 (1994): 339-49.

51. BL 11422.c.5. The colophon has the date 1531 and a figure of Charity with a phoe­ nix on her head and underneath the motto: H АГАПН IIANTA ЕТЕГЕ1 [Charity beareth all things]. See Drysdall 1997,10-11.

DENIS L. DRYSDALL

325

. "A Lawyer's Language Theory. Alciato's De verborum significatione/' Emblematica 9 (1995): 269-92. . "Gattinara's 'emblem', 1531," Society for Emblem Studies Newsletter, no. 20 (1997). Erasmus, Desiderius. Collected Works of Erasmus [CWE]. Toronto, 1974-. .Operaomnia Des. ErasmiRoterodami[ASD]. Amsterdam, 1969-. . Opus epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami. Ed. P. S. Allen. Oxford, 1906-58. Grendler, Paul F. Schooling in Renaissance Italy: literacy and learning, 1300-1600. Baltimore, MD, 1989. Grunberg-Droge, Monika. "The De singulari certamine liber in the Context of its Time," Emblematica 9 (1995): 315-41. Kohler, J. "Fheophanie celestis emblema. Zu einem Theorematabegriff bei Alain de Lille.," Miscellanea Mediaevalia 22 (1994): 158-70. Marenbon, J. Later Medieval Philosophy (1150-1350). An Introduction. London, 1987. Margolin, J-C. "De la digression au commentaire: pour une lecture humaniste du De Asse de Guillaume Bude." In Neo-Latin and the Vernacular in Renaissance France. Eds. G. Castor and T. Cave. Oxford, 1984. Pp. 1-25. Montaigne, Michel de. Oeuvres completes. Ed. A. Thibaudet and M. Rat. Paris, 1962. Russell, Daniel. "Montaigne's Emblems," French Forum 9 (1984): 261-75.

Revisiting Alciato and The Greek Anthology: A Documentary Note MASON TUNG University of Idaho

The purposes of this note are first, to set the record straight concerning the number of Greek epigrams that Alciato translated into Latin, of those he published in different times and places, and of those he chose for his Emblemata. Second, I will suggest a new approach to studying his emblems in light of the method and the experience of his translations that shape the form and content of this new genre called emblem. There is some confusion over these numbers in the works of James Hutton, Mario Praz, Alison Saunders, and Peter Daly. In the second edition of Literature in the Light of the Emblem (1998), Daly reviews the publication history of Alciato's Latin translations and provides the following sets of numbers: "Either nine or eleven of these appeared in Johannes Soter's collection Epigrammata graeca veterum elegantissima, eademque Latina . . . (1528). A year later, 153 or 154 of Alciato's epigrams were printed in Janus Cornarius's collection Selecta epigrammata Graeca Latine versa . . ., of which 30 or 240 —depending on who is counting —were included in the 1531 printing of Alciato's emblems" (11). To find out who is counting correctly we need to go back to the previous counters. James Hutton may be regarded as the earliest, followed by Mario Praz, Alison Saunders, and Virginia Callahan. Daly refers to the last two in his notes for the three sets of numbers. 1 In his 1935 monumental —and to Callahan 1. Daly's number 240 (a slip of his computer key?) should be 40, because he writes on the next page that in Alciato's letter to Calvi ". . . he does not refer to the

327

328

EMBLEMATICA

"indispensable" (1979/1985, 401)-work, The Greek Anthology in Italy to the Year 1800, James Hutton provides a useful Register at the end, containing some 200 pages (about some 9,600 lines) of information on Latin epigrams translated from The Greek Anthology by some 239 authors from Boccaccio (1313-1375) to Giordani (1774-1848). Alciato's epigrams are given close scrutiny by Hutton (195-208) with numerous lists both in the text and in the notes as well as in the Register. None of the lists is itemized with serial numbers, making accurate counting of the numbers difficult and challenging. "The Epigrammata Graeca of Joannes Soter," writes Hutton, "which appeared in 1525, contained eleven translations by Alciati; but these were taken from his previously published works" (197). In the footnote, he gives their sources in the Greek Anthology based on the more accesible version of the Anthologia Palatina or A.R rather than the Anthologia Planudea or A.PI., which is the only version known to Alciato (Callahan, 1979/1985n22): [1] 7.357, [2] 7.704; [3] 9.357; [4] 11.70, [5] 11.233, [6] 11.244, [7] 11.256; [8] 16.3, [9] 16.32, [10] 16.68, [11] 16.247.2 And the note continues, "Two more (A.R 7.152 and 16.275) were added in the third (1544) edition of Soter." To prove this statement, Hutton lists all 21 new additions in the 1544 edition (282-83). By this means he dismisses the implication made by Rubensohn (Griechische Epigramme und andere kleinere Dichtungen in Deutschen Uebersetungen des xvi und xvii Jahrhunderts, Weimer, 1897, p. lvi) that all thirteen are in the 1525 edition. Thus eleven is the correct number, to which Callahan subscribes, but Saunders does not. Although she cites (ln2) from Hutton (101-02) Alciato's December 1521 letter to Calvi, and characterizes Hutton's work as "invaluable" (18n31), Saunders seems to have counted her numbers independently. "Soter's 1528 edition . . .," she states, "contains nine Greek epigrams translated into Latin by Alciati," and the only reference she gives is to Soter's edition: "Cologne, 1528, BN Res Yh 963" (3nl2). Faced with Hutton's list, we have to question the accuracy of the number nine, since it is not supported by evidence enumerating what these epigrams are. On the second question of whether there are 153 or 154 Alciato epigrams in Cornarius's collection, we shall defer its resolution until we Planudean Anthology, which was the source of perhaps 40 of the 104 emblems in the 1531 first edition" (12).

2. For clarity I have added, to Hutton's original list, serial numbers in square brackets and repeated the book numbers for each epigram instead of one book number for all the epigrams within that book.

MASON TUNG

329

first settle the third question of whether there are 30 or 40 emblems translated from the Greek in the 1531 edition of the Emblematum liber. The reason is that both the eleven epigrams from Soter and the 30 or 40 from Alciato may be included in the 153 or 154. It makes more sense to deal with the parts first before accounting for the whole. In the first place, both 30 and 40 are correct; the difference is that 30 is the number of emblems based on Greek epigrams that are in the Cornarius collection, whereas the number 40 is the result of adding to the 30 ten more based on Greek epigrams that are not in the Cornarius collection. Thus, only the 30 are included in the 153 or 154, whereas the ten extra are not. That settled, people can still do strange things to the numbers. Again Hutton writes: "To be precise, 28 of the translations printed in Cornarius' book appeared almost without changes among the 104 emblems published by Alciati in 1531; two others were added later" (201). And again a list of these 30 epigrams is provided in note 3, which will be cited with my additions in the same way as I did to the list of the eleven above: [1] 7.145, [2] 7.152, [3] 7.161, [4] 7.172, [5] 7.216, [6] 9.12, [7] 9.42, [8] 9.47, [9] 9.86, [10] 9.95, [11] 9.115, [12] 9.122, [13] 9.146, [14] 9.148, [15] 9.158, [16] 9.221, [17] 9.291, [18] 9.308, [19] 9.339, [20] 9.548, [21] 10.98, [22] 11.428, [23] 16.4, [24] 16.107, [25] 16.115+116, [26] 16.201, [27] 16.207, [28] 16.250, [29] 16.251, [30] 16.275. Hutton is correct in saying "two others were added later" because no. [2] 7.152 and no. [25] 16.115+116 become emblems respectively in the 1534 edition (p. 119) and the 1546 edition (fol. 16). Clearly they do not belong to the 1531 edition. But he is wrong in counting only 28 because he has left out two emblems of 1531 based on A.P. 7.73 and 16.224, which are in Cornarius and can also be found in the Register. So if we remove 7.152 and 16.115+116 and replace them with 7.73 and 16.224, we still arrive at the number 30. It is in referring to the number 50 that Hutton mentions the number 40: Out of the 104 Emblems published in the first edition, 40 are translations from the Anthology. In subsequent editions the number of Emblems was more than doubled, but only 10 of the additions are from the Greek epigrams . . . . Yet among the 211 Emblems . . . the 50 that are drawn from the Anthology are conspicuous, and probably give the character to the Whole (204).3 3.

330

EMBLEMATICA

And as it is now his custom, he gives in the footnote a list of the 50 (which turns out to be 51. The error is again the result of not using serial numbers). Mario Praz, following Hutton's example (even using only semicolons) lists Alciato's emblems based on the Greek Anthology. Employing emblem numbers from the 1621 edition, he states beneath the list, "Altogether about fifty emblems out of two hundred and twenty" (26). Actually his list contains only 44 emblems and two hundred and twenty are eight too many if they refer to the total number of emblems in the 1621 edition. In the footnote, Praz cites Hutton (204) as having "a slightly longer list, including some less evident imitations. However, he repeats twice the emblem on sign. E 8vo of the 1531 edition, giving to it in one case as a source for IX.122, and in the other IX.346. Also, VII.225 has not inspired leaf 1, but leaf 11 of the 1549 ed." In his comments Praz is neither correct nor error free. There are two emblems in the 1531 edition on sig. E 8v, so Hutton is correct; and, fol. 11 is not of the 1549 ed. but of the 1546 ed. The number 50 or 51 is relevant here because it shows that ten or eleven epigrams are later added to the 40 in the 1531 edition. Earlier, ten is the number of translations not in Cornarius added to the 30 in Cornarius, a distinction Hutton does not make explicit, but Saunders tries to maintain. After establishing the 30 translations from Cornarius used in the 1531 edition (more on this below), Saunders turns to those from outside of Cornarius: ". . . he [Alciato] also includes a further eight emblems in the 1531 Emblematum liber . . . together with a further emblem on Bacchus, In statuam Bacchi (D4r), which is . . . more fully developed than the original version" (9). In note 20 she gives the eight Greek epigrams and in note 21, the one epigram which Alciato develops more fully for his Bacchus emblem. Ignoring for the present the difference between one which is more fully developed and the eight which are not, we still come up with nine, one short of ten. It seems that Saunders has missed counting the emblem, Tumulus meretricis (B3v), which is based on A.P. 6.1. She also missed one when she counted the 30 from Cornarius. The error is caused by the way she lists them. In the text she lists the 30 mottoes from the 1531 edition consecutively, separating them only with semi-colons (4). Then at the beginning of note 14 she lists, using semi-colons again, the 30 signatures from A3r to F3r. The number 211 is the total since the 1549 Spanish Lyons edition, whereas 212 is the total in the 1621 Padua edition with the restoration of the offensive emblem Aduersus naturam peccantes (see Tung 1986, 330). Hutton refers to both totals in his book.

331 After a p a r a g r a p h of explaining the difference between the Planudean Anthology and the Palatine Anthology and the number­ ing of books and epigrams in the latter, she lists with semi-colons the Greek epigrams with location in Cornarius's Selecta epigrammata, from 10.98 (Sel epig. 13v) to 7.73 (Sel. epig. R7v). Unfortunately, the last list contains only 29 items, and to locate which item is missing is quite a challenge. It turns out In simulachrum spei, ([no. 20] D8v) has no matching [no. 20] among the Greek epigrams. Why? The reason may be that Saunders tries to distinguish once more between the emblem that is more fully developed than the 29 that are closer trans­ lations. After translating A.P. 9.146 for the emblem Illicitum поп sperandum (1531, A6v), Alciato provides, "a second more fully devel­ oped poem" (13), In simulachrum spei, which is also included in Cornarius under 9.146. If the sense of "a second more fully developed poem" is that it is not a translation but his own composition inspired by 9.146, then it should not be counted as one of the 30 translations. As a result Saunders's count is still one short because she missed counting 16.107 (no. [24] in Hutton's list of 30 quoted above), which is the basis for Alciato's emblem In astrologos (1531, C7). To sum up, 30 and 40 are both correct, but through miscounting, Hutton's 30 turns out to be 28, and Saunders's, 29; similarly, Hutton's 40 turns out to be 38, and Saunders's, 37. Saunders's 153 is but a momentary slip because she uses the figure 154 later more than once: "Among the 124 epigrams which Alicati did not transform into emblems" (8), and ". . . Alciati had a ready-made corpus of 154 epigrams . . ." (9). Callahan, the last counter, summa­ rizes the whole business of the numbers in a few sentences: MASON TUNG

, In 1525 Joannes Soter, in his Epigrammata Graeca included eleven translations by Alciati which had already appeared in his early works. Of more than five hundred new transla­ tions in Janus Cornarius's Selecta Graeca ex septem epigrammatum graecorum libris published in 1529 one hun­ dred and fifty-four were by Alciati. The first printed edi­ tion of Alciati emblems appeared in Augsburg in 1531. Of the one hundred and four emblems therein forty are trans­ lations from the Greek . . . . by the time of his death in 1550 Alciati had published two hundred and twelve emblems, more than fifty of which were derived from the Anthology" (1979/1985,401-02).

332

EMBLEMATICA

By not attempting to list or to elaborate, Callahan has kept her figures safe and sound. Hutton, however, is not quite done with his counting: he mentions the figure 154 only once: of the 500 new translations in Cornarius ".. . 300 are by Cornarius himself, 90 by Luscinius, and 154 by Alciati" (198). Then he adds: "There are 165 translations by Alciati in the book, but 11 of them had already appeared in Soter" (198n3). I lowever, among the list of 154 translations Hutton has already included the eleven among them (201n2). To add eleven to 154 which already included the eleven is to add eleven twice to arrive at the figure 165. In assessing the importance of the Greek Anthology to the birth of the emblem genre, Daly poses some important questions. "There is a great deal we do not know, and this makes inferences difficult. Can we assume," he asks, "that Alciato had translated more than the 154 epigrams that Cornarius accepted for publication? Which might they have been?" (11). With the help of Hutton's Register, which includes Alciato's epigrams not in the Cornarius collection, we may be able to respond to these two questions. Searching through this 200-page record and isolating those Latin epigrams by Alciato, we find that he had translated or imitated 210 Greek epigrams, which may be divided, for the sake of clarity, into the following categories:

1. Epigrams in Cornarius (107) 2. Epigrams in earlier works, Soter, & then Cornarius (11) 3. Epigrams in earlier works in Cornarius (10) 4. Epigrams in earlier works not in Cornarius (29) 5. 1531 emblems based on epigrams in Cornarius (31, see below) 6. 1531 emblems based on epigrams not in Cornarius (10) 7. 1534 emblem based on epigram in Cornarius (1) 8. Other emblems (1534,1542,1546) not in Cornarius (11) In category 1, the 107 epigrams in Cornarius are a part of the 143 new translations, which had not been previously published in Soter as have those in category 2. There is one based on A.P. 2.13 which is not in the Register (Hutton 199n2), and another based on A.R 5.69 which is in Soter (317) but does not belong to Alciato's previously published works. In category 2, Hutton confesses that he was unable to trace the source among Alciato's previously published works for one epigram based on A.R 11.256 (206nl). Other than this one exception, the ten, along with those in categories 3 and 4, have been traced to Alciato's

MASON TUNG

333

previously published works (206-07), a remarkable display of scholarship on Hutton's part. In category 4, the twenty-nine epigrams are not all complete translations of their Greek originals. Five times Alciato merely quotes one or two verses from the Greek; once he quotes two verses from the Greek and then translates them; once he quotes Thomas More's translation, and once he quotes the Greek and and a passage from Ovid. These quotations ought perhaps not to be in the Register and thus part of the 210 total. On the other hand, they do reflect Alciato's overall familiarity with the Planudean Anthology with its 2,400 epigrams (Cameron, 125). He probably translated many more, but how many m o r e no one can say u n l e s s we can find h i s m a n u s c r i p t Epigrammatum libri v "mentioned by Argelati (Bibl. Med.) and by Mazzuchelli as existing in their time in the library of the marchesi Visconti at Milan" (Hutton, 196n2) or Amerbach's manuscript copy which "is still in the University Library at Basel" or "was, at least, in 1894, according to Th. Burckhardt-Biedermann, Bonifacius Amerbach und die Reformation, Basel, 1894, p. 215 n" (Hutton, 197, & n3).4 However many more he did translate, it is clear that he had so mastered the Greek epigrams that he, in a letter to Calvi dated 3 September 1530, "tells of his having sent Bebellius [the publisher of Cornarius] a collection of Greek epigrams, presumably Greek epigrams of his own composition, to print. Seemingly they never appeared" (Hutton, 198nl). We may again wonder how many Greek epigrams of his own composition Alciato did send to Bebellius. The number, however, is not as significant as the fact that Alciato composed his own Greek epigrams, presumably in "imitation" of those models in the Planudean Anthology which he had previsouly translated into Latin. We know that a method of "double-translation" is a common means of teaching and learning languages in the Renaissance. In English grammar schools students learned Latin by translating it into English and then translating it back to Latin. The same procedure was used for learning Greek. Epigrams from the Greek Anthology are routinely used as models in such exercises of double-translation. When Amerbach excerpted a number of his Latin translations and brought them to Bebellius for publication, Alciato protested, saying some of those were the works of his younger days (Callahan 1979/1985, 401). Could some of them have been his school exercises? By the same token, could those Greek epigrams of his own composi4. For more recent references to the manuscripts, see Bianchi and Leeman. I owe this information to Denis Drysdall.

334

EMBLEMATICA

tion, which Alciato had tried to have printed by Bebellius, have been his translations back from the Latin? Certainly a great deal of food for thought. Along with the practice of double-translation, learners are taught how to "imitate" their Latin or Greek models by first following (sequi), then imitating (imitari) and finally emulating (emulari) them. In terms of translation, the first step is to follow the original closely, rendering it word for word; next, to imitate the original by making changes or adding similar words or phrases; then, finally, to emulate, that is to rival, the model by making an original composition that may be better than the model itself.5 Alciato's translation of Greek epigrams seems to have followed these steps so that when he reaches the third step he composes his own epigrams inspired by similar topics or styles of the original. These "more fully developed" compositions are, as we have seen, those Saunders tries to exclude, and that Praz criticizes Hutton for including. Praz's 44 emblems are close translations of their original models in the Anthology so that he may state rather categorically, ". . . between an emblem of Alciati and an epigram of the Anthology there is a difference only in name" (25). Similarly, Saunders observes that Alciato's "Latin t e x t . . . , familiar to us in its emblematic form, remains wholly unaltered from the form in which it originally appeared, as a simple translation into Latin of a Greek epigram, in the 1529 edition of Selecta epigrammata" (4). Daly is rightly skeptical of this blanket statement and cites Callahan's 1991 study to cast doubt upon it. In her comparative study of the uses by Thomas More and Alciato of two particular Greek epigrams, Callahan praises Alciato's skills in converting them into emblems (1979/1985,403,406). The point of all of this is that Alciato's treatment of his Greek epigrams and his conversion of some of them into emblems are much more varied, ranging from simple word-for-word translation to adding similar words and morals to making his own composition. Accordingly, we should include more of his imitations, rather than include only those close translations, in the list of epigrams that he produced of which we have a record. With that in mind I have included two more emblems in the lists under the following two categories: In category 5, Emblem 44 (1531, D8v) based on A.P. 9.146 has been added to the list of 30. Thus, to be precise, there are 31 emblems in the 1531 edition that are based on (not just translations of) Greek epigrams in the Cornarius collection. In category 8, Emblem 104 (1546, 5. For more on this, see Tung 1997, 188-95.

MASON TUNG

335

fol. 15) is based on A.P. 16.93, which enumerates Hercules' twelve labors, but Alciato chooses to emulate them in an allegorical way, that is, to make a new composition in order to surpass his Greek model. With the addition of these two emblems, the total count of emblems based on the Greek Anthology now stands at 53 (adding up all the numbers from categories 5 to 8), a number that may well increase as this approach is applied to some of the other emblems. Such an application cannot be done in this note, but a separate study of the question is in progress. Daly is certainly correct in suggesting that "Only a close comparison of the original Greek with Alciato's Latin translations could demonstrate what changes, if any, mark the transition from Greek to Latin." Callahan has a few such demonstrations on selected emblems (see above). But before other scholars come forward and do a comprehensive examination of Alciato's translations, they would need a more user-friendly list than that provided by Hutton's Register. To meet that need —following the advice of Denis Drysdall that "We should aim more often.. .to make available what will be useful to others rather than rush to conclusions" (1989,387) — I have compiled the following two lists, A and B. Before the presentation of List A and List B, a list of abbreviations used in them will help explain the contents of their respective entries: List of Abbreviations A. = Alciato Corn = Cornarius Emb = Emblem with number from the 1621 Padua edition followed in () by its appearance in the earliest edition F. San = Fernando Sanchez, brother of Francisco Sanchez. Mig = Mignault, first words of whose translation of the same epigram that Alciato has translated are found in pages of the 1621 ed. Op = Alciato's Opera Omnia 4 vols., Basel (Guarinus), 1582, in which the following works are found to contain Latin epigrams based on the Greek Anthology: 1) AIT = Annotationes in Taciturn, 1517 2) ATP = Annotationes in tres posterior'es Codicis Xibros, Bologna, 1513 (see Abbondanza) 3) D = Dispunctiones libri quatuor, Milan, 1518 (see Margolin, 380) 4) HM = Historia Mediolanum (ca. 1523) 5) LP = De liberis etpostumis, Commentary on Pandects, 1560

336

EMBLEMATICA

6) P = Praetermissorum libri II, Milan, 1518 (see Margolin, 373) 7) PJ = Parerga Juris, Lyons (Gryphius), 1536, 1543, 1551 8) SC = De Singulari Certamine, Basel, 1529 (see Grunberg-Droge, 317) 9) VR = De verborum et rerum, Commentary on Pandects, 1560 10) VS = De Verborum Significatione, Lyon, 1530 (see Drysdall 1995, 270) San = Francisco Sanchez, first words of whose translation of the same epigram that Alciato has translated are found in the pages of the 1621 ed. Soterl, Soter2 = editions respectively of Cologne, 1525, 1528 Soter3 = edition of Freiburg, 1544. VM = Contra Vitam Monasticam, Leyden, 1695 (see Enenkel, 294; Margolin, 384-88) List A combines many of Hutton's lists in both his text and notes with corrections of errors wherever they occur and merges them with additional information from the Register. Each entry begins with (1) a serial number (a lesson well learned), followed by (2) book and epigram numbers from the A.P., (3) the first few words of the first line from Alciato's translation or imitation cited in the Register, (4) locations in Soter, Cornarius, and/or Alciato's Opera omnia, with their identifications in parentheses following the book and column numbers. For example: No. 37. 7.357 Me sepelis tantum. Soter2 215, Corn 260, Op4.269 (P), where (P) stands for Praetermissorum libri II (see the List of Abbreviations above). When a Greek epigram has been made into an emblem, the emblem number from the 1621 edition will follow the first few words of the first line, and the emblem itself is also identified in parentheses by locations in the earliest editions in which this emblem first appeared. For example: No. 9. 5.237 Quid matutinos Progne. Emb 70 (1546, fol. 40). For purposes of comparison with Alciato's translation Mignault's and/or Sanchez's translations will be cited by first words of their first lines, identified by page numbers from the 1621 edition. For instance: No. 23. 7.73 Pro tumulo pone Italiam. Emb 134 (1531, F3), Corn 254; Mig, Marmareo in tumulo, 573; San, Pro tumulo exiguo, 573. With these examples as guide, the rest of the entries will become self-explanatory. List A: Alciato's Epigrams based on the Greek Anthology

1. 2.13 Quis statuam erexit? Corn 169 2. 5.69 Flava oculos Pallas. Soter2 317, Corn 415

MASON TUNG

337

3. 5.70 Forma tibi Veneris. Corn 415 4. 5.94 Quae dignos Iunone oculos. Corn 417 5. 5.94 Alciati quotes vv. 3-4, Op4.387 (PJ) 6. 5.127 Persuasam eloquio nostra. Corn 422 7. 5.222 Si citharam tractas. Corn 403 8. 5.234 Immersus studiis. Emb 109 (1531, D6); Mig, Quum prius in duris, 454. 9. 5.237 Quid matutinos Progne. Emb 70 (1546, fol. 40) 10. 5.302 Quis Veneris mihi callis. Corn 405 11. 5.302 Alciati quotes vv. 17-18 with tr., Op4.477 (PJ) 12. 6.1 . . .illam iam carpserat. Emb 74 (1531, B3v) 13. 6.42 Alciati quotes v. 4, A3.592 (ATP) 14. 6.54 Locrensis posuit tibi. Emb 185 (1534, 114) 15. 6.77 Bacche, bibax Xenophon. Corn 399 16. 6.80 Delitiae hie vates. Corn 397 17. 6.158 Pani capgram nymphisque. Corn 394 18 6.179 Alciati quotes vv. 1-2, Op3.602 (ATP) 19. 6.283 Praecellens opibus. Corn 116 20. 6.303 Si panem petitis, mures. Corn 70 21. 6.309 Hanc sphaeram in sese. Corn 401 22. 7.71 Archilochi tumulo. Emb 51 (1546, fol. 37); Mig, Littoreum Archilochi, 249. 23. 7.73 Pro tumulo pone Italiam. Emb 134 (1531, F3), Corn 254; Mig, Marmareo in tumulo, 573; San, Pro tumulo exiguo, 573 24. 7.89 Pittace me vinclis. Corn 303 25. 7.145 Aiacis tumulum lachrymis. Emb 48 (1531, A5), Corn 279; Mig, At tumulum sedeo, 240; San, Ad tumulum Aiacis, 240 26. 7.152 Bellorum coepisse ferunt, Emb 168 (1534,119), Corn 280, Soter3, 253; Mig, Priamides ferro Aiacem, 706 27. 7.161 Quae te causa movet, Emb 33 (1531, E2), Corn 250; Mig, Fare age quid sedeas, 184 28. 7.172 Dum turdos visco. Emb 105 (1531, E2v), Corn 283; Mig, Qui sturnum iactis, 439; F. San, Qui prius et sturnum, 439 29. 7.216 Delphinem invitum me, Emb 167 (1531, D7v), Corn 283; San, Delphinem me flutus, 702; Mig, Delphinem pelagi rapidus, 702 30. 7.225 Aeacidae tumulum Rhaeto. Emb 136 (1546, fol. 11); Mig, Longa dies saxumque, 582 31. 7.233 Aelius Ausoniis audax. Corn 259 32. 7.266 Naufragi ab tumulo. Corn 286 33. 7.288 Integer ullius non sum. Corn 286 34. 7.314 Ne patriam nomenque. VM

338

EMBLEMATICA

35. 7.335 Politta, gemitu parce. Corn 264 36. 7.357 Me sepelis tantum. Soter2 215, Corn 260, Op4.269 (P) 37. 7.383 Hie homines miseri. Corn 288 (17) 38. 7.386 En statuae statua. Emb 67 (1546, fol. 34v) 39. 7.396 Oedipode infoelix genitos. Corn 278 40. 7.433 Materno caesus fugiens. Corn 257 41. 7.574 Dum meditare Agatho. Corn 290 42. 7.704 Me terra functo. Soter2 219, Corn 262, ОрЗ.600 (ATP) 43. 9.3 Ludibrium pueris. Emb 193 (1531, B8v) 44. 9.12 Loripedem sublatum humeris. Emb 161 (1531, B2), Corn 7; Mig, Caecus ut errabat, 681 45. 9.15 Qui cineres et ligna. Corn 52 46. 9.16 Tres Charites, tres. Corn 52 47. 9.26 Suaviloquas hymnis. Corn 109 48. 9.31 Ventoso nautae cur. Corn 98 49. 9.39 Haec Venus ad Musas. Corn 13, Op4.643 (SC) 50. 9.42 Bina pericla unis, Emb 162 (1531, C2v), Corn 96; Mig, Unis damna duo, 684 51.9.47 Capra lupum non sponte, Emb 64 (1531, E5v), Corn 65; Mig, Capra lupum lacto & Lacto lupi catulum, 298f 52. 9.52 Quum curvos piscator aquis. Corn 63 53. 9.74 Fundus Aristagorae. Corn 124 54. 9.75 Alciati quotes Gr. and Ovid, Op2.1090 (VR) 55. 9.85 Obruta navis erat. Op4.540 (PJ) 56.9.86 Regnator penus et mensae, Emb 95 (1531, E3v), Corn 69; Mig, Helluo et omnivorans, 402 57. 9.94 Polypedem venatus Acron. Corn 83 58. 9.95 Ante diem vernam, Emb 194 (1531 C3), Corn 138; Mig, Sparsa nive hyberno, 825; F. San, Canus December & Bruma fremebat, 825 59. 9.111 Ecquis non laudet Thracas? Corn 19 60. 9.115 Aeacidae Hectoreo perfusum, Emb 28 (1531, B8), Corn 43 Mig, Quern clypeum Laertiades, 163; San, Hectoreo clypeum, 163 61. 9.117 Cum patrio Pyrrhus. Corn 67 62. 9.118 Hei mihi pubertas. Corn 37 63. 9.122 Quid rapis hei, Progne. Emb 180 (1531, E8v), Corn 103; Mig, Cur agedum in praedam, 748 64. 9.130 Quid me vexatis, rami? Emb 24 (1531, C5v); Mig, Quid me plamitibus, 136 65. 9.132 Quum tarn dissideant. Corn 120 66. 9.133 Coniunx cui periit. Corn 33

MASON TUNG

339

67. 9.141 Qui phreniti pressus. Corn 90 68. 9.146 Spes simul et Nemesis, Emb 46 (1531, A6v), Corn 50 69. 9.146 Quae dea tarn laeto. Emb 44 (1531, D8v), Corn 50 70. 9.148 Plus solito humanae, Emb 152 (1531, E7), Corn 20 71. 9.150 Pauper Aristides armenta. Corn 48 72. 9.158 Ludebant parili tres, Emb 130 (1531, C4v), Corn 49; Mig, Tres quondam simul, 558 73. 9.162 Vilis canna prius. Corn 40 74. 9.163 Per medios hostes. Emb 195 (1531, D5); Mig, Sustulit Aeneas Graium, 829 75. 9.165 Foemina nos tacitis urit. Corn 42 76. 9.173 Si magni inspicias. Corn 39 77. 9.221 Aspice ut invictus veris, Emb 106 (1531, A4v), Corn 62; Mig, Quid video in gemma & Indomitum specto, 442; San, Conspicor invictum, 442. 78. 9.222 Aspiciens puerum immanes. Corn 82 79. 9.223 Regia quae puerum volucris. Corn 43 80. 9.231 Arentem senio, nudam. Emb 160 (1531, A6); Mig, Me siccam platanum, 677; San, Me platanum siccam, 677 81. 9.248 Si talis sacrum venisset. Corn 15 82. 9.259 Corruit a summo domus. Corn 33 83. 9.279 Et ferventem animis. Corn 11 84. 9.285 Turrigeris humeris. Emb 177 (1531, El); Mig, Non iam turritus, 735 85. 9.291 Oceanus quavis fluctus, Emb 42 (1531, C8), Corn 10; Mig, Oceanus quanquam ipse, 220 86. 9.308 Delphini insidens vada, (cf.16.276) Emb 90 (1531, A6), Corn 83; Mig, Praecipitem e navi, 386; San, Constituit Periander, 386 87. 9.331 Cum Semeles de ventre. Emb 25 (1531, D4); Mig, Prosiliit rapido cum Bacchus, 143; cf.11.49, Mig, Nee minor esto modus & Nee nimio sed nee, 146 88. 9.339 Raptabat volucres captum, Emb 173 (1531, D7), Corn 44; Mig, Quondam conspicuo se, 723 89. 9.346 Colchidis in gremio. Emb 54 (1531, E8v); Mig, Tot saltus, undasque, 259 90. 9.357 Sacra per Argivas. Soter2 1, Corn 1, Op3.572 (ATP) 91. 9.366 Haec habeas, septem. Emb 187 (1546, fol. 32); San, Verba canam septem (location in 1621 cannot be found) 92. 9.379 Vel murem mordere malos. Corn 114 93. 9.387 Alciati quotes More's tr. Op4.429 (PJ) 94. 9.391 Conservere manus validae. Corn 2, Op4.623 (SC)

340

EMBLEMATICA

95. 9.394 Aurum blanditiae pater. Corn 105 96. 9.410 Muscipulam haud metuens. Corn 46 97. 9.420 Quid fles? an validum. Corn 60 98. 9.441 Herculis in trivo. Op4.518 (PJ) 99. 9.444 Ad Venerem properate. Corn 35 100. 9.456 Quum male formosum. Corn 61 101. 9.497 Amorem egena sedat. Corn 62 102. 9.502 Condito indigeo. Op4.507 (PJ) 103. 9.515 Quattuor hac Charites. Corn 84 104. 9.523 Maeoniden alium parias. Corn 11 105. 9.548 Matre procul licata, Emb 112 (1531, E4v), Corn 74; Mig, Errantem in trivio, 467 106. 9.557 Ecce Meneclides Arias. Corn 3 107. 9.664 Cuius sit locus hie. Corn 377 108. 9.713 Vacca Myronis opus. Corn 319 109. 9.714 At tu sacra Myron. Corn 319 110. 9.715 Pastor age armentum. Corn 320 111. 9.716 Haud ego cocta focis. Corn 320 112. 9.717 Ferrea tota bovi huic. Corn 320 113. 9.720 Huic nisi me aptasset, Corn 321 114. 9.729 Si quis aratra ferens. Corn 323 115. 9.730 Mugiet aspiciens vitulus. Corn 324 116. 10.26 Utere divitiis ut morti. Corn 18 117. 10.26 Re fruere, exitio. Op4.328 (PJ) 118. 10.27 Forte viros quae tu. Corn 75 119. 10.43 In sextam labor. Corn 142, Op2.1031 (VR) 120. 10.44 Munera qui dederit. Op4.329 (AIT), 1085 (PJ) 121. 10.44 Cum quicquam dederim. VM 20 122. 10.48 Imperium quae serva. Corn 89, Op4.582 (PJ) 123. 10.50 Sole satae Circes Emb 76 (1546, fol. 10v); Mig, Non credam Circen, 337 124. 10.58 Nudus humo exilii. Corn 27 125. 10.67 Mnemosyne felix. Corn 94 126. 10.84 Flens ego sum genitus. Corn 30 127. 10.88 Vita hominum infelix. Corn 73 128. 10.93 Fortunam urgentem melius. Corn 18 129. 10.98 Quum tacet, haud, Emb 11 (1531, A3), Corn 118; Mig, Dum tacet indoctus, 67; San, Cum tacet indoctus, 67 130. 10.108 Sive velint homines. Op2.1098 (VR) 131. 10.119 Aedificare domos. Op2.1199 (VR) 132. 11.47 Haud euro Gygis aurum. Corn 223

MASON TUNG

341

133. 11.50 Est felix qui non. Corn 35 134.11.70 Nupsit anus iuveni. Soter2154, Corn 155, Op3.589 (ATP) 135. 11.76 Grype cave ad speculum. Corn 161, Op4.399 (PJ) 136. 11.107 Quum spaciaretur non. Corn 195 137. 11.120 Quum gibbum cuperet. Corn 178 138. 11.153 Esse quidem Cynicum. Corn 239 139. 11.154 Hermodoti hoc dogma [vv. 5-6]. Op2.1219 (VR) 140. 11.171 Hermocrates moriens tabulas. Corn 237 141. 11.176 Alas ferentem Hermem. Op4.477 (PJ) 142. 11.181 In bellis qui notus. Op4.473 (PJ) 143. 11.198 Cf. Alciati. Crypi (si nescis). Corn 162 144. 11.200 Vicini ardebant aedes. Corn 163 145. 11.203 Anchora navigiis, valido. Corn 162 146. 11.226 Sit tibi terra levis. Corn 207 147. 11.233 Acta notans Phaedrus. Soter2 174, Corn 199, Op4.252 (P) 148. 11.244 Aeratum emisti miliarion. Soter2 174, Corn 198, Op4.257 (P) 149. 11.251 Certabat surdo surdus. Corn 191 150. 11.256 Tempore te dicunt. Soter2 155, Corn 156 151. 11.268 Non potis est Grypus. Corn 165 152. 11.272 Neutrius est sexus. Corn 147 153. 11.273 Claudus es, atque immo. Corn 243 154 11.275 Callimachus lustri. Op4.526 (PJ) 155. 11.278 Extra Helenam Iliacique. Corn 159 156. 11.294 Divitias opulentis. Corn 233 157. 11.312 Flete, his impubes [v.4]. Op4.545 (PJ) 158. 11.330 Hesterna ad coenam. Op4.391 (PJ) 159. 11.355 Omnia qui gustas [v.2]. Op4.1004 (VS) 160. 11.356 Vera refert in te. Opl.584 (LP) 161. 11.369 Urbem tuto habita. Corn 154 162. 11.373 Calliope studiis dea. Op4.494 (PJ) 163. 11.376 Rhetora vir quondam. Corn 215, Op2.1062 (VR) 164. 11.376 Alciati quotes Gr & tr. vv 11-2, Op4.382 (PJ) 165. 11.381 Est mulier mera. Corn 160 166. 11.391 Murem Asclepiades ut. Corn 237 167. 11.395 Si crepitum teneas. Corn 210 168. 11.397 Septimius populos inter. Emb 86 (1531, C6); Mig, Vivens ut muli dum, 374; San, Vivens ut muli dum, 374 169. 11.398 Caesariem tingens. Op4.573 (PJ) 170. 11.403 Diva beatorum domitrix. Corn 244

342

EMBLEMATICA

171. 11.404 Cf. Alciati. Fulmina tentabat. Corn 168 172. 11.405 Grypus olfacit merum. Corn 167 173. 11.406 Iamdudum expecto veniat. Corn 167 174. 11.410 Cf. Alciati. Antonii Malcus successor. Corn 242 175. 11.413 Cf. Alciati. Plurima noscendo. Corn 234 176. 11.418 Haud solariolum. Corn 166 177. 11.421 Si clam probra. Corn 172, Op4.670 178. 11.425 Hoc certum te scire. Op4.392 (PJ) 179. 11.428 Abluis Aethiopem quid, Emb 59 (1531, E3), Corn 144 180. 11.431 Vesci celer es, sed. Corn 144 181. 16.3 Isthmia Philonis. Soter2 2, Corn 4, Op3.572 (ATP) 182. 16.4 Aeacidae moriens, Emb 154 (1531, C8v), Corn 9 183. 16.18 Gaude, accepta [prose]. Op4.390 (PJ) 184. 16.19 Adveniens populo pacem. Corn 148, Op4.559 (PJ) 185. 16.32 Iulianum Beroe. Soter2 243, Corn 316, Op4.200 (D, HM) 186. 16.60 Quae haec Baccha? Corn 317 (quoted in P) 187. 16.68 Ambigo an haec. Soter2 243, Corn 318, Op4.1092 (AIT) 188. [16.93] Roboris inuicti superat, Emb 138 (1546, fol. 15); Mig, Extinxi Nemees monstrum, 593 189. 16.107 Icare, per superos. Emb 104 (1531, C7), Corn 333; Mig, Icare, cera olim, 432; San, Icare cera quidem, 433 190. 16.108 Icare Daedalides, cave. Corn 334 191. 16.115 Ex viro descendit. Corn 335 192. 16.115 Quid dicam? quonam Emb 5 (1546 fol. 16) 193. 16.129 Fecere ex viva marmor. Corn 335 194. 16.145 Non te vir sculpsit. Corn 338 195. 16.146 Hospes marmoream. Corn 338 196. 16.152 Arnica nobis Echo. Corn 342 197. 16.171 Cur Venus armigeri. Corn 348 198. 16.174 Armatam Venerem cernens. Corn 350 199. 16.183 Haec Bacchus pater. Emb 23 (1542, no. 114); Mig, Quid commune tibi, 131; San, Quid tibi commune, 131 200.16.185 Cf. Alciati. Natus uterque Iovis. Emb 100 (1546, fol. 3v) 201. 16.197 Quis palmas vinclis. Corn 359 202. 16.201 Die ubi sunt incurvi, Emb 110 (1531, Elv), Corn 361; Mig, Arcus ubi reflexus, 458 203. 16.207 Nudus Amor viden' ut. Emb 107 (1531, D8), Corn 361; Mig, Nudus Amor mitis, 448; San, Nudus Amor ridet, 448 204. 16.209 Heus torrem sufflans. Corn. 362 205.16.223-4 Assequitur Nemesisque, Emb 27 (1531, A7), Corn 365; Mig, Mensuram teneo Nemesis, 158

MASON TUNG

343

206. 16.247 Sunt Satyri salcique. Soter2 284, Corn 367, Op3.574 (ATP) 207. 16.250 Aligerum fulmen fregit, Emb 108 (1531, D7), Corn 368; Mig, Aliger alatum fulmen, 450 208. 16.251 Aligerum aligeroque, Emb 111 (1531, D6v), Corn 367; Mig, Pennato Nemesis, 462 209.16.275 Lysippi hoc opus, Emb 122 (1531, A8), Corn 375, Soter3 328; Mig, Quis finxit plastes? 524; San, Quis figulus? 524 210. 16.387 Alciati quotes vv. 1-2, Op3.591 (ATP) List B, designed for the convenience of emblem scholars, com­ bines, with corrections and additions, the many lists in the text and notes from both Hutton and Saunders. It contains the 53 emblems in the order of the 1531, 1534, 1542, and 1546 editions, an order which more closely reflects Alciato's original arrangement of them than the 1548 rearrangement, according to commonplaces, by Aneau or Bonhomme and Rouille. The original order, it seems to me, should be more helpful in resolving the problem of determining the rationale for Alciato's choices of making emblems out of the 210 Planudean ep­ igrams. List В also highlights any noticeable changes between the Greek and the Latin epigrams. Each entry in this list consists of (1) se­ rial number, (2) motto or title of the emblem, (3) location in the 1531 and subsequent editions (4) emblem number in parentheses from the 1621 edition, (5) "basis," signified by "M) and 1(>53, and it has even been suggested he made en gravings for a Merian volume under the encouragement of С ail (iuslaf Wrangel: see Dahlbergh ll>(>.\ 'IK I.

436

EMBLEMATICA

Fig. 6. Willem Swidde, engraving of Karlberg Palace, after a drawing by Erik Dahlbergh. 1691. Private collection.

Swedish countryside, making discriminating and skilful drawings of the castles, towns, and antiquities that would glorify Sweden before the eyes of Europe (fig. 6). A fine draughtsman, Dahlbergh knew how to maximize effects of perspective and proportion to magnify the splendor of his subjects, and these meticulous drawings served as exact templates from which skilled engravers, each hand-picked by Dahlbergh, cut plates for the presses. It was to replace one of these trusted engravers, Willem Swidde —who had died in 1696 —that Aveelen was summoned from Amsterdam, and he worked on the project for the next seventeen years from his modest workshop on Hornsgatan (Dahlberg 1965, 485). Among the earliest tasks Aveelen undertook in Stockholm was fashioning the engraved plates for Charlotta Juliana's funeral book, although this does not imply he designed the compositions. It has been observed that Dahlbergh was too much the practical man to indulge in emblematic fancy; yet it seems compelling to see his hand behind the design for these engravings. No retainer, including Aveelen, would surely have presumed to comment in iconographical terms upon the ruin of his master's earthly ambitions; such a gesture could

437 only originate from Dahlbergh himself. Given that Aveelen earned his living by making engravings from the sketches of his master, it seems likely that Dahlbergh provided preliminary drawings for the engravings to adorn his daughter's funeral book. It is intriguing to think that these plates, particularly the dynamic, not to say demonic, picture of Death in the garden, may reveal the presence of an em­ blematic instinct within as pragmatic and industrious a man as Dahlbergh. That the engravings display allegorical and iconographical commonplaces is not disappointing; on the contrary, their very conventionality allows for illuminating psychological perspectives on the elderly Swedish polymath. But for all their familiar character, the universal idiom of the bubble-blowing putto or Death among the flowers does not for one moment diminish the individual conse­ quence of Dahlbergh losing his "darling, much-loved daughter," Charlotta Juliana. 32 SIMON McKEOWN

Works Cited Arndt, Johann. Paradis Lust-Gard, med manga Christeliga dygder upfyld. Stockholm, 1733. Burchardus, Johannes Otto. Der Verbesserte Stand des Hochwolgebohrnen Grafen und Herrns Hr: Rutger von Ascheberg, Konigl. Rahts. Feldmarscallens und General Gouverneurs, etc, etc. Gothenburg, 1695. Dahlbergh, Erik. "En kort och sanfardig berattelse ofwer Grefwe Eric Dahlbergs lefwernes lopp." In Stormaktstid. Erik Dahlbergh och bilden av Sverige. Ed. Leif Jonsson. Skovde, 1992. Pp. 85-95. . Erik Dahlberghs Dagbok. Ed. Herman Lundstrom. Uppsala and Stockholm, 1912. . Suecia Antiqua et Hodierna. Paris and Stockholm, 1667-1715. . Svecia Antiqua et Hodierna. Ed. AronRydfors. Stockholm, 1924. . Svecia Antiqua et Hodierna. Intro. Ake Ohlmarks. Stockholm, 1965. Elgenstierna, Gustaf. Den Introducerade Svenska Adelns Attartavlor. 9 vols. Stockholm, 1925-1936. Ellenius, Allan. Karolinska bildideer. Ars Suetica 1. Uppsala, 1966. 32. I am grateful to Elisabeth Weslin Berg, librarian at Skoklostcr Castle, in making available once more the library resources at Skoklostcr, and for her customary warmth and kindness; and to Allan Ellenius, John Manning, and Sandra Кокки1 who have offered valued comments upon aspects of this project.

438

EMBLEMATICA

Englund, Peter. "Om Erik Dahlbergh." In Stormaktstid. Erik Dahlbergh och bilden av Sverige. Ed. Leif Jonsson. Skovde, 1992. Pp. 77-83. Ericsson, Ernst, and Erik Vennberg. Erik Dahlbergh, hans liv och verksamhet. Uppsala and Stockholm, 1925. Gillgren, Peter. Gava och sjal. Epitafiemaleriet under stormaktstiden. Ars Suetica 17. Uppsala, 1995. / T h e Eye of Faith: Changes in the Iconography of Piety." In Baroque Dreams: Art and Vision in Sweden in the Era of Greatness. Ed. Allan Ellenius. Figura. Nova Series 31. Uppsala, 2003. Pp. 99-123. Gittings, Clare. Death, Burial and the Individual in Early Modern England. London and Sydney, 1984. ."Sacred and Secular: 1558-1660." In Death in England: An Illustrated History. Ed. Peter C. Jupp and Clare Gittings. Manchester, 1999. Pp. 147-73. Houlbrooke, Ralph. Death, Religion and the Family in England, 1480-1750. Oxford, 1998. ."The Age of Decency: 1660-1760." In Death in England: An Illustrated History. Ed. Peter C. Jupp & Clare Gittings. Manchester, 1999. Pp. 174-201. Janson, Horst W. "The Putto with the Death's Head," Art Bulletin 19.3 (1937): 423-49. Jonsson, Leif, ed. Stormaktstid. Erik Dahlbergh och bilden av Sverige. Skovde, 1992. Lenz, R. Leichenpredigten. Eine Bestandsaufnahme: Bibliographic und Ergebnisse einer Umfrage. Marburg, 1980. Llewellyn, Nigel. The Art of Death: Visual Culture in the English Death Ritual, C.1500-C.1800. London, 1992. McKeown, Simon. "Simon Isogaeus's JEternitati Sacrum!: Emblems and Court Culture in Caroline Sweden." Konsthistorisk Tidskrift 74.3 (2005): [forthcoming]. Magnusson, Borje. Att illustrera faderneslandet. En studie i Erik Dahlbergs verksamhet san tecknare. Ars Suetica 10. Uppsala, 1986. ."Suecia Antiqua et Hodierna." In Stormaktstid. Erik Dahlbergh och bilden av Sverige. Ed. Leif Jonsson. Skovde, 1992. Pp. 96-111. . "Sweden Illustrated: Erik Dahlbergh's Suecia Antiqua et Hodierna as a Manifestation of Imperial Ambition." In Baroque Dreams: Art and Vision in Sweden in the Era of Greatness. Ed. Allan Ellenius. Figura. Nova Series 31. Uppsala, 2003. Pp. 32-59. Moller, Salomon. Seel. Andencken des Hoch u. Wolgeb. Fraul. Fraul. Anna Loysae Von Oxenstiern. Danzig, 1682.

SIMON McKEOWN

439

Moore, Cornelia N i e k u s . The Maiden's Mirror: Reading Material for German Girls in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Wolfenbutteler F o r s c h u n g e n 36. W i e s b a d e n , 1987. Olds, Clifton C , a n d R a l p h G. Williams. Images of Love and Death in Late Medieval and Renaissance Art. A n n Arbor, Michigan, 1975. Petrus, J o h a n n e s . Andelig pdrle-skrud, eller det christloflige Gud- och dygddlskande fruentimbrets alldraddlaste kropps- och sidle-zirat. Trans. J o h a n n e s C u n d i c i u s . Stockholm, 1696. Reusner, Nicolas. Emblemata partim ethica, et physica, partim verb historica, & hieroglyphica. Frankfurt-am-Main, 1581. Rollenhagen, Gabriel. Nvclevs emblematvm selectissimorvm. A r n h e m , 1611. Roosval, J o h n n y , G u n n a r E k h o l m , Ernst Fischer, et al. Svenskt Konstnars Lexikon. 5 vols. M a l m o , 1967. Rudeen, Torsten. Finska Helicons underdanlige fagne-sanger. Stockholm, 1704. S i d e n , K a r i n . Den ideala barndomen. Studier i det stormaktstida barnportrdllets ikonografi och funktion. U p p s a l a , 2001. / T h e Ideal C h i l d h o o d : Portraits of C h i l d r e n in 17 th C e n t u r y Sweden." In Baroque Dreams: Art and Vision in Sweden in the Era of Greatness. Ed. Allan Ellenius. Figura. N o v a Series 31. Uppsala, 2003. Pp. 60-95. Stenberg, G o r a n . Doden dikterar. En studie av likpredikningar och gravtal fnhi 1600 & 1700-talen. Stockholm, 1998. Svenska Man och Kvinnor. 8 vols. Stockholm, 1942-55. Thingwall, Joh.in. Den dodelige Menniskan Wid Graas och Blomster forliknad dii llogwalborne nu ewinnerlig salige Froken Fr. Charlotta Juliana Dahlbcrg . . . . Stockholm, 1699. Veca, Alberto. Vmiihis. II Simbolismo del Tempo. Bergamo, 1981. Aberg, Alt. Rittgcr von Ascheberg. Fdltmarskalk och Generalguvenor. Malmo, 11)5().(

V o l u m e Index Articles by Author Austen, Gillian. N e w y e r e s gyftes: Five Emblematic Devices, by George Gascoigne Bowen, Barbara C. C h a n g i n g Places at the C r o s s r o a d s Daly, Peter M., a n d Alan R. Young. George Wither's Emblems: The Role of Picture B a c k g r o u n d a n d Reader/Viewer Daly, Peter M. The S h e l d o n "Four S e a s o n s " Tapestries at Hatfield H o u s e : A S e v e n t e e n t h - C e n t u r y Instance of Significant E m b l e m a t i c Decoration in the English Decorative Arts Hayaert, Valerie. Pierre C o u s t a u ' s Le Pegme (1555): Emblematics a n d Legal H u m a n i s m North, Susan. The Falkland Jacket: Sources, P r o v e n a n c e and I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of an Emblematic Artifact Russell, Daniel. E m b l e m s a n d the Ages of Life: Defining the Self in Early M o d e r n France Tung, Mason. T h o m a s Jenner's The Soules Solace (1626): A Study of its S t a n d i n g in the D e v e l o p m e n t of the English E m b l e m Tradition Ziegler, G e o r g i a n n a . D e v i s i n g a Queen: Elizabeth Stuart's R e p r e s e n t a t i o n in the Emblematic Tradition

101 1 223

251 55 127 23

181 155

Articles by Title C h a n g i n g Places at the C r o s s r o a d s , by Barbara C. Bowen Devising a Q u e e n : Elizabeth Stuart's R e p r e s e n t a t i o n in the Emblematic Tradition, by G e o r g i a n n a Ziegler Emblems and the Ages of Life: Defining the Self in Early M o d e r n France, by Daniel Russell The Falkland Jacket: Sources, Provenance and Interpretation of an Emblematic Artifact, by Susan North George Wither's Emblems: The Role of Picture Background and Reader/Viewer, by Peter M. I )aly and Alan K. Youii)», N e w y e r e s gyftes: FivcLlmblemalic Devices by George Gascoigne, by (iillian Austen 443

1 155 23 177

?'?:*> 101

444

EMBLEMATICA

Pierre Coustau's he Pegme (1555): Emblematics and Legal Humanism, by Valerie Hayaert The Sheldon "Four Seasons" Tapestries at Hatfield House: A Seventeenth-Century Instance of Significant Emblematic Decoration in the English Decorative Arts, by Peter M. Daly Thomas Jenner's The Soules Solace (1626): A Study of its Standing in the Development of the English Emblem Tradition, by Mason Tung

55 251 181

Documentation Drysdall, Denis L. Occurrences of the Word "emblema" in Printed Works before Alciato Tung, Mason. Revisiting Alciato and the Greek Anthology: A Documentary Note

299 327

Review and Criticism Adams, Alison, Webs of Allusion: French Protestant Emblem Books of the Sixteenth Century, by Ann Moss Bath, Michael, Renaissance Decorative Painting in Scotland, by John Peacock Bolzoni, Lina, The Gallery of Memory: Literary and Iconographic Models in the Age of the Prin ting Press, by Dennis Looney Florilegio de estudios de emblemdtica I A Florilegium of Studies on Emblematics, by John Cull Knapp, Eva, and Gabor Tuskes, Emblematics in Hungary. A Study of the History of Symbolic Representation in Renaissance and Baroque Literature, by Aroud Visser Mundus Emblematicus: Studies in Neo-Latin Emblem Books. Eds. Karl A. E. Enenkel, and Arnoud S. Q. Visscher, by Michael Bath Pelc, Janusz, S\owo i obraz. Na pograniczu literatury i sztukplastycznych, by DanutaKunstler-Langner Terrier, Jean, Portraict des SS Vertus de la Vierge contemplees par feue S.A.S.M. Isabelle Clere Eugenie Infante d'Espagne. A Facsimile Edition with Critical Introduction by Cordula van Wyhe, by Agnes Guiderdoni Wade, Mara R., ed., Digital Collections and the Management of Knowledge: Renaissance Emblem Literature as a Case

367 369 378 351 387 372 389

384

VOLUME INDLX

Study for the Digitization of Rare Texts and Images, by Antonio Bernat Vistarini

44!)

357

Research Reports,Notes, Queries and Notices Konecny, Lubomir. An Emblematic Epitaph in Prague Lukic, Averill. Geffrey and Isabella Whitney McKeown, Simon. Death and a Maiden: Memorial Engravings from the Circle of Erik Dahlbergh

409 395 417

. ;..':•';';>::::':;••:"•'" ;•

'

г

' '

•?•:•' ' W W

::^:-wv,